^ 
 
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I 
 
THE SIXTH BOOK OF THE AENEID 
 
VIRGILIAN STUDIES ^ ^ 
 
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 f[ " The best contribution to Virgilian Studies that 
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 The Growth or the Aeneid. 
 
 OXFORD: BASIL BLACK WELL 
 
THE SIXTH BOOK OF 
 THE AENEID 
 
 WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES 
 
 BY 
 
 H. E. BUTLER, M.A. 
 
 PROFESSOR OF LATIN IN LONDON UNIVERSITY 
 FORJIERLY FELLOW OF NEW COLLEGE, OXFORD 
 
 OXFORD 
 BASIL BLACKWELL 
 
 1920 
 
• • • 
 • » > 
 
 
 • . • 
 
 •..:.'•. •. 
 

 PREFACE 
 
 Of the many debts which I, hke all modern editors 
 of Vergil, owe to the work of countless predecessors, 
 those which I would speciaWy desire to acknowledge 
 are to the earliest and the latest of our commenta- 
 tors. Servius, even admitting his palpable deficien- 
 cies, has provided the foundation for all later work, 
 and has received less than his due. Norden's 
 elaborate and erudite edition of the Sixth Book 
 has raised many new points and provided fresh 
 illustrative matter. The fact that I find myself in 
 strong disagreement with many of his conclusions, 
 and that his methods too often appear to me radically 
 unsound, scarcely lessens my obligation. There 
 is one other commentator whom I should wish to 
 mention as having a special claim upon the gratitude 
 of all students of Vergil — namely, the Spaniard La 
 Cerda, whose influence on subsequent commentaries 
 has been profound. To the other great Vergilian 
 scholars I would express my indebtedness com- 
 prehensively and in general terms. Of books not 
 directly connected with Vergil I owe much to Diete- 
 rich's Nekyia, which is a model in point of form 
 to all writers on such subjects; while, over and above 
 the wider obHgations under which Mr. Warde 
 
 441012 
 
Preface 
 
 Fowler has laid all students of Vergil and of Roman 
 religion, I have received much kind help at his 
 hands. 
 
 It is hoped that this edition may serve to throw 
 fresh light on some of the many problems of the 
 Sixth Aeneid, and that it may be found to contain a 
 considerable amount of information not hitherto 
 accessible in EngUsh editions. A formal commentary 
 is, no doubt, a dry way of presenting one's views. 
 But it is in many respects the most convenient 
 form for practical use. 
 
 Mr. A. S. Owen, of Keble College, has been kind 
 enough to read the proofs, and I owe much to his 
 criticisms and the vigilance of his eye. 
 
 References to Norden indicate the first edition 
 
 of his work. The second edition could not be 
 
 obtained until after the completion of the present 
 commentary. 
 
 H. E. BUTLER. 
 
 University College, 
 London. 
 
 June, 1920. 
 
 VI 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Introduction • - - - i 
 
 Text • - - - - "47 
 
 Commentary - • - * 79 
 
 Index ----- ^ 281 
 
 Vll 
 
I i > 
 ) •> » 
 
 
 THE SIXTH BOOK OF THE 
 
 AENEID 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 § I. The Sixth Book of the Aeneid. 
 
 The Sixth Book of the Aeneid, together with the 
 Second and Fourth Books, holds a special place 
 in the affections of all lovers of Vergil. Some will 
 prefer the sombre tragedy of Troy, others the pathos 
 of Dido's passion and self -slaughter. But be his 
 personal predilection what it may, for the reader 
 v/ho considers the Aeneid as a whole and regards it 
 as something more than a mere literary epic, the 
 Sixth Book must hold a unique place. It is the 
 very heart of the poem viewed as the National 
 Epic of Rome, the Gesta popidi Romani as it was 
 sometimes known in ancient times.^ Hitherto the 
 national element has only been shadowed forth, in 
 a few vague prophecies and in the dying curse of 
 Dido. The atmosphere thus far is Greek, and the 
 poem no more than the greatest of Hellenistic 
 epics, while its hero is almost as colourless as the 
 Jason of the Argonautica of ApoUonius. But with 
 the Sixth Book comes a change. We are on the 
 
 ^ Serv. ad Aen. 6. 752. 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 ':'.,/ sail of Italy in a region familiar and very dear to 
 ...... Vere^iFs heart. He describes scenes that he has 
 
 '• '•^* X:*kJiO:"viTi. aii.d loved, and the verse begins to glow 
 with a richness of descriptive colour that it has 
 hitherto only revealed in glimpses. The Sibyl, the 
 guide and instructress of the hero, is a figure closely 
 linked v/ith Roman history, and the position which 
 her dark oracles and the worship of the god whom 
 she serves are to hold at Rome are unconsciously 
 foretold by Aeneas.^ To enter the world of the 
 dead he needs the talisman of the Golden Bough, 
 which, though its significance and nature are 
 obscure, may well reproduce a picturesque feature 
 of Italian folklore .^ But ere he can visit the shades 
 of the dead he must be purified from the stain of 
 death, for his comrade Misenus lies a corpse on the 
 seashore. And thus is introduced the description of 
 the familiar rites of funeral, no mere echo of the 
 burials of Hector and Patroclus, but a Roman 
 funeral such as a Roman mourner for his dead 
 could scarce have read without tears.^ The descent 
 to the underworld takes us for a while into a purely 
 Greek atmosphere. Heroes and heroines, ghosts 
 and goblins, hell and purgatory, the grouping of 
 the spirits, and the doctrine of rebirth, all are Greek. ^ 
 That it should be so is inevitable. Roman beliefs 
 as to the existence of the dead were too impersonal 
 and colourless to permit of poetic treatment, and 
 from the horrors of the Etruscan Hell Vergil rightly 
 
 ^ Sec notes on 69, 71. 2 see notes on 141, 204. 
 
 ^ See notes on 212-232. * See Introd., p. 21 ff. 
 
Introduction 
 
 stood aloof. Minos^ alone appears in Roman garb, 
 as the quaesitor with the urn whose lot decides the 
 order in which the dead shall appear before him, 
 and, it may be, with a Roman jury of spirits to 
 assist him. And in the Hst of crimes that doom 
 to eternal pain there are echoes of the sheer sim- 
 pUcity of early Roman law and dark hints of more 
 than one unnamed criminal of Roman history .2 / 
 But when we reach Anchises, the whole spirit of 
 the poem changes. It is not that we feel an 
 atmosphere of greater beauty; for the book has 
 been full of mystery, romance, and colour. Suddenly 
 there dawns on us the vision of the grandeur of 
 Rome, and a deeper note is sounded than Roman 
 poet had sounded before or should sound again. 
 One by one the spirits of the unborn pass before 
 us, the heroes who are to make Rome the mistress 
 of the world. The gallery of portraits is not com- 
 plete: the canvas must not be overcrowded, and 
 the gaps are to be supplemented later in the no 
 less mxagnificent description of the Shield of Aeneas. ^ 
 But from the mythical builders of Latium, through 
 the warrior Romulus, the priestly King Numa, the 
 founder of the Republic who sacrificed his own sons 
 to the public weal, to the heroes of recorded history, 
 Fabricius, great amid his poverty, Regulus at the 
 plough, the conquerors of Greece, and those who 
 broke the power of Carthage, Fabius who " by his 
 delaying saved the State," and the Scipios, the 
 
 * See notes on 431-4 and p. 13. 
 
 2 See notes on 612, 613 and 621, 622. ^ 8. 626 to end. 
 
 3 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 thunderbolts of battle, and finally the two great 
 protagonists of the civil war, every verse is instinct 
 with the Roman spirit, every name wakes an echo. 
 If a slightly more artificial note is struck in the 
 vision of Augustus, we must remember that the 
 poet was on more difficult ground. It is hard to 
 praise the living hero v/ithout exaggeration or 
 artificiaUty, and the judgment of posterity may 
 destroy the whole effect of the poet's art. And yet 
 Augustus, perhaps the most unheroic of heroes and 
 the least of the great men of history, has stood the 
 test of time not ill. For if in sober truth he had 
 little of the true hero, he was more than one of 
 the most astute of statesmen. He had a great 
 and unique work to do, and he knew not merely 
 how to do that work and to restore the shattered 
 fabric of the State by the most grandiose com- 
 promise of history, but he knew also how to play 
 the role of the second founder of Rome. And that 
 he was accepted as such we cannot doubt. A world 
 sick for peace and order may have been uncritical 
 in its judgment of the man who gave it what its 
 soul desired. Horace and Vergil may have been 
 the most dexterous of Court poets. But securus 
 iiidicat orhis terranim is not an utter lie, and neither 
 Horace nor Vergil was a fawning fool. Their 
 flattery is inspired not merely by genius, but by 
 sincerity as well. And if the modem reader cannot 
 feel the thrill that Vergil's own age must have felt 
 at the words hie Caesar et oninis luli progenies^ 
 
 1 789. 
 4 
 
Introduction 
 
 introducing the romantic pageant of the new 
 Roman empire, even to-day there is no feehng of 
 anticHmax, though the words follow on the superb 
 picture of Rome of the seven hills, whose realm 
 is conterminous with the bounds of earth, whose 
 spirit with the sky's, a " fresh Cybele "^ riding in 
 pomp through all the cities of earth, with nations 
 and kings nestling to her breast. It is at worst the 
 apotheosis of Court poetry; but for most students 
 of Roman history it is something more. 
 
 The vision draws to its apparent conclusion with 
 the immortal comparison between Greece and 
 Rome. The worldly greatness of Rome has been 
 described; the poet seems to close on a note of 
 moral grandeur. 
 
 tu regere imperio populos, Romans, memento 
 {hae iibi ervmt artes) pacisqice imponere morem, 
 parcere subiectis et debellare superbos.^ 
 
 And there, perhaps, the vision was intended to 
 close.^ But the end is not yet. Marcellus, the 
 victor of Clastidium and Nola, advances bearing 
 the spolia opima, and with him moves a younger 
 spirit overshadowed by the cloud of night, the 
 young Marcellus, son of Octavia, the destined heir 
 of Augustus, who died untimely, ere his promise 
 could become reality, and left the throne of the 
 Caesars to fall into other and perhaps less worthy 
 hands. Whether, as seems probable, this is a 
 later addition to a book that was virtually com- 
 
 ^ 785. 2 851 sqq. 
 
 ^ See Sabbadini, Aeneis IV., V., VI., Introd. xxiii, xxiv. 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 plete, cannot be said with certainty. It comes as I 
 
 an unexpected addition (cp. haec mirantibus addit), i 
 but the addition is effected with consummate art. 
 
 If the praise of Augustus rings artificial to the ears I 
 
 of some, who cannot render to Caesar what they [ 
 
 cannot conceive to be his due, here all forget that \ 
 
 they are reading the utterance of a Court poet. ^ 
 
 For the pathos is intensely human, and the spirit i 
 
 of the boy who was born for the purple is still duly ] 
 subordinated to his great ancestor who fulfilled in 
 
 deeds what destiny did not s-rff-r hii descendant i 
 to perform. 
 
 From this point the book draws to a rapid close ' 
 
 and with the magical exit through the gates of ' 
 sleep Aeneas is once again in upper air, and proceeds 
 
 without delay upon his appointed task, a man new- j 
 
 nerved for his great task, and, as the subsequent ' 
 
 development of his character shows, a hero indeed. ; 
 
 So much for what is the predominant feature of ! 
 
 the Sixth Aeneid, the feature which gives it special \ 
 significance and power. But it is not with the 
 
 Roman element that its greatness ends. Through j 
 
 almost every passage runs that haunting and romantic ' 
 
 beauty of which Vergil was a supreme master. : 
 
 The mj^sterious priestess and seer, the gloomy woods ! 
 
 of Avernus, through which the golden bough sends | 
 
 its unearthly shimmer, the dark cave and the i 
 
 solemn sacrifices on Avernus shore, the great ; 
 
 invocation to the gods of the underworld and the ; 
 
 spirits of the silent dead, all form a noble intro- I 
 duction to the mysterious journey underground, 
 
 6 1 
 
Introduction 
 
 in the dim light as of faint moonbeams " when 
 Jupiter has veiled the heaven with shadow and 
 taken colour from the world." 
 
 If the lower world itself is confused for those 
 who desire a region as carefully mapped out and 
 organised as Dante's Inferno, there can be no doubt 
 as to the effectiveness of each successive scene, nor 
 of the grimness of the monsters and goblins that 
 haunt the gates and portals of Hell. Mythology 
 is never an encumbrance; the figures of legend are 
 well chosen, and the poet is at his best in the brief 
 descriptions which he gives of their pains or of their 
 crimes. Above all, the meeting with Dido stands 
 out for its dramatic power, and the figure of the 
 Queen of Carthage standing with " sick and scornful 
 looks averse " spurning the excuses offered by her 
 faithless lover was never surpassed even by Vergil. 
 
 Until we reach Elysium there broods over the 
 whole description of the dead an infinite melancholy. 
 Suffering for sin there is, but that is dealt with but 
 briefly. " Non ragionam di lor, ma guarda e 
 passa." But the sadness of death is over all, 
 whether Vergil writes of the ghosts, streaming hke 
 autumn leaves or migratory birds to the banks of 
 Styx and stretching their hands in j^earning for the 
 further shore, or of the crying of dead children, 
 or of the haters of the light, the slayers of them- 
 selves who would gladly live their hfe again, of 
 the sad lovers in the Fields of Grief or of the dead 
 warriors, old friends and old enemies, who press 
 round the hero or fly before him as they fled in 
 
 7 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 life. It is a blend of popular superstition and 
 literary mythology coloured and influenced by 
 Platonic or Orphic eschatology.^ That there is at 
 times a certain confusion and lack of clearness in 
 the description of this twilight world may be 
 admitted ;2 but there can be no question as to the 
 picturesqueness, the romance and pathos which 
 suffuses the whole. 
 
 When Elysium is reached, the poet's grasp of his 
 theme tightens. After an exquisite description of 
 the Elysian fields, full of its happy warriors, its 
 stainless priests, the creators of civilisation and the 
 masters of song, dancing to the music of Orpheus 
 in a land of light, with its own sun and stars, the 
 poet brings us to Anchises watching the spirits of 
 the great unborn. In response to the enquiries of 
 his son Anchises sets forth the doctrines of the 
 fiery World-soul that permeates all creation and 
 of the wheel of rebirth: how the earth-stained soul 
 must be purified of its sins ere it can come to 
 Elysium, and how thence, all, save a happy few, 
 when they have rolled the wheel of a thousand 
 years, return to live on earth anew. Here still the 
 atmosphere is Greek, be the sources, to which we 
 shall return, what they will. And Vergil rises to 
 the height of his beautiful theme and for the first 
 time gives a definite picture of the life after death, 
 though even here there are difficulties and obscuri- 
 ties, which, in the opinion of some, still await 
 solution. But of the nobility of the picture as a 
 
 1 See Introd., p. i^ff. ^ See Introd., p. i^jj. 
 
 8 
 
2 
 
 3 
 
 Introduction 
 
 whole none have doubted. For pure poetry and 
 exquisite diction it ranks with the very best of 
 Vergil's work. 
 
 To ask " How far is it to be taken seriously ?" 
 ma\^ seem an irreverent question. But it is a real 
 qu-^^stion as to whether Vergil is preaching a doctrine 
 in which he beUeves or whether he regards it as 
 a ryevvalov ^/reO^o?. The question admits of no 
 definite answer. It is suggested by Servius that 
 he was an Epicurean,^ and for that we may com 
 pare his paneg^^ric of Lucretius in the Georgics 
 We are told too that he intended on the completion 
 of the Aeneid to devote himself to philosophy 
 But of his leanings we have no real indication. 
 The teaching of Pythagoras and the Mysteries 
 could not but appeal to him as a poet, and for one 
 who designed to give anything more than a purely 
 mythological description of the underv/orld, the 
 doctrine of metempsychosis imposed itself as a 
 necessity. And for the poet who, Hke Vergil, 
 designed to reveal the future in a vision of the 
 unborn heroes of Rome, its adoption became doubly 
 imperative. It is a subject on which it were ill 
 to dogmatise. But the primary purpose of Vergil's 
 Pythagoreanism may well have been artistic rather 
 than religious. That the theologian in Vergil is 
 sunk in the artist there can be httle doubt; and it 
 is even possible that his artistic design is the raison 
 d'etre pure and simple of his eschatology. To some 
 
 1 Serv. ad Aen. 6. 264. Eel. 6. 13. 
 
 2 2. 490. 3 Sueton., Vit. Verg. 35. 
 
 9 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 this may seem little short of blasphemy. But it 
 is a possibility which ought not to be ignored. 
 
 It is late in the day to belaud the Sixth Aeneid. 
 Its beauties are familiar, its praise a commonplace. 
 But it is not faultless. The conception of the 
 underworld is not clear. A certain vagueness in the 
 treatment of such a theme has no doubt some 
 romantic advantages; and that in the present case 
 Vergil maintains a consistent level of romantic 
 beauty is not to be denied. With minor blemishes 
 and inconsistencies we need not concern ourselves 
 here. All great works of fiction are hable to such, 
 even when, unhke the Aeneid, they have received 
 the final revision of their authors. But there are 
 certain questions of a more serious nature which 
 inevitably present themselves and require some 
 mention here, although they are discussed in greater 
 detail in the comimentary. In the earlier portion 
 of the book there is nothing that calls for serious 
 criticis-ii. There are, it is true, certain indications 
 that the episode of the death and burial of Misenus 
 did not form part of the original draft of the poem, 
 but it has been so skilfully inserted that there can 
 be no certainty on this point .■"■ Again, the prophecy 
 of the Sibyl is of a perfunctory nature, telling 
 Aeneas but little that he does not already know, 
 and in any case failing entirely to correspond with 
 the prediction of Helenus that the Sibyl will tell 
 him all that shall befall him in Italy. 2 This is 
 
 1 See note on 1. 149, Sabbadini, Aeneis IV., V., VI., p. xvii. 
 
 2 3, 440-462; 6. 83-97, 890-2; Introd., § 3. 
 
 10 
 
Introduction 
 
 partly to be explained by the fact that the function 
 assigned by Helenus to the Sibyl is actually per- 
 formed by Anchises, and partly by the fact that 
 a certain vagueness and obscurity is a regular 
 characteristic of ancient oracles, while, further, 
 there is some evidence that the prophecy in its 
 present form is incomplete. But there can be no 
 doubt that the figure of the Sibyl occupies a far 
 less important place in the picture than was designed 
 by Vergil when he wrote the Third Book. 
 
 It is, however, when we reach the underworld 
 that the real difficulties begin. The first problem 
 presents itself immediately after the passage of the 
 Styx. What is the position of the spirits who dwell 
 on the further shore, but have no part either in the 
 pains of Tartarus or the joys of Elysium ? The 
 souls of young children, of men unjustly condemned 
 to death, of suicides, of hapless lovers and warriors 
 fallen in battle, all dwell in a kind of Limbo, of 
 whose nature and purpose Vergil gives no hint. 
 Recent research has thrown some light upon the 
 matter. Norden^ proves conclusively that this 
 grouping of spirits was traditional, that the prin- 
 ciple underlying this grouping is that all are the 
 souls of those who died untimely, and that there 
 are traces of an eschatological doctrine that such 
 spirits were condemned to wander aimlessly until 
 the term of their natural life was fulfilled. On the 
 other hand, he has failed to provide a key to the 
 
 1 Norden, VI. Aeneis, Introd., pp. lo sqq. See 426-547, In- 
 troductory Note. 
 
 11 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 passage as it stands. For not merely does Vergil 
 ignore this doctrine, but he is also unsystematic 
 in his grouping, since among his dead lovers and 
 warriors he has placed not a few who, if strict 
 mythological chronology were followed, would by 
 now have completed their term of wandering. 
 Further, Sychseus appears among the victims of 
 love, while Dido might as appropriately have 
 appeared among the suicides. These criticisms 
 m.ay perhaps seem cai*ping. But they are not 
 without their importance when taken into con- 
 junction with Vergil's silence on the cardinal point — 
 namely, the reason for the presence of these spirits 
 in the outer Limbo. It has long been felt by 
 critics that this portion of Vergil's Nekyia was 
 confusing and lacked significance, nor can it be 
 said that the difficulty is removed by Norden's 
 statement of the case. There is but one theory 
 that will clear Vergil of the charge of carelessness 
 and incoherence. We must assume that this 
 portion of the Sixth Book gives the poet's rough 
 draft, and that he had intended to add the neces- 
 sary explanations which v/ould have rendered the 
 position of these spirits intelligible. It is no defence 
 to say that Vergil, like Plato,^ may have regarded 
 this doctrine as trivial and unworthy of mention. 
 For Plato its suppression made no difference, since 
 he virtually ignores this group of spirits. But 
 Vergil has not so ignored them; he has described 
 them with some detail and left his reader perplexed 
 
 1 Rep. 10-615 C. 
 12 
 
Introduction 
 
 as to the reason for their appearance at this point 
 of his story. That there must have been some 
 reason for this grouping is obvious, that the ex- 
 planation given by Norden is true is highly probable, 
 and that Vergil was aware merely of the traditional 
 location of these spirits, but unaware of the reason, 
 is extremely unlikely. The deep pathos of the 
 lines in which he describes their fate does not 
 excuse or explain away the blemish. The intro- 
 duction of the spirits of those who died for love 
 or fell in war has obvious advantages of which 
 Vergil makes noble use in the scenes where Aeneas 
 meets Dido and his old friends and comrades of 
 Troy. But that is no reason why we should be 
 left in darkness as to the reason of his meeting 
 them where he does. Nor yet again can the diffi- 
 culty be met by the plea that he omitted to explain, 
 because he was speaking to those that understood. 
 Roman familiarity with Greek eschatology was 
 not such as to justify the omission to provide a key 
 to the mystery. 
 
 So, too, we are perplexed by the introduction of 
 Minos as judging in this mysterious Limbo. ^ There 
 js no question of punishment or reward : the func- 
 tions of the j udge seem to be confined merely to 
 the allotment of ^. dwfl^^'^g-p^^'^'' t^ t he souls that_ 
 come, heinre. him,. T he judgment of the great ■ 
 s inners is left to "Rharlamp|nfhnc^2 j^ ^m^ i^ is 
 
 true, involve no inconsistency, if we suppose that 
 Minos merely allots a dwelling-place, while Rhada- 
 
 1 431 sqq. 2 366. 
 
 13 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 manthus assigns punishment for sin. But why is 
 the description of the court of Minos embedded 
 between two groups of those who died untimely ? 
 It is no doubt suggested by the mention of those 
 who were unjustly condemned on earth, upon 
 which it follows immediately. The judge of the 
 dead may be conceived as rectifying the miscarriage 
 of justice in the world above. But we should 
 expect Minos to appear as the judge of all the dead, 
 and not to be associated merely with the spirits 
 of those who dwell in Limbo. Plead as we may, 
 the whole situation is left obscure by the position 
 of the passage, the lack of explanation, and the 
 unsystematic development of the subject. We are 
 once more driven to the theory that the passage 
 as it stands is in the rough. It may even be doubted 
 whether the lines deaUng with Minos are in the 
 actual position v/hich the poet designed them 
 ultimately to occupy. But no remedy is possible. 
 The mischief was done by Vergil's own untimely 
 death, and there is no reason to suppose that any 
 blame attaches to his editors, Varius and Tucca. 
 
 Nor is this the only sign of such lack of com- 
 pletion. It is hard to beheve that Vergil's descrip- 
 tion of the sinners in Tartarus has come down to 
 us in what he intended to be its final form. The 
 passage begins with a description of some of the 
 more striking examples of punishment for great 
 sin.^ In this portion the only indication of lack 
 of completion is the attribution to Ixion and 
 
 1 580. 
 14 
 
Introduction 
 
 Pirithous of punishments quite other than those 
 usually assigned to them, though famihar in con- 
 nexion with other sinners.^ That this is due to 
 textual corruption is highly improbable, while it 
 is not Hkely, in view of Vergil's treatment of Ixion 
 in the fourth Georgic, in a passage written in all 
 probability at no very distant date from the present,^ 
 that he had in his mind other versions of the 
 legend. The most probable explanation is that a 
 line referring to Tantalus and others should have 
 preceded the description of the penalty, but that 
 the poet had not written the required Une or lines 
 in a form that satisfied him at the time of his death. 
 This is, however, a less serious problem than that 
 which follows hard upon its heels. The Sibyl 
 proceeds to mention certain classes of criminal 
 without any reference to mythology, those that in 
 life hated their brethren or struck their parents, 
 played their clients false or brooded miser-like 
 over their gold and gave no share to their kin, 
 adulterers slain for their sin, and those that waged 
 impious warfare or armed slaves against their 
 masters.^ Then comes a short list of typical 
 penalties,'* which is followed once again by a short 
 list of typical criminals — traitors who enslaved their 
 country, corrupt politicians, and those guilty of 
 incest.^ Now, although there was no need for 
 Vergil to give an exhaustive list of crimes or punish- 
 ments for crime, the order seems confused and the 
 
 1 601-607. 2 See ^05 note. ^ 608-614. 
 
 * 615-620. 5 621-624. 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 selection of crimes somev/hat casual. The text as 
 it stands before us, is exactly what we should 
 expect to arise if the poet had written different por- 
 tions of the passage at different times' with a view 
 to welding them into a compact and artistic whole. 
 Death prevented this, and his editors did their 
 best to give the passage a form as little unsatis- 
 factory as possible. They did their work with 
 skill and discretion, but there is still a lack of 
 organisation and unity about the passage as it 
 stands. 
 
 The remainder of the book stands on a different 
 footing. With the exception of the fact that the 
 vision of Caesar of Pompey is unfinished, as the 
 half-line, proice tela manu, sanguis meus,^ shows, 
 and not to speak of the fact that a little greater 
 elaboration of so important a theme might seem 
 to be desirable, there is nothing to lead us to suppose 
 that we have not Vergil's last word. Difficulties 
 there are, but none of them insuperable. We can 
 form no clear idea as to what Vergil means by the 
 " fields of air, "3 as a description of Elysium, and 
 the exact significance of the hero's exit by the 
 dream-gate of ivory^ has long been a problem to 
 Vergihan critics. Both may be relics of some 
 earher design to represent the vision of the world 
 of spirits in the form of a dream, and the spirits 
 of the blest may in that scheme have been repre- 
 sented, like the heroes of the Somnium Scipionis, 
 as dwelUng in the highest heavens. But that must 
 
 1 See Introd., § 3, A. ^ 835. 3 887. * 893 sqq. 
 
 16 
 
Introduction 
 
 be a matter for conjecture and, whatever explana- 
 tion we adopt, we can scarcely regard the presence 
 of these passages as indicating lack of completion. 
 So, too, the exquisite Marcellus episode reveals 
 certain indications of being a later addition, but its 
 insertion has been accomphshed with such skill that 
 the voice of criticism must be silent. More serious 
 is the well-known difficulty presented by the poet's 
 account of the doctrine of metempsychosis. But 
 here Norden^ has provided a reasonable solution of 
 the difficulty. The great bulk of the spirits of 
 Elysium return to earth after they " have rolled the 
 wheel of a thousand years." The " few who abide 
 in the happy fields " are those who for their virtue 
 are spared the travail of rebirth: they dwell in 
 bliss, each year removing the stains of earth until 
 the " orb of time " is complete, and after the 
 passage of ten thousand years are restored to the 
 pure ethereal being that once was theirs, before 
 they taught themselves to 
 
 fashion aught 
 But a pure celestial thought. 
 
 Of the ultimate destiny of the happy spirit, become 
 " all fire, all air," Vergil says nothing, whether it 
 remains in perfection of bhss in the paradise where 
 it now dwells, or is caught up into the empyrean 
 and reabsorbed into the divine fire.^ It was not 
 necessaiy that he should say more: he is poet, not 
 mystagogue, and his main design is to write the 
 
 ^ Norden, pp. i6 sqq. See 733-751, Introductory Note. 
 2 But cp. Georg. 4, 223, 
 
 17 c 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 Epic of the Roman people. Such vagueness and 
 obscurity as there is in his exposition of the doctrine 
 of rebirth is not of so serious a nature that it need 
 trouble us, and if it be urged that an exact parallel 
 for Norden's interpretation is not forthcoming, it 
 is sufficiently near the Pythagorean doctrines as 
 set forth by Plato and the later syncretistic school 
 of Stoics to make but small demand upon our 
 faith. It is always possible that the poet's final 
 revision would have produced a clearer picture. 
 But there is no need to postulate the necessity of 
 such revision. For whatever view we take ot 
 Vergil's Nekyia, on one point all critics will be 
 agreed, that there is but one other vision to be 
 compared with it, the Divina Commedia of Dante, 
 who, while following other methods and aiming at 
 an accuracy of detail, topographical and otherwise, 
 such as his predecessor never contemplated, paid 
 the Sixth Aeneid the noblest of all tributes by 
 choosing Vergil for his guide through the circles of 
 the Inferno. Whatever its blemishes and obscuri- 
 ties, real or imaginary, the Sixth Aeneid is unique, 
 and even although criticism may be a labour of 
 love and a tribute of admiration, the critic cannot 
 escape the feeling that he does it wrong, " being so 
 majestical," by subjecting it to such analysis. 
 
 i8 
 
Introduction 
 
 § 2. — The Sources of Vergil's Eschatology. 
 
 The study of the sources of Vergil's eschatology 
 is an unsatisfying pursuit, unless the searcher be 
 content with the engrossing occupation of making 
 bricks without straw. It is, of course, possible to 
 trace the history and development of Greek escha- 
 tology with some degree of profit, as Dieterich's 
 fascinating Nekyia has shown. But such investi- 
 gations throw but little light on the precise sources 
 to which Vergil went for his inspiration. And it 
 is cold comfort to be told of certain works on which 
 he may have drawn, when those works are lost, the 
 exact nature of their contents unknown, and possibly 
 even their very existence problematic. Our in- 
 vestigation must therefore be restricted in its nature 
 and unsatisfying in its results. 
 
 Two outstanding facts are, it is true, obvious. 
 In the first place, the introduction of a Nekyia 
 into the Aeneid is clearly suggested by the Eleventh 
 Book of the Odyssey, while the place selected for 
 the visit of Aeneid to the underworld is one that 
 was not infrequently identified with Homer's land 
 of the Cimmerians.^ Secondly, Vergil has been 
 largely influenced by the teaching of the Pytha- 
 goreans and the Orphic mysteries as regards his 
 doctrine of rebirth and the allotment of reward and 
 punishment to the righteous and the sinner. Again, 
 there is yet a third element of popular superstition 
 and folklore. 
 
 ^ See note on 237. 
 19 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 Vergil's debt to Homer is small and easy to deter- 
 mine. The actual resemblances are rare and con- 
 fined entirely to minor details. We find echoes 
 of the meeting of Anticleia, Ajax, and Elpenor^ 
 with Odysseus, the sacrifices preHminary to the 
 descent of Aeneas have their analogies in the 
 sacrifices of Odysseus in the land of the Cimmerians,^ 
 the Gates of Sleeps are borrowed from the Iliad 
 (though to be employed for a strangely different 
 purpose), while the four rivers of Hell are mentioned 
 by Homer, though their position and functions are 
 wrapped in mystery. For the rest the differences 
 are greater than the resemblances. The whole 
 conception of the spirit-world has changed in the 
 centuries intervening between the two poets. In 
 the Iliad, there are, it is true, indications that the 
 dwelling of Hades was conceived as underground,^ 
 guarded by a river that the unburied may not 
 cross,^ and by a watchdog^ that was stolen by 
 Heracles. In the Odyssey, on the other hand, the 
 spirit- world is, to all appearances, above ground. 
 The dead come forth to drink the blood of the 
 victim that they may find strength to speak. Their 
 existence is a shadowy and melancholy reflexion 
 of the life that once was theirs.''' Of punishment 
 and reward there is none. If Minos is a judge, he 
 is judge only of the disputes that vex the dead,^ 
 
 1 See 366, 456, 469, 696, 700 notes. 2 See note on 237. 
 
 « 893 note. * II. 20. 61. 
 
 « 11.23. 73;cp. Od. 10. 513. « II. 8. 368; Od. 11.625. 
 
 7 Od. II. 488. 8 Od. II. 569. 
 
 20 
 
Introduction 
 
 and there is no trace of his functions as the awarder 
 of eternal doom. At the close of the book there 
 is a description of some of the more notorious 
 criminals of mythology.^ But even this acknow- 
 ledged interpolation provides no real parallel to 
 the Vergihan Tartarus. And Tartarus^ itself, 
 although it is described by Homer as a bottomless 
 pit, in language which has been closely imitated 
 by Vergil, is not a hell for the general punishment 
 of crime, but merely the prison-house of the earth- 
 born Titans, while the Erinyes^ are the avengers 
 of sin on earth rather than in Hell. The Elysian 
 fields are, it is true, already in existence, but they 
 lie far apart at the world's end, and the quaUfica- 
 tion for admission is divine descent or the posses- 
 sion of a wife thus quahfied.'^ And it is in this 
 paradise that the yellow-haired Rhadamanthus is 
 to be found, for he has not yet acquired his position 
 as co-judge with his brother Minos. Homer, there- 
 fore, will help us little in our search. 
 
 At what date the belief in an organised spirit- 
 world, where virtue was rewarded and sin chastened, 
 may have originated is uncertain. But by the 
 sixth century B.C. we begin to find traces of the 
 mystical doctrines of Orphism, parallel to which 
 runs the teaching of the Pythagorean philosophy. ^ 
 
 1 Od. II. 576 sqq. 2 n. 3. 13, 481, and 14. 279. 
 
 ^ II. 9. 453. 569; 15- 204. Od. 17. 475; 20. 78. 
 
 4 Od. 4. 563. 
 
 5 See especially Maass, Orpheus, iMunich, 1895; Dietonch, 
 Nekyia, Leipzig, 1893; J. Harrison, Prolegomena to Greek 
 Religion: Abel, Orphica, Leipzig, 1885. 
 
 21 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 Indeed, the two streams are so intermingled that 
 no attempt will be made to distinguish between 
 them. The main features of the nev/ doctrine are 
 the behef in purgatory, hell, paradise, metem- 
 psychosis and rebirth, while the origin of the new 
 eschatology, which, however, never cuts itself 
 entirely adrift from the traditional mythology, hes 
 in the consciousness of the vagueness and inade- 
 quacy of popular belief and in the desire to create 
 a new world which will redress the balance of this. 
 The Orphics, therefore, postulate an immortahty 
 that shall right the evils of this life in another 
 region, where good may triumph over evil and 
 purity of motive and action come to their own. 
 Neither Orphism nor Pythagoreanism involved a 
 breach with the past. Whatever may have been 
 the origin of the doctrines of transmigration and 
 rebirth, in all else at any rate they developed 
 and moralised the unsystematic popular behefs 
 regarding the other world. And whatever Vergil's 
 debt may be to Orphism, he is no hierophant of 
 its mysteries. That is to say, eternal bliss lies 
 within the reach of virtue without the necessity of 
 initiation or of the observance of other rites than 
 those of the State rehgion or of other rules than 
 those of righteousness. Orpheus himself ,i though 
 he has a place in the underworld, is the immortal 
 singer Hving in eternal happiness and making music 
 to the dead with barely a hint of his position as the 
 divine founder of a new creed. 
 
 1 645. 
 22 
 
Introduction 
 
 With the details of Orphic-Pythagorean behef 
 we are concerned only in so far as they are repro- 
 duced by Vergil. And for those elements which 
 he does so reproduce we shall have to rely, not on 
 the fragmentary Orphic literature, most of which 
 is of late date, nor yet again on the all too scanty 
 rehcs of the teaching of Pythagoras, but in the 
 main on the myths of Plato and a few exquisite 
 lines in Pindar. The great fresco representing 
 Odysseus' visit to Hades, which Polygnotus painted 
 on the walls of the Lesche at Delphi, throws but 
 little Ught on the subject.^ It represented a 
 number of the more famous figures of legend as 
 dwellers of the underworld. But there is no evidence 
 of an organised underworld and no indication of 
 the ultimate fate of the dead. It differs from the 
 Homeric account in a number of points: Charon 
 appears ferrying souls across the river, there are 
 scenes of punishment for sins, and the fact that 
 some of the sufferers are labelled " Uninitiate " 
 reveals the influence of the mysteries. When, 
 however, we turn to Pindar, we find in the passages 
 referring to the spirit-world an atmosphere that 
 recalls that of the Sixth Aeneid, even though it 
 may differ in detail. The virtuous man, he tells 
 us,2 " knoweth that immediately after death, on 
 earth, it is the lawless spirits that suffer punish- 
 ment, and the sins committed in this realm of 
 Zeus are judged by One who passeth sentence stern 
 
 1 Paus. 10. 28, Robert's Polygnot. Halle, 1892, 1893, 
 
 2 Olymp. 2,. 58 (tr. by Sandys). 
 
 23 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 and inevitable; while the good, having the sun 
 shining for evermore, for equal nights and equal 
 days, receive the boon of a life of lightened toil, 
 not vexing the soil with the strength of their hands, 
 no, nor the water of the sea to gain a scanty live- 
 lihood; but in presence of the honoured gods, all 
 who were wont to rejoice in keeping their oaths 
 share a life that knoweth no tears, while the others 
 endure labour that none can look upon. But 
 whosoever, while dwelling in either world, have 
 thrice been courageous in keeping their souls pure 
 from all deeds of wrong pass by the highway of 
 Zeus into the tower of Cronus, where the ocean- 
 breezes blow around the Islands of the Blest, and 
 flowers of gold are blazing, some on the shore 
 from radiant trees, while others the water fostereth ; 
 and with chaplets thereof they entwine their hands^ 
 and with crowns, according to the righteous councils 
 of Rhadamanthiis, who shareth for evermore the 
 judgment-seat of the mighty Father." Again, there 
 is the no less famous description of Elysium, a 
 fragment fortunately preserved to us by Plutarch:^ 
 " For them the sun shineth in his strength in the 
 world below, while here 'tis night ; and in meadows 
 red with roses, the space before their city is shaded 
 by the incense tree and is laden with golden fruits. 
 . . . Some of them delight themselves with horses 
 and with wrestling; others with draughts and with 
 lyres; while beside them bloometh the fair flower 
 of perfect bliss. And o'er that lovely land frag- 
 
 1 Fr. 129 and 130 Bcrgk, Pint Consol. ad Apollon. 35., p. 120. 
 
 24 
 
Introduction 
 
 ranee is ever shed, while they mingle all manner of 
 incense with the far-shining fire on the altars of 
 the gods. From the other side sluggish streams of 
 darksome night belch forth a boundless gloom." 
 Finally, in another fragment, preserved to us by 
 Plato,^ he tells us that " As for those from whom 
 Persephone shall exact the penalty of their pristine 
 woe, in the ninth year she once more restoreth their 
 sou's to the upper sunlight; and from these come 
 into being august monarchs, and men who are 
 swift in strength and supreme in wisdom; and for 
 all future time, men call them sainted heroes." 
 From these passages we may gather that Pindar's 
 creed^ was that after death the soul passed before 
 a judge in Hades. If accounted blameless in its 
 past life, it is admitted to the Elysium in the under- 
 world which is described in the second quotation. 
 It does not, however, dwell there eternally, but 
 must return to earth and live yet twice again, as 
 we are told in the first passage. At length, how- 
 ever, it is delivered from " its pristine woe," and 
 returns to earth to dwell in the body of a hero ^^ r ^ 
 a sage, after which, free from the wheel of birth, " ^* "^ 
 it passes to the Islands of the Blest. That here the 
 influence of the mysteries may be traced is clear 
 from other fragments in which he speaks of " those 
 who by happy fortune culled the fruit of the rite 
 chat releases from toil," or proclaims that " blessed 
 
 1 Fr. 133 Bergk, Plato, Meiio, 81 B. 
 
 2 See Rohde, Psyche, p. 499 sqq {Psyche, ii. 204-222, 2nd ed., 
 1898). 
 
 25 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 is he who hath seen these things before he goeth 
 under the earth: for he understandeth the end of 
 mortal hfe and the beginning (of a new Hfe) given 
 of God." Here, then, we have a great poet who 
 500 years before Vergil sings of the hfe to come 
 in not dissimilar tone. 
 
 Fuller and more striking are the famous myths 
 of Plato. In the Phaedo,^ after an extremely 
 elaborate account of the four rivers of the under- 
 world (throwing no light, however, on the four 
 rivers of Vergil), we are told that the spirits of the 
 dead are conveyed each by his own " daemon " to 
 Hades and there sentenced. Those who lived 
 without praise or blame are conveyed to Acheron, 
 where they are purified, punished for their evil 
 deeds, and rewarded for their virtues. Incurable 
 crimes are punished eternally in Tartarus, while 
 great sinners who have repented of their sins are 
 released from Tartarus after a year, and then 
 earned about by the streams of Hell, until they 
 are pardoned by those whom they had wronged- 
 The good go to a celestial place, while those who 
 have been purified by philosophy rise to a yet 
 higher region of eternal joy. 
 
 In the Phsedrus^ the essential features of the 
 myth are that souls on rebirth pass into different 
 classes of men according to the ghmpses of the 
 vision of truth that they have been vouchsafed in 
 life, each life being a state of probation. Ten 
 thousand years elapse before the soul can return to 
 
 1 III sqq. 2 248 sqq. 
 
 26 
 
Introduction 
 
 the place whence it came. Only the soul of the 
 philosopher or the true lover may acquire wings 
 in the third recurring period of one thousand years, 
 and if they choose this Hfe thrice in succession may 
 find release from the cycle of birth at the close of 
 three thousand years. Others receive judgment 
 after their first hfe and go either to the house of 
 correction under earth or to some place in heaven. 
 At the end of the first thousand years good souls 
 and evil cast lots and choose their second hfe, those 
 who have never even had a ghmpse of the truth 
 passing into beasts. 
 
 The Gorgiasi gives what is perhaps a simpler 
 
 and more primitive picture. After death the souls 
 
 pass before three judges, Rhadamanthus, iEacus, 
 
 and Minos. Rhadamanthus judges Asia and iEacus 
 
 Europe, while Minos presides over the court of 
 
 appeal. Sin leaves its scars upon the soul, and the 
 
 judge immediately detects these signs and estimates 
 
 the guilt of those who stand before him. Sinners 
 
 are once again divided into curable and incurable. 
 
 Both ahke are despatched, duly labelled, to Tartarus, 
 
 while the good are conveyed to the Islands of the 
 
 Blest. But there is yet another passage in the 
 
 Gorgias2 v/hich is not irrelevant to our present 
 
 enquiry, in which Socrates refers to the hne of 
 
 Euripides, " Life may be death, and death be life. 
 
 Who knows ?" and proceeds to say that he has 
 
 heard a wise man allege that in this Hfe we are dead, 
 
 that the body is a tomb, and that the part of the 
 
 1 524- ^ 493- 
 
 27 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 soul which is the seat of the passions is Hable to 
 be influenced and tossed about in different ways. 
 A similar statement occurs in greater detail in the 
 Cratylus^: "For some say that the body is the 
 tomb of the soul which may be thought to be buried 
 in our present life; or, again, the sign of the soul, 
 because the soul signifies through the body." 
 Probably the Orphic poets were the inventors of 
 this play upon the words cr?}/xa and aM/xa, and held 
 that the soul is suffering the punishment of sin, and 
 that the body is an enclosure which may be com- 
 pared to a prison in which the soul is incarcerated, 
 as the name aM/jua (from aco^eLv) was held to imply, 
 until the penalty is paid. 
 
 Of all the myths, however, in which Plato has 
 pictured the life of the world to come, the vision 
 of Er the Armenian in the Tenth Book of the 
 RepubUc^ is the fullest and the most famous. In 
 this the souls of the dead, after leaving the body, 
 come to a place where there are two chasms side 
 by side in the earth and two which match them in 
 the heavens above. On arriving at this point 
 judges bid the just ascend to heaven by the right- 
 hand chasm, and the unjust descend through the 
 left-hand chasm. But there are also souls descend- 
 ing from heaven, clean and bright, and others 
 ascending from earth, weary and travel-stained. 
 For every evil deed they are punished tenfold, 
 their journey being one of one thousand years, ten- 
 fold the life of man, which is reckoned at a hundred 
 
 1 400 C. 2 5j^ ^qq^ 
 
 28 
 
Introduction 
 
 years. Virtue is rewarded in the same proportion. 
 The fate of infants dying soon after birth is dis- 
 missed as scarce worth mention. Parricides and 
 other murderers are punished in an abyss from 
 which there is no issuing forth. The choice of 
 the new hfe that each soul shall lead Hes with 
 the souls themselves. auTia iXo/jbivov ' 6eo^ avairiof;, 
 although the order in which they chose is deter- 
 mined by lot. The choice made by each soul is 
 governed largely by their previous existence. The 
 life of a beast may be chosen no less than that of a 
 man, while the choice once made is rendered final 
 and irreversible by Atropos. The souls then pass 
 onward from the place of choice to the Plains of 
 Forgetfulness, where they drink of the river Un- 
 mindful, after which they return to earth. 
 
 There is also a passage^ in the same work in 
 which Socrates speaks in no compUmentary terms 
 of the Orpheotelestae, a set of priests, who in the 
 name of Orpheus, Musgeus, and Eumolpus, preach 
 that the reward of virtue is a life of everlasting 
 sensual pleasure in the next world, while the wicked 
 are buried in a slough in Hades and punished in 
 a variety of ways. In this passage Plato is clearly 
 alluding to the baser and grosser side of the doctrines 
 of which he himself makes free use in the tenth 
 
 book. 
 
 In addition to these we may mention the descrip- 
 tion of the underworld with which the pseudo- 
 Platonic Axiochus2 concludes. The abode of the 
 
 1 363- ^ P- 371. 
 
 29 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 spirits of the dead is shut in by the gates of Pluto, 
 v/hich are closed by iron bolts and bars. On 
 passing these the rivers of Acheron and Cocytus 
 are reached, which must be crossed by the spirits, 
 before they can reach the plain of Truth where 
 they are judged by Minos and Rhadamanthus. 
 The virtuous go to a Paradise enjoying eternal 
 summer, full of clear streams and flowery meadows. 
 There dwell philosophers and poets; the meadow 
 is full of dancing and song, of feasting and happiness 
 made perfect. There is neither wintry cold nor 
 scorching heat, but clear air and temperate sun- 
 light. Special honour is paid to the initiated. 
 The wicked are carried by the Erinyes into Tartarus 
 and there tormented for their sins in every way. 
 The authority cited by Socrates for these statements 
 is that of Gobryas the mage. 
 
 These passages from Pindar and Plato, although 
 they present much variety, are all more or less 
 inspired by Orphic and Pythagorean doctrine. Of 
 that much we may be sure. But when we try 
 to get behind the evidence of Pindar and Plato to 
 the original fountain-head, the path is lost. The 
 Orphic literature which has come down to us is for 
 the most part late and fragmentary, ^ while the 
 evidence for the doctrines of the Pythagoreans is 
 most meagre. Both creeds were to some extent 
 the property of secret societies, a fact which may 
 account for the unsatisfactory condition of our 
 knowledge concerning them. 
 
 ^ See Maass, Orpheus, ch. 3; Abel, Orphica. 
 
 30 
 
Introduction 
 
 It will be seen that Vergil's eschatology is in its 
 essentials contained in the passages already cited. 
 There are, it is true, no references to the mysteries 
 in Vergil or to the possibility of the soul passing 
 into the bodies of beasts. The mention of either 
 would have been alien to his purpose. Vergil again 
 makes immediate release from the wheel of birth 
 possible at once for the most perfect, the " few 
 who hold the happy fields," whereas Plato in the 
 Pheedrus will only release them after three births — 
 i.e., a period of three thousand years. None the less 
 Vergil might easily have produced the greater and 
 the most important portion of his eschatological 
 doctrine^ from the passages already quoted. No 
 greater remaniement would have been required than 
 that which Plato must have given to the material 
 from which he constructed his myths. 
 
 But there are other elements as well. There is, 
 in the first place, the grouping of the souls of those 
 who died untimely. If Norden's explanation be 
 true — namely, that these spirits remained in Limbo 
 until they had fulfilled the term of what should 
 have been their natural life — it is not improbable 
 that here too we have an Orphic element, since 
 Tertullian,2 who is the authority for this view, 
 attributes the doctrine to " magic," a term which 
 he may well have appHed to the teaching of Orphism. 
 There is also the doctrine of the anima mundi, 
 
 1 The reference to the " wheel " of time is, however, definitely 
 Orphic ; see note on 748. 
 
 ^ See note on 426-547 ; Tertullian de an. 56. 
 
 31 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 the all-pervading world-soul, a well-known tenet 
 of Stoicism, with which Vergil must have been 
 familiar from Varro, while there is also the proba- 
 bility that it had been linked up with non-Stoic 
 eschatological doctrines by eclectics such as Posi- 
 donius.^ 
 
 Further, there are numerous elements of popular 
 belief, many of which no doubt were taken over 
 by Orphism. There are, in the first place, the 
 personified abstractions that haunt the gates of the 
 underworld; for most of these we have evidence as 
 old as Hesiod,2 though it is impossible to say whether 
 the employment made of them by Vergil is original 
 or borrowed from some lost literary source. 
 Immediately beyond them are the monsters,^ who 
 are the actual guardians of the gate. For the 
 existence of such monsters in Hades we have ample 
 evidence in Aristophanes and elsewhere.^ But here 
 again the function given them by Vergil has no 
 parallel and may be original. Cerberus, as we have 
 seen, is as old as Homer, Charon, though non- 
 Homeric, dates from high antiquity,^ and the Furies 
 are familiar as spirits of the underworld in post- 
 Homeric literature.^ The legendary figures who 
 are mentioned as dwelling in the various regions of 
 the underworld present no serious difficulty. There 
 are many possible sources from which they may 
 have been selected. On the other hand, the Tree 
 
 ^ For Varro see Aug. C. D. 7. 6. 2 See note on 274. 
 
 3 See note on 285-9. * See Dieterich, Nekyia, p. 46 sgq. 
 
 * See note on 298. " * See Dieterich, Nekyia, p. 54 sqq. 
 
 32 
 
Introduction 
 
 of Dreams^ and the Golden Bough^ remain mysteries 
 for us, as they were for Servius. 
 
 But all these facts, such as they are, bring us 
 but Httle nearer to the answer to the main question 
 before us. They give us, it is true, in a general 
 sense the sources of his eschatology, but we have 
 no means of judging his immediate sources. There 
 is nothing to show that his picture is not the result 
 of briUiant eclecticism applied to Greek hterature 
 of all ages. The task would not have been difficult 
 for one of his learning and his genius. But it 
 obviously cannot be claimed that his doctrine of 
 rebirth is a free reconstruction of the myths of 
 Plato, nor even that he has been directly influenced 
 by Plato, though there is nothing intrinsically 
 improbable in such a theory. It is obvious that 
 he may have owed much to the teaching of eclectic 
 philosophers such as Posidonius,^ and that the no 
 
 1 See note on 282-4. 2 See note on 136. 
 
 3 Norden has attempted in his edition of the Sixth Aeneid 
 to bring the eschatology into connexion v/ith the great but 
 shadowy figure of Posidonius. But the arguments which he 
 adduces do not bring the two authors appreciably nearer to 
 one another, and the evidence on which he relies is of the most 
 unsatisfactory character. Certain of his arguments suffer further 
 from the fact that he accepts in varying degree the esoteric 
 interpretation given of several passages by Servius to the effect 
 that the spirit-world is in the heavens and not underground. 
 In view of the fact that Vergil makes his hero go underground to 
 reach it and gives no hint of his being elsewhere, such an assump- 
 tion is, to say the least, gratuitous, though it is conceivable 
 that the phrase aeris in campis (888) may be a survival of a once 
 entertained but subsequently abandoned design, representing 
 the spirit-world as being in the air, on the analogy of the Somnium 
 
 33 ^ 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 less eclectic Varro and the Pythagorean Nigidius 
 Figulus may have contributed much to his con- 
 ceptions. Again, the loss of practically all the 
 Orphic hterature existing in his day prevents us 
 from ascertaining the amount and directness of his 
 debt to Orphism. It is conceivable that his Nekyia 
 may, as Dieterich^ holds, be a free handling of 
 some Orphic- Pythagorean poem on the underworld- 
 It is even probable that he drew upon lost Greek 
 KaTal3d<J6i<;, such as the "Opc^eo)? KaraPdai';,^ to 
 which we find a few references in Servius. But 
 the fact that no ancient critic, despite the interest 
 taken by malevolent men of letters in discovering 
 '* Vergil's thefts, "^ has suggested that his Nekyia 
 or his doctrine of rebirth is derived from any special 
 sources points strongly to the widest eclecticism. 
 If the sources on which Vergil drew for his 
 
 Scipionis. The suggestion of Servius that the novies Styx 
 inter fusa (439) refers to the nine heavenly spheres may be ruled 
 out on the same grounds. Further, with regard to any attempt 
 to connect Vergil and Posidonius, the extreme exiguity of our 
 knowledge of the teaching of Posidonius must be borne in mind. 
 Our knowledge of his views is by no means so great as is sometimes 
 supposed. See Dobson, " The Posidonius Myth," Classical 
 Quarterly, 191 8, p. 179. 
 
 1 Dieterich, Nekyia, p. 158, where, however, the case is stated 
 with far greater assurance than is warranted by the evidence. 
 
 2 See Abel, Orphica, 153 sqq. But in view of the fact that the 
 only references in Servius are to be found in his notes on 565 
 and 392, it is not improbable that Vergil's debt was but small. 
 For Greek Nekyia see Ettig, Acheruntica, Leipz. Stud. Norden's 
 arguments to show that Vergil must have used a Descent of 
 Hercules and a Descent of Orpheus (see his Introd., p. 5) are not 
 convincing, though there is nothing improbable in the hypothesis. 
 
 3 Cp. Sueton., Vit. Verg. 61 sqq. 
 
 34 
 
Introduction 
 
 eschatology are uncertain, there is at any rate one 
 great work which was almost undoubtedly a direct 
 inspiration. The de Republica of Cicero, despite 
 its fragmentary condition, breathes the same national 
 spirit as the Sixth Aeneid, and presents some striking 
 analogies. For although it is primarily inspired 
 in its broad outlines by the Repubhc of Plato, it 
 has many original features of its own. It is written 
 by a statesman and not by a philosopher, by a 
 man of affairs, and not by a visionary, while the 
 problems discussed are based as a whole on the 
 history and poHtical needs of the Roman State. 
 And in the Second and Sixth Books it presents 
 features which may well have inspired Vergil with 
 his conception of the vision of the greatness of 
 Rome, which forms the heart of the Sixth Aeneid. 
 For not only is the de RepubHca a superb panegyric 
 of the Roman State and the race that made it, but, 
 like the Sixth Aeneid, it contains a review of the 
 makers of Rome, and concludes with a vision, 
 revealed in a dream to Scipio Africanus the Younger, 
 shortly before his death, of the paradise allotted 
 to the spirits of those who have loved and served 
 their country well. It is true that this vision 
 cannot be regarded as a source of Vergil's escha- 
 tology, since the conception of the after-life of the 
 righteous is essentially different. But it may well 
 have suggested to Vergil the national treatment that 
 he should give his theme. And it is noteworthy 
 that in both cases it is the father of the hero who 
 expounds the mysteries of the other world, although 
 
 35 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 in the Somnium Scipionis the exposition is divided, 
 not unnaturally, between Paulus, the actual father 
 of Scipio, and Africanus, his father by adoption. 
 It is hard to beheve that the de RepubHca, which 
 even in its mutilated condition is one of Cicero's 
 masterpieces, should have had no influence on the 
 great writer, who was to do for Roman poetry 
 what the orator had done for Roman prose. 
 
 § 3. The Composition of the Aeneid in 
 relation to the sixth book. 
 
 Conclusions reached as to the composition of the 
 Aeneid must from the very nature of the case be 
 exceedingly precarious. The work was left un- 
 finished at the poet's death, and shows many traces 
 of the lack of the author's revision. That he him- 
 self was under no delusions on the need for revision 
 is clear from his instructions that the poem should 
 be burned in the event of his dying before the 
 completion of the work.i 
 
 The external evidence on which we have to rely 
 is as follows : 
 
 (A) Sueton, Vit. Verg., 34 : Aeneida prosa prius 
 oratione formatam digestamque in XII. libros par- 
 ticulatim componere instituit, prout liberet quidque, 
 et nihil in ordinem arripiens. ac ne quid impetum 
 
 1 Suet., Vit. 52 H: egerat cum Vario, priiisqiiam Italia dece- 
 deret, ut siquid sibi accidisset, Aeneida combureret : at is ita fac- 
 iurum se pernegavat: igituY in extrema ualetudine assidue scrinia 
 dssideraiiit, crematurus ipse; uerum nemine offerente nihil guidem 
 nominatim de ea cuit. 
 
 36 
 
Introduction 
 
 moraretnr, qiiacdam imperfecta transniisit, alia leuis- 
 simis uerhis ueluti fulsit , quae per iocumpro tibicinibus 
 inferponi aiebat ad sustinendum opus, donee solidae 
 colunmae aduenirent. 
 
 (B) Fa., 47: cui (sc. Augusto) tamen multo post 
 perfectaque demum materia tres omnino libros reci- 
 tauit, secundum quartum et sextum, sed hunc notabili 
 Octauiae adfectione, quae cum recitationi interesset, 
 ad illos de filio suo uersus (6. 884) ' tu Marcellus 
 eris ' defecisse fertur atque aegre focilata est. (So, 
 too, Seru. ad 4. 323 with the variant primum for 
 secundum.) This recitation took place after the 
 death of Marcellus in 23 B.C. 
 
 (G) Seruius, prsef., p. 4, 17 Th.: quidam siiperflue 
 dicunt secundum primum esse, tertium secundum et 
 primum tertium, ideo quia primum Ilium concidit, 
 post errauit Aeneas, inde ad Didonis regna peruenit, 
 nescientes hanc esse artem poeticam, 
 
 (D) Suet. Vit. 59: edMit autem auctore Augusto 
 Varius, sed summatim emendata, ut qui uersus 
 etiam imperfectos sicut erant reliquerit ; quos multi 
 mox supplere conati non perinde ualuerunt ob diffi- 
 ctdtatem, quod omnia fere apud eum hemistichia 
 absoluto perfectoque sunt sensu praeter illud (3. 340) 
 ' quem tibi iam Troia.' Nisus grammaticus audisse 
 se a senioribus aiebat, Varium duorum libroritm 
 ordinem commutasse, et qui nunc secundus sit in 
 tertium locum transtuUsse?- Cp. also Seruius, 
 
 ^ This passa.ge is obviously corrupt, as it implies that the 
 recension of Varius was not accepted. Either tunc . . . esset 
 (Hagon) nuist be read for nunc . . . sit, or we must add in 
 prifnum, tertium in sectindum et primum (Reifferschcid) after sit. 
 
 37 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 prsef., p. 2. 12. Th.: Augustus uero, ne tantiim opus 
 periret, Tuccam et Varium hac lege iussit emcndare 
 ut superflua demerent, nihil adderent tamen. 
 
 This evidence taken by itself does not tell us 
 very much, 
 
 (A) The first citation warns us to be on our 
 guard against attaching too much importance to 
 inconsistencies and contradictions, and against 
 rashly asserting that any one book was completed 
 before any other. 
 
 (B) The second merely shows that II., IV., and 
 VI. were the first to reach that state of perfection 
 which Vergil considered necessary to justify recita- 
 tion to the Imperial Court. It also gives us an 
 indication of date, as the recitation took place after 
 
 23 B.C. 
 
 (C) The third by itself carries little weight, but 
 may well be a distortion of something that actually 
 occurred. 
 
 (D) The fourth lends some vague support to the 
 third, and lays further emphasis on the unfinished 
 condition of the poem. 
 
 As regards internal evidence we tread on very 
 insecure ground. Minor inconsistencies are numer- 
 ous: but such inconsistencies are not infrequent 
 in most writers of fiction in spite of the advantages 
 conferred on them by the invention of printing 
 and proof-reading. Further, the poem was un- 
 revised and the method adopted by Vergil in its 
 composition (see A) was bound to lead to blemishes 
 of this kind and to make the task of revision 
 
 38 
 
Introduction 
 
 unusually severe. If any inference is to be drawn 
 from such inconsistencies, they must be of a serious 
 kind, such as can scarcely be attributed to care- 
 lessness pure and simple. 
 
 Now there are certain discrepancies which to a 
 greater or less degree come under this heading; 
 and it is to these that this enquiry will be confined. 
 
 {a) In I. 755 and V. 626 the Trojans are spoken 
 of as being in their septima aestas of wandering — ■ 
 
 (i) Although a year has elapsed since the death of 
 Anchises (V. 46), immediately after which they had 
 proceeded to Carthage, and though 
 
 (ii) The wanderings as described in III. bring 
 them to Carthage in their third year of wandering, 
 and 
 
 (iii) Aeneas' sojourn at Carthage extends to the 
 winter (IV. 51), and his departure, according to 
 Dido, is also in the winter (IV. 309). 
 
 (b) In VI. Palinurus is spoken of as having been 
 lost Lihyco cursii (338), whereas, according to 
 V. 827 sqq., he was lost on the way to Italy from 
 Sicily. 
 
 (c) In V. Acestes greets the Trojans, as though 
 he had never seen them before (35), whereas they 
 had already visited Drepanum a year previously 
 and had performed the funeral rites of Anchises 
 there (III. 707). 
 
 (d) The prophecy of Helenus (III. 458) states that 
 tihi Italiae populos uenturaque hella, \ et quo qucnique 
 inodo foigiasque ferasqite laborem, \ cxpcdict cursusque 
 dahit iicnerata sacerdos {i.e., the Sibyl). But in VI. 
 
 39 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 the Sibyl's prophecy is as obscure as most oracles 
 (83 sqq.) and, though it ma}/ give Aeneas hope, 
 certainly does not give him enhghtenment. It is 
 the spirit of Anchises that does what Helenus had 
 foretold that the Sibyl should do (VI. 891) exin 
 bella uiro memorat quae deinde gerenda \ Lavirentesque 
 docetpopidos iirhemque Latini, \ et quo quemqtie modo 
 fiigiatque fcratquo labor cm. Cp. also V. 724 sqq.y 
 where the methods actually followed for the revela- 
 tion of the future in VI. are for the first time 
 announced. 
 
 The above may be regarded as the crucial incon- 
 sistencies in the first six books. 
 
 The solution of the problem thus suggested 
 cannot from the very nature of the case be certain, 
 and must at best be tentative. If, however, we 
 assume that in the original draft of the poem 
 
 III. was originally i, 
 
 V. ,, ,, 2 (less the loss of Palinurus), 
 
 II. ,, ,, 4, 
 
 IV. ,, ,, 5 (plus the loss of Palinurus), 
 we get the following scheme : 
 
 Book III. — (i) The wanderings of Aeneas after 
 the fall of Troy till his arrival in Sicily. The book 
 may well have begun with the existing opening 
 (Arma uinimque cano), although Postquam res 
 Asiae (3, i) would obviously make an admirable 
 opening in itself, even if not preceded by the existing 
 exordium. 
 
 Book V. — (2) The arrival at Drepanum, greeting 
 
 40 
 
Introduction 
 
 from Acestes, death of Anchises and Funeral 
 games. 
 
 Book I.— (3) The voyage from Sicily to Carthage, 
 and welcome by Dido. 
 
 Book II.— (4) The story of the siege of Troy, 
 followed by a brief summary of the wanderings of 
 Aeneas, resumptive of the preceding books. 
 
 Book IV.— (5) The betrayal and death of Dido, 
 departure of Aeneas and death of Palinurus {Libyco 
 
 cur sit). 
 
 If such were the original design of the Aeneid, 
 the inconsistencies mentioned above would dis- 
 appear, with the exception of the discrepancies 
 [a) between III. and V. as to the number of years 
 for which the Trojans had been wandering (3 in 
 III., and 7 in V. and I.), and {h) between the 
 prophecies in III. and VI. (IncidentaUy this theory 
 clears up a minor difficulty in VI. 355 ^s regards 
 hibernas nodes : for if Pahnurus did actually perish 
 Libyco cursu, the season would be winter [cp. 
 hiberno sidere, IV., 309]). Finally, such a theory 
 may represent the truth of the somewhat obscure 
 statements of Suetonius (D) and Servius (C) with 
 regard to a change having been made in the order 
 of the books. 
 
 What, then, of the inconsistencies which still 
 remain ? The theory stated above involves two 
 hypotheses: (i.) That the original draft of III. was 
 written in the third person and later altered to the 
 first, when transferred to its present position and 
 placed in the mouth of Aeneas; (ii.) that it stands 
 
 41 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 in a certain isolation from the rest of the Aeneid, 
 the first draft having in fact been written before 
 the rest of the poem had been clearly conceived 
 and formulated by the poet. It is not, of course, 
 suggested that the alteration of the persons in III. 
 was a merely mechanical alteration. It would 
 clearly have involved a reshaping of the whole 
 book, which must have been awaiting final revision 
 when the poet died. If these two hypotheses be 
 accepted, the chronological inconsistency which 
 still remains may be regarded as the result of the 
 comparative isolation of III. which we have 
 just postulated. The discrepancy as regards the 
 prophecies may be explained on the same lines. 
 When Vergil wrote the first draft of III., he had 
 in contemplation a different form of the revelation 
 of the future greatness of Rome. This might have 
 been given to Aeneas in the shape of a long narrative 
 from the lips of the Sibyl, or may have taken the 
 form of a vision by iyKolfXTjat^;, in which the Sibyl 
 may still conceivably have been his guide and the 
 spirit-world possibly located in the skies, as in 
 the Somnium Scipionis. As has already been 
 indicated, this would provide a possible explanation 
 of aeris in campis and of the Gates of Sleep. And, 
 further, this form of revelation would have been 
 natural enough in view of the statement in Cicero 
 (de Div. I, 2i): Sint haec, at dixi, somnia fahdarum, 
 hisque adiungatur etiam Aeiieae somnium, quod in 
 Niimerit Fahii Pictoris Graecis annalihus eiusdem 
 est, ut omnia, quae ah Aenea gesta sunt quaeque illi 
 
 42 
 
Introduction 
 
 acciderint, ea fuerint, quae ei secundum quietem visa 
 
 sunt. 
 
 Stylistic considerations help us little in Vergilian 
 problems. The books vary considerably in merit: 
 the themes are not all equally inspiring, and the 
 purely poetic quality fluctuates accordingly. 
 Further, it is scarcely ever possible to say at what 
 date any given passage was written, owing to the 
 method adopted by Vergil in writing his epic 
 (see A). But technically the poem maintains an 
 extraordinarily high level. The last six books show 
 perhaps the high-water mark of Vergihan technique, 
 and, as they stand, are the most finished, though 
 not the most interesting or poetic portion of the 
 poem, if they be regarded as a whole. They are 
 probably the latest portion of the poem, or at any 
 rate the most thoroughly revised : but on this point 
 there have been many different opinions. The 
 Second, Fourth, and Sixth Books, despite their extra- 
 ordinary merits and their undeniable claim to be 
 considered the three best books of the Aeneid, 
 show more traces of the lack of the ultima manus. 
 The Third Book, however, although it contains 
 passages (such as the meeting with Andromache) 
 which Vergil never surpassed, has been felt by 
 many readers as being somewhat tame and per- 
 functory compared with its immediate neighbours. 
 To the present writer it reads Hke the work of a 
 great poet who has not quite found the epic stride. 
 But this is a personal impression. The critic who 
 gives it the lie direct can scarcely be countered by 
 
 43 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 argument; and the theory outHned above does not 
 necessarily depend on such an impression. Its 
 weakness is that of all theories of the kind — namely, 
 that the building material is scanty and insecure. 
 The consideration of the many and varied views 
 that have been held by different scholars may well 
 give pause to the most confident builder of cloud- 
 castles. The solution is not put forward as one 
 which is capable of proof, but m.erely as providing 
 the least difficult explanation of certain curious 
 discrepancies in the Aeneid as Vergil left it, dis- 
 crepancies which would no doubt have disappeared 
 had the poet lived to complete his task. 
 
 With regard to the Sixth Book, considered apart 
 from the general question of the composition of the 
 Aeneid as a whole, there are few signs of any lack 
 of finish other than those which have been indicated 
 elsewhere. The description of the spirits in Limbo 
 and in Tartarus can scarcely be considered as having 
 received their final form. The fact that Theseus 
 appears in one place as a hero (122), in another as 
 a criminal condemned to eternal torment (618), 
 may be no more than a slip. The positive signs of 
 incompleteness are confined to the two half-lines 
 (94 and 836).^ As to the order of composition there 
 are no certain indications, but it is not improbable 
 that the Misenus episode and the passage in praise 
 of the Marcelli are later editions to the original 
 design (see notes on 149-152 and 854-887 respec- 
 tively). The fact that Vergil recited the Sixth 
 
 ^ And possibly 602 sqq. 
 
 44 
 
Introduction 
 
 Book, together with the Second and Fourth, to 
 Augustus does not prove that he considered it 
 complete. It shows no more than that he con- 
 sidered it sufficiently advanced for such partial 
 publication. Recited in connexion with II. and IV. 
 the discrepancies discussed above would not be 
 apparent. 
 
 The views given above are in their broad outlines 
 those adopted by Sabbadini in his Disegno primitivo 
 deWEneide (Turin, 1900), although the problem is 
 approached from a somewhat different angle. With 
 the exception of the last paragraph, however, this 
 chapter v/as written before I had seen his work, the 
 only portion of which that was known to me being 
 his ingenious theory of the rewriting of Book III. 
 Thanks to the courtesy of Dr. Sabbadini I have 
 since been able to make myself acquainted with his 
 searching examination of the first six books of the 
 Aeneid. While in general agreement with his 
 views, I regard his detailed criticism as subsidiary 
 to the main hues of the problem as stated above. 
 Like all such investigators, he will seem to some 
 to lay himself open to the charge of being over- 
 minute and literal in his criticism. But that his 
 method is sound, his criticism penetrating, and his 
 taste such as to put to shame many of those who 
 have attacked the same problem is to one of his 
 readers beyond a doubt. ^ 
 
 No attempt has been made to summarise the 
 
 1 See also The Growth of the Aeneid by Miss Crump, in this 
 series (Blackwell, Oxford, 1920). 
 
 45 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 conflicting views of the various scholars who have 
 written on this subject, still less to criticise them. 
 The subject is one of such complexity and uncer- 
 tainty that a statement of the problem as far as it 
 affects the Sixth Book and a tentative effort to 
 suggest a solution have been regarded as hkely to 
 be of more value than any attempt to enter what 
 is by now a very labyrinth of complicated and often 
 contradictory criticism. 
 
 46 
 

 
 .-^--W' 
 
 ^ 
 
 p. VERGILI MARONIS 
 
 A E N E I D O S 
 
 LIBER SEXTUS 
 
 Sic fatlir lacri'mans, classi^iue inlmittit^abenas, 
 Et trnderir^Bo|ci?^^iar 
 
 ^5 ^Ob^ertunt pefego proras; fumidente fenac 
 
 Ancorai fundabat na^_,, e!!Titofa|curt3^ ^^ _4 
 
 K^te^Inl pupjpes. tuuAium rHam:isj^mica(t ardeiis 
 rit^yinHespe^^urn ; ^quS^rf ^afS| semina jflammae 
 Absfn'^aTn lieriis silicis; par^3^^^i^£um^^___ 
 fec^^ffe/Slpas, mucnfaqu£jflumina ;monstrat. 
 
 At^iupAeil^^ arces, quibus altusrAboUy 
 
 Yx^^^^rx^zk^ procul secireta Sij%na^ 
 Antrum inimane, p^it, magnam cufjinenteHi ani- 
 
 mumque 
 Deliufe^inspiijatna|es, §j)eritque nttura. 
 lam sub"^nt Tnuike Tu&os alflue a 
 
 .. .^^ ^ _iufea:tecta. !S<i,-5?x.r^^^ j^v^ 
 
 Daedal\i7ul faina'esf , Mgleris Minoti^yegna , c f 'o3 J^/ ' 
 
 trae^^feus piriiis ausus se credere caelo>^^' 15 
 
 TnsueiEum peHfer gelidas ejnaWit ad Arctos^j 
 
 CEpc^cfiblque leWis tandem' sliper adstitit arce, 
 Red|i£u^s primum terris^tibi,! Phoebe, sacraurF 
 Remigiiim'alarum, posuitquelnimania templa. 
 In foribus lium Androgeo ; tum pehdere poenas 2 
 
 ^ 47 . ....._ ^^^ 
 
 l^v- £» *" t < 
 
 7 //^ 
 
 Ac 
 
^^^^"^c-i^^he Sixth Book of the Aeneid ; 
 
 rn-hen^ CecropMae lussi (miserum !) seprcena. qnofanRis ^f^^^rTt^-- \ 
 
 Cohl 
 
 Hie cruaeiis axnor taugi, suppcst a q ue^iurt o ^ '^■^^.^ 
 moMumque 'gepus prolesqtT^ bi|ormis 25 
 us 
 
 gyyumque genus proles qftl^ bijformis 
 1 mest, Venms monipienta nejfanclae; 
 
 Caeca regens S|o uesltTgia. Tu quq qtiej magnam "30 
 ^^r.£*2^Partem^p£ir€4n farfto", sineret cioMirTcare^Mber^. fe^^,\^^^ 
 cc-r^ ]3is cqnatus'drat casus effingere-m auro, -^'j p^^ff"^ "^a*;*^. 
 
 /'^^ ^ I " Bis patriae ccc^iere n gafr u s .'^ Quin Ipr ot mrfe omnia 
 r^XttA^'>^^^erlegexent ociilis, ni jiam praemisS.is' 'Rebates 
 
 i^dforef , at que una PhoebiTriufee^ue saperdosT' 35 
 DciplTqbe .Glailci, f^tur quae jtalia Jregi : , liic^ 
 
 * Non lioc/ista sibi terapus s'pectaculaiposcit ; ^^^ (; \ 
 ' Nunc grege do intacto septem maqtare lujuencos J 
 ' Ffaestitcfit,, totidem Tecias de jmore ^dentfe.' 
 
 Tafibus adTa^a Aenean (nee jsacfa, nicpanfuf" 40 i 
 
 lussa uifi) Teucros uocat alta in templa s^cerdos. i 
 
 Excisum Euboicae latus ingens jupis in antrum^ 
 Quo latiiducunt aditus ceiifum, ostia centum; \ 
 
 Unde ruunt totidem uoces, responsa Sib3dlae. .^J^ 
 
 Ventmn erat ad limeh, cum uirgo,!* Poscere fata 45\'.«.^'^ : 
 
 * Tempus^^^it; ' deus, ecce, deus !' cui talia fdMi iim^^ (mZ 
 Ante fores subifo non uoltTTs, ^non color unus, Ui^-4^ 
 Non comptae mansej*e comae; s^d.pectus anhelum, ; 
 Et rabie fefa corda tiirnenE ; fhafoVque uideri I 
 Nee mortale sonans, adflata est numine quando 50 j 
 lam propiore dei. ' Ce^as in uota precesque, i 
 
 '48 ■ i 
 
veA)c;'>^ f^prnfoacl^ 
 
 ' Tros,'!' 
 
 a < -«-T K ■-> 
 
 The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 ? nequ©-'eiiij»- ant e Sejhis- ' 
 
 Et talialf ata >:;€*-^..jfe<;^ ^ 
 
 enea, cessas 
 
 cent ^, 
 X!ft)niltae ina 
 
 Conticiit. 
 
 ^ 
 
 fcris perjclura cuburnt 
 
 
 ^■^,^,?'/'TlSsa tf^nor, TunditquepffeTfeXJpecf^ : 55^;^' 
 
 Phoebe, gra,^fi?Troiae semjper miserate labor es,^'"^"'**' 
 
 '£i/<L 
 
 ?*»^ 
 
 ^'^ * Dardana qui Paridis derexti-tela manusquetv^^rr 
 ^^JOi^* Corpus in Aeaoidae, magnas-oftqantia terras*^ 
 ^Tot maria intf aui d^£_t£.peni^tusquejr^posta 
 L^Massylum gent^, praetentaque Syr tibus arva : 
 
 ^^am tandem Itali'ae fugzeniis prendimus oras." \*^'^l'-af?%**'^ 
 
 '^^j^ : * Hac Troijana Imms fuQtil fortuna secuta. 
 
 
 * Vos quocjueJPergameae iam fas est par cere genti^ 
 
 Dique ddaegue onm^s, quibus obstitrt Ilium 
 
 ^,jJ • mgens ' _, > *^ 
 
 "\fh JxGloriaiparcfenme. Tuqui"rosancHssTiila fetes, 65 
 'V^ Praescia |uenturi, da f(non indebita posco 
 %(^J- Kegfi^ meis fatis ) Latio considere Teucros, 
 
 lui 
 
 
 ' Errant^que deos agitataque numina Troiae. '^"-^i^^i^SKS^ ^^ 
 ' Turn PhoQbOL et Triuiae splido^ de mar more tern- "4^^..^ -^ 
 
 :psque oip^de'nomme'Phoebi. 
 
 im. 
 
 
 ji?^fr^e quoque "magna maneht regnis penetralia li^lnsT^-^^'*^^^^^^^ 
 
 ^^^^ hlic ego namque tuas sor*as arcanaque fata, jt:knn^^<.o' 
 
 t^ft^o^' Dicta meae genti, ponam lectosque sacrabo, ^ ^^^ ^,^^ 
 
 ^rvML' * Alma, jrifos. Foliis tantum ne carmina manda, /t^•-:>t^^^^4^ 
 
 * Ne turjbata uolent rapMis ludibria uentis:' 75 ' j 
 
 ' Ipsa canasoro.' ^^inem dedit ore loquendiZIhc c^ rrdn.:>i'ti/c^ 
 
 At, PhoebTrionidum patiens, immanis in antro >^ \n>^y^1b^^.^- 
 
 J^. Baccna £ur uates, magnum si pectore possit ". ^ --^ ^Pi*^v ^ 
 
 Excussisse deum: fanto magis ille fatigatf ^^^gl' K^ nj^\ 
 
] 
 
 The Sixth Book of the Aeneid i 
 
 Os rabidum, fera corda domans, nngitque premendo. 
 
 Ostia iamque domus pat^fi ingentia centum f^^jf^e \ 
 
 Sponte sua uatisque ferunt responsa per auras : ' 
 
 ^tfs/zyf^ ~0 tandem magnis pelagi defunct e periclis, ^^^f^*^ 
 
 ^^P%'}t ' (Sed terrae grauiora manent) in regna Lauini 84 ^i^ 
 
 ^Vi^ <^*ri-Wr.Dardanidae uenient, fnitte banc de pectore curam,^^ 7 i 
 
 ^P%^ *^- ' Sed nonet uenisse uolent. Bella, horrida bella, -H^nw^ i 
 
 "^A^i Et Thybrim multo s'piunantem i sanguine cerno. ■^j^^^**^ 
 
 ^xi^' Non Simois fibi nee ^anth u sance Dorica castra^, \V^ \ 
 
 ' Defuerint :.^lius Jtatip iam Ipartus AchilleSjj<>t/. \^ p/ac^"^ 
 
 /f^U ' ' ^t^^s.^ps^ dea : ncc Teucris addita; lunq 90 J 
 
 '^.luU'^^- ' Usquam abmt; cuniitu supplex in .rebus .l^enfs'^'^VIc-f^ 
 
 ^v^^'^ ' ' Quas gentis Italum aut quas non oraueris urb'esT ts/V^'^P' 
 
 * Causa mali tan,ti coniun^i iterum ho'spita Teucris ,f-i »/*'). A 
 
 lil^'VnM^ ' Ext ernique iterum thalami. , , ' ^hcfrf^a^ 
 
 * Tu necede malis, sed contra audentior ito, - ^f^^ju^ ' 
 
 * Quam tua te Fortuna sinet. Via prima salutis^^^^^-^^^ 
 ^PiTx * Quod minime reris, Graia pandetur ab ^^be^ P_.,^^^^,^^; 
 3s ^ifCi Talibus ex adyto diclis Cumaea Sibylla ^^ i^ju^jXiXj'^^ 
 
 ttorrendas canit ambages antroque remugit, t%;i?^o^^: 
 
 r -t» mM^ Obscuris uera inuol^vens; ea frena furenti 100 ' 
 
 ^ ^^j^'^^.oncutit et stimulos sub pectore uertit Apollo. ; 
 
 >3^] ^^"^ ^t primum cessit furor, et raMd^ ora quierunt, i 
 
 Incipit Aeneas lierios": ' Non ull^. laborum, \ 
 
 ' O uirgo, nouairmfeciiesinqpina , 104 
 
 * Omnia praecepi at que anifrio mecum ante peregy I 
 ' IJnum oip : qug,ndo hie Jniferrii ianua regis 
 
 ' Dicitur et tenebrosa paliis Acheronte refuso ; 
 
 ' Ire ad conspectum cari genitoris et ora ] 
 
 ' Contingat ; doceas iter, et"s^cra^stia pandas^ ; 
 
 *Tllunf ego per fiammas etjmille sequentia tela no 
 
 50 ' 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 * EriDui^his umdris, medioque exiho'ste recepT; ^ 
 
 * file, mepiii comiiatus iter, maria omnia mecum 
 
 {/l\ji^ldem o3aA? manclata cla'bat. Gn^tiquc p.atrisque^l 
 ^j^' ' Alma, pfejcor, misGrere, pbtes' namque omnia,' 
 
 * Nequiquam iucisjjecatc praefccit Auernjs. 
 ' Sij6tmt ManJ5 accersere coniugis Orpheus, 
 'JL^liiSr^^^^^^^ cith^ra fidibusque cano'risT' 120 
 ' Si fralfem Pollux allfefria morte redeinit,'', ^ . . 
 
 ' Itq^ rejditque uiam totiens— ^guid These^imagiiiun,^ i.>:' " 
 ^^^ ' Quid miemGreffi Alciden ? Et 'mi genus~ab love J' 
 
 ^1^ Tafibiis ofal^at dicjtis arasque tenebat; .^•:>c-..c ,."■- 
 
 ■' CumsielorSaloquiuates: * Sate sanguine diuom, 125 
 ,.^4^1' Tros Ayijchisiciide, facilis descensus Auermj^ /^ " 
 KaAI^* Noctes ialqtfe dijcs patet atri ianua Diti^- P^^ 
 
 f /V^* Noctes jaiqite di/es patet 
 
 - 1 
 
 ^^ ^ 
 
 
 l!M?j 
 
 Sed reu^dcare gradum superasqueouaHer^ad auras, 
 ' Hoc opufeThic lab^r est. Pauci, quos'aequus ama- 
 
 lilt j I •' > \ V i ' ! — 
 
 ' luppi't^Taut aj1d<arxreujexit ^d aetli'eraiuirtus, 130*^^** '^'^'^^X^ 
 ' Dis ^emp'h6\Mre. ^ t(inF^ 'irTeii^romnia sihiae. ^^^. ^] 
 
 ' Coc\Cusq\le slnu labeiB ci3(^^ ."*' -i,^^A.ics 1 
 
 * Ouod siltantus amor menti, si^tanta cupid<!^ est ^i. 
 
 )ore qpaca 
 
 Aureus'et follis et fentoi uimine ramus, 
 
 ' Tunonikinfernae dictus s^C:&TTrafic fegit omnis .. , ^^ 
 
 
 

 The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 XucusVqt obsc 
 
 Sed non anVe 
 
 idunt coiiiuallibus umbraer 
 
 ciauaunt con 
 :ur telmris operta siibire, 
 
 «v 
 
 MV 
 
 Auricomos qiiam qui decefp^erit arbor e fttusT 
 Hoc sibipulchra suum fern Proserpina munus 
 lEstituit : primo auolso ncn deficit alter 
 AiirciisTet simili frondescit uirga ineftallo. 
 Ergo alte iiestTg^c\Jis"ct rite repertum , 145 
 Carpe mapu; namqueips-e uolensfacilisquescjquetur,"^'^ 
 1^1 't3 Tat? Meant : alitor non'uiribus ullis 
 Vincere nee duro poteris cofiiuellere ferro. 
 Praeterea iacet exanimum tibi corpus amici, 149 
 (Hen nescis !) totamqtielncestat funere classem', 
 Duni consulta pdtis~nostroque in limine pend es/^ 
 Sedibiis'Iiunc refer ante suis, et conde sepulchral pe^ 
 Due nigras pecudes; ea prima piacula sunto. Hv^f^^^ 
 Sic demum lucos Stygis et regna'inuia uiuis, ''0 /^^^J^ 
 Aspicies'.' Dixit, presspque obinutuit ore^^ ^SSx^V'^y 
 Aeneas maesto defixus luminal uoltu . <3cr. ti^tf^"'^^' 
 
 -^ v,_ 
 
 yA 
 
 
 U^. 
 
 9*** t 
 
 
 «tC' 
 
 
 Ingrcditur liriqueps antrum, cae|c6s,que uojliitat '" • 
 
 Euentus anitao sdcum. - Cuijfidus Achates ^^ j 
 
 It comgs et paribii;pi!ls ue^ 
 
 Multa \n|ter sese uar|o seijmone s^rebant,^ , , ^ ibo \^^J 
 Quern s't)'cium}exanl(rnem ua^es, quoli| corpus"^ hulmn- 
 
 Dicer^. At que- rijli .Miselnum inmt9rej sicco, j \ , ^^0^^ 
 
 Dicefejt. Atque. iJU Mis^uj 
 
 Ut uehe re, u fcnt' injdigna morte pejreiyptum, 
 Miscnum Aeoi^den, quo fion pmepEjaMr'^tW 
 
 Acre ciere uifos Mai|f^e^ 165 
 
 Hectoris hfc ma^i_^ueW Hectora;circum 
 
 Et litup'pugJQas_in^i^;ii^ ett^hast^. 
 
 Postquam ilium uita "'*~^ rr.^-.-^. a^ 
 
 uictorlspolijauit'" Achilles, ^.^'*^^ , - 
 52 ^ \ 
 
 5rf 
 
 a^ 
 

 eirvir tttV 
 
 
 i0^■f^,^^ 
 
 The Sixth Book or the Aeneid 
 
 fdamisi 
 
 -irr-lVv^I. 
 
 170 
 
 Dardam^ jAen^ke s^ f ortis^imiis heros 
 Addiderat_soc^ijn, non inferiora secutus, ,, 
 
 •sona.t aeqiior a concha, 
 certamina , diuos, 
 
 ►/ji^a. 
 
 Aemu l'& ^xc^pjtu m T^ ton, si credere dignum ^t, ^^^^-^^^'^^^ 
 
 Inter [sa xa uurum spujfnbsa impcrscrat unda. 
 Ergo omjoes^magno orlcum cra|more freniebantT 175 
 ;Wg;a£cip^,5i||;fe^^ c-^^W. 
 
 es aramque sepulchrtf^^;^'^ If*^/? 
 
 tant. 
 
 ?Ci55/i<J 
 
 '4^ gaecip^^^iW^ne^s- xx 
 
 f- XA'ff. Hand mora, |festin|ant flent 
 a/'LTr-£?9^?^^ ^^^^^I^^i cadloque educere,cer" 
 
 
 
 mntpi 
 
 T. seburibi 
 
 re cf^/*f 
 
 'Sfe «^ /-^s 
 
 arum: ^^^c', 3^1 *»*:,- 
 ilex: 180 
 
 inrr..-^ ProCU 
 
 ^j'^i Fraxinrneque^jferabes cunqis et fissile Irqbm* 
 i^np»^ ->cmditiir ^adviolliunt m^^entfe fn,iontibus ornos. ^'^f^ 
 Nee noni Aendas op^x mter .talia primus X ^ 
 
 a 
 
 ur soc] 
 
 eP3^ 
 
 '£*J 
 
 pr 
 
 iNce nc 
 
 ,_ _ ^^ iisque. adcmgitur armis. 
 
 ' tP Atque haec |ip se siy trisp clS ni^^^ ut at , 
 
 a 4A^ i^ 
 
 )an 
 
 Aspecjtan s siljuaffl i nmeqs a^ ef sicjforte precatur : 
 
 Si nunc 
 
 iic^e^o^l 
 
 ^nijcorde u( 
 ^ef sic|fori 
 
 :85PP 
 
 P. 
 
 ille aur.eus arbore ramus . 
 
 ' Qste njc^^t nemdrein t^^o ! ^anldo om nia [uer e 
 - Heu I.nimijiim dejte iip|;es, MisieneJ lacpta ^st.' 
 Vix ealfatus € rat, gemi iae cmnj forte ccSumbae 190 
 
 Et uir 
 Mat 
 
 a If atuswat , gel 
 
 Ti^Mo^iieRerp il^HantesI 
 
 11 S( 
 
 Lere sctto. Tum 
 LUIS. Ia( 
 
 laxi 
 
 ^ 
 
 ufl 
 
 V^ 
 
 neros 
 
 nq^it a^is. ladtusque prebalur; 
 
 Lipes, 0,1 si qua.uia est, cuiisummSe par aura 
 :6^in lucos, ubi pingu^m jdiues_ppacat 19 
 imirnum. Tuque a duoifs ne^defice rebus, 
 
 ' Est^ 
 
 * Ramus 
 
 ' Diva pa|rens.' Sic cffatus.uestigia"'pressit 
 
 Obsei' 
 
 cans, quae signa ferant, quojfendere pergant. 
 .Ir^ •ArrrT. ^-rri'iT-rr .m^jTV ^-/H-rr'j- 
 
 Pascentes Tllae tanhim prodire uolando, 
 
 53 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid \ 
 
 QuantmrTac^ po^sent ccuIl seruar^e sequentum. 200 j 
 
 ■Ind^ubijuenere ad fauces g^i^e qlentis AuemiT 1 
 
 To^ntjse celeies liquMiimqiic pcr'aera lapsae \ 
 
 Sedibus optafis gemina super arboix- sidiint, 
 
 r-^,f. Discplor; unde auri per ramos aura ixiulsit. 
 
 ** Quale solet siluis bri^jp^ali rfidgcix iiiscura 205 ] 
 
 Frcncie uirerc noua, quod non sua semin£»:t arl)os, i 
 
 M^opep letu tereics cincumdarc trunccs : \ 
 
 Talis j^S species auri frondentis opaca j 
 
 Ilicc, sic loni crcpitabat jbr att^a ucnt o . ] 
 
 Corripit Aeneas extciiTpl'Q'auMusquc re'friugit 210 < 
 
 Cunctantem, "et ^uajtis portal sub ,tecta Sibyllae/ | 
 
 Nee minus intefea Misenum in ilitore Teucri j 
 
 Flebant et cineri^ ingrato suprema ferebant. i 
 
 Principio pinguem taedis et robore secto" i 
 
 Ingentein struxere pyiram, cui frcndibus atrfs 215 * . ; 
 
 Intexunt lateira, et feraMs ante cupressp^^ ,j ^- ^''^^ * 'oiv 
 
 Const ituunt, decorantque super fulgentibus^^ajmis. I 
 
 Pars calidos latices et aena undantia fiammis i 
 
 Expediunt, corpusque lauant frigtntis ct ungunt. 219 
 
 Fit gemitus. Turn membrajcorq dcfieta r^onunt, - 
 
 Piirpureasque super uestis, uelamma nota, ^^ 
 
 Coniciunt. Pars ingenti,suT3i.ere feretfoT ^^tr c/'s^ I -^ 
 
 ClCC . ^^^< Triste ministerium, et sub|ectam more parcntum 
 
 ^fp^f ' '^/;«Auersi tenuere facem. Congesta^remantur , Ji^:['^' 
 
 ^* ,^^^v:-«-'Turea dona, dapes, fuso crateres oliuo. ^W; ^ 225 
 
 ^e h Postquam conlapsi cineres ct fiamma quieuit, • 
 
 rleliquias uino et bibulani lauere fauillam, ^ ./; 
 
 ^ssaq^ue lecta cado texit Coryriaeus aenb. ')- if/r^. . 
 
 0^u,'C>^\^i^ ^^ Idemjfepgocios pura circumtulit unda"" j 'yi^L^^^p'\ 
 
 Spargens roi:^reui etramo lelicis oliuae, ■^' . 230 ' I 
 
 li^T^T/l; Q/L yfyu^J^t^^ ^^ek«£^ ^''^■-^y,. 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneld 
 
 Lustrabitque uiros, dixit que nbuissima uerba. 
 At pii^K^n^ss iiigehti niole sepiilchrum 
 In^orJt, suaique arnia uiro remumque tubamque, 
 Monte su^^aerio^; qui nunc Misenus ab illo 
 Dicitur, aeternumque tenet per saecula nomen. 235 
 His actis pron^'e exseqtiitur praecept'a Sibyllae. 
 Spelunfca alta imt liastoque. iinmanis hiStu^^ 
 
 bcrup^.|tuta Ic^u nig|:o nemorumque te^eoris; '^^L'^-.^-et^-rt^^.^. 
 Qua i^ sup^'hauGT ujla^^otfeant inpune uotantes,^^.^"^^ i^2^ 
 TenoemSer pinnis : talis sese Ihalitus atris '^"^ '^'^^^^^jm 
 Faucibtis^ effundens supera ad coniiexa ferebat':^^.^ £^>^^_^ - 
 &^ [Unde locum Grai dixerunt nomine Aornon.l' '^^;:^'^'t^^t^ ' ,.^ 
 f-^^i-' Quattuor ,hic primum nigranlf^ terga iiiuencos .^ c^>4^^jCi> ^^ 
 p-^jis^^^nstin^, fronjtique inucrgil ; uina sacerdos7 -'^^^u^t^.^ J^M^^^ 
 'r^^^JXi sum|rrias caBpens media \ inter :cbfniia 'saetair 245 ^^^^Z*^^' 
 
 i'^-j ^ Igniblis inponiit,?aCiris, libamina prima, , , * '] 
 
 'Uj^u-^- Voce uocan^ Hgcaiten, caeloque'Ereboqu'e potent em. j 
 
 ^ -^ Supponunt alfi^cultros, tepidumque cruorem I 
 
 i^'v Succipiunt pater is. Ipse atri uelleris agnam \ 
 
 '■**j^l**' Aeneas matri'Eumenidum magnaeque sorori 250 \ 
 
 \. .y^ Ense ferit, sterilemque tibi, Proserpina, uaccam. 
 
 ^^4 Turn Stygio regi nocturnas incohat aras, ^^^;^^j^^^^J/^^ 
 
 Ij./^^ Et solida inponit taurorum uiscera flammis, '-^u^^^f^ 
 
 Pingue super oleum fundens ardent ibus extis. \ 
 
 Ecce autem, prirni subjlumina solis et ortus, .255 j 
 
 Sub pedibuJ mugire solum, et iuga icbepta moberi ^ ^ 
 
 Siluarum, uisaeque caries ululare per uinbrarn, '^^-.^^^/ryi^^j^vy 
 Adueni:arite dea. / i^rocul o, procul esfe, pfb|iani >,^ i.1^ ^ ^* 
 Conclamra uates, J rqtoque absistite luco: ^'^ ' 
 
 Tuque inuaae liiam, uaginaque eripe ferrum; 200 
 
 * Nunc animis opus,"Aenea, nunc pectore firmo.' 
 
 I • ' ' 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 Tantum eyafei, t urens anfro selnmisit"a}pert'^ 
 
 li te Qi lcem haud timidis ua|3enfem|passibi:^s' aequafj 
 
 Di, quibus imperipm est anunarum, Umibraeque 
 ^irentes7. ,264 
 
 Et Chafos, et Phlegethon, local noc^ pfcehtiajlate, 
 Sit milii fas audita loqui; sit inumineniestfo~~^ 
 Pandere res alta terra et calidrie-mersas.X 
 
 Ibant pbscujri sqla sub nocte per umbram, 
 Perque domos Ditis uacujas et ipania regna : 
 Quale per incertam lunam sub! luce in4ligna 270 
 Est iter in siluis, ubi caelum jcondidit umbra^ 
 luppiter, et rebus nox abstulit atra coloren'^. ^_ 
 Vcstibulum ante ipsum primisque injfaucibijs Orci 
 
 Luctus et nitrides posuere ciijbilia Curae, i '_ 274 
 
 Pallentesque Iiabitant Morbi, tristisque Senectus, 
 Et Metus, et malesuada Fames, ac turpis E]gestas, 
 Terribiles uisu formae, Letumque, Labosque; 
 Tum consanguineus Leti Sopor, et mala mentis 
 Gaudia, mortiferumque aduerso in limine 1 Bel- 
 
 ium, , I I I I 
 
 . Ij \^ ^ V-V Kj\ , -~ I w# ^^ j 
 
 Ferreique Eumenidum thalanii, et Discordia ' de- 
 _mens, , ' , ? '^ , ,1 ___ 280 
 
 Vipereum crinem uittis iniiexa cruenlisr" 
 
 In medio ra^mps arjnosaque bracchia pandit 
 Ulmus opacaTTngeiis, quam sedem S omnia uoJgo 
 Vana tqnere fefunt, tpliisque sub omnibus haerentf 
 Slultaque praeterda lianarum monstra ferarum 285 
 Centaijiri in foribus ^ta^ulant, Scjdlaeque biformes. 
 Et cer^tumgeminus Briareus, ac belua Lernae 
 Horrendum stri,dens, Hammisque armata Chimaera, 
 Gorgones,Harpyiaeque, et forma tricorporis umbrae. 
 
 56 
 
i 
 
 The Sixth Book o( the Aeneid ] 
 
 "CornpltTic sufete trepjdus formidine ferrum 290 
 
 ' ' * ' ^^*^"=^uenientibus offert, 
 
 sine corpore uitas 
 
 Admoneat uolitare caua sub imagine formae, ; 
 
 inruat, et frusltra ferro diuerberet ujiibras.^ 294 ; 
 
 Hinc via Tartarei quae fert Acherontis ad undas. \ 
 Turbidus hie caeno uastaque uoragine gurges 
 
 Aestualt at que omnem Cocyto e^'uctat harenam. | 
 
 Port it or has horrendus aquas et jfl uniina jScrvat j 
 
 Terribili squalore Charon: cui pliirimaj merit o 
 
 Canities inculta iacet"; stant lurnina|fSjnma; 300 ^ 
 
 SordidUs ex umeris nodo dependef*a|naictus. i 
 
 Ipse j^em conto subiigit, uelisque milnistrat, i 
 
 Et feiruginea subuectat corpora cumba, I 
 
 lam senior; sed cruda deo uiridisque senectus. i 
 
 Hue omnis turba ad ripas effusa rMebat, 305 \ 
 
 Mafresiatque uiri, defunctaque eorpora uita 1 
 
 Magnanimum terbum, pueri innuptaeque puellae, I 
 
 Inpositique rogis iuue nes anj tg^ora parentum:'^ ' 
 
 Ouam multa in siluis aiitummjfrigore piTmQ 309 i 
 
 Lapsa cadunt folia, auT a3" terrain gurgitc ^balt^o i 
 
 Ouam multae glomerahhir alies. ubii frigidiis annus ! 
 
 Trans pontum fugaf et terns mjiuittit aipricis. | 
 
 Staba^it orantes priiui trandmittcrejcursunir I 
 
 Tendepantque manus ripae ultcrioris amorej" ^ 
 Nauita sed tristis nunc hos nunc accipit illos, 315 
 
 Ast alios longe summotos arcet h^rena. \ 
 
 Aeneas miratus enim motusqTfe tmnultu, i 
 
 'TJIc,' ait, j' o uirgo, quid uolt concursus ad am j 
 
 nem I ^ j ^ [j. . ^, » __ _)-^v a j\ j 
 
 ' Quidue pe:tunt animae ? uel quo discrimine ripas i 
 
 ' 57 ' ' ' i 
 
\: 
 
 V*? 
 
 .Vx 
 
 The Sixth Book of, the Aeneid 
 
 ' Hae linquunt, illae remis uada liuida uerrunTy^ 320 
 Oili sic breuiter fata est longaeua sacerdos : 
 ' Anchisa generate, deum certissima proles, 
 ' Cocyti stagna alt a uides Stygiamque paludem, 
 ' Di cuius iurare timent et taller e numen. 
 ' Haec omnis, quam cernis, inops inhumataque turba 
 est ; 325 
 
 ' Portitor ille Charon; hi, quos uehit unda, sepulti. 
 ' Nee ripas datur horrendas et rauca fluenta 
 
 * Transportare prius, quam sedibus ossa quierunt. 
 
 * Centum errant annos uolitantque haec litora cir- 
 
 cum; 329 
 
 ' Turn demum admissi stagna exoptata revisunt.' 
 Constitit Anchisa satus et uestigia pressit, 
 Multa putans, sortemque animi misera^tus iniquam 
 Cernit ibi maestos et mortis honor e carentis 
 Leucaspim et Lyciae ductorem classis Orontem, 
 Quos simul a Troia uentosa per aequora uectos 335 
 Obruit Auster, aqua inuoluens nauemque uirosque 
 
 Ecce gubernator sese Palinurus agebat, 
 Qui Libyco nupcr cursu, dum sidera seruat, 
 Exciderat puppi mediis effusus in undis. 339 
 
 Hunc ubi uix multa maestum cognouit in umbra. 
 Sic prior adloquitur: ' Quis te, Palinure, deorum 
 ' Eripuit nobis, medioque sub aequore mersit ? 
 
 * Die age. Namque mihi, fallax haud ante reper- 
 
 tus, 
 ' Hoc uno response animum delusit Apollo, 344 
 
 * Qui fore te ponto incolumem finisque canebat 
 
 * Venturum Ausonios. En haec promissa fides 
 
 est ?' 
 
 58 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 Ille autem: * Neque te Phoebi cortina fefellit, 
 ' Dux Anchisiade, nee me deus aequore mersit. 
 ' Namque gubernaclum, multa ui forte reuolsum, 
 ' Cui datus haerebam custos cursusque regebam, 350 
 ' Praecipitans traxi mecum. Maria aspera iuro 
 ' Non ullum pro me tantum cepisse timorem, 
 ' Guam tua lie, spoliata armis, excussa magistro, 
 ' Deficeret tantis nauis surgentibus undis. 354 
 
 ' Tres Notus hibernas immensa per aequora noctes 
 ' Vexit me uiolentus aqua ; uix lumine quarto 
 ' Prospexi Italiam summa sublimis ab unda. 
 ' Paulatim adnabam terrae : iam tuta tenebam, 
 ' Ni gens crudelis madida cum ueste grauatum 359 
 ' Prensantemque uncis manibus capita aspera men- 
 tis 
 ' Ferro inuasisset, praedamque ignara putassei. ^ 
 ' Nunc me fluctus habet, uersantque in litore uenti. 
 ' Quod te per caeli iucundum lumen et auras, 
 ' Per genitorem oro, per spes surgentis luli 3<^4 
 
 ' Eripe me his, inuicte, malis: aut tu mihi terram 
 ' Inice, namque potes, portusque require Velmos; 
 ' Aut tu, si qua uia est, si quam tibi diua creatrix 
 ' Ostendit (neque enim, credo, sine numine dmom 
 'Flumina tanta paras Stygiamque innare palu- 
 
 dem) , 
 * Da dextram misero, et tecum me telle per undas ; 
 ' Sedibus ut saltem placidis in morte quiescam.' 
 Talia latus erat, coepit cum talia uates: 
 ' Unde haec, o Palinure, tibi tarn dira cupido ? 
 ' Tu Stygias inhumatus aquas amnemque seuerum 
 ' Eumenidum aspicies, ripamue iniussus adibis ? 3/5 
 
 59 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 * Desine fata deum flecti sperare precando. 
 ' Sed cape dicta memor, duri solacia casus. 
 
 * Nam tua finitimi, longe lateque per urbes 
 ' Prodigiis acti caelestibus, ossa piabunt, 379 
 
 * Et statuent tumulum, et tumulo sollemnia mit- 
 
 tent, 
 ' Aeternumque locus Palinuri nomcn habebit,' 
 His dictis curae emotae, pulsusque parumper 
 Corde dolor tristi: gaudet cognomine terra. 
 
 Ergo iter inceptum peragunt fiuuioque propin- 
 quant. 384 
 
 Nauita quos iam inde ut Stygia prospexit ab unda 
 Per taciturn ncmus ire pedemque aduertere ripae, 
 Sic prior adgreditur dictis, atque increpat ultro: 
 Quisquis es, armatus qui nostra ad flumina tendis. 
 Fare age, quid uenias, iam istinc, et comprime 
 gressum. 389 
 
 Umbrarum hie locus est, Somni Noctisque soporae; 
 Corpora uiua nefas Stygia uectare carina. 
 Nee uero Alciden me sum laetatus euntem 
 Accepisse lacu, nee Thesea Pirithoumque, 
 Dis quamquam geniti atque inuicti uiribus es- 
 sent. 394 
 
 Tartareum ille manu custodem in uincla petiuit 
 Ipsius a solio regis, traxitque trementem: ^ 
 
 Hi dominam Ditis thalamo deducere adorti.' ! 
 
 Quae contra breuiter fata est Amphrysia uates: ' 
 
 Nullae hie insidiae tales; absiste moueri; 399 i 
 
 Nee uim tela ferunt : licet ingens ianitor antro ! 
 
 Aeternum latrans exsanguis terreat umbras; ' 
 
 Casta licet patrui seruet Proserpina limen. j 
 
 60 i 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 ' Troius Aeneas, pietate insignis et armis, 
 
 ' Ad genitorem imas Erebi descendit ad umbras. 
 
 * Si te nulla mouet tantae pietatis imago, 405 
 
 * At ramum hunc' (aperit ramum, qui ueste late- 
 
 bat) 
 ^ Adgnoscas.' Tumida ex ira tum corda residunt. 
 Nee plura his. Ille admirans uenerabile donum 
 Fatalis uirgae, longo post tempore uisum, 409 
 
 Caeruleam aduertit puppim, ripaeque propinquat. 
 Inde alias animas, quae per iuga longa sedebant, 
 Deturbat, laxatque foros: simul accipit alueo 
 Ingentem Aenean. Gemuit sub pondere cumba 
 Sutilis, et multam accepit rimosa paludem. 414 
 
 Tandem trans fluuium incolumis uatemque uirum- 
 
 que 
 Informi limo glaucaque exponit in ulva. 
 
 Cerberus haec ingens latratu regna trifauci 
 Personat, aduerso recubans immanis in antro. 
 Cui uates, horrere uidens iam,colla colubris, 
 Melle soporatam et medicatis frugibus offam 420 
 Obicit. Ille fame rabida tria guttura pandens 
 Corripit obiectam, atque immania terga resoluit 
 Fusus humi, totoque ingens extenditur antro. 
 Occupat Aeneas aditum custode sepulto, 
 Euaditque celer ripam inremeabilis undae. 425 
 Continuo audit ae uoces, uagitus et ingens, 
 Infantumque animae fientes in limine primo, 
 Ouos dulcis uitae exsortis et ab ubere raptos 
 Abstulit atra dies et funere mersit acerbo. 
 Hos iuxta falso damnati crimine mortis. 430 
 
 Nee uero hae sine sorte datae, sine iudice, sedes : 
 
 61 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 Ouaesitor Minos urnam mouet ; ille silentum 
 Consiliumque uocat uitasque et crirnina discit. 
 
 Proxinia deinde tenent maesti loca, qui sibi lctu.m 
 Insontes peperere manu, lucemque perosi 435 
 
 Proieccre animas. Quam uellent aethere in alto 
 Nunc et pauperiem et duros perferre labores 1 
 Pas obstat, tristisque palus inamabilis undae 
 Alligat, ct nouiens Styx interfusa coercet. 
 
 Nee procul hinc partem fusi monstrantur in om- 
 nem 44^ 
 
 Lugentes campi; sic illos nomine dicunt. 
 Hie, quos durus amor crudeli tabe per edit, 
 Secret i celant calles et myrtea circum 
 Silua tegit: curae non ipsa in morte relinquunt. 
 His Phaedram Prccrimque locis, maestamque Eri- 
 
 phylen, 445 
 
 Crudelis nati monstrantem uolnera, cernit, 
 Euadnenque, et Pasiphaen; his Laodarnia 
 It comes, et iuuenis quondam, nunc femina, Cae- 
 
 neus, 
 Rursus et in ueterem fato reuoluta figuram. 
 
 Inter quas Phoenissa recens a uolnere Dido 450 
 Errabat silua in magna: quam Troius heros, 
 Ut primum iuxta stetit adgnouitque per umbras 
 Obscuram, qualem primo qui surgere mense 
 Aut uidet aut uidisse putat per nubila lunam, 
 Demisit lacrimas, dulcique adfatus amiore est : 455 
 ' Infelix Dido, uerus mihi nuntius ergo 
 ' Venerat extinctam, ferroque extrema secutam ? 
 ' Funeris heu tibi causa fui ? Per sidera iuro, 
 * Per superos, et si qua fides tellure sub ima est, 
 
 62 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 * Inuitus, regina, tuo de litore cessi. 4^0 
 ' Sed me iussa deum, quae nunc has ire per umbras. 
 ' Per loca senta situ cogunt noctemque profundam 
 
 * Imperils egere suis; nee credere quiui 
 
 * Hunc tantum tibi me discessu ferre dolorem. 464 
 ' Siste gradum, teque aspectu ne subtrahe nostro. 
 ' Ouem luffis ? Extremum fato, quod te adloquor 
 
 hoc est.' 
 Talibus Aeneas ardentem et torua tuentem 
 Lenibat dictis animum, lacrimasque ciebat. 
 lUa solo fixos oculos auersa tenebat; 
 Nee magis incepto uoltum sermone mouetur, 470 
 Quam si dura silex aut stet Marpesia cautes. 
 Tandem corripuit sese, atque inimica refugit 
 In nemus umbriferum, coniunx ubi pristinus illi 
 Respondet curis, aequatque Sychaeus amorem. 
 Nee minus Aeneas, casu concussus iniquo, 475 
 
 Prosequitur lacrimis longe, et miseratur euntem. 
 
 Inde datum molitur iter. lamque arua tenebant 
 Ultima, quae bello clari secreta frequentant. 
 Hie illi occurrit Tydeus, hie inclutus armis 
 Parthenopaeus et Adrasti pallentis imago; 480 
 
 Hie multum fleti ad super os belioque caduci 
 Dardanidae, quos ille omnis longo ordine cernens 
 Ingemuit, Glaucumque, Medontaque, Thersilochum- 
 
 que, 
 Tres Antenoridas, Cererique sacrum Polyboten, 
 Idaeumque, etiam currus, etiam arma tenentem. 485 
 Circumstant animae dextra laeuaque frequentes. 
 Nee uidisse semel satis est : iuuat usque morari 
 Et conferre gradum et ueniendi discere causas. 
 
 63 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 At Danaum proceres Agamemnoniaeque phalanges 
 Ut uidere uirum fulgent iaque arma per umbras, 490 
 Ingenti trepidare metu: pars uertere terga, 
 Ceu quondam petiere ratis; pars tollere uocem 
 Exiguam: inceptus clamor frustratur hiantis. 
 Atque hie Priamiden laniatum corpore toto 
 Deiphobum uidit, lacerum crudeliter ora, 495 
 
 Ora manusque anibas, populataque tempora rapt is 
 Auribus, et truncas inhonesto uolnere naris. 
 Vix adeo adgnouit pauitantem et dira tegentem 
 Supplicia, et notis compellat uocibus ultro: 499 
 * Deiphobe armipotens, genus alto a sanguine Teu- 
 cri, 
 
 Quis tarn crudelis optauit sumere poenas ? 
 Cui tantum de te licuit ? Mihi fama suprema 
 Nocte tulit fessum uasta te caede Pelasgum 
 Procubuisse super confusae stragis aceruum. 
 Tunc egomet tumulum Rhoeteo litore inanem 505 
 Constitui, et magna Manis ter uoce uocaui. 
 Nomen et arma locum seruant ; te, amice, nequiui 
 Conspicere et patria decedens ponere terra.' 
 Ad quae Priamides : ' Nihil o tibi, amice, relictum ; 
 Omnia Deiphobo soluisti et funeris umbris. 510 
 Sed me fata mea et scelus exitiale Lacaenae 
 His mersere malis: ilia haec monimenta reliquit. 
 Namque ut supremam falsa inter gaudia noctem 
 Egerimus, nosti; et nimium meminisse necesse est. 
 Cum fatalis equus saltu super ardua uenit 515 
 Pergama, et armatum peditem grauis attulit aluo : 
 Ilia, Chorum simulans, euhantis orgia circum 
 Ducebat Phrvgias; flammam media ipsa tenebat 
 
 64 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 ' Ingentem, et summa Danaos ex arce uocabat. 
 
 * Turn me confectum curis somnoque graiiatum 520 
 ' Infelix habuit thalamus, pressitque iacentem 
 
 ' Dulcis et alta quies placidaeque simillima morti. 
 ' Egregia interea conimix arma omnia tectis 
 
 * Emouet, et fidum capiti subduxerat ensem: 
 
 ' Intra tecta uocat Menelaum, et Hmina pandit ; 525 
 ' Scilicet id magnum sperans fore munus amanti, 
 ' Et famam exstingui ueterum sic posse malorum. 
 ' Quid moror ? inrumpunt thalamo ; comes additus 
 
 una 
 
 * Hortator scelerum Aeolides. Di, talia Grais 
 
 * Instaurate, pio si poenas ore reposco. 53^ 
 ' Sed te qui uiuum casus, age fare uicissim, 
 
 ' Attulerint. Pelagine uenis erroribus actus, 
 ' An monitu diuom ? an quae te Fortuna fatigat, 
 ' Ut tristis sine sole domos, loca turbida, adires ?' 
 Hac nice sermonum roseis Aurora quadrigis 535 
 lam medium aetherio cursu traiecerat axem; 
 Et fors omne datum traherent per talia tempus ; 
 Sed comes admonuit, breuiterque adfata Sibylla est : 
 ' Nox ruit Aenea; nos flendo ducimus horas. 539 
 ' Hie locus est, partis ubi se uia findit in ambas: 
 ' Dextera quae Ditis magni sub moenia tendit, 
 ' Hac iter Elysium nobis : at laeua malorum 
 * Exercet poenas, et ad impia Tartara mittit.' 
 Deiphobus contra : ' Ne saeui, magna sacerdos ; 544 
 ' Discedam, explebo numerum, reddarque tenebris. 
 ' I decus, i, nostrum; melioribus utere fatis.' 
 Tantum effatus, et in uerbo uestigia torsit. 
 Respicit Aeneas subito, et sub rupe simistra 
 
 65 ^ 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 Moenia lata uidet, triplici circumdata muro; 549 
 Quae rapidus flammis ambit torrentibus amnis 
 Tartareus Phlegethon, torquetque sonant ia saxa. 
 Porta aduersa ingens, solidoque adamante colum- 
 
 nae, 
 Vis ut nulla uirum, non ipsi exscindere bello 
 Caelicolae ualeant. Stat ferrea turris ad auras; 
 Tisiphoneque sedens, palla succincta cruenta, 555 
 Vestibulum exsomnis seruat noctesque diesque. 
 Hinc exaudiri gemitus, et saeua sonar e 
 Verbera: turn stridor ferri, tractaeque catenae. 
 Constitit Aeneas strepituque exterritus hae- 
 sit : 559 
 
 Quae scelerum facies ? o uirgo, effare ; quibusue 
 Urgentur poenis ? quis tantus plangor ad auras ?' 
 Turn uates sic orsa loqui : ' Dux inclute Teucrum, 
 Nulli fas casto sceleratum insistere limen; 
 Sed me cum lucis Hecate praefecit Auernis, 564 
 Ipsa deum poenas docuit, per que omnia duxit. 
 Gnosius haec Rhadamanthus habet durissima 
 regna, 
 
 Castigatque audit que dolos, subigitque fateri, 
 Quae quis apud superos, furto laetatus inani, 
 Distulit in seram commissa piacula mortem. 
 Continuo sontis ultrix accincta fiagello 570 
 
 Tisiphone quatit insultans, toruosque sinistra 
 Intentans anguis uocat agmina saeua sororum. 
 Tum demum horrisono stridentes cardine sacrae 
 Panduntur portae- Cernis, custodia qualis 
 Vestibulo sedeat ? Facies quae limina servet ? 575 
 Quinquaginta atris immanis hiatibus Hydra 
 
 66 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 Sacuior intus habet sedem. Turn Tartarus ipse 
 Bis patet in praeceps tantum tenditque sub um- 
 bras, 
 
 Quantus ad aetherium caeli suspectus Olympum. 
 Hie genus antiquum Terrae, Titania pubes, 580 
 Fulmine deiecti, fundo uoluuntur in imo: 
 Hie et Aloidas geminos, immania uidi 
 Corpora, qui manibus magnum reseindere eaelum 
 Adgressi, superisque louem detrudere regnis. 
 Vidi et erudelis dantem Salmonea poenas, 585 
 
 Dum flammas louis et sonitus imitatur Olympi. 
 Quattuor hie inuectus equis et lampada quassans 
 Per Graium populos mediaeque per Elidis urbem 
 Ibat ouans, diuomque sibi poscebat honorem, 
 Demens, qui nimbos et non imitabile fulmen 590 
 Aere et cornipedum pulsu simularet equorum. 
 At pater omnipotens densa inter nubila telum 
 Contorsit, non ille faces, nee fumea taedis 
 Lumina, praecipitemque immani turbine ade- 
 
 Nee non et Tityon, Terrae omniparentis alum- 
 num, 595 
 
 Cernere erat, per tot a novem cui iugera corpus 
 Porrigitur; rostroque immanis uoltur obunco 
 Immortale iecur tondens fecundaque poenis 
 Viscera rimaturque epulis habitat que sub alto 
 Pectore, nee fibris requies datur ulla renatis. 600 
 Quid memorem Lapithas, Ixiona Pirithoumque ?*** 
 Quos super atra silex iam iam la,psura cadentique 
 Imminet adsimilis: lucent genialibus altis 
 Aurea fulcra toris, epulaeque ante ora paratae 
 
 67 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 Regifico luxu; Furiarum maxima iuxta 605 
 
 Accubat, et manibus prohibet contingere mensas, 
 Exsurgitque facem attollens, atque intonat ore. 
 Hie, quibus inuisi f rat res, dum uita manebat, 
 Pulsatusue parens, et fraus innexa client i, 
 Aiit qui diuitiis soli incubuere repertis, 610 
 
 Nee partem posuere suis (quae maxima turba est) ; 
 Ouique ob adulterium caesi, quique arma secuti 
 Impia, nee ueriti dominorum fall ere dextras, 
 Inclusi poenam exspectant. Ne quaere doceri, 
 Quam poenam, aut quae forma uiros fortunaue 
 
 mersit. 615 
 
 Saxum ingens uoluunt alii, radiisue rot arum 
 Districti pendent: sedet aeternumque sedebit 
 Infelix Theseus; Phlegyasque miserrimus omnis 
 Admonet, et magna test at ur uoce per umbras: 
 Discite iustitiam moniti et non temnere diuos. 620 
 Vendidit hie auro patriam, dominumque potent em 
 Inposuit, fixit leges pretio atque refixit : 
 Hie thalamum inuasit natae uetitosque hyme- 
 
 naeos : 
 
 Ausi omnes immane nefas, ausoque pot it i. 624 
 Non, mihi si linguae centum sint oraque centum, 
 Ferrea uox, omnis scelerum comprendere formas, 
 Omnia poenarum percurrere nomina possim.' 
 
 Haec ubi dicta dedit Phoebi longaeua sacerdos : 
 Sed iam age, carpe uiam, et susceptum perfice 
 
 munus. 629 
 
 Adccleremus,' ait, ' Cyclopum educta caminis 
 Moenia conspicio, atque aduerso fornice portas, 
 
 Haec ubi nos praecepta iubent deponere dona.' 
 
 68 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 Dixerat, et pariter gressi per opaca uiarum 
 Corripiunt spatium medium, foribusque propin- 
 
 quant. 
 Occupat Aeneas aditum, corpusque recenti 635 
 
 Spar git aqua, ramumque aduerso in limine figit. 
 
 His demum exactis, perfecto munere diuae, 
 Deuenere locos laetos, et amoena uirecta 
 Fortunatorum nemorum, sedesque beatas. 
 Largior hie campos aether et lumine uestit 640 
 
 Purpureo, solemque suum, sua sidera norunt. 
 Pars in gramineis exercent membra palaestris, 
 Contendunt ludo et fulua luctantur harena; 
 Pars pedibus plaudunt choreas et carmina dicunt. 
 Nee non Threicius longa cum ueste sacerdos 645 
 Obloquitur numeris septem discrimina uocum, 
 lamque eadem digitis, iam pectine pulsat eburno. 
 Hie genus antiquum Teucri, pulcherrima proles, 
 Magnanimi heroes, nati melioribus annis, 649 
 
 Ilusque Assaracusque et Troiae Dardanus auctor. 
 Arma procul currusque uirum miratur inanis. 
 Stant terra defixae hastae, passimque soluti 
 Per campum pascuntur equi. Quae gratia currum 
 Armorumque fuit uiuis, quae cura nitentis 
 Pascere equos, eadem sequitur tellure repostos. 655 
 Conspicit, ecce, alios dextra laeuaque per herbam 
 Vescentis laetumque choro paeana canentis 
 Inter odor at um lauri nemus, unde superne 
 Plurimus Eridani per siluam uoluitur amnis 659 
 Hie manus ob patriam pugnando uolnera passi, 
 Ouique sacer dotes casti, dum uita manebat, 
 Quique pii uates et Phoebo digna Iccuti, 
 
 69 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 Inuentas aut qui uitam excoluere per artis, 
 Quique sui memores aliqiios fecere merendo. 
 Omnibus his niuea cinguntur tempora uitta, 665 
 Quos circumfusos sic est adfata Sibylla, 
 Musaeum ante omnis : medium nam plurima turba 
 Hunc habet, atque umeris exstantem suspicit altis: 
 
 * Dicite, felices animae, tuque, optime uates : 669 
 
 * Quae rcgio Anchisen, quis habet locus ? lUius ergo 
 
 * Venimus, et magnos Erebi tranauimus amnis.' 
 Atque hie responsum paucis ita reddidit heros : 
 ' NuUi certa domus; lucis habitamus opacis, 
 
 * Riparumque toros et prata recentia riuis 674 
 ' Incolimus. Bed uos, si fert ita corde uoluntas, 
 
 * Hoc superate iugum; et facili iam tramite sistam.' 
 Dixit, et ante tulit gressum, camposque nitentis 
 Desuper ostentat; dehinc summa cacumina lin- 
 
 quunt. - 
 
 At pater Anchises penitus conualle uirenti 
 Inclusas animas superumque ad lumen ituras 680 
 Lustrabat studio recolens, omnemque suorum 
 Forte recensebat numerum carosque nepotes. 
 Fat a que fort unas que uirum mores que manusque. 
 Isque ubi tendentem aduersum per gramina uidit 
 Aenean, alacris palmas utrasque tetendit, 685 
 
 Effusaeque genis lacrimae, et uox excidit ore : 
 ' Venisti tandem, tuaque exspectata parenti 
 
 * Vicit iter durum pietas ? datur ora tueri, 
 
 * Nate, tua, et notas audire et reddere uoces ? 689 
 ' Sic equidem ducebam animo rebarque futurum, 
 
 ' Tempora dinumerans, — nee me mea cura fefellit. 
 
 * Ouas ego te terras et quanta per aequora uectum 
 
 70 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 ' Accipio ! quantis iactatum, nate, periclis ! 
 ' Quam metui, ne quid Libyae tibi regna nocerent !' 
 life autem : ' Tua me, genitor, tua tristis imago, 695 
 ' Saepius occurrens, haec limina tender e adegit. 
 ' Stant sale Tyrrheno classes. Da iungere dextram, 
 ' Da, genitor; teque amplexu ne subtrahe nostro.' 
 Sic memorans largo fietu simul ora rigabat. 
 Tcr conatus ibi collo dare bracchia circum: 700 
 Ter frustra comprensa manus effugit imago, 
 Par leuibus uentis uolucrique simillima somno. 
 
 Interea uidet Aeneas in ualle reducta 
 Seclusum nemus et uirgulta sonantia siluae, 
 Lethaeumque domos placidas qui praenatat am- 
 
 nem. ' ^ 
 
 Hunc circum innumerae gentes populique uola- 
 
 bant; 
 Ac uelut in pratis ubi apes aestate serena 
 Floribus insidunt uariis, et Candida circum 
 Lilia funduntur; strepit omnis murmure campus. 
 Horrescit uisu subito causasque requirit 7^0 
 
 Inscius Aeneas, quae sint ea flumina porro, 
 Quive uiri tanto complerint agmine ripas. 
 Tum pater Anchises : ' Animae, quibus altera fato 
 
 * Corpora debentur, Lethaei ad fluminis undam 
 
 * Secures latices et longa obliuia potant. 7^5 
 ' Has equidem memorare tibi atque ostendere co- 
 ram 
 
 ' lampridem banc prolem cupio enumerare meorum : 
 
 * Quo magis Italia mecum laetere reperta.' 
 
 ' O pater, anne aliquas ad caelum hinc ire putan- 
 dum est 
 
 71 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid i 
 
 J 
 
 ' Sublimis animas, iterumque in tarda reuerti 720 
 
 ' Corpora ? Quae lucis miseris tarn dira cupido ?' i 
 ' Dicam equidem, nee te siispensum, nate, tencbo ;' 
 
 Suscipit Anchises, at que ordine singula pandit. ' 
 
 ' Principio caelum ac terras camposque liquentis 
 
 Lucentemque globum Lunae Titaniaque astra 725 \ 
 
 Spiritus intus alit : totamque infusa per artus ; 
 
 Mens agitat molem, et magno se corpore miscet. j 
 Inde hominum pecudumque genus uitaeque 
 
 uolantum 
 
 Et quae marmoreo fert monstra sub aequore pon- | 
 
 tus. j 
 
 Igneus est ollis uigor et caelestis origo 730 ■■ 
 
 Seminibus, quantum non noxia corpora tardant \ 
 Terrenique hebetant artus moribundaque membra. 
 Hinc metuunt cupiuntque, dolent gaudentque, 
 
 neque auras 
 
 Dispiciunt clausae tenebris et carcere caeco. ; 
 
 Quin et supremo cum lumine uita reliquit, 735 i 
 
 Non tamen omne malum miseris nee funditus 1 
 
 omnes I 
 
 Corporeae excedunt pestes, penit usque necesse est j 
 
 Multa diu concreta modis inolescere miris. ! 
 Ergo exercentur poenis, veterumque malorum 
 Supplicia expendunt. Aliae panduntur inanes 740 
 
 Suspensae ad uentos; aliis sub gurgite uasto , 
 
 Infectum eluitur scelus, aut exuritur igni. : 
 
 Quisque suos patimur Manis; — exinde per am- • 
 
 plum 4 
 
 Mittimur Elysium, et pauci lacta arua tenemus, \ 
 
 Donee longa dies, perfecto temporis orbe, 745 j 
 
 72 ': 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 * Concretam exemit labem, purumque reliquit 
 
 * Aetherium sensum, atque aurai simplicis ignem. 
 
 * Has omnis, ubi mille rot am uoluere per annos, 
 
 ' Lethaeum ad fluuium deus euocat agmine magno : 
 
 * Scilicet inmemores supera ut conuexa reuisant 750 
 ' Rursus, et incipiant in corpora uelle reuerti.' 
 
 Dixerat Anchises : natumque unaque Sibyllam 
 Conuentus trahit in medios, turbamque sonantem: 
 Et tumulum capit, unde omnis longo or dine posset 
 Ad versos legere, et uenientum discere uoltus. 755 
 ' Nunc age, Dardaniam prolem quae deinde sequa- 
 
 tur 
 ' Gloria, qui maneant Itala de gente nepotes, 
 
 * Inlustris animas nostrumque in nomen ituras, 
 ' Expediam dictis, et te tua fata docebo. 
 
 * Ille, uides, pura iuuenis qui nititur hast a, 760 
 
 * Proxima sorte tenet lucis loca, primus ad auras 
 
 * Aetherias Italo commixtus sanguine surget, 
 
 ' Siluius, Albanum nomen, tua postuma proles; 
 
 * Quem tibi longaeuo serum Lauinia coniunx 
 
 ' Educet siluis regem regumque parentem; 765 
 
 * Unde genus Longa nostrum dominabitur Alba. 
 
 * Proximus ille Procas, Troianae gloria gent is, 
 
 ' Et Capys, et Numitor, et qui te nomine reddet 
 
 * Siluius Aeneas, par iter pietate uel armis 769 
 
 * Egregius, si unquam regnandam acceperit Albam. 
 
 * Qui iuuenes ! quantas ostentant, aspice, uiris, 
 
 * Atque umbrata gerunt ciuili tempora quercu ! 
 
 * Hi tibi Nomentum, et Gabios, urbemque Fide- 
 
 nam, 
 ^ Hi Collatinas imponent montibus arces, 
 
 73 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 Pometios, Castrumque Inui, Bolamque, Coram- 
 que. 775 
 
 Haec turn nomina erunt, nunc sunt sine nomine 
 terrae. 
 
 Quin et auo comitem sese Mauortius addet 
 Romulus, Assaraci quem sanguinis Ilia mater 
 Educet. Viden' ut geminae stant uertice cris- 
 tae, 779 
 
 Et pater ipse suo superum iam signat honore ? 
 En huius, nate, auspiciis ilia incluta Roma 
 Imperium terris, animos aequabit Olympo, 
 Septemque una sibi muro circumdabit arces, 
 Felix prole uirum: qualis Berecyntia mater 
 Inuehitur curru Phrygias turrita per urbes, 785 
 Laeta deum partu, centum complexa nepotes, 
 Omnis caelicolas, omnis supera alt a tenentis, 
 Hue geminas nunc fiecte acies, hanc aspice gen- 
 tem 
 
 Romanosque tuos. Hie Caesar, et omnis luli 
 Progenies, magnum caeli uentura sub axem. 790 
 Hie uir, hie est, tibi quem promitti saepius audis, 
 Augustus Caesar, Diui genus, aurea condet 
 Saecula qui rursus Latio, regnata per arua 
 Saturno quondam; super et Garamantas et Indos 
 Proferet imperium; iacet extra sidera tellus, 795 
 Extra anni Solisque uias, ubi caelifer Atlas 
 Axem umero torquet stellis ardentibus aptum. 
 Huius in aduentum iam nunc et Caspia regna 
 Responsis horrent diuom et Maeotia tellus, 
 Et septemgemini turbant trepida ostia Nili. 800 
 Nee uero Alcides tantum telluris obiuit, 
 
 74 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 * Fixerit aeripedem ceruam licet, aut Erymanthi 
 ' Pacarit nemora, et Lernam tremefecerit arcu : 
 
 ' Nee, qui pampineis uictor iuga flectit habenis, 
 ' Liber, agens celso Nysae de uertice tigris. 805 
 
 ' Et dubitamus adhuc uirtutem extePxdere factis ? 
 ' Aut metus Ausonia prohibet consistere terra ? 
 ' Quis procul ille autem ramis insignis oliuae 
 
 * Sacra ferens ? Nosco crinis incanaque menta 
 
 * Regis Romani; primam qui legibus urbem 810 
 
 * Fundabit, Curibus paruis et paupere terra 
 
 ' Missus in imperium magnum. Cui deinde subibit, 
 
 * Otia qui rumpet patriae residesque mouebit 
 
 * Tullus in arma uiros et iam desueta triumphis 814 
 
 * Agmina. Quem iuxta sequitur iactantior Ancus, 
 
 ' Nunc quoque iam nimium gaudens popularibus 
 auris. 
 
 * Vis et Tarquinios reges animamque superbam 
 
 * Ultoris Bruti fascisque uidere receptos ? 
 
 ' Consulis imperium hie primus saeuasque securis 
 ' Accipiet, natosque pater, noua bella moventis, 820 
 
 * Ad poenam pulchra pro libertate uocabit, 
 
 * Infelix ! utcunque ferent ea facta minores. 
 
 * Vincet amor patriae laudumque inmensa cupido. 
 
 * Quin Decios Drusosque procul, saeuomque se- 
 
 curi 
 ' Aspice Torquatum, et referentem signa Camil- 
 lum. 825 
 
 * Illae autem, paribus quas fulgere cernis in armis, 
 
 ' Concordes animae nunc, et dum nocte premuntur, 
 ' Heu quantum inter se bellum, si lumina uitae 
 
 * Attigerint, quantas acies stragemque ciebunt, 
 
 75 
 
The Sixth Book ot the Aeneid 
 
 Aggeribus socer Alpinis atque arce Monoeci 830 
 Descendens, gener aduersis instructus Eois ! 
 Ne, pueri, ne tanta animis adsuescite bella, 
 Neu patriae ualidas in uiscera uertite uiris: 
 Tuque prior, tu parce, genus qui ducis Olympo; 
 Proice tela manu, sanguis mens ! 835 
 
 Ille triumphata Capitolia ad alta Corintho 
 Victor aget currum, caesis insignis iVchiuis. 
 Eruet ille Argos Agamemnoniasque Mycenas, 
 Ipsumque Aeaciden, genus armipotentis Ach- 
 
 iUi, 839 
 
 Ultus auos Troiae, templa et temerata Mineruae. 
 Quis te, magne Cato, taciturn, aut te, Cosse, re- 
 
 linquat ? 
 Quis Gracchi genus, aut geminos, duo fulmina 
 '^belli, 
 
 * Scipiadas, cladem Libyae, paruoque potentem 
 
 * Fabricium, uel te sulco, Serrane, serentem ? 844 
 ' Quo fessum rapitis, Fabii ? Tu Maximus ille es, 
 ' Unus qui nobis cunctando restituis rem. 
 
 ' Excudent alii spirant ia mollius aera, 
 
 ' Credo equidem, uiuos ducent de marmore uoltus, 
 
 * Orabunt causas melius, caelique meatus 
 
 ' Describent radio, et surgentia sidera dicent : 850 
 
 * Tu regere imperio populos, Romane, memento; 
 
 * Hae tibi erunt artes, pacisque inponere morem, 
 
 * Parcere subiectis, et debellare superbos.' 
 
 Sic pater Anchises, atque haec mirantibus addit : 
 
 * Aspice, ut insignis spoliis Marcellus opimis 855 
 ' Ingreditur, uictorque uiros supereminet omnis ! 
 
 ' Hie rem Romanam, magno turbante tumult u, 
 
 76 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 ' Sistet eques, sternet Poenos Gallumque rebellem, 
 ' Tertiaque arma patri suspendet capta Quirino.' 
 Atque hie Aeneas (una namque ire uidebat 860 
 Egregium forma iuuenem et fulgentibus armis, 
 Sed frons laeta parum, et deiecto lumina uoltu) 
 ' Ouis, pater, ille, uirum qui sic comitatur euntem ? 
 ' Filius, anne aliquis magna de stirpe nepotum ? 864 
 ' Qui strepitus circa comitum ! quantum instar in 
 ipso ! 
 
 * Sed nox atra caput tristi circumuolat umbra.' 
 Tum pater Anchises, lacrimis ingressus obortis: 
 ' nate, ingentem luctum ne quaere tuorum. 
 
 ' Ostendent terris hunc tantum fata, neque ultra 
 ' Esse sinent. Nimium nobis Romana propago 870 
 ' Visa pot ens, superi, propria haec si dona fuissent. 
 ' Ouantos ille uirum magnam Mauortis ad urbem 
 ' Campus aget gemitus ! uel quae, Tiberine, uidebis 
 ' Funera, cum tumulum praeterlabere recentem ! 
 
 * Nee puer Iliaca quisquam de gente Latinos 875 
 ' In tantum spe toilet auos ; nee Romula quondam 
 
 ' Ullo se tantum tellus iactabit alumno. 
 ' Heu pietas, heu prisca fides, inuictaque bello 
 ' Dextera ! Non illi se quisquam inpune tulisset 
 ' Obuius armato, seu cum pedes iret in hostem, 880 
 
 * Seu spumantis equi foderet calcaribus armos. 
 
 ' Heu, miserande puer, si qua fata aspera rumpas, 
 
 * Tu Marcellus eris. Manibus date lilia plenis 
 
 ' Purpureos spargam iiores, animamque nepotis 
 ' His saltem adcumulem donis, et fungar inani 885 
 ' Munere.' — Sic tota passim regione uagantur 
 Aeris in campis latis, atque omnia lustrant. 
 
 77 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 Quae postquam Anchises natum per singula duxit, 
 Incenditque animum famae uenientis amore, 
 Exin bella uiro memorat, quae deinde gerenda, 890 
 Laurent isque docet populos urbemque Latini, 
 Et quo quemque modo fugiatque feratque laborem. 
 Sunt geminae Somni portae : quarum altera fertur 
 Cornea, quae ueris facilis datur exitus umbris, 
 Altera candenti perfecta nitens elephanto, 895 
 
 Sed falsa ad caelum mittunt insomnia Manes. 
 His ibi tum natum Anchises unaque Sibyllam 
 Prosequitur diet is, portaque emittit eburna: 
 Ille uiam secat ad nauis, sociosque reuisit; 
 Tum se ad Caietae recto fert litore portum. 900 
 
 Ancora de prora iacitur; stant litore puppes. 
 
 78 
 
COMMENTARY 
 
 I, 2. Servius sane sciendum, licet primos duos uersus 
 Probus et alii in quinti reliquerint fine, prudenter ad initiuni 
 sexti esse iranslatos. nam et coniunctio poematis melior est et 
 Homerus etiam sic incohauit ws ^aro ^aKpvykiav (II. i. 357). 
 The dislocation of these hnes is due, no doubt, to Vergil's 
 methods of composition. The beginning of Bk. 6 and the end 
 of Bk. 5 were composed at different times, and these two 
 lines written subsequently to form the connecting link. The 
 original beginning of Bk. 6 {obuertunt pelago proras) was too 
 abrupt to be permanently retained as an opening. See 
 Conrad, Quaest. Verg. (Trier, 1863), p. xxiv, for a some- 
 what more elaborate statement of this view. 
 
 1. immittit habenas. Cp. 8. 708 laxos tarn iamque immit- 
 tere funis. The metaphor first occurs in Lucr. 5.787 immissis 
 habenis, though not there applied to a ship. It is, however, 
 as Henry points out, highly appropriate to a ship, the rudentes 
 (sheets) being the habenae, 
 
 2. Euboicis. Cp. Liv. 9. 22 Cumani ab Chalcide Euboica 
 originem trahunt. The colonisation of Cumae took place 
 about 700 B.C., long after Aeneas' time. Vergil is thinking 
 of the Cumae of his own day. For the transferred epithet 
 cp. 9. 710 in Euboico Baiarum litore, and in this book Dardana 
 Paridis tela (57). 
 
 adiabitur oris. Cp. 3. 131 Curetum adlabimur oris. 569 
 Cyclopum adlabimur oris. 
 
 3. For other disembarkations in the Aeneid, see i. 157; 
 3. 219; 7. 107. Cp. also Od. 9. 85 and 10. 56. 
 
 79 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 The ship was headed to sea and backed on to the shelving 
 shore. It was held at the bows with an anchor^ at the stern 
 by stern cables. 
 
 4. fundabat. " Began to secure." The ships came to 
 shore in succession and were anchored as they came in. 
 The phrase fundare naueni elsewhere (except for Claud. Mall. 
 Cons. 113, which may be regarded as an imitation of Vergil) 
 = " to lay the keel of a ship " : cp. Plaut. Mil. 918 haec carina 
 satis probe fundata et bene statnta est. Ov. P. 4. 3. 5 puppis 
 ualida fundata carina. But the metaphorical use oifundare 
 in the sense of '* to fix or establish " is so common, that the 
 present phrase presents no difficulties. Cp. Solin. 52, where 
 Jundamento is used of the parrot's beak employed as an anchor 
 (ancora in parallel passage in Apul. Flor. 12). 
 
 5. praetexunt. "Border" or "fringe." Cp. E. 7. 12 
 praetexii ar undine ripas \ Mincius. 
 
 iuuenum manus. Servius post conditam in Sicilia 
 ciuitatem senum aut nulla aut rarajit mentio. 
 
 6. Hesperium. The name ^Ea-Trepta, " Western land/' was 
 given by the Greeks equally to Italy and Spain. Vergil 
 adopts the word from Ennius (A, 23) est locus, Hesperium 
 quern moriales perhibebant. Cp. i. 530 est locus, Hesperium 
 Grai cognomine dicunt. For Vergil Hesperia is always Italy. 
 Horace uses the name both of Italy (Od. 3. 6. 8) and of Spain 
 (Od. I. 36. 4). 
 
 6. semina flammae = " sparks " : cp. seminibus (731)- A 
 translation of the Homeric (nrkpixara ttv/oos (Od. 5. 490). For 
 the whole phrase cp. G. i. 135 ut silicis uenis abstrusum 
 excuderei ignem. 
 
 7. silicis. The hard lava rock still known as selce in Italy. 
 densa ferarum tecta. Cp. 179 stabula altaferarum. Vergil 
 
 describes a thinly inhabited land covered with virgin 
 
 forests. 
 
 80 
 
Commentary 
 
 rapit. I.e., '' plunder for firewood." Cp. Caes. B. G. 5. 39 
 qui lignatlonis jnunitiontsqiie causa in siluas discesserintt 
 For this use of rapto cp. 2. 374 rapiunt incensa feruntque \ 
 Pergama. Tac. Ann. 13. 6 Armeniam rapere. Stat. Th. 7. 
 599. Sih 15. 401. Others take rapit =" scour the woods," 
 i.e., for game as in 1. 184, or to find water. Cp. Stat. Th. 5. 3 
 campum sonipes rapit, and the common use of carripere with 
 uiam (i. 418), spatia (5. 316), etc. But the sense is less 
 natural. Three actions being described, of which two are 
 the kindling of fire and the finding of water, it is natural to 
 take the third as meaning lignatio, where there is no indica- 
 tion to the contrary. 
 
 9. pius. Servius quippe ad templa festinans. 
 
 alius. Servius usl magnus, ut (10. 737) " iacei altus 
 Or odes," uel ad simulacri magnitudinem rettulit, quod fuisse 
 constat altissimum. Coelius enim de Cumaeo Apolline ait 
 " est infano simulacrum Apollinis ligneum altum nan minus 
 pedes XV." Both views are fanciful. The context clearly 
 shows that altus means " high-throned " on the lofty arx of 
 Cumae. It may also carry with it the suggestion of majesty 
 as in the altus Apollo of 10. 875. 
 
 The site of the temple and the general topography of 9-45. 
 The Euboeans founded their city on a volcanic hill about 
 100 yards from the seashore. The sides of the hill are of 
 precipitous trachyte accessible only on the S.E. The hill 
 has two summits, one seawards on the W., the other, slightly 
 lower, on the E., near the entrance to the fortress town, 
 On this latter eminence are the remains of a temple, which is 
 shown by an inscription (C.I.L. 10. 211.) Apollini Cvmano | 
 Q. TiNEius RuFus, to have been the temple of Apollo Arche- 
 getes, the sanctuary from which the cult of Apollo spread 
 to the rest of Italy. In addition to the colossal statue of the 
 god mentioned above (see n. on alttis), it contained the bones 
 
 81 G 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 of the Sibyl and the alleged teeth of the Erymanthine 
 boar. 
 
 At the S.E. corner of the hill, below and to the right of the 
 entrance to the arx, is a cave on the roof of which are reliefs 
 depicting implements described by Beloch {Norden. p. 133) 
 as instruments of sacrifice, by Gabrici {Mon. Ant., vol. 22, 
 p. 50), as the tools used for hollowing out the cave. Imme- 
 diately to the right of this cave is the mouth of a wide tunnel, 
 leading upward by a staircase through the heart of the rock 
 in the direction of the temple of Apollo, with which it may in 
 ancient times have communicated. Local tradition identi- 
 fies the cavern with the grotto of the Sibyl where her oracle 
 was situated. The position of this cave exactly agrees with 
 the minute description given by Agathias, i. 10: kv ry tt^os 
 riXiov avla-yovra tov Xocfiov rcrpa/x/xei'a) ayKwfi avrpov ri 
 VTrecTTLV dfKfi-qpecfiis tc koI yXa(f)vp(i)TaTOV, ws dSvra re ex^tv 
 avTOfxara Kal kvtos evpv koi fSapaOpoiSes. evravOa St] iraXai 
 <f>a(Tl rrjv "ZifSyXXav ti]V Travi" ttjv 'IraXtav evSiaiTWjLcevryv 
 (fyoL/SoXrjTTTov T€ elvai Kal 'ivOovv Kal Trpoayopeveiv to, ecrofLeva 
 
 TOfcS 7rVV$aV0fX€V0L<S. 
 
 This cave was in ancient times far larger. A grotto, 
 forming a large apsidal anti-chamber to the existing cave, 
 extended under the fortifications of the entrance to the 
 arx, and opened to the left of the gateway. This was, 
 however, destroyed by Narses in the sixth century a.d., 
 the cave being used as a means of undermining the 
 gateway fortifications (see Agathias, I.e.). As a result 
 the left bastion has disappeared; the right bastion still 
 stood when Di lorio made his explorations in 1817. 
 The existing mouth is immediately to the right of the 
 latter bastion. See Beloch, Kampanien (2nd ed., p. 159 sqq.) 
 and in Norden (ist ed., p. 133). Above all consult Gabrici, 
 Mon. Ant. 22 (1913; 14). pp. 9 sqq.; 50. 757, 764. 
 
 82 
 
Commentary 
 
 That this is the oracular cave of the Sibyl there can be Httle 
 doubt. The existence of a Grotta della Sibilla on the shores 
 of Avernus, and the fact that Aeneas is made to descend 
 by this route to the underworld^ have led many to assume 
 that the Sibylline oracle was on the shores of the lake. 
 That there was a tradition to this effect even in ancient times 
 is probable enough: cp. Stat. Silv. 5. 3. 172 sic ad Auernales 
 scopulos et opaca Sihyllae \ antra rogaturae ueniehant undique 
 gentes (see also below). But it is perfectly clear from Vergil 
 and his imitator Silius (13. 498) that the oracle was at Cumae 
 itself; and is to be distinguished from the grotto of Avernus 
 (see Cluverius, Italia antiqua, ed. 1624, p. 11 13; Cocchia, La 
 geografica delle Metamorjosi d'Ovidio e VAverno Virgiliano, 
 Att. R. Accad. archeol. di Napoli, xviii., 1898; Chiapelli, 
 Vantro della Sibilla a Ctima, Atti, sc. mor. e pol. di Napoli, 
 xxxi., 1900, p. 557). The Sibyl has two functions. She is 
 the priestess of Apollo and of Triuia or Hecate. In the former 
 capacity she is connected with the shrine of Apollo, the 
 oracular cave, and the grove of Triuia at Cumae (13, 35, 
 42 sqq. Cp. also 69) ; in the latter capacity she is the priestess 
 of the Avernian groves (118, 564). The tecta Sibyllae (211) 
 are the cavern of Avernus (see n. ad loc). With regard to 
 these twofold functions of the Sibyl Norden (p. 118) suggests 
 with plausibility that when the Greek colonists arrived at 
 Cumae they found an ancient ve.Kvoixayre.Lov. Cp. Strabo, 
 5. 244, where Ephorus is cited to the effect that there was 
 an oracle there in ancient days, but that it had been lemoved 
 elsewhere (see n. on 237). On dedicating a temple to their 
 guide and patron, Apollo Archegetes, on the Citadel of Cumae, 
 they did not venture to dispossess the ancient earth-goddess, 
 whose worship existed as late as the third century B.C.: 
 cp. Liv. 24. 12. 4 ad lacum Auerni per speciem sacrificandi 
 descendit. Instead they united the worship of the two deities, 
 
 83 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 the sun-god and the earth-goddess, identifying the latter with 
 Hecate and dedicating a sacred grove in her honour hard by 
 the temple of Apollo: one priestess was placed in charge of 
 the two cults. 
 
 As regards the relation between the temple of Apollo and 
 the oracular cave, Vergil is not explicit. But in view of 
 what has been said above and the apparent existence of a 
 passage leading from the cave or its immediate proximity 
 to the temple of Apollo, it may be inferred that Aeneas, after 
 entering by the gate of the arx and passing through the grove 
 of Triuia, came to the door of the temple (13). While he 
 lingered to gaze on the scenes depicted on the folding doors, 
 the Sibyl came to him and led him into the temple (41). 
 The next three lines describe the cave and in 45 we are told 
 that they have reached the threshold. It has been suggested 
 that they descended to the cave by the subterranean passage 
 described above. Parallels may be found elsewhere. See 
 Norden on 42-45. This view, however, merely complicates 
 ihe difficulty, since in either case the omission of the 
 description of the descent leaves a certain obscurity, 
 (Norden in his second edition abandons this interpreta- 
 tion.) 
 
 10. procul secreta. (i) " Far withdrawn," i.e., deep in the 
 rock beneath the temple. (2) Servius procul hand longe. 
 The latter has probably some truth in it: cp. E. 6. 16 serta 
 procul, iantum capiti de hpsa iacehant. A. 10. 834 corpusque 
 leuahat \ arboris acclinis trunco. procul aerea ramis \ dependet 
 galea. But the sense is not precisely haud longe, but rather 
 ** apart ": Servius is, however, right in holding that no great 
 distance is implied: see Forcellini s.v, 
 
 Sibyllae. The origin of th» Sibyl is uncertain. Utterances 
 attributed to her were current in Greece in the sixth century 
 B.C. Cp. Plut. de or. Py.h. 6 ^ijivkXa Se fxaivoixevi^ 
 
 84 
 
Commentary 
 
 (TToixart KaO' 'H/aaKXciroi/ ayeXocrra kol aKaWioirta-Ta ^^cy- 
 yofxevri xiXtcov erwi/ i^iKvelrai Trj (fiOivrj 8ia toi/ O^bv — i.e., 
 she is a frenzied prophetess inspired by Apollo. Origin- 
 ating in Asia Minor, she became localised in various Greek 
 cities (Marpessus, Erythrae, Delphi, etc.), and broke up in 
 course of time into several Sibyls. One of the Sibylline 
 abodes was Cumae, the oldest Greek city in Italy and 
 probably the fountain-head of the Apollo cult in Italy. The 
 Sibyl of Cumae is identified with the Erythrean Sibyl by 
 Pseudo-Aristot. de mirab. 1158, and by Servius on 321: 
 Sibyllam Apollo pio amove dilexit et ei ohtulit poscendi quod 
 uellet arbitrium. ilia hausit harenam manibus et tarn longam 
 uitam poposcit. cui Apollo respondit id posse fieri, si Erythream 
 in qua habitabat insulam relinqueret et earn nunquam uideret. 
 profecta igitur Cumas tenuit et illic dejecta corporis uirihus 
 uitam in sola uoce retinuit. quod cum dues eius (sc. Erythraei) 
 cognouissent siue insidia siue commiseratione commoti ei 
 epistulam miserunt creta antiquo more signatum : qua uisa 
 quia erat de eius insula in mortem soluta est. It was the Sibyl 
 of Cumae who, according to legend, brought the Sibylline 
 books to Rome in the reign of Tarquinius Superbus. The 
 meaning of the name Sibylla is uncertain. Varro (ap. Lact. 
 Inst. I. 6.) derives it from the Aeolic a-iov /SvXi'j = Oeov 
 Povkij, Diodorus (4. 66. 7) from a-LPvXXatveiv — ivdca^uv 
 Kara yXojTTav; Pausanius regards it is Libyan (10. 12, i), 
 Suidas as Latin (? connected with sapiens, Diez, Lex, Etym., 
 p. 300). It is not improbable that the name is of Oriental origin. 
 There is no trace of any earlier legend connecting Aeneas 
 with the Sibyl of Cumae; but in older legend he seems to 
 have consulted the Sibyl of Marpessus (Maass, Hermes, 
 i8, p. 327. Robert, Hermes, 22, p. 454). Vergil, in view 
 of the important part played by the Sibylline books at Rome, 
 may have been the first to introduce the Sibyl of Cumae into 
 
 85 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 the Aeneas legend, one of his many devices for introducing 
 national colour into his epic. 
 
 The Sibylline oracle had ceased by the time of Plutarch, 
 I.e. Possibly all surviving Sibylline writings were taken to 
 Rome after the burning of the original books in S^ B.C. 
 (see notes on 71, 2). The Sibyl's bones were exhibited in the 
 temple of Apollo at Cumae according to Pausanias (I.e.), 
 though according to others her tomb was at Lilybaeum 
 (Solin. 2. 17 and 5. 7). See Buchholz in Roscher, Lex. 
 Myth. s.v. Sibylla. 
 
 11. cui mentem animumque inspirat. " Into whom he 
 breathes his mighty mind and will." Cp. 11. 20. 1 10 'ifx'rveva-e 
 fjevos ixkya iroiixkvL XaCov. The phrase mens animusque 
 need not here be regarded as tautologous, which it frequently 
 is elsewhere {e.g., Lucr. i. 74 onine immenswii peragranit 
 mente animoque, and the parallel Homeric phrase Kara (^pkva 
 Kttt Kara. Bvfxov). 
 
 12. Delius uates. The Delian god is himself a prophet, the 
 *' uates of Jove, as the Sibyl was of Apollo: cp. 3. 251 quae 
 
 Phoeho pater omnipotens , niihi Phoebus Apollo | praedixit, nobis 
 Furiarum maxima pando." Henry. Cp. also Aesch. Eum. 
 19. 616 sqq. 
 
 13. subeunt. The poet changes from the singular petit 
 to the plural subeunt. It is Aeneas' purpose which leads to 
 the visit-hence petit; but he is not unaccompanied-hence 
 subeunt, 
 
 Triuiae. The goddess of the three roads, a translation of 
 TpLoSiTLs as an epithet of Hecate. This name, under which 
 Diana is v/orshipped as goddess of the underworld, is found 
 in Latin as early as Ennius (Tr. fr. 362, Ribbeck) and in 
 inscriptions as in C.I.L. 10. 3795 Dianae Tifatinae Triuiae. 
 Hecate, a mysterious Chthonian goddess, is in Greek mytho- 
 logy not necessarily identified with Artemis, but in Latin 
 
 86 
 
Commentary 
 
 authors is invariably identified with Diana. So here, though 
 she may have been originally a local earth-goddess (see n. on 
 9-45, above), she is for Vergil the Chthonian aspect of Diana 
 and associated with her brother Phoebus. 
 aurea tecta. Sc. Phoebi. 
 
 14. ut fama est. An imitation of Hellenistic poetry. 
 Cp. 266 audita loqui, 284 ferunt, 893 fertur, 173 si credere 
 dignum est. The motive for the introduction of such phrases 
 is twofold: (a) the desire to give authority (cp. afxapTvpov 
 ov8ev decSeiv, Call. Fr. 242); (b) an apology for the mira- 
 culous (cp. Ap. Rhod. I. 59. Cp. also Ar. Poet. 1461b, 9; 
 Cat. 64. 2, 19, 76, 124, 212. Hor. Od. i. 7. 23; 16. 13; 3. 5. 
 41, etc.). 
 
 Daedalus. Servius Daedalus primo Sardiniam, ut dicit 
 Sallustius (Hist. 2. 6. Kr.), post delatus est Cumas. Other 
 versions make him land in Sicily (Diod. 4. 77. Pans. 7.4. 6) 
 without mentioning Cumae. With regard to his connexion 
 with Cumae Norden suggests that it may be due to the fact 
 that he was closely associated with Chalcis in Euboea, the 
 mother city of Cumae, in early genealogies (cp. Toepffer, 
 Attische Genealogie, p. 168). 
 
 15. praepetibus pennis. praepes is specially connected 
 with the science of augury. It is probably derived from 
 prae and peto (cp. impes = impetus). This is the view held 
 by Servius, Festus, and Aulus Gellius (7. 6). But there 
 is doubt as to the exact meaning. All agree that the word 
 came from its use in augury to mean " prosperous," " fair- 
 omened." But whether the original meaning is " seeking 
 that which is in front," i.e., flying straight ahead, or possibly 
 " selecting a suitable spot to settle on in preference to all 
 others " (cp. lul. Hyg. ap. Aul. Gell. I.e. quae idoneas sedes 
 capiunt) cannot be determined. Servius paraphrases here as 
 uel uelocibus uel felicihus. For the first interpretation there 
 
 87 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 is no support save in so far as it can be implied by the meaning 
 *' prosperous." We should therefore probably interpret it 
 here = "/elicibus." Cp. Aul. Gell. I.e., where he defends 
 Vergil against the judgment of Julius Hyginus: nam quoniam 
 non ipsae tantum aues quae prosperius praeuolant, sed etiam 
 loci quos capiunt quod idonei felicesque sunt, praepetes appel- 
 lantur, idcirco Daedali pinnas praepetes dixit, quoniam ex 
 locis in quibus periculum metuehat in loca tutiora peruenerat. 
 Two other interpretations are given by Aulus Gellius: 
 (i) auibus praepetibus contrarias aues in/eras appellari 
 Nigidius Figulus in libra prima augurii priuati ita dicit 
 " discrepat dextra sinistrae, praepes in/erae.'' On this view 
 praepetibus might mean " soaring." (2) adulescens ego 
 Romae cum etiam turn ad grammaticos itarem, audiui Apollin- 
 arem Sulpicium . . . cum de iure augurio qiiaereretur et 
 ntentio praepetum auium facta esset , . . dicer e praepetes sibi 
 uideri esse alites, quas Homerus TawirTepvyas appellauerat , 
 quoniam istas potissimum augures spectarent quae ingentibus 
 alis patulae atque porrectae praeuolauerunt: cp. II. 12. 237 
 Tvvr) 8' ol(i^v€(T(rL TavvTTTcpvyecrcrt KcXevcLS \ TreiOccrOaL ktX. 
 On this view the word is connected with patulus, pateo, etc. 
 Norden accepts this derivation and explains Ennius, A. 478 
 praepete portu and (A. 97) praepetibus pulcrisque locis as 
 ** wide/' *' open." But they may equally well mean a 
 " fair haven " and " fair-omened/' while the weight of tradi- 
 tion and the analogy of impes support the common deriva- 
 tion from peto. But certainty is impossible ; the meaning 
 was probably doubtful even in Vergil's time. The word 
 occurs also in 3. 361 in its augural sense (praepetis omina 
 pennae). 
 
 i6. enauit. The metaphor first occurs in Ennius, A. 21 
 transnauit {Venus) cita per teneras caliginis auras. Cp. also 
 Lucr. 3. 591 quam prolapsa foras enaret ad aeris auras, and in 
 
 88 
 
Commentary 
 
 Vergil, G. 4. 59 nare, A. 4. 245 tranat nuhila. Quintilian 
 (8. 6. 18) styles the metaphor a speciosissima translatio, but 
 bans its use in prose. It is first found in prose in Apuleius 
 (Met. 5. 25). 
 
 gelidas ad Arctos can equally be interpreted of Daedalus' 
 northward flight and of his soaring high towards the stars ; 
 but the first is the more pointed. 
 
 17. Chalcidica. See n. on 2. 
 
 super can be taken either as a preposition or an adverb. 
 The fact that it is separated by adstitit from arce makes the 
 latter more probable (cp. i. 301. Lihyae citus adstitit oris). 
 In that case arce is loc. abl. Norden compares Find. fr. 
 lOI Bgk. (TKOirLaLO-LV OLKpats 6p€(j)V we/5 ccrra. 
 
 arce. The precipitous rock citadel of Cumae, known as 
 the Rocca di Cuma. 
 
 18. remigium alarum. Cp. Lucr. 6. 743 remtgt ohlitae 
 pinnarum, and for the whole passage A. i. 300 uolat ille 
 per aethera magnum \ remigio alarum ac Libyae citus adstitit 
 oris. Also Aesch. Ag. 52 irrepvyoiv ipkriioLO-iv ep€(T(r6ix€voi. 
 Norden suggests that the rare licence remigi in Lucr., I.e., 
 points to the phrase being drawn from an older source. 
 
 posuitque immania templa. Cp. G. 3. 13 templum de 
 marmore ponam. The temple is a votive offering. Norden 
 
 ft ^ 
 
 regards the words quite unnecessarily as a var^pov -irporepov. 
 The dedication of the wings to Phoebus would be immediate 
 and need not wait for the completion of the temple. In 
 connexion with this line and the description of the reliefs 
 carved upon the doors, the position of Daedalus in legend as 
 the first of sculptors and the founder of arts and crafts must 
 be borne in mind, 
 
 20. in foribus. Cp. G. 3. 26 in forihns pugnam ex atiro 
 solidoque elephanto \ Gangaridum faciam, etc. A. i. 453 sqq. 
 where the fate of Troy is depicted on the walls or doors of 
 
 89 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 the temple of Juno at Carthage: also 5. 250 sqq. On one of 
 the folding doors are represented the scenes laid in Attica, 
 on the other the adventures in Crete (cp. contra and respondet). 
 It is possible that the temple of Cumaean Apollo possessed 
 such reliefs in Vergil's day. 
 
 letum. ^c. fecit, to be suppHed from posuit : cp.faciam in 
 Georg. I.e. 
 
 Androgeo is the reading of Servius, Charisius, Priscian, and 
 Probus, as against Androgei of the MSS. Androgeo is the 
 Attic gen. of 'AvSpoyeios, and on the principle of potior lectio 
 difficillima is clearly to be preferred. Androgei is, however, 
 the reading of 2. 392 (but cp. Androgeos (nom.) in 2. 371). 
 In 5. 265 Demoleos (nom.) seems the true reading (cp. Quint, 
 8. 4. 25), while in 2. 425 all the weight of evidence is for 
 Penelei, not Peneleo. The gen. in -i cannot be defended on 
 logical grounds. The alternatives to the Attic forms of the 
 names would be ' AvSpoyaioSf H-qveXdos, Ar//>toA,aos. 
 
 Androgeos was the son of Minos and coming to Athens was 
 victorious at the Panathenaic games. Two versions of his 
 death are given by Apollod. 3. 15. 7: (i) Aegeus sent him to 
 fight the Marathonian bull which killed him; (2) Androgeos 
 was on his way to the funeral games of Laius and was am- 
 bushed and slain by rival competitors who feared his prowess. 
 If the first form of the legend is that which Vergil had in his 
 mind, the bull of Marathon on one door will be balanced by 
 the bull of Crete (24) on the other. The form Androgeon is 
 found in Prop. 2. i. 62 Androgeona, and implied by Catullus 
 (64. 67 Androgeonese). 
 
 21. Cecropidae. The Athenians, so-called from Cecrops, 
 legendary king of Athens. Vergil is perhaps imitating Calli- 
 machus, who in a somewhat similar context (Del, 315) calls 
 the Athenians KeKpoTriSat. Catullus (64. 79) in the same 
 context calls Attica Cecropia. 
 
 90 
 
Commentary 
 
 septena . . . corpora natorum. Most versions of the 
 story make the tribute, which Athens was compelled to pay 
 for the murder of Androgeos, consist of 7 boys and 7 girls 
 (Cp. Plut. Thes. 15. Pans. I. 27, ID. Diod.4. 61.3. Apollod. 
 3. 15. 8). Hyg. Fab. 41, however, agrees with Vergil and 
 makes the tribute consist of 7 in all. 
 
 quotannis. The legend varies, making the tribute yearly 
 as here (also Hyg. I.e.), or every 9 years (Plut. Thes. I.e.). 
 
 22. Stat ductis sortibus urna. Not probably = 5/a/ urna 
 . et sortes inde ducuntur, though G. 2. 141 provides an adequate 
 
 parallel; but rsithev = siat post ductas sortes urna. The scene 
 represents the parting of the Athenians from their children: 
 the presence of the urn indicates what has occurred. If the 
 lots are shown, they are seen lying beside the urn. This 
 is the simplest and most literal interpretation of the passage, 
 and there is no need to adopt the more elaborate interpreta- 
 tion given above. 
 
 23. contra = on the opposite door. / 
 respondet = matches or corresponds. 
 
 Gnosia MR: Cnosia P. The correct Latin spelling is 
 Gnosia, following the rule whereby '* any guttural before 
 n, m becomes the group gn, gm — e.g., ilignus from ilex, or the 
 loan-word cygnus from kvkvos " (Lindsay, Latin Language, 
 p. 292). Whether Vergil preferred the Latin or the Greek 
 form it is impossible to determine. But see Norden, ad loc; 
 the MSS. from whose evidence he attempts to reach a con- 
 clusion give no certain answer. We cannot be sure as to 
 Vergil's practice, which may itself have been inconsistent. 
 
 24. tauri. Objective gen. '' for the bull." 
 suppostaque furto. " Mated by stealth." Cp. 7. 283 sup- 
 
 posita de matre. The allusion is to the wooden cow devised 
 by Daedalus for the purpose; cp. Prop. 4. 7. 57 Cressae . . . 
 lignea monstra bonis. 
 
 91 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 mixtumque genus prolesque biformis. Not tautologous. 
 The first phrase gives the origin, the second the appearance 
 of the Minotaur. 
 
 Minotaurus. Cp. Ov. Ars. Am. 2. 23 semibouemque uirum 
 semiuiruntque bouem. 
 
 labor ille domus et inextricabilis error. For labor cp. i. 455 
 operumque labor em. Virtually = o/>w5, but carrying with it 
 the idea of the immense labour required to contrive the 
 labyrinth. For inextricabilis error cp. Cat. 64. 115 inobserua- 
 bilis error also applied to the Labyrinth. Cp. also 5. 591 
 Jalleret indeprensus et irremeabilis error. Here, again, we have 
 abstract for concrete, errors" maze." The Labyrinth may 
 have been suggested by the complicated system of passages, 
 chambers, and stairways in the ruins of Cnossus, but was 
 conceived by the ancients as a square maze, in which form it 
 is figured on the coins of Cnossus (Cp. Daremberg et Saglio, 
 s.v. Labyrinthe, and Roscher, Myth. Enc, s.v. Minotauros), 
 and in graffiti at Pompeii, with the words hie habitat Mino- 
 taurus added (Dar. et Saglio, I.e.). 
 
 reginae amorem, not the passion of Pasiphae, but the love 
 of her daughter Ariadne for Theseus. Vergil's description 
 of the legend is compressed and summary, as he is merely 
 giving a brief outline of the sculptures on the Temple-gates. 
 
 sed enim = dWa yap. enim = Gk. Sv) in its original meaning, 
 cp. Lindsay, Latin Language, p. 603. " In 0. Lat. an asse- 
 verative particle merely (cf. enimuero), a usage imitated by 
 Vergil — e.g., A. 8. 84 quam pius Aeneas tibi enim, tibi maxima 
 luno, 1 mactat sacra Jer ens.'' Cp. also 6. 317 miratus enim, 
 G. 2. 509 geminatus enim; 3. 'jo semper enim refice. sed enim 
 was archaic according to Quintilian, but is Ciceronian. 
 
 30. uestigia. The sense requires that uestigia should mean 
 Thesei uestigia, though there has been no mention of Theseus > 
 the phrase would naturally = sua uestigia or reginae uestigia 
 
 92 
 
Commentary 
 
 neither of which is admissible. Cp. Cat. 64.113 errahunda 
 regens tenui uestigia filo , where Theseus is the subject. 
 
 31. sineret dolor. The omission of si is unusual with past 
 tenses of the subjunctive, though not uncommon with the 
 present. But cp. Ov. M. 9. 490 omnia di facerent, essent 
 communia nobis. The construction is best explained by 
 regarding the protasis as expressed in the form of a wish or 
 concession. 
 
 32. Cp. Od. II, 206 rph iilv icfxopfxrjOif}^ 
 
 33. protinus = " successively " : cp. G. 4. i. 
 
 omnia. Scanned as a dissyllable by synizesis of the last 
 two syllables. Cp. 7. 237 uerba precantia. Macrobius (5. 14), 
 objecting to this view, regards it as an instance of hyper- 
 meter; this is impossible, as the next line does not begin with 
 a vowel. It is possible that we should read (ymnia with 
 Ambrosius for omnis MPR in G. 4. 221, while there is good, 
 though not overwhelming, authority for Lauiniaqiie uenit in 
 A. I. 2. Here R reads omne, which was also probably the 
 reading of Servius, whose MSS. give omnem. But this is 
 clearly a correction to avoid the necessity of the synizesis. 
 Similarly R reads precantum in 7, 237. 
 
 34. perlegerent. Cp. 13 subeunt. 40 morantur. Aeneas 
 had not gone alone. 
 
 praemissus Achates. Cp. 1,644 praemittitAchaten, There 
 has been no mention of this. Cp. 4. 416, where Dido ad- 
 dresses her sister whom we should not otherwise have known 
 to be present. 
 
 36. Deiphobe. — The name occurs only here. The name of 
 the Cumaean Sibyl is given variously as Demophile, Hero- 
 phile, Amalthea, Melanchraina in other authors. 
 
 Glauci, sc. Jilia. Cp. Liv. 27. 20, 4 Hasdnibal Gisgonis. 
 The ellipse, regular in Greek, is found not infrequently with 
 foreign names in Latin. With Roman names ^//w5 ox jilia is 
 
 93 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 regularly added. Glaucus was a seagod and himself a prophet. 
 Maass {Comment. Mythogr. Greisswald, 1886-87, p. 13 sqq.) 
 points out that he was specially associated with Chalcis. 
 Noi^den suggests that the Chalcidian connexion accounts for 
 Deiphobe Glauci here. 
 
 38. grege. Servius gregem pro armento posuit, nam de 
 iuuencis dicturus est: quae per poeticam licentiam saepe con- 
 fundit. illo loco proprie posuit (7. 538) quinque greges illi 
 balantum, quina redibant | armenta. grex can, however, be 
 used of larger animals than sheep: cp. Cic. Phil. 3. 12. 31 
 greges armentorum ceteriqiie pecoris. Verr. 2. 2. 7. 20 
 equarum. armentum (as its derivation from aro shows) is only 
 applied to the larger cattle; consequently, when armenta and 
 greges are contrasted, the distinction between grex and 
 armentum made by Servius holds good, but only where there 
 is such a contrast. 
 
 intacto. Servius indomito iit et ^Hntacta totidem ceruice 
 iuuencas " (G. 4. 540). Cp. Macrob. 3. 5. 5 hostiae iniuges 
 uocantur, quae nunquam domitae sunt aut iugo subactae sunt. 
 
 iuuencos. The male victims are for the god, the female 
 for the goddess. Both are maiores hostiae: cp. Varro, R. R. 
 2. 5. 6. Gell. 16. 6. 
 
 septem. The odd numbers up to 9 recur continually in 
 folk-lore. Cp. n. on ter (229). For 7 in general see a curious 
 passage in Macrob. in S. Scip. i. 6. 64 sqq. For 7 specially 
 associated with worship of Apollo Norden cites Diels, 
 Festschr.f. Gomperz (Vienna, 1902), 9. 
 
 praestiterit. " It were better." The perf. subj. = Gk. opt. 
 with (ivy a polite suggestion taking the place of a command. 
 
 leetas. Cp. Macrob. I.e. eximiae hostiae quae ad sacrificiwn 
 destinatae eximantur a grege. 
 
 de more. Servius id est ne habeant caudam aculeatam, 
 ne linguam nigram, ne aurem Jissam. The position of the 
 
 94 
 
Commentary 
 
 phrase and its remoteness from mactare renders it practically 
 certain that it is to be taken with ledas. Norden prefers 
 to take it with mactare, citing 5. 96 caedit binas de more 
 hidentis ; also 4. 57 and 7. 93 ; 8. 544 mactat lectas de more 
 hidentis, 
 
 bidentis. Servius ones sunt circa bimatum habentes duo 
 denies eminentiores. Plin. 8. 206 Coruncanius ruminales 
 hostias donee bidentes Jierent puras negauit. Gell. 16. 6. 14. 
 The word, however, is used of other animals than sheep; 
 cp. Pomponius ap. Gell. I.e. bidenti uerri facere. 
 
 40. nee saera morantur iussa uiri — i.e., the sacrifice is 
 made at Delphi (cp. Herod. 7. 140. Eur. Ion. 226) on the 
 Poifxol TTpovaoL. Their actual sacrifice, a necessary pre- 
 liminary to consulting the oracle, receives no further mention 
 than in these words. 
 
 41. uocat alta in templa. They enter the temple to 
 worship, then come out and descend to the cave: cp. n. 
 on p. 84. 
 
 43. lati aditus, ostia centum. The exact arrangement 
 of the oracular cavern is not clear in detail. One thing, 
 however, is certain, that the aditus and ostia are not actual 
 entrances, but openings in the wall of the inner shrine through 
 which the answers of the Sibyl are heard. The actual door of 
 the adytum is described by fores (47) and limen (45). At 
 the present moment the Sibyl is ante fores; her entry into 
 the shrine is not mentioned, but she is within by the time we 
 reach 77 (cp. in antrd). The consultants of the oracle remain 
 outside at the limen, and the replies of the prophetess reach 
 them by the aditus and ostia; cp. 151 nostroque in limine 
 pendes. The description of the cave in Bk. 3. 443-452 is of 
 the most general kind ; but there also an adytum is indicated : 
 cp. 447 uerso tenuis cum car dine uentus | impulit et teneras 
 turb(}uit ianua frondes. 
 
 95 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 45. poscere fata. Cp.^. 4^6 predbusoraculaposcas. fatum 
 is used in its primary sense of " solemn utterance/' '' oracle." 
 Cp. Pac. ap. Cic. Div. i. 31. 66 neque me Apollo fatis Jandis 
 deinentem inuitam ciet. ib. 44. 100 fatis quae scripta Veienses 
 haberent. A. 3. 444/2/5 canit, and 72 below. 
 
 46. deus ecce deus. The repetition of deus is perhaps 
 from actual ritual. Norden (q.v.) compares Ov. M. 15. 677, 
 where the priestess cries en dens est, deus est, and the Aeneadae 
 reverently repeat her geminata uerha (681). Cp. the re- 
 petition of procul (258). 
 
 47. non uoltus non color unus. Cp. Eur. I. T. 291 ra/j^i/ 
 S' opav ov TavTo. ixop(f>?js (rx'i/xaTa. For the whole description 
 of the Sibyl's frenzy cp. the exaggerated imitations of Lucan 
 (5. 128) and Seneca (Ag. 710). The meaning of unus is more 
 than that her face is changed; it is continually changing. 
 Cp. Luc. 5. 214 Stat nunquam fades . 
 
 48. non comptae mansere comae. The fillets binding her 
 hair have already been removed, and there is nothing to 
 restrain it, Cp. 3. 370 uittasque resoluit (of Helenus before 
 prophesying). 
 
 49. maiorque uideri. Servius videbatur. This is pos- 
 sible, but it may equally well be regarded not as histor. inf. , 
 but as the Gk. epexegetic infin. after maior == ii^i^oiv ila-iS^iv, 
 
 50. nee mortale sonans. Cp. i. 328 hand tibi uoltus \ 
 mortalis nee uox hominem sonat, where hominem is a bold 
 example of the cognate ace. here represented by the neut. 
 adj. mortale* 
 
 quando. Causal. For its position cp. 10. 366 aspera qiiis 
 natura loci dimittere quando | suasit equos, 
 
 51. cessas in uota precesque. Servius tardus es ad uota 
 facienda : nam si dixeris " cessas in uotis," hoc significat, 
 tardus es dum uotafacis. Cp. Sen. Med. 406 nunquam metis 
 cessabit in poenas furor. Instances of audere in (2. 347), 
 
 96 
 
Commentary 
 
 ardere in (12. 71), meditari in (10. 455), etc., are not exact 
 parallels, as the verbs imply purpose or motion towards. 
 
 53. attonitae '' is applied strictly and specially to the 
 domus, which being attonita will not or cannot open its 
 mouth/' Henry, who compares Luc. 2. 21 sicjunere prinio \ 
 attonitae tacuere domus, 
 
 magna oi2k = aditus, ostia (above); cp. 81. 
 
 54. Cp. 2. 120 gelidusque per ima cucurrit \ ossa tremor. 
 
 56. Cp. I. 597 sola infandos Troiae miser ata dolor es. 
 
 57. For the death of Achilles cp. II. 22. 359 ry/xart rCo otc 
 Kev o-e Udpis kol ^oif3o<s 'AttoXXidv \ icrOXov eovT oAetrcoo-ti/ 
 €1/6 ^Katycrt TrvXycrLV. Ov. M. 12. 596 (Apollo Paridi) '' quid 
 spicula perdis | sanguine plebis " ait. '' siqua est tibi cur a 
 tuorum, I uertere in Aeaciden caesosque ulciscere Jratres.'' \ 
 dixit et ostentans sternentetn Troica Jerro \ corpora Peliden 
 arcus obuertit in ilium \ certaque letifera direxit spicula dextra. 
 
 derexti. For the contraction cp. accestis (i. 201), exsiinxem 
 (4. 606), exstinxti (4. 682), traxe (5. 786), uixei (11. 118). 
 
 58. corpus in Aeacidae. For the position of the pre- 
 position cp. litus harenosum ad Libyae (4. 257), culmina 
 per que hominum , . . per que deorum (4, 6'ji),fata per Aeneae 
 (7. 234), gente sub Assaraci (9. 643). 
 
 oheuntiSk = circumflua. Cp. Ov. M. 5. 51 quam limbus 
 obibat. 
 
 59. duce te. With special reference to the oracle of 
 Apollo, 3. 90 sqq. 
 
 61. Massylum gentis. The Massylae were a Libyan tribe, 
 mentioned 4. 132, 483. The name is used generally for 
 African. 
 
 praetentaque Syrtibus arua. The statement is not geo- 
 graphically correct, the Syrtes being to the E. of Carthage. 
 The name is used vaguely of the African coast, and is in- 
 tended to suggest the perils of approaching those shores. 
 
 97 H 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 Syrtibus is dat. not abl., the dative being the natural con- 
 struction. Conington takes it as abl. and quotes the 
 analogous construction of praetexit with the abl. in 4. 172. 
 It makes no difference to the sense, and involves a bolder 
 construction. 
 
 61. Cp. 3. 496 arua neque Ausoniae semper cedentia retro. 
 5. 629 Italiam sequimur Jugientem. fugientis nae:y="b^eith€r 
 geft-i-sing* or ace. plur. / ^ 
 
 prendimus, a strong word = " grasp/' "lay hold of." 
 Cp. 12. 775 teloque sequi quern prendere cursu \ non poterat. 
 
 62. hac . . . tenus. For the tmesis cp. 5. 603 hac 
 celebrata tenus. " Thus far, and no further, let Troy's ill 
 fortune have followed us." 
 
 64. dique deaeque omnes. Cp. G. i. 21. 
 
 Ilium et ingens gloria Dardaniae. Repeated in 2. 325 with 
 the substitution of Teucrorum for Dardaniae. Cp. also 3. 109 
 nondum Ilium et arces. 
 
 66. indebita fatis. indehitus does not occur before Vergil. 
 It is found in Ovid, Val. Flacc, etc., and then as a technical 
 word in the later writings of the jurists, fatis may be 
 dat. or abl. " Due to my destiny," or " owed by my 
 destiny." For similar ambiguity cp. Tac. Agr. 13. 5 
 monstratus fatis Vespasianus. For the two constructions cp. 
 7. 120 fatis mihi debita tellus and 11. "j^^ fatis debitus Arruns, 
 
 67. Cp. 4. 349 quae tandem Ausonia Teucros considere 
 terra \ inuidia est ? 
 
 considere. The infin. after da is an imitation of the Gk. 
 use after Sos. Cp. Servius ad i. 319 graeca figura est . . . 
 unde " da bibere " usus obtinuit. 
 
 68. agitata = " hunted," not " storm-tossed." Cp. 12. 803 
 terris agitare uel undis \ Troianos potuisti. The allusion is 
 to the household gods taken with him from Troy: cp. 2. 717 
 tu, geniter, cape sacra manu patriosque penatis. 
 
 98 
 
Commentary 
 
 69. magnum de marmore templum. Here, as in the lines 
 which follow, though the promise strictly refers to the 
 immediate future, there can be no doubt that Servius is right 
 in regarding this promise as a prophecy of the dedication in 
 28 B.C. by Augustus of the temple of Apollo on the Palatine 
 in commemoration of his victory at Actium. Though the 
 temple was not actually dedicated to Diana (Triuiae), her 
 statue stood there beside that of Apollo: cp. Prop. 2. 31. 15 
 deinde inter matrem deus ipse interque sororem \Pythiiis in 
 longa carmine ueste sonat. Diana as an Italian goddess 
 had no special association with Apollo. It is as the Roman 
 equivalent of Artemis that she is thus united with him, and 
 first appears associated with him at a lectisternium in 399 B.C. 
 (Lvi 5. 131 Dion. Hal. 12. 9). 
 
 70. festosque dies de nomine Phoebi. The ludi Apollinares 
 founded in 212 B.C. (Liv. 25. 12. 15). 
 
 71. magna penetralia. A similar unconscious prophecy 
 of the fate of the Sibylline books at Rome. These accord- 
 ing to the well-known legend were brought by t he Cumaean 
 Sibyl to Rome in_J:he reign of Tarquinius Superbus 
 (Dion. Hal. 4. 62. Cell. i. 19. Plin. 13. 88, etc.). They 
 were kept in a ston e chest in the temple of Jupiter Capito- 
 linus (Dion. Hal. 4. 62. Dio Cass. Fr. 102. 2), destroyed 
 i n the fire of 83 B.C ., and replaced by a new collection 
 gathered from the variou s places where Sibyls were reported 
 to have been active^ In 76 B.C. they were deposited in the 
 new temple on the Capitol (Varro and Fenestella ap. Lact. 
 Inst. I. 16. II, 14; de ira dei 22. 6. Dion. Hal. 4. 62. Tac» 
 Ann. 6. 12). On the dedication of th e temple of Apollo on 
 t he Palatine in 28 B .C. (see onJ9)j the Sibylline books were 
 transferred to it from the Capitol (Tib. 2.5.17. Suet. Aug. 31). 
 Hence the close association in the present passage with the 
 d edication of a temple to Apollo. __ 
 
 99 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 72. hic = regms nostris. 
 
 sortes . . . fata. " Prophecies and oracles." Cp. n. on 
 fata (45). 
 
 73. lectos . , , uiros — i.e., the XVuiri sacris Jaciundis. 
 Servius. sciendum sane primo duos lihrorum Juisse sacer- 
 dotes, inde decern, inde quindecim usque ad Sullana tempora, 
 postea creuit numerus : nam et sexaginta Juerunt, sed remansit 
 in his XVuirorum uocabulum. See Liv. 6. 37. 12 and 42. 2 
 for increase to 10 (367 B.C.). For later increases see Cic. 
 Ep. Fam. 8. 4* i. Dio. Cass. 42. 51. 4; 43. 51. 9; 51. 20. 3. 
 C.I.L. I, p. 29. 
 
 74. foliis . . . manda. He is carrying out the advice of 
 Helenus (3. 456). poscas \ ipsa canat uocemque nolens atque 
 or a resoluat. For foliis cp. 3. 444 foliisque notas et nomina 
 mandat. \ quaecunque in foliis descripsit carmina uirgo \ 
 digerit in numerum atque antro seclusa relinquit : \ ilia manent 
 immota locis neque ah ordine cedunt. \ uerum eadem, uerso 
 tenuis cum cardine uentus \ impulit et teneras turbauii ianua 
 frondes | nunquam deinde cauo uolitantia prendere saxo \ nee 
 reuocare situs aut iungere carmina curat. Servius ut Varro 
 dicit, in foliis palmae inter dum notis, inter dam scribebat 
 sermonibus, ut diximus supra (3. 444). That Vergil had not 
 witnessed such giving of oracles at the Sibyl's cave may be 
 inferred from the fact that he seems from his description in 
 Bk. 3 to have in his mind leaves much smaller than those of 
 palm. 
 
 76. ipsa canas. Cp. the words of Helenus cited above. 
 
 77. nondum patiens. The metaphor here, as in the lines 
 which follow, is from the taming of a fiery horse. Servius. 
 Sibyllam quasi equum, Apollinem quasi equitem inducit et in 
 ea permanet translatione. Cp. Suet. Jul. 61 sessoris patiens^ 
 Norden cites Or. Sib. 3. 4. 
 
 in antro. She has passed within the adytum, 
 
 100 
 
Commentary 
 
 immanis, predicative with bacchatur, " wildly." 
 79. excussisse deum. The metaphor is from a horse 
 shaking off its rider. With regard to the use of the perfect 
 infin,, where a prose author would have used the present, 
 while this use is no doubt largely determined by metrical 
 convenience, it is best regarded here as an anticipation of the 
 completion of the act. Cp. the use of the fut. perf. indicative 
 or completed future. This is a regular idiom after nolo in 
 prohibitions, and the use is imitated and extended by the 
 poets and Livy. Cp. Liv. 37. 19 helium possumus , . . per- 
 fects se, Ov. F. 2. 322 tunicarum uincla relaxat \ ut posset 
 uastas exseruisse manus, Servius styles it Graeca figura, 
 and is foUov/ed by some modern scholars, who explain the 
 infin. as aoristic, a comprehensive explanation which is of 
 small help. 
 
 79. fatigat. Cp. II. 714 qiiadripedemque citum f errata 
 calce fatigat. 
 
 80. flngitque premendo. Imitated from Varius de morte 
 (ap. Macrob. 6. 2. 19) insultare docet campis flngitque morando' 
 Cp. also Hor. Ep. i. 2. 64 fingit equum , . , magister, A 
 similar phrase in a different context is employed by Vergil 
 in G. 2. 407 flngitque putando. For premendo cp. i. 63 et 
 premere et laxas sciret dare iussus habenas. 
 
 81. patuere. The instantaneous perfect. Cp. G. i. 330 
 terra tremit, fugere ferae. The result rather than the action 
 itself is presented to the mind. For the opening of the ostia 
 cp. 43 and 52. 
 
 83-97. The prophecy of the Sibyl is after the fashion of 
 oracles obscure (cp. 100), and does not tell Aeneas much 
 more than he already had learned from his dream in 5.729 
 lectos iuuenes fortissima corda \ defer in Italiam ; gens dura 
 atqus aspera belle \ debellanda tibi Latio est ; it certainly 
 cannot be considered as a reasonable fulfilment of the pro- 
 
 loi 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 phecy of Helenus in 3. 458 ilia tibi Italiae populos iienturaque 
 hella, I et quo quemque modo Jugiasque ferasque laborem, \ ex- 
 pediet. This is actually done by Anchises (890, where see 
 note. Also Introd.). 
 
 84. terrae MP: terra R. Servius recognises both readings, 
 and justly remarks that it is all one which we read. But 
 terrae (so. pericla) is clearly the true reading, terra having 
 originated from a failure to understand the genitive, which 
 is parallel to pelagi. 
 
 84. Lauini. Servius alii ''Latini'' legunt, sed quia 
 diuina loquitur, futura praeoccupat ; postea enim Lauinium 
 dicetur : licet possii ad Lauimim, Latini fratrem, referri, qui 
 illic ante regnauit. The riddling obscurity of Lauini is 
 characteristic of the oracle. For the scansion of Lauini 
 with first syllable short metri gratia cp. i. 258, 270. For 
 the first syllable long cp. i. 2 and 4. 236; also 6. 764, etc. 
 
 85. Dardanidae placed in emphatic contrast with Lauini. 
 et with uolent, " But they shall not also be glad that 
 
 they have come," 
 
 Thybrim, the Graecised form of the Latin Tiber is. Thybris 
 is regularly preferred to Tiberis by Vergil, except on two 
 occasions — G. i. 499 quae Tuscum Tiberim et Romana Palaiia 
 seruas (a prayer to Vesta) and A. 7. 715 qui Tiberim 
 Fabarimque bibunt (in the Gathering of the Clans)— in both of 
 which passages the Latin form is specially appropriate. The 
 reference is to the battle by the Trojan camp at the mouth 
 of the Tiber in Bk. 9. Cp. for the language 8. 538 quam multa 
 sub undas \ scuta uirwn galeasque et fortia corpora uolues, \ 
 Thybri pater. 12. 35 et recalent nostro Tiberina fiuenta \ 
 sanguine adhuc. Cp. II. 7. 329 rC^v vvv alfxa KcXaivlv 
 kvppoov d/x(/>t ^KafxavSpov \ ecTKeSaor' o^v§ "Aprjs. Norden 
 suggests that the line may actually be suggested by some 
 Sibylline oracles, citing Sib. Or. 5. 200 (time of Vespasian) 
 
 102 
 
Commentary 
 
 l(ro-€Tat Iv BpvTTea-a-L Kal kv VaXXois 7ro\vxpv(TOL^ \ 'flKcav^s 
 
 KcXaSwV TTkT]pOVlX<:VOS ttl/XaTt TToAXw. | 372. p€W€t 8' ai'/XttTOS 
 
 ox^os em TTora/xwi/ ttoAvSiVwv, with which he compares the 
 carmen Marcianum in Liv. 25. 12. 6 amnem TroiugenaCannam 
 Romane confuge, etc. 
 
 88. nee Simois tibi nee Xanthus. Servius Tiberis et 
 Numicus, in quern cecidit. Whether there is any special 
 reference is uncertain. Xanthus is, after all, no more than 
 another name for the Scamander, the river that rolls down 
 its " yellow " flood in time of spate. For this we may com.- 
 pare the epithet ^aww5 applied to the Tiber in 7. 31 and 
 elsewhere. For the death of Aeneas in the Numicus see 
 Liv. I. 2 fl^ fin. The Homeric reference is to II. 21 the 
 ixo^yji TrapaTTorafiLOS of Achilles. 
 
 Doriea eastra. Servius Graeca. et re uera : nam Turnus 
 Graecus fidt, ut (7. 371) " et Turno si prima domus repeiatur 
 origo, I Inachtts Acrisiusque pater mediaeque Mycenae:' 
 
 89. defuerint. The fut. perf. used for the fut. is primarily 
 no doubt metri gratia. The force of the tense here is " will 
 be found to have been absent ''—i.e., when you look back 
 on them, praeoccupat futiira as Servius says in a different 
 context. Cp. 9. 298 where defiierit is found alongside of 
 
 erit. 
 
 Latio. Abl. of place, rather than dat. 
 
 Aehilles. Turnus. Cp. E. 4. 3^ atq^^ ^^^^^^^^ ^^ Troiam 
 magnus mittetur Achilles, in a very different context how- 
 ever. 
 
 partus " is already found," not *' born": cp. naius in next 
 
 line. 
 
 90. natus et ipse dea. Servius de Venilia, sorore Amatae, 
 ut (10. 76) cui diua Venilia mater. Venilia is there identified 
 with Salacia, the goddess of salt water, see Serv. ad 10. 76. 
 Ovid (M. 14. 334) makes her the wife of Janus. Perhaps a 
 
 103 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 water-spirit^ but nothing is known concerning her. It is 
 to be noted that luturna, Turnus' sister, is a water nymph» 
 (see Wissowa, R. K., p. 19). et ipse. Sc. as Achilles was the 
 son of Thetis. 
 
 addita. Servius inimica, est autem uerhum Lucilii et 
 antiquorum, ut Plautus '' additus loni Argus'' (Aulul. 556), 
 Lucih ap. Macrob. 6. 4. 2 si modo non praetor siet additus 
 aique agiiet me, The word means " attached/' and gets its 
 meaning of hostile from the context. Norden, App. I. i 
 compares the Greek Sai/xwi/ l<^€S/)os. 
 
 91. C]xm = et turn. 
 
 92. urbes. MR: urbis P. Cp. Gell. 13. 21. 3 etProbum 
 ait respondisse : quo (sc. modo) suam (sc. aurem) Vergilius 
 percordatus est, qui diuersis in locis urbis et urbes dixit arbitrio 
 consilioque usus auris, nam in primo Georgicon, quern ego 
 librum ipsius manu correctum legi, urbis per i litteram scripsit 
 (G, I, 25) . . . uerte enim et muia ut urbes dicas : insubidius 
 nescioquid et pinguiiis. contra in tertio Aeneidis (106) urbes 
 dixit per e litteram. . . . hie item muta ut urbis dicas : nimis 
 exilis uox erit et exsanguis. In the present passage urbes 
 should be read as avoiding the repetition of -is. 
 
 93. eoniunx hospita. Sc. Lauinia, who plays the part of an 
 innocent Helen. 
 
 causa mali tanti. Repeated 11. 480 in same context. 
 
 94. externique iterum thalami. A variation on eoniunx 
 hospita. Norden compares Lycophr. 60 XeKxpoiv 6' eKan twi/ 
 t' eireLdaKTwv yd/xwv. Unfinished lines occur only here and 
 835 in this book. That they are deliberate and designed for 
 effect is an untenable view. They are never imitated by any 
 later epic poet, in spite of the almost slavish imitation 
 of Vergil in which they indulge (e.g., Val. Flacc, Stat., Sil. 
 Ital.), and they are not, as a rule, specially effective. They 
 are merely lines left unfinished by Vergil for the simple reason 
 
 104 
 
Commentary 
 
 that he had not succeeded in completing them to his satis- 
 faction. That such was his practice we know from Servius' 
 comment on 165, where he states that the words Martemque 
 accendere caniu were added by a sudden inspiration during 
 recitation. It is possible that in the present passage it may 
 indicate that more than one half-line remained to be added, 
 and that Vergil intended the Sibyl's prophecy to be fuller 
 and more explicit. But there is no clear indication of this, 
 
 95. sed contra audentior ito | quam tua te fortuna sinet. 
 quam is the reading of the uncial MSS. and Servius. The 
 sense is " Go forward more boldly than fortune shall permit " 
 — i.e.y triumph over fortune. Cp. 5. 710 super anda oinnis 
 fortuna ferendo est. 10. 284. Ter. Phorm. 203. Sen. 
 Med. 159. Tac. H. 2. 46 fortes etiam contra fortunam 
 insistere spei. The difficulties which have been felt over this 
 reading are really imaginary and due to the confusion of 
 fortuna and fatum. qua, the reading of later MSS. and Sen. 
 Ep. 82. 18, gives weaker sense, and lessens the force of 
 audentior. 
 
 97. Graia . . . ab urbe. Pallanteum, the Arcadian 
 Evander's city on the Palatine. See Bk. 8. Norden cites 
 Phlegon (Diels, Sib. Bldtt,, p. 115) Tpws 3^t' €\-Avo-€i ore 
 KaKijjv a/xa 8* 'EAAaSos €k y?]s^ and follows Heinze {Hermes ^ 
 33 (1898), 478, i) in regarding the conclusion of the prophecy 
 as being influenced by the tendency of Sibylline oracles to 
 refer to Greece, 
 
 99. ambages = " riddles." So used of oracles by Tac, 
 A. 2, 54; 12. 63. 
 
 99. remugit. Cp. 3. 92 mugire adytis cortina reclusis. 
 Phaedr. App. 6. 4 mugit adytis (sc.Pytho). 
 
 100. G2L=talia: emphatic. 
 
 frena . . . concutit, . . . stimulos uertit. A return to the 
 metaphor drawn from taming a fiery horse. Cp, 8. 3 acris 
 
 105 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 concussit cquos, 5. 147 tmdantia lora \ concussere iugis. 
 9. 718 stimulos sub pectore uertiU 
 
 102. Norden compares Sib. Or. 3. 3 afiTrava-ov (Sacov fxe 
 KaKwv, K€KixrjK€ yap rjropy and also 3. 297 r]VLKa Sv; jjlol 6vijx)<s 
 kirdvararo kvdkov vttvov | Kat Xtrofxi^v yeverijpa jxkyav iravcracrdaL 
 dvdyK7)<s. 
 
 103. Aeneas' reply must not be taken as asserting that 
 he knew what the Sibyl has told him already. It is merely 
 a statement that he had anticipated a hard struggle^ and 
 steeled his heart in advance. Cp. Sen. (Ep. 76. ;^T)), who 
 cites these lines with the Stoic comment sett sibi omnia 
 resiare ; quicquid factum est, dicit '^ sciebam." 
 
 104. laborum facies. Cp. 560 scelerum fades. 
 
 105. praeeepi. Cp. Cic. de Off. i. go fortis animi et con- 
 
 stantis est non perturbari in rebus asperis . . .; qtiamquam 
 
 hoc animi, illud etiam ingenii magni est, praecipere cogitatione 
 
 futura et aliquanto ante constitiiere, quid accidere possit in 
 
 utramque partem. See Norden ad loc. 
 
 mi only here and 123 in Vergil. 
 
 107. d\citUT = hic est quae dicitur ; a Graecism. Cp. Soph. 
 Trach. 638 kvd 'EAAavwv dyopal rivAaTiSes KaXkovrai. 
 
 Acheronte refuse. There may be an allusion to the 
 lacus Acherusius in the neighbourhood of Cumae^ now Lago 
 del Fusaro, between Cumae and Misenum^ but there is clearly 
 no identification, refuso of flood water, as in Tac. H. i. 86 
 Tiberis refusus, rather than = d\p6ppoos, as in A. 7 . 225 Oceanus. 
 
 109. doceas Iter. Norden's suggestion that there is an 
 implicit contradiction with what follows, where the Sibyl 
 does more than give instructions, and acts as guide, is 
 ridiculous. Aeneas had no knowledge of the procedure to 
 be followed and his words are natural and obvious. 
 
 no. flammas . . . tela. A rhetorical exaggeration. 
 There is no mention of them in 2. 721-9. 
 
 106 
 
Commentary 
 
 115. See 5. 731-6. 
 
 117. potes namque omnia. Cp. Od. 5. 25 StVao-at yap, 
 
 IL 16. 515 StVacrai 81 crv ttolvtos aKOveiv. 
 
 ii8. Cp. 564 sed me cum lucis Hecate praefecU Auernis. 
 
 119. si potuit. The apodosis comes in 123 et mi genus ah 
 loue summd, quid . . . Alciden 1 being parenthetical. 
 
 Orpheus. Cp. G. 4. 453 m- Orp^- ^rg. 42 TaiVa^ov 
 
 ^^viK e/3vv a-KOTLT^v oSbv'AiSos etVo), ] ^/icrepy ttiVwos Kt^ap]/ 
 ( €po)T aAo>(OiO. 
 
 120. Threicia. Cp. 645 nee non Threicius longa cum 
 ueste sacerdos \ obloquitur numeris septem discrimina uocum. 
 Prop. 3. 2. 24 Threicia . . . lyra. For the Thracian origin 
 of Orpheus cp. Ap. Rhod. I. 23 Trpwra vvv'Op(^;jos [ivr^mofxeOa 
 rhv pa TTOT avr?) | KaXXt07r>/ OpqiKi c^ari^erat evvrjdela-a \ 
 OldypLo o-kottitJs nt/x7rA7/t5os ay)(t reK^adaL. 
 
 121. si fratrem Pollux alterna morte redemit. According 
 to this form of the legend Castor and Pollux were both sons 
 of Leda, but Castor had Tyndareus for father, Pollux 
 Jupiter. Castor died, but Pollux the immortal obtained 
 permission that on alternate days he should obtain Castor's 
 release by taking his place in the underworld. In the earliest 
 legend (II. 3. 243) both are dead. In the Odyssey (11. 303) 
 we find the form of the legend adopted by Vergil (aAAorc 
 fxev ^wovo-' hep-qpepoL, aXXore S' avT€ \ TeBvacrLv) with the 
 exception that both are represented as sons of Tyndareus. 
 For the legend, as adopted by Vergil, making Pollux the son 
 of Jupiter, cp. Pind. Nem. 10. 50 sqq, (79 Zeus loq.)^ W 
 poL VLOS- Tov S' €7r€tTa TTOCTt? (TTrkppa dvarhv p^arpl Tea 
 TTcAacrats crra^ev i^pws. 
 
 122. quid Thesea magnum, quid memorem Alciden? 
 
 Parenthetical. It is a question whether the comma should 
 be placed after magnum with M, or before it with Servius. 
 In favour of the first punctuation is the more natural 
 
 107 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 rhythm, and the fact emphasised by Norden that a pause 
 at the end of the 5th foot is rare in Vergil (see Norden App. II. 
 4. 4). In favour of Servius' contention is the fact that 
 Hercules is the greater of the two heroes, and that we should 
 consequently expect magnum to refer to him (See Henry 
 ad loc). But Servius over-emphasises the point when he 
 states that Theseus per se non est magnus (cp. Ov. M. 7. 433 
 maxime Theseu.). There is no difficulty in applying the 
 epithet to Theseus, and the assumed anti-climax in the un- 
 supported Alciden is the work of super-sensitive criticism. 
 
 The mention of Theseus in this connexion is unfortunate, 
 since he is found later in the book to be a prisoner in Tartarus 
 to all eternity: cp. 617 sedet aeternumque sedehit \ infelix 
 Theseus ; see n. ad loc. (393 is consistent with either passage). 
 Servius remarks durum exemplum ; unde nee immoratus est 
 in eo. dicit autem inferos dehere pater e pieiati, qui patuerunt 
 infanda cupienti. Here Vergil thinks of Theseus as the hero 
 of Athens to whom a sanctuary was dedicated, and whose 
 bones were brought in solemn pomp from Scyros. In the 
 later passage he has in mind the non-Athenian tradition, 
 which allowed him no escape, and made his guilt equal with 
 that of Pirithous. See Harrison, Pro/^^. Gk. Rel, p. 612. 
 
 123. et mi genus ab loue summo. Cp. 394 (same context) 
 dis quamquam geniii atque inuicii uirihus essent. Aeneas 
 refers to his descent from lupiter through Venus. In i. 380 
 the words genus ah loue summo are found = " the race sprung 
 from Jupiter ''—i.e., the Trojan race descended from Jupiter 
 through Dardanus. 
 
 124. Cp. 4. 219 talihus orantem dictis arasque teneniem, 
 Aeneas speaks as a suppliant: cp. 115 supplex, etc. The 
 reference is to the practice of touching the altar when praying. 
 Servius rogahant ita ansas ararum ienentes, Ov. Am. i. 4. 27 
 tange manu mensam quo tangunt ftwre precantes. A. 12. 201 
 
 108 
 
Commentary 
 
 tango aras. Act. Arv. fratr., p. 34, aras contingere, Macr. 
 3. 2. 8. 
 
 125. sate gente deum. Cp. 123. For the phrase cp. 8. 36 / 
 sate gente deum. This use of satus is not confined to poetry; 
 
 cp. Cic. T. D. 1. 49. 118. Liv. 38. 58. 7 non sanguine humano 
 sed stirpe diuina satum. gente is abl. of origin : cp. use of satus 
 with de ; Ov. F. 4. 54 Ilia cum Laiiso de Numitore sati. 
 
 126. Anchisiade MPR: Anchisiada corr. M. The Latin 
 form of Anchisiades is Anchisiada, but the a is short: cp. 
 Hori S. 2» 3. 187 Atrida. Prop. 2. 14. i gauisusAtrida 
 triumpho. Therefore Anchisiada could only be the Gk. voc. of 
 the Doric form Anchisiadas. But the MSS. authority is 
 heavily in favour of the commoner form in -es. 
 
 facilis descensus, etc. The sense of the passage is " The 
 return is more difficult than the going down, only because 
 the going dov/n is final and without return. All go down, 
 and it is the easiest thing in the world to go down, and, if 
 you please, there is nothing to hinder you. But then you 
 must go as others go — i.e., you must die. This you don't 
 wish to do, and there is the rub. This difficulty is got over 
 by the means prescribed, and with it the difficulty of return- 
 ing." Henry. Cp. Anacr. 56 ad fin. 
 
 Auerni R: Auerno (corrected to -i), P: Auerno M. Servius 
 recognises both rea,dings. The question as to which reading 
 is correct cannot be definitely decided. But Auerni un- 
 doubtedly ought to be right. What is required is * ' the descent 
 of Avernus " — i.e., the cave at Avernus: cp. Plin. 16. no 
 descensus speluncae. If we read Auerno = ad Auernum, the 
 descent to Avernus can only mean the descent to Hades. 
 That Auernus can be so used is undoubted: cp. Ov* Am. 
 3. 9. 27. Luc. 6. 636, etc. But it is not appropriate that 
 it should be so used here in the immediate neighbourhood 
 of the actual lake and cavern, 
 
 109 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 127. Ditis. Dis^ the husband of Proserpine and king of the 
 underworld, is not to be traced in Roman religion prior to 
 249 B.C., when the ludt Tarentini were initiated in honour 
 of Dis and Proserpine with offerings of black victims (hosiiae 
 furuae): cp. Val. Max. 2. 4. 5. Zosim. 2. 3. 3: references to 
 earlier dates are apocryphal: see Wissowa, R.K,, pp. 255-7. 
 The name is a translation of the Gk. JIXovtojv (sc. through 
 diues f) just as Proserpine is a transliteration of the Gk. 
 Jl€p(r€(f>6vrj (Usener, Rh. Mus. 22. 431), Varro's derivation 
 from proserpere (L. L. 5. 68) being negligible. In ianua Ditis 
 the Sibyl picks up the inferni ianua regis of Aeneas (106). 
 Cp. also Lucr. i. 11 12 ianua Leti. For the sentiment cp. 
 Aesch. Pers. 689. 
 
 129. quos aequus amauit lupiter. Cp. Hymn. Cer. 487 
 
 jxky^ 6X/3los ovtlv* eKavai | Trpo(^povkiMS (/)tAwvTat. The phrase 
 is quoted by Pliny, Ep. i. 2. 2. 
 
 130. euexit ad aethera uirtus. Not merely metaphorical. 
 It refers also to heroes who actually became gods, such as 
 Hercules. An imitation of Ennius, A. 66 tollere in caerula 
 caeli templa. Cp. also i. 259 suhlimemque feres ad sidera 
 caeli I Aenean. 
 
 131 sqq. A reminiscence of Homer, Od. 11. 157 fxio-a-i^ 
 yap jx^yaXoL Trorapol koX ^uva peeOpa, j 'Q,Keavos pi€V Trpwra 
 Toi/ orTTWs ecrrt Tre/ovjcrat ktX, 
 
 media omnia — i.e., between the upper world and the 
 shades. But of these trackless forests there is no mention, 
 nor are the woods on the further side of Styx (444, 638, 658) 
 spoken of as other than the dwelling-place of shades, or 
 mentioned with any suggestion of horror. Whether these 
 siltiae are Vergil's own invention, or derived from some lost 
 NcKVitt, cannot be determined. 
 
 132. Cocytus PR. Cocytos M. It is indifferent which 
 reading be adopted. Such divergences in the MSS. are com- 
 
 IIO 
 
Commentary 
 
 mon^ and no inference can be drawn from them. It is not 
 improbable that Vergil used both terminations indifferently: 
 cp. G. I. 59, where AMPR all give Epiros. See Norden, 
 App. 6. I. For Cocytus and other rivers of the underworld 
 see n. on 295. 
 sinu. *' Windings." 
 
 133. quodsi tantus amor, etc. Cp. 2. 10 sed si tantus amor 
 casus cognoscere nostros. For the construction of the infin. 
 after amoYy cupido, etc., cp. Enn. Medea fr. 3 cupido cepit 
 miseram nunc me proloqui (cp. Eur. Med. 57 loa-O' i/xepos 
 fjL^ I'TTTJA^e I . . Aejat). A. 2. 349 cupido . . . sequi. An 
 idiom providing a convenient variation metri gratia for 
 the normal construction with the gerund. 
 
 134. A reminiscence of Odi 12. 21 a-^krXioi ol fwoi/res 
 VTrr]X.OeT€. Soyfi 'AiSao | Sicrdavees, 6t€ t' ctAAot aTra^ Ovqa-Kovcr' 
 av9p(j07rot. 
 
 innare with ace. as in G. 3. 142 = " to swim forth into." 
 lacus. Cp. 323 Stygiam paludem, " the stagnant pools of 
 Styx." Cp. G. 4. 493 stagnis Auernis. 
 
 135. Tartara. The neuter plural of the masc. sing, 
 Tartarus as in Greek. The word is first found in Lucretius. 
 
 insane iuuat indulgere labori. Cp. 2. 776 quid tantum 
 insano iuuat indulgere dolori. Cp. (tx^tXlol in Od. I.e. 
 (above). But insano and the whole sentiment of this and 
 the lines immediately preceding are exaggerated in view of 
 Aeneas' motive and the authority he has for his desire. 
 
 137. aureus ramus. The nature and significance of the 
 Golden Bough are wrapped in mystery. It was lunoni 
 infernae dictus sacer (138), a gift beloved of Proserpine (142), 
 and is compared, though not actually identified, with the 
 mistletoe (205). The comparison may, however, be no more 
 than a poetical and romantic method of identification. Two 
 views are possible: 
 
 III 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 1. The bough is of actual gold, and belongs wholly to the 
 region of myth, though no doubt possessing a counterpart in 
 Chthonian rites. Cp. Servius licet de hoc ramo hi, qui de 
 sacris Proserpinae scripsisse dicunhir, quiddam esse mysticum 
 affirjnent. What this mystic emblem may have been there 
 is nothing to show. The boughs carried by the mystae 
 were of myrtle, not of gold. (Hesychius xP^'^-o/opayes epvos. 
 a7r€ppriyjj.€vov 17 d7r€(TTpaixfjL€vov oltto tov SevSpov cannot 
 definitely be brought into connexion with the present 
 passage.) 
 
 2. As opposed to this, the esoteric view, is the theory that 
 it is the branch of a real tree or plant, in which case it can 
 clearly be none other than the mistletoe. This view, however, 
 leaves us in little less obscurity. We are reduced to re- 
 ferring vaguely to the magical qualities of the mistletoe, 
 for which it is famous in European folk-lore. Its mysterious 
 growth and its winter fruitage alike made it remarkable. 
 But for its meaning in ancient Greek or Roman folk-lore we 
 have no evidence. It may obviously have symbolised life 
 in the midst of death, and as such have been a welcome gift 
 to Proserpine, ravished from earth to dwell among the dead. 
 It may have been (fivrov ixvo-tlkov a-vfxISoXov tov /3lov Kal 
 TOV dava-Tov, as another plant is described by Photios, 
 lex, I. 406, Naber and Bekker, anecd. gr., p. 279. Mr. A. B. 
 Cook, again, suggests that it may have been regarded as a 
 key to unlock the underworld on the analogy of its use in 
 modern European folk-lore, as a divining rod unlocking 
 the secrets of the earth {Class. Review, 1908, p. 405). But 
 we have no evidence as to its properties in ancient Italy 
 or Greece, save for a curious passage in Pliny, N. H. 13. 119, 
 which states that Alexander CorneHus asserts that the 
 uiscum was indestructible by fire or water, which does no 
 more than support its possible identification with the Golden 
 
 112 
 
Commentary 
 
 Bough. Servius states that puhlica opinio identified it 
 with the branch of the mysterious tree in the grove of Nemi, 
 which must be plucked by a candidate for the priesthood of 
 Diana, to quahfy him for single combat with the reigning 
 priest, " that slew the slayer, and shall himself be slain." 
 But there seems no special reason to identify this tree with 
 the mistletoe, nor does this interpretation throw any fresh 
 light on the significance of the Vergilian Golden Bough* 
 But see Frazer's Golden Bough (3rd ed.), vol. ii., for the 
 development and discussion of this view. For a full dis- 
 cussion of the present passage, almost wholly negative in its 
 result, see Norden, on Aen. 6, 135. 
 
 138. lunoni infernae. As 142 shows, she is identified 
 with Proserpine. But there is no parallel either in Greek 
 or Latin for this identification; for though the name recurs 
 with variations in Ov. M. 14. 114 /. Auerna, Stat. S. 2. i. 147, 
 Th. 4. 526 / Stygia, etc., these passages are all deliberate 
 imitations of Vergil. In lack of further evidence all that can 
 be said is that as Pluto may be called lupiter Stygius (4. 638), 
 so his bride Proserpina may be called luno inferna. 
 
 dictus. Servius dicatus. But this requires a parallel, 
 while it is perfectly possible to take J«V/W5 = " pro- 
 nounced." 
 
 omnis. "As if the whole forest conspired to hide it." 
 Conington. Cp. 187 si nunc se nobis ille aureus arbore 
 ramus \ ostendat nemore in tanto. 
 
 141. auricomos. First appears here; a translation of the 
 Gk. xpva-oKoiio^, Lucretius had paved the way with 
 lauricomus (6. 152). 
 
 qui M : quis PR. Both are possible, though qui is prefer- 
 able on grounds of euphony = « qui, 
 
 142. pulcra. Perhaps with a ritual significance, as 
 Artemis is styled 17 KaA^ or KaAXttrrr/. 
 
 113 J 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 ferre instituit. Cp. E. 5. 41 mandat fieri sihi talia Daphnis, 
 
 145. alte. " Deeply," not " on high." Servius omni 
 intentione. 
 
 rite. With carpe not repertum. Servius id est cum 
 obseruatione, non rite repertum. It is to be gathered by hand : 
 no knife must be used. Cp. the cutting of the mistletoe 
 with a stone knife: Plin. 24. 12 quidam id efficacius fieri putant 
 prima luna collectum e rohore sine f err 0, 
 
 146, uolens. But see n. on cunctantem (211). ipse goes 
 closely with uolens = ultro, 
 
 149. She announces the death of one of his companions, 
 Misenus. It is urged by Sabbadini {Aen. 4, 5, 6, p. xvii) 
 that this episode does not belong to the first draft of the 
 book, or at least that it was not in Vergil's design when he 
 wrote the conclusion of Bk. 5, on the ground that in 814 
 {unus erit tantum quern amis sum gurgite quaeres), though 
 the death of one of his comrades is prophesied, that comrade 
 is Palinurus ; he further urges that praeterea is an indication 
 of the insertion of 149-152 in the original draft, they having 
 become necessary as an introduction to the episode which 
 follows. (Note also the abruptness of due nigras pecudes.) 
 It may with justice be urged that the prophecy referred 
 merely to the voyage, and not to anything that might occur 
 after landing in Italy. Sabbadini, however, raises a more 
 serious objection. The tecta Sihyllae (211) refer, not to the 
 cave at Cumae, but the cave of Avernus. Aeneas is near this 
 latter cave when he finds the bough^ but after taking the 
 bough to the cavern of Avernus, the action is interrupted ; in- 
 stead of sacrificing at once Aeneas has to go off to bury 
 Misenus, and it may be added the burial takes place at a 
 considerable distance. Sabbadini urges with some justice 
 that the flow of the narrative would be more easy if 149-152 
 and the description of the death and burial of Misenus 
 
 114 
 
Commentary 
 
 were omitted: the visit to the " ancient wood " (179) would 
 then be merely for the purpose of hewing wood for the sacrifice 
 and the discovery of the Golden Bough, while the description 
 of the cave of Avernus would follow in the most natural 
 manner directly on the reference to tecta Sibyllae. There is 
 much force in these arguments; Vergil has, however, mtro- 
 duced the episode with skill: the sacrifice is not due for 
 performance till nightfall (cp. 252 noctumas incohat aras), 
 and there is no serious incoherence or inconsistency arising 
 from the insertion of the episode: the distance of Misenum 
 from Cumae is at least as serious an objection as any; but 
 even here the difficulty is not insuperable. The fact that the 
 death of Misenus is to some extent a douhlette of the death 
 of Palinurus counts for little. The two episodes are dealt 
 with in very different style, while both are the natural 
 outcome of the aetiological method adopted by Vergil in 
 imitation of the Hellenistic poets. It is, moreover, a method 
 with which we cannot quarrel, for it is a valuable instrument 
 in the hands of the poet for Hnking up Greek or Italian 
 legend with the actual facts of history and geography, 
 
 151. consulta petis=/a/a poscis, consulta being the decrees 
 of Heaven, 
 
 pendes = " delay." Cp, 4. 88 pendent opera interrupta. 
 
 152. sedibus . . . suis. "The tomb": cp. 328 quant 
 sedihus ossa quieruni. 
 
 153. due nigras pecudes. The Sibyl proceeds to give 
 instructions as to the preparations necessary before he can 
 descend to the Lower world. Black victims {hostiae furuae) 
 are to be brought for sacrifice to the gods of the dead; see 
 243 nigrantis terga iuuencos, and 249 atri uelleris agnam, notes. 
 
 The passage is suggested by Od. 10. 51 7, where Circe gives 
 Odysseus instructions concerning the offerings to be made 
 to the dead. 
 
 115 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneld 
 
 piacula. " Offerings of appeasement." 
 
 prima — i.e., they must be offered as a necessary pre- 
 liminary. 
 
 156. defixus lumina. The construction of the ace. with 
 passive verbs, especially participles, is as old as Ennius 
 (A. 392) succincti cor da machaeris, is found in Lucretius 
 and most of the poets, in Livy and in Tacitus. It is closely 
 connected with the accusative of extent, cp. 243 nigraniis 
 terga iimencos, 495 lacerum ora, and is, perhaps, best re- 
 garded as an extension of this use in imitation of Greek usage, 
 and helped by the fact that the Middle voice survived in 
 the shape of deponent verbs and in reflexive uses, such as 
 Hccingor = accingo me (see Lindsay, L.L., p. 519 sqq.). Such 
 accusatives, as a rule, express either (i) a part of the body, 
 or (2) a thing worn. Cp. 281 uipereum crinem uittis innexa 
 cnientis. 470 uultum moueiur. 
 
 ingreditur. " Proceeds on his way," a rare but classical 
 use: cp. 8. 309. Cic. T. D. i. 31. 75. 
 
 &g\i= ponit. 
 
 160. sermone serebant. sero is frequently used in the 
 sense of " interchange " of words. Cp. Plant. Cure. 193. 
 sermonem serat. Liu. 3. 43 aliqiiid sermonibus ocadtis serere, 
 Varro (L.L. 6. 64) implies an etymological connexion between 
 the two words, sermo non potest in una homine esse solo, sed 
 uhi oratio cum alter coniuncta. Cp. Servius hie propria 
 dictus est sermo qui inter utrumque seritur, 
 
 161. exanimem M: exanimum PR. The first is to be pre- 
 ferred as avoiding the sequence of two words ending in -um, 
 
 162. atque, almost = '*and lo !" Cp. E. 7. 7 atque ego 
 Daphnim aspicio. 
 
 Misenum. While the name of the promontory of 
 Misenum was generally derived from the name of a legendary 
 hero Misenus, there were doubts as to his identity. Strabo 
 
 116 
 
Commentary 
 
 I. 26 makes him a follower of Ulysses, a view which seems 
 to be adopted by Ov. Met. 14. 103^ where the grave Aeolidae 
 canori is spoken of as existing before Aeneas' visit to Cumae. 
 The tabula Iliaca represents him as a companion of Aeneas, 
 while Dion. Hal. i. 53. 3 mentions his death as following 
 on that of Palinurus. He is not following Vergil, for the 
 account given of the death of Palinurus is different. The 
 so-called douhlette of the deaths of Palinurus and Misenus, 
 therefore, may be presumed to have existed in handbooks 
 of mythology prior to Vergil's treatment of these themes. 
 See n. on 149-152. 
 
 163. indigna. Servius miserahili, non congrua eiv^ 
 mentis^ 
 
 164. Aeoliden. Perhaps the son of Aeolus, god of the 
 winds, a fit father for a trumpeter, or possibly of the Trojan 
 Aeolus (12. 542). F'.T this and the following line cp. 
 Erotem, librarium et libertum eius, exactae iam senectutis 
 tradunt referre solitum, quondam in recitando eum duos 
 dimidiatos uersus complesse ex tempore, et huic ^^ aere ciere 
 uiros "; simili colore elatum subiunxisse '* Martemque accen^ 
 dere cantu " statimque sibi imperasse ut utrumque volumini 
 adscriberet. Suet. vit. Verg. 12, 49. 
 
 quo non praestantior alter. Cp. II. 2. 553 tw 5' oiVw ns 
 
 o/ioios ^TVi^Oov'nav ykver' din^p \ Koo-fiqa-at lttttovs T€ Kat dvspas 
 aaTTtSiwra?. 
 
 Martemque accendere cantu. Cp. Aristoph. Pax 310 t6v 
 
 HoAe/xov €K{w7ri'p7yo-€T' evSo^ei' KCKpayores. Servius hemis- 
 tichium hoc dicitur addidisse diini Augusto hunc sextum 
 librum recitaret. For the infinn. ciere and accendere dependent 
 on praestantior cp. E. 5. i boni . , . inflare. Hor. Od. i. 12. 
 II blandus , . . ducere. 
 
 166. Hectoris. There is no mention of trumpeters in 
 Homer, though the trumpet is mentioned in II. 18. 219. 
 
 117 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 167, lituo. A curved trumpet, as opposed to the straight 
 tuba (Cp. Veget. 3. 5) which is mentioned below as the instru- 
 ment used by Misenus. Vergil probably uses the two words 
 indifferently, though he may be influenced here by the fact 
 that he thinks of Hector as fighting from his chariot, the 
 lituus being the trumpet of cavalry (Cp. Aero ad Hor. Od. 
 I. I, 23). 
 
 insignis. Cp. the Homeric kXvtos. 
 
 proelia obibat. Cp. Lucr. 4. 967 proelia ohire. 
 
 170. non inferiora secutus. Cp. II. 5. 467 Kelrai dvr^p 6v 
 
 t' i(TOV €t[01X€V "FiKTOpL SiO) | Atl^CtttS. I7» 5I3 "EkTW^ AlV€6aS 
 
 6^- oi TpiixDv cicriv aptcrrofc, Aen. II. 289 Hectoris Aeneaeque 
 nianu nictoria Graium \ haesit. 
 
 171. concha. Cp. lo. 209 hunc uehit immanis Triton et 
 caerula concha \ exterrens freta. Hesych. s.v. kox^os. kox^ols 
 roLS 6a\a€r(Tioi<s €\po}vro irpo Trj<s twv (raXTrLyy(x>v €vpea€io<s, as, 
 for instance, in Eur, L T. 303 Koy^Xovs re c^vo-wr o-v/VAeywv 
 
 personat aequora. Cp. 417 latratu regna trifauci \ personal. 
 
 172. demens = Homeric vrJTTios. Cp. 590 demens qui, etc. 
 uocat in certamina diuos, as Marsyas challenged Apollo 
 
 and Thamyris the Muses with no less disastrous results. 
 
 173. si credere dignum est. See n. on 14 utfama est. 
 
 176. praecipue pius Aeneas. Repeated i. 220. 
 
 177. aramque sepulcri. The pyre is compared to an altar 
 (i) because of its shape, (2) because the burning of the 
 dead may be conceived as or likened to a sacrifice. Further, 
 it may be noted that ara primarily means " place of burning," 
 and is derived from the same root as ardeo aridus, etc. Cp. 
 Varro, L.L., 5. 38 ah ardore dictus ad quern lit sit fit ara. Isidor. 
 15. 4. 13 aram quidem uocahant quod ibi incensae uictimae 
 ardeant. For the phrase as applied to the pyre cp. Ov. Tr. 
 3. 13. 20 Juneris ara. M. 8. 480 sepulcrales a^ae, Sil. 15. 387 
 
 118 
 
Commentary 
 
 alta sepulcri ara. But the phrase means more than art 
 " altar-shaped pyre." Actual offerings to the Di Manes are 
 made on the pyre (224 turea dona, dapes,fuso crateres oliuo), 
 just as offerings are made to the shade of Patroclus (II. 23, 
 161). The dead man himself is not conceived as an offering 
 to the gods of the underworld: it is rather to his spirit that 
 the offerings are made^ just as similar offerings were made 
 at the true altar-tomb raised above the grave of a dead hero : 
 cp. 3. 301 turn forte dapes et tristia dona . . . lihahat cineri ; 
 or, if there were no actual altar, at the tomb which is re- 
 verenced as an altar: cp. Aesch. Choeph. 99 alSovixevr) a-ol 
 Biiifiov (OS TVfJifSov TTarpos. Simon, ap. Diod. 11. 11 /3oj/x6s 8' 
 6 Td<poSi Sen. Ep. 86 ara quam sepulcrum esse tanti uiri 
 suspicor (sc. Africani). 
 
 178. The whole line suggests unwonted size and magni- 
 ficence, with a certain splendid exaggeration. 
 
 179. Compare the comparatively prosaic description in 
 II. 23. 114 sqq., with the elaborate magnificence of the 
 present passage, which is a close imitation of a ruder but 
 no less splendid passage in Ennius (A. 193): incedunt arbusta 
 per alia ; securihus caedunt : \ percellimt magnas quercus : 
 exciditur ilex : | fraxinus frangitur atque ahies consternitur 
 alia : \ pinus proceras peruortimt : ofnne sonahai | arbusium 
 fremiiu siluai frondosai. The same theme is treated again 
 by Vergil in 11. 135 ferro sonat alta bipenni \ fraxinus, 
 euertunt acias ad sidera pinus, \ robora nee cuneis et oleniem 
 scindere cedrum \ nee plausiris cessant Hectare gementibus ornos. 
 
 stabula alta. The phrase recurs in 9. 388 and 10. 723; 
 in both these cases alta means " lofty," and the context 
 requires the same meaning here; Vergil is emphasising the 
 height of the forest trees hewn down. 
 
 antiquam siluam. Avernus was thickly clothed with 
 wood, until the woods were felled in the construction of his 
 
 119 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 new harbour by Agrippa^ an incident which may well have 
 been present in the poet's mind when he wrote this passage. 
 Cp. Strabo. 5, p. 244. 
 
 180. piceae=" spruce": cp. Plin. 16. 10 feralis arbor ei 
 Junehri indicio ad fores posita et rogis uirens. 
 
 181. cuneis et fissile robur. Donatus in his paraphrase 
 rightly takes cuneis with what follows, while M also punctu- 
 ates after trabes. This gives more point to fissile, and is 
 supported by 11. 137 cited above (sc. robora nee cuneis). 
 
 182. ornos. The manna ash, Fraxinus ornus. 
 
 183. primus. Cp. 176 praecipue. 
 
 184. accingitur = " provides himself": cp. 9. 'j4 facibus 
 puhes accingiiur, 6. 570 accincta flagello. accingor, like 
 cingor (3. 749), induor (2. 392) is used reflexively hke a 
 Greek middle: cp. n. on 156. 
 
 185. haec refers to what follows, and is repeated by sic. 
 tristi cum corde from Ennius (A. 473). Cp. 8. 522 ffiultaqite 
 
 dura suo tristi cum corde putabant. 
 
 186. uoce R: forte MP Servius. In spite of the authority 
 against it uoce is preferable; it indicates that he prays aloud 
 and not silently in his heart: cp. 9. 403 and 11. 784. forte, 
 on the other hand, is pointless : cp. Servius uacat forte, et 
 est uersus de his qui tibicines uocantur. It has probably crept 
 in from 190. 
 
 188. quando omnia uere, etc. Cp. Aesch. Ag. 1241 ayav 
 
 y' aXrjOofxavTLV OLKTeipas ipets. 
 
 190. forte. Servius augiiria aut oblatiua sunt, quae 
 7ion poscuntur, aut impetratiua, quae optata ueniunt. hoc 
 ergo quia oblatiuum est, ideo dixit ^^ forte.'" 
 
 191. ipsa sub ora. Servius ne si longius uolarent, non 
 ad eum pertinere uiderentur : nam moris erat ut captanies 
 auguria certa sibi spatia designarent, quibus uolebant iiidenda 
 ad St pertinere. 
 
 120 
 
Commentary 
 
 193. maternas. For the dove sacred to Venus cp. Prop. 
 3. 3. 31; 4. 5. 62. Ov. M. 13. 673, etc. 
 
 194. Servius et iam ex hoc loco esse incipit impetratiuum 
 quod fuerat oblatiuum, Cp. n. on 190. 
 
 195. pinguem diues. The juxtaposition is emphatic. The 
 ground that bears such fruit must indeed be fertile. 
 
 197. effatus. Servius proprie effata stmt augurum preces : 
 unde ager post pomeria uhi captahantur auguria dicebatur 
 effatus. 
 
 uestigia pressit. Servius quia ad captanda auguria post 
 preces immobiles uel seder e uel stare consueuerant. pressit = 
 repressit : cp. 331 constitit Anchisa satus et uestigia pressit. 
 
 199. pascentes. Not on the wing^ but settHng to feed 
 and then flying on again. Servius detects a special signi- 
 ficance in this comparing the feeding of the *' sacred 
 chickens." 
 
 200. possent. Final subj. expressing the purpose of the 
 doves in their flight. 
 
 seruare, perhaps^ with its technical augural sense, as in 
 seruare de caelo. 
 
 sequentum may mean " following with the eye," or be used 
 of actual motion; they follow the birds each time they fly 
 on from the spot where they had settled. 
 
 201. graueolentis Auerni. See n. on 240-42. For graueo- 
 lentis cp. G. 4. 270 graueolentia centaurea. So, too, bene olentis 
 (E. 2. 48). 
 
 202. liquidumque per aera. Servius non est aeris per- 
 petuum epitheton, sed purum et incorruptum ait Auerni com- 
 paratione. A possible, but by no means necessary, inter- 
 pretation. 
 
 203. sedibus optatis. (i) The " wished-for resting-place," 
 which is explained by the lines which follow: this is a per- 
 fectly natural explanation. (2) The " spot which they had 
 
 121 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 chosen": cp. i. 425 optare locum tedo. It cannot mean 
 " chosen by Aeneas/' as Norden would take it, for the simple 
 reason that Vergil did not write nonsense. The fact that 
 optare is or may be a technical word of augury has nothing 
 to do with the case. Of the two interpretations (i) is the 
 most probable, as being the most obvious: it would, in 
 fact, suggest itself to the ordinary reader of all ages and 
 countries at a glance. 
 
 gemina super arbore MP. Donatus, Priscian: geminae super 
 arbore R. Donatus quae Jrondem duplicem materiamque 
 portabat. It has been objected that gemina cannot bear this 
 meaning: it does, however, bear a very similar meaning in 
 phrases such as gemini Chironis (Ov. M. 2. 630), geminum 
 corpus Tritonis (Stat. S. 3. 2. 35): a closer analogy could 
 scarcely be desired. Norden cites Columella for uites 
 geminae, so called quod dupUces uuas exigunt : so, too, Pliny 
 14. 22 speaks of gemellae uites, so called because they are 
 characterised by geminae semper uuae. But the meaning in 
 these passages is that the vines bear twin clusters, not clusters 
 of different kinds of grapes ; geminae is, in itself, a perfectly 
 simple and satisfactory reading, but the weight of authority 
 tells heavily against it, and it is probably, if not a deliberate 
 simplification, an unconscious reminiscence of 190. 
 
 auri . . . aura. Servius splendor auri. The gleam of 
 the gold streaming is spoken of as a breath: cp. Callim. 
 Hymn. Dian. 117 <^aeos avrfXTj. No Latin parallel for 
 this use of aura exists, but no other interpretation is possible. 
 Norden connects aura with uento (209), and apparently thinks 
 that aura auri means " gold waving in the wind," an im- 
 possibly harsh and far-fetched interpretation. For the play 
 on aura and aurum cp. Pacuv, 362 terra exhalat auram ad 
 auroram humidam, Varro, Sat. 121 auroral i . . auro 
 (Norden). 
 
 122 
 
Commentary 
 
 discolor— j.^., differing in colour from the tree on which 
 it grows. 
 
 205. brumali frigore uiscum. There are two kinds of 
 mistletoe, (i) Viscum album, the common mistletoe, an 
 evergreen. The fruit is white, and it is rarely found on 
 oaks (never in Italy, according to Pollini, cited by Lenz), 
 {Botanik der alien Griechen und Romer). (2) Loranihus 
 Europaeus, a S. European species, deciduous with golden 
 berries, and so frequently found on oak as to be called visco 
 quercino (cp. Soph. F. 370 l^o(f)6povs Spvds. Plin. 16. 245 
 uiscum in quercu robore ilice). Here the golden bough is 
 found on an evergreen oak {ilex) and has golden berries. 
 This points to Loranthus Europaeus. On the other hand, 
 Loranthus Europaeus is leafless in winter, while Viscum 
 album is not. This is a point in favour of the latter species 
 (cpjronde uirere noua). The probability is that Vergil does 
 not accurately distinguish between the two plants, which 
 closely resemble each other. See Frazer, Golden Bough, 
 vol. ii. (3rd ed., 1913), note iv. brumali frigore. bruma, 
 the date of the winter solstice, fell on December 25 in the 
 Caesarian Calendar: cp. Plin. 18. 221. Mommsen on C.I.L. 
 1^, p. 288. The mistletoe thus, even here, is connected with 
 the date of our own Christmas, 
 207. teretis = " round." 
 209, ilice. See n. on 205. 
 
 209. brattea = " gold foil." Cp. Lucr. 4. 728 tenuia . , . 
 obuia cum ueniunt, ut aranea bratteaque auri. 
 
 211. cunctantem. But in 147 Aeneas was told ipse 
 miens facilisque sequetur. Either Vergil is guilty of an ex- 
 ceedingly unfortunate inconsistency, or we must accept the 
 interpretation of Servius: ''cunctantem'' quia '' auidus,'' ut 
 ostendat tantam fuisse auellendi cupiditatem ut nulla ei satis- 
 facere posset celeritas : nam tardantem dicere non possumus 
 
 123 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 qui Jataliter sequebatur. Norwood's theory expounded in 
 Class. Quart. 12, p. 148, 9, ignores the facts of the case, and 
 will not hold water for a moment. He holds that the Sibyl 
 was wrong i:i 147. She held that the enterprise was either 
 utterly impossible or entirely easy. Aeneas' experience 
 shows that it was possible, but difficult. Aeneas, he urges, is 
 a new type of hero: he believes that his divine origin will 
 help. But no; it is his pietas only that enables him to 
 succeed. There is not a syllable in Vergil to support this 
 view. The Sibyl had stated that it would be easy si te 
 Jata uocant. The whole Aeneid centres round the fact that 
 Aeneas was not only pius, but the man of destiny. It is 
 inconceivable that Vergil meant us to suppose that the Sibyl 
 could be in error, or that he wrapped his meaning in such 
 thick and impenetrable darkness. 
 
 tecta Sibyllae. This cannot be the oracular cave at Cumae. 
 Aeneas does not return there. The moment the funeral is 
 over he goes to the cave of Avernus (cp. 236, 7). It is clear, 
 therefore, that the Grotta della Sibilla on the banks of Avernus 
 is regarded as her dwelling-place, and that it is to this that 
 reference is made in iecta Sibyllae. 
 
 212-235. While the description of the funeral rites of 
 Misenus is, no doubt, suggested in a general way by the 
 funerals of Patroclus and Hector in the closing books of the 
 Iliad, it is something more than a mere imitation of Homer. 
 Vergil appeals to the feelings of his readers by describing 
 the solemn rites of Roman burial. In all the many references 
 in Vergil to Roman ritual and custom, there is nothing 
 more perfectly designed at once to move his readers and to 
 lend Roman colour to the epic. 
 
 The R.omans practised both inhumation and incineration, 
 but the latter was the usual practice with the upper classes, 
 and went back to remote antiquity. For similar descriptions 
 
 124 
 
Commentary 
 
 of funeral rites cp. the funeral of Pallas in ii ad init. and that 
 of the fallen Trojans in the same book. 
 
 213. ingrato. Servius tristi, ut gratum laetum aliquid 
 dicimus. alii ingrato dicunt gratiam non sentienti. On the 
 first view ingrato = '' ymlowdy,'' '' unpleasing," rather than 
 "sad": cp. Prop. 2. 13. 35 qui nunc iacet horrida puluis. 
 But there can be little doubt that the second interpretation 
 is preferable (*' thankless "). Cp. Copa, 35 quid cineri 
 ingrato seruas bene olentia serta ? Horn. II. 24. 54. Soph. 
 El. 356. 
 
 cineri. The dead body called cinis by anticipation. 
 
 suprema. The last offerings : cp. 1 1 . 25 supremis muneribus. 
 61 supremum honorem. The use of the word in this context 
 is not found before Vergil. 
 
 214. Cp. the description of the pyre of Patroclus in 
 II. 23. 162. 
 
 taedis . . . robore secto. Cp. 4. 504 pyra . . . erecta 
 ingenti taedis. 
 
 pinguem is best taken with taedis, being balanced by 
 ingentem robore secto. It is, however, possible to take 
 pinguem with robore secto as well, treating the whole line 
 as predicative to ingentem struxere pyram. pinguem applies 
 especially to the resinous taeda (Scotch pine), but may easily 
 be extended to other fuel. The pyre is of rough-hewn 
 logs: cp. XII. tab. ap. Cic. de leg. 2. 23 rogum ascia ne 
 poli. 
 
 pyram. The Greek word for the Latin rogus (308), used 
 here as in 4. 494, 504, and 11. 185, 204: found before 
 Vergil only in auct. bell. Afr. 91. 2, and bell. Hisp. 39. 
 
 3-4. 
 frondibus atris. If atris carries with it no more than 
 
 the idea of colour, it will refer to leaves of the cypress, yew, 
 ilex, conifers, and evergreens in general. If, on the other 
 
 125 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 hand, it is used— ferales or infelices, cp. the Hsts of trees cited 
 by Plin. i6. 45, and Macrob. (from Tarquitius Priscus) 3. 20. 3. 
 Cp. also Stat. Theb. 6. 54 (cited on 220 toro). 
 
 216. ante cupressos constituunt. Servius cupressus ad- 
 hibetur ad funera uel quod caesa non repullulat uel quod per 
 eamfunestata ostenditur domus. Varro iainen dicit pyras ideo 
 cupresso circumdari propter grauem ustrinae odorem ne eo 
 offendatur populi circumstantis corona. It is not clear how 
 the cypresses were placed. The statement cited from Varro 
 shows that they form part of the pyre as does Statins (Th, 
 4. 460) frondes atqiie omne cupressus \ intexit plorata latus. 
 ante may be taken (i) locally, in which case the sense will 
 be that the pyre is faced with cypress, or (2) temporally, in 
 which case the cypresses are best regarded as uprights into 
 which frondes atrae intexantur. 
 
 217. fulgentibus armis. Cp. II. 6. 418. Od. 11. 74, and 
 12, 13. But it is noteworthy that the burning of armour 
 is not mentioned either in the funeral of Patroclus (II. 23) 
 or of Hector (II. 24). It is in any case the Roman custom 
 which Vergil has in mind: cp. 11. 78. Luc. 9. 175, and more 
 especially the testamentum Basiliense (Wilmanns, Exx. Inscr, 
 Lat. 315), for a long list of objects to be consumed with the 
 deceased on the pyre. Whatever may have been the origin 
 of the practice of incineration, for Vergil it probably meant 
 the etherialisation of the material body, while the burning 
 of arma, purpureae uestes, etc., would serve the purpose of 
 rendering these articles serviceable for the spirit in the other 
 world. The arms referred to may, or may not, have been 
 the armour worn in life by Misenus; see 233 n, 
 
 2 1 8. calidos latices. Servius Plinius (7. 173 sqq) dicit hanc 
 esse causam ut mortui et calida abluantur et per interualla 
 conclamentur, quod solet plerumque uitalis spiritus exclusus 
 putari et homines Jailer e. It is at least as probable that warm 
 
 126 
 
Commentary 
 
 water was used as it is to-day, because it is better for cleansing 
 
 purposes. 
 
 aena undantia flammis. Cp. 7. 462 ueluti cum jiamma 
 sonore \ uirgea suggeritur costis undantis aeni. 
 
 219. lauant et ungunt. The pollinctio. Cp. Ennius, 
 A. 155 Tarquinii corpus bona femina lauit et unxit. II. 18. 
 343. The anointing of the corpse was designed to prevent 
 premature decay (cp. Lucian, de luct* 11) during the three to 
 seven days (Schol. Cruq. ad Hor, Epod. 17. 48. Seru, ad 
 Aen. 5. 64) allowed to elapse between death and burial. 
 Cp. Apul. Flor. 19, where he recounts the revival of a seem- 
 ingly dead man, iam miseri illius membra omnia aromatis 
 perspersa, iam os ipsius unguine odore delibutum, iam eum 
 polUnctum, iam pyra paratum contemplatus , * * inuenit in 
 ilia uitam latentem. In the case of Misenus the anointing is a 
 mere rite, serving no purpose, save to assist the consumption 
 of the corpse. 
 
 220. fit gemitus. Perhaps corresponding to the formal 
 lamentation by praeficae ^Mnng the lying in state. Cp. bas- 
 relief, published in Mon. 1st. corrisp, archeol, Rom. 5. 
 Plate VI. (reproduced in Daremberg et Saglio, s.v. funus, 
 p. 1389). But the funeral of Misenus being rapid, the time 
 and order of a formal funeral are not observed. 
 
 toro. The lectus funebris placed on the bier and committed 
 with it to the flames. Such, at least, is the most probable 
 interpretation in view of the imitation in Stat, Theb. 6. 54 
 tristibus interea ramis teneraque cupresso \ damnatus jiammae 
 torus et puerile feretrum texitur. This interpretation justifies 
 the epithet ingenti applied to feretro. Statins proceeds to 
 describe a structure for which ingens is scarcely adequate.^ 
 Such a lectus funebris borne on the feretrum is depicted in a 
 relief found at Preturi in 1879 {Not. Scavi., 1879, p. 145; 
 reproduced in Daremberg et Saglio, s.v. funus, p. 1392). 
 
 127 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 221. purpureasque super uestes. Cp. Seru. ad. A. 3. 67 
 (citing Varro) sed quoniam sumptuosum erat et crudele 
 tiictimas uel homines interficere, sanguinei coloris coepta 
 est uestes mortuis inici ut et ipse testatur (6. 221) " purpureasque 
 super uestis uelamina nota " et (5. 79) " purpureasque iacit 
 flores'* It is not clear from the actual language whether 
 these garments are additional offerings to the dead, or the 
 garments actually worn by Misenus. Either is possible. 
 For the latter view cp. Li v. 34. 7 purpura uiri utemur . . . 
 magistratibus in coloniis municipiisque . . . praetextae 
 hahendae ius permittemus, nee id ut uiui solum habeant tantum 
 insigne, sed etiam ut cum eo crementur mortui. This view also 
 receives support from uelamina nota, which, though it might 
 mean the *' customary pall/' is most naturally taken with 
 Servius as ipsi cara. Cp. Plut. non pcsse fuau. 2. 6. 1104D 
 tfidria crvvrjO-q rols TeOin]K6cn (rvvdaTTTeLv; Lucian, PhilopS. 
 27 (TvyKaTaKav<ras Kal Ti]v ia-dyJTa y ^wcra lyaipev. For 
 the burning of rich garments with the dead cp. 11. 72 
 turn geminas uestis auroque ostroque rigentis \ extulit . . . 
 harum iuueni supremum moestus honor em induit, Val. Max. 
 5. 5. 4. Suet. Ner. 50. Though the reason for the colour 
 may have been as Varro states, the burning of the garments 
 is probably to provide the dead with raiment in the other 
 world. 
 
 222. ingenti. An adjective of which Vergil is inordinately 
 fond (see Henry, Aeneidea, vol. iii., p. 39 sqq.) : here, however, 
 it is less appropriate to the bier than to the pyre (215), 
 It may be regarded as suggesting the stature of the dead 
 hero and the bulk of the feretrum bearing the lectus funebris. 
 The epithet occurs no less than eighteen times in this book 
 alone. 
 
 subiere. subeo is most commonly used with ace, but is 
 not uncommon with the dat. in poetry (or possibly with 
 
 128 
 
Commentary 
 
 the abl.; though there is no clear instance of the abl. : portu 
 Chaonio (3. 292) may equally well be dat. in u). The bier 
 was carried on the shoulders, as may be seen in the relief 
 referred to in n. on toro (220). Cp. also Hor. S. 2. 5. 85 
 cadauer \ unctum oleo largo nudis humeris tulit heres. 
 
 223. triste ministerium. Ace. in apposition with the 
 sentence: cp. G. 3. 40 interea Dryaduin siluas saltusqiie 
 sequamur \ intados, tua, Maecenas, hand molUa iussa, 
 Norden points out that the phrase became a commonplace 
 in inscriptions on tombs: see Biicheler, Carm. epigr. 
 ind., p. 918. 
 
 subiectam. The pyre was naturally kindled from below. 
 
 subicere is used in the same context of setting fire to a thing 
 
 in 2. 37 and 11. 186. Cp. also Lucr. 6. 1285 siibdebantque 
 
 faces. Prop. 4. 11. 9 cum subdita nostrum \ detraheret lecto 
 
 fax inimica caput. 
 
 more parentum. Cp. 11. 185 hue corpora quisque suorum \ 
 more tulere patrum. An echo of the familiar more maiorum : 
 the parentes were Trojan, the reader could but feel a reference 
 to Roman custom. There is no suggestion of any special duty 
 of relatives as Servius supposes: the reference is general. 
 
 223. auersi. Probably for some such reason as that sug- 
 gested by Norden, to avoid witnessing the etSwAov of the dead 
 as it left the body; or it may be to avoid attracting the ghost's 
 attention. Cp. Ov. F. 5. 430 sqq., where the paterfamilias 
 looks the other way while dropping beans for the ghosts; 
 also Harrison, Prol. Gk. Rel, p. 605. " You may not look 
 back when spirits are about from the underworld : if you do, 
 you may have to join them." 
 
 facem. Servius de fune, ut ait Varro. 
 
 225. turea dona. Cp. Luc. 8. 729. Stat. Silv. 2. i. 157. 
 Plin. 12. 83. The offerings mentioned in this line are to 
 the manes of Misenus. See n. on aramque sepulcri (177). 
 
 129 K 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 dapes. Perhaps merely cakes as in C.I.L. 3. 2919 libis. 
 But more may be meant: cp. Arnob. 7. 51 pulticulae, tiira 
 cum carnibus rapacium alimenta sunt ignium et parentalibus 
 coniunctissima. So^ too, Catull. 59. 2 seems to imply more: 
 saepe quam in sepulcretis \ uidistis ipso rapere de rogo cenam . 
 dapes is used in its primitive sense of sacrificial offerings 
 of food. 
 
 fuso crateres oliuo. Servius dis superis Jantum libabant, 
 inferis uero sacrificantes etiam uasa in ignem mittebant, unde 
 ait crateres : quod etiam Statins in Archemori sepultura 
 commemorat (Th. 6. 206. Servius' statement is incorrect. 
 There the vessels are emptied over the pyre). There is no 
 other reference to this practice. The words may equally 
 mean " bowls of poured-out oil/' the abl. being descriptive; 
 and it is possible that Vergil intends no more than " bowlfuls." 
 But it is more natural to suppose that the bowls are burned 
 as well. For offerings of oHve oil to the dead cp. E. 5. 68 
 craterasque duos statuam tibi pinguis oliui. So^ too, Arnob. 
 7. 20, cited by Lersch. 
 
 crateres. Vergil invariably uses the Greek form crater, 
 as opposed to the Latinised forms creterra and cratera. 
 
 226. Cp. II. 9. 212 avrap errel Kara Trvp eKarj /cat (/)Ab^ 
 ejxapdvOT] ; 23. 251 /Sadda 8e KOLTnTCcre re^/a?;. 
 
 cineres. Ashes generally: fauillam (227), the glowing 
 ember. 
 
 227. Cp. II. 2T,. 251 7rvpKaLr)v o-f3e(rav aWoTrt oivo) \ oVcrov 
 €7rt <f)\o^ -qXde. But it was a Roman custom as well, for- 
 bidden, it is true, by Numa (cp. Plin. 14. 88 Numae regis 
 
 Postumia lex est : uino rogum ne respergito), but none the less 
 practised: cp. Tibull. 3. 2. 19 et primum annoso spargent 
 collecta Lyaeo. Stat. Silv. 2. 6. 90. C.I.L. 6. 1951. (Mr. 
 Warde Fowler points out that the lex Numae does not 
 necessarily apply to this rite, and suggests that the wine 
 
 130 
 
Commentary 
 
 may have been a substitute for blood and intended to keep 
 the ghost ahve.) 
 
 228. cado. A brazen urn^ such as is frequently found in 
 tombs. 
 
 lecta. The ceremony known as ossilegium, performed 
 under ordinary circumstances by near relatives after the 
 departure of the other mourners. It is probable that 
 Corynaeus (the name recurs again in 9. 571 and 12. 298) is to 
 be regarded as a relative. 
 
 229. The Trojans were polluted by the death of Misenus, 
 precisely as a house was polluted by the presence of death. 
 Under ordinary circumstances the house in which a man had 
 died was purified before the funeral (exiierrae, see Festus, s.v. 
 exnerreator). Then, after the funeral, came the purification 
 of all who had taken part in it {siiffltio) : see Fest. s.v. aqua ei 
 igni, p. 3 L. itaque Junus prosecuti redeuntes igncm super- 
 gradiebantur aqua aspersi : quod purgationis genus uocabant 
 suffittonem. 
 
 ter. The sacred number. The belief that odd numbers 
 are lucky is universal. The simpler odd numbers, 3, 5, 7, 9, 
 recur continually: cp. Usener, Dreizahl. Rh. Mus. 58, pp. i 
 sqq.j 161 sqq.f 321 sqq> For the number 3 in ritual cp. 506 
 manis ter uoce uocaui. E. 8. 73 terna tihi haec primum 
 triplici diuersa colore \ licia circumdo, terque haec altaria 
 circum \ effigiem duco : numero dens impare gaudet. A. 11. 188 
 ter circum accensos cincti Julgentibus armis \ decurrere rogos, 
 ter maestum funeris ignem \ lustrauere in equis ululatusque 
 ore dedero. G. i. 345 (a case of actual lustratio) terque nouus 
 circum Jelix eat hostia fruges . 
 
 circumtulit. " Purified." Servius purgauit. antiquum 
 uerbum est. . . . nam lustratio a circumlatione dicta est 
 uel taedae uel sulpuris. Hence circumferre, originally used 
 merely of the act of purification, came to be used in the 
 
 131 
 
The Sixth Rook ot the Aeneid 
 
 sense ''to purify": cp. Plaut. Amph. 776 qiiaeso quin tu 
 istanc tubes pro cerrita circumferri. Fr. incert. 68 pro laniato 
 te circumferam. Cato. agr. 141. i. It is quite unnecessary 
 to explain^ as Conington does, " on the analogy of circumdare. 
 etc., aliqiuim rem alicui, and aliquem aliqiia re," making the 
 present phrase a variation for circumtulit socios puram undam. 
 The word is old and popular, and has come to be considered 
 as equivalent to purgare. lustro has undergone the opposite 
 process: from ''purify" it has come to mean "range," 
 " go round." 
 
 230. spargens. Cd. Macrob. 3. i. 6 constat dis superis 
 sacra Jacturum corporis ahlutione purgari ; cum tiero mjeris 
 litandum est, satis uidetur si aspersio sola contingat, 
 rore et ramo. Hendiadys* 
 
 felicis oliuae. Servius arhoris festae. sed moris Juerat ut 
 de lauro fieret. sane dicit Donatus quod hoc propter Augustum 
 mutauit. nam nata est laurus in Palatio eo die quo Augustus, 
 unde triumphantes coronari consueuerant. propter qiiam 
 rem noluit laurum dicer e ad officium lugubre pertinere. There 
 is no other reference to the use of the olive for this purpose. 
 The laurel was regularly employed (cp. Plin. 15. 138). 
 Servius' explanation is not very probable. But for the use 
 of the oHve at funerals, though for a very different purpose, 
 cp. Plin. 35. 160 quin et defunctos sese multi jictilibus soliis 
 coridi maluere, sicut M. Varro, Pythagorico modo, in myrti et 
 oleae et populi nigraefoliis. It is possible that we may have 
 a trace of Pythagorean influence here, as so often in this 
 book. 
 
 felicis. Not so much in contrast to the infelix oleaster 
 (in sense " unfertile "), as opposed to infelices arbor es, 
 " ill-omened ": cp. n. on 21^ frondibus atris. 
 
 231. lustrauit. As in many cases of lustratio the rite 
 involved going round the persons to be purified. Cp. «V- 
 
 132 
 
Commentary 
 
 cnmtulit above. See Warde Fowler^ Rel. Exp. oj Rom. People, 
 p. 209. 
 
 nouissima uerba. Servius (on 216) populi circumstantis 
 corona, quae tarn diu stabat respondens Jletibus praeficae . . . 
 quam diu consumpto cadauere et collectis cinerihus diceretur 
 nouissimum uerhiim ^^ ilicet,^^ quod ire licet significat. unde 
 est ^' dixitque nouissima uerba. ''^ (On 231) id est ^'ilicet'. 
 nam " uale " dicebatur post tumuli quoque per acta solleynnia. 
 Servius may be right, but we should expect the last farewell 
 to be mentioned rather than the comparatively colourless 
 " ilicet." The farewell to Pallas (11, 97), however, takes 
 place before the actual burning. 
 
 232. ingenti mole sepulcrum. A great tumulus or barrow, 
 like the barrow reputed to be the tomb of Achilles at Sigeum 
 Cp. II. 23. 255 TopvwaravTO §€ arrjua, deixdXid T€ irpof^aXovTO 
 
 I dfjicfit TrvprjV eldap Se ^vWyv €7rt yatav €X€vav. 24. 797. 
 
 Od. 12. 14 and 24. 80. Aesch. Cho. 351 TroXvx^a-Tov 
 Ta</)OV. 
 
 233. suaque arma. Servius sculpsit in saxo. nam supra 
 ea iam legimus concremata. There is no need for such an 
 interpretation. The arma are the remus et tuba. Cp. 'l. I'j'] 
 Cerealia arma. The alternative is to take arma as the actual 
 armour contrasted by the use of sua with the fulgentia arma 
 burned on the pyre, which are not his arms, but those offered 
 by his comrades: cp, 11. 193 alii . . . coniciunt igni galeas 
 ensesque decoros 1 . . . pars munera nota, \ ipsorum clipeos et 
 non felicia tela, 
 
 remumque tubamque. Servius quia et bellator et remex 
 Juerat. licet possimus etiam tubam accipere. remus enim 
 dicitur lorum quod continet tubam — i.e., a leather case. But 
 this is inappropriate: remum is a clear imitation of Od. 11.77 
 and 12. 15, where Elpenor's oar is spoken of as the mark to 
 be set above his tomb. 
 
 133 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 uiro " explains sua, which would naturally refer to Aeneas 
 himself " (Conington). 
 
 234. monte sub aerio. Servius asserts that the tomb 
 was on the summit; such a sense cannot, however, be ex- 
 tracted from the Latin. 
 
 Misenus. The origin of place-names was a common topic 
 of [etiological poetry. The practice was canonised by 
 Callimachus in his AiVta: cp. his Roman imitator, Pro- 
 pertii's, 4. I. 69 sacra diesqiie canam et nomina prisca 
 locorum. For exx. in this book cp. 381 (Palinurus), and 507 
 (Deiphobus). Other exx. i. 367; 7. i; 10. 145. The site 
 is probably to be identified with the Ptinta di Miseno. But 
 it has also been identified with the Monte di Procida, over a 
 mile farther West. In any case it should be noted (see 
 n. on 149-152) that the site is a considerable distance from 
 Cumae (4-5 miles). See Beloch, Kampanien^, p. 195. 
 
 237. spelunca. The cave known as Grotta della Sibilla, 
 4x5 m. broad, 100 m. long, on south shore of Avernus. 
 There is no longer any volcanic halitus. But the eruption of 
 Monte Nuovo in 1538 has caused notable alterations in the 
 district. See Beloch, op. cit., p. 171. Cp. Strabo 5, p. 244. 
 KOI rh [xavrdov kvravOd irov iSpyraL, toi^ SI UvpicfiXcyidovTa €k 
 TMV OepfXiov vSdriav kreKiialpovro tmv tt\i](tlov T')}? 'Ax€poi;crta?. 
 
 . , . "'K(fiOpO<S Se TOI9 KlllfXCpiOtS TrpO<TOLK€luiv TOV TOTTOV <f)r)(TiV 
 
 avTOv<s €V Karayeiots oiKelv . . . kol Tov<i ^evovs ei's to fxavrcLov 
 8e\€(r9aL iroX-v virh y7]<s l8pvfX€vov. Zijv Se aTrh /xeraAAem? 
 KOL Tiov fxavT€vo[j.€Viov . . . etvuL Se Trepl rh xpy]crT'i]piov l6o<i 
 irdrpLov firf^kva tov riXtov bpav dXXo. rr^s vvKrh^ e^oi TropevecrOai 
 Ttof -^aa-fMOLTOiv ' Kol 8ia tovto tov TrotT^r?/;' vre/oi avriov ecTreiv, w? 
 apa * ovSi ttot' avrovs \ yjeXios <f)a€Oiov cTrtSe/OKcrat' (Od. II. 14). 
 vcrrepov Se Stac^daprjvai tov? dvOpt^TTOvs VTrh f^aartXcoiS TiV^?, 
 ovK dvaf3dvT0<; ai'Tw tov y^prj(Tiio?\ rh 8e iiavreiov tn crvmxcveiv 
 fiedea-T-qKos cis hepov tottov. Max. Tyrius, 14. 2 yv 8e irov 
 
Commentary 
 
 Trjs 'IraA-tas , . , ttc/qi Atfivrjv "Aopvov ovto) KaXovfJbevqv 
 [xavTetov avrpov . . . ivravOa 6 Seofxevos dcftiKOfJievos, ev^dfjicvos 
 erre/xwi/ crcfidyia ^ea/xei/os x^^^ dvcKaAeiTO ^vxr]v otov 8r) twv 
 Trare/owv i'^ ^t'Awv. Kat avrw aTrrjv'Ta etSwAov, d[xv8pov /xev iSetv 
 , . . cfideyKTtKov 6e . . . Kat o-vyyei/o/xevov i'ttc/) wv ISetro 
 dTrrjXXdrreTO. 
 
 238. scrupea. *' Rough/' " jagged/' a rare word found 
 before Vergil only in Enn. Tr. fr. 139 V. and as a noun 
 in Attius, Tr. 431 R. From scrupus a sharp stone: cp. 
 Fest. 448 L. scriipi dicunhir aspera saxa et difficilia attredaiu. 
 For the present phrase cp. Att. ap. Non. 223. 2 scruposam 
 specum, 
 
 tuta. '' Protected." Its original sense as past part. pass, 
 of the archaic tueo. Cp. i. 571 aiixilio tutos. 
 
 nemorumque tenebris. The lake was surrounded with 
 thick wood till 37 B.C.; when Agrippa connected the 
 Lucrine lake with the sea and with Avernus by canals, 
 with a view to forming a landlocked harbour. Strabo, 5, 
 p. 244 sqq. 
 
 239-242. Cp. Lucr. 6. 740 principio quod Auerna uocantur 
 nomine, id ah re \ impositum est, quia sunt auihus contraria 
 cunctis I . . . hie locus est Cumas apud,.acri sulpure 7nontes 
 I oppleti calidis uhi Jumant Jontihus audi, Lucretius clearly 
 connects the name with auis, and there is no reason why 
 Vergil should not have done likev/ise. 242, which gives the 
 Greek derivation, is without parallel in Vergil (G. 3. 148 
 oestrum Grai uertere uocantes comes in a didactic poem, and is 
 not in any case a true parallel). 
 
 The line is such as might be tolerable in aPeriegesis, but is 
 out of the question in an epic poem. Finally, (a) it is pre- 
 served by R alone among the better MSS., (b) ignored by 
 Servius, and (c) occurs in Dionysius, Perieg. 1151 rovvcKa 
 [iLv Kttt <^t«>T€s iTTLKXetova-Lv "Aopviv, which is translated by 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 Priscian, Perieg. 1056 unde locis Grai posueruntnomen Aornis, 
 It is clearly a gloss which has found its way into the text. 
 
 239. Cp. Ap. Rhod. 4. 601 (of the Eridanus) ovSe tls v^oip 
 KCLvo Sid TTTepa Kovcfia Tavv(T(Ta<s \ otwvos Svvarai fSaXeeiV virep, 
 
 uolantes. " Flying things/' used substantivally as in 
 728, and Lucr. 2. 1083. Cp. also iiolitans in the same sense 
 in G. 3. 147. 
 
 240. Cp. 7. 7 tendit iter uelis. 
 
 241. As stated above, these exhalations have ceased. 
 But the whole district of the Campi Flegrei is full of hot 
 springs and exhalations of sulphur are not infrequent: cp. 
 especially the Solfatara at Pozzuoli and the Grotta del Cane. 
 
 supera ad conuexa. FM^ P^ read supera, M^ P^ R super. 
 So, too, at 750 FM^ read supera, M^ super. There 
 is a like divergence in the text at 10. 251. There can, 
 however, be no doubt that supera is the true reading; 
 conuexa requires either an adjective or a noun {e.g., caeli) to 
 qualify it. 
 
 243 sqq. The sacrifices now offered are in accordance with 
 Greek ritual rather than Roman. They are suggested pri- 
 marily by those in Od. 11. Cp. especially the sacrifice of 
 (rreipav {3ovv (30) and oiv 7ra/z/xeAai/a (32), corresponding to 
 sterilem uaccam and atri uelleris agnam in the present passage. 
 They are, however, more elaborate and different in detail. 
 While the language in certain points recalls the technical 
 language of Roman sacrifice, there are certain features which 
 are foreign to genuine Roman rite — e.g., the collection of the 
 blood in bowls for offering to the dead, the holocaust (solida 
 uiscera), and perhaps also the method of slaughter {supponunt 
 cultros). See notes. 
 
 243. nigrantis terga iuuencos. Repeated in 5. 97. For 
 the construction see n. on 156. The technical name for 
 such victims was hostiae furuae (Val. Max. 2. 4. 5), black 
 
 136 
 
Commentary 
 
 cattle being chosen for sacrifice to the deities of the under- 
 world, as white victims were selected for offerings to the di 
 superi. 
 
 245. constituit. Cp. 5. 236 taurum \ constituam ante 
 aras. 9. 627 statuam. 8. 85 sistit. 
 
 244. inuergit. Servius in quarto (61) ait ^^ media inter 
 cornua fundit." et f under e est supina jfianu libare, quod fit 
 in sacris supernis ; uergere autem est conuersa in sinistram 
 partem mamc ita fundere ut patera conuertatur, quod in in- 
 fernis sacris fit. Cp. Ov. Ma 7, 246, where inuergo is used in 
 
 a similar context. 
 
 245. Cp. Od. 3. 445 TToWa S' 'KOi^vrj I cux^t' aTra/JXo/xei^os 
 
 libamina prima. A translation of the Gk. dirapxc-l. 
 libare can be used of any offering, liquid or otherwise (e.g., 
 tura, exta, uiscera) : cp. Stat. Th. 6. 224 raptumque suis 
 libamen ab armis. 
 
 247. Cp. Ap. Rhod. 3. 1209 €7rt Se fxtydSas x^^ Aoi/3a? | 
 B/3i/xa) KLKX-qcTKOiV 'Ekcct^p €Trapo)yhv de^Aojv. 
 
 uoce uocans means no more than calling aloud upon 
 Hecate. Servius non uerbis, sed quibusdam mysticis 
 sonis. Possibly, but Vergil does not say so, and Servius^ as 
 often, refines overmuch. 
 
 Hecaten. See n. on Triuiae 13. 
 
 248. supponunt cultros. Cp. G. 3. 492 uix suppositi 
 tinguuntur sanguine cultri. Servius id est uictimas caedunt. 
 Juit autem uerbum sacrorum, in quibus mali ominis uerba 
 uitabant. Cp. the precisely similar use of v7roTi$r]ixi in Dio. 
 Hal. 7. 72 (rvvTe\ecrdeicr7]<s 8e rrjs tto/xttt/s e/SovOvTovv ev6v<i 
 . . . Kal 6 roiv OvriTToXiCiv rpoTros 6 avros -^v t(^ Trap' t^filv . . , 
 Twv 8e (sc. virrjpcTMv) ot /xev ecrrtoros ert rov dvuLafxaros 
 
 (TKVTdXjj TOVS KpOTd<fiOV<5 €7ratOV ot 8e TTLTTTOVTO'^ v77eriU€crav 
 
 Ttts o-^aytSas. He is describing the ritual at a Roman 
 
 137 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 festival shortly after the regijugium on the authority of 
 Fabius Pictor, and is concerned to show that the Romans 
 have borrowed their ritual from the Greek. 
 
 248. succipiunt. Servius antique, nam modo suscipiunt 
 dicimus. But cp. Caper Orth. 7. 98 Keil. stiscipimus ad 
 animimi et mentem rejertur, succipimtis corpore. So, too, 
 Velius Longus 7. 64. 17 Keil. The rite described is Greek, 
 not Roman. Blood plays but little part in Roman ritual; 
 see Warde Fowler, Relig. Exp. of Rom. People, p. 196, n. 36. 
 The blood is an offering to Hecate and the spirits of the dead. 
 Hecate is described in a late Orphic hymn as at/xo7roTts, 
 p. 294, 53 Abel. Cp. also Theocr. 2. 12 ra x^oi/t^ ^''EKara, 
 Tav Kol (TKvXaKe<s rpofxeovTi \ €p\o[X€vav veKvoiV dva r rjpia kol 
 jxkXav aifxa. Bowls of blood are offered to the shades of 
 Polydorus and Anchises in 3. 67 and 5. 78 in accordance with 
 Greek practice, libation of blood being frequent, especially 
 in Chthonian offerings. Cp. Kd^nison, Prol. Gk. ReL, p. 60 sqq. 
 
 pateris. The Gk. a-cfyayelov, Cp. Eur. El. 800 Schol. 
 Od. 3. 444. Poll. 10. 65. 
 
 atri uelleris agnam. Cp. Od. I.e. For black (Chthonian) 
 victims in Greek ritual cp. Eur, El. 516. Strab. 6. 284. 
 Paus. 5. 13. 2, etc. 
 
 250. matri Eumenidum. Night, Cp. Aesch. Eum. 416. 
 Aen. 12. 846. 
 
 magnaeque sorori. Earth. The statement that Earth, 
 like Night, was the daughter of Chaos is not found in any 
 existing Theogony. Hesiod (Theog. 115) merely states that 
 Earth came into being after Chaos. For black sheep offered 
 to Earth cp. Hom. II. 3. 104. 
 
 251. ense ferit. Repeated in 12. 458. Why the sword 
 should be used is not clear. The victims previously mentioned 
 had had their throats cut probably after being felled with a 
 club or hammer (cp. Dion. Hal. I.e.). Norden suggests that 
 
 138 
 
Commentary 
 
 it is because blood must flow in a Chthonian offering. 
 Servius ut eum contra umbras haberet consecratum. hinc 
 est quod ei dicit Sibylla (260) " uaginaque eripe ferrumJ' 
 
 sterilem uaccam. In Od. I.e. the a-relpa /3ov<; is to be 
 offered to tlie shades. Servius deae congniam nunquam 
 enitenti. Cp. Arnob. 7. 21 bos si sterilis caedatur Unxiae, 
 qiiam Proserpinae tribuitis. 
 
 252. Stygio regi. Pluto. Cp. 4. 638 loui Stygio. 
 nocturnas. The sacrifice is to be performed at midnight 
 
 (cp. Sil. 13. 413 sqq. a medio cum se nox umida cursu \flexerit , 
 etc.). 
 incohat. Servius est uerbum sacrum. 
 
 253. solida uiscera. Servius uiscera sunt quicquid inter 
 ossa et cutem est. , , . ergo per solida uiscera holocaustum 
 significat. There is no trace of the holocaust in old Roman 
 ritual (Wissowa^ R.K. 352 n. 6), and in piacular offerings at 
 Rome, the exta seem to have been laid upon the altar (Warde 
 Fowler, Relig. Exp. of Rom. People, p. 191). 
 
 254. Cp. II. II. 775 CTTrevSwv aWoTra oTvov eir* aWo[i€vois 
 Upoi(ri. 
 
 super. For the short vowel before -r lengthened in arsis 
 cp. I. 668 litora iactetur odiis. All uncial MSS. read 
 superque,que having been interpolated as in i. 668, where 
 MR add que, F alone preserving the true reading, super 
 rests on the authority of later MSS.; cp. Pierius, who states 
 that it occurs in " aliquot antiqua." 
 
 oleum. Cp. 225 oliuo, note. 
 
 255. primi sub lumina solis. So, too, it is just before dawn 
 that Hecate answers Jason's sum.mons, Ap. Rhod. 3. 1212- 
 1224. Norden suggests that the hour immediately before 
 dawn is chosen because the spirits of darkness must return 
 to the underworld at dawn: cp. Lucian, Philops. 14. Prop. 
 4. 7. 91 luce iubent leges Lethea ad stagna reuerti. 
 
 139 
 
The Sixth Book ot the Aeneid 
 
 256. mugire solum. Cp. 4. 490 mugire uidehis \ suhpedihus 
 terram et descender e montibus ornos (at the approach of 
 nocturni manes). Ap. Rhod. 3. 1218 TrtVea 8' iTpey^e iravra 
 Kara arrifiov. 
 
 257. canes. Cp. Ap. Rhod. 3. 1217 a/x(^t Se ti]v ye \ o^etr) 
 vXaKy x^ovLOL Kvves k<^6kyyovTO. Theocr. 2. 35, Hor. S. 
 I. 8. ^2> Hecaten uocat altera . . . uideres injernas err are 
 canes, Hecate herself is sometimes represented with a 
 dog's head (Dieterich^ Nekyia, p. 51, n. 2). 
 
 258. procul procul este profani. A translation of the 
 formula €/<as, Iko-s oo-rt? aXirpos (cp. CalHm. Hymn. Apoll. 2). 
 Hecate is approaching, and the unhallowed are warned to 
 withdraw. 
 
 260. uaginaque eripe ferrum. Aeneas is bidden to draw 
 his sword because the spirits of the underworld fear cold 
 iron. Cp. Od. 11. 48, where Odysseus draws his sword in 
 conformity with Circe's instructions. Also Schol. ad Od. 
 I.e. KOivrj Tts Trapa dvOpioirot'^ kcrriv vTr6Xt]\pi<i otl veKpot kui 
 8dtfxov€s crtSrjpov (fio(3ovvTaL. Lycophr. 685 (f>a(rydvov 7rp6- 
 (BXyixa SaLjxovMv (fio/Sos. Later (290), when Aeneas is about 
 to use the sword, the Sibyl warns him that his adversaries 
 are unsubstantial shadows to whom he can do no hurt. 
 The sword is therefore drawn as a talisman, but no further 
 reference is made to its use or power. For the phrase 
 cp. 4. 579 uaginaque eripit ensem, and 10. 475. 
 
 262. furens. The approach of Hecate renews the afflatus. Cp. 
 Eur. Hipp. 141 r] crv y' eV^eo?, w Kovpa eiT €k Hai/os ei^'^EKara?. 
 
 263. aequat "keeps pace with." Cp. 3. 671 nee potts 
 lonios fluctus aequare sequendo. 
 
 264-267, Such invocations are the commonplaces of Epic, 
 occurring not only at the commencement of a great poem 
 such as the Odyssey or Iliad, but as introductions to special 
 passages. Cp. II. 2, 484 and 14. 508. Aen. 7. 36, 641 ; 9. 525; 
 
 140 
 
Commentary 
 
 10. 163; 12. 500. For an extreme^ almost burlesque, example 
 cp. Oppian, Hal. i. 73. In primitive times it was a genuine 
 prayer: the poet was the mouthpiece of the Muses, and drew 
 his authority and warrant from them. This idea became 
 subsequently a stereotyped epic convention. It is not 
 always in the form of a prayer: cp. Ap. Rhod. 4. 1379 
 Moucrcccoi/ oSe fivdos' eyw 8' VTraKOvos detSo) | Ilie/atScoi/ kol 
 T'fjvSe 7ravaTp€Kh €k\vov d/x^iyv. Orph. Fr. 49 Abel. But of 
 all these ceremonial introductions there is none to equal the 
 present for impressiveness. Vergil is not merely revealing 
 the secrets of the nether world: he is expounding the 
 mysteries of purification and rebirth, with which are inti- 
 mately linked the destinies of the Roman people. 
 
 264. Cp. 5. 235 di quibus imperium est pelagi. 
 
 26^. Chaos, the parent of Nox and Erebus: Hes. T. 123. 
 
 Phlegethon. Cp. Od. 10. 513 eV^a fxev els 'K^kpovTa 
 Tivpi(^Xeyk6(jiv T€ p€Ovcriv \ Kwkvtos 0^ os S')) Srvyos v^aros 
 ea-TLv (XTToppco^. A. 6. 550 moenia . . . quae rapidis fiammis 
 ambit torrentibus amnis \ Tartareus Phlegethon, torquetque 
 sonantia saxa. 
 
 loca nocte tacentia late. Cp. 463 loca senta situ. 534 loca 
 turbida, 
 
 266 audita. Cp. Plat. Gorg. 524 B. ravT 'ia-Ttv (description 
 
 of Hades), a eyw cikt^kows Trto-reuw dX-qdrj elvac. Meno, 81 A. 
 Gorg. 493 A. 
 
 sit numine uestro. 'Sot = sit fas, hut sit = liceat. Cp. E. 
 10. 46. 
 
 269. uacuas . . . inania. Servius nostri mundi com- 
 paratione : simulacra enim illic sunt, quae inania esse non 
 dubium est. 
 
 270. incertam = not "fitful": they are walking through 
 '' darkness visible," and the comparison to moonlight 
 rendered intermittent by passing clouds would be inappro- 
 
 141 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 priate. The sense is either " uncertain/' " not to be de- 
 pended on," or " giving no sure sign of its presence." Cp. 
 Hor. Od. 2. i6. 2 atra nubes \ condidit lunam neque certa 
 fulgent I sidera nautis. Servius reads inceptam — i.e.y the 
 new moon. But the sense is less picturesque, and his reading 
 is not supported by the best MSS. 
 
 maligna = " niggard." Cp. ii. 525 aditusqiie maligni. 
 Servius maltgnum est proprie angustum> 
 
 273. uestibulum. The nearest parallel is in the pseudo- 
 Platonic Axiochus 371 B. rot 8e TrpoirvXa ttJs els UXovriovos 
 680V (riBi]pOLS KX€WpoL<s Koi KXeicrlv ^^vpiorat. ravra 8' 
 dvoi^avra Trora/xbs 'Ax^ptov eTriS^x^Tai /i€^' ov Kwki'Tos ovs 
 ^/)7) 7rop9p.€V(Tavras d)(^Oqvai cttl MtVw Kal ^FaSdjiavOvv. They 
 reach the outer gate of Hades. The uestibulum of a house 
 is the space in front of the main entrance, enclosed between 
 two projecting wings, the door being thus set back from the 
 street. " Fore-court " is, perhaps, the nearest translation* 
 The generally accepted derivation is ue-stib-u-lum. Cp. 
 Servius alii dicunt ab eo quod nullus illic stet ; in limine enim 
 solus est transitus : quomodo uesanus dicitur non sanus, sic 
 uestibulum quasi non stabulum. Cp. also Macrob. 6. 8. 14 sqq. 
 The passage is discussed by Gellius 16. 5. His conclusion 
 as to the meaning of the passage may be summed up in the 
 following sentences: uestibulum appellat ante ipsam quasi 
 domum et ante Orci penetralia. • . . fauces uocat iter angustum 
 per quod ad uestibulum adiretur. For the whole line cp. 2. 
 469 uestibulum ante ipsum primoque in limine Pyrrhus. For 
 the metaphor of fauces cp. Lucr. i. 852 Leti sub dentibus; it 
 was, however, the regular term for the passage to the atrium. 
 
 Orci. The metaphor is helped out by the fact that Orcus 
 is, strictly speaking, the god of the underworld. Cp. the 
 identification with Pluto in Cic. Verr. 2. 4. 50. in ut alter 
 Orcus uenisse He?tnam et non Proserpinam sed ipsam Cererem 
 
 142 
 
Commentary 
 
 rapuisse uideatur. Orcus is a genuine Italian deity, while 
 
 Dis is merely a translation of the Gk. IIAovtwi/. See n. on 
 
 Ditis, 127. Orcus is, however, often, as here, used for the 
 
 underworld itself: cp. Prop. 3. 19. 27 Minos sedet arbiter Orci. 
 
 That the uestibulum is not merely metaphorical, but is 
 
 conceived as an actual fore-court, is shown by limine (279), 
 
 fores (286), in medio (282). In the latter case the elm of 
 
 dreams is regarded as growing in the midst of the uestibulum 
 
 and overshadowing it. Cp. G. 4. 20 palmaque uestibulum aut 
 
 ingens oleaster obumbret. Suet. Vesp. 25 in media parte 
 
 uestibuli. 
 
 274. The list of the woes and passions which afflict man- 
 kind, personified as evil spirits haunting the gates of Hades, 
 has no exact parallel in earlier literature. But the personi- 
 fication of these abstractions goes back to an early date: 
 cp. Hesiod, T. 211, where the poet introduces as the children 
 of Night, Mo/)os, KtJp, Oai/aros, Mw/xos/Otfi'S, "YirvoSy ye/xca-LSf 
 'AirdTT], Trjpas, "Epts, and as children of "Epts, KrjB-qvT^ 
 Aifxov Tc Kal "AXyea SaKpvohra \ '^YcrfjiLvas re ^ovovs re 
 Maxas t' 'AvSpoKTaortas re ktX. So, too, Cicero, N.D. 
 3. 44, mentions as divine beings. Amor, Dolor, Motus, 
 Labor, Inuidentia, Fatum, Senectus, Mors, Tenebrae, Miseria, 
 Querela, Fraus, Pertiimcia, Hesperides, Somnia quos omnes 
 Erebo et Nocte satos ferunt. It has been suggested that the 
 present passage is developed from Lucr. 3. 65 turpis enim 
 ferme contemptus et acris egestas \ semota ab dulci uita 
 stabilique uidentur \ et quasi iam leti portas cunctarier ante. 
 But it is equally probable that the suggestion came from 
 some lost Greek Nekyia. 
 
 ultrices curae. Servius conscientiae quae puniunt semper 
 nocentes. 
 
 275* Cp. G. 3. 67 subeunt morbi tristisque senectus \ et 
 labor et durae rapit inclementia mortis. 
 
 H3 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 276. malesuada. " Inciting to evil/' a very rare word, 
 found before Vergil only in Plant. Most. 213, and apparently 
 not again until Sid. Ap. and Paul. NoK 
 
 277. Letumque Labosque. An echo of the Hesiodic ArJ^r/i/ 
 T6 Al[x6v t€, letum being regarded by Varro (L. L. 7. 42) as 
 derived from krjdrf. Letum is, according to Norden, more 
 commonly personified than Mors : cp. Lucr. i. 852 Leti sub 
 dentihus, etc.; but there is little to choose in this respect be- 
 tween the two words. Labos, the archaic form of labor, is 
 preferred as more euphonious. 
 
 278. Cp. II. 14. 231 ev9' "Ytti/w ^vfx/SXrjTO, Kaa-L-yvi^TO) 
 Oavdroio. Sleep finds himself in bad company, but he is 
 at the entrance to Hades, (a) because he is the brother of 
 Death and the other children of Night (see Cicero and Hesiod, 
 11. cc), and (b) because he is the " death of each day's 
 life " (Soph. Ant. 606), the weakener of man's powers, who 
 delivers over soul and body to the power of external forces. 
 sopor is a stronger word than somnus, implying the torpor 
 rather than the restfulness of sleep. 
 
 mala mentis gaudia. All evil passions in which the soul 
 takes delight. 
 
 aduerso in limine. Full on the threshold, barring the 
 way. 
 
 279. Bellum. For the personification cp. i. 294 and 
 7. 607. War is associated with the gates of the temple of 
 the war-god: cp. the closing of the gates of Janus and the 
 opening of the gates of War (7. 607). It is possible, too, 
 that he is connected with the threshold in the Arval hymn 
 {limen sail, sta), but the meaning of the passage is much 
 disputed. Cp. Hes. T. I.e. Max^s t' 'AvSpoKTo.alas re, the 
 children of "Ept?, daughter of Night. 
 
 ferreique Eumenidum thalami. The Eumenides are 
 children of Night (250). Thalami means no more than 
 
 144 
 
Commentary 
 
 chambers. The question has been much discussed as to 
 why, if this is the dwelHng of the Furies, they are found in 
 Tartarus in 555, 570 sqq., 605 sqq. Why, again, is Cocytus 
 the river of the Eumenides (374) ? The simplest answer 
 is that Vergil combines different traditions, and is indifferent 
 to such minor inconsistencies as may result. A Hydra 
 similarly reappears in 576 (cp. 287). 
 
 ferrei. For the s}mezesis cp. i. 726 anreis, 7. 609 aerei^ 
 10. 496 haltei. The earliest example appears to be Hor. S. 
 I. 8. 43 cerea. 
 
 Discordia. The "Epis of Hesiod. Here represented as a 
 Fury. 
 
 uipereum. The adj. is not found before Vergil, though 
 uiperinus does occur, uipereus is found again, 7. 351 and 
 
 753- 
 crinem innexa. For the construction cp. n. on 156. For 
 
 the picture cp. Hor. Epod. 5. 15 Canidia breuibus inligata 
 
 uiperis crinem. 
 
 282-84. The elm-tree, wherein dreams make their nest, 
 
 has all the appearance of a piece of ancient folk-lore, but 
 
 cannot be paralleled. The nearest approach is to be found 
 
 (Lucian, Ver. Hist. 2. 33) in the Island of Dreams, where is a 
 
 wood inhabited solely by bats (Norden, p. 211). 
 
 283. uolgo. (i) Servius cateruatim — i.e., to be taken 
 closely with tenere : cp. 3. 643 habitant ad litora uolgo, 
 Ov. M. II. 613 passim somnia nana iacent. (2) with 
 jerunt. 
 
 284. foliisque sub omnibus haerent. The phrase seems to 
 be imitated from II. 2. 312 TreraXots vTroTreTTTz/tuTe?, a fact 
 which points to the dreams being conceived as birds. There 
 is no precise parallel for this, but such a superstition may be 
 alluded to in Eur. Hec. 70 w irorvLa \diiiv /xeXavoTTTcpvyiov 
 fiarep 6v€Lpo)v, and other similar passages. Sleep takes the 
 
 145 L 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 form of a bird in II. 14. 286. Night is winged in Eur. Or. 174, 
 Aristoph. Av. 695, etc. Again, Silius (13. 595) in a free 
 imitation of the present passage introduces a mysterious 
 yew haunted by Harpies and ill-omened birds. See Granger, 
 Class. Rev. 14 (1900), p. 25, for a vague and inconclusive 
 discussion of this passage. 
 
 285-289. The hst of monsters which follows is in a different 
 
 category from that of the mysterious semi-allegorical beings 
 
 which has preceded. In the Harpies, Centaurs, and Scyllas 
 
 we encounter the terrible figures of popular superstition, of 
 
 the same type as Charon and Cerberus, who appear later. 
 
 There are traces of many such figures in Greek literature, 
 
 devourers of the dead, such as the Eurjmomus depicted 
 
 by Polygnotus (Paus. 10. 28. 7), the Cook of Hades in the 
 
 Cyclops of Euripides (397), the snakes, the fierce wild beasts, 
 
 and the only half-burlesque TapTrja-ta ixvpatva of the Frogs 
 
 of Aristophanes. See Dieterich, Nekyia, p. 46 sqq. Vergil 
 
 avoids the grosser and more ghastly features of these goblins 
 
 of popular tradition. For him they serve but as grim 
 
 and picturesque warders of the portals of the underworld; 
 
 they dwell this side of Styx, not in the heart of Hell, and have 
 
 lost the terrible functions assigned to them by popular 
 
 superstition. 
 
 286. Centauri are not found among the monsters of Hell 
 in any earlier author, though they reappear in Statins 
 (Theb. 4. 534) in obvious imitation of Vergil. Whether their 
 appearance here is due to Vergil's own invention or not 
 cannot be definitely stated. It is highly probable that 
 Vergil is borrowing from some earlier source. Norden points 
 out that they are styled w/io^ayot in Theognis (542) and 
 Apollodorus (2. 83), like the various eaters of the dead, to 
 whom reference has been made above; while, further, one 
 of the Centaurs in Ov. Met. 12. 436 is styled by the suspicious 
 
 146 
 
Commentary 
 
 name of Chthonius. Cp. also Lucr* 4. 734, cited in the next 
 note. The part played by the Centaur in modern Greek 
 superstition lends additional colour to this view; see Lawson, 
 Modern Greek Folklore, p. 190 ff. 
 
 in foribus. For stables near the entrance cp. Vitruv. 6. 10. i . 
 Apul. Met. I. 15 (all Greek houses^ however). 
 
 Scyllae. Cp. Lucr. 4. 732 Centauros itaqtte et Scyllarum 
 mefnbra uidemus \ Cerbereasque caniitn fauces simulacraque 
 eorum \ quorum morte obita iellus amplectitur ossa. Though 
 neither Centaurs nor Scyllas are specifically mentioned by 
 Lucretius as monsters of Hell, the company in which he 
 places them strongly suggests that they occurred to him in 
 this connexion. But no Scylla appears in Hades in any 
 other author, though she may well, as Norden suggests, be 
 akin to the Harpies, the snatchers of men, even as the Scylla 
 of the Sicihan straits was a snatcher of men (Cp. Od. 12. 100): 
 it may be noted also that in the same passage of the Odyssey 
 her cave is described as " turned to Erebus, toward the 
 place of darkness." The plural Scyllae occurs again in Lucr. 
 5. 893. In both passages of Lucretius, however, the plural 
 need mean no more than " monsters such as Scylla," and 
 we have nowhere any reference to more than one monster of 
 this type. It is, however, possible that the existence of 
 another Scylla daughter of Nisus, turned into a seabird 
 (G. I. 404), but identified with the monster of the Mediter- 
 ranean in Eel. 6. 74, might have given rise to the plural 
 Scyllae. The two legends were confused in antiquity, as is 
 shown by the efforts of the author of the Ciris to distinguish 
 between them (see Skiitsch, Aus Vergil's Frtihzeit, p. 92). 
 There is also the fact that Scylla has a number of different 
 mothers allotted to her by legend (Crataiis, Lamia, Echidna), 
 a circumstance which would facihtate the belief in several 
 different Scyllas. 
 
 H7 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 biformes. Cp. Lucr* and Horn. Od. I.e., and Aen. 3. 426 
 
 prima hominis Jades et pidcro pectore utrgo \ pube tenus, 
 postrema immani corpore pistrix \ delphinum caiidas lUero 
 commissa lupornnii 
 
 287. G^nXMm%QmmviS = centumplex. Cp. 800 septemgemi- 
 nus ; 4. 510 tergeminus. For centumgeminus cp. Val. Fl. 6. 118. 
 
 Briareus is in Hades in Hes. Theog. 617, though in Homer 
 (il. I. 402) he appears as the helper of the gods, centum- 
 geminus probably means no more than "hundred-armed": 
 cp. Homer, I.e. Cp. Aen. 10. 565, where Aegaeon is 
 represented as having fifty heads, a number appropriate to 
 his 100 arms. 
 
 belua Lernae. The Hydra or water-snake slain by 
 Hercules. It is not elsewhere represented as one of the 
 terrors of Hades, but that, like the Chimacra, it was of a 
 Chthonian character is clear from Hesiod, Theog. 305, 
 where it is stated that the Hydra, Chimaera, Cerberus, and 
 Orthos (Geryon's dog, see below) were all the offspring of 
 Echidna, a Chthonian monster whom he describes as dwelling 
 in Hades. Another Hydra further reappears on the side 
 of Styx (576), q.v. 
 
 288. Chimaera. For the Chthonian origin of the Chimaera 
 see preceding note. Her appearances as a goblin in Hades 
 are late. Cp. Lucian, Dial. Mort. 30. 168' UpocrvXo^ vtto rrjs 
 ^i/xaipas SLacnrapa-x^OqTO}. Nekyom. 14 yJixatpa S' kcnraparre. 
 There is but one Chimaera known to legend, the fire- 
 breathing monster of Lycia slain by Bellerophon: cp. II. 6. 
 180 irpocrSe Acwv, oTTidev Se SpaKiov, jxecrcrr) Se )(i/xatpa. This 
 monster was generally connected with the burning gas-spring 
 near Phaselis in Lycia (Plin. 2. 106. Mela i. 15). Cp. for a 
 similar explanation Strabo, 14. 655. 
 
 289. Servius sane quidam dicunt uerstis alios hos a poeta 
 hoc loco relictos, qui ab eius emendatoribus sublati sunt : 
 
 148 
 
Commentary 
 
 Gorgonis in medio portentum inimane Medusae, \ uipereae 
 circum ora comae, cui sibila torquent \ injamesque rigeni 
 ociili, mentoque sub into \ serpentum extremis nodantur 
 uincula caudis. These lines have the true Vergilian ring, 
 and were probably an alternative draft, bringing the passage 
 more closely into line with the legend, making Hercules draw 
 his sword upon Medusa. See below on 290. 
 
 Gorgones. Stheno, Euryale, and Medusa. A Gorgon or 
 Gorgons are found in Hades in Od. 11. 633, Aristophanes, 
 Frogs 477, and elsewhere. They are monsters with snaky 
 hair and terrible faces, whose gaze kills or turns to stone. 
 See n. on 290. 
 
 Harpyiae. The Harpies of Hell are probably spirits of 
 death, half- woman, half-bird: cp. Vergil's description of them 
 in 3. 216. There, however, they have no connexion with 
 death; they " snatch " the food from the feast, but not the 
 bodies of human beings. In the Odyssey, however (i. 241 
 and 20. 78), they appear as mysterious beings, who carry off 
 human beings to an inglorious and unknown death: cp. 
 (XKAeiws, aio-Tos, aTvvQ-ros, in the first passage ; in the second 
 instance, after carrying off the daughters of Pandareos, 
 cSoo-ai' (TTvyepya-Lv 'Epivvcriv aix<^nro\^v(.iv. They may, there- 
 fore, be perhaps regarded as spirits of sudden and inglorious 
 death, involving the disappearance of the victim's body. 
 They have been regarded as being no more than storm- 
 spirits, but they are probably something more. See 
 Dieterich, Nekyia, p. 56, n. i. The well-known Harpy- 
 tomb of Xanthos, in Lycia, we see winged figures, which 
 may, perhaps, be described as spiritualised Harpies, carr>ang 
 off the souls of the dead. With the exception, however, of the 
 passage quoted from Od. 20, where they are associated with 
 the Erinyes, there seems to be no passage in literature con- 
 necting them with the underworld. 
 
 149 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 forma tricorporis umbrae. Geryoneus or Geryon, the 
 fabulous king of Hesperia, with three bodies, slain by 
 Hercules. For his presence in the underworld cp. Hor. Od. 
 2. 14. 8 Plutona . . . qui ter amplum \ Geryonen Tityonque 
 tristi I compescit unda. lie, like Cerberus^ another victim 
 of Hercules, is probably one of the many Chthonian 
 goblins, cp. Wilamowitz, Eur, Her. F., 2nd ed., 45. 65. 
 Geryon, like Pluto, has a dog of Chthonian breed, which, 
 like Cerberus, falls a victim to the power of Hercules. This 
 dog, Orthos by name, was the offspring of the Chthonian 
 monster Echidna, and brother to the Hydra, Cerberus, and 
 Chimaera. See Hes. Theog. 305 sqq. 
 
 290 sqq. Aeneas thinks to use his sword. So, too, Apol- 
 lodorus (2. 122-24) tells how Heracles drew his sword against 
 the Gorgon in Hades, but was told by Hermes that she was 
 an unsubstantial shadow: cp. also Bacchyl. 5. 71. 
 
 293 sqq. admoneat . . . inruat, etc. = admonuisset . . . 
 trruisset, etc. The vivid present subjunctive is used, as in 
 I. 58 ni facial . . . ferant, etc. The temptation to use this 
 graphic construction was rendered all the stronger by the 
 fact that the impf. and plpf. subj. are often intractable 
 to metre. 
 
 sub imagine = " clothed with the hollow semblance of 
 form." 
 
 294. diuerberet umbras, probably suggested by Lucr. 2. 152 
 diuerberet undas. 
 
 295-98. Vergil's description of the rivers of Hades is 
 confused. It is based on Od. 10. 513 tvBa fxlv et's 'Ax^povra 
 UvptffiXiyWwv T€ pkov(Tiv I KcoKVTO? 6^ oS Sr) Srvybs {'Saro? 
 iCTTLv aTToppio^. That is to say that Acheron is fed by the 
 other three rivers. The turhidus gurges of 296 should 
 naturally refer to Acheron. But (385) it turns out to be 
 the Styx, and that it is designed to be so taken here seems 
 
 150 
 
Commentary 
 
 to be shown by the words omnem Cocyto enictat arendm, 
 which are to be regarded as an amphfication of Srvyos 
 I'Saros kdTLv (XTToppu)^. There is a further compHcation 
 (439); where the Styx is said to encircle Hades nine times. 
 Phlegethon has a place to itself as the fiery moat of Tartarus 
 (550-51). Unlike Dante, Vergil has not troubled himself 
 about the exact topography of his underworld. He aims 
 at a vague sense of horror and mystery as regards the 
 scenery and general accessories. His real interest is in the 
 persons described, and in the moral and theological aspects 
 of the after-Hfe. Plato (Phaedo, 112) gives a more detailed 
 and romantic description, but it has had no influence on 
 Vergil. 
 
 295. hinc — i.e., from within the outer gate of Orcus. 
 
 296. hie must, in view of what has been said above, 
 be the adverb, and not the pronoun. If it be taken as the 
 pronoun, the gurges is Acheron. If it be translated " here," 
 it is possible to interpret gurges as referring to the Styx. 
 For the description cp. Juv. 3. 266, where the Styx is styled 
 caenosus gurges. 
 
 297. Cocyto. " Into Cocytus." 
 
 298. portitor. Generally interpreted in its later sense of 
 ** ferryman," on the erroneous supposition that it was 
 derived from portare. In all cases where the word occurs 
 before Vergil, it is used = " collector of harbour dues," 
 '' harbour-master." That the word is derived from partus 
 is clear from its form. And it is in this sense that the 
 passage is interpreted by Donatus: portitores dicuntur qui 
 partus ohseruant, ut sine ipsorum iussu nullus transeat in 
 alienas regiones. So, too, Nonius 24. Charon is the harbour- 
 master who collects dues and forbids the unauthorised to 
 cross: cp. 316 alias longe summotos arcet arena. G. 4. 502 
 nee portitor Orci \ amplius ohiectam passus transire paludem^ 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneld 
 
 It is true that he is also the ferryman^ although the dead 
 themselves row as well: cp. 320. Prop. 2. 27. 13, and the 
 comic version in Aristoph. Ran. 197. Finally, his duty here 
 is seruare flumina [cp. partus ohseruant (above)]. 
 
 Charon, a post-Homeric figure of popular superstition. 
 The first trace of him is found in the references given by 
 Pausanias, 10. 28. 2 kirr]KoXov6i-jo-€. ^\ 6 IIoAvyvwTos e/xoi SoKcti/ 
 Ttoi'qa-€L Mti/uaSf ecTTt yap Srj ev rfj MtvvaSt es Qrjo-ka ^^(ovTa. 
 Kat UetptOovv " eV^' 'ijroi vka pikv v€Kvdfx/3aTov, rjv 6 yepaibs | 
 TTopOfXivs rjye Xdp<i)v, ovk €k\a/3ov ev^oOev o/)/aov." cttI tovto) 
 ovv KaiIlo\vyvii)Tos yepovra €ypa(f>€v -ijSrj ry v^At/ctarbi/XapovTa. 
 The earliest existing literary references are Eur. H. F. 432, 
 -^Ic. 255, 361. Aristoph. Ran. 182. He is frequently repre- 
 sented on vases, sepulchral rehefs, etc. Vergil's description 
 may be regarded as typical. See vase-painting, published in 
 Benndorf, Griech. Vasenhild., plate 27, reproduced by 
 Roscher, where he is represented as wearing the exomis and 
 wielding a pole, as here. He appears in Etruscan art as 
 Charun; but there he is a monster .winged, with the legs of 
 a bird. Vergil, as in practically every detail of his Nekyia, 
 follows Greek tradition, and avoids the more horrible 
 features of legend. Charon survives as Charos or Charontas 
 in modern Greek popular superstition: cp. Schmidt, Volkslehen 
 der Neugriechen, i. 122; Lawson, op. cit., p. 100. 
 
 stant lumina flamma. slant by itself implies a fixed stare, 
 and with Jianwia conveys the idea that they are a '' mass of 
 fiame " (Henry). Cp. Enn. A. 592 stant puluere campi. 
 Aen. 12. 407 puluere caelum \ stare uident. Ov. F. 6. 133 
 stantes oculi. flamma M^P^ Servius (ad i. 646) is clearly 
 preferable to flammae M^P^ R, as giving the more vivid 
 picture, and avoiding the bold gen. of material. 
 
 301. He is represented as wearing the garb of a sailor. 
 Cp. Plant. Mil. 1177 facito uti uenias ornatu ornatus hue 
 
 152 
 
Commentary 
 
 nauclerico \ ... palliolum habeas ferrugineum, nam is 
 colos thalassicust : \ id connexum in humero laeuo, expapil- 
 
 lato hrachio. 
 
 nodo. It is tied with a knot, not fastened with ^fibula. 
 He wears the exomis knotted over the left shoulder. 
 
 302. ipse — i.e., he is more than a portitor or harbour- 
 master; he is a boatman as well. It does not mean " un- 
 assisted "; see 321 and above on portitor. 
 
 subigit. " Drives from below." The pole is used in the 
 shallows, the sails in deep water. 
 
 uelis ministrat. Servius aut per uela, et est septimiis, 
 aut uelis obsequitur, et est datiims. Either is possible, but 
 the first interpretation gives the fuller picture: cp. Val. Flacc. 
 3. 38 ipse ratem uento stellisque ministrat. Aen. 10. 218 
 ipse sedens clauumque regit uelisqiie ministrat is on the other 
 hand in favour of the second interpretation. In Tac. Germ. 
 44 all the MSS. read uelis ministrantur : if this is correct, it 
 gives strong support to the first view; on the other hand, 
 most recent editions read Lipsius' conjecture ministrant, 
 
 303. ferruginea=" dark." Cp. Seru. ad Aen. 9. 582 
 vicinus purpurae subnigrae. Nonius, p. 549;/^^^^ similem 
 esse volunt, vere autem est caeruleus. It is also colos thalassicus 
 (see Plant. I.e.). Vergil uses the word to describe the 
 colour of the hyacinth (G. 4. 183), and of purple (A. 9. 582; 
 II. 772). Ovid describes the sea-god Glaucus' beard" as 
 viridis Jerrugine. It may, therefore, be taken as virtually 
 equal to caeruleam (410); and is, perhaps, equivalent to the 
 Homeric KvavoTr/awpos. Cp. Munro's n. on Lucr. 4. 76. 
 
 corpora. The dead are for the moment considered as 
 cadauera, not as umbrae. That such a conception would 
 come easily to the Roman mind, in spite of the prevalence 
 of incineration, is shown by the description of Cynthia's 
 ghost in Prop. 4. 7. 7 sqq. and 94 mecum eris et titixtis ossibus 
 
 153 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 ossa teram, followed in 96 by inter complexus excidit umbra 
 meos. 
 
 304. iam senior, senior is used as elsewhere = 5m^:x;, 
 But, strictly speaking, senior implies definite limits of age, 
 the seniores at Rome being men above 40: cp. Gell. 10. 28. 
 While there can be no question of definite age being indicated 
 here, this fact shows how it came about that senior was 
 ustd^senex, the comparative force being ignored. Servius* 
 view that it is used explicitly = wiVe«5 senex cannot be main- 
 tained. 
 
 cruda deo uiridisque senectus. The phrase is suggested 
 by II. 23. 791 Lofxoykpoiv. cruda = '' kesh/' "young," from 
 the sense of " unripe," " raw," with the " blood still in the 
 veins as opposed to dried up and withered " (Conington). 
 The word itself is derived from the same source as cruor. 
 The phrase is repeated by Tac. Agric. 29 cruda ac uiridis 
 senectus, 
 
 deo. Charon is styled a god elsewhere only in C.I.L. 
 8. 8992 deo Charoni lulius Anabus uotum solidt. But cp. 
 Cic. N, D. 3. 43, where the question as to whether he is 
 deus is discussed. 
 
 305-312. Cp. G. 4. 472-77. G. 4. 475-77 are identical with 
 306-8, while G. 4. 472-74 closely resemble 309-312. See 
 also n. on 438, 9. While, in view of the fact that the Aeneid 
 never received its final revision, it is useless to discuss this 
 " self-plagiarism," it is worth noting that the Aristaeus 
 episode was, according to Servius, only inserted in G. 4 after 
 the death of Gallus in 26 B.C., to replace a panegyric of 
 Gallus which had originally formed the conclusion of the 
 Fourth Georgic. Vergil is not, therefore, going back to a 
 much earlier published work, but is drawing on an epyllion 
 which, as both style and external evidence show, was com- 
 posed at a period when Vergil was already well embarked 
 
 134 
 
Commentary 
 
 upon the Aeneid. Cp. Seru. ad Buc. lo. i Juit (Gallus) 
 amicus Vergilii adeo ut quartus Georgicorum a medio usque 
 ad finem eius laudes teneret, quas postea iuhente Angus to in 
 Aristaei fabulam commutauit. The second edition of the 
 Fourth Georgia can scarcely be earHer than 25 B.C., and is 
 placed as late as 20-19 B.C. by Sabbadini [La composizione d 
 Georg. di Virgilio, Riv. d. Filol. 29 (1901), p. 16]. 
 
 305. hue. Either ad ripas or ad cymbam. 
 
 306. Cp. Od. II. 37 vvfifpaL t' rjtOeoi re 7roX.VTX7]TOL re 
 ye/DOVT€S I TrapOevtKaL t' araAat veoirevdea Ovfxbv e^ovcraf | 
 TToXXoL T ovTOLixevoL KaX>i(r]p€(Tiv €y)(^eirj(TLV, j avBpes aprjicfiaToi 
 l3ef3poTr]fX€va Tev^e* €)(oi/T€S. 
 
 307. msLgn2kmmvLm = magnanimoyum, found also in 3. 704 
 and G. 4. 476: cp. Pacuu. ad Cic. Orat. 46. 155 prodigium 
 horriferum portentum pauor. The contracted gen. pi. of the 
 -a declension occurs 3. 21 caelicolum, 3. 550, and 8. 127 
 and 698. The form is archaic. Cp. Lindsay, L.L., p. 402. 
 Varro, L.L. 8. 71. 
 
 defuncta . . . uita. The use of defundus with uita does 
 not appear before Vergil, but the use of defundus in later 
 Latin is so common that it is not probable that Vergil is the 
 creator of the usage as Norden suggests. 
 
 309. The simile is drawn primarily from Bacchyl. 5. 64 
 "^i^Xas iSdrj rrapa K(dkvtov peWpots, otd re <f)vXX* ave/xos'ISas 
 dva fxr]Xo^6Tov<s 7rpo)va<s dpyrjo-rds Sovei. But Vergil has also 
 in mind Ap. Rhod. 4. 216 ^ oa-a (f)vXXa x^H-^C^ TreptKAaSeos 
 Tre(T€v vXrjs \ </)vA.A,oxoa) hi firjvt, where the poet is speaking 
 of a living crowd. 
 
 quam multa. For the omission of words expressing ** so 
 many " before quam multa cp. the elliptical use of quot in 
 phrases such as quot mensibus, quotannis, etc. 
 
 311. Cp. II. 3. 3 7pr€ irep KXayyrj yepdviov irkXa ovpavoui 
 Trpo, I ai t' IttcI ovv ^etjawj/a (fivyov kol dOecrifiaTov oixp pov, 
 
 ^55 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 KXdyyij Tai ye TrcTOvrat ctt* 'fl/ccavoio podiov. Soph. 0. T. 175 
 airep evrrrepos opvis . . . aKTav irpos ka-irkpov 6eov (cp. A. 7. 
 703 and 10. 264). The comparison is, however, Vergil's 
 own, nor is there any need to assume with Norden that 
 the simile is drawn from poems which have not survived, 
 and whose very existence is a matter of conjecture. The 
 birds may be cranes, or any other migratory bird. Cp. 
 Val. Flacc. 3. 359 qualiter Arctos \ ad patrias auibus medio 
 iam uere reuectis \ Memphis et aprici statio silet annua 
 Nili. 
 
 frigidus annus. For fl««w5 = season cp. Hor. Epod. 2. 29 
 annus hibernus. Od. 3. 23. 8 pomifer annus4 
 
 313. orantes primi transmittere cursum. Servius Graeca 
 figura est ut primi transirent. The infin. after oro is rare, 
 and first found in E. 2. 43. 
 
 transmittere cursum. The normal ace. after transmitto 
 is that of the thing crossed (cp. A. 4. 154 cerui transmittunt 
 cursu campos), or the thing sent across (cp. 3. 403 transmissae 
 classes). Here we have the cognate ace, transmittere being 
 used, as often elsewhere, absolutely = go across. It is a 
 bold extension of the ordinary use in phrases, such as ire 
 uiam. 
 
 317. miratus enim motusque tumultu. These words are 
 taken as parenthetical by Servius=*' for he wondered at." 
 This is possible, but it is simpler to take enim in its original 
 sense ( = Gk. 87J) as emphasising the word to which it is 
 attached. Cp. n. on 28 sed enim. 
 
 319. quo discrimine = " in virtue of what distinction." 
 
 320. hae linquunt. Servius repulsae scilicet, non tran- 
 seuntes. 
 
 remis uerrunt. Cp. n. on portitor (298 ad fin.). 
 liuida. Cp. Catull. 17. 10 totius ut lacus putidaeque paludis 
 liuidissima . . . uorago. 
 
 156 
 
Commentary 
 
 321. oUi. The archaic form of illi occurs here only in 
 Bk. 6. It occurs fifteen times in all in Vergil, ollis is found 
 in 730 and 8. 659. olli (plural) occurs seven times in all. 
 These are the only cases in which Vergil uses the archaic 
 form. Cp. Lindsay, L.L,, p. 436. The form was obsolete 
 by the end of the second century B.C. Cp. also Qumt. 
 8. 3. 25 olli enim et quianam . . . adspergunt illam quae etiam 
 in picturis est gratissima uetiistatis inimitahilein arti auctori- 
 
 iatenu 
 longaeua. See n. on Sibyllae (lo). 
 
 322. Cp. 123, 131. 
 
 certissima = '- undoubted." The epithet is not pointless, 
 for divine parentage was not unnaturally frequently in 
 doubt: cp. G. 4. 323 si modo quern perhibes, pater est Thym- 
 hraeus Apollo. Ov. M. i. 753 " matrique " ait "■ omnia demens 
 1 credis et es tumidiis genitoris imagine falsi,'' Callim. Hymn. 
 Dem. 98 ^ev8o-n-dT(s)p . . . €L7r€p eyw fxev \ (rev tc Kal AloXiSos 
 Kav(XKa<s yevos. 
 
 323. See 296 note. 
 
 324. Cp. II. 15. 37 Koi Th KaTCt/?0/A€l/OV 2t170S v8<0/) OS T€ 
 
 /ieyto-TOs I opKOS Setvoraros re TreAet fxaKapecrcTL deola-cv, 
 
 iurare et fallere to be taken closely together =peier are. 
 turare with ace. is not found before Cic. Ep. ad Fam. 7. 12. 2 
 louem lapidem iurare, though not uncommon afterwards. 
 Possibly a Graecism. Cp. 351 maria aspera iuro. 
 
 325. inops. " Helpless/' though it may carry with it the 
 suggestion that they have not the coin placed between the 
 teeth of the dead before burial as the fare for their passage. 
 inhumata. Cp. 372. Cp. II. 23. 71 (Patroclus' ghost, 
 
 loq.) SdiTTe fxe otti raxLcna, irvXas 'AtSao TreprjO-io. \ 
 TTJAe /x€ eipyova-LV '/'^xat, ctScuXa Ka/xoi/rwv, | ovSe fx€ ttw 
 liLojea-dat vrrep irorafxoio kda-iv^ the earliest reference to 
 this belief, though there is no mention of Charon, who 
 
 157 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 is apparently unknown to Homer: cp. n. on Charon, 299. 
 So, too, Od. II. 60 sqq., where Elpenor's ghost asks for 
 burial, but in vaguer terms. 
 
 328. transportare. With two ace. as in Caes. B.C. i. 54 
 milites jiumen transportat. 
 
 sedibus — i.e., the grave. Cp. 152 sedihus hunc refer ante 
 suis. 
 
 329. centum annos. Servius (ad 325) centum autem 
 annos ideo dicit, quia hi sunt legitimt uttae humanae, quihus 
 completis potest anima transire ripas, id est ad locum purga- 
 tionis uenire, ut redeat rursus in corpora. Varro, L.L. 6. 11 
 saeclum spatium annonmt centum uocarunt, dictum a sene, 
 quod longissimiim spatium senescendorum hominum id 
 putarunt. Plato again in Rep. 10. 615A makes the spirits 
 of the dead to be punished, or rewarded, through ten periods 
 of 100 years each (cp. 748). Vergil, like Plato, is drawing 
 from Pythagorean sources. See Norden, Introd., pp. 10, 11. 
 
 331. Anchisa satus. Cp. 5. 244 and 424. 
 uestigia pressit. Cp. 197. 
 
 332. multa putans. Cp. 8. 522. An uncommon use of 
 puto : cp. Cic. Plane. 4. 10 quo primum illud putare debes. 
 
 animi M: animo PRM^ Servius. All good MSS. give 
 animi miserata in 10. 686. animi is locative, and is found in 
 similar phrases elsewhere in Vergil and other authors. 
 Cp. 2. 61 Jidens animi. 4. 529; 5. 202; 12. 19; G. 3. 289. 
 Lucr. I. 136 nee me animi fallit. Cic. T.D. 4. 16. 35 exani- 
 matus pendet animi, etc. 
 
 ^^^. mortis honore. Cp. 10. 493 honos tumuli. II. 16. 457 
 
 rh yap yepas ecrrt BavovTwv. 
 
 334. Leucaspim. The name occurs only here in Vergil: it 
 is used as an epithet of Deiphobus in II. 22. 294. 
 
 Lyciae ductorem classis Oronten. Cp. i. 112 unam quae 
 Lycios jidumqiie uehebat Oronten \ ipsius ante oculos ingens 
 
 158 
 
Commentary 
 
 a uertice pontus | in puppim ferit. ductorem. Servius 
 (ad 2. 14) diictores sonantius est quam duces : quod heroum exigtl 
 carmen. A common word in Vergil, found also in Cicero and 
 
 Livy. 
 
 classis. Only one ship was mentioned as lost, but Vergil 
 does not state that the Lycian contingent consisted only of 
 one ship. The word, therefore, may mean fleet here, and 
 need not be referred to one ship. 
 
 335. simul may mean that (i) Leucaspis and Orontes 
 perished together in the same storm, or (2) that both sailed 
 together with Aeneas from Uxoy—i.e., they were old and 
 dear companions. The first is perhaps more obvious, but 
 either may be right. 
 
 336. The rhythm of the line with the unusual caesura and 
 rare elision of the iambic aqua give a heavy plunging line, 
 designed to recall the overwhelming seas. Cp. for a similar 
 effect Prop. 3. 7. 12 nunc tibi pro tumulo Carpathium omne 
 mare est. 
 
 337. Palinurus. His loss is described 5. 833 sqq. In 
 5. 843 he is lasides : cp. lapyx lasides, the Trojan physician 
 in the Iliad. The scene which follows is obviously suggested 
 by its counterpart in Od. 11— the meeting between Odysseus 
 and Elpenor. The source from which Vergil drew this piece 
 of aetiology is unknown. It is, however, recorded elsewhere 
 in somewhat different form by Dion. Hal. i* 53. 2 (in conjunc- 
 tion with the death of Misenus, see 149-52 n.) ol 8e a-vv tw 
 Atveta. 7rA€0VT€s dvrb StKcAias Stot rov Tvpp-qvLKOV TreXayovs 
 TrpCjTOv /xev wp/xtcravTo T'^s TraAtas Kara XijjL^va rov HaAt- 
 vovpoVf OS dcf)' evos twv Atvetov Kvf^epvrjrOiV reAevTT^o'avros 
 avTodi TavT7]s Tv^elv Aeyerat Trjs ovoixacrias. 
 
 Servius (ad 378) de historia hoc traxit. Lucanis enim 
 pestilentia lahorantibus respondit oraculum manes Palinuri esse 
 placandos : ob quam rem non longe a Velia ei et lucum et 
 
 159 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 cenotaphium dederunt (Norden suggests that the source may 
 have been Timaeus through Varro). Such setiological details 
 are characteristic of Hellenistic poetry: cp. Callimachus' 
 "AtTia and Ap. Rhod. 2 (passim). Vergil, however, makes 
 artistic use of a device, which among the Hellenistic poets 
 tended to become an affectation and a mannerism. The 
 deaths of Misenus and Palinurus are introduced in part, no 
 doubt, to give reality to the poem by bringing it into connexion 
 with existing names, but they also enable Vergil to introduce 
 two moving episodes described with all the pathos of which 
 he is a master. For a discussion (often diffuse and irrele- 
 vant) of the legend of Palinurus, see Immisch in Roscher, 
 Myth. Enc. 
 
 sese agebat. Servius sine negotio incedere : wrongly, for 
 it is merely equivalent to ire. Before Vergil the phrase 
 seems to be confined to the comic poets. It is used else- 
 where by Vergil (8. 465 Aeneas se rnatiitinus agebat. 9. 696 
 is enim se primus agebat). 
 
 338. Libyco cursu. The statement is incorrect, the loss of 
 Palinurus having taken place during the voyage from Sicily. 
 On the significance of this inconsistency see Introd., p. 39 ff. 
 
 339. mediis in undis. " In mid-sea," instead of " into the 
 midst of the waves." Cp. medio aequore (342). 
 
 343. Cp. Aesch. Cho. 559 ai/a^ 'AttoAAwi/ /xai/rts dxf/evSrj<s 
 TO Trpiv, 
 
 344. IxDC uno response. There is no mention of any such 
 oracle or anything to show whether this is due to an over- 
 sight on the part of the poet, or to deliberate silence (for 
 which cp. II. 21. 277, where Thetis is said by Achilles to 
 have prophesied that Apollo would slay him in Troy, though 
 there has been no previous mention of this). It can, in any 
 case, hardly be called a blemish. The only prophecy re- 
 ferring to the loss of Palinurus is found in 5. 814 tmus erit 
 
 160 
 
Commentary 
 
 tantum amissum quern gurgite quaeres, and this prophecy is 
 made by Neptune to Venus. But in view of the discrepancy 
 in Lihyco cursu (338), and the shght discrepancies in 348 sqq. 
 (see n.), there is distinct ground for suspicion that a final 
 revision would have led to modifications. 
 
 ponto. " On the deep," a loc. abl. There is no justifica- 
 tion in taking it with incolumem = '' unscathed." 
 
 finesque canebat uenturum Ausonios. A typically am- 
 biguous oracle: cp. Herod, i. 53. 
 
 346. en haec promissa fides est. An exclamation, not a 
 question. Cp. Donat, ad Ter. Phorm. 348 " en " hahet uim 
 indignationis post enarratam iniuriam. 
 
 347. cortina. Cp. 3. 92 mugire adytis cortina reclusis, 
 cortina = the cauldron crowning the Delphic tripod on which 
 the Pythoness sat. Cp. Prudent. Apoth. 506 tripodas cortina 
 tegit. Plin. 34. 14 cortinas tripodum. 
 
 348. Anchisiade. See n. on 126. 
 
 nee me deus aequore mersit. In answer to 341. The 
 statement is untrue, for (5. 842 sqq.) his fall was due to the 
 direct agency of the god of Sleep, wearing the likeness of 
 Phorbas. But there is no inconsistency. Palinurus did not 
 know that the pretended Phorbas was the god of Sleepj and 
 attributes his fall to accident. 
 
 349. gubernaclum. Cp. 5. 859 et super incumhens cum 
 puppis parte reuulsa | cumque gubernaclo liquidas proiecit 
 in undas. The portion of the bulwark at the stern, to which 
 the gubernaculum, consisting of a single broad-bladed oar, 
 was fastened, broke away, causing him to fall into the 
 sea. 
 
 350. cui is most naturally taken with daius cusios, but 
 may conceivably depend on haerebam. The sense is the 
 same in either case. But if cui be taken with haerebam, quo 
 must be supplied from cui to explain regebam. 
 
 161 M 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 352. cepisse. The subject or object (sc. 7ne) must be 
 supplied according as we take timorem to be object or sub- 
 ject. Either is possible, (i) cepisse = concepisse, a. common 
 use, though an exact parallel in Vergil is not forthcoming. 
 Cp. Liv. 33. 27 caper e metum. In that case the omission 
 of the subject me will be a Graecism (cp. omission of avrbs, 
 and Prop. 3. 6. 40, where iuro is used with nom. and infin. 
 iurabo bis sex integer esse dies). (2) timorem is subject 
 and the object me must be supplied. 
 
 353. ne codd: ni Rufinianus. The authority for the 
 archaic ni is not sufficient. It occurs in 3. 686 (a doubtful 
 and disputed passage) ni teneant cursus, where Servius 
 comments antiqui ni pro ne ponehant qua particula plenus 
 estPlautus. See Lindsay, L.L. 611. 
 
 armis. The plural a/'wa=" rigging/' "gear" (cp. Gk. 
 oVAa) is used generally, though no more than the rudder 
 is meant. 
 
 excussa magistro. A bold phrase for excusso magistro 
 cp. I. 115), " the shock being regarded as having separated 
 the ship from the pilot, rather than vice versa " (Coning- 
 ton). 
 
 354. tantis surgentibus undis. But there was no storm 
 at the time (cp. 5. 870 pelago conjise sereno). The incon- 
 sistency cannot be explained by reference 5. 866 (turn rauca 
 assiduo longe sale saxa sonabant), or by saying that Palinurus 
 ** would naturally overrate the danger arising from his 
 loss." For the sea was actually stormy (cp. 355). 
 
 355. tris. Palinurus was lost off Sorrento {Sirenum 
 scopuli 5. 864). We should naturally assume Aeneas to have 
 reached Cumae the next morning. It is now the morning 
 of his second day at Cumae. This would make Palinurus 
 to have been only two nights at sea. But there is no precise 
 indication of time. Vergil says (2) tandem adlabitur oris, 
 
 162 
 
Commentary 
 
 but after classique immittit habenas we should expect the 
 time to be no more than a few hours, especially as the wind 
 was favourable (Noius). How, on the other hand, did a 
 south-west wind take Palinurus to Velia in Lucania ? These 
 are details into which it is well not to pry too closely. 
 
 hibernas noctes. Servius asperas. This is a safer inter- 
 pretation than '* wintry." But there can be no certainty 
 on the point. The date is roughly a month after leaving 
 Carthage. In 4. 309 Dido complains that Aeneas is leaving 
 her in winter. On the other hand, both in i. 755 and 5. 626, 
 the Trojans are spoken of as being in their septima aestas 
 of wandering. Which was Vergil's standpoint when he 
 wrote the present passage? It may be urged that the 
 ancients avoided sailing in winter^ But Aeneas was im- 
 pelled by his destiny, and had left Carthage in a hurry 
 under the express orders of Jupiter* See Introd., p. 36 ft. 
 
 356. lumine quarto. Cp. Enn» Med» fr» 8 secundo lumine. 
 
 Lucr. 6. 1 197. 
 
 357. Cp. Od. 5. 392 o 8' apa (TX^^ov €to-i8€ yalav | o^v 
 [xdXa trpoiSuyv iieyaXov vrrh Kv/Jtaros dpOets. 
 
 358. paulatim adnabam terrae. Servius ei hie (sc. post 
 " adnahmi ") distingui potest ei " adnabam " terrae. There 
 is nothing to choose between the two punctuations. 
 
 For tuta alone cp. 9. 366 tuta capessunt ; 8. 603 tuta 
 tenebant; 11. 871 tuta petuni. For terrae tuta cp. 11. 882 
 tuta domorum. The one thing that is impossible is with 
 Norden to take terrae both with adnabam and tuta. 
 
 tenebam . . . ni inuasisset. The apodosis to ni imiasisset 
 is suppressed (sc. " and I should have been safe "): cp. 8. 522 
 multaque dura suo tristi cum corde putabant ; \ ni signum 
 caelo Cytherea dedisset aperto. 
 
 360. Cp. Od. 5. 428 dfX<fiOT€pri(Tl 8k X€/30-^»' €ir€(T(rVfX€VOS 
 
 Xd/Se TTirprjs. 
 
 163 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 capita. Not "summits," which would be absurd, but 
 " juts of pointed rock " projecting from the base. Any such 
 point can be called caput, just as the points of roots are so- 
 called. Cp. G. 2. 355. Cato, Agr. 33. 
 
 361. praedamque ignara putasset, a so-called va-repov irp6- 
 repov, but better described as an " explanatory clause intro- 
 duced by que or et/' which, though placed in parataxis, is 
 really subordinate to the main clause, and may, as here and 
 in 365, refer to " something prior in point of time to what 
 the main clause describes." See Page ad loc. 
 
 362. Cp. Eur. Hec. 28 Kct/xat S' eV otKrats aAAor' ev ttovtov 
 
 363. quod. " Wherefore," adverbial ace. as frequently 
 in entreaties: cp. 2. 141 quod te per superos . . . oro, 
 
 364. Cp. 4. 274 Ascanium surgentem ei spes heredis luli. 
 
 365. terram inice. Cp. Hor. i. 28. 36 iniedo ter puluere. 
 
 366. portusque require Velinos. See n. on 361. Servius 
 (ad 359) sane sciendum Veliam tempore quo Aeneas ad Italiam 
 uenit, nondum fuisse. ergo anticipatio est, quae, ut supra 
 diximus, si ex poetae persona fiat tolerabilis est. See also 
 Gell. 10. 16. VeUa in Lucania was founded by the Phocaeans 
 in the sixth century. It lies between Paestum and Cape 
 Palinurus, being the modern Castellamare della Brucca. 
 Cp. Od. II. 66 (Elpenor loq.) vvv Se o-e twv oTndev 
 yovvd^ofiai ov irapeovTcov \ tt/do? t dAo'xov Kai 7raT/)os, o cr' 
 €Tp€cf)e rvrOhv iovTa, \ T^jXepAxov 6' ov {xovvov hi fxeydpoLcrcv 
 €A€i7r€S- I oUa yap cus evdevBe Ktibv Bofxov e^ 'AtSao \ vijcrov es 
 Alairjv o-xrio-eis evepyea vrja \ . . . fxr] fx' aKXavrov adairrov 
 twv oTTtdev KaraXeiTreiv. 
 
 367. diua creatrix. Repeated in 8. 534. 
 
 368. sine numine diuom. Cp. A. 2. 777; 5. 56. Eur. I. 
 A. 808. Aesch. Pers. 162 ovk duev Oedv, etc. 
 
 369 innare paludem. Cp. 134. 
 
 164 
 
Commentary 
 
 370. Cp. II. 23. 75 Kttt jxoi 8bs TTjV X€tp'> oXocfivpoiJai. 
 
 371. saltern. Servius ut saltern in morte requiescam 
 sedihus placidis. et bene, quia nautae semper uagantur. He 
 has wandered all his Hfe, he is a wanderer still; peace, even 
 in the world of death, is his one desire. 
 
 372. talia . . . talia. The repetition is awkward. 
 Priscian, p. 1186, quotes the line uix eafatus erat coepit cum 
 talia uirgo, an improvement unsupported by the MSS. 
 
 373. tam dira cupido. Repeated in 721, G. 1. 37. A. 9. 185. 
 
 374. amnemque seuerum Eumenidum. Cocytus, not Styx. 
 Cp. G 3. 37 Furias amnemque seuerum Cocyti, Ar. Ran. 472 
 YLinKVTov Kvv€<i> cp. n, on 280. 
 
 375. adil)is codd. ahibis Donatus, Servius. Servius 
 ut " aheo in Tuscos,'' sicut diximus supra (4. 106): quanquam 
 alii " adibis " legunt. 
 
 376. fata deum. Cp. 4. 614; 7. 239. Schol. Dan. ad 
 4. 614 ''fata" dicta, id est louis uoluntas = ^ths f^ovh]. 
 Cp. Sen. Ep. 77. 12 quid optas ? perdis operam. " desinefaia 
 deumjlecti sperare precando." rata etfixa sunt et magna atque 
 aeterna necessitate ducuntur. 
 
 longe lateque per urbes, etc. " Far and wide through all 
 their cities plagued with portents sent from heaven." 
 Servius de historia hoc traxit. Lucanis enim pestilentia 
 laborantibus respondit oraculum manes Palinuri esse placandos : 
 ob quam rem non longe a Velia ei et lucum et cenotaphium 
 dederunt. 
 
 379. piabunt. "Will appease." Cp. Hor. E. 2. i. 143 
 Siluanum lacte piabant, 
 
 380. sollemnia. ** Yearly offerings." Cp. 5. 605 tumulo 
 rejerunt sollemnia. 
 
 mittent. Cp. 4. 623 cinerique hoc mittite nostro. G. 4. 545. 
 
 381. aeternum. Adj. not adv.: cp. 235 aeternumque 
 tenet per saecula nomen. 
 
 165 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 locus. Now Punta di Palinuro, S. of Veliar 
 
 382 . emotae. A much rarer word than amoueo, but common 
 in Livy, and found elsewhere in Vergil (524, n.), and 2. 493 
 and 610* 
 
 383. gaudet cognomine terrae. So codd. and Nonius. 
 Servius read terra, taking cognomine as abl. of the adj. 
 cognominis, " He rejoices in the land that bears his name." 
 Cp. Plant. Bacch. 39 meretrices cognominesi Li v. 5. 34. 9 
 cognominem Insubribus pago* Servius may be right; the cor- 
 ruption to terrae would have been almost inevitable. But 
 the testimony in favour of terrae is too unanimous to permit 
 of its rejection. Further, the abl. of the adj. in -e instead 
 of -i tells against cognomine terra. Such ablatives in -e are 
 not found in Vergil, though they do occur in Ovid. See 
 Norden ad loc, 
 
 384. ergo. Resumptive. They had halted (331), and 
 now resume their journey. Cp. 11. 799. G. 4. 206. 
 
 iter inceptum. Cp. 8. 90 ergo iter inceptum celerant. 
 peragunt. '* Carry through point by point," and so 
 " proceed on." 
 
 385. iam inde. "Even from where he stood": cp. iam 
 istinc-y below. 
 
 386. nemus. Cp. 131 tenent media omnia siluae. 
 
 387. prior aggreditur dictis. "Hails with words or ever 
 they had spoken." increpat ultro is more than a mere 
 repetition of these words, ultro and increpat intensify prior 
 and aggreditur respectively. For while aggreditur no doubt 
 suggests " assails " (cp. Serv, hoc sermone ostendit iratttm), 
 it does not necessarily mean more than " hails ": cp. 3. 358 
 his tiatem aggredior dictis ac talia qiiaeso. 
 
 389. fare age with iam istinc. Servius a loco in quo nunc 
 es. For iam istinc cp. Sta':. T. 3. 347 iam illinc a postibus 
 aulae. Norden thinks that he can detect a lowering of the 
 
 166 
 
Commentary 
 
 heroic tone here, on the ground that quid — cur and istinc 
 are colloquial, and that uectare only occurs in one other 
 passage in Vergil (ii. 138 plaustris uectare ornos). The 
 evidence is insufficient to prove his point. 
 
 390. Noctisque soporae. This phrase tells heavily against 
 Norden's suggestion, cited in last note, soporus is not found 
 in Vergil, and after him only in poets. The whole line is 
 stately and in the genuine epic vein, as are those which follow. 
 392. nee me sum laetatus accepisse is, as Conington points 
 out, a paraphrase of the Greek idiom ovtl xatpwv elcreSe^dfirjv. 
 Servius tectum est et in Orpheo quod quando Hercules ad 
 inferos descendit, Charon territus eum statim sucepit : oh quam 
 rem anno integro in compedihus fuit. What the Orpheus 
 referred to may be is uncertain. It is conceivable that it 
 is the Orpheus of Lucan, though when cited by Servius on 
 G. 4. 492 the poet's name is mentioned. More probably 
 it refers to a lost Catabasis, known as Orpheus (cp. Lobeck, 
 Aglaopham, 812). As Norden points out, in that poem, Charon 
 must be represented as telling the same story to Orpheus. 
 
 394. quanquam. Servius ac si diceret, hoc in te non 
 probaui, 
 
 dis . . . geniti. Cp. 131 and 123. Theseus was des- 
 cended from Poseidon, Peirithous from Zeus. 
 
 inuicti uiribus. — i.e., therefore he had no choice but to 
 take them* 
 
 395* Tartareum custodem — i.e., Cerberus: cp. 424. The 
 legend of the carrying off of Cerberus by Hercules is as old 
 as Homer; cp. l\. 8. 366. Od. 11. 623, though Cerberus is 
 there merely the '* dog of Hades," and is not mentioned 
 by name. Cp. also n. on 397. 
 
 in uincla petiuit. " Sought to bind," Cp, Quint. 7, i. 55 
 in iis controuersiis in quibus petuntur in uincula qui parentes 
 suos non alunt, 
 
 167 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 396. ipsius a sollo. Servius atqui Cerberus statim post 
 flumina est, ut (417) . . . : nam illic quasi est aditus infer orum, 
 solium autem Plutonis ijiterius est. ergo aut ad naturam 
 canum referendum est qui territi ad dominos confugiunt aut, 
 etc. Servius' first reason is correct. 
 
 397, hi dominam Ditis thalamo. (i) Charon speaks of 
 Proserpine as domina, because she is mistress and he is 
 servant. (2) domina is frequently applied to goddesses 
 (cp. 3. 113. Prop. 2. 5. 17, etc.), and as = Seo-Troiva is 
 specially appropriate to Proserpine who, as Persephone, is 
 styled Sio-TTOLva. Cp. Plato, Law?, 796B. Paus. 8. 37. i-io. 
 
 hi. Theseus and Peirithous, attempting to carry off 
 Proserpine, were caught and punished. Accounts of their 
 punishment vary, but the commonest form associates the 
 rescue of Theseus or of both heroes with Hercules' visit 
 to Hades in search of Cerberus. Cp. Plut. Thes. 30. Apollod. 
 2. 5. 12. 5. Diod. 4. 26, etc. But cp. n. on. 618. Pausanias 
 (9. 31. 4) mentions a Catabasis of Theseus and Peirithous 
 among poems attributed to Hesiod. 
 
 adorti with infin. = " attempt," as in Lucr. 3. 515, Cic. de 
 Or. 2. 51. 205, and frequently in Livy. 
 
 Amphrysia. So called from her association with Apollo, 
 whose epithet Amphrysius derives from the fact that, as a 
 penalty for blood -guiltiness, he served Admetus as a herdsman 
 on the banks of the Amphrysus in Thessaly: cp. G, 3. 2 pastor 
 ab Amphryso, A highly allusive epithet in the Alexandrian 
 style. 
 
 399. absiste moueri. Repeated ii. 408. 
 
 400. licet ingens ianitor. See n. on 417. Cp, Prop. 4. 5. 3 
 Cerberus ultor \ turpia ieiuno terreat ossa sono. 
 
 401. exsangues. Contemptuous. " Bloodless shades," as 
 opposed to the hero of flesh and blood whom she brings with 
 her. patrui is similarly contemptuous. " The Sibyl falls 
 
 168 
 
Commentary 
 
 excusably, perhaps, into a strain which, though natural to a 
 philosophical Roman, would not be found in Homer" 
 (Conirigton). This is true, but such a tone might easily be 
 found in an Alexandrian poet, such as Callimachus, who 
 treats the gods with the utmost frankness, even when singing 
 their praise. 
 
 402. casta. Predicative. 
 
 patnii. Proserpine was the daughter of Ceres and Jupiter, 
 and therefore the niece, as well as the bride, of Pluto. 
 
 seruet . . . limen. Like a good Roman housewife. 
 Cp. Carm. Epigr. Biicheler 52 domum seruauiU Prop. 2. 6. 24 
 et quaecunque uirifemina limen amat. 
 
 403. Troius Aeneas. Cp. i. 596. 
 
 pietate insignis et armis. Cp. i. 545 «^^ pietate Juit nee 
 bello maior et armis. 
 
 ad genitorem ... ad umbras. The double ad is unusual, 
 but natural enough, imas descendit ad umbras forming one 
 notion, as Conington points out. 
 
 Erebi. Cp. 4. 26 umbras Erebi noctemque profundam, 
 
 405. For the thought cp. Accius (?), Ribbeck, p. 315, nil 
 fraterni nominis sollemne auxilium et nomen pietatis mouet ? 
 For the form cp. 4. 272 si te nulla mouet tantarum gloria 
 rerum. 
 
 nulla. " Not at all." Cp. Cic. Verr. 2. 2. 17. 44 hereditas 
 quae nulla debetur. 
 
 pietatis imago. Repeated 9. 294 and 10. 824. Here = 
 " the sight of such filial love," 
 
 406. at. Cp, G, 4. 241 at suffire thymo . . . quis dubitet ? 
 
 407. Cp. Cic. TD. 3, 26 tumor animi residiU The metaphor 
 is of a swollen sea changing to a calm. Cp. ex ira, " after 
 his wrath," as ex imbri (G. i. 393). 
 
 408. nee plura his. (i) his is dat., and we must supply 
 dixit Charon. (2) his is abl. after plura : " no more than 
 
 169 
 
The Sixth Book o( the Aeneid 
 
 this ": we may, then, supply i^ixit Sibylla, dixit Charon, or 
 dixerunt, the first being, perhaps, the most natural. 
 donum. Cp. 142 and 632. 
 
 409. longo post tempore uisum. Vergil clearly refers to 
 some earlier legendary occasion on which the Golden Bough 
 was employed to unlock the gates of Hades. The present 
 statement seems to show that it was not connected directly 
 with the mysteries, but with some one specific legend* 
 
 410. caeruleam. See n. on ferrtigineam (303). 
 
 411. alias animas. Shades already admitted to the boat, 
 but now driven out to make room for the Sibyl and Aeneas. 
 alias mother than the Sibyl and Aeneas. 
 
 iuga. Servius Graece dixit, f^^ya enim dicunt quae 
 transtra nominamusi iugum does not occur elsewhere in this 
 sense. The dead may be conceived as seated at the oars: 
 cp. 320 n. 
 
 412. laxatque foros. " Clev3 the gangways." Cp. 11. 151 
 uia uix uoci tandem laxata, \ b-^ closest parallel for this use, 
 though it is but a slight e:; tension of the common use 
 "open." 
 
 alueo. For the synizesis cp fluminis alueo (7. 33). 
 
 413. ingentem indicates not merely the heroic stature of 
 Aeneas, but also his bulk and substance, as compared with 
 the unsubstantial shades. 
 
 414. 5iitilis=" stitched." The boat was made of leather 
 like the coracles still in use on the Dee, or the caraghs em- 
 ployed on the west coast of Ireland. The word can scarcely 
 be applied to any other material. Cp. Plin. 24. 9, 40 
 sutiles naues. Val. Flacc. 6, 81 ibi sutilis illis \ et domus ei 
 crudo residens sub uellere coniunx : also sutor = cobbler. 
 Tr. " leathern." 
 
 rimosa. Cp, Lucian, Dial. Mort. 22 rh (rKa<f)i8iov koI 
 virorraOpov can koX Stappet to. ttoXXo.. 
 
 170 
 
Commentary 
 
 accepit paludem. Cp. i. 122 taxis later urn compagihus 
 pmnes \ accipiunt inimicum imbrem. 
 
 416. Cp. G. 4. 478 limus niger et dejormis arundo. 10. 205 
 arundine glaiica, 
 
 417. Cerberus. The offspring of Echidna. Cp. Hes. T. 
 311 sqq. and n. on belua Lernae, Chimaera,formu tricorporis 
 umbrae (287-89). In popular superstition and early legend 
 Cerberus has far more terrible functions than merely guarding 
 the gates of Hades : he is one of the devourers of the dead. Cp. 
 Servius (ad 395) Cerberus terra consumptrix otnnium carporum, 
 unde et Cerberus dictus est quasi Kp€oPopo9. Hes. T. 769 
 €s IJ.€V lovras I cratvu biim ovpy T€ kol ovaa-tv dfifpoT^poia-LVy \ 
 i^ekOeiv 5' ovK avTis ca TraAiv, aXAu SoKCt'wv €(r6i€i ov k€ 
 Xa/3r]<rL vvXctav iKTcxrOiv lovra. Tz. in Aristoph. Ran, 142 
 6 pkv Il€Lpidovs cos aprra^ tQ K^p^kpt^ KaTd^ptofxa ytyverai. 
 Porphyr. ad Euseb. praep. ev. 3, 11. 8 Trapa to ras K'qpa<s 
 €X^tv Trpos Popdv, LuciaU; Catapl. 28 dp k rhv UvpKJiXeyi- 
 Bovrd ia-Tiv €/xy8A.>/T€0S r) irapaSoTios tcJ KepP^pio ; see 
 Dieterich, Nekyia, p. 49 sqq, Vergil ignores the grosser 
 and more horrible features of legend, and makes him but 
 the guardian of the gate, though in 8» 297 we have an 
 allusion to the more terrible aspects of the superstition: te 
 ianitor Orci \ ossa super recubans antro semesa cruento. 
 
 trifauci. dir Aey. Cerberus is x^^'^^^'h*^^^* t)Ut ircvrt]- 
 KovTaKdprjvos in Hes, T. 311, where the scholiast says that 
 Pindar made him loo-headed: cp. Hor. Od. 2. 13. 14 ^^^"^ 
 centiceps : but 3, 11. 17 cessit immanis tibi blandienti \ 
 ianitor aulae \ Cerberus, quamuis furiale centum \ muniant 
 angues caput eius atque \ spiritus teter saniesque manet \ ore 
 trilingui. La Cerda notes in tribus primis iiersibus, qui per- 
 tinent ad horror em canis, litter a canina (r) adhibetur supra decies. 
 
 420. Cp. Ap. Met. 6, 20. The honey cake is the ^€XtT- 
 TovTa which formed part of the funeral offerings among the 
 
 171 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneld 
 
 Greeks. Cp. Suidas, s.v. lorreov 6tl /xeAtrrovTa iSiSoTo rots 
 
 V€KpOLS <JiS €iS TOW Kcpf^epOV. 
 
 421. melle sopotatum et medicatis frugibus. Cp. 4. 486 
 
 spargens hiimida mella soporiferumque papauer. If the poppy 
 is alluded to here^ it is to be taken of the outer capsule and 
 not the seeds, which are not narcotic: see Henry ad loc. 
 
 soporatam. Cp. 5. 855. uique soporatum Stygia (sc. 
 ratnum). 
 
 fame. So with lengthened -e in Lucr. 3. 732. Ov. 
 Met. 5. 165; a survival of an archaic e-declension form: 
 cp. gen. fami in Cato and Lucil. ap. Gell. 7. 14. 10. 
 Lindsay, L.L,, 345 sqq. 
 
 422. immania terga resoluit. Cp. Ap. Rhod. 4. 150 (of 
 the serpent, guardian of the Golden Fleece) ^oXix^]v aveA-iW 
 
 aKavOdv I y7yy6i/€09 aTT€ipr]S, p^rjKvve Se /xi'pia KVK\a. The 
 whole passage in Ap. Rhod. should be compared, as Vergil 
 clearly had it in mind when writing the present passage. 
 \ ' 424. oecupat Aeneas auditum. Repeated 635 occupat in 
 
 both passages seems to be designed to indicate prompt 
 action. 
 
 424. sepulto. Sc. somno. Cp. 2. 265 somno uinoque 
 sepidtam. Enn. A. 8 morbo adjectis somnoque sepultis. 
 
 425. euadit ripam. Cp. 2. 731 euasisse uiam 3. 282. 
 irremeabilis. Not before Vergil, and very rare after: 
 
 cp. 5. 591 indeprefisus et irremeabilis error. " V/hich none 
 may cross again." 
 
 426-547. Norden (p. 10 sqq.) has an interesting discussion 
 of this passage. His statement suffers from over-emphasis, 
 but he succeeds in showing why Vergil places those who 
 died untimely at the portals of Hades — i.e., because there 
 was a definite tradition which placed them there^ and defined 
 the length of time for which they were condemned to remain 
 excluded. But in so far as he asserts that Vergil fully 
 
 172 
 
Commentary 
 
 accepted the tradition, he fails to prove his case. Vergil 
 makes use of it for artistic purposes, but ignores the reasons 
 underlying the belief. Those who perished untimely are 
 grouped together, but as to their fate in the underworld 
 nothing is said. Dieterich's objections to Norden's views 
 iall to the ground, if this not unimportant modification be 
 made (see Nekyia, pp. 151 sqq.), 
 
 426-29. Why are the souls of children who died untimely 
 placed at the gates of Hades ? That there were theories as 
 to their fate, as far back as Plato's time, is shown by Rep. 
 10. 615 c, where Er is given information concerning the 
 fate of the souls of young children, but states that it does 
 not deserve mention. Tertullian (de an. 56), however, 
 states that the souls of those who died untimely are doomed 
 to wander until they have reached the full term of life. He 
 urther states that these views are the teaching of magic, 
 under which head he probably includes the teaching of 
 Pythagoras and the mysteries. The next class (430-3) 
 are those unjustly condemned to death, followed by suicides 
 (434-39), the victims of love murdered or self-slain (440-76), 
 and the souls of warriors fallen in war (477-547)- Thus from 
 426-547 we are concerned with those who died untimely. 
 It is noteworthy that we get the same grouping in Lucian 
 (Catapl. 5), but like Vergil he is not concerned with the 
 significance of such grouping; it is a picturesque traditional 
 circumstance, and no more. There is a certain amount of 
 cross-division in the grouping, for certain of the victims 
 of Love might more correctly be placed among the suicides. 
 Again, it may be objected (see Dieterich, I.e.) that some of 
 the victims of Love {e.g., Pasiphae, Eriphyle, and Evadne), 
 and the heroes of the Theban epic-cycle, Adrastus, Parthe- 
 nopaeus, and Tydeus (479) must have filled up their term of 
 years, and should have passed on to their allotted place in 
 
 173 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 Hades. It may further be objected that Adrastus (480) did 
 not fall in war, and that there is evidence that, though his 
 death was tragic, it occurred at a ripe old age (see n. ad loc). 
 Such minor inconsistencies need not trouble us» A certain 
 neglect of mythological chronology is excusable, and a certain 
 amount of cross division almost inevitable. But the whole 
 passage, as it stands, is obscure, and apparently irrelevant. 
 Two alternative explanations are possible, (i) Vergil merely 
 accepts the traditional grouping, and does not concern 
 himself with the precise fate of those who died untimely, treat- 
 ing these groups merely as an opportunity for romantic 
 description and dramatic and moving encounter, but other- 
 wise regarding it as beside his purpose, and passing it by, as 
 Plato does, as unworthy of explanation. On the other 
 hand (2) it is reasonable to suppose that he was aware of the 
 motive of the grouping, and it is a positive blemish that he 
 does not make the necessary explanation. It would, after 
 all, require but a few lines. It is, therefore, more respectful 
 to his reputation to assume that this portion of the Book had 
 not received its final shape, when he died, and that his 
 editors made the best of a bad business (see Introd. p. 11). 
 This view receives further support from the difficulties 
 involved by the description of the functions allotted to 
 Minos in 431 sqq, 
 
 426. Cp. Plut, de gen. Socr. 22. 590 F. aKov^odai . . . 
 
 fivpiiav K\avOjxhv Pp^^Qtv, 
 
 427. in limine primo. This may refer (i) to the threshold 
 of Hades, or (2) to what follows, the line being punctuated 
 alter flentes. (i) is the more natural interpretation, if the 
 rhythm only of the line be considered. Henry objects that 
 they are not in limine primo. But the words need not be 
 taken too literally. They are not at the actual gate, but 
 they are the first group of dead met on the further side of 
 
 174 
 
Commentary 
 
 Styx. But (2) gives more forcible sense, and it was clearly 
 thus that Silius understood the passage. For in his imita- 
 tion (13. 547) he writes infantum hinc gregibus uersasque ad 
 funera taedas \ passis uirginibiis turbaeqiie in limine uitae \ est 
 iter extinctae et uagitu ianua nota, Cp. also Sen. H. F. 1131 
 ite ad Stygios, umbrae, portus^ \ ite innocuae, quas in prima \ 
 limine uitae scelus oppressit. See Henry ad loc, 
 
 428. exsortes. Servius expertes* aKXripovs dicunU 
 dulcis uitae. o.Tv'b kolvov with limine and exsartes, 
 ab ubere raptos. Cp. 7. 484 ab ubere raptum. 
 
 429. Repeated 11, 28. 
 
 acerbo. Servivs immatttro: translatio est a pamis. Cp.Varro, 
 ap. Non. 247, 15 idrgo acerba. Ov.F, 4. 647 partus acerbos, 
 
 430. Cp. Plat. Apol. 41 ti Tts TMV TraKaiiov 8ta Kpicriv 
 aSiKov T€6vrjK€, Lucian, Catapl. 5. 
 
 mortis with damnatus, Cp. Liv» 42. 43. 9 damnare absentem 
 capitalis poenae. 
 
 431. The appearance of Minos at this point is curious 
 and inappropriate (see Introd., p. 13). Minos is tradi- 
 tionally the judge of all the dead, while here he appears as 
 the judge merely of a group or groups of the dead, who are 
 not deserving of punishment, and concerning whom the only 
 question can be the allotment of a suitable dwelling-place. 
 If it be urged that the passage is parenthetical and that Vergil 
 intended to represent him as the judge of all the dead, it can 
 only be answered that such a parenthesis is an obscure and 
 undesirable way of expressing the meaning which it is desired 
 to convey. It is more charitable to suppose that here 
 again we are confronted with a symptom of the unfinished 
 nature of this portion of the poem, and that the position of 
 Minos would have been cleared up by a final revision, the 
 location of the present passage being, perhaps, due to Varius 
 and Tucca. 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneld 
 
 Failing this supposition the only possible explanation of 
 the passage — an explanation which is really only an un- 
 satisfactory piece of special pleading — would seem to be the 
 following. These men were unjustly doomed to death in 
 life: here their sentences are revised by strict justice: the 
 quaesitor does not punish^ but investigates each case^ and 
 the appointed dwelling-place is allotted by due form of 
 law. It is probable that these lines apply to the cases 
 which follow as well. But their position shows that they 
 are suggested by, and that their special application is to, 
 the cases of those who suffered from miscarriage of justice 
 in life. That it does not apply to all cases is shown by 
 566, where Rhadamanthus is found judging the greatest 
 sinners. 
 
 The language of these three lines is drawn from the 
 Roman law courts. Cp. Ps. Ascon. in Cic. Verr. 2. i (Norden) 
 Vergilius Minoem, tanquam sit praetor rerum capitalium, 
 quaesiiorem appellat : dat ihi sortitionem, uhi urnam nominat ; 
 dat electionem iudicum, cum dicit " consiliumque uocat "; dat 
 cognitionem Jacinorum, cum dicit " uitasque et crimina discit.^' 
 The order in which the cases are to come on is decided by 
 lot (Servius non enim audiehantur causae nisi per sortem 
 ordinatae). The indices are appointed to form the consilium y 
 or jury, whose votes decide the case (see n. on. consilium 
 below). The conception of judges among the dead is found 
 among the Greeks as well, but for the transference of Roman 
 1 egal forms to the underworld cp. the remarkable parallel in 
 Prop. 4. II. 19 sqq., where Cornelia pleads her case among 
 the dead: aut si quis posita index sedet Aeacus urna, \ in mea 
 sortita uindicet ossa pila : assideant Jratres, iuxta et Minoida 
 sellam \ Eumenidum intento turha seuera foro. 49 quaelibet 
 austeras de meferat urna tabellas. 99 catisa perorata est:flentes 
 
 me surgite testes. 
 
 176 
 
Commentary 
 
 432. qiiaesitor Minos urnam mouet. Cp. Hor. Od. 3. i. 14 
 aequa lege necessitas \ sortitur insignes ei imos ; \ omne capax 
 mouet urna nomen. Sen. Ag. 24 quaesitor urna Gnosius 
 uersat reos. H. F. 731 alta sede quaesitor sedens \ iudicia 
 trepidis sera sortitur reis. Stat. Silu. 2. i. 218. Minos is 
 represented as judging the dead in Od. 11. 568 eV^' ijrot 
 MtVwa tiSov Aibs ayXabv vihv | ^/aiVcov crKrJTTTpov €)(^ovTa 
 OcfiKTT^vovra vkKVfrcTLv | yjnevov ol 8e fXLV ajxcfil SiKas eipovro 
 avaKTa | ijficvot ccrraoTes re Kar* evpvTrvXh 'AtSos Sw. But 
 there he judges among the dead as among the Hving, 
 settling disputes, etc.: he is not the awarder of judgment 
 for sin on earth. The first references in Hterature to Minos 
 as judge, awarding doom among the dead, are in Plato, 
 Gorg. 524 (where Minos is a kind of judge of appeal, while 
 Aeacus and Rhadamanthus judge the Asiatic and European 
 dead respectively), and Apol. 41 (where Socrates speaks of 
 Minos, Rhadamanthus, Aeacus, and Triptolemus as those 
 who are said to be judges of the dead). Here (with the read- 
 ing consilium) Minos is assisted by a jury. His brother, 
 Rhadamanthus, on the other hand, who judges the sinners 
 allotted to Tartarus (566), has summary jurisdiction like the 
 iriumuiri capitales at Rome. He, like Minos, is mentioned 
 by Homer as dwelling in the other world (Od. 4. 564), 
 but not as judge. There he dwells in the Elysian plain at 
 the ends of the earth, " where falls not any hail or rain 
 or snow." So, too, Pindar makes him (01. 2. 76) irdpe^pos 
 Kpovov in Elysium. There is nothing earlier than Vergil 
 making Rhadamanthus the especial judge of sinners destined 
 for Tartarus. Norden cites Diod. 5. 79 ^FaSdfxavOw Xkyova-L 
 Tas Tc KpL(T€ts 7rdvT(DV SiKatoTaTas TTiTroirjcrdai Kal rots 
 AT^crrai? koI axrefSicTL Kal rots dkXocs KaKovpyois dTrapaiTrjTov 
 evrjvoxivat, rifjuopLav, which, at least, makes him an appro- 
 priate judge. Lucian again (Catapl. 22) makes his Cynic, 
 
 177 N 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 on being asked if Hades matches the description given in 
 the myster es, say, " Yes. Why, there is a woman with 
 a torch. She must be Tisiphone." He is brought up 
 by Tisiphone for judgment by Rhadamanthus. From this, 
 and Plato's mention of Triptolemus, we may infer that the 
 doctrine of the judges of the dead formed part of the teaching 
 of the Mysteries, though, no doubt, they in turn derived 
 it from popular superstition. (Cp. also Lucian, Dial. Mort. 
 12. Nekyorn. ii.) 
 
 433. consilium. P: concilium MR. The choice between 
 these two readings is extremely difficult, (i) consilium 
 has the advantage of being a legal technical term (see Ps. 
 Ascon. cited above). If it be accepted, we have the picture 
 complete. A co7isilium or jury, drawn from among the 
 dead, assembles under the presidency of the quaesitor Minos, 
 and decides by its vote the fate of the spirits who are brought 
 before it. This is a bold innovation on legend, but may be 
 paralleled from Prop. 4. 11. 49 quaelibet austeras de me 
 ferat urna tabellas, where the urna is the voting urn of the 
 iudices who decide Cornelia's fate. (2) concilium, on the 
 other hand, has more MS. support, and that of Donatus and 
 Servius as well. It gives a simpler picture. Minos summons 
 the assembly of the new-come silent dead before him, and 
 tries them, one by one, according to the order given by the 
 scries. In this case iudex is identical with quaesitor. The 
 picture is also in keeping with earlier legend, where there is 
 no question of the formahties of the lawcourts. On the 
 other hand, the parallel with the Roman lawcourts, as brought 
 out by Ps. Asconius, is so close, and the confusion between 
 consilium and concilium is so frequent in MSS. of all classes 
 that, on the whole, consilium seems preferable. 
 
 434; 5- Cp. Lucr. 3. 79 ei saepe usque adeo mortis formidine 
 uitae \ percipit humanos odium lucisque uidendae, \ ut sibi 
 
 178 
 
Commentary 
 
 consciscant moerenti pectore mortem, Cp. Lucian, Catapl. 5, 
 where, however, the suicides are those that slew themselves 
 for love. Plato (Phaed. 62 b), Pythagoras (Athen. 4. 157 c), 
 and the Orphics (Orph. fr. 221 Abel), as opposed to the 
 Stoics, make suicide an offence punishable in the lower 
 world. Vergil, however, covers himself by insontes. For 
 these there can only be pity, not punishment, and they are 
 tried merely to allot them their place in Hades without 
 question of punishment, 
 
 436. proiecere animas. " Flung their lives away," quasi 
 rem uilem (Servius). 
 
 quam uellent. Cp. Od. 11. 488 /X17 ^ [loi Oavarov yt 
 
 7rapav8a, <^ai8i/x' '08v(T(r€V \ fSovXoiix^^v k' iirdpovpos iwv 
 6r)T€V€H€v aXXio \ dvSpl Trap' cvKk-qpc^^ (f fxr} /Siotos rroXvs ci'?;, 
 I 7] iraa-LV v€KV€(T(rt KaracfiO Lfiivoicnv avacr<rctv. 
 
 438. fas obstat is the reading of all good MSS. fata 
 obstant is the reading of Servius, and later MSS. /aj = ^c/its, 
 Cp. Auson. Technopaegn. de deis. i prima deum Fas \ quae 
 Themis est Grais. Ov. Tr. 2. 205 Fas prohibet. 
 
 tristisque . . . coercet. Repeated in G. 4. 479, 480, with 
 the variant tarda unda. See n. on 305-12. 
 
 tristis PMR : tristi Servius. undae PM : unda R. The read- 
 ing of the MSS. points clearly to tristis undae being correct. 
 tristi unda gives a closer parallel with G. I.e., but Vergil may 
 well have been seeking variety. Further, if unda be read, 
 tristi also must be read; and tristi appears to be a conjecture 
 of Servius ne duo sint epitheta, 
 
 439. nouies Styx interfusa. Servius quia qui altius de 
 mundi ratione quaesiuerunt, dicunt intra nouem hos mundi 
 circulos inclusas esse uirtutes, in quibus et iracundiae sunt et 
 cupiditates, de quibus tristitia nascitur, id est Styx, quae 
 inferos cingit, id est terram, ut diximus supra. So, too, Favonius 
 Eulogius (in S. Scip., p. 13 sq* Holder), who adds mystice at 
 
 179 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 Platonica dictum esse sapientia. Norden accepts this view : the 
 circuit being — the highest heaven inhabited by God and the 
 blessed; followed by Saturn^ Jupiter, Mars, the Sun, Venus, 
 Mercury, and the Moon, below which begins the sphere of 
 death, reaching to the earth (cp. S. Sc. 17). It cannot be 
 too strongly insisted that Vergil gives not the least hint 
 that this is his meaning, and that the heavenly spheres are not 
 reached by going underground. Such esoteric interpreta- 
 tions of Vergil are misleading, inartistic, and uncritical: the 
 fact that Servius and other late writers made them does not 
 justify a modern critic following in their footsteps. See 
 also n. on 887 aeris in campis. 
 
 440-76. The vision of heroines, whom Love brought to 
 an untimely end, is suggested by passages in Od. 11 {i.e.j 
 225 sqq. and 321 sqq.). But the introduction of the love- 
 motive is purely Alexandrian, though the source on which 
 Vergil is drawing is not traceable : that there was such a source 
 is suggested by sic illos nomine dicunt (441). Further, as 
 Norden points out, Hyginus gives a list of heroines quae se 
 ipsae interfecerunt, which suggests derivation from a similar 
 source. It is to be noted that the victims of Love are grouped 
 irrespective of their merits. Laodamia and Evadne share 
 the same lot as Pasiphae and Eriphyle. Philostratus (her. 
 143) appears to place Laodamia, Evadne, Alcestis, and others 
 in the Elysian fields. The explanation of Vergil placing 
 them in the lugenies campi is that he was influenced by the 
 doctrine which condemned those who died untimely to 
 exclusion till the term of their natural life had expired, 
 although he ignores the doctrine itself. See n. on 426-547. 
 
 440. fusi is here first used of space (Conington), but the 
 extension of the metaphor from persons to space is easy and 
 natural. The wide expanse of the Lugentes campi is due, not 
 to the multitudes of the spirits dwelling there, so much as 
 
 180 
 
Commentary 
 
 the desire to give them room for solitude: see Heyne 
 ad loc. 
 
 monstrantur. "Meet the view." Cp. 7. 568 hie specus 
 horrendum et saeui spiracula Ditis \ monstrantur. 
 
 448. sic illos nomine dicunt. See above. This somewhat 
 prosaic phrase serves the purpose of (i) referring the reader 
 to authority (see n. on. 14), and (2) to justify the bold phrase 
 Ltigentes campi. 
 
 442. quos. Servius tantum feminanmi posuit exempla, 
 non quo desint uiri, sed elegit sexum impatientem ad amandum : 
 tavien paulo post Sychaei factunis est mentionem. 
 
 443. myrtea silua. Servius quae est Veneri consecrata. 
 Cp. E. 7. 62 gratissima uitis laccho, | formosae myrtus Veneri, 
 
 calles. ''Avenues/' or ''glades/' rather than paths 
 {semitae) : cp. 9. 383 per oh s euros lueehat semita callis. 
 
 445. Cp. Od. II. 321 ^aiSprjv re UpoKpiv re iSov KaXy]V 
 r 'ApidBvYiv and 326 Malpav re KXvixhrjV re iSov (TTvyeprjV 
 r 'Yipt(f)vX'qv. 
 
 Phaedra, the wife of Theseus, who slew herself on account 
 of her unrequited passion for her stepson, Hippolytus. 
 
 Procris, daughter of Erechtheus, King of Athens, and 
 wife of Cephalus, King of Phocis, was accidentally slain 
 by her husband, who mistook her for a wild beast, as she 
 watched him, hidden in the woods, suspecting him of in- 
 fidelity, Cp. Ov, Met. 7. 694. 
 
 Eriphyla, wife of Amphiaraus. He, being a seer, knew that 
 if he joined the expedition against Thebes, he was doomed 
 to perish. He, therefore, hid himself. Eriphyla, bribed 
 by Polynices with a gift of a golden necklace, revealed the 
 hiding-place of her husband, who was thus compelled to join 
 the expedition. Before departing he instructed his son 
 Alcmaeon to slay Eriphyla so soon as he heard of his death. 
 Cp. Apollod, 3. 6. 2. 
 
 181 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 447. Euadne, wife of Capaneus, flung herself from a crag 
 into her husband's funeral pyre. Cp. Eur. Suppl. 1019, 
 1048. The subject was doubtless treated in the lost Theban 
 Epic cycle. 
 
 Pasiphaen. Seel. 25. As to her death there is no reference 
 in extant literature, save Malalas 15. 106, who states that 
 she was cast into prison by Minos and there died. The story 
 was treated by Euripides in his Cretes, and it may be con- 
 jectured that in the tragedy she was made to commit 
 suicide, 
 
 Laodamia, wife of Protesilaus, the first of the Greeks to 
 disembark at Troy, where he was slain by Hector. She 
 obtained permission of heaven that his spirit should visit 
 her, but unable to endure the prospect of losing him a 
 second time, slew herself to join him in the underworld. 
 The story seems to have been famiUar to Homer, cp. 11. 2. 698. 
 Euripides made it the subject of a tragedy. 
 
 448. Caeneus. Caenis, daughter of Elatos, King of the 
 Lapithge, was beloved by Poseidon, and at her request was 
 rewarded by being turned into a man. As Caeneus she fought 
 for the Lapiths against the Centaurs, and was slain by them. 
 In Hades she became a woman once more. The legend 
 generally ignores the change of sex, and deals solely with 
 the exploits of Caeneus, the warrior invulnerable to ordinary 
 weapons, who is driven into the earth by the blows of the 
 Centaurs' clubs. Ovid (M. 12. 453 sqq.) tells the story of his 
 death, and recognises that he had been a woman. His final 
 fate, he tells us, was disputed (12. 517 exitus in duhio est). 
 He himself says that he was believed to have turned into a 
 bird. The source of the story of the change of sex is un- 
 certain. It is probably derived from Alexandrian poetry, 
 such as the Heteroiumena of Nicander, or the later Meta- 
 morphoses by Parthenius, whose influence on the Roman 
 
 182 
 
Commentary 
 
 Hellenistic School was great. See Nicand. ap. Ant. Lib. 
 Scol. Ap. Rhod. I. 57. Eustath. ad II. i. 264. Hyg. 14. 
 reuoluta. The fern, is used because she is now a woman. 
 Vergil might have called her Caenis, but gives the masc. 
 name as being more familiar. She is only indirectly one of 
 the victims of Love, the death of Cacneus being indirectly 
 due to the change of sex granted by Poseidon. 
 
 452. umbras PR: umbram M, Servius, Donatus (who both 
 take it with obscuram). There can be no doubt^ however, 
 whichever reading be adopted^ that obscuram refers to Dido. 
 The sense is thus much more forcible and poetic, and the 
 comparison is brought closer to the simile of Ap. Rhod. 
 which Vergil is paraphrasing — i.e., obscuram, though applied 
 to Dido, corresponds to kirayXvova-av (see below), per 
 umbras is preferable, both in sound and as avoiding any 
 possible ambiguity. It means " gloom," not " shades of the 
 dead." 
 
 453. Cp. Ap. Rhod. 4. 1479 WS TiS T€ V€a) €vl YjixaTL ixrjvrjv 
 I ri rSev ri ISoK-qcrev €7ra)(AiJ0vcrav iSecrdai. Vergil improves 
 
 on the original which refers to Heracles, seen far off in 
 the desert by Lynceus. 
 455. demisit lacrhnas. Cp. Od. 16. 191 8dKpvov yJKe 
 
 duloique affatus amore. A beautiful version of Od. 11. 552 
 
 rov i^v eycov €7reecro"i Trpoa-qvhoyv fxeiXix^ota-iv. 
 
 456. UerUS mihi nuntiUS. SeRVIUS Kara to cno)7nofievov 
 intelligendum est quod sit nuntiatus Didonis interitus. alii 
 ad ignem referunt uisum (5. 3): alii ad Mer curium (4. 364) 
 qui ait " certa mori " ; sed in neutro ei etiam mortis genus est 
 significatum, et hie dicit '^ferroque extrema secutam.^' 
 
 ergo. Like the Gk. apa in Od. 11. 553 Afav, Trat 
 TeAajOtwvo? dfxvpovo<s, ovk dp' e/xeXAe? | ovSk Oavojv X'qcrecrOai 
 
 6/iOt XoAot) eLV€Ka TeU>(€OJV I Ov\ofJi€VWV. 
 
 183 
 
The Sixth Book ot the Aeneid 
 
 457. extrema secutam. For extrema = dea,th. cp. i. 219 
 extrema pati. Tac. H. 4. 59 famem ferrumque et extrema paii. 
 secuta denotes that the act was deliberate. It is not an 
 imitation of ttotjiov ivLo-Tretv (II. 6. 412), 
 
 458. per sidera iuro, per superos. Cp. 3. 599 per sidera 
 testor, per superos, to which here is naturally added et si 
 qua fides tellure sub ima est. 
 
 459. Cp. 2. 142 per siqiia est quae restat adhuc mortalihus 
 usquam \ intemera^a fides. 
 
 fides. " Aught that may give assurance." The phrase 
 does not necessarily express doubt as Servius implies {ubi 
 promissa exitum non habent). 
 
 460. Cp. Catull. 66. 39 inuita, regina, iuo de uertice cessi, \ 
 inuita ; adiuro teque tuumque caput (loq. Coma Berenices). 
 For the sentiment cp. 4. 361 Italiam non sponte sequor., of 
 which this is a reassertion. 
 
 461. iussa . . . imperils. Cp. 7. 239 sed nos fata deum 
 uestras exquirere terras \ imperiis egere suis. 
 
 quae nunc has ire per umbras may mean more than " but 
 for the will of heaven I would never face the horrors of the 
 underworld/' and may suggest " I have not come to vex 
 you with my presence." 
 
 462. loca senta situ, a paraphrase of Od. 10. 512 'AtSew 
 S6/X0V €vpio€VTa. senilis is found before Vergil in Ter. Eun. 
 236 uideo sentum squalidum seneni pannis annisque obsitum. 
 The meaning is uncertain. Servius squalida . . . et est 
 translatio a terra inculta in qua sentes nascuntur. So, too, 
 apparently Prudentius (Symm. 2. 1039. Apoth. 123), where 
 it is applied to uepres and rubus. It can bear the same 
 meaning in Terence, I.e. sc. " bristly." 
 
 If Servius is right, the sense will be " neglected," " waste '* 
 = horrida, inculta. Cp. Liv. 22. 16 stagna perhorrida situ. 
 |s[orden interprets it as " eaten away," " mouldering," citing 
 
 18^ 
 
Comrnentary 
 
 Biicheler, Rh. Mus, 42. 1887, 586, connecting it with senium 
 and the Gk. a-Lvecrdai. But this derivation is uncertain, 
 and there seems to be no reason to depart from the tradi- 
 tional interpretation. 
 
 situ. From the sense of " lying unstirred and unheeded.** 
 situs comes to mean '* neglect/' and even the results of neglect 
 such as " mould " and ** rust." Servius is too precise when 
 he says situs est lanugo quaedam ex humore procreata et fit 
 in locis sole carentibus. Page's translation, " through a 
 land ragged and forlorn/' expresses the sense adequately. 
 
 464. Cp. 4. 419 hunc ego si potui tantum sperare dolor em» 
 
 465. Repeated 698 with amplexu for aspectu. 
 
 aspectu. The dative of -w, as often elsewhere, the dat. 
 being the regular construction after suhtraho. Caesar, ac- 
 cording to Gellius (4, 16), regarded the -u termination as the 
 more correct. See Lindsay, LJ.., p. 387. 
 
 Dido begins to move t^Ay. Her actions described 
 469-73 extend through the v/hole of Aeneas's speech. At 
 its outset {incepto sermone 470) she remains motionless; 
 then, before he ends, moves away (tandem corripuit sese 472) 
 
 466. quem fugis ? An echo of the words used by Dido to 
 Aeneas (4. 314) mene fugis ? 
 
 extremum quod te adloquor hoc est. Cp. Soph. Aj. 857 
 
 7rpo(T€vvkTriii TravvfrraTov 8rj k* ovttot^ avdt<s vcTTepov. 
 quod. Cogn. ace. after adloquor. 
 
 467. torua tuentem . . . animum. A bold phrase, which 
 led Jortin to conjecture animam. But as torua tuentem is 
 a Graecism (cp. II, 3. 342 ay pea Se/a/co/xcvos), so is the whole 
 phrase, for which Norden compares Soph, Aj. 955 KcAatvcoTras 
 Ovfxos, Aesch, Cho. 847 (f*PW <^P'iJo.r(Jiix€vr]. torua tuentem 
 may possibly be regarded (see Norden) as a translation of 
 TavprjSov pXiTreiv through -. fancied connexion between 
 toruus and taurus : but tor. U4 bouis (G, 3. 51) and toruum 
 
 tfep 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 taurum (Ov. M. 8. 132) do not lend any real support to this 
 viewi 
 
 lenibat. For the contracted form {metri gratia) cp. lenihant 
 (4. 528); insignibat (7. 790), nutrihant (7. 485), redimibat 
 (10. 538), poUbant (8. 436), uestibat (8. 160). 
 
 lacrimasque ciebat. Servius sibi, non Didoni . . . ilia 
 immobilis manebat, tractum autem hoc est ab Homero (Od. 
 II. 563) qui inducit Aiacis umbram Ulixis colloquia fugientem, 
 quod eifuerat causa mortis, 
 
 469. Repeated from i. 482. Cp. Od. 11. 563 ws k4>6.fxr)v, 
 6 Se IX ov^lv djjLeLPero. Heyne well compares Ps. Longin. 
 de subl. 9 rj Tov AiavTOS €v vcKVLi^ (TKiiTrrj fieya koI TravTos 
 v\p7)\6Tcpov Xoyov, Cp. also Med. 27. Theocr. 2. 12. 
 
 470. See n. on 465. 
 
 uoltum mouetur. Cp. n. on 156. 
 
 471. stet with the idea of immobility. 
 
 silex. The hard lava rock still known as selce in 
 Italy. 
 
 Marpesia=Paria; Marpessos being a mountain in Paros. 
 Dido stands cold, pale, and motionless as marble. The 
 whole passage seems to be suggested by Eur, Med. 27 oiV 
 o/xyut* erraLpovcr' ovt^ dTraXXaxrcrovcra yrjs \ 7rp6cr(i)7rov, w? Be 
 irerpo'S rj 6aXd(Tcrios | acAvSwv aKOvcL vovOerovp.kvq </)iAwv. 
 
 473. nemus. The myrtea silua of 443. 
 
 coniunx pristinus. Cp. i. 343 huic coniunx Sychaeus erat. 
 Sychaeus was murdered by Dido's brother Pygmalion 
 (i. 348), and, therefore, is naturally placed among those 
 who died untimely, though he does not strictly belong to the 
 Lugentes campi. 
 
 curis. " Passion " or " griefs." Dative. 
 
 474. Sychaeus. The first syllable is long in i. 343, but 
 short elsewhere, 
 
 475. nee minus — i.e., despite her flight. 
 
 i86 
 
Commentary 
 
 casu concussus iniquo. Cp. 5. 700 casu concussus acerho. 
 5. 869 casu concussus ainici. Both passages tell against the 
 variant percussus R in this passage. 
 
 476. lacrimis PR: lacrimans M. Cp. 12. 72 ne me lacrimis 
 neue omine tanto \ prosequere , . . euntem. 6. 898 prose- 
 quitur dictis, 9. 310 uotis, 11. 107 uenia, all support the 
 ablative. 
 
 477-547. The ghosts of heroes fallen in war follow. Strict 
 adherence to the doctrine concerning those who died untimely 
 would demand the inclusion of violent deaths other than 
 those of war. These are represented solely by Sychaeus, 
 who is, however, placed among the lovers. See n. on 
 426-547. 
 
 477. datum. Servius datum autem dixit aut ratione fati 
 concessum aut oblatum fortuito , an iniunctum. Any of these 
 three views is possible, but the first is, perhaps, most probable. 
 
 molitur implies effort. The idea suggested is that Aeneas 
 struggles forward through the gloom. 
 
 arua ultima. The last occupied by souls who are neither 
 in Tartarus nor Elysium, 
 
 478. secreta. " Set apart." Cp. 8. 670 secretosque pios. 
 
 479. The first three ghosts are all of heroes of the Theban 
 cycle of epic. 
 
 Tydeus, King of Calydon, was wounded by Melanippus, 
 whom he slew. Athena brought him a remedy for his 
 wound, which should make him immortal. Amphiaraus 
 at this moment brought the head of Melanippus to Tydeus, 
 who bit it to the brain, thereby so shocking Athena that she 
 withheld her gift, and he died. ApoUod. 3. 6. 8. 
 
 Parthenopaeus, son of Atalanta, was slain before Thebes 
 by Periclymenus. Paus. 9. 18. 6. Eur. Phoen. 1158. 
 
 Adrastus, King of Argos, and leader of the Seven against 
 Thebes, died of old age and grief over the loss of one of his 
 
 187 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 sons in the second expedition of the Epigoni against Thebes. 
 Pans. I. 43. I. If Vergil follows this legend, why is he among 
 the piaioOdvaroL ? It is possible that Vergil follows another 
 legend recorded by Hyg. Fab. 242, which made Adrastus 
 and his son Hipponoos throw themselves into a fire on the 
 bidding of the oracle of Apollo; or that he has merely in- 
 cluded Adrastus by an oversight with the other heroes of 
 the expedition against Thebes. 
 
 pallentis. Cp. Amm. Marc. 14. 11. 22 Adrasteo pallor e 
 perfusus, which may be a curious allusion to the present 
 passage, or may, on the other hand, be connected with 
 Adrastia. 
 
 481. multum fleti = 7roAi'KAavTot. 
 
 ad superos — i.e,, in the upperworld. Cp. Liv. i. 3 celebre 
 ad posteros nomen, Sil. 13. 607 non digna neque aequa ad 
 superos pas si Manes. Conington interprets of lamentation 
 rising to the skies, and compares 561 quis tanttis clangor ad 
 auras ? and II. 8. 364 rjroi 6 luv KXaUa-Ke Trph<i ovpavov. 
 But the context demands that superos should mean the 
 upper world of the living. 
 
 caduci. DoNATUS Jructus quorum pars appellatur caduca 
 quae in usus hominum non cadit. inde translatum est ut 
 caduci dicantur homines qui in pueritia aut inuenta mariuntur, 
 Cp. Horn. a.pr]LJ>aroi. 
 
 462, The next group is drawn from the Trojan cycle. 
 There is no individual mention of Greek heroes, 
 
 483. Cp. II. 17. 216 VXaVKOV T€ MeSoVTCt T€ Q€p(TiXo)(6v TC. 
 
 Glaucus, a Lycian chief, follower of Sarpedon, was slain 
 by Agamemnon (?Ajax): cp, Hyg, Fab. 113. For other r f- 
 erences to him in Homer, cp. II. 2. 876; 3. 313; 6. 119-236. 
 
 463. Cp. II. II. 59 T/D€ts t' 'Airr^vopiSas lioXvPov kol 
 ^Ayjvopa 8lov \ rjtOtov t' 'AKa/iavra. Agenor was slain by 
 Neoptolemus, Paus. 10. 27, i ; Acamas by Meriones, II. 16. 343. 
 
 188 
 
Commentary 
 
 Polyboten P: Polyhoeten MR. The name Polyboetes 
 is not found elsewhere. Polybotes is found in Theocr. lo. 15. 
 There is no mention of any such hero in Homer, and the 
 name must come from the CycHc poets. There is no justi- 
 fication for the emen^2it\0Ti Poly pheten (II. 13. 791). 
 
 485. Idaeum. The charioteer of Priam. Cp. IL 3. 248; 
 
 24- 325- 
 arma tenentem. He is represented as armour-bearer as 
 
 well. 
 487. conferre gradum. " To walk by his side." 
 490. Cp» Od. II. 605 sqq., where Heracles terrifies the 
 
 shades with his bow. 
 492. ceu quondam petiere rates. Cp. II. 8. 75 and 15. 320. 
 
 Also A. 2. 399. 
 494. exiguam. Expressed by rpl^uv in II. 23. loi. Od. 
 
 24. 5. 
 inceptus . . . hiantes. '' The cry of battle scarce begun 
 
 cheats their gaping lips." 
 
 494. Priamiden . . . Deiphobum. Deiphobus the dearest 
 of Plector's brothers (Il.'22. 233), after Paris' death, married 
 Helen. This fact is not expressly mentioned in Homer, but 
 is implied by Od. 4. 276, where Deiphobus accompanies 
 Helen to view the Trojan Horse and 8. 517, where Menelaus 
 and Odysseus make for the house of Deiphobus, and a fierce 
 fight ensues there. Proclus records that the fact was 
 mentioned in the Little Iliad (cp. also Eur. Tro. 959. Seru. 
 ad A. 2. 166). As to the details of the story, as here given, 
 (i) the signal of the torch is mentioned only in Vergil, but 
 reappears in Tryphiodorus 512, who may have been imitating 
 Vergil, but may equally well have drawn from the same 
 source as the poet. There is no inconsistency with 2. 256, 
 which refers to a fire signal given by the Greeks. Other 
 versions make Sinon or Antenor give the signal from Troy. 
 
 189 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 (Schol. Lye. 340). (2) That Deiphobus was slain by 
 Menelaus is consistent with Od. 8. 517 and Quintus Smyrnaeus, 
 who states that he perished fighting, a/xc^' 'EAevT^s Xex^eo-a-t, 
 while the fact is definitely stated by Hyg. Fab. 113. As 
 regards the other details of the story, they are peculiar to 
 Vergil. It is probable that he derives them from an older 
 source, but of evidence there is nil (see Norden for a plausible, 
 but visionary, discussion of the subject). Obvious possible 
 sources are the Iliupersis and Stesichorus. For a previous 
 reference to Deiphobus see 2. 310, where his house is men- 
 tioned as in flames. The present passage is inconsistent 
 with 2. 567-88, but those lines, though almost certainly by 
 Vergil, clearly do not form part of the Aeneid in its present 
 form. 
 
 495. uidit. Servius. FPR read iddet lacerum: M uidit 
 et lacerum. There can be no doubt that Servius is right; 
 the rhythm is better with uidit than with uidet et : while 
 lacerum should not be connected by et with laniatum corpore 
 ioto, which includes all the detailed mutilations which 
 follow. 
 
 lacerum crudeliter ora. For the construction see n. on 
 156. This and the other mutilations were carried out, not 
 merely from lust of revenge, but to prevent the spirit of 
 the dead man from haunting his slayers. For this practice 
 of aK/KOTT^piacr/xos or /xacrxa'^io'/^os cp. Aesch, Cho. 439 and 
 Soph. El. 445, where Clytemnestra is represented as having 
 treated the body of Agamemnon in like fashion* For the 
 belief that the dead carry the disfigurements of life to the 
 underworld cp. Plat. Gorg. 524 c* 
 
 496. ora. For the anaphora cp. 10, 821, 2 and E. 6. 
 20, I, 
 
 populataque tempora . . . truncas nares. It matters 
 little whether we regard these accusatives as dependent on 
 
 190 
 
Commentary 
 
 lacerum,ova.s dived oh}ect5oiuidit. populata. ''Ravaged." 
 A bold metaphor used also with capillos by Ovid (M. 2. 319). 
 
 497. inhonesto. " Shameful/' " disfiguring." 
 
 498. uix adeo. " Scarce indeed." Cp. E. 4. 11 teque adeo 
 decus hoc aeui te comule inibit, 
 
 499. compellat uocibus ultro. Repeated in 4. 304, and 
 perhaps an imitation of Enn. A. 35^ where compellare uoce 
 occurs. 
 
 500. An imitation from Enn. Alexander, Fr. 8. lux 
 Troiae, germane Hector \ , quid ita . . . cum tuo lacerato \ 
 corpore abiectu's miser aut qui \ te sic respectantibus \ trac- 
 tauere nobis? Cp. also Od. 11. 397, the dialogue between 
 Odysseus and Agamemnon on which the whole scene is 
 modelled. 
 
 genus alto a sanguine Teucri. Repeated in 4. 230, and 
 with diuom for Teucri in 5. 45. For genus=" offspring " 
 cp. also 792 and 839. 
 
 501. optauit. "Chose" rather than ''wished." Servius 
 elegit ut sumeret. 
 
 502. de te. Sc, sumere poenas, though licuit de te may 
 possibly be used absolutely, as licere in generum is used by 
 Lucan (9. 1024). 
 
 503. fessum te caede. Sc. as a result of the desperate 
 battle of Od. 8. 517: a clear reference to the Homeric tradi- 
 tion which Deiphobus' story rejects. 
 
 505. egomet. Emphatic: the duty was not left to others. 
 Rhoeteo litore FPR: Rhoeteo in litore MP^. The omission 
 
 of the preposition avoids a not very common elision. 
 Rhoeteum is just to the north of Troy* 
 
 506. Manis ter uoce uocaui. Cp. n. on. 231 nouissima 
 uerba and 229 ter, Cp. the similar 3. 68 magna supremum. 
 uoce ciemus. 
 
 507. nomen. Cp. 235 and 381. 
 
 191 
 
The Sixth Boo*: of the Aeneid 
 
 arma. Cp. 233. Here tV arms are obviously not 
 Deiphobus' own. 
 
 te amice. For the hiatus and the shortening of the long 
 monosyllable cp. E. 2. 65 Alexi. 8. 108 an qui aniant. 
 While in Vergil this may be a Graecism, instances occur in 
 early poetry under circumstances where this is extremely 
 improbable, and we may assume " this prosodical hiatus to 
 reflect the ordinary pronunciation as it did in Greek/' 
 Lindsay, Z.L., pp. 209, tio, 
 
 509. Priamides. The first i is lengthened as in the Greek 
 metri gratia. 
 
 510. omnia soluisti. We are not told especially that the 
 erection of a cenotaph, a symbolic burial, has enabled 
 Deiphobus to cross the Styx, but it is distinctly implied, 
 though we are at liberty to S".ppose that others buried him, 
 if we will. 
 
 funeris umbris. '* The shades of the dead." Yox funus= 
 *' dead body " cp. 9. 491 Junus lacerum, and the similar use 
 of viors, Cic pro Mil. 86. Plin. 14. 119. 
 
 51 1 » sed — i.e. J You have done all you could for me, but, 
 etc 
 
 Lacaenae. Cp. the contemptuous 17 Aa^aiva of Eur. Tro. 
 861. It carries with it the idea of " harlot " : cp. Eur. Andr. 
 486 and 595 sqq. ovS' av d SovXolto tls | criocfipiov ykvoiro 
 'ZirapTiaTLSiav Kopr]. Also Ov. Her. 5. 99. 
 
 512. monimenta. Possibly a bitter travesty of Od. 15. 125 
 
 S^pOV TOL Ktti €yw T€KVOV (^lAc, 70VT0 8t6(i)/Xt, | fivi^fl' 'EXiVTfJS 
 
 \€ipwv (Conington). 
 
 513. Cp. 2. 248, where, however, all that is said is nos 
 delubra deum miseri, quibus ultimus esset \ ilk dies, festa 
 uelamus fronde per urbem. But cp. Eur. Hec. 905 and 
 Tro. 542. 
 
 515, 6. Cp. Enn. Alex. 13 natn inaximo saliu super abit 
 
 i:)2 
 
Commentafy 
 
 grauidus armcltis eqiius, \ qui suo partu ardua perdatPergamctt 
 Aesch. Ag. 825 LTTirov i/€ocrcrds, dcnrLSrjcfiopo'i Aews, | ttt^St^/x* 
 opova-as a/x<^t UXctdSojv Svatv, | virepdopibv ^l Trvpyov, oj/xr/o-Tr/? 
 Aewv, I dSrjv eAet^ev aifxaros rvpavvLKOv. This bold metaphor 
 implies no special version of the legend other than that given 
 in 2. 234. It is a poetical description of the dragging of the 
 Trojan horse through the breach in the wall. 
 
 517. Cp. 7. 385 simulato numine Bacchi. 
 
 euhantis first occurs in Cat. 64. 391. It governs orgia, a 
 bold cognate ace. 
 
 519. As has been said above^ there is no actual incon- 
 sistency between this passage and 2. 254. Vergil may 
 have written this passage without giving a thought to the 
 lines in Bk. 2. But the two passages are easily recon- 
 cilable. 
 
 520. confectum curis. Servius atqui uacauerat gaudiis. 
 sed illud ostendit quod ait Statins (T. 12. 11) ^' stant ueteres 
 ante or a metus " ; nam curae ferebantur suo inipetu ex pristino 
 bellorum tumultu. The line is an imitation of II. 10. 98 
 KapbOLTO) dSyjKores, rjSe koI VTrvio, or Od. 6. 2 vttvco Kal Ka/xarw 
 dp7]pi€vos. Schrader's emendation choreis is unnecessary. 
 Norden suggests that Vergil may be refining the original 
 version and have substituted curis, when tradition would 
 have led him to write uino. Cp. Quint. Smyrn. 13. 354 
 Kal Tore 8r] MeveAaos vtto ^t<^et (TTOVo^vrt \ Ar]L(j)ol3ov Kare- 
 Tre^ve Kaprj/Bapeovra KL)(^(ra<s [ dfi(j) 'EAei/iys A€)(€€(rcrt. 
 
 522. Cp. Od. 13. 79 Kol rw vyjSvpios vttvos Itti /SXefpapoLO-iv 
 iTmrT€v I V7^yp€T09, ■/jStcTTOs, davdrcii ay^to"Ta koLKiaS' 
 
 523. egregia. For the ironical use cp. 4. 93 egregiam uero 
 laudem et spolia ampla refertis. 
 
 524. emouet. FR: amouet M: etmouet P. See n. on 
 382. amoueo is the commoner verb^ but never occurs in 
 Vergil. 
 
 193 o 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 capiti. Sc. from beneath his pillow. Cp. Tac. H. 2. 49 
 pugionem capiti suhdidit. Suet. 0th. 11, describing the same 
 incident^ substitutes puluinus for caput. 
 
 subduxerat. Pluperfect because this was the first thing 
 done by Helen, as being the most necessary. The removal 
 of other weapons was subsequent. 
 
 526. amanti. "Her lover": a bitter taunt both against 
 Helen and Menelaus. Deiphobus regards Menelaus as an 
 unlawful rival and Helen as a faithless wife. 
 
 529. Aeolides=Ulysses. Servius nam Anticleiae filius 
 est, quam ante Laertis nuptias clam cum Sisypho, Aeoli jilio 
 concubuii, unde Ulixes est. hoc ei et in Ouidio Aiax obicit 
 " et sanguine cretus Sisyphio " (Met. 13. 31): cp. also Soph. 
 Aj. 190. Phil. 417. 
 
 di talia, etc. Cp. Soph. Phil. 315 oh 'OAv/xTrtot dcol | 
 
 8ot€i/ ttot' avrois avTiiroLV i/xov TraBelv, 
 
 530. instaurate. From in and staurus (= o-Tavpos) " to 
 prop up " and so " to renew ": from this the transition to 
 '' repay " is slight. 
 
 pio . . . ore. Cp. Soph. Trach. 809. 
 
 531. Cp. Od. 11. 155 T€KVOV eixhv TTWS rjXO^S VTTO (6(f>0V 
 
 rjepoevTa \ {wos €(ov ; y^aXeirhv Se raSe ^loolcrLV opacrBat. | ly 
 vvv Srj Tpoir]$ev aAw/A€]/os €vdd8' iKaveis \ vrji re koc krapoLdi 
 TToXvv \p6vov, 
 
 534. Cp. Od. II. 94 o<jip(x i8y) v€Kvas KOL drepTTm x^pov, 
 sine sole. Cp. Eur. Ale. 852 dvrjXicDv p.vxQ>v. H. F. 607. 
 loea turbida. '' Home of confusion." " turbida perhaps 
 
 gives the idea of formless confusion " (Conington). Cer- 
 tainly, but it does not mean " obscure/' as Conington 
 also asserts. 
 
 535. hac uice sermonum — i.e., the conversation con- 
 tinued, and Aeneas answers Deiphobus' questions. But, as 
 his answer is known in substance to the reader, it is imphed, 
 
 194 
 
Commentary 
 
 not stated, nice is abl. of circumstance: cp. Ov. T. 4. 4. 79 
 nice sermonis. For the whole cp. Od. 11. 81 vQ>l iilv ws 
 €7r€€cr(riv dixeifSojJLCVot crrvyipoicri \ ijiieda. 
 
 roseis quadrigis. Cp. 7. 26 in roseis bigis. The chariot 
 of dawn is two-horsed in Od. 23. 246. Servius Donatiis 
 autem dicit Auroram cum quadrigis positam solem signi- 
 ■ficare. 
 
 536. medium traiecerat axem. The heavens regarded as 
 turning on their poles: cp. 4. 481 ubi nmximus Atlas \ axem 
 humero torquet stellis ardentibiis aptum. It is now midday: 
 they had started at dawn (225). Cp. II. 8. 68 'HeAios iiko-ov 
 
 OVpaVOV dlX(f)L/3€l3/]K€l. 
 
 537» Cp. Od. 16. 220 Kal vv k' oBvpoixivoLcriv eSv (ftdos 
 
 1j€\lOLO. 
 
 datum. Cp» 477 n. 
 
 traherent. '' Drag out." Cp. i. 748 uario noctem sermone 
 trahebai» 
 
 539. nox ruit. " Rushes up from Ocean." Cp. 2. 250 
 rtiit Oceano nox^ 8. 369. 2. 250 is conclusive for the meaning. 
 For the opposite representation of night falHng from the sky 
 cp. 2, 8 nox caelo praecipitat. 
 
 540. partes ubi se uia findit in ambas. The immediate source 
 probably Plat. Gorg. 524 A c^ tJs (pepeTov rw oSw ... 17 fi€v cs 
 fxaKapijiv vvjcrov?, >} 8' ei's Tdprapov. The belief is derived from 
 the teaching of the Orphics and Pythagoreans. Cp. Hippolyt. 
 5> 8, p. 164, 76 sqq. DS. fxiKpd 8' ecrri ra jxv(rTi]pLa ra rrjs 
 U€p(T€<fi6vr]<s Kdro), Trcpt cov fivcrT-qpiwv Kal rrjs 68ov rrjs dyova-rjs 
 €K€ty oi'0"r/s 7rA.aT€ias kol (.vpvyjjypov koX (f)€pov(n]S tovs diroX- 
 X.vjX€vovs €7rt Trjv Jl€p(T€(f)6vrjv . . . Kal 6 TTotT/TTys 5€ (fi-^a-iv 
 avrdp vtt' avrrjv €(rTiv drdpTTLTOS OK/aioecrcra, [ KotXt], ttt^AwSt/s, 
 V ^' i77>^(^acr^at dpi(TT7] | aAcros €S IfJ^epoiV ttoXvti/xtJtov 'A(/)/»o- 
 8iT7)s (cited by Dieterich, Nekyia, p. 191 q.v.). It is but a 
 smaii itep from this conception to the moral parable of the 
 
 195 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 two ways of virtue and vice^ for which cp. Hes. Op. 287, 
 and Prodicus' myth of Heracles (Xen. Mem. 2. 120), and the 
 teaching of the Pythagoreans by means of a similar allegory 
 (Schol. ad Pers. 3. 56). 
 
 ambas. Servius compendiosius qiiam si " duas " diceret. 
 poteramus eniin etiam tertiam sperare. The present use is 
 apparently unique. 
 
 541. Cp. 63D Cyclopum ediicta caminis \ moenia conspicio. 
 
 542. iter Elysium. Cp. 3. 507 iter Italiam. An extension 
 of the omission of prepositions before the names of towns. 
 
 543. exercet. " PHes." 
 
 544. ne saeui. Servius antique dictum est : nam nunc 
 " ne saeuias." The construction is common in Vergil and 
 the poets for obvious metrical reasons. 
 
 545. explebo numerum. " I will fill up the number of the 
 shades " — i.e., I will go to my place among them. The dead 
 have been numbered and marshalled in bodies. Cp. Sen. 
 Hipp. 1 153 constat inferno numerus tyranno. Norden cites 
 Lucian^ Catapl. 4 (Hermes to Clotho) cTret Se /car' avro VjS// 
 TO (TTOjXiov rjlJ.ei', efxov toi'S veKpov<i tos €^os a.~api6iJ.ovi'TOS toj 
 AlaKti. Kul €Ketvov Xoyi^ojikvov avTOVS Trpos to rrapa Trjs (T'qs 
 dBeXcfiQS (Atropos) TT^fxcfiOlv avrw (rvfilSoXov^ Xadujv ovk olS^ 
 o;rws 6 TpifTKaTapaTos aTTio^i/ wyjiTO. tveSet ovv vck/oos eis t<| 
 Xoyicrixi}. C.I.L. 8. Suppl. 12505 te rogo qui infernales partes 
 tenes, commendo tibi luliam Faustillam Marii filiam, ut eam 
 celerius ahducas et in numerum tu habeas. He further points 
 out that the metaphor is found in Livy in a military sense 
 (24. II. 4) numerum legionum explere. 
 
 547. Cp. 10. 877 tantum effatus et injesta subit obuius hasta, 
 3. 669 ad sonitum uocis uestigia tor sit. 
 
 effatus. Sc. est. Though the words are in imitation of 
 II. 22. 247 u)S (f)afx€vr] Kal KepSocrvvi] r^yqcraT 'AO'qvrj^ there is 
 no need to assume an anacoluthon in the Latin. 
 
 196 
 
Commentary 
 
 torsit. " Turned aside." MR read pressit=^^^ ceased from 
 following them." uestigia pressit has occurred twice already 
 (197, 331), and pressit has probably found its way into the 
 MSS. as a reminiscence. The rarer and more forcible 
 torsit is clearly to be preferred. 
 
 548. sinistra. Cp. laeua (542). 
 
 549. There is no closer parallel for this description of 
 Tartarus as walled in than Hes. T. 726 rov inpl xa^'^eov 
 
 moenia. The wider generic term : muri the narrower and 
 more specific. 
 
 551. Phlegethon. The UvpicfiXeyWuyv of Od. 10. 513. 
 The name ^Xeyedoiv does not occur in extant Greek 
 authors. 
 
 torquetque sonantia saxa. The relative quae is ignored: 
 cp. G. 2. 207 aut unde iratus siluam deuexit arator \ et ne^nora 
 euertit, where there is a similar disregard of unde. Conington 
 suggests that the phrase may be due to a misunderstanding 
 of PlatO; Phaed. 113 B HvpicfiXeyedovTa ov KOL ot pvaK€S 
 UTTOcnrda-jxaTa dva({iV(TO)cnv, ottt] dv Ti'^wcrt t^§ yvy?, these 
 d.7ro(nrd(rnaTa being portions of Pyriphlegethon^ not rocks. 
 But such a suggestion is uncalled for: the passage in 
 Plato might easily suggest the present phrase without any 
 misunderstanding on the part of the poet. Nor is any 
 reference to Plato necessary: what is true of earthly torrents 
 and lava-streams does not need a literary source to justify it. 
 
 552. Cp. II. 8. 15 €v$a cnSi^p^LaL re irvXaL Koi ^aAKeov 
 ovSa?. 
 
 adamante. Cp. Prop. 4. 11. 4 non exorato stant adamante 
 uiae. An undefined unbreakable substance, perhaps steel; 
 cp. Hes. Sc. 231 and T. 61, where it is styled X'^^/^os and 
 TToXios. It was later identified with the diamond. Cp. 
 Theophr. Lap. 19. 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 553. bello FPR:/^rr^ M. The latter reading is probably 
 an echo of 9. 137 ferro sceleratam exscindere gentem. The 
 occurrence oi ferrea in the next line makes it inadmissible. 
 
 554. stat. Servius eminet, erecta est. 
 
 turris. Norden suggests that this is a counterpart of the 
 *' Tower of Cronus " in the islands of the Blest (Find. 01. 
 2. 70). ad auras after the idea of rising implied by stat. 
 Servius auras autem congnias injeris intelligamus. Statins 
 de Mercurto ait " pigrae aurae eiiis impediebant tiolattim.'* 
 de illo etiam loco midti quaerimt (561) " quis tantus clangor ad 
 auras ? '' et Pollio dicit Aeneae et Sihyllae, quas Hit secum 
 traxerant, cum constet esse etiam illic auras. 
 
 555. Tisiphone. Identical with the custodia of 574. See 
 n. on 571. 
 
 palla succinct! cruenta. The picture is drawn from II. 18. 
 538, where oAov) K-qp is described as follows : et/xa 8' ^x' ^/^^' 
 ^IxoLcri 8aijiOLV€ov aifiari <{hoto)V, 
 
 palla, a long sweeping cloak^ chiefly worn by women, and 
 not to be distinguished from the Gk. tiMdriov. 
 
 556. exsomnis. Not before Vergil, and very rare after him, 
 
 557. hinc exaudiri gemitus. Cp. 4. 460 hinc exaudiri 
 uoces. Norden compares similar passages from Plut, de gen. 
 Socr. 22, 590 F o6ev (XKOvea-dat . . . {xvpiov KXavdfxov f3p€cf)(i)v 
 Kal ixeixiy ixkvovs dvSpiov kol yvvaiKoyv oSvpjxoxs, ^o<^ovs Be 
 TravToSairovs kol 6opv8ov<s, and Lucian, V. Hist, 2. 29 
 ^jKOVOfxev Koi fxacTTLyMV xpoc^ov Kal OijXMyr^v. 
 
 558. uerbera . . . catenas. Cp. Plat. Rep. 2. 361 E 
 fxacrTLyo)(T€Tai, crrpefSXioa-eTai, SiSrja-crai. Derived from the 
 teaching of the Mysteries, cp. Plat. Rep. 363 C, where 
 Eumolpus and Musaeus are referred to. 
 
 stridor ferri is made more precise by tractae catenae. 
 
 559. strepitu . . . haesit MP^: strepitmn . . . hausit. 
 FPR Servius {haesit F^R). There is little to choose betwee n 
 
 198 
 
Commentary 
 
 the two readings, haesit is perhaps the more vivid and 
 forcible: cp. also 3. 597 aspectu conterritus haesit. 11. 699 
 subitoque aspectu territiis haesit. haesit amplifies constiiit : 
 cp. 331 constiiit Anchisa satus et uestigia pressit. 
 
 560. scelerum facies. " Forms of crime." Cp. G. i . 
 506. 
 
 561. quis M: qui PR. Either is possible, but qtiis is the 
 rarer and is preferred by Vergil: see Wagner, quaest. 22. 
 
 plangor MR: clangor P Servius. So, too, clangoribus P 
 for plangor ibus MR in 4. 668. plangor refers back to gemitus 
 and has greater pathetic force. 
 
 ad auras MR Servius: ad auris P. There is nothing to 
 choose in point of sense, ad auras may mean (i) " rising to 
 the air," cp. 554, or (2) " on the air," cp. ad superos (481). 
 
 562. Cp. 125 cum sic orsa loqui uates. 
 
 564. Cp. 118 lucis Hecate praefecit Auernis. 
 
 565. deum poenas. '' The punishment inflicted by 
 Heaven." 
 
 566. Gnosius. Cp. 23 n. 
 
 Rhadamanthus. Brother of Minos: cp. 432 Minos, n. 
 
 567. castigatque auditque dolos. Not as Conington asserts, 
 a vcTTcpov TTporcpov. castigat may be simply " rebukes," 
 *' chides," a common use of the word: see Norwood, Class. 
 Quart., 12. 148, 9. This is simpler than with Page {Class. 
 Rev. 4. 465 and 8. 203) to suppose that castigat means to 
 *' torture and so exact confession." 
 
 568. furto. Not to be taken literally, but in the wider 
 sense " stealth " — i.e., guilty concealment. 
 
 569. commissa piacula. " The incurred atonement." 
 Cp. Cic. Verr. 2. 3. 12. 30 poenam committere. Clu. 37. 103 
 multam commiserit. It is impossible to take piacula== 
 " crimes," as Conington and Servius apparently do, since 
 it makes distulii meaningless. 
 
 199 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 570. ultrix. Cp. Servius ad 4. 609 ultrix, hoc est Tisiphone. 
 nam Graece tlctl^ ultio dicitur. Norden points out that 
 such allusions to derivations are common in Vergil, and 
 compares i. 366 7touae Carthaginis, where Servius points out 
 that Carthago=^' new town"; 3. 6g2 Pie mmyrium undosum, 
 where undosum translates the name; 7. 684 Hernica saxa, 
 where Servius states that hernae is Sabine for " rocks," etc. 
 
 accincta, not " girt with," but in the metaphorical sense 
 " armed with." Cp. 184 accingitur. 
 
 571. Tisiphone. There is no inconsistency with 555, where 
 Tisiphone is said to guard the gate night and day: the trial 
 of the guilty takes place at the gate, and Tisiphone is present 
 at the trial. For the presence of the Furies at the trial of 
 the dead cp. Prop. 4. 11. 22 Eumenidum intento turba seuera 
 foro. The function of the Erinyes as punishers of crime is 
 as old as Homer (II. 3. 276. 19. 258). The fact that there 
 they are spoken of only as punishing perjury is due to the 
 context: they punish other crimes in the upper world (II. 9. 
 454. Od. 2. 135, and 11. 278); but there is no reason to 
 suppose that the punishment of sin by the Erinyes in the 
 underworld is confined to perjury. Cp. Dieterich, Nekyia, 
 p. 54 sqq. Cp. also Axiochus, p. 371 E ayovrai irpos 'Epivviov 
 Itt' "E^e^os Kol Xaos Stot Taprdpov. 
 
 571. sinistra. In her right hand she holds the scourge. 
 
 572. uocat agmina saeua sororum. Sc. to carry away 
 the sinners. She cannot leave the gate. 
 
 573. The gates are not actually opened, while she speaks. 
 She says, " You see Tisiphone at the gate. There is a yet 
 more terrible figure inside, the Hydra," etc. Aeneas does not 
 see beyond the gate. There is at least nothing to suggest it. 
 
 574. c\istoAldL=:custos. Cp. 9. 166, where custodia= 
 custodes. So, too, our " sentinel," " spy," " scout," " guard,'' 
 are all originally feminine. 
 
 200 
 
Commentary 
 
 576. Hydra. This is not a doiihUtte of 287, where the 
 Hydra is carefully called belua Lernae to avoid the repetition 
 of the name. Here the Hydra is simply a many-headed 
 snake, with no special reference to the Lernaean Hydra. Cp. 
 Aristoph. Ran. 473. 
 
 578. An imitation of II. 8. 16 toWov 'ivepO' 'AtSeoi ocrov 
 ovpavos eVr' aTTo yai?;?, an estimate which is doubled 
 by Vergil's bis. Vergil has also in his mind Lucr. 4. 416 
 despectum praehet sub terras impete tanto, \ a ierris quantum 
 caeli patet altus hiatus, 
 
 579. " As the heavenward gaze reaches toward airy 
 
 Olympus." 
 
 caeli goes with suspectus and not with Olympum, as 
 Ladewig would take it. The standpoint is that of one 
 looking skyward from earth, not from Hades. 
 
 580-625. In the list of sinners which follows, we have, 
 as elsewhere in Vergil, a mixture of popular legend and 
 theology. Tartarus is the abode of those for whom purifica- 
 tion is of no avail. Cp. Plat. Rep. 615 E. Phaed. 113 E 
 ot 8' av S6^o}(TLV dviarws ex^iv Sia to. {xeyWrj tmv aixapTrffxarayv 
 1) Trpoa-QKOva-a p.oipa pcTrrei es rhv Tdprapov oB(.v oviroTe 
 cKySaiVovo-t. From 580-607 we have legendary sinners. From 
 608-615 and 621-624 we have nameless sinners suffering 
 eternal punishment for various offences. 616-620 inter- 
 rupt the list. The Sibyl pauses to give a vague indica- 
 tion of the nature of the punishments of the damned: 
 these are drawn from legend. At 621 she resumes and 
 completes the catalogue of the sins. The order is awkward, 
 and cannot be justified on the plea that Vergil inserts 
 616-620 to break the monotony of the catalogue. No 
 such monotony would result from so short a list of sinners. 
 The dislocation of the natural order is probably due to the 
 fact ^hat this portion of the book had not received its final 
 
 201 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 form. We are not justified in such drastic remedies as 
 transposition. Deuticke would transpose 608-615 to follow 
 624, while Havet would place 616-620 after 601. Of these 
 remedies the latter is the most satisfactory, as it disposes 
 of the difficulty presented by 602-607, as applied to Ixion 
 and Pirithous. Vide ad loc. There is, however, no reason 
 to doubt that the text, as it has reached us, represents the 
 text as prepared by Varius and Tucca. See also Sabbadini, 
 Primitivo disegno dell 'Eneide, p. 46, n. 3. 
 
 580. genus antiquum terrae. The Titans, children of 
 Ouranos and Gaia, cast down from heaven to Tartarus by 
 Zeus after the Gigantomachy. See Hes. T. 717. Homer 
 refers to the legend in II. 14. 279 tovs viroraprapiovs ot Ttr^i/es 
 KaXkovTai. The race is antiquum as belonging to the 
 generation before Zeus. 
 
 582. Aloides. Otus and Ephialtes, sons of Poseidon and 
 Iphimedeia, the wife of Aloeus. They attempted to storm 
 heaven by piling Ossa on Olympus and Pelion on Ossa, but 
 were slain by Apollo; see Od. 11. 305-320. Homer makes no 
 mention of their being cast down to Tartarus. They are 
 found there in Hyg. Fab. 28 and Culex, 234. 
 
 585. Salmonea. The first reference to this legend is found 
 in the Aeolus of Euripides, fr. 14 os 5' Itt 'AXcfietov poai<s 
 I Oeov /xaveis <eppi\p€ ^aXfxoyvevs (fiXoya. He is mentioned 
 by Homer (Od. 11. 236) as diMVfxwv, while a fragment of 
 Hesiod, cited by Schol. ad Pind, 01. 4. 252, calls him 
 aSiKos, He was son of Aeolus, and originally associated 
 with Thessaly (cp. Suidas, s.v. Apollod, i. 89. Argum. 4. 
 Ar. Ran.). Later he came to be connected with EKs as 
 the founder of Salmone (Strab. 8, p. 356. Eustath. ad Od. I.e.), 
 or Salmonia (Diod. 4. 68. i) in Elis. 
 
 586. This line can only mean that Salmoneus is condemned 
 to imitate Jupiter in Hades amid his torment. This is 
 
 202 
 
Commentary 
 
 Grossrau's view, and is unduly derided by Norden. It 
 receives some support from an epigram of Tullius Geminus 
 in A. P. 1 6. 30, which represents Salmoneus' punishment 
 as being a continued repetition of his punishment in hfe. 
 \cip fic JIoXvKXitTOV QacTLOv Ka/iev elfxl S' iKetuos I SaA/ituvei's, 
 /SpovraU OS Aios dvTeixdvrjVf | o? /xe /cat elv 'AlStj iropOei ttuAi, 
 Kat, /x€ KcpavvoLS J fSdXXit fxicwv /jlov kov XaXeovra tottov, 
 Cp. also the belief attributed by Aristotle (Anal. Post. 
 2. II. 94. 632) to Pythagoras that the thunder frightened 
 sinners in Tartarus. The alternatives to this view are 
 unsatisfactory. La Cerda interpreted dum=quod, which 
 is out of the question. Forbiger took the line as intro- 
 ducing what follows, but dum provides a most unnatural 
 connexion with the main clause. Jacobi's view, adopted 
 by Conington and Norden, is no more satisfactory. Norden 
 paraphrases as follows: uidi in Tartaro etiam Salmonea, 
 qui dum louis flammas et Olympi sonitum imitatur, crudeles 
 dedit poenas louis fulmine deiectus. *' durti," he proceeds 
 "is in the same time as dantem, not as uidi, and poenae 
 are not to be understood of Salmoneus' punishment in 
 Tartarus, but of his actual blasting by Zeus." This involves 
 taking dantem poenas=qui dedit poenas, which is awkward 
 at any time, but doubly so after uidi. Nor does Conington 
 help matters by his comment: "we may say, if we please, 
 that the sight of his punishment recalls the thought of his im- 
 piety, and so that the Sibyl may be said to have witnessed the 
 latter. The construction generally resembles that of the well- 
 known lines die, hospes, Spartae nos te hie uidisse iacentes \ dum 
 Sanctis patriae legibus obsequimur." Even if dantem cou\d=qui 
 dedit, the ambiguity of dantem crudelis poenas would be a fatal 
 objection. It is safer to assume that Vergil meant what he said. 
 587. quassans. Rather with a view to display, and in 
 imitation of Jupiter brandishing the thunderbolt, than to 
 
 203 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 ** give force to the blow and make the bla2fe brighten/' as 
 Conington takes it. 
 
 588. mediae Elidis urbem. " The city set in the midst of 
 EHs " — i.e., Salmone: see n. on 585, and cp. also Stephanus. 
 'ZaXfxwvT} TToAis IIio-aTiSo?, media Elis='Pissitis , the middle 
 district of Elis. 
 
 590. demens qui. Cp. 172 demens. An imitation of the 
 Homeric v>J7rtos os kt\ (e.g., Od. i. 8). 
 
 nimbos=" storm-clouds." 
 
 fulmen. The thunderbolt, not the lightning (fulgtir), 
 which is the flash of the ^ying fulmen. 
 
 591. aere. Apollodorus (i. 9. 7) makes the imitation of 
 the thunder take the form of the dragging of brazen vessels 
 along the ground. Manilius (5. 91 Salmoneus {qui caelum 
 imitatus in urbe \ pontihus impositis missisque per aera 
 quadrigis \ expressisse sonum mimdi sibi uisus et ipsum | 
 admouisse louem terris, dum fulmina jingit) speaks of a 
 brazen bridge, which would suit pulsu cornipeduui equorum 
 better, the tramp of the horses on the brazen bridge making 
 a sound like thunder. For the belief that thunder was the 
 trampling of Jupiter's horses cp. Ov. Her. 9. 28 rapidis qui 
 tonat alius equis. 
 
 pulsu FMP: cursu R. pulsu is right, as a word expressing 
 sound is required. 
 cornipes. Not found before Vergil. 
 simularet. Causal subjunctive. 
 
 593. non ille. For ille=6 ye cp. i. 3 multum ille, where 
 Servius comments est archaismos. 
 
 fumea. Not found before this passage. 
 
 594. immani turbine may mean the whirling fall of 
 Salmoneus, the wind of the thunderbolt, or the whirl of 
 the thunderbolt itself, as in 12. 531 praecipitem scopulo 
 atque ingenlis turbine saxi | excutil. 
 
 4 
 
Commentary 
 
 595" CP- Od. II. 576 Koi Tltvov €i8ov Tairjs eptKuSeos VLOi/ 
 I KeLfxevov kv SaTreStji* 6 5' ctt cvi/ea Ketro ireXedpa' \ yvire 6e 
 /iiv eKarepde 7rapT][X€V(ji rJTrap €K€Lpov, \ Siprpov lo-w Svvovtcs* 
 6 8' ovK direfxvveTO X^P^^' I -^^t^^ yap e^^Krjore, Atos Kv8pr]v 
 TrapoLKOLTiv I riv^tuS' kpxop^vrjv Slol KakXiXopov Uavoirrjos. Also 
 Lucr. 3. 984. 
 
 omniparentis. First in Lucr. 2. 706. 
 
 Terrae . . . alumnum. alumnus, " nursling," may mean 
 either " child " or " foster-child." In the first case cp. Od. 
 II. 576 (above); in the second cp. Ap. Rhod. i. 761 Ttrvov 
 fjL^yav ov p ereKev ye | 8V 'EXaprj, Op^rpev 8e koI axj/ IXox^va-aro 
 Tata. 
 
 596. cernere erat. A Graecism according to some; but it 
 is as old as Cato, R. R. Proem, i. Ter. A. 828 scire est (v. 1. 
 scires). 
 
 nouem iugera. Cp. Od. I.e. Lucr. I.e. Prop. 3. 5. 44. 
 
 597. obunco M: adunco P: ahunco FR. The rarer obunco, 
 not found before Vergil, and seldom afterwards, is to be pre- 
 ferred, ahunctis is not found. 
 
 598. immortale iecur tondens. Cp. Od. I.e. hkprpov co-w 
 
 Swovres and Hes. T. 523 rjirap dddvarov. 
 
 599. Cp. Lucr. 3. 985 sub magno scrutentur pectore. Od. I.e. 
 epulis. Dat. of purpose=fl(^ epulas, 
 
 600. fibris used generally=" entrails." Cp. Val. Flacc. 7. 
 2,^^fibraPromethea. Plin. 33 praef. i persequimur omnes eius 
 (sc. terrae) Jibras. 
 
 601. Lapithas, Ixiona Peirithoumque. Both had committed 
 similar crimes, Ixion having attempted to ravish Juno, 
 Peirithous Proserpine. Ixion is elsewhere (Cp. G. 3. 38 and 
 4. 484) represented as bound to a wheel, while the punish- 
 ment allotted here to the two Lapiths is nowhere else 
 mentioned. It must be assumed, if we regard the text as 
 sound, that Vergil follows a tradition of which all trace has 
 
 205 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 been lost. As against this, it may be argued that the 
 penalties of the overhanging stone and of hunger and thirst 
 are both told of Tantalus (e.g., Pind. 01. i. 55. Lucr. 3. 
 980. Od. II. 582). Ribbeck, therefore, reading quo (R) 
 in 602, argued that 602-607 referred to Tantalus, and that 
 601 was either left by them where they found it, or wrongly 
 inserted by them. The last supposition seems gratuitous. 
 The probability is that the line referring to Tantalus was 
 intended, but never actually written, by Vergil, and that his 
 editors, following the injunction to add nothing, made no 
 attempt to remedy the defect. Neither Servius nor Donatus 
 appears to realise the difficulty, though Servius does, it is 
 true, refer lucent gettialibus altis to the story of Tantalus, 
 separating it from the previous penalty. Statins, imitating 
 this passage (T. i. 712), assigns both penalties to Phlegyas, 
 while Val. Flacc. (2. 192) represents both Phlegyas and 
 Theseus as condemned to an elusive banquet. Havet's 
 transposition of 616-620 to follow 601 would meet the 
 difficulty, as the penalties would then refer to Phlegyas and 
 Theseus. But the remedy is too bold to be justifiable* The 
 error is probably as old as the edition of Varius and Tucca. 
 
 Ixiona Pirithoumque. Cp. 393 Thesea Pirithoumque. 
 
 602. atra, because silex is the black lava rock (Ital. 
 selce), 
 
 iam iam . . , adsimilis. Cp. 12. 754 iam iamque tenet 
 similisque tenenti \ increpuit malts. 
 
 cadentique. '' The hypermeter has a rhetorical effect, the 
 overlapping syllable expressing the just falling stone " 
 (Conington). This is, perhaps, over-fanciful. All depends 
 on the amount of pause allowed for the end of the line, 
 which we cannot estimate. Hypermeter goes back as far 
 as Ennius: Seneca ap. Gell. 12. 2. 10, though no example has 
 survived. It is also found in CaUimachus, Ep. 41. i. 
 
 206 
 
Commentary 
 
 genialibus . . . toris is regarded as one notion: altis is 
 epithet, genialis torus, in its narrower sense, is torus qui 
 nuptiis sternitur in honorem Genii. But in its wider signi- 
 ficance it is any torus spread in honorem Genii, as, for instance, 
 on a birthday, and from its association with festivals comes 
 to mean "festive." Cp. Santra ap. Non. 117. 18 scis enim 
 geniales homines ab antiquis appellatos, qui ad inuitandum 
 et largius apparandum cibum promptiores essent. 
 
 604. fulcra. The posts of the couch, not, as Henry asserts, 
 the whole couch. 
 
 605. regifico. Archaic=fe^aZz. First found in Ennius 
 (Andr. fr. 9 V) auro ebore instructam regifice. The word 
 recurs in Vergil's imitators, Val. Flacc. and Stat. 
 
 606. Furiarum maxima. Cp. Eur. I.T. 963 TrpeV/Set/ja 
 'Epivvwv. Stat. T. 7. 477 Eumenidum antiquissinia. The 
 harpy Celaeno describes herself as Furiarum maxima in 3. 252, 
 whence Servius unjustifiably interprets the phrase=Fawes 
 here. It is useless to attempt to identify the Fury. 
 
 607. intonat FMR: increpat P. The stronger word is 
 clearly preferable. Cp. 4. 510 tonat ore. intonat ore is also 
 found closing a line in Culex, 179. In 8. 527 increpat ingens 
 there is a similar divergence of reading, but in that case 
 tonare (529) shows increpat to be right. 
 
 608. inuisi fratres. Fratricides are mentioned by Plat. 
 Rep. 10. 615 D as being in Tartarus. There is no special 
 allusion to legend, though such instances will readily occur 
 
 e.g., Polynices and Eteocles). 
 
 609. pulsatusue parens. Cp. Ar. Ran. 147 et irov ^kvov rts 
 
 '^BUrjcre 7rw7roT€ | t^ /utr/re/)' i)X,6r](T€v rj Trarpos yvdOov \ kirara^iv 
 rj 'TTtopKov opKov (apLoo-ev, But Vergil, perhaps, has specially 
 in mind the law of Servius Tullius preserved in Festus 
 (260 L.) si parentem puer uerberitj ast ille plorassit parens, 
 puer diuis parentum sacer esto. 
 
 207 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 fraus inuexa elienti. Servius ex lege XII tabularum 
 Uenit in quibiis repertum est " patronus si elienti Jraiidem 
 Jecerit, sacer esto.'^ 
 
 6io. diuitiis . . . repertis is not to be restricted literally 
 to treasure trove, but is to be taken metaphorically of 
 treasure in general, however acquired. 
 
 incubuere. Cp. G. 2. 507 defossogue ineiihat auro. A 
 common metaphor: cp. Liv. 6. 15. 5. Quint. 10. i. 2. Norden 
 refers to the goblin guardian of treasure Inciiho in Petron. 38. 
 The moral idea contained in these lines is found as far back 
 as Pindar (N. i. 31). But they are commonplaces of popular 
 morality at all times and in all places. Norden points out that 
 the theme was treated by the Stoics: cp. Cic. de Off. i. 42 
 sqq. Hor. S. i. i. 80 sqq., 2. 2. 102 sqq. Pers. 3. 69 sqq. 
 qiiis modus argento : quid fas optare ; quid asper \ utile nummus 
 habet ; patriae carisque propinquis \ quantum elargiri deceat. 
 It is, however, a little surprising to find the avaricious placed 
 in this company, though avarice may be regarded merely as a 
 typical instance of neglect of one's kin and fellow-men. 
 
 611. posuere. " Placed before " and so " gave." 
 
 quae maxima turba est has all the appearance of one of 
 Vergil's props or tibicines. 
 
 612. quique ob adulter! um caesi. Why this group should 
 be confined to those slain for adultery, and not include 
 adulterers in general, is not clear. Norden's suggestion, 
 that it is due to the fact that by Roman law the husband 
 might kill the adulterer caught in the act, throws no light 
 on the passage. The sins here mentioned are probably 
 selected as the most tragic and striking instances of men 
 ** cut off even in the very blossom of their sin," and perhaps, 
 as Conington suggests, with the added idea that punishment 
 in life confers no immunity after death. It is also probable 
 that Vergil had in his mind the legislation of Augustus for 
 
 208 
 
Commentary 
 
 the improvement of morals. That such legislation was at 
 least contemplated at the time is shown by Prop. 2. 7, though 
 no actual legislation of the kind can be traced before the 
 lex lulia of 18 B.C. 
 
 arma impia. Vergil refers to civil wars in general, but has 
 perhaps more especially in his mind a civil war which is 
 ojcsely linked with the reference to slave wars which follows. 
 Servius melius est ergo ut bellum a Sexto Pompeio in Siculo 
 fyeto gestum accipiamiis. nam occiso patre Siciliam tenuit et 
 collectis inde seruitiis uastauit sex annis ultro citroque Siciliam 
 Servius is arguing that arma impia cannot refer to civil war 
 in general, on the ground that Augustus and Julius Caesar 
 would be involved in the condemnation. Vergil probably 
 had Sextus Pompeius more especially in mind, but that 
 arma impia has the wider significance is none the less 
 certain. All who take part in civil war are not impii. 
 The passage refers to those on whom the true guilt of civil 
 war rests. 
 
 nee ueriti dominorum fallere dextras. As regards the 
 reference to Sextus Pompeius cp. the words of Augustus 
 himself: Mon. Anc. 5. i ^0 hello seruorum qui fugerant a 
 dominis suis et arma contra rempublicam ceperunt, XXX fere 
 millia capta dominis ad supplicium sumendum tradidi. Other 
 slave wars had frequently threatened or actually occurred 
 — e.g., in 419 B.C. (Liv. 4. 45), 198, 196, 185-133, 100, and 
 73 B.C. 
 
 The phrase fallere dextras implies the existence of fides 
 or pietas of a kind between slave and master. The indica- 
 tions of such a relationship are somewhat faint. But the 
 fact that a slave was bound to defend his master to the death 
 (Dig. 29. 5. I. 18), and that the punishments for offences 
 committed against his master by a slave were of the severest 
 kind (cp. App. B.C. i. 120. Oros. 5. 24. 7 for the crucifixion 
 
 209 P 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 of 6^000 slaves along the Appian road after the revolt of 
 Spartacus), does perhaps point in this direction. See Momm- 
 sen^ Strajrecht, p. ^2, where this view is developed. It is 
 also possible that Vergil has in his mind the treachery of 
 freedmen like Menas, who deserted Sextus Pompeius for 
 Octavian, and Octavian for Sextus Pompeius, and finally 
 betrayed Sextus Pompeius (see Grossau, ad loc). The 
 relation existing between freedmen and their masters did 
 undoubtedly involve the conception of pietas. 
 
 614. inclusi poenam exspectant. Such a phrase would 
 naturally describe prisoners awaiting sentence. But this is 
 inconsistent with the situation_, for Tartarus is the actual 
 place of punishment. The sinners are, therefore, represented 
 as prisoners waiting their turn of torture. Norden quotes 
 acta Thomae 54 tovto ecri to dea-fxoiTrjpLov TOVTijjv twi/ \f/vx<^v 
 &v elSes' CTraj/ yap TrXrjpojcriiXTi ras KoXdcreLS avroiv &v p.La 
 kKadTT] €7rpa^€Vj vcTTepov irdXiv ciAAat SiaSe^ovrat avras. An 
 alternative, which is perhaps simpler, is to take the 
 words as describing what happens to each sinner on his 
 arrival. They are shut up and wait their punishment. No 
 long delay is implied. 
 
 615. quam poenam. Sc. exspectant. 
 
 forma. Servius takes for ma=causa crimtnis — i.e.=regula, 
 formula in the legal sense. Such a usage is, however, not 
 found in classical times, and it is simpler therefore to take 
 forma=species. Cp. 560 scelerum fades. 626 scelenim 
 formae. Such a use is found in Cic. Tcp. 4. 14, and 7. 31. 
 Cp. also Quint. 5. 10. 62 genus et species, quam eandemformam 
 Cicero uocat. 
 
 mersit. " Has engulfed." For the indicative in indirect 
 question cp. Ter. Hec. 471 memorare uelim \ quamfideli animo 
 et benigno in illamfui. Prop. 2. 16. 29; 3. 5. 27 sqq. Aen. 
 6. 779 uiden' ut geminae stant uertice cristae. An alternative 
 
 210 
 
Commentary 
 
 would be to explain mersit as 3rd pers. sing, of an old subj. 
 form mersim {cp.faxim, ausim, etc., see Lindsay, L.L., p. 465); 
 but the indie, for subj. is sufficiently frequent in poetry to 
 make such an explanation unnecessary. 
 
 616. saxum ingens uoluunt aiii — e.g., such as Sisyphus (Od. 
 II. 594). This and the next reference are not merely to 
 Sisyphus and Ixion, but to all v/ho suffer like punishment. 
 
 radiisque rotarum districti. Such as Ixion, for whose 
 punishment Pindar (Pylh. 2. 39) is the earhest authority. 
 See also n. on 602. districti — i.e., with limbs bound out- 
 stretched along the spokes of the wheel. 
 
 618. infelix Theseus. Cp. Gell. 10. 16 (citation from 
 Hyginus) qui aiitem, inqiiit, fieri potest j ut aeternum apud 
 inferos sedeat, quern supra cum is nominat (122) qui descenderint 
 illuc atque inde rursus euaserint praesertim cum ita sit 
 fahula de Theseo, atque si Hercules eum euellerit de petra et in 
 lucem ad superos eduxerit? The contradiction is implicit, 
 if not explicit, and cannot be explained away. The version 
 of the eternal punishment of Theseus is, however, of great 
 antiquity. Theseus is in Hades in Od. 11. 631. For the 
 details of his punishment cp. Panyasis, fr. 9 Kinkel ws 
 Qr](rev<; kol Ueipt9ov<s eirl riov Opoviov 7rapd(T)(^oLvro (Txqua ov 
 Kara SearfxwTas, 7rpo(r(fives 6e aTro rov x/^^'^^s dvrl Sea-jxuiv 
 crtjiicriv ^cfi-q rijv irkrpav. Pausanias also records that Theseus 
 and Pirithous were represented by Polygnotus as tVi 
 OpoviMV KaOe^ofievoL (10. 29). 
 
 Phlegyas, King of the Lapithae, enraged at Apollo^s 
 seduction of his daughter Coronis, set fire to the temple of 
 the god at Delphi, and was slain by his arrows. Cp. Apollod. 
 3. 5. 5. Schol. Stat. Theb. i. 713. Serv. ad loc. He is in 
 Hades as UpoarvXos, a type of sinner depicted by Poly- 
 gnotus as in Hades (Pausan, 10. 28. 2), 
 
 620. An imitation of Pind. Pyth. 2. 43 where Ixion cries 
 
 211 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 from his wheel tov ivcpyerav dyai/at? a/xot/?ats eiroixofj-ivovs 
 TLveadai, 
 
 621. These two Hnes are borrowed from Varius, de morte 
 Caesaris (up. Macrob. 6. i. 39 uendidit hie Latium populis 
 agrosque Qidrituui \ eriptiit, jixit leges pretio atque refixit). 
 Vergil passes from Greek sinners to Roman. Servius 
 etiam haec generaliter dicantur, habent tamen specialitatem : 
 nam Lasthenes Olynthwn Philippo uendidit, Curio Caesari 
 XXVII S. Romam : de quo Liicanus (4. 820) ' Gallorum captus 
 spoliis et Caesaris auro' To this quotation we may add 
 4. 823 emere omnes, hie uendidit urbem. That Vergil had 
 Curio in his mind is probable enough^ though he could 
 scarcely have mentioned so prominent a partisan of Julius 
 Caesar by name, much less have spoken of Julius as dominus 
 potens. He therefore confirms himself to generahties as 
 regards the class of traitors. 
 
 622. Servius possumus Antonium aeeipere seeundum 
 Cieeronem in Philippieis ubi ait " legesne fixisti." About 
 the correctness of this attribution there can be no doubt; 
 Vergil employs Roman terminology, and the facts were 
 notorious. Nor is there any difficulty in the reference to 
 Antonius: his action was subsequent to Caesar's death, and 
 he had been the opponent of Augustus. Cp. Mon. Anc. i, 2 
 rempublieam dominatione faetionis oppressam in libertatem 
 uindieaui. For fixit pretio atque refixit cp. Lex lulia de 
 pecul. (Dig. 48. 13. id) qui tabtdam aeream leges formamue 
 agrorum aut quid aliud eontinentem refixerit . . . peeulatus 
 tenetur. Cic. Phil. 2. 98; 5. 12; 13. 5. r<?^^^= abrogation of 
 laws, while ^^0= publication of laws on tablets of bronze. 
 
 623. thalamum inuasit. Perhaps an imitation of the 
 Homeric evvrj? eTreftycreTo. In this line Vergil refers to a 
 special form of incest {thalamum natae), and the sin in general 
 {uetitosque hymenaeos). Vergil refers probably in the main 
 
 212 
 
Commentary 
 
 to legendary stories, such as those of the love of Cinyras 
 for his daughter Myrrha, of Clymenus for his daughter 
 Harpalyce, of Caunus for his sister BybHs, etc., favourite 
 themes with Alexandrian poets. Cp.Hygin.fab.253. Parthen. 
 
 5; II; 13. 17- 
 624. ausi . . . potiti. Norden takes this line as referring 
 
 to the sins indicated in the previous line, and quotes various 
 parallels for audere and potiri used in an erotic significance. 
 Apart from the context, this is a perfectly possible inter- 
 pretation. But coming at the end of a passage describing 
 the various classes of sinners punished in Tartarus, it is 
 more natural to take the line as summing-up the sinners in 
 general. For auso potiti cp. Ov. M. 11. 242 auso Joret ille 
 potitus ; Hor. Ep. i. 13. 11 uictor propositi. 
 
 625. An imitation of II. 2. 489 ovS' et ixot BeKa fxh- 
 yXwa-a-ai o€Ka §€ crroiJ.aT^ efcv, ] (jfxon) 6' appijKTOS, x^^'^^^^ ^^ 
 fioL rJTop kvuT), and an appropriation from Lucr. fr. placed by 
 Lachmann at 6. 840 non mihi si linguae centum sint oraque 
 centum, \ aerea uox ; and repeated from G. 2. 43. Cp. also 
 Hostius ap. Macrob. 6. 3. non si mihi linguae \ centum atque 
 or a sient totidem uocesque liquatae. 
 
 626. scelerum formas. See n. on 615. 
 
 629. munus is best taken=" gift " in view of perjecto 
 mimere diuae (637; cp. also 142). 
 
 630. educta M, Servius: ducta FPR. educta is preferable 
 as being the more expressive. Norden takes it=" forged," 
 comparing Herod, i. 68 k'gcXavveiv a-i^pov — i.e., "beat out. 
 This suits cami7iis well, but a Latin parallel is required. 
 In view of the fact that Vergil elsewhere uses educere of 
 building to a height (2. 186, 461; 12. 674), it is, however, 
 simpler to take it=" reared high by the forges of the 
 Cyclops." The walls are of iron like the tower in 554. 
 
 632. praecepta sc. deorum. 
 
 213 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 633. opaca uiarum. A Graccism as old as Ennius (A. 92 
 in/era noctis), and frequent in Vergil: cp. 2. 332 angiista 
 tiiarum ; ib. 725 opaca locorum. 
 
 634. corripiunt spatium. This phrase is not found before 
 Vergil, but may be paralleled by the yet bolder iiiaui norare 
 of Catullus {t,^. 7). 
 
 635. occupat. Cp. n. on 424. 
 
 corpusque recenti [ spargit aqua. Aeneas purifies himself 
 with fresh water before making his offering to the goddess, 
 as though he were at the doors of a temple in upper air: 
 cp. 2. 719; 4. 635. '* We miust suppose that there were 
 means of lustration^ at the entrance of Pluto's palace, like 
 the TrepLppavTt'jpia at the entrance of Greek temples " 
 (Conington). Servius purgat se ; nam impiatus fuerat iiel 
 aspectu Tartan iiel aiiditu scelerum atque poenarum. 
 
 6^j. Cp. pet;fice munus 629. 
 
 638. deuenere locos laetos. Repeated from 1.365. For 
 ace. of motion towards without a preposition cp. 696 h.a€C 
 limina teudere adegit. This use, not found before Vergil, is 
 po:sibly a Graecism, but is rendered easy in Latin by the 
 use of similar accusatives in the case of names of towns, 
 niSj domuSfforas, etc. For other exx. in the Aeneid cp. 1.2 
 Lauinaque uenit moenia. 
 
 amoena uirecta suggested by Ennius, A. 39 amoena 
 salicta. 
 
 639. fortunatorum nemorum. Jortunatus is a translation 
 of the Gk. (xaKo.p. Cp. Plant. Trin. 549 fortunatorum 
 
 irlSulae= fJ-O-KUpCDV l'-7j(T0L. 
 
 640. largior hie aether, etc. See n. on aeris in campis. 
 It is possible that in writing these li/.es Vergil had in his 
 mind the doctrine which placed the abode of the blest in the 
 upper regions of air. But it is certain that he does not adopt 
 that doctrine. He is merely providing a supernatural 
 
 214 
 
Commentary 
 
 illumination for his underworld Elysium. In his description 
 of this light he imitates Homer's description of Olympus, 
 Od. 6. 44 aXXa fJidy aWpy] \ TrkirraraL dv€cfi€Xo<s kevKrj 8' 
 eViSeS/oo/xev atyAT;, but his conception of Elysium as a land 
 of light is in accordance with Greek popular and religious 
 beHef: cp. Dieterich, Nekyia, p. 19 sqq. 
 
 largior, as Conington points out, corresponds to the [xdXa 
 jreTTTarat of Homer, while purpurea lumine answers to his 
 XivKr] aiyXr], purpureus being used=" dazzling." Cp. Hor. 
 Od. 4. I. 10 purpureis ales oloribus. El. in ]\Iaec. 62 
 purpurea candidiora nine. 
 
 et connects largior and purpurea lumine, largior being 
 
 predicative. 
 
 642. Cp. Find. Fr. 129, 130 B^ koI toI /xev iTTTreiois yvixva- 
 (Tiois, rol Se Treo-a-ots, rot 8e (f)Opixtyye(TL rkp-rrovTai. 
 
 644. pars pedibus plaudunt choreas. An imitation of 
 Od. 8. 264, TreirXriyov 8e x^pov Oelov ttcktlv, where, however, 
 Xopo? is the dancing ground. But the Latin presents no 
 difficulty: choreas is cognate ace. after plaudunt : " they beat 
 out the dance with their feet"— i.e., they dance with 
 rhythmic tread. 
 
 plaudo in its primary sense is " to beat," the sense '' to 
 applaud " bemg merely secondary. 
 
 645. Threicius . . . sacerdos. Orpheus is represented as 
 a priest in virtue of his position as hierophant of the under- 
 world in the mysteries associated with his name; that, 
 however, is the sole reference to his special significance in 
 this connexion. Here he is actually depicted as the peerless 
 musician. Cp. Plato, Apol. 41 A ^ aS '0,o<^€t a-vyyeveo-eac Kal 
 Movo-aup KaVU(Ti68(o KarOpi/owevrt Troo-coai/ rts Sefair' dv v[xm'. 
 
 longa cum ueste. He wears the garb of a citharoedus . 
 Cp. Propertius' description of the statue of Apollo citharoedus, 
 2. 31. 16 Py thins in longa carmina ueste sonat. 
 
 215 
 
The Sixth Book ot the Aeneid 
 
 646. This line clearly refers to Orpheus' singing to the 
 accompaniment of the lyre, the actual playing on the in- 
 strument being described in 647. 
 
 septem discrimina uocum. The seven notes of the 
 heptachord, discrimen being a translation of Siaa-Trjfia. 
 
 obloquitur numerls. It is most natural to take numeris 
 as dative dependent on obloquitur {=avTL(^o)vd) " accom- 
 panies the tune/' or " the rhythm of the dance." The 
 alternative is to translate "utters in melody the seven 
 notes." Cp. Ov. ex P. 3. i. 21 non auis obloquitur. 
 
 For numeris=tune cp. E. 9. 45 numeros memini si uerba 
 tenerem, A. 9. 776 numerosque intendere neruis. 
 
 647. The right hand uses the plectrum, the left the fingers: 
 cp. Philostr. iun. imag. 6 (p. 400, Kayser) 7; fxkv Se^ia 
 (TvvL(T)(ov(Ta arrpt^ to irXrjKTpov iTTLTeraTat tols cfiOoyyoLS rj 
 Aata 81 opOoLS ttXi^ttcl tols SaKTvXois tovs fxiTovs. The 
 plectrum would be used when greater volume of sound was 
 required. 
 
 pectine. This, the Latin translation of the Gk. -n-XrJKTpov, 
 is employed because of the resemblance of the strings of the 
 lyre to the warp of a loom, the plectrum being inserted between 
 the strings as the weaver's comb was between the upright 
 threads of the warp. In form the plectrum cannot have 
 resembled a comb, being represented in vase-paintings simply 
 as a slender peg. 
 
 648. Teucri. Teucrus (TeuKpos), the first King of Troy, 
 hence rewm=Trojans (cp. Herod. 5. 122). Dardanus 
 came from Samothrace to Troy, married Teucrus's daughter 
 and succeeded him as King (Apollod. 3. 12. 3. Diod. 4. 75). 
 Other versions made Dardanus indigenous and Teucrus his 
 son-in-law (Serv. ad Aen. 3. 108). Vergil (3. 108) represents 
 Teucrus as an immigrant from Crete (cp. also Strabo 12, 
 p. 604. Tzetz. ad Lye. 29. 1302, 1306). See n. on Dardanus 
 
 216 
 
Commentary 
 
 below. For the form of the hne cp. 580 hie genus antiquum 
 Terrae, Titania pubes. 
 
 649. Cp. Catull. 64. 22 nimis optato saeclorum tempore 
 nati I heroes, saluete, deum genus. But nati melioribus annis 
 means more here than " born in the golden age of heroes "; 
 it means also " born before ever the sons of the Achaeans came 
 to Troy." 
 
 650. Cp. II. 20. 232 ^lAos t' 'AcrcrapaKOS re Kal avTiOeos 
 
 Ilus, son of Tros and brother of Assaracus, according to 
 II. I.e. There was, however, an older Ilus, son of Dardanus 
 (Apollod. 3. 12. i). 
 
 Assaracus, brother of Ilus and grandfather of Anchises, 
 cp. II. 20. 239. 
 
 Troiae Dardanus auctor. Cp. Hom. II. 20. 215 Aa^Savov 
 
 av TrpujTOV T€K€To re^eAr/yepera Zevs, ] KTLcrcre 8c AapSaviTjv. 
 Vergil follows the view which makes Dardanus the founder 
 of Troy, Teucrus having migrated previously to the Troad 
 from Crete, but not having founded Troy itself (Cp. 3. 107 
 maximus unde pater, . . . Teucrus Rhoeteas primum est 
 aduectus ad or as \ optauitque locum regno, nondum Ilium 
 et arces \ Pergameae steterant ; habitabant uallibus imis. 
 
 651. procul. "Apart" almost=hard by. Cp. n. on 
 procul, 1. 10. 
 
 inanis. The chariots are empty, the horses turned loose 
 to graze, while the heroes rest. Servius wrongly (on 652) 
 takes inanis='' ghostly." 
 
 652. stant terra defixae hastae. Cp. II. 3. 135 Trapa 8' 
 iyx^o. fiaKpa TreTrip/ev where the opposing armies are 
 
 restmg. 
 
 terra MPR: terrae F. The dative may be paralleled by 
 G. 2. 290 terrae defigitur arbos, and Varr. ap. Non. 221. 13 
 cruci defiguntur. But the sound is less pleasing, and the 
 
 217 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 reading is probably due to assimilation with the termination 
 of dejixae. 
 
 653. currum contracted for curruum. Cp. Mon. Anc. 
 5. 40 exercitiim for exercituum, the only examples of this 
 contraction. Priscian 7798 P, while recognising the con- 
 traction, points out that curruum might be treated as a 
 hypermeter. 
 
 654. nitentis='* sleek." 
 
 ' 656. per herbam. '' The object is to give a picture of 
 natural golden-age simplicity, with which we may contrast 
 the elaboration of art in the infernal banquet above " (603). 
 Cp. A. I. 214; 3. 221, etc., where the Trojans feast in the 
 grass. 
 paeana. For the Paean to Apollo following on the banquet 
 
 cp. II. I. 471 vtofiyjcrav 8' apa Tracriv €7rap^dfX€V0t 8€7ra€(ro"tv * — 
 01 Bl fravrifikpLOL fioXTnj Oeov IXdaKovro \ kuXov aetSovres 
 Trat/Jova. Some are still feasting, some have finished and 
 are singing the Paean in chorus. 
 
 658. odoratum lauri nemus. The laurel-grove of Elysium 
 may be suggested by the laurel-grove in the far west, where 
 the Sun-god rests after his day's labours. Cp. Stesichorus 
 Fr. 8 B* 6 8' Is aAcros e/?a Sd(f)vaLa-i KardcTKLOV 7ro(r(rt irais 
 Atos. 
 
 superne regularly means "above" or "from above." 
 The latter meaning is inadmissible here, as com.parison with 
 the parallel passage in G. 4. 366 — a passage written at a 
 much later date than the rest of the Georoiics — shows that 
 the rivers are regarded as springing from the underworld. 
 omnia sub magna lahentia jiumina terra \ spectahat dhiersa 
 locis Phasinique Lycumque \ et caput unde alius primum se 
 erumpit Enipeus \ . . . et gemina auratus taurino cornua 
 uultu I Eridanus quo non alius per pinguia culta \ in 
 mare purpnreum uiolentior effluit amnis, superne therefore 
 
 219 
 
Commentary 
 
 means " above in the upperworld." Norden takes it as 
 meaning " to the upperworld." But there is no earUer 
 example of this use of siipeme than Plin. 19. 76 siiperne 
 tendit non in terrain. 
 
 659. Eridani. The Eridanus, though actually identified 
 with the Po (cp. G. i. 482) and the Rhone (Plin. 37. 32. 
 Pans, etc.), is also a mythical river of the garden of the 
 gods in the far west, where Phaethon met his end and his 
 sisters were turned into poplars: cp. Eur. Hipp. 732 sqq. 
 In the far v/est He the islands of the Blest, the garden of 
 the Hesperidcs, the realm of the dead. The other world is 
 for Vergil the underworld, but the river of the garden of 
 the gods is transferred thither. The only other reference to 
 Eridanus in this connexion is found in a Scholium to Eur. 
 Orest. 981 ch rov 'HpcSai/oi' TroTajxov KpifxaraL 6 TavraXos. 
 See Dieterich, Nekyia, p. 27. 
 
 per siluam. This wood is not to be confused with the 
 lauri nemus ; it is the poplar grove where Phaethon's sisters 
 weep tears of amber into the river, mourning their brother's 
 death. Cp. Eur. Hipp. I.e. Ov. M. 2. 340 sqq. 
 
 660. Cp. 7. 182 oh patriam pugnando uolnera passi. 
 
 661. dum uita manebat. As in 608, ''when they were 
 alive " ; the phrase is suspiciously like one of Vergil's " props/' 
 or tibicines. 
 
 662. pii uates. " Moral bards." The poet is regarded 
 as the teacher of moral and religious truths. Cp. Hor. Ep. 
 2. 1. 126 sqq., where this function of poetry is dealt with at 
 length. Vergil has, perhaps, especially in mind the earUer 
 poetr}^ of Greece before the rise of prose, when didactic 
 poetry had not yet become a literary exercise and philosophers 
 taught in verse. But it may be noted that such pietas is 
 pre-eminently characteristic of the Georgics and Aeneid. 
 Servius refers the line to prophets, an unnecessary restriction. 
 
 219 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 663. qui uitam excoluere per artes. Those who have 
 brought fresh beauty and civiHsation to the hfe of mankind 
 by their discoveries. The phrase includes artists^ men of 
 science, and philosophers. Norden (pp. 34, 5) compares 
 Cic. T. D. I. 62 qui ciiltum uitae inuenerunt, and Somn. Sc'p. 
 18 qui praestantibus ingeniis in uita humana diuina studia 
 coluerunt; these latter are represented as being among the 
 blessed in heaven. He points out that Posidonius taught 
 that the discovery of the arts which have made man civilised 
 was due to the philosophers (cp. Sen. Ep. 90); and suggests 
 that Vergil is drawing on Posidonius. This may or ma}' 
 not be the case; as he himself justly asserts that Posidonius 
 was following the teaching of the Orphics and Pythagoreans 
 (Cp. Lactant. de ira^ 1. 11. 7, where such teaching is attributed 
 to uetustissimi Graeciae scriptores quos illi theologos nuncupant , 
 and Axiochus 371 C, where <f)tX6cro(f)OL are mentioned as 
 dwelling in Elysium with poets and musicians), it is not 
 impossible that Vergil drew on some older source, or was 
 merely following the commonplaces of popular eschatology. 
 In dealing with such commonplaces it is of little profit to 
 attempt to discover the precise source from which they are 
 drawn. 
 
 664. aliquos F^MPR Serv.: alios F^ and the MSS. of 
 Macrobius and Donatus. The authority for alios is inferior, 
 and aliquos gives an equally good meaning, the limiting sense 
 being not too strong. It suggests the " elect," but not 
 necessarily the " chosen few." This line gives a " more 
 general description of the benefactors of the human race ' ' 
 (Conington). Here, too, Norden holds that Vergil is drawing 
 upon Posidonius on the ground that Seneca (I.e.) states that 
 Posidonius included the first Kings, statesmen, and law- 
 givers among the philosophers. He compares also Cic. Somn. 
 Scip. 13 omnibus qui patriam conseruauerint auxerint certuni 
 
 220 
 
Commentary 
 
 esse in caelo definittim locum, uhi heati aeuo sempiterno 
 Jruantur. But Vergil is at least as likely to have drawn on 
 PlatOj Rep. 615 b^ where he speaks of rewards for evtpyeo-ta? 
 evepyerrjKOTes, or on Pindar^ 01. 2. 63-end. 
 
 665. niuea uitta. They wear snow-white fillets as conse- 
 crated to Heaven, like the victim (G. 3. 487), or the priest 
 (Ov. M. 13. 643). Cp. also Aristid. Or. 32. 34. 
 
 667. Musaeum. A mythical poet, prophet, and mysta- 
 gogue, by some described as the son of Orpheus {e.g., Serv^ 
 ad loc), and generally regarded as his follower and successor 
 (cp. Pans. 10. 7. 2). He was regarded as the earHest poet, 
 and various works, mainly of a religious, mythological, or 
 mystical character, were attributed to him — e.g.. Oracles (Ar« 
 Ran. 1031; Herod. 8. 96), Precepts (Suidas s.v.), Theogonia 
 (Diog. Laert. Proem. 3), UapaXva-eis, TeXeTat, KaOapixoC 
 (Schcl. ad Aristcph. I.e. Plat. Rep. 363 C). 
 
 668. Cp. II. 3. 227 (of Ajax) ^oxos 'A/oyetwv K€(f)a\i]v T€ 
 Kal €vp€a<s w/jtovs. A. 2. 721; 7. 784; 8. 162. 
 
 670. illius ergo. The preposition ergo occurs in Vergil 
 only here. It is found in Lucretius and Cicero, and in 
 Livy among Augustan writers, but then drops out of literary 
 use, and had probably a slightly archaic colouring for Vergil 
 and his contemporaries. 
 675. Cp. Lucr. 3. 46 sifert ita forte uoluntas* 
 679. pater Anchises. Anchises is styled pater not merely 
 as being Aeneas' father. The word is used to invest him 
 with patriarchal dignity, as it is used of Aeneas himself 
 and others. Norden, citing Enn. A. 55 pater Tiberinus and 
 121 Quirtnus pater, asserts that Vergil is imitating Ennius. 
 Both authors, however, are probably following old religious 
 usage: cp. C.I.L. 9. 4676 pater Reatinus, and Liv.5. 52 and 
 8. 9, where in invocations, which are probably actual quota- 
 tions from ritual, pater is used of Quirinus. 
 
 221 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 680. saperumque ad lumen ituras. Cp. 758 jtostrumque in 
 nomen ituras. super um lumen is found in Enn. A. 102 and 
 Lucr. 6. 856. See 748 sqq. 
 
 681. lustrabat . . . recensebat. A suggestion of the 
 lustraiio and census of the Roman people which took place 
 every five years, lust- alio, while primarily implying purifica- 
 tion, came to be used in the sense " review/' solemn reviews 
 of the troops being accompanied by purification. recensebat= 
 ** counted over." 
 
 r8Coi8ns==" considerinnj." 
 
 683. maiiusque=" deeds," " works " as often. Cp. i. 455. 
 685. aduersum. Predicative adj. with tendentem. 
 6"i6. genis=" from his eyes." For this not uncommon usage 
 cp. Prop. 4. 5. 16 cornicum immcritas emit ungiie genas. 
 excidit ore — i.e., a sudden cry. 
 
 687. Cp. Od. 16. 23 yXOes, T>//\e/jta)^e, yXvKcpov ^aos. 
 
 exspectata. With reference to the instructions given by 
 Anchises in the vision of 5. 731. 
 
 689. notas audire et reddere UGces. P.epeated from. i. 409 
 with substitution of itoias for 7teras. Cp. Cat. 64. 166 jjcc 
 missas audire queant nee reddere iioces. 
 
 690. rebar. Archaic. Cp. Cic. de Or. 3. 153. 
 
 691. mea cura=" my longing." Servius nee decepit 
 me dulcissimus filius. ... et dictum est sicut (10. 132) 
 Veneris dulcissima cura. Tiiis use of cura is not uncornm.onj 
 but the interpretation is less natural here. 
 
 692. A reminiscence of Cat. loi. i multas per gentes ei 
 multa per aequora uectum, and perhaps also of Pacuv. 319 Pv. 
 quam te post multis tiieor tempestaiibus. 
 
 696. saepius. The only vision actually described is that 
 in 5. 722 sqq. But in 4. 351 me patris Anchisae quotiens 
 umeniibus umbris \ nox operit terras, quotiens astra ignea 
 siirgunt, I admonet in sonmis et turbida ierret imago. Con- 
 
 222 
 
Commentary 
 
 ington asserts that Anchises seems to be unaware of these 
 apparitions of himself to his son. The fact that he does not 
 mention them is no proof at all; his language is perfectly 
 natural to the circumstances, and the difticulty is purely 
 imaginary. 
 
 haee limina tendere adegit. For ace. of motion towards 
 see note on 638. It is found with tendere in i. 554. For 
 adegit cp. Od. 11, 164 fJ-yrep ejxi^, XP^'-^ H-^ Karyyayiv ets^ 
 'Ai6ao. 
 
 697. stant sale Tyrrhene classes. Aeneas in these words 
 announces his arrival in the promised land of Italy. Norden 
 fancifully detects an imitation of Od. 24. 299, where Latrtes 
 asks TTov Sal vr]v^ €CTTr]K€ 6oy, and Odysseus answers (30S) 
 vrjus Ss /xoL -qS' ecrrr^Kev err' aypov vocrcfit ttoXtjos. stant *' are 
 beached." Cp. 901 stant litore puppes. 
 
 698. teque amplexu ne subtrahe nostro. Repeated from 
 465, with substitution of amplexu for aspectu. 
 
 700-702. Repeated from 2. 792-794, and an imitation cf 
 Od. II. 206 rpls p-lv €(Jnx)pprj6r]v, eXUtv re /xe dvpLo^ dvcoyci 
 
 j T/)tS Se fJiOl €K -^eipiOV (TKOJ eiKiXoV l} KOL OVetptO I tTTTttTO. 
 
 703. in iialle reducta. " Within the vale's recess." The 
 phrase recurs in 8. 609. 
 
 704. siluae GMPR : siluts FM^. sihiis has less authority and 
 gives poor sense; the brake cannot be said to " rustle with 
 woods (or forest trees)." siluis is probably due to a remin- 
 iscence of 3. 442 Aiierna souantia siluis, Cp. also 12. 522 
 uirguUa sonantia laiiro. 
 
 705. Lethaeum amnem. See n. on 735. 
 
 praenatat. Servius Ennium secutus est qui ait fiudusque 
 natantes (A. 584) : but it is also used of water by Lucretius — 
 e.g., 5. 488; 6. 267, 1 142. praenato is not found before Vergil, 
 and rarely after. 
 
 706. Cp. Od. ir. 632 tdvea jxvpta vcKpdv. 
 
 223 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 707. Cp. II. 2. 87 €7r€(TcrevovTO Se Xaoi' | 'qvre Wvea ciicrt 
 lieXicrcrdoyv d^Lvdwv | 7r€T/)v]s Ik yXa(fivprjs del vkov ipy^^oji^vdoiv • 
 porpvSov 8k irkrovrai ctt' dvO^anv elaptvoia-iv. Ap. Rhod. I. 
 879 ws S' ore Xeipia KaXa TrepLlBpofxeovcn pikXicrcrai | TreTprjs 
 €K)(yp.€vaL (rvix/BXrjLSos, dpLcfil Se Xeifxojv | kpa-qus yavvrat, Tot 
 Se yAi^Kvi/ aAAore aAAov | Kapirov d/xepyovcriv TreTroTTjfxkvai. 
 While Vergil's debt to these two passages is undoubted, it 
 is probable that the simile here has a special significance. 
 Norden quotes Soph. Fr. 794 N ^o/x^ei 81 veKpMv cr[xqvos, 
 which is preserved in Porph. de antr. nymph. 18 f, with the 
 comment that the name /xeXicrcrat was given by ol TraXaioi 
 to Tcts X//VXO.S els ykv€(TLv lova-ag. This suggestion clearly 
 gives special point and significance to the comparison. 
 
 711. porro is here used in its local sense=procul. Cp. 
 Plaut. Rud. 1034 ubi tu hie hahitas ? porro illic. This use is 
 mainly ante-classical, and is only found here in Vergil. 
 
 713-5. See n. on 735-751- 
 
 715. secures latices. Cp. Plat. Rep. 621 A rov 'AixkXrjra 
 
 TTora/xov. 
 
 obliuia. Cp. Mar. Victorin. G.L.K. 6. 25. 10 contagio apud 
 omnes fere scriptores est nominatiuo casu, ut . . . ohliuio : 
 sed poetarum licentia primo fecit contagia et obliuia, postea 
 did coepit et obliuium et contagium. Obliuium first occurs 
 in Tac. H. 4. 9 (Norden). 
 
 716, 7. These two hues may be as Vergil left them, but 
 the thought inevitably suggests itself that they are not as 
 he intended to leave them. For the connexion is un- 
 deniably awkward. Ribbeck brackets the first line, on 
 the ground that Vergil must have meant to omit it in his 
 final draft, and that its survival is due to the scrupulosity of 
 his editors. But, as Henry points out, the first line is 
 necessary to the sense. Anchises' meaning " is not that he 
 had been a long time desirous to enumerate his offspring, 
 
 224 
 
Commentary 
 
 but that he had been a long time desirous to enumerate his 
 offspring to his son Aeneas {tibi) ; and not merely to enumerate 
 them to him, but, as clearly appears from every line of the 
 sequel, to show them to him in person {ostendere coram).'' 
 This argument is conclusive for the retention of the first line. 
 The awkwardness still remains as regards the connexion of 
 the two. Henry's explanation is possible, but not wholly 
 satisfactory, iampridem is added to the second line, just 
 as we would say in English, " I have been wishing to tell you, 
 this long time have I been wishing to see you and tell you 
 all." The awkwardness of the Latin reappears in Henry's 
 English. It is tempting to believe that Vergil would ulti- 
 mately have written ac for hanc (Heyne and Nettleship), if 
 he did not actually write it. 
 
 719. Servius noua breuitas. nam dicendo " pater" qui 
 loquatur ostenditur. 
 
 anne is rare in single direct questions: this use is found 
 only here in Vergil. 
 
 putandum est " may remind us of Lucr. 2. 39 quod super est 
 animo quoque nil prodesse putandum and other passages. 
 Aeneas has slipped, as it were, into the tone appropriate 
 to the pupil of a philosopher " (Conington). 
 
 720. sublimis predicative with ire. Servius takes it in the 
 moral sense. But that is wholly out of keeping with the 
 tone of Aeneas' words: cp. 721. 
 
 721. miseris. They are wretched in that they desire to 
 return to a world of misery. Norden takes miseris as pro- 
 leptic=w^ miseraefiant, which is harsh and wholly needless. 
 
 tam dira cupido. Repeated from 373. 
 
 The line reveals the bitterness that still reigns in the heart 
 of Aeneas, though he has found the shores of Italy. It is from 
 his father's words that he is to win hope and strength for the 
 future. 
 
 225 Q 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 722. Cp. Lucr. 6. 245 expediam neque te in promts sis plura 
 morabor. Georg. 2. 45 non hie te carmine ficto \ atque per 
 ambages et longa exorsa morabor. 
 
 723. SUSCipit. " Takes up "=Gk. VTroXafxPavei. 
 
 724. Cp. G. 4. 221 deum namque ire per omnis \ terrasque 
 tractusque maris caelwnque prof undum; | hincpecudes,armenia, 
 uiros, genus omne ferarum, \ quemque sibi tenuis nascentem 
 ar cess ere uitas. 
 
 The doctrine here expounded is that of the Stoics. A 
 soul permeates the world, composed of fire, of which all forms 
 of life are as sparks. At 733 he breaks off into the language 
 of the Orphic-Pythagorean school. 
 
 principio, as in 3. 381. He is perhaps imitating Lucretius, 
 who makes frequent use of the word to introduce a subject. 
 Cp. also Cic. de Div. i. 11 principio aetherio fiammatus 
 lupiter igni \ uertitur et totum conlusirat lumine mundum, \ 
 menteque diuina caelum terrasque petessit, \ quae penitus 
 sensus hominum uitasque retentat, \ aetheris aeterni saepta 
 atque inclusa cauernis. 
 
 camposque liquentis. Cp. campique natantes in Lucr. 
 6. 1 142, and repeated by Vergil in G. 3. 198; also 8. 695 
 arua Neptunia. 
 
 725. lucentemque globum lunae. Cp. Lucr. 5. 69 lunaique 
 globum. 
 
 Titaniaque astra. The sun. Cp. 4. 118 ubi primes 
 crastinus ortus \ extulerit Titan. For the plural cp. Ov. M. 
 14. 172 sidera solis. Val. Flacc. 2. 364 Saturnia sidera. 
 
 726. spiritus intus alit. The anima mundi. Cp. Cic. 
 N.D. 2. 22. 58 ipsius uero mundA, qui omnia complexa suo 
 coercet et continet natura non artificiosa solum sed plane 
 artifeXj ab eodem Zenone dicitur consultrix et prouida utiliiatum 
 opportunitatumque omnium. . . . talis igitur mens mundi 
 cum sit, etc* Sen, N.Q. 2. 45 (crediderunt louem) rectorem 
 
 226 
 
Commentary 
 
 custodemqiie uniuersi, animum ac spiritum mundi. This 
 fnens or spiriius is of fire: cp. Stob. Eel. i. 58 /Xioyevr^^ Kal 
 Kkidvdrjs Tr]v Tov KO(r[xov v^^xV ®^^^ Aeyofo-iv. . . . Hoa-ei- 
 Sa>VL0S TTvevfia voepov Koi irvpCjoes, ovk €X0V fih fiop^firjv, 
 fxeTa^dkXov Se els o povXcrat koI crvve^oixoLovixevov iracTLV. . . . 
 
 Z-qViOV 6 ^T0)LKO<S VOVV KOCTfXOV TTVpLVOV. 
 
 alit. Cp. Cic. N.D. 2. 15 ille corporeus (ignis), uitalis et 
 salutaris, omnia conseniat alit auget sustinet sensuque officii. 
 So, too, Sen. N.Q. 6. 16, where this function of the spiriius 
 uiialis ei uegeius is discussed at length. 
 
 727. magno se corpore miscet. It is a Kpaa-ts 81* oXov in 
 Stoic phraseology. 
 
 This fiery anima mundi is the source of all life, but is 
 hampered by matter, represented in Stoic terminology by 
 the elements of earth and water. 
 
 729. marmoreo aequore. Cp. II. 14- 273 dXa napixapeov 
 =the bright sea, whereas marmoreus rather implies smooth- 
 ness. Cp. the use of marmor (first in Ennius, A. 377)=sea. 
 
 730. igneus uigor. The soul is a spark (semen) of the 
 anima mundi (cp. Epictet. i. 14. 6 at ^vx^-l o-wac^etg t^} 
 ^€0) arc avTOV fiopta ovaai kol air ocnr da- p.aT a] also Posidon. 
 ap. Sext. Emp. 9. 100), and, like the world soul, is composed 
 of fire. 
 
 ollis. See n. on olli (321). 
 
 caelestis origo. Fire is d/Saph and avox^c/jl? according 
 to Chrysippus, ap. Plut. Sto. Rep. 42. The purest fire is in 
 the sun and stars. Cp. Cic. N.D. 2. 15. 
 
 731. The doctrine expressed in this and the following Hues 
 is not in any way inconsistent with Stoic doctrine, and finds 
 a parallel in many passages of Seneca; see Zeller's Sioics, 
 Epicureans and Sceptics, p. 207 sqq. But in 734 the language 
 tends to become definitely Pythagorean, as leading up to the 
 doctrine of tnetempsychosis which follows, 
 
 227 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 733-751. There are grave difficulties as to the interpreta- 
 tion of this famous passage. The soul has been polluted by 
 contact with the body shut in tenehris et car cere caeco (734). 
 Therefore purification is necessary (739-742). This purifica- 
 tion accomplished the spirits proceed to Elysium, where a 
 few hold the happy fields until the wheel of time has come 
 full circle and purged them of all stain, so that they become 
 beings of pure etherial fire. All the spirits whom now Aeneas 
 sees, after they have rolled the wheel of a thousand years, 
 are summoned to the river of Lethe, that they may drink 
 forgetfulness thereof, and be ready once more to re-enter 
 mortal bodies. Down to 742 the sense is clear, and, again, 
 from 748 there is no obscurity. But what of the intervening 
 lines. Why do only a few inhabit the fields of bliss ? and 
 what is this further purification which they receive that 
 leaves them " all fire, all air " } Two alternatives seem 
 possible, (i) Many are called, but few chosen, while the 
 stay in Elysium completes the cleansing of the souls. 
 *'Pauci,'* says Page, "seems added to mark that these 
 purified souls bear but a small proportion to the whole number 
 of the dead." But this is contrary to all that we know 
 of the doctrine of rebirth. Only incurable sinners abide in 
 Tartarus for ever* And even assuming that the purification 
 of the curable sinners occupies the whole of the 1,000 years 
 between birth and rebirth, why does Vergil make no mention 
 of it ? And if such persons can be reborn after the drastic 
 purification of fire, water, and air, what is the significance of 
 the purification which the happy spirits undergo in Elysium ? 
 The apparent sirnplicit}'' of this explanation leaves us in 
 scarcely less confusion than before. (2) The true explanation 
 would seem to be that given by Norden (pp. 16 sqq.). After 
 purification, all the spirits proceed to Elysium to receive 
 the reward of their virtues, as they have received the punish- 
 
 228 
 
Commentary 
 
 ment of their sins (cp. Plat. Rep. lo. 615; Phaedr. 249 AB). 
 Of these a few for their virtue remain in Elysium without 
 need of rebirth, and abide there until lapse of time (10,000 
 years) has purified them to the degree necessary to enable 
 them to return to their divine existence, which the soul 
 enjoyed before ever it entered into the wheel of birth (745-7). 
 Anchises himself is one of these {tenemus 744). He then 
 returns to the question raised by Aeneas (719), and points to 
 the souls before him, and proceeds (748). All these, after the 
 wheel of 1,000 years is completed, are called forth to drink 
 of Lethe and undergo rebirth. Thus, there are two classes 
 of inhabitants of Elysium: (a) The small number of the elect 
 who are spared rebirth, though not yet sufficiently pure to 
 return to heaven, their home; and (b) the vast majority, 
 who, after purification, await the fulfilment of 1,000 years 
 in the underworld, and are then reborn. That the passage 
 would have been developed and clarified by the poet, had he 
 lived, is probable; but it must be remembered that the ob- 
 scurity may be largely due to the modern reader's unfamiliarity 
 with the doctrine that Vergil is developing. 
 
 The teaching as to the respective periods of 1,000 and 
 10,000 years is to be found in the Phaedrus of Plato (248 D), 
 where it is stated that 10,000 years *' must elapse before the 
 soul can return to the place from whence she came, for she 
 cannot grow her wings in less ; only the soul of a philosopher, 
 guileless and true, or the soul of a lover, who is not without 
 philosophy, may acquire wings in the third recurring period 
 of a thousand years." The period of a thousand years 
 passed in the other world before rebirth recurs again in the 
 vision of Er in Rep. 10. There is no fixed period of purifica- 
 tion. In Rep. 10. 615 Plato states that the soul receives 
 both punishment and reward ten times over. The pro- 
 portion of time spent in Elysium will, therefore, vary for 
 
 229 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 individual souls (i.e. =1,000 years less the time required for 
 purgation by fire, water, air, etc.). The view that the elect 
 escape from the necessity of rebirth and await the completion 
 of the 10,000 years in Elysium is not to be found in Plato, 
 though an analogous remission is mentioned in the passage 
 cited from the Phaedrus. It is, however, to be noted that 
 with regard to the purification of souls in Plato 11. cc. the 
 best escape it and await rebirth in the heavens. 
 
 Before quitting the discussion of the problem, two other 
 interpretations require consideration, (i) Dieterich, while 
 adopting the interpretation of perfecto temporis orbe=io,ooo 
 years (Nekyta, 154 sqg.), would place a full-stop after tenemus 
 and a comma after ignem, interpreting as follows: ''The 
 cycle of rebirth every 1,000 years goes on until such time as 
 the larger cycle of 10,000 years is complete, and the souls 
 are fit to return to heaven. This makes the order unnatural, 
 and would seem to require the transposition of 745-7 to 
 follow 751." (2) Ribbeck would transpose 745-7 to follow 
 742. This remedy, quite apart from its drastic nature, 
 makes the period of time involved by the purifications of 
 739-742 long and involving the completion of a definite 
 cycle of years (orbe). But if this is the case, how comes 
 Anchises to be already in Elysium ? If, on the other 
 hand, the period involved by 739-742 is merely propor- 
 tionate to the pollution incurred on earth, there is no diffi- 
 culty of this kind. Both these interpretations may, there- 
 fore, be rejected. 
 
 As to the precise source from which Vergil draws there is 
 no evidence. It is probable that he allowed himself great 
 freedom in the treatment of his sources. The purifications 
 mentioned by Vergil also find parallels in Plato. In the 
 Gorgias sinners are hung up as a punishment (525); in the 
 Phaedo (113) those who have lived neither ill nor well are 
 
 230 
 
Commentary 
 
 purified by being plunged in Acheron; in the spurious 
 Axiochus (372 A) transgressors are punished by fire. Be- 
 tween punishment and purification no sharp distinction 
 can be drawn: cp. Plat. Gorg. 479 C, D 212 . ap' ovv a-vfxISaLveL 
 jxkyL(TTov KaKov rj dSiKia Kal to aStKeti/ . HflA . (^aiVerat ye . 
 212 . /cat fiYjv OLTraWayq ye e(fidv7] tovtov rov KaKOv to Slkt^v 
 SiBovai. Finally, the first reference to the river of Lethe is 
 found in the vision of Er (Rep. 10), where the souls due for 
 rebirth gather in the plain of Lethe and drink of a stream, 
 described first as 'A/xeArys Trora/xos and later as 6 ttJs Atj^t^? 
 TTorafios. That the river of Lethe was, however, a familiar 
 feature of popular eschatology is clear from Aristoph. 
 Ran. 186. 
 
 There was an actual well of Lethe at the oracle of Tro- 
 phonius (cp. Paus. 9. 39. 5-14). 
 
 As to the antiquity of the doctrine of rebirth among the 
 Greeks nothing very definite can be stated, save that it was 
 old. Herodotus (2. 122) states that the doctrine was 
 borrowed from the Egyptians; Plato (Phaedo 70 C) speaks 
 of it as an ancient doctrine. See Introduction. 
 
 733. metuunt cupiuntque, dolent gaudentque. The four- 
 fold division of passions — fear, desire, pain, pleasure — is 
 found again in Horace (Ep. i. 6. 12) gaudeat an doleat, 
 cupiat metuatne, quid ad rem ? This formal classification 
 of the passions originated with the Stoics, and had become a 
 commonplace. Cp. also Plat. Phaed. 83 B rwv t^Sovwv re nal 
 eiridvfxtCjv Kal Avttwi/ kul (^d/5(ov, though in that case there is no 
 formal classification. Cp. Servius Varro et omnes philosophi 
 dicunt quattuor esse passiones, etc. Cic. T.D. 3. 11. 24. 
 
 clausae tenebris et carcere caeco. An Orphic belief: 
 
 cp. Plat. Cratyl. 400 C koI ydp aqiid rtves (f)a(rLV avru eivat 
 rrj<S ^vX^'Si ws T€dajjLixevrj<s ev t<^ vvv irapovTi' Kal Siotl av 
 TOVTO) (TTjpaLvei a av (rrjuaLvr) rj ^v)(7] koI ravrr) crrjfxa opOojs 
 
 231 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 KaXeiaOat. SoKOvai fxkvroi {xol fxaXiara Okadac ol dficfa 'Op^ca 
 TOVTO TO ovofia, oj? Slktjv StSovcryj'S rrjs xl^v)(rjs S)V By] cveKa 
 SlSmo-lv, rovTOV Se TrepifSoXov e^ctv' tVa ono^yjTai, Sea-jxojTrjpiOV 
 eiVova. Also Gorg. 493 A. 
 
 735. supremo lumine. '' When life's last ray is extin- 
 guished/' a variation for supremo tempore (Lucr. i. 546). 
 
 738. diu concreta. Cp. 746 concretam labem. Norden 
 compares the Gk. cri'/x(^vTov KaKov, Plat. Rep. 10. 609 AB; 
 Tim. 42 AC; Phaed. 81 C. 
 
 modis inolescere miris. For miris modis cp. Lucr. i. 123 
 simulacra modis pallentia miris, imitated by Vergil, G. i. 477 ; 
 4.309. A. I. 354; ID. 822. 
 
 inolescere='' to grow in/' here " to become engrained.'* 
 The metaphor is from grafting: cp. G. 2. 77 hue aliena ex 
 arbore germen | includunt udoque docent inolescere libro. 
 
 740. inanis probably with uentos : cp. 10. 82 uentos inanis. 
 It would be possible with Henry to take inanes as nom., re- 
 ferring to the unsubstantial shades. But the parallel from 
 Bk. 10 points the other way, and suspensae has to be taken 
 with panduntur, and there is no need to overload the verb 
 with a double predicate. 
 
 742. infectum=^Mo infectae sunt. There seems no parallel 
 for inficere with the cognate ace. of the dye or stain. But 
 such a construction would present no difficulty. 
 
 exuritur. Elsewhere exuro, seems to mean '' burn up/* 
 " consume." Here it means rather " burn away/' a perfectly 
 natural use, which, as Conington points out, may be defended 
 by the analogy of eluitur. 
 
 743. quisque suos patimur manis. While there can be no 
 doubt that these words may be interpreted in general terms, 
 *' each of us suffers his own spiritual doom," there is, and 
 must from the nature of the case continue to be, considerable 
 doubt as to the precise conception which Vergil had in his 
 
 232 
 
Commentary 
 
 mind, (i) The simplest interpretation is that of Warde 
 Fowler: *' Each individual of us must endure his own in- 
 dividual ghosthood " — i.e., with all the pains and purifica- 
 tions involved by sin committed in the body. This affirma- 
 tion of personal immortality harmonises perfectly with the 
 Orphic-Pythagorean eschatology of the sixth book, without 
 involving any difficulty in itself. Warde Fowler points out 
 {Rel. Experience of the Roman People, p. 341) that in 
 earlier days " the spirit of a dead Roman was not thought 
 of as definitely individualised: it joined the whole mass of 
 the Manes in some dimly conceived region beneath the earth: 
 there is no singular to the word Manes." With the spread 
 of Greek teaching the individualisation of the spirit of the 
 dead became a familiar idea, and by the end of the Republican 
 period tombstones begin to show the words Di Manes as 
 representing the spirit of the individual (ib. I.e. and p. 386). 
 The fact that manes has no singular is no obstacle here in 
 view of the plural patimur. (2) But the consideration of 
 certain passages in Plato and Plutarch, together with the 
 Roman belief in the genius, makes it quite possible that the 
 above view errs on the side of simpHcity (see Norden, p. 32). 
 Cp. Plato, Phaed. 107 D, where it is stated that after death 
 the Stti/xojv of each man leads his spirit to the underworld, 
 where (113 D) the sinner suffers for his wrong-doing in the 
 world above. Plutarch again (de gen. Socr. 22. 592 BC) 
 asserts that each soul in the next world is punished by his 
 Sat/xtuv for having yielded himself to the passions of the 
 body; while, according to Galen ^deHipp. et Plat. dogm. i. 5, 
 p. 449, Miiller), Posidonius attributed the origin of the 
 passions to to fxrj Kara irav €7reo-^at t^ ev avrw SaL^jovi 
 crvyyeveL. 
 
 Finally, Servius explains tnanes in the present passage as 
 follows: supplicia quae sunt apud manes, ut si qiiis dicai 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 ** iudicium pattmur." est et aliud uerius. nam cum nascimur, 
 duos genios sortimiir. unus est qui hortatur ad bona, alter qui 
 deprauat ad mala, quibus adsistentibus post mortem aut 
 asserimur in meliorem uitam aut condemnamur in deteriorem : 
 per quos aut uacationem meremur aut reditum in corpora 
 ergo manes genios dicit quos cum uita sortimur. Servius' 
 statement is not consistent with earlier Roman belief which 
 assigns but one genius to man at birth. Cp. Hor. Ep. 2. 2. 
 183 cur alter fratrum cessare et ludere et ungui \ praeferat 
 . . . alter \ diues et importunus ad umbram lucis ab ortu j 
 siluestrem flammis et ferro mitigat agrum, \ scit genius natale 
 comes qui temperat astrum, \ naturae deus humanae mortalisy 
 in unum | quodque caput, uoltu mutabilis, albus et ater. 
 Varro (Agahd. M. Terent^ Varr. ant. rer. diuin. 200) genium 
 uftius cuius que animam rationalem et ideo esse singulos singu- 
 lorum. But genius and Wtfj-oiv are closely parallel con- 
 ceptions^ and are actually identified by Apuleius (de deo 
 Socr. 15) quodam significatu etiamnunc in cor pore daemon 
 nuncupatur . . . cum nostra lingua ut ego interpretor, . . . 
 poteris genium, quod is deus, qui est animus sui cuique, quan- 
 quam sit immortalis, tamen quodammodo cum homine gignitur. 
 In view of Vergil's acquaintance with^ and use of, Greek 
 eschatology, it is conceivable that he had the idea of the 
 BatficDv, who corrects and purifies the soul to which he is 
 attached, present to his mind when he wrote the present 
 passage. But he was a poet and not a formal theologian, 
 and used the vague and at once more awful and familiar 
 manes instead of genius. But the fact that he avoids 
 further precision prevents the commentator from insisting 
 on an absolutely definite interpretation, while it must 
 further be noted that manes and genius cannot be formally 
 identified; they are regularly distinguished in funeral 
 inscriptions — e.g., C.I.L. 5. 246 manibus et genio, etc. 
 
 234 
 
Commentary 
 
 747. See n. on 724-732. Cp. G. 4. 220 partem diuinae 
 mentis et haustus aether ios. 
 
 aurai. The uncial MSS. all give aurae. aurai is the read- 
 ing of Servius, Donatus^, and several of the cursive MSS. 
 Cp. Serv. ad. 7. 464 notandum quod in Vergilio non reperiuntur 
 nisi quattuor diaereses, hoc loco (sc. aquai) et in tertio (354), 
 aulai, et in sexto (747) . . , et in nono (26) pictai. The 
 archaism is frequent as late as Cicero and Lucretius. 
 
 748. rotam uoluere per annos. Servius est sermo 
 Ennianus. (Cp. Enn. A. 548). Though the words may be 
 drawn from Ennius, the reference is to the *' wheel " men- 
 tioned in Orphic-Pythagorean writings. Cp. Compagno 
 Tablet i (Kaibel, C.I.G. i. 8. 641) kvkXov S' e^e-n-rav 
 /3apvTr€v9eo<s dpyaXeoLo. Diog. Laert. 7. 12. Pioclus ad 
 Tim., p. 330 A, kvkXos rrjs yei/ecrco)? €V tw rrjs €l[xapfX€V'q<; 
 T/)dxw. See Harrison, Proleg. Gr. Relig., p. 589 sqq. 
 
 749. deus. Servius non dicit quis . . . sed alii Mer- 
 curium uolent propter hoc (4. 242) " hac animas ille euocat Oreo 
 
 I pallentes, alias sub Tartara tristia mittit.'' Cp. Orph. hymn. 
 57. 6 olvofJL6poL<s \}/vxaLS TTO/XTTO? Kara yaiav VTrdpxiDV, \ as 
 Karayets, ottot dv {xoip-qs xpoi'os cicra^iKr/rai, ] evUpio /^a/^Sw 
 OiXyoyv vT7VoSa>Ti8i, vrai'Ta | Kal TrdXiv vTri/wovras iyeipeis. But 
 Vergil has spoken vaguely, and deus m.ay be o Oeos, 6 Sai/xwv. 
 
 750. supera ut conuexa. See n. on 241. 
 
 753. turbamque sonantem. Repeated 12. 248. Cp. 709 
 strepit omnis murmur e campus. 
 
 755. legere, " Scan " as perlegerent (34). 
 
 756. Dardaniam opposed to Itala. The line of Kings is 
 half Trojan, half Italian. Servius Albanos reges, qui tredecim 
 
 fuerunt, de Aeneae et Lauiniae genere : unde ait Itala de gente. 
 
 757. maneant. *' Are held in store by fate." 
 
 Itala. The adj. Italus is not found before Hor. S. i. 7. 32. 
 For scansion of the word see n. on 61. 
 
 235 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 758. nostrumque in nomen ituros. nomen carries with it 
 a wealth of meaning, (i) The royal house of Troy. (2) The 
 nation that is to be (cp. nomen Latinum): so Servius in gentem 
 ut (12. 515) nomen Echionium Jiiatrisque genus Peridiae. 
 (3) Our own fame. 
 
 animas. The nom. in apposition to nepotes would have 
 been more natural; but Vergil for the sake of variety writes 
 animas, the object of expediam. The line thus is to be re- 
 garded as equivalent to a clause parallel to those in the two 
 preceding lines (sc. quae animae in nostrum nomen iturae sint). 
 For the whole line cp. 680 indusas animas superumqiie in 
 lumen ituras. 
 
 759. expediam. Cp. 3. 379 expediam dictis (a prophecy 
 as here). 
 
 fata docebo. Perhaps a reminiscence of Ennius (A. 18) 
 doctusque Anchisa, Venus quern pulcherriftia dium \ fata 
 docet, 
 
 760. uides. Parenthetical. 
 
 pura hasta. Servius id est sine Jerro : nam hoc Juit 
 praemium apud maiores eius qui tunc primum uicisset in 
 proelio. It was, however, a reward not merely for the first 
 victory, but for any special act of valour: cp. Plin. 7. 102. 
 Cell. 2. II, where it is recorded of one man that he had won 
 18 hastae. It is represented on a coin of the gens Arria, 
 as a staff with a knob at each end. See Cohen, Monn. de la 
 Republique, pi, 7. 1,2, See Daremberg et Saglio and Pauly- 
 Wissowa, s.v. hasta pura. 
 
 761. proxima sorte tenet lucis loca. Two interpretations 
 have been given, (i) lucis is taken with loca=proxima uitae 
 loca : " holds the next place in the upperworld of light." 
 (2) Henry takes sorte with lucis, and translates " holds the 
 nearest place by lot of life " — i.e., the order in which they 
 are to ascend to the upperworld is determined by lot. 
 
 236 
 
Commentary 
 
 Cp. II. no Martis sorte. Ov. F. 3. 463 sorte tori. Tr. 5. 3. 28 
 sors iiitae. This interpretation is perfectly possible, but 
 is rhythmically less satisfactory: loca is somewhat too iso- 
 lated if detached from lucis, though 434 proxima deinde 
 tenent may be cited as a parallel. It matters little which 
 view be adopted. The objections brought against the first 
 are unreal and fanciful. 
 
 sorte does not necessarily imply that lots are actually 
 drawn by the souls. It may imply no more than that each 
 soul has its allotted place to avoid the confusion of which 
 Lucretius (3. 776) makes such sport. But it is quite possible 
 that Vergil intended to suggest that lots were actually drawn. 
 Cp. 431 nee uero has sine sorte datae . . . sedes. Above all 
 cp. Plat. Rep. ID. 617 E, where the souls draw lots that 
 they may choose in due order the lives they will live on their 
 return to the upperworld. 
 
 762. Siluius. Servius (citing Cato) primo bello periit 
 Latinus, secundo pariter Turnus et Aeneas, postea Mezentium 
 inter emit Ascanius et Laurolauinium tenuit. cuius Lauinia 
 timens insidias grauida confugit ad siluas * > ^ et illic enixa 
 est Siluium. sed cum Ascanius flagraret inuidia, cuocauit 
 nouercam et ei concessit Laurolauinium ^ sibi uero Albam 
 constituit. qui quoniam sine liber is per tit, Siluio, qui et ipse 
 Ascanius dictus est, suum reliquit imperium . . . postea 
 Albani omnes reges Siluii dicti sunt ab huius nomine. Cp. 
 Dion. Hal. i. 70. That this tradition is very different from 
 that adopted by Vergil is evident, alike from the statement 
 about the deaths of Latinus, Aeneas, and Mezentius, and 
 also from what follows in the present passage. See notes on 
 longaeuo, postuma proles and in siluis (below). What exactly 
 Vergil's views were as to the different legends cannot be 
 precisely ascertained. All that he tells us is to be found in 
 the prophecy in Book I. 261 hie (sc. Aeneas) tibi , . . bellum 
 
 237 
 
The Sixth Book ot the Aeneid 
 
 ingens geret Italia populosque ferocis | contundet moresque 
 uiris et moenia ponet, \ tertia dunt Latio regnantem uiderit 
 aesias | ternaque transierint Rutulis hiherna subadis. \ at 
 puer Ascanius, cut nunc cognomen Into \ additur (Ilus erat 
 dum re^ stetit Ilia regno), \ trigifita magnos uoluendis mensibus 
 orbis I imperio explebit, regnumque ab sede Lauini \ transferet, 
 et longam multa ui mumet Albam. He proceeds to say that 
 300 years must elapse between the founding of Alba and 
 the birth of Romulus. There is no inconsistency between 
 this passage and the present, except that longaeuo seems to 
 assume a longer reign for Aeneas after the conquest of the 
 Rutuli than merely three years. Further, the tradition pre- 
 served by Servius asserts that Ascanius died childless. This 
 view must have been rejected by Vergil: for Ascanius-Iulus 
 was the founder of the gens lulia. Cp. 789 omnis luli pro- 
 genies. It is probable that he adopted the tradition given 
 by Diodorus (7.5. 8), which, while making Siluius the son of 
 Aeneas (though not by Lauinia), recorded that Ascanius 
 had a son lulus from whom the lulii were descended: he 
 never held the kingship, but was compensated by the ap- 
 pointment to an important priesthood. 
 
 Albanum nomen. See Servius (above) and Liv. i. 3. 7 
 niansit Siluiis posted omnibus cognomen. 
 
 tua postuma proles. He was according to the legend as 
 given by Cato called Siluius Postumus because born after 
 his father's death. Cp. Varr. L.L. 9. 60 is qui post patris 
 mortem natus est, dtcitur postumus. So, too, Fest. 274 L. and 
 legal writers (Gai. Inst. 1. 147). On the other hand, Caesellius 
 Vindex ap. Gell. 2.16.5 says postufua proles non eum significat 
 qui patre inortuo, sed qui postremo loco natus est, sicuti Siluius, 
 qui Aenea iam sene, tardo seroque partu est editus. That this 
 was Vergil's opinion is probable. Aeneas is longaeuus, but 
 is clearly still alive when the son is born, postumus literally 
 
 238 
 
Commentary 
 
 means no more than " last/' and is not used by Vergil in its 
 technical and legal sense. 
 
 764. longaeuo. Aeneas is clearly still in the prime of life 
 in the Aeneid, and therefore longaeuo implies that he ruled 
 for a number of years after his conquest of the Rutulians. 
 This is not consistent with the statement in Book I (see 
 above on Siluius). 
 
 liauinia. Other versions make Siluius the son of Aeneas 
 and Siluia (Diod. 7. 5. 8), or of Ascanius and Lauinia (Li v. 
 I. 3. 6). 
 
 765. siluis. In view of the importance attaching to 
 Ascanius, as founder of the gens lulia, the discreditable 
 story of his jealousy must be ignored, and it must be assumed 
 with Livy (i. 3. 6) that Siluius was casu quodam natus in 
 siluis. The legend recorded by Cato is naturally avoided 
 by Vergil and Livy. 
 
 regem regumque parentem. Livy, Ovid, and Dion. Hal. 
 all agree that Ascanius was the first King of Alba, and 
 Siluius the second. There is no reason to suppose that 
 Vergil rejects this tradition. Ascanius is ignored for the 
 purpose of the present passage, because he is alive and because 
 Siluius is the first King of Trojan-Italian descent. 
 
 766. Longa Alba. The site of this ancient town has been 
 much disputed : it is probably to be placed on the triangular 
 plateau to north-east of the Alban Lake, between the lake 
 and the Acqua Ferentina. See Hiilsen in Pauly-Wissowa, 
 R.E. For the name Longa see Liv, i> ^ ab situ porrectae in 
 dor so urbis Alba Longa appellata. 
 
 767. Procas is proximus only in the group of spirits. The 
 order and names of the Kings of Alba differ in the various 
 historians. Aeneas Siluius (Liv. and Dion. Hal. 11. cc.) is the 
 immediate successor of Siluius. Then, after an interval of 
 three Kings comes Capys, while there is an interval of seven 
 
 239 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 between Capys and Numi'.~«'. Procas was the father of 
 Amulius and Numitor. Vergil is not concerned with the 
 historical order. 
 
 Troianae gloria gentis. This phrase has no special signi- 
 ficance; perhaps one of Vergil's tibicines. 
 
 768. Capys. The name is Trojan. There was a Capys^ son 
 of Assaracus (II. 20. 239): cp. Ov. F. 4. 45 recidiua uocahula 
 Troiae. There was a Capys among the followers of Aeneas : 
 ^P' 2. 35; I. 183, and 9. 576, whoj according to Servius ad 
 2. 35, was the founder of Capua. Others attribute the 
 founding of Capua to the King of Alba. 
 
 Numitor. Brother of Amu^.-'us and son of Procas. Amulius, 
 the younger son, deprived jvumitor of his kingdom, and 
 when Rhea Silvia, daughter nf Numitor, bore Romulus and 
 Remus ordered the destrur^on of mother and children. 
 When Romulus and Remus grew to manhood they restored 
 Numitor and slew Amulius. See Ov. F. 3. 67. 
 
 769. Siluius Aeneas. The son of Siluius Postumus ; else- 
 where styled Aeneas Siluius: see Liv. i. 3. 6. Servius 
 acceperit autem a tutor e qui eius inuasit imperium : quod ei uix 
 anno quinquagesimo restituit. He is omitted from the list of 
 Alban Kings given by Ovid in F. 4. 40 and M. 14. 610. Dion. 
 Hal. I. 71 states that he reigned thirty-one years. Servius 
 alone preserves the tradition of his exclusion from the throne. 
 772. ciuili quercu. Servius ciuica debuit dicere, sed 
 tnuiauit, ut H or alius " motum ex Metello consule ciuicum." 
 qiierceam autem coronam accipiebant qui in bello ciuem 
 liberassent. Cp. Phn. 16. ir. Cell. 5. 6. The corona ciuica 
 was accompanied in later times by the inscription ob ciuem 
 seruatum (Sen. Clem. 1,26). It was conferred on Augustus 
 (Dio Cass. 53. 16), and here, perhaps, as a delicate com- 
 pliment to Augustus, appears as one of the insignia of the 
 good Kings of old. 
 
 240 
 
Commentary 
 
 773-5. There follows a list of the colonies of Alba, members 
 of the Latin league, though only six are named out of thirty* 
 
 Nomentum, the modern Mentana up the valley of the 
 Tiber. 
 
 Gabios. Gahii stood on the east bank of the present Lago 
 di Castiglione, on the Via Praenestina, twelve miles from Rome. 
 It had become a byword for desolation. Cp. Hor. Ep. i . 1 1 . 7 . 
 Diod. 4. 53. See Papers Brit. School of Arch., Rome, Vol. I., 
 p. 180 sgq. (T. Ashby, Classical Topography of the Campagna). 
 
 Fidenam. Fidenae stood on the Via Salaria on the site 
 of Villa Spada near Castel Giubileo, about five miles from 
 Rome. It, like Gabii, was almost deserted : cp. Hor. I.e. Cic< 
 de leg. Agr. 2. 35. See Ashby, op. cit. 3., p. 18. The singular, 
 Fidena, is found also in Sil. 15. 91. Tac. A. 4. 62. Elsewhere 
 the plural form is used. The first syllable is long elsewhere. 
 
 Collatinas arces. Collatia is represented by the modern 
 Lunghezza on the Anio, and approached by the Via Colla- 
 tina. It, likewise, was deserted: cp. Cic. I.e. Plin, 3. 68, 
 See Ashby, op. cit. i, p. 145. 
 
 montibus. These are low mounds rather than hills. 
 
 Pometios. The form Pometii is found only here, and in 
 Diod. ap. Euseb. vers. Armen., p. 287, Schone (Norden).: 
 Elsewhere it is called Pometia or Suessa Pometia. It was 
 destroyed 502 B.C. (Liv. 2. 17). It was in the Volscian region, 
 perhaps between Velletri and Cisternal see Nissen, Ital. 
 Landeskunde, 2. 2. p. 634. Its site, however, cannot be 
 identified : Pliny, I.e., speaks of it as one of the towns which 
 had perished utterly. 
 
 Castrum Inui. Inuus was a primitive god, who was either 
 identical with Faunus or came to be so identified. See 
 Serv. ad loc. Prob. ad G. i. 10, Rut. Nam. i. 232, Macrob. 
 I. 22. 2, Arnob. 3. 23, Liv. i, 5. 2, all identify him with Pan. 
 The name is probably preserved in Fosso d'Incastro, a 
 
 241 R 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 stream near Ardea. See Hiilsen in Pauly-Wissowa. Rutilius 
 (i. 232) mentions a Castrum Inui in S. Etruria. This 
 appears^ however, to be an error, the name having been 
 Castrum Nouum : cp. Borman, C.I.L. 11, p. 531. 
 
 Bolam. Bola cannot be identified. See Hiilsen, op. cit. 
 T. Ashby, op. cit. 5, p. 409. It had perished utterly by the 
 time of Pliny (I.e.). It has been variously identified with 
 Labico, Zagarolo, or ad Statuas, near Quintanae. A city of 
 the Aequi (Li v. 4. 49). 
 
 777. auo. Numitor. 
 
 comitem sese addet — i.e., will join his grandfather on 
 earth. 
 
 Mauortius — i.e., son of Mars. The adj. of the archaic 
 Manors occurs also in i. 276 and G. 4. 462, and is adopted 
 by later poets. 
 
 778. Assaraci. See on 650. 
 
 Ilia. Her Trojan origin is emphasised; she also bears 
 the name Rhea Siluia as descendant of the Siluii. The 
 name is found in Ennius (A. 56). See also Ov. F. 2. 383, etc. 
 
 779. uiden. Servius posuit Ennium se cuius. For 
 uidesne. The e was dropped in colloquial language, the 
 s followed suit, and the second syllable became shortened, 
 the accent falling on the first syllable. The word occurs 
 in Terence and Plautus, Catullus, Tibullus, etc. The final e 
 was universally short according to Servius in his time. See 
 Lindsay, L.L., p. 163. 
 
 geminae cristae. There is no reference elsewhere to this 
 insigne Romuli, but it is probably regarded as marking him 
 out as the son of Mars: cp. Val. Max. i. 6 (cited by Henry) 
 cognitum par iter atque creditum est Mar tern pair em tunc 
 populo suo adjuisse : inter cetera huiusce rei manijesta 
 indicia galea quoque duabus distincta pinnis, qua caeleste 
 caput tectum fuerat, argumentum praebuit. 
 
 242 
 
Commentary 
 
 780. et pater ipse suo superum iam signat honore. Two 
 
 interpretations are possible, (i) pater 5z^/jerziw= Jupiter, 
 the father of the gods; suo AowoA-^^godhead. Henry quotes 
 Sil. 3. 601 (Jupiter loq.) nee Stygis tile lacus uiduataque hmiine 
 regna, | sed superiun sedem nostrosque tenebit Jionores. 
 (2) pater tpse='M2iTs, the father of Romulus, superum 
 honore=\Yith. the honour of the gods — i.e., of godhead. 
 Of these views (2) is perhaps more pointed and appropriate. 
 (Servius takes superum as acc.=" marks him as a god"; 
 but superus is nowhere used in the singular in this sense; 
 suo honore might, on this view, mean the geminae cristae.) 
 
 781. auspiciis is not metaphorical, but literal, as referring 
 to the auguries drawn from the twelve vultures. Vergil 
 imitates Ennius A. 494 augusto augurio postquam incluta 
 condita Roma est. 
 
 782. Cp. I. 287 imperium Oceano, famam qui terminet 
 astris. 
 
 783. Repeated in G. 2. 535 with circumdedit for circumdahit. 
 una. " One city, she shall gird with ramparts her seven 
 
 hills." 
 
 784. prole, proles is mentioned by Cicero (de or. 3. 153) 
 among a number of slightly archaic words, quibus loco positis 
 grandior atque antiquior oratio saepe uideri solet. 
 
 Berecyntia mater. Cybele, so called from her shrine on 
 Mt. Berecyntus in Phrygia. For the description of the goddess 
 cp. Lucr. 2. 606 muralique caput sunimum cinxere corona \ 
 
 . . quo nunc insigni per magnas praedita terras \ Jiorrijice 
 fertur diuinae matris imago. | . . . magnas inuecta per urbes 
 
 I munificat tacita mortalis muia salute. In addition to its 
 magnificence this famous simile has, as Norden well points 
 out, a special significance. The worship of the Magna Mater^ 
 imported into Rome from Phrygia, toward the close of the 
 second Punic War, might well be regarded by the poet as the 
 / 243 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 second coming of Troy to Italy. The foundation of the 
 worship of Cybele on Mt. Ida was attributed to Idaeus, the 
 son of Dardanus (Dion. Hal. i. 61.4), while the coming of 
 the Mighty Mother to Rome is treated by Ovid (F. 4. 249) 
 as the return of the goddess to her own. Cp. 251 cum 
 Troiam Aeneas Italos portaret in agros, \ est dea sacrijeras 
 paene secuta rates. 272 in Phrygios Roma rejertur auos. 
 
 785. turrita. " Wearing the mural crown." Cp. Lucr. I.e. 
 Also A. ID. 252 alma parens Idaea detim, cui Dindyma cordi, 
 
 I turrigeraeque urhes, 
 
 786. As She is the Mother of Gods^ so Rome is the Mother of 
 Nations. 
 
 787. supera alta tenentes. See n. on 241. 
 
 788. geminas acies. Cp. Cat. 63. 75 geminas aures. 
 
 789. omnis luli progenies — i.e., the gens lulia. But Julius 
 Caesar does not appear. He is postponed to 826. The reason 
 is obvious. Augustus must have a place to himself. He 
 cannot be placed near Julius without being dwarfed: if not 
 dwarfed, it would be at the expense of historical truth and 
 would involve fulsome flattery, compared with which the 
 praise of the present passage would be moderation itself. 
 Augustus, therefore, appears alone as the second founder of 
 Rome. 
 
 790. caeli axem. " The rolHng heaven." Cp. 536 n. 
 
 791. hie uir, hie est. The masculine hie is distinguished 
 from the adverb in early poetry by being short, but in classical 
 poetry is generally long; the word was according to gram- 
 marians pronounced hicc (Lindsay, L.L., p. 433). The only 
 other passage in Vergil, in which it is demonstrably short, is 
 4. 22 solus hie. In view, however, of the history of the 
 word and its pronunciation, it cannot be asserted that we 
 have a change of scansion here, as in 2. 663 natum ante or a 
 patfis, patrem qui obtruncat ad aras, cited by Norden. 
 
 244 
 
Commentary 
 
 promitti saepius. A rhetorical exaggeration. 
 
 792. Diui. Sc. Julius Caesar, who adopted him. 
 genus. Cp. 500, 839. 
 
 aurea condet saecula. " Shall be the founder of the golden 
 age." A repetition of the prophecy in E. 4. 9 nascenti puero, 
 quo ferrea primuni \ desinet ac toto surget gens aurea mundo. 
 See J. B. Mayor, VergiVs Messianic Eclogue, p. 107. condere 
 saecliim is used by Lucr. 3. 1090 in its technical sense '' to 
 bring to a close": cp. condere lustrum. Cic. Liv. 1. 44 ibi 
 exercitum ... lustrauit idque conditum lustrum appellatum 
 quia is censendo finis /actus est. Here, however, there can 
 be no doubt about the meaning. 
 
 793. Latio regnata per arua Saturno quondam. Cp. G. 2. 
 538 aureus hanc uitam in terris Saturnus agebat. Aen. 8. 319 
 primus ab aetherio uenit Saturnus Olympo \ arma louisfugiens 
 et regnis exul ademptis. \ is genus indocile ac dispersum 
 montibus altis \ composuit legesque dedit Latiumque uocan \ 
 maluit, his quoniam latuisset tutus in oris. \ aurea quae 
 perhibent illo sub regefuere \ saecida. The Golden x\ge was m 
 the days of Kronos (Hes. Op. 109), with whom Saturn, the 
 old Roman god of agriculture, is regularly identified. As 
 Saturn was the original civiliser of Italy, so Augustus is to 
 give civilisation a new birth. For regnata Saturno cp. 3, 
 14 regnata Ly cargo. 
 
 794. Garamantas. A people of Mauretania (Fezzan) 
 conquered by L. Cornelius Balbus in 19 B.C., so that Anchises' 
 prophecy was fulfilled. Doubtless an expedition had been 
 in contemplation for some time previously, but the passage 
 may have been written during the last ^vo years of Vergil's 
 life. It is, however, unsafe to base any such conjecture on 
 this passage in view of its rhetorical nature; the Garamantes 
 may be mentioned merely as one of the peoples at the ends 
 of the earth (cp. Lucan. 4. 334). 
 
 245 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 Indos. Cp. Prop. 2. 10. 15 India qiitn, Augiiste, ttio dat 
 colla tnumpho \ et domus intactae te tremit Arabiae. \ et si 
 qua extremis tellus se suhtraJiit oris \ sentiat ilia tiias postmodo 
 capta tiias. There was no expedition against any part of 
 India. There were^ however, two occasions on which the 
 Indians sent embassies to Augustus: (i) in 26 or 25 B.C. 
 Orosius 6. 21. 19. (2) in 20 B.C. Dio. 54. 9. It is probably 
 to the first that Vergil refers, but may be the second (cp. n. 
 on Garamantas). 
 
 795. iacet extra sidera tellus. In this and the two following 
 lines Vergil loosely describes the lands of the Garamantes 
 and India as lying outside the path of the Zodiac. But the 
 connexion of thought is not too clear, and the language is 
 vague. The position of the passage forbids our regarding it 
 as alluding to the Far North, or to expeditions such as that 
 of C. Petronius in Ethiopia (22 B.C.). A more definite 
 allusion, such as Pindar's (fsth. 6. 23) Kal -nepav XetAoio 
 irayav Kal 8l 'Y7re^/So/3eovs, would have been more satis- 
 factory. 
 
 796. extra anni Solisque vias. The Zodiac, cp. Arat. Phaen. 
 321 rjeXcoto KiXcvOo^. Cp. also G. I. 232 per duodena regit 
 mundi sol aureus astra, . , . uia secia per ambas \ oblicus 
 qua se signormn uerterei or do. 
 
 caelifer Atlas. Cp. 4. 481 ultijnus Aethipum locus est, ubi 
 maximus Atlas \ axem humero torquet stellis ardentibus aptum. 
 Vergil is imitating Ennius (A. 37) qui caelum uersat stellis 
 fulgentibus aptum. The sky is conceived as a sphere set with 
 stars^ and revolving round the earth. The legend of Atlas 
 is as old as Hesiod (Theog. 517), who places him near the 
 garden of the Hesperides. Geographically, as far as the 
 phrase can be given precise meaning, Vergil refers to regions 
 south of the Atlas range. 
 
 caelifer. Not before Vergil. 
 
 246 
 
Commentary 
 
 jgS. huius in aduentum. " In expectation of his coming"; 
 cp. the use of in futurum. 
 
 Caspia regna . . . Maeotia tellus. Rhetorical exaggera- 
 tion; no expedition to the Caspian or to the Crimea seems 
 ever to have been contemplated. The Greek rulers of the 
 Crimea were^ however, under Roman protection (see 
 Mommsen, Rotn. Prov. i, p. 312 sqq.), while the Caspian 
 and Caucasian regions were more or less vaguely involved in 
 the policy to be followed against Parthia. Maeotia from 
 L. Maeotis, the sea of Azoff. Cp.; however, Mon. Anc. 5. 51 
 nostram amicitiam petierunt per legates Bastarnae Scythaeque 
 et Sarmatarum qui sunt circa Tanain et extra. 
 
 799. responsis diuom. Perhaps such prophecies were 
 current [see Norden, Rh. Mus. 54 (1899), 466 sqq.], of the 
 same type as the late Sib. or. 5. 16 (reign of Hadrian), 61/ 
 OpyKTj 7rTt]^eL kol "EiKeXtyj kol Me/x<^ts. Cp. also Suet. Aug. 94. 
 
 800. septemgemini Nili. From Catull. 11. 7. 
 
 turbant. Intrans. *' are in commotion." This use is found 
 in prose as well as verse: Varro, R.R. 3. 17. Tac. Ann. 3. 47. 
 
 802. aeripedem ceruam. aeripes first occurs here. The 
 pursuit of the doe of Cerynaia in Arcadia, with horns of gold 
 and feet of brass, led Hercules as far as the land of the 
 Hyperboreans: cp. Pind. 01. 3. 31 rotv ix^dk-rroiv tSe koX Kelvav 
 ^Oova TTvoLas oitlB€.v Bopea -^v^pov. Identified with the 
 reindeer by Ridgeway, Pro^. Ca^nb. Phil. Soc, Oct. 25, 1894. 
 In the opposite direction his furthest point is the garden 
 of the Hesperides (Hyg. Fab. 31). But later authors 
 extended his wanderings to Egypt (Herod. 2. 43, 113, 145. 
 Diod. 5. 76), Phoenicia (Plin. 36. 5), and India (Plin. 4. 39; 
 6. 89. Arrian. Ind. 8. 9. Philostr. Vit, Apoll. 3. 46). 
 Hesychius s.v, ilopa-dv-qs. 
 
 fixerit. Other versions make him bring the doe alive to 
 Eurystheus. 
 
 247 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 Erymanthi. Hercules slew the boar of Erymanthus. 
 The scene is variously laid in Arcadia (Apollod. 2. 5. 4. 
 Diod. 4. 12) in Thessaly and Phrygia (Eur. H. F. 368; 
 Hyg. Fab. 30). 
 
 803. Lernam. See n. on belua Lernae (287). 
 
 The instances chosen by Vergil, with the exception of the 
 first, are geographically irrelevant, and might have been 
 better selected. 
 
 804. For Bacchus' Indian expedition see Strabo 15, p. 687, 
 which shows the legend to be older than Eratosthenes and 
 Theophrastus. Euripides in the Bacchac speaks of Dionysus' 
 wanderings in the East, but does not take him further than 
 Arabia and Asia (16. 7). For the picture cp. Hor. C. 3. 3. 
 14 te . . . , Bacche pater, tuae \ uexere iigres indocili iugum 
 
 \ collo trahentes, 
 
 805. Nysae. This mythical mountain is variously placed: 
 in lndia.=Mons Merus (Plin. 6. 79 Nysam urbem plerique 
 Indiae ascribunt montemque Merum Libera patri sacrum), 
 near the Nile (Hom. Hymn. Dionys. 34), in Thrace, Asia 
 Minor, Naxos, etc. 
 
 806. uirtutem . . . factis M Servius: uirtute . . . uires 
 PR and Diomedes (p. 411), with uirtutem for uirtute). The 
 latter reading, " increase your power by the exercise of your 
 valour," is somewhat colourless, and certainly less forcible 
 and beautiful than the reading of M, which means *' extend 
 your valour's glory by your deeds." Henry compares two 
 fine passages from Silius: 9. 374 breuis hoc uitae quodcunque 
 relictum | extendamus, ait : nam uirtus futile nomen j ni decor i 
 sat sint pariendo iempora leti. 2. 511 extendam leti decus atque 
 in saecula mittam. Cp. above all A. 10. 467 breue et irre- 
 parabile tempus \ omnibus est uitae : sedfamam extenders factis 
 
 I hoc uirtutis opus, extendere is extension in time, rather 
 than in space, though the latter is clearly implied as well. 
 
 248 
 
Commentary 
 
 807. consistere. " To take a firm stand." 
 
 809-818. There follows a selection of Roman kings, 
 Numa, Tullus Hostilius, Ancus, and the two Tarquins, 
 Servius Tullius being omitted. 
 
 808. oliuae. The emblem of peace and priesthood. Cp. 
 7. 418 and 750. G. 3. 21. Ciris^ 146, in all of which passages 
 the olive garland is associated with a sacerdos. 
 
 809. sacra ferens. " Carrying the holy things " in his 
 capacity as officiating priest, sacra is vague, and may mean 
 sacred emblems, images, or portions of the sacrifice, etc. 
 The phrase occurs not infrequently. Cp. 8. 85. Hor. S. i. 3. 
 II. Manil. i. 6, etc. 
 
 nosco. Numa is first descried afar off. As they draw 
 nearer Anchises begins to recognise him. 
 
 incana. Found before Vergil with certainty only in 
 Plant. Rud. In Vergil it occurs also in G. 3. 311 incanaque 
 menta. Servius records a legend that Numa's hair was 
 white from his youth. But it is probable that the reference 
 is to the venerable age at which he died. According to Livy 
 (i, 21. 6) he reigned 43 years. (Flauius Vopiscus, vit. Tac. 5 
 states that when Tacitus declined the empire on the ground 
 of his advanced age, the whole senate cried ten times " et tu 
 legisti ' incanaque menta regis Romani.'' " Hadrian, also, 
 according to Spartianus, drew these lines as a sors Vergiliana. 
 See Henry ad loc.) 
 
 810. regis Romani. Numa Pompilius, the successor of 
 Romulus, the first lawgiver of Rome and the first to organise 
 the State religion. 
 
 primam qui legibus urbem fundabit. Cp. Liv. i. 19 urbem 
 nouam conditam ui et armis, iure earn legihusque ac moribus 
 de integro condere par at. primam has the support of all the 
 good MSS. as against primus, once the accepted reading. 
 The point is the same as in the passage cited from Livy. It 
 
 249 
 
The Sixth Book o( the Aeneid 
 
 i s a second founding of the city on a moral basis. Cp. Henry 
 ad loc. " First, not in reference to others who were to come 
 after Numa, nor as if Vergil had said that Numa would be 
 the first to establish the city with laws, hut first with refer- 
 ence to fundabit legibus : as if Vergil had said, ' who will 
 give the city its first legal juridical stability.' Cp. 7. 61 primas 
 cum conderet arces, where primas is first in relation to conderet 
 • . . also 5. 857 uix primos inopina quies laxauerat artus, 
 where primos is first in reference to laxauerat. In every one 
 of the cases the sense is precisely as if, instead of primam, 
 primas, primos, Vergil had written primum" 
 For the reforms of Numa cp. Liv. i. 19 sqq. 
 
 811. Curibus paruis. A small Sabine town on the left 
 bank of the Tiber near Via Salaria. Cp. Liv. i. 18 incluta 
 iustitia religioque ea tempestate Numae Pompili erat. Curibus 
 Sabtnis habitabat consultissimus uir ut in ilia quisquam aetate 
 esse poterat omnis diuini atqiie humani iuris. 
 
 812. cui P: qui M: quid R. These readings have been 
 thought to point to an original quoi, which is found in later 
 MSS. But the archaic quoi occurs nowhere else in Vergil. 
 Further Quint. 1.7.27 shows that cui was still sometimes spelt 
 qui under the early empire. Cp. also Velius Longus (G. L. K. 
 7. 70. 18) haec pronomitia " cuius '' et'^ cui'' per q censuerunt 
 quidam scribenda. 
 
 813. otia qui rumpet patriae, etc. Cp. Livy's account of 
 Tullus Hostihus' character (i. 22) hie non solum proximo 
 regi (sc. Niwiae) dissimilis, sed ferocior eiiam quam Romulus 
 fuit. cum aetas uiresque, turn auita quoque gloria animum 
 stimulabat. senescere igitur ciuitatem otio ratus undique 
 materiam excitandi belli quaerebat. For an account of his 
 wars against Alba and Fidenae and the Sabines see 
 Liv. I.e. 
 
 resides . . . desueta. Cp, 1. 'j 22 resides ajtimos desuetaque 
 
 250 
 
Commentary 
 
 corda. 7. 693 resides animos desuetaque hello \ agmina in drma 
 uocat. 
 
 815. iactantior Ancus. The character of Ancus as given by 
 Livy (i. 32) is very different. NumaePompili regis nepos,filia 
 orius Ancus Marcius erat. qui ut regnare coepii et auitae gloriae 
 memor, et quia proximujn regnum, cetera egregium, ab una 
 parte haud satis prosperum fuerat aut neglectis religionihus 
 aut praue cultis, longe antiqiiissimum ratus sacra puhlica 
 lit ab Numa instituta er ant facer e, etc. It has been suggested 
 that Vergil is confusing Ancus and Servius Tullius: cp. Dion. 
 Hal. 4. 8. 3 6 TvXA.t09 cttI to Sr^fiayuyyelv kol ^epaTreveiv tovs 
 d~6povs ro)v TToXiTiov irpaircro ktX. This is conceivable, but 
 it is more probable that Vergil is referring to some incident 
 in the career of Ancus of which all trace has been lost. 
 
 816. popularibus auris. Cp. Hor. Od. 3. 2. 20. Cic. Har. 
 Resp. 20. Liv. 22. 26 aura fauoris popularis, and for the 
 plural Luc. i. 132 totus popularibus auris impelli. 
 
 817. Tarquinios reges. Tarquinius Prisons and Tarquinius 
 Superbus^the intervening king, Servius TuUius, being omitted. 
 
 animamque superbam. Servius takes these words as 
 referring to Tarquinius Superbus. This involves taking 
 the -que following fasces, as connecting the two lines, an 
 awkward though not unparalleled position for -que. There 
 is not the slightest objection to taking aniniam superbam 
 in its natural connexion with ultoris Bruti, who is proud as 
 being the founder of the liberties of Rome. 
 
 818. receptos. " Recovered " for the State out of the 
 dangerous hands of Tarquin. Cp. Liv. 2. 2 (loq. Brutus) 
 non credere populum Romanum solidam libertatem recupera- 
 tam esse. 
 
 819. saeuasque securis. Cp. Lucr. 3. 996 and 5. 1234, and 
 825 (below). The sons of Brutus were beheaded. 
 
 820. noua bella. The sons of Brutus plotted to bring back 
 
 251 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 the Tarquins; notia bella, therefore, means " fresh civil wars." 
 See Liv. 2. 5. 
 
 822. infelix ! utcunque ferent, etc. Two interpretations are 
 possible, (i) Aug. CD. 3. 16 quod factum Vergilius postea- 
 quam laudahiliter commemorauit, continuo clementer exhorruit. 
 cum enim dixisset, " natosque pater . . . uocabit,'' mox deinde 
 exclamauit, et ait " infelix . . . minores." quomodolibet, 
 inquit, ea facta posteri ferant — i.e., praeferani extollant : qui 
 
 filios occidit, infelix est, et tanquam ad consolandum in- 
 felicem subiunxit ** uincet . . . cupido." So, too, Macrobius, 
 
 4. 6. 18. (2) utcunque is taken with what follows, not with 
 what precedes — i.e., however posterity may criticise his 
 deed, the love of his country will prevail. " He will risk being 
 called cruel by posterity, so long as he forces them to acknow- 
 ledge that he is great " (Conington). Henry adopts the 
 same general view, but gives a slightly different interpreta- 
 tion. " Whatever posterity may think of your act, you, at 
 least, were only influenced by patriotism." 
 
 Though (2) is perfectly possible, it lacks the pathos of the 
 
 first interpretation, so admirably given by Augustine. It is 
 
 objected by Henry that ferant cannot mean " extol." But 
 
 ferant can take its colour from the context, and refer to good 
 
 comment or ill, as circumstances may demand. 
 
 minores. The execution of his sons by Brutus was a 
 favourite theme for declamation in the schools of rhetoric, 
 as Norden has pointed out (cp. auct. ad Herenn. 4. 66, Cic. 
 Paradox. 12. Sen. Contr. 9. 2. 9, and 10. 3. 8. Val. Max. 
 
 5. 8. Quint. 5. II. 7). The whole problem, therefore, as to 
 whether the father or the patriot should prevail had been 
 thoroughly canvassed by posterity. 
 
 823. laudumque immensa cupido. Cp. 5. 138 laudumque 
 arrecta cupido. Not merely desire for men's praise, but 
 desire for the praise that is due to virtue. 
 
 252 
 
Commentary 
 
 824. Decios. There were three Romans of the name Decius 
 Mus, father^ son^ and grandson, who are recorded to have 
 sacrificed themselves to win victory for the arms of Rome: 
 (i) In the war with the Latins^ 340 B.C. (Liv. 8. 9); (2) in 
 the war against the Gauls in 295 B.C. (Liv. 10. 28); (3) in 
 the war against Pyrrhus in 279 B.C. at Asculum. Cp. Cic. 
 T.D. I. 37. 89. 
 
 Drusos. With special reference to (i) M. Livius Drusus, the 
 first Roman to reach the Danube (112, 11 1 B.C.). (2) M. 
 Livius DrusuS; the famous tribune of the plebs, murdered 
 in 91 B.C. (His fate was also a theme for the declaimers: 
 fp. auct. ad Herenn., 4. 31 and Norden ad loc.) Possibly also 
 (3) to the first Drusus, who, according to Suetonius (Tib. 3), 
 assumed the name Drusus after slaying a Gallic chieftain 
 named Drausus. In introducing the Drusi, Vergil had the 
 additional motive of rendering homage to the house of Livia 
 and her son Drusus. Cp. Hor. C. 4. 4. 36 sqq. Consol. ad 
 Liu. 451 hoc ataui monuere mei,proanique Nerones: \fregerunt 
 amho Punica hella duces. It is not impossible that, like the 
 author of the Consolatio, Vergil had in his mind the greatest 
 glory of the gens Livia, M. Livius Salinator who, with C. 
 Claudius Nero, defeated Hasdrubal on the Metaurus. But 
 he did not bear the name Drusus. 
 
 825. Torquatum. T. Manlius Torquatus Imperiosus, who 
 won the name from the iorquis or necklace taken in single 
 combat from a Gallic chieftain (Liv. 7. 10). He is saeuus 
 securi, because he had his son executed for disobeying his 
 orders by engaging one of the enemy in single combat in 
 the Latin war of 340 B.C. (Liv. 8. 3-12). 
 
 referentem signa Camillum. M. Furius Camillus, who 
 freed Rome, from the Gauls (Liv. 5. 9. 12 sqq.) in 390 B.C., 
 and recovered the standards taken by the latter at the 
 battle of the Allia. Cp. Eutrop. 1.20 secutus eos Camillus 
 
 253 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 ita cecidit ut . . . omnia quae ceperant miliiaria signa rem- 
 caret. Prop. 3. 11. 67 nunc ubi Scipiadae classes, uhi sigfia 
 Camilli ? 
 
 826 sqq. The vision of Pompeius and Julius Caesar. That 
 this passage was unfinished is shown by the incomplete 
 line 835. It is natural that it should be so, for it was perhaps 
 the most difhcult and exacting of all the themes chosen by 
 the poet. Its fragmentary character is further shown by 
 what it omits. There is no mention of the great military 
 achievements of either, no reference to Caesar's death and 
 deification. It may be argued that it is better so, and that ^ 
 the praises of Julius Caesar have already been sung in i. 286, i 
 where there was no risk of dwarfing the fame of Augustus; 
 but it is hardly credible that Vergil's final design could have 
 passed over Caesar, the adoptive father of Augustus and the 
 descendant of lulus, so briefly. As it stands, only the most 
 painful aspect of his life is revealed. 
 
 826. paribus armis with reference to the Civil War. Cp. 
 Luc. I. 6 ohuia signis \ signa, pares aquilas et pila minaniia 
 pilis. 
 
 fulgere found only here in Vergil. But cp. effidgere and 
 Jeruere in 8. 677. The archaic form of these verbs is not 
 improbably taken from Ennius. 
 
 830. socer. Ca>"sar, whose daughter Julia was married by 
 Pompeius. 
 
 aggeribus Alpinis . . . arce Monoeci. The troops which forme 1 
 the bulk of Caesar's army in the Civil War were his Gallic 
 legions. The statement that they descended from the Alps 
 is untrue. He was himself south of the Alps with a sm^all 
 force when the final rupture took place, and the legions 
 which he summoned to his assistance must have come by 
 the coast route in the dead of winter. The same rhetorical 
 exao-geration is found in Luc. i. 183 iam gelidas Caesar curs u 
 
 254 
 
Commentary 
 
 §uperaiierat Alpes. The arx Monoeci is the modern Monaco, 
 the Partus Monoeci Her cults. 
 
 831. Eois. Pompey had withdrawn from Italy and drew 
 mainly on the peoples of the East {Eoi) for his forces, 
 since his reputation as the conqueror of the East still stood 
 high above all other Roman generals. 
 
 832. A paraphrase of II. 7. 279 fx-qKert TratSe ^lAw ttoAc- 
 
 pueri may mean no more than that Anchises addresses 
 them as his descendants. It is conceivable that it may 
 mean more. Caesar and Pompeius are represented as boys 
 or young men at an age when nothing can have come betwt en 
 them to give rise to rivalry, or the clash of ambition. On the 
 other hand (809), Numa is represented in the guise in which 
 he would naturally occur to the Roman mind — i.e.j that of 
 an old man. 
 
 animis adsuescite bella. The phrase is curious. Two 
 interpretations are possible, (i) A Graccism on the analogy 
 of eWta-fiaL Tt. Cp. iuxta inula ac deuia assueii (Liv. 
 21. T,2>' 4)* " Become accustomed to wars in your hearts." 
 (2) The normal construction would, however, be animos 
 adsuescite bellis. Cp. Hor. S. 2. 109 qui pluribus adsueiiit 
 mentem. It is, therefore, no less possible that we have a case 
 of hypallage, the present phrase being an inversion of the 
 normal for the sake of variety. 
 
 833. Cp. Enn. 300 ualidis cum uiribus, 
 
 834. tuque prior, tu parce. Servius Caesari dicit, quern 
 clementem circa Pompeianos legimus : cui uult tunc ab Anchise 
 hoc esse mandatiim. 
 
 Olympo. Sc. through lulus to Venus and Jupiter. 
 
 835. sanguis meus. Cp. Hor. C. S. 50 clarus Anchisae 
 Venerisque sanguis. 
 
 S36. ille. L. Mummius AchaicuSj consul 146, the first 
 
 255 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 nouus homo to win a title such as Achaicus. He defeated 
 the army of the Achaean league at the Isthmus of Corinth, 
 captured Corinth and sacked it. From this dates the 
 foundation of the province of Achaia, of which Mummius 
 was the first proconsul. As a military victory his success 
 was no great achievement^, the opposition being insignificant. 
 But the victory was epoch-making, and Mummius was a 
 man of no mean capacity, as his organisation of the province 
 showed. Further, the triumph which he celebrated on his 
 return to Rome in 145 b.c. was little less epoch-making 
 than his victory, since it was adorned with the works of 
 art taken from the captured town, and marked the beginning 
 of the passion for Greek art, which developed so rapidly at 
 Rome. In character Mummius, in spite of his ruthless despolia- 
 tion of Corinth, seems to have been worthy to be placed in 
 the company of other heroes, whose names follow. He appro- 
 priated none of the wealth which he had captured, and died 
 poor. Cp. Polyb. 37. 14. 17. Cic. Verr. 2. i. 21. 55. Off. 
 2. 22. 76. 
 
 838. ille. No Roman overthrew Argos and Mycenae. 
 But the reference must clearly be definite, and can only be 
 applied to L. Aemilius Paulus Macedonicus, who defeated 
 Perseus, King of Macedonia, at the battle of Pydna in 168 B.C., 
 thereby bringing Macedonia under Roman rule (Liv. 44* 
 32-46). 
 
 Argos . . . Mycenas. A rhetorical exaggeration, which, 
 as far as it has any meaning, refers to the fact that the victory 
 of Pydna first gave Rome a definite footing in Greece. The 
 Peloponnese did not become a Roman province till after the 
 victory of Mummius. 
 
 Argos, accus. of the plural form Argi. Cp. Varro, L.L. 
 9. 89 dicimus hie Argus, cum hominem dicimus, cum oppidum 
 Graece hoc Argos, cum Latine Argi. Vergil always uses the 
 
 256 
 
Commentary 
 
 plural form. The Greek Argos in the singular is found in 
 Hor. Od. I. 7. 9. 
 
 839. Aeaciden. Perseus claimed to be descended from 
 Achilles through his grandmother Phthia, grand-daughter of 
 Pyrrhus^ King of Epirus, who claimed lineal descent from 
 Pyrrhus, the son of Achilles. Cp. Prop. 4. 11. 39 et Per sen 
 proaiio stimulantem pectus Achille. Ennius had already 
 described Pyrrhus as Aeacida (ann. 6. 6). So^ too, Sil. Ital.: 
 
 14. 93- 
 
 840. templa et temerata Mineruae. The reference is to 
 
 the violation of the temple of Pallas by Ajax Oileus' rape of 
 Cassandra. Cp. 2. 402. 
 
 841 . magne Cato. M. Porcius Cato the censor (224-149 B.C.), 
 the irreconcilable enemy of Carthage, and the author of the 
 famous phrase delenda est Carthago. 
 
 taciturn in the strict participial sense " passed over in 
 silence." Cp. Cic. Ep. Fam. 3. 8. 2 prima duo capita epistitlae 
 tiiae tacita mihi quodammodo relinquenda sunt. 
 
 Cosse. A. Cornelius Cossus, consul 428 B.C., who won the 
 spolia opima by slaying Tolumnius, King of Veii. See 
 Liv. 4. 19 sqq. His spolia opima were dedicated in the 
 temple of Jupiter Feretrius, and seen there by Livy. Cp^ 
 also Prop. 4. 10 and Florus i. 12. Cp. also n. on 855 sqq. 
 
 842. Gracchi genus. This general term for the Gracchi 
 more especially recalls (i) Tib. Sempronius Gracchus, a 
 distinguished general who fell in the Carthaginian war 
 212 B.C. (2) Tib. Sempronius Gracchus, father of the two 
 famous tribunes (3) and (4), born 210 B.C. He won great 
 renown in Hispania Citerior, of which he was governor in 
 181 B.C. He was consul in 177 and 163 B.C., and censor in 
 169 B.C., in which capacity he was remarkable for his strict- 
 ness. He was for his day a distinguished orator. As regards 
 character he may be taken as a type of Roman pietas. 
 
 ^57 s 
 
The Sixth Book or the Aeneid 
 
 Cp. Cic. de or. i. 9. 38 homo prudens et grants , , , et saepe 
 alias et maxime censor saluti reipiihlicae fuit. (3) Tib. 
 Sempronius Gracchus^ the famous orator and tribune 
 (133 B.C.). (4) C. Sempronius Gracchus, whose tribunate 
 (122 B.C.), genius, and powers of oratory were even more 
 famous than those of his brother. 
 
 geminos, duo fulmina belli, Scipiadas. Not the two Scipios 
 who fell in Spain, as Servius asserts, though the phrase is 
 perhaps suggested by Cic. pro Balb. 15 cum duo fulmina 
 imperii nostri suhito in Hispania, Cn. etP. Scipiones, exstincti 
 occidissent, as well as by the passage of Lucretius cited below. 
 
 As cladem Libyae shows, the passage can only refer to the 
 two conquerors of Carthage, the elder and the younger 
 Africanus: Cp. Lucr. 3. 1034 Scipiades, belli fulmen, Car- 
 thaginis horror. Hor. S. 2. i. 72. For the form Scipiades 
 employed here, and in G. 2. 170 in a similar context cp. 
 Romulidae (Lucr. 4. 683. A. 8. 638), Memmiades (Lucr. i» 
 26). It is possible that both Vergil and Lucretius are 
 imitating Ennius. The Hellenised name Scipiades is due 
 to the fact that Scipio is metrically intractable, except in 
 nom. and voc. sing, for the dactylic hexameter. 
 
 fulmina. Munro on Lucr. I.e. remarks " when we think 
 of the words scipio and scapus, and the English ' shaft ' 
 
 and (TKLTrOiV, (TKaTTTOVy CTKrjTrTpOV, and then O-K^TTTO?, a-KrJTTTOJj 
 
 and cognate words and their connexion with the thunder- 
 bolt, we might be tempted to think that the Scipios loved 
 to refer their name to it rather than to the more homely 
 staff. I find but one recorded coin of the family, and it has 
 on the reverse a Jupiter with thunderbolt in the right and 
 sceptre in the left hand: which might recall both meanings 
 of the word." 
 
 843. paruoquepotentem. " On little great." Conington in- 
 terprets " on Httle rich," citing Hor. Od. 2. 18. 12. Phacdr. 
 
 258 
 
Commentary 
 
 I. 24. I to illustrate this meaning. But it is impossible to 
 exclude the wider meaning " great," though the phrase was 
 doubtless meant to suggest the narrower meaning as well. 
 
 844. Fabricium. C. Fabricius Luscinus, consul in 282 
 and 278 B.C., famous as a general, and still more for his 
 extreme simplicity of life and his refusal of the bribes of 
 Pyrrhus and the Samnites. With Cincinnatus and Curius 
 Dentatus he is frequently mentioned as a type of all that 
 was best in the old Roman character. 
 
 Serrane. C. Atilius Regulus, consul 257 B.C. His cog- 
 nomen S err anus was generally supposed in antiquity to be 
 derived from serere, and the fact that he was engaged in sowing 
 his fields when the news reached him that he had been 
 elected consul. But the name is probably derived from 
 Saranum, an Umbrian town: cp. C.I.L. i. 549 Sex. Atilius 
 M. F. Saranus. He was distinguished as an admiral in the 
 first Punic War. 
 
 sulco serentem. Cp. 12. 520 conduda tellure serebat. For 
 the popular derivation cp. Plin. 18. 20 serentem inuenerunt 
 dati honor es Serranwn ; inde cognomen, 
 
 845. fessum. " My wearied tongue." There are numbers 
 of Fabii whose deeds might be told — e.g., the 396 Fabii 
 who fell in battle on the Cremera in 477 B.C. Cp. Liv. 2% 
 48-50. But Anchises selects only Q. Fabius Maximus 
 Cunctator, who was appointed dictator after the disaster 
 of Trasimene, and more than any other Roman general 
 contributed to the defeat of Hannibal by the adoption of 
 tactics of delay. 
 
 tu MR; tun P (with n struck through), tun makes the 
 phrase a question, a feeble rhetorical trick completely spoiling 
 the force of the passage, which requires the emphatic state- 
 ment introduced by tu, 
 
 846. Servius ille est de quo Ennius " unus qui nobis 
 
 259 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 cundando restituit remJ' sciens enim Vergilius quasi pro 
 exemplo htinc uersitm posiiit. The passage in Ennius 
 (A. 313) actually runs tinus homo nobis cundando restituit 
 rem : \ noenum rumores ponebat ante salutem : \ ergo postque 
 magisqiie uiri nunc gloria claret. The line was one of the 
 most famous in Ennius^ and is quoted more than once else- 
 where. Servius is clearly defending Vergil against those 
 who charged him with plagiarism — e.g., the Aeneidomastix 
 of Carbilius; cp. Suet. vit. Verg., p. 139, and Macrob. 6. i. 6 
 denique et iudicio transferendi et modo imitandi consecutiis 
 est ut quod apiid ilium legerimus alienum ant illius esse 
 malimus ant melius hie quam ubi natum est sonar e miremur. 
 
 848-854. Servius est rhetoricus locus. The fact is 
 obvious enough. Norden develops this statement^ and 
 attempts to show that Vergil follows a definite p7]TopLKov 
 (TX^IJ-o- by comparison with the rules laid down by the 
 late rhetorician known as Menander for encomia of cities. 
 He applies a similar analysis to the lament for Marcellus. 
 In both passages the actual themes employed by Vergil are 
 the commonplaces of rhetoric of all ages. Vergil may or 
 may not be following definite rhetorical rules. It cannot 
 be proved that he was^ nor is the point of importance. 
 The important point is that he invested the commonplaces 
 in question with such surpassing splendour. For other 
 panegyrics of Rome cp. Claudian, 24. 130^ and Rutilius, 
 I. 47, and in prose Aristides. 
 
 The comparison between Greece and Rome is to be found 
 in germ in Cic. de or. 3, 137 w/ uirtutis a nostris, sic dodrinae 
 db illis exempla petenda sunt. 
 
 847. excudent. This future with those which follow is used 
 because Anchises is prophesying the future. The general 
 sense of the passage would have been unaltered had the 
 concessive subjunctive been used, but the lines would have 
 
 260 
 
Commentary 
 
 lost in naturalness, excudere, though here primarily used of 
 bronze statues=to beat out, and excusor is used by Quint. 
 2. 21 in the special sense of a maker of bronze vessels. 
 
 848. ducent is strictly used of moulding forms from soft 
 material, such as wax, clay, molten metal. Cp. A. 7. 634 
 leues ocreas lento ducunt argento. Vitr. 2. 3 ducere later es de 
 terra. Pers. 5. 40- luv. 7. 237. Here, however, it is 
 applied by a beautiful transference to marble, which is repre- 
 sented as becoming ductile beneath the artist's creative 
 touch. 
 
 849. orabunt causas melius. Rome learned, and was still 
 learning, the art of rhetoric from Greece. The form and 
 structure of speeches, the rhythm of sentences, the delivery 
 of the speaker, were all based on rules borrowed from Greece. 
 Roman oratory rose to great heights, but Rome was always 
 conscious of her debt to Greece, and though Quintilian says 
 (10. I. 105) that he would place Roman eloquence on the 
 same level as Greek, Vergil's judgment will be agreed with 
 by most modern critics, and his statement was probably 
 almost a commonplace in his day. 
 
 caelique meatus. Cp. Lucr. 5. 76 soils lunaeqiie meatus. 
 Vergil's phrase is vaguer, and refers to the orbits of the 
 heavenly bodies in general. 
 
 850. radio. The wand with which the astronomer draws 
 his diagrams in the sand. Cp. E. 3. 41 descripsit radio totum 
 qui gentibus orb em. 
 
 surgentia sidera dicent. " Will foretell the risings of the 
 stars." Cp. G. i. 231, where, after describing the zones of 
 heaven and the path of the zodiac, Vergil goes on to speak 
 of the risings and settings of the stars. There is no necessity 
 with Norden to restrict the meaning of caeli meatus to the 
 path of the sun through the zodiac. The parallel is rather 
 to be found in G. 2. 477 caelique uias et sidera monstrent. 
 
 261 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneld 
 
 851. regere imperio. Cp. Lucr. 5. 11 28 regere imperio res 
 iielle et regna tenere. 
 
 Romane. Cp. Hor. 3. 6. 2 delicta maiorum immeritus 
 lues, 1 Romane, 
 
 populos. Cp. for the whole passage i. 263 poptdosque 
 feroces \ contiindet moresqiie uiris et moenia pcrnet. 
 
 852. hae MP-R. haec MP^ Norden holds that the archaic 
 form haec is to be preferred as the lectio difficilior, almost 
 certain to be altered to the current hae by the vast majority 
 of copyists. It is the sole form employed by Lucretius: 
 cp. 6. 456. Munro's note. It is found in the best MSS. 
 of G. 3. 305 haec . , . tiiendae. The evidence for it here is, 
 however, scarcely strong enough. 
 
 pacisque imponere morem. All the uncial MSS. give 
 pacique. The reading pacisque is derived from Servius, who 
 paraphrases pads leges. The meaning is, however, rather to 
 " impose the habit of peace " — i.e., to establish the pax 
 Romana (Sen. Clem. i. 8. 2. Plin. 27.3) with all the arts of 
 civilisation accompanying it. Cp. the somewhat similar 
 expressions pads dicere leges (12. 112), and tnodum pads 
 facere (Liv. 9. 14). If pad be read morem imponere will 
 mean (i) *' to impose morality on peace" — i.e., to curb the 
 luxury and vice that are fostered by peace, or more probably 
 pad=pacatis gentibus. In either case mos will come near 
 having the meaning of mor^5= morality. Cp. perhaps 8. 316 
 quis neque mos neque cultus erat. (2) " To impose custom 
 on peace " — i.e., peace is to be based on custom: cp. Plaut. 
 Trin, 1043 leges mori seruiunt. But the phrase is in any 
 case somewhat obscure and hard to parallel, and none of the 
 interpretations give as forcible and natural sense as pacisque. 
 
 853. parcere subiectis et debellare superbos. Cp. Hor. C. 
 S, 51 {bellante prior, iacentem lenis in hostem), and more 
 especially Augustus himself in Mon. Anc. i externas gentes 
 
 262 
 
Commentary 
 
 quibus tuto ignosci potuit, conseruare quam excidere malui. 
 dehellare is not found before the Augustan age^ and is a 
 favourite word with Livy. 
 
 855. Marcellus is introduced at this point to lead up to 
 the vision of the young Marcellus his descendant. It is not 
 improbable that the whole of this passage (854-886) was a 
 late addition to the book. 847-853 form a solemn and 
 natural conclusion to the review of Roman heroes. In that 
 case the bulk of the book was already finished before 23 B.C., 
 when the young Marcellus died. See Sabbadini, Aeneis, IV., 
 v., VI., p. xxiv. 
 
 The praises of his great ancestor had been introduced 
 by Augustus in the funeral oration deHvered over his 
 nephew's dead body: cp. Plant. Marcell. 30. 
 
 M. Claudius Marcellus defeated the Insubrian Gauls when 
 consul in 222 B.C., and slew their leader, Virdomarus or 
 Britomartus, in single combat, thereby winning the spolia 
 opima, which had previously only been won by Romulus and 
 Cossus. See Prop 4. 10. Liv. i. 10, and 4. 20. 
 
 spoliis opimis. See n. on 859. The derivation of opimus 
 is uncertain. Festus derives it from ops. An alternative 
 modern derivation traces it to the same root as pinguis ttiwv, 
 TTifx^Xty. it is hard on this view to account for the 0, See 
 Walde, Eiym. Wdrterhuch. The meaning is in any case 
 *' rich." 
 
 856. supereminet. Not found before Vergil. 
 
 857. rem Romanam. From Ennius (A. 455). 
 tumultu. Cp. Cic. Phil. 8. i. 2 potest enim esse belluin sine 
 
 tiimiiltu, tumultus esse sine hello non potest, quid enini est 
 alind tumultus nisi perturbatio tanta ut maior timor oriatur ? 
 inde etiam nomen dictum est tumultus. itaque maiores nostri 
 tumultum Italicum quod erat domesticus, tutnultum Gallicum 
 quod erat Italiae Unitimns, praeterea nullum nominabant 
 
 263 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 grauius autem tumultum esse quant bellum hinc intelligi licet, 
 quod bello uacationes ualent, tumultu non ualent. Here the 
 reference is to a tumultiis Gallicus. Cicero's derivation is 
 baseless; the word is connected with tumeo. 
 
 858. sistet. Though the punctuation of the best MSS. 
 takes sistet with eques, and the pause with this punctuation 
 would be more natural^ the sense is more forcible at first 
 sight if eques be taken closely with sternet=KafJLTnraG-eL^ 
 "ride down"; and many editors have consequently so 
 taken it. But such a view introduces an unusual, and in this 
 case a somewhat unnatural, pause. As Henry points out, 
 in the only other passage where Vergil uses eques in the nom. 
 sing., he places it precisely in this position, and followed by 
 a pause — i.e., 10. 239 Areas eques : medias illis opponere 
 turmas, etc. Further, as Norden (App. 2. 3) shows, such 
 a pause after an initial trochee can only be proved with 
 certainty in eight cases (4. 114; 5. 834; 8. ^;^; 10. 45, 
 73. 746; II. 313; 12. 153). It is therefore, on the 
 whole, preferable to take eques with sistet. The reference 
 will then be to the battle of Clastidium against the Gauls, 
 which was essentially a cavalry battle (Plut. Marcell. 7.). 
 As regards Poenos, there would be little force in eques sternet, 
 unless the rhetorical description in SiHus (12. 178) of the 
 battle of Nola, Marcellus' first defeat of the Carthaginians, 
 can be regarded as evidence that cavalry were of special 
 importance in that battle. It would, however, be unwise 
 to place his tawdry epic " set piece " in the balance 
 against Livy (23. 16), who gives no support to the later 
 poet. 
 
 Poenos. In three battles at Nola and subsequently in 
 Sicily. 
 
 rebellem. (i) Because the Gauls had sued for peace, 
 and failing to obtain it had renewed the war — Plut. Marcell . 
 
 264 
 
Commentary 
 
 6, Polyb. 2. 36— or (2) because the war is regarded as a renewal 
 of the first Gallic war. 
 859. tertiaque arma patri suspendet capta Quirino. 
 
 Marcellus, according to Plutarch, Marc. 8. and Propertius, 4. 
 ID, dedicated the spolia opima, won from the Gallic chief 
 Virdomarus, to Jupiter Feretrius. Why then does Vergil 
 make him dedicate them to pater Quirinus ? 
 
 The answer is to be found in Festus and Plutarch. Servius 
 saw dimly where the truth lay, as his note shows. 
 
 After a futile attempt to explain capta Quirino as qualia 
 et Quirinus cepit, id est Romulus {patri on this view=7oz«'), 
 he continues '' possumus et, quod est melius, secundum 
 legem Numae hunc locum accipere, qui praecepit prima spolia 
 opima loui Feretrio debere suspendi, quod iam Romulus 
 fecerat ; secunda Marti, quod Cossus fecit ; tertia Quirino, 
 quod fecit Marcellus. Quirinus autem est Mars qui praeest 
 pad et intra ciuitatem colitur : nam belli Mars extra ciuitatem 
 templum habuit. . . . uarie de hoc loco tractant commenta- 
 tores, Numae legis immemores, cuius facit mentionem et 
 Liuiusy 
 
 For this lex Numae we must have recourse to Plutarch 
 and Festus, Livy's reference to the law having apparently 
 been made in one of the lost books. 
 
 Festus, p. 189, '' opima magnifica et ampla, imde spolia 
 quoque quae dux popiili Romani duci hostium detraxit : quorum 
 tanta raritas est ut intra annos paulo {lacuna of nineteen 
 1 etters) trina contigerint nomini Romano : una quae Romulus 
 de Acrone ; altera quae Cossus Cornelius de Tolumnio ; tertia 
 quae Marcellus loui Feretrio de Virdomaro fixer unt. M. Varro 
 ait opima spolia esse etiam si tnanipularis miles detraxerit 
 dummodo duci hostium "^sed prima esse quae dux duci neque 
 enim quae a duce capta* non sint ad aedem louis Feretri poni : 
 * Words between asterisks conjecturally supplied by Hertzberg. 
 
 265 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 testimonio esse libros pontificum in quihus ait : pro primis 
 spoliis boue, pro secundis solitaurilibus, pro tertiis agno 
 publice fieri debere : esse etiam Po7itpili regis legem opimorum 
 talem : ' cuius auspicio classe procinda opima spolia capiuntur, 
 loui Feretrio darter oportet, et botiem caedito ; qui cepit, CCC 
 darier oportet. secunda spolia in Martis ara in Campo, 
 solitaiirilia utra uoluerit caedito ; qui cepit, ei aeris CC dato, 
 tertia spolia lanui Quirino agnum mareni caedita ; C qui 
 ceperit ex aere dato, cuius auspicio captum dis piaculum 
 data: " 
 
 Plutarch, Marc. 8 Kalroi (fyaa-lv kv rots v7rofxvr]fia(rii' Nov- 
 jiav ITo/iTTtA-toi/ Kat 7rpioTix>v oTrLjxLiou KOI 8evTep(i>v Kal rptriav 
 jJLi'rjftov€V€iv, ra fiev Trptota \rjcf)9evTa tw ^eperpti^ Ait 
 KcXevovTa KaOiepovVy ra Scvrepa 6c tw "A/Dct, ra Se rpira toj 
 Kv/jtVw, Kal Xafxf3dvctv ycpcs dcra-dpta TptaKocria tov TrpdroVy 
 rov 8(. Sivrepov Sia/corrta, tov Be. Tpirov cKaTov. 6 fievTOi 
 
 TToAvS OVTO<S iTTlKparei AoyO? WS €K€iV(J)V flOVOV OTTiptiOV OVTWl/, 
 
 tKTa Kai Trapara^co)? oixrrjs Kai Trpdra kol crrparr^yov aTpaTrjyov 
 dveXovTos* 
 
 From the above passages it is clear that prima, secunda, 
 and tertia were used in two different senses in connexion 
 with the spolia opima : (i) With regard to chronological 
 order and reference to the three occasions on which Roman 
 generals won them; (2) in the sense oi first, second, and third 
 class. Norden, it is true, gives a different interpretation: 
 ** Nach einer anderen Tradition, die auf ein Gesetz des Numa 
 zuruckgefiihri wurde, war die Ehre nicht in diesen engen 
 Grenzen eingeschlossen, sondern die drei ersten Soldaten, die 
 je einen Feind spolierten, brachten die drei Spolien der Reihe 
 nach dem Jupiter Feretrius, dem Mars iind dem Quirinus 
 dar,^^ This interpretation, however, is improbable from 
 every point of view, and is not borne out by the statements 
 of Festus and Plutarch. The obvious interpretation of the 
 
 266 
 
Commentary 
 
 passages In question is that given by Hertzberg^ to the effect 
 that there were three classes of spolia opima won by (i) the 
 actual general, (2) officers other than the general, (3) a com- 
 mon soldier, and the rewards and the place of dedication 
 varied accordingly (see PhilologuSy i. p. 331). That officers 
 other than the general could win spolia opima is borne out 
 by Florus (2. 17. 11, " Vaccaeos de qiiibus Scipio tile posterior 
 singulari certamine, cum rex fuerat prouocator, opima rettu- 
 lerat'^), and by Valerius Maximus (3. 2. 6, " eodem uirtutis 
 et pugnae genere usi sunt P. Manliiis Torquatus et Valerius 
 Coruinus et Cornelius Scipio. hi nempe ultro prouocantes 
 kosfium duces interemerant, sed quia alienis auspiciis rein 
 gesserant, spolia loui Feretrio non posuerunt consecranda "). 
 Cp. also Dio Cassius 51. 24. It is also clear that the term 
 spolia opima had come to be generally accepted only as 
 referring to the first class. Further, both Cossus and 
 JJarcellus had actually dedicated their spolia to Jupiter 
 Feretrius. See Livy (4. 20), who had actually seen the 
 spoils dedicated by Cossus, Plutarch (Marc. 8.), and Proper- 
 tius (4. 10). It may, therefore, be assumed that the second 
 and third classes of spolia opima provided for by Numa's 
 law had become obsolete. 
 
 How, then, account for Vergil's statement that Marcellus 
 was destined to dedicate his spoils to Quirinus } That the 
 statement is historically false can scarcely be denied, though 
 it is conceivable that other traditions may have existed. 
 But Vergil, being, as he was, passionately devoted to ancient 
 lore and acquainted with the lex Numae, determined to 
 accept its authority. He mistook the meaning of prima, 
 secunda, and tertia, and assumed that they referred to the 
 chronological order of the winning, and not to the class of 
 spoil won. It would not be difficult to misinterpret the 
 lex Numae. Or it is possible that Vergil did not make the 
 
 267 
 
The Sixth Book ot the Aeneid 
 
 mistake himself, but followed some older authority who had 
 committed himself to this not unnatural misinterpretation. 
 No other interpretation of the passage would seem possible 
 in face of the evidence. Identification of Quirinus with 
 Jupiter Feretrius is unwarrantable, as is the assumption 
 that there was a statue of Quirinus in the temple of Jupiter 
 Feretrius; even if there were any evidence for this last 
 supposition, it would not justify Vergil's statement. 
 
 Who is pater Quirinus ? The lex Numae tells us that he 
 is lanus Quirinus, another name for lanus Gem.inus, the 
 two-faced lanus of the Forum, whose gates were closed in 
 times of peace: cp. Hor. Od. 4. 15. 9, Mon. Anc, Lat. 2. 42, 
 Suet. Aug. 22. But pater Quirinus would more naturally 
 refer to the ancient deity Quirinus, who forms one of a triad 
 with Jupiter and Mars, a fact which suits the context in the 
 lex Numae admirably well: cp. Serv. ad Acn. 8. 663, salios qui 
 sunt in tutela louis Martis Quirini ; Livy 8. 9, lane, Jupiter, 
 Mars, pater Quirine ; 5. 52 Mars Gradiue, tuque Quirine 
 pater. That Quirinus was at any rate in some aspects a 
 war-god is clear from Macrob. i. 9, 16, Plut. Rom. 29, Dion. 
 Hal. 2. 48 {='EvvdXios:). But the whole question of the 
 functions of Quirinus is so obscure that it is impossible to 
 determine, with any precision, his relations either to lanus 
 or to the spolia opima (see Wissowa, R.K., p. 139). 
 
 The significance of the name Quirinus is uncertain, (i) It 
 may mean no more than " of the Quirites." (2) It may go 
 back direct to quiris (a spear), as stated by Macrob. l.c, 
 (3) It was suggested by Niebuhr that it came from a place 
 name Quirium, identified by Wissowa with the original 
 settlement on the Quirinal. In which case, for pater Quirine 
 cp. C.I.L, ix. 4676. Reatinus pater. See Wissowa in 
 Roscher, Myth. Lex. s.v. Quirinus. 
 
 861-887. The vision of the young Marcellus. M. Claudius 
 
 • ■ 268 
 
Commentary 
 
 Marcellus, the son of Octavia, adopted by Augustus, and 
 destined to be his heir, died at Baiae in his twentieth year, 
 September 23 b.c. For his character in addition to the 
 present passage cp. Veil. Pat. 2. 93. i sane, ut aiunt, in- 
 genuarum uirtutum laeiusque animi et ingeni. Sen. Cons. 
 Marc. 2. 3 adulescentem animo alacrem, ingenio potentem^ 
 . . i sed et frugalitatis continentiaeque in tilts aut annis aut 
 operibus non mediocriter admirandae, pattentem laborum, 
 uoluptatibus alienum. Propertius wrote an elegy (3. 18) on 
 his death, a stately but cold poem contrasting sharply 
 with the moving epicedion of Vergil. 
 
 Servius huius mortem uehementer ciuitas doluit ; nam et 
 adjabilis Juit et Angus ti films, ad funeris huius honor em 
 Augustus ses centos lectos ire iussit : hoc enim apud maiores 
 gloriosum Juerat et dabatur pro qualitate fortunae ; nam Sulla 
 sex milia habuit. igitur cum ingenti pompa adlatus et in 
 Campo Martio est sepultus. ergo modo in Augusti adulationetn 
 quasi epitaphton ei dicit. et constat hunc librum tanta pro- 
 nuntiatione esse recitatum utfletu nimio imperarent silentium 
 nisi Vergilius finem esse dixisset. qui pro hoc aere graui 
 donatus est, id est massis ; nam sic et Liuius argentum graue 
 dicit. So, too, Sueton. vit. Verg. p. 737 H. cui (sc. Augusto) 
 tamen multo post perfectaque materia tres omnino libros 
 recitauit, secundum quartum et sextum, sed hunc notabili 
 Octauiae adfectione, quae cum recitatione interesset, ad illos 
 de filio suo uersus " tu Marcellus eris " defecisse feriur atque 
 aegre focillata est. 
 
 865. Cp. Eur. Phoen. 158 ws o'xAos vlv vorrkpoi ttoS* I 
 
 qui FP : quis MR. quis is rejected by Ribbeck on grounds 
 of euphony. But in point of sound there is little to choose. A 
 stronger argument in favour of qui is that, as Conington points 
 out, we are dealing with an exclamation, not a question. 
 
 269 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 quantum instar. " A plausible derivation of instar, a 
 word first used in Cic. Verr. 2. 5. 44, and literally meaning 
 'weight' (cp. Cic. Off. 3. 3. 11 ut omnia ex altera parte 
 collocata uix minimi momenti instar haheant), makes it the 
 infinitive, used as a substantive, of insto, * to be of equal 
 weight/ ' to show equipoise of the balance ' " (Lindsay, L.L., 
 p. 205). It is an indeclinable noun, used here alone with 
 another word in agreement, and generally meaning " equiva- 
 lent," " likeness." Here Servius interprets similitudo. 
 The sense is unsatisfactory. The meaning must be 
 "weight" in the sense of " presence"; di\v[iOst=^ momentum* 
 
 866. Cp. 2. 360 nox atra caua circiimuolat umbra. For the 
 present context cp. Hor. S. 2. i. 58 mors atris circiimuolat 
 wnbris* Od. 20. 351 a SeiXot, tl KaKov ToSe Trd(T\eTe; vvktI 
 fxkv vjxkiiiv I ciAvarat KecfiaXai r€ Trp6(TW7rd T€ vkpOi T€ yovva. 
 
 867. ingressus. " Began " as in 4. 107. There is no trace 
 of this use before Vergil. 
 
 870. Cp. 12. 827 sic Romana potens Itala uirtute propago. 
 
 871. propria. Servius perpetua, ut (i. 73) '' propriamque 
 dtcabo." But the sense is rather *' all her own." So, too, in 
 A. I. 73 and E. 7. 31 si proprium hocjuerit. 
 
 872. Mauortis from its position must be taken with urbem : 
 cp. i» 276 Romulus accipiet gentem et Mauortia condet \ 
 moenia Romanosque suo de nomine dicet. But as Marcellus 
 was buried in the Campus Martins, the genitive seems as 
 though it were intended to do double duty, although Campus 
 by itself is sufficient indication of locality. The funeral was 
 held in great state. He was buried in the Mausoleum of 
 Augustus (Cons, ad Liu. 67. Dio. 53. 30. 5): 600 cars 
 bearing the imagines of his ancestors took part in the pro- 
 cession, and Augustus himself delivered the funeral oration 
 (Dio, 1. c. Cons, ad Liu. 442. Seru, ad A. i, 712 *' deuota " 
 uero de oratione Augusti translata locuiio, quam habuit in 
 
 270 
 
Commentary 
 
 laudatione funeris Marcelliy cum diceret ilium immahirae 
 morti denotum esse. 
 
 873. aget gemitus. " Utter groans." Cp. G. 3. 203 
 spumas aget. Heyne suggests that there may underHe 
 the idea of agere in places such as agere triumphum. 
 
 Tiberine sc. pater. The Tiber god himself. Cp. n. on 
 pairi Quirino ad fin. (859). 
 
 874. recentem both in the sense that Marcellus was only 
 newly buried^ and that the Mausoleum designed for tlie 
 Julian family had only been built five years previously. 
 
 876. in tantum spe toilet auos. Two interpretations are 
 possible, (i) " Will so exalt his ancestors with hope " — 
 i.e.y the shades of his ancestors will be full of hope that he 
 will prove the " noblest Roman of them all." (2) " Will 
 so exalt the glory of his ancestors by his promise of great 
 things." So Servius eriget generis antiqtdtatem. et rhetorice 
 spem laudat. est autem Ciceronis in dialogo Fannio " causa 
 difficilis laudare puerum : non enim res laudanda sed spes est." 
 This view is defended by Henry, and may be correct: he fails, 
 however, to adduce any real argument against the first and 
 simpler interpretation, spe has been regarded as a genitive: 
 cp. Conington and Kern. Progr. Schweinfurt, 1881, 43. It 
 is a possible form of the genitive: cp. die in G. i. 208, and 
 A. I. 636. Also Gell. 9. 14. Lindsay, L.L,,p. 382. In that 
 case it would be dependent on tantum=in tantam spem, spes, 
 the reading of R, would, if accepted, also be gen. : see Lindsay 
 I.e. But the ablative spe presents no diiiiculty. 
 
 Romula. The noun form in lieu of the adjectival, as in 
 Hon Od. 4. 5. 1. Prop. 3, 11. 52, and 4. 4. 26. Cp. Dardanus 
 and possibly Sychaeus in 4. 552 cineri Sychaeo, 
 
 quondam. " In days to be." 
 
 878. pietas . . . prisca fides . . . inuicta dexfra. The 
 qualities making up the ideal Roman character. Cp. Hor. 
 
 271 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 C.S. 57 iam Fides et Pax et Honos Pudorque \ priscus et 
 negleda redire idrtus \ aiidet. Rome is regarded as under- 
 going spiritual new birth under the government of Augustus, 
 and Marcellus, if he grows to manhood, will t}^ify the ideal 
 Roman. 
 
 879. tulisset — i.e., had it been written in the fates that he 
 should come to full manhood. 
 
 880. Cp. Od. 9. 49 eTTicrra/xevoi fxlv dcf) iTnroyv I avSpdcTL 
 fidpvacrOai Kal oOt XPV "^^lov eoVra. Marcellus had already 
 shown such courage in the Cantabrian War of 27, 26 B.C. 
 according to Krinagoras (A. P. 6. 161). 
 
 881. seu cum . . . iret . . . seu . . . foderet. The first 
 seu= " whether," the second=" or if." For the sake of 
 variety cum is not repeated, and the construction is slightly 
 changed. Cp. for the second seu Hor. A. P. 6^ siue receptus 
 terra Neptunus classes Aquilonibus arcet. An alternative 
 is to regard the second seu=uel, and to supply cum. 
 
 armos. Servius species pro genere equi armos pro equo 
 posuit : non enim possunt armi calcarihus fodi. It has 
 been widely assumed that this explanation is correct, and 
 that armi " shoulders " is loosely used for " flanks." This 
 is a poor defence. Henry has suppHed the correct explana- 
 tion, armi are spoken of by Horace (S. i. 6. 104) as the seat 
 of the horseman, nunc mihi curto ire \ licet mulo, iiel si 
 libei usque Tarentum, \ mantica cui lumbos onere ulcer et atque 
 eques armos. " The armi being thus established as the seat 
 of the rider, it is easy and natural to suppose that it was the 
 lower part of the arjni . . . which looks toward the ground, 
 and was directly under, or even in front, of the rider, which 
 was spurred by the horseman not encumbered in those ancient 
 times with stirrups, nor taught that it is graceful and elegant 
 to ride with the toes turned inwards , . , , but sitting at 
 ease as all untaught horsemen sit, with the toes out and the 
 
 272 
 
Commentary 
 
 heels in, and the legs thrown very much forward, exactly as 
 we see horsemen represented in ancient medals and statues." 
 
 882. miserande puer. Cp. 10. 825; n. 42. He was in his 
 twentieth year. Cp. Prop. 3. 18. 15 occidit et misero steterat 
 uicesimiis annus. 
 
 si qua fata aspera rumpas, tu Marcellus eris. " If only 
 shouldst break the bar of cruel fate, thou shalt assuredly be 
 Marcellus." Servius talis qiialis est Marcellus. He is 
 both in the underworld and in his brief Hfe above, but spes 
 Marcelli, not fated to be '' the gentle knight, the mass of 
 sterHng worth and honesty, the invincible warrior, in one 
 word Marcellus" (Henry). There is no anticlimax here. 
 It would have been fulsome flattery to make the boy the 
 greatest of his hne, and no more moving tribute could be 
 paid to his memory than this. For the construction cp. 
 Hor. Od. 3. 3. 7 sifractus illabaiur orhis, \ impauidum ferient 
 ruinae. The sudden change to the indicative expresses 
 certainty of the logical necessity of the apodosis. For a 
 parallel to the general sense of the passage cp. Val. Flacc. 3. 
 1 83 spes maxima hellis \ pulcher Hylas, si fata sinant. Wagner 
 punctuates with an exclamation after rumpas, making the 
 sentence a prayer. Then follows the statement, " Thou 
 shalt be Marcellus." This is inferior, on the whole, in 
 pathos to the sense given by the traditional punctuation. 
 Here, for Anchises Marcellus is the great Marcellus. The 
 name, as it occurs here, can only be used with reference to 
 the great passage which has preceded. Vergil has shown 
 his sense of proportion, and has avoided the error into which 
 later imitators, such as Statins, fell, when dealing with the 
 
 imperial house, 
 
 883. manibus date lilia plenis purpureos spargam flores. 
 
 Two interpretations are possible, (i) spargam is dependent on 
 date, on the analogy of the common construction, whereby 
 
 273 T 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 the subj. is made to depend on a verb of allowing, granting, 
 permitting. The sense will then be " Grant me to scatter 
 handfuls." (2) The alternative is to punctuate after plenis, 
 and to translate " Give me Hlies; let me scatter." spargam 
 is then a hortative subjunctive. The first view is strongly 
 supported by 4. 683 date iiolnera lymphis \ ahluam : cp. also 
 Prudent, contr. Symm. date uincula dejnam. 
 
 lilia is most naturally taken with purpureos flores. While 
 purpureus can mean no more than bright (cp. 641 n.), it 
 may refer to the crimson Martagon lily. Cp. Plin. 21. 25 
 sunt et purpurea lilia. Theophr. Hist. PI. 6. 6. 3. 
 
 The offering of flowers is clearly suggested by the offering 
 of flowers to the dead (see 886 n.). LiHes are so employed 
 in A. P. 7. 485. The purple hue is associated with offerings 
 to the dead (cp. 221 n.). For such offerings cp. A. 5. 79. 
 Aesch. Pers. 618. Soph.' El. 895. Prop. i. 17. 22, and 
 
 4. 7- ZZ- Ju^'- 7- 207. 
 
 885. accumulem donis. Cp. 5. 531 Acesten \ muneribus 
 cumulat. Norden regards the phrase as a poetical inversion 
 for animae accumulem dona : this construction does not, how- 
 ever, occur before Sil. 11. 143. For the present construction 
 cp. Val. Flacc. 4. 339. Stat. T. 10. 788. Plin. 17. 124. 
 
 886. munere, used here as of the last gifts of funeral. 
 Cp. 4. 623 and II. 25 egregias animas . . . decorate supremis 
 muneribus. As Conington points out, " Anchises identifies 
 himself with Augustus, and those who are conducting his 
 funeral on earth." 
 
 887. aeris in campis. These happy regions are, perhaps, 
 spoken of as the " fields of air " in somewhat the same way 
 that Tennyson speaks of the " spiritual city " in the Holy 
 Grail, aeris gives the idea of purity and unsubstantiality. 
 Cp. also 640, I largior hie campos aether et lumine uestit \ 
 purpureo. Norden attempts to show that Vergil places 
 
 274 
 
Commentary 
 
 his " Purgatorlo " in the atmosphere, following Servius 
 {locutus est secundum eos qui putant Elysium lunarem esse 
 circulum). So, too, Ps. Prob., p. 12, Keil. This is out of 
 the question: cp. n. on 439. Aeneas and the Sibyl are 
 underground. The only means by which such an inter- 
 pretation could be rendered possible would be to assume 
 that the line is the relic of an earlier draft of the poem, making 
 Aeneas see all these things in a dream (see n. on. 893 sqq). 
 The generally accepted interpretation is that Vergil by aeris 
 translates the Homeric lyepoets (cp. II. 8. 13 Taprapos. Od. 
 20. 64 KeXevOa, also passim ^0^05)=" misty," "murky.'' 
 There is, however, no parallel for such a use of aer in Latin, 
 and the gen. is difficult, as there is no parallel for gen. oj 
 quality unsupported by an adjective, and to explain it as 
 a possessive gen. is of little help. Further, such an inter- 
 pretation brings us into conflict with 640, i. Auson. Cup. 
 Cruc. I aeris in campis quos dicit Musa Maronis, and Stat. 
 Silv. 5. 3. 286 e/ nionstrate nemus, quo nulla inrupit Erinys, \ 
 in quo falsa dies caeloque simillimus aer throw but little light 
 on the passage. 
 
 889. uenientis. M. gives melioris, which has crept in 
 from 4. 221 famae melioris. 
 
 890. 3. 456 (Helenus loq.) quin adeas uatem precibusque 
 oracula poscas \ ipsa canat uocemque nolens atque ora resoluat. 
 
 1 ilia tibi Italiae populos uenturaque bella, \ et quo quemque 
 modo fugiasque ferasque laborem \ expediet. Helenus' pro- 
 phecy is not fulfilled as Vergil intended when he wrote this 
 portion of Book 3. The Sibyl's prophecy (87 sqq.) is per- 
 functory and enigmatic. The detailed instructions are 
 received here from Anchises (cp. 5. 737)- The Sibyl is only 
 indirectly the source of Aeneas' information, in so far as she 
 has enabled him to meet his father's spirit. The incon- 
 sistency does not amount to absolute contradiction. But 
 
 275 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 that Vergil when he wrote Book 3 had other designs in con- 
 templation is clear. The prophecy of Helenus in Book 3 
 must have been written at a very considerable interval ot 
 time from the writing of Book 6. See Introd.^ pp. 39 ff. 
 Alteration would have been imperatively necessary on a 
 final revision^ and it would have been the prophecy of Helenus 
 and not the conclusion of Book 6 that would have required 
 the greater remaniement. 
 
 Apart from the inconsistency between Books 3 and 6, 
 the double prophecy of the Sibyl and of Anchises within 
 the limits of this one book is awkward, and forms one of the 
 minor blemishes of the poem. The blemish arises doubtless 
 from the fact that the Sibylline oracle, whether at Cumae 
 or Marpessus, probably played a part in the tradition as it 
 reached Vergil, and in view of the subsequent importance of 
 the Sibylline oracles at Rome could scarcely be disregarded 
 by the poet. On the other hand, the whole scheme of the 
 vision of the Rome that was to be, and the part played by 
 Anchises as guide and instructor, made it inevitable that he, 
 too, should give guidance to Aeneas by foretelling what lay 
 in front of him. See Norden, p. 44, for a slightly different 
 view of the problem. 
 
 It may be noted, finally, that the present prophecy is from 
 one point of view somewhat inartistic. If Aeneas knows all 
 these facts, he will have no doubts or anxieties over the 
 future. This is one of the drawbacks of Vergil's copious 
 use of prophecy, and is a point on which too much stress 
 must not be laid. 
 
 890. uiro. '' Introduced for the sake of conjunction with 
 bella " (Conington). 
 
 891. Laurentis populos. Cp. 7. 63. The plural may be 
 used for the singular, but is probably meant to suggest the 
 various peoples of Latium and the surrounding districts. 
 
 276 
 
Commentary 
 
 Cp. Enn. A. 24 popiili . * . Latini, though whether, as 
 Norden suggests, there is deliberate imitation of Ennius, it 
 is impossible to say. Cp. also 7. 738 Sarrastes populos, 
 
 893-898. Vergil had to provide Aeneas with an exit from 
 Hades. He could, of course, be made to return by the way 
 by which he had come, as, for instance. Psyche does in 
 Apuleius (Met. 6. 20). This course was open to objection 
 on two grounds: it would involve either (i) a repetition of 
 previous scenes (as in Apul. I.e.), or (2) a dull and per- 
 functory statement that he returned by the same path. 
 
 To avoid this Vergil had recourse to the somewhat 
 daring expedient of employing the dream-gates of Homer 
 (Od. 19. 562). He returns Aeneas to earth by the gate of 
 ivory, by which false dreams go forth by night. But what 
 Aeneas has seen is a true vision. Why, then, the gate of 
 ivory ? Various answers have been given. 
 
 1. The simplest explanation is that Aeneas was not a 
 dream, and consequently that, if he used the dream-gates, it 
 did not matter which he used. Further, we may note 
 with Dubner that the gate of horn was used only by tierae 
 umbrae, which Aeneas was not. 
 
 2. There was a belief in antiquity that false dreams 
 appeared before midnight, and true dreams after midnight. 
 Cp. Moschus, 2. I. Hor. S. i. 10. 33 post mediam noctem 
 . . . cum sofnnia uera. We may also compare A. 5. 719-739 
 and 8. 67, where veridical visions appear just before dawn. 
 The exit by the ivory gate is on this theory due to the 
 exigencies of time. Aeneas leaves Hades before midnight, 
 and the door of horn is still shut. The descent began at 
 early dawn (255), it is midday in 535 and Aeneas returns to 
 upper air before midnight. See W. Everett, Class. Rev. 14, 
 1900, p. 153 sqg. It may be urged against this view that, 
 while it is consistent with facts, the interpretation is far- 
 
 277 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid . 
 
 fetched and liable to the criticism that it explains ohscurum 
 per ohscurius. 
 
 3. The passage is to be regarded as a picturesque way of 
 saying, " This is no more than a poet's dream." To which 
 we may reply, " Why should Vergil say this ?" It is out of 
 keeping with the solemn invocation of 264-7, ^^^ the whole 
 spirit of the book. For a statement of this view see Henry, 
 Aeneidea (3., p. 457), and F. Grainger, Class. Rev. 14, 1900, 
 p. 26. R. S. Conway, Essays, etc., presented to W. Ridgeivay 
 (1913), p. 222. This view is somewhat more crudely stated 
 by Servius: uuU autem intelUgi falsa esse omnia quae 
 dixit. 
 
 Of these views (i) is the least unsatisfactory. Vergil 
 sought a picturesque exit, and therefore chose the Gate of 
 Ivory. It has been suggested that Vergil's original design 
 was to reveal the future in a dream to Aeneas, and that the 
 present passage was originally written with this in view: 
 cp. Cic. Div. I. 21 sint haec ut dixi somnia fabularum, hisqiie 
 adiimgatur etiam Aeneae somnium, quod in Numerii Fabii 
 Picioris Graecis annalibus eiusmodi est, ut omnia, quae ab 
 Aenea gesta sunt quaeque illi acciderunt, ea fuerint quae ei 
 secundum quietem uisa sunt. The suggestion does not, 
 however, help us to get over the difficulty of the use of the 
 Ivory Gate (see Gercke, Enstehung d. Aeneis, p. 191 sqq.). 
 
 893. Cp. Od. 19. 562 Soiat yap re ir-vXai djaevT^vwi/ elcriv 
 6v€Lp(i)v, I ai fji€v yap Kepaecrcn T€T€v;(aTat, at S' kXk^avTL, 
 Servius per portam corneam oculi significantur . . . 
 per eburneam uero portam os significatur a dentibus. 
 Cp. Plaut. True. 489 pluris est oculatus testis unus quam 
 auriti decern. 
 
 Somm=Somnioru?n. Cp. Od. I.e. Vergil had no choice 
 but to use Somnus metri gratia. Cp. 7. 607 sunt geminae 
 belli portae. 
 
 278 
 
Commentary 
 
 895. perfecta nitens elephanto. elephanto concludes the line 
 as in the Homeric original. Cp. the frequent occurrence 
 of other Greek words of similar scansion at the end of 623 
 hymenaeos (as often); terehintho (10. 136), hyacinthi (11. 69), 
 cyparissi (3. 680), elephanto (3. 464), orichalco (12. 87), 
 panacea (12. 419). Fox perfecta nitens cp. G. 4. 370 saxosusque 
 sonans. A. 3. 70 lenis crepitans. The adj. is predicative. 
 
 896. Manes is perhaps used loosely for the underworld. 
 But cp. Tib. 2. 6. 37 ne tibi neglecti mittant mala somnia 
 Manes, and Soph. El. 459, where it is suggested that Clytem- 
 nestra's dream has been sent by Agamemnon. 
 
 msomnia=ei/v7rvta (cp. Macrob. in S. Scip. i. 3. 4), of 
 which it is probably a translation. The word is not found 
 in this sense before Vergil. In earlier authors we find 
 insomnia=dvTrvLa. Cp. Ter. Eun. 219. Cic. de Sen. 44. 
 
 897. his ibi. M and Donatus read ubi. In favour of tibi 
 is the parallel passage in 7. 607 sunt geminae portae . . . 611 
 has ubi. On the other hand, such parallels can be pressed too 
 far, and ibi gives the present passage a somewhat more 
 natural flow. As Conington points out, portaque emittit 
 eburna loses force by being thrown into the protasis. Further, 
 it may be urged that if we read ibi and place a full-stop after 
 eburna, we get an effective and clear-cut division between the 
 Nekyia and the return to the activities of the upperworld. 
 
 898. Cp. 9. 310 prosequitur uotis. 
 his dictis. Cp. 890-2. 
 
 899. uiam secat. Cp. 12. 368. A translation of the Gk* 
 r€fxv€Lv 680V. For the whole line cp. the conclusion of the 
 Homeric Nekyia, Od. 11. 636. 
 
 900. I. recto litore. "Straight along the shore": cp. 8.- 
 57 recto Jlumine. litore recurs in the same position in the 
 next line; a careless repetition, if the text is correct. Two 
 remedies have been proposed: (i) To read limite with some 
 
 .279 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 of the later MSS., for which Henry compares Val. Flacc. 4. 
 614 sed limite recto \ piippis et aequali transcurrat carbasus 
 aura. Stat. S. 2. 2. S^ una tanien cunctis procul emine, 
 una diaetas, \ quae tibi Parihenopen direcio limite ponti \ 
 ingerit. We are not^ however, justified in departing from 
 the best MSS. in view of their high authority, and the fact 
 that the poem was left unfinished. (2) With Bentley we 
 may reject 901. It is not found in MRP, and occurs also 
 in 3. 277. On the other hand, it may be regarded as an epic 
 " tag," or a Vergilian tibicen. Apart from the repetition of 
 litore it gives a better conclusion than 900, as it actually 
 brings us to Caieta, and is quite in the epic manner. The 
 point urged by Norden that the opening of 7. i {tu quoque 
 litoribus nostris, Aeneia nutrix, \ aeternam famani Caieta, 
 dedisti) connects better with 900 may be disregarded, as the 
 presence of 901 in no way impairs the connexion. 
 
 Caietam. The modern Gaeta. Vergil anticipates. The 
 name was not given till after the death of Caieta (7. i). 
 Ovid is more precise. Cp. Met. 14. 157. So, too, Dante in 
 Inf. 28. 
 
 280 
 
INDEX 
 
 Niimhers fef(v to pages. 
 
 Abstractions personified, 143 
 
 Acamas, 188 
 
 accingor, 120 
 
 accumulem donis, 274 
 
 accusative, adverbial, 164 
 
 cognate, 96, 156, 185. 193 
 of motion without prepos., 
 
 214, 223 
 with passive verbs, 116 
 
 acerbus, 175 
 
 Achates, 93 
 
 Acheron, 106, 151 
 
 Achilles, death of, 97 
 
 ad auras, 199 
 
 ad superos, 1 88 
 
 adamas, 197 
 
 addita, 104 
 
 adortus with infin,, 168 
 
 Adrastus, 187 
 
 adulterium, caesi ob, 208 
 
 Aeacides, 257 
 
 Aemilius Paulus, 256 
 
 Aeneid, composition of, 79, 
 104, 149, 154, 160, 174, 175 
 
 Aeneas, age of, 239 
 descent of, 108 
 reply to Sibyl, 106 
 
 Aeneas Siluius, 240 
 
 Aeolides, 117, 194 
 
 aeripes cerua, 247 
 
 aeris in campis, 274 
 
 aetiology, 160, 166 
 
 Agenor, 188 
 
 agere gemitus, 271 
 
 agere sese, 160 
 
 Alba Longa, 239 
 
 lidquos or alios, 220 
 Aloides, 202 
 aita, 119; alte, 114 
 alternative lines, possible, 149, 
 
 225 
 altus Apollo, 81 
 alumnus, 205 
 ambas = duas, 196 
 amoena uirecta, 214 
 Amphrysius, 168 
 Amulius, 240 
 Anchisiade, 109 
 Ancus, 251 
 .-viidrogeo, 90 
 ejiima mundi, 226 
 unimamque superbam, 251 
 cnimi, 158 
 
 animis adsuescite bella, 255 
 anne, 225 
 i.nnus, 156 
 Antenoridae, 188 
 Aornos, 135 
 apes, 224 
 
 p.podosis suppressed, 163 
 Apollo, temple and statue at 
 
 Cumae, 81, 89; temple on 
 
 Palatine, 99; prophecy by, 
 
 160 
 sra sepulcri, 118 
 Arctos, 89 
 Argos, 256 
 Ariadne, 92 
 arma ( = rigging), 162 
 arma, burning of, with dead, 
 
 t26, 132 
 ^ r3ia impia, 209 
 
 28i 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 armi, 272 
 
 Ascanius, 239 
 
 ashes quenched with wine, 130 
 
 Assaracus, 217 
 
 Atlas, 246 
 
 atque, 116 
 
 atrae frondes, 125 
 
 attonita domus, 97 
 
 Augustus, 244, 245 
 
 aura auri, 122 
 
 aurai, 235 
 
 aureus ramus, in, 114, 123, 
 170 
 
 aurea condet saecula, 245 
 
 auricomus, 113 
 
 auso potiti, 213 
 
 auspicia, 243 
 
 Auerni, descensus, 109 
 
 Auernus, derivation and topo- 
 graphy, 135 
 
 auersi tenuere facem, 129 
 
 Bacchus, wanderings in India, 
 
 248 
 Bellum, 144 
 Berecyntia mater, 243 
 bidens, 95 
 
 black victims, 115, 136, 138 
 Bola, 242 
 Briareus, 148 
 bruma, 123 
 Brutus, 251, 252 
 
 caduci, 188 
 
 cadum, 131 
 
 caeli axis, 244 
 
 caeli meatus, 261 
 
 Caeneus, 182 
 
 Caieta, 280 
 
 calidi latices, 126 
 
 calles, 181 
 
 Camillus, 253 
 
 capita, 164 
 
 Capys, 240 
 
 Caspia regna, 247 
 
 castigatque auditque dolos, 199 
 
 Castor and Pollux, 107 
 
 Castrum Inui, 241 
 
 Cato, 257 
 
 Cecropidae, 90 
 
 Centauri, 146 
 
 centumgeminus, 148 
 
 cepisse metum, 162 
 
 Cerberus, 167, 171 
 
 cernere erat, 205 
 
 cessas in uota, 96 
 
 Chalcidicus, see Euboicus 
 
 Chaos, 141 
 
 Charon, 152, 154, 167, 168 
 
 children, dead, 173 
 
 Chimaera, 148 
 
 circumferre, 131 
 
 citharoedus, 215 
 
 Civil war, 254 
 
 classis, 159 
 
 clausi tenebris et carcere caeco, 
 
 231 
 Cocytus, no, 151, 165 
 
 Collatinae arces, 241 
 
 commissa piacula, 199 
 
 concha, 118 
 
 confectum curis, 193 
 
 consilium, 177 
 
 contracted genitive", 218; im- 
 perfect, 186 
 
 cornipes, 204 
 
 corpora = umbrae, 153 
 
 corpusque recenti spargit aqua, 
 214 
 
 cortina, 161 
 
 Corynaeus, 131 
 
 Cossus, 257 
 
 crater, 130 
 
 cruda senectus, 154 
 
 Cumae, topography of, 81-84 
 
 cunctantem, 123 
 
 cupressi, 126 
 
 cura, 222 
 
 Cures, 250 
 
 currum = curruum, 218 
 
 custodia, 200 
 
 Cybele, 243 
 
 Daedalus, 87 
 dapes, 130 
 Dardania, 98 
 Dardanidae, 102 
 Dardanus, 217 
 
 383 
 
 i 
 
>: 
 
 Index 
 
 dative in -u, 185; of purpose, 
 
 205 
 debellare, 263 
 Decii, 253 
 defuncta uita, 155 
 deification of heroes, 112 
 Deiphobe Glauci, 93 
 Deipliobus, 189 
 demens, 118, 204 
 demisit lacrimas, 183 
 densa ferarum tecta, 80 
 descensus Auerni, 109 
 deus, 235 
 deus ecce deus, 96 
 dictus sacer, 113 
 deuenere locos laetos, 214 
 Dido, news of death, 183 
 Dis, no 
 Discordia, 145 
 disembarkations, 79 
 discrimina uocum, 216 
 disfigurements persisting in 
 
 spirit world, 190 
 Divine parentage, doubts as 
 
 to, 157 
 domina, 168 
 Dorica castra, 103 
 Dreams, tree of, 145 
 Drusi, 253 
 duco, 261 
 ductor, 159 
 dum flammas — imitatur, 203 
 
 Earth, sister of Night, 138 
 
 educta, 213 
 
 effatus, 121 
 
 elephantus, 279 
 
 emota, 166; emouet, 193 
 
 enim, 156 
 
 Ennius, 119, 120, 127, igr, 192, 
 
 223, 259 
 ense ferit, 138, 150 
 ergo, 183, 221 
 Eridanus, 219 
 Erinyes, 200 
 Eriphyla, 181 
 Erymanthus, 248 
 Euadne, 182 
 Euboicus, 79 
 
 Eumenides, 144, 165 
 exanimis or exanimus, 116 
 excudere, 261 
 excussa magistro, 162 
 excussisse deum, loi 
 explere numerum, 196 
 extrema secutam, 184 
 
 Fabii, 259 
 
 Fabius Maximus, 259 
 
 Fabricius, 259 
 
 fallere dextras (dominorum), 
 
 209 
 fama, 87 
 fame, 172 
 fata = oracles, 96 
 fatum, 165 
 fauces, 142 
 feretrum, 127, 128 
 ferrugineus, 153 
 fibrae, 205 
 Fidenae, 241 
 fixit leges . . . atque refixit. 
 
 212 
 foliis ne carmina manda, 100 
 foliisque sub omnibus haerent, 
 
 145 
 forma, 210 
 
 forma tricorporis umbrae, 150 
 forte, 120 
 
 fortunatorum nemorum, 214 
 fratricides, 207 
 fraus innexa clienti, 208 
 fulcra, 207 
 fulmina belU, 258 
 fundabat naues, 80 
 funeral rites, 124 
 funus, 192 
 
 Furiarum maxima, 207 
 fuso crateres olivo, 130 
 future perfect, 103 
 
 Gabii, 241 
 Garamantes, 245 
 gemina super arbore, 122 
 geminae cristae, 242 
 gemitus, 127 
 genae, 222 
 genialis torus, 207 
 
 283 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 genitive plural, contracted, 
 
 155, 218 
 Genius, 233 
 gens lulia, 244 
 Georgic, date of composition 
 
 of fourth, 154 
 Geryon, 150 
 
 Glaucus (god), 93; (hero), 190 
 Gnosia, 91 
 Golden age, 245 
 Golden bough, iii, 114, 123, 
 
 170 
 Gorgones, 149 
 Gracchi, 257 
 grex, 94 
 g;ubernaclum, 161 
 
 haec = hae, 262 
 
 Harpyiae, 149 
 
 Hecate, 86 
 
 Hector, 118, 119 
 
 Helenus, prophecy of, 100, loi, 
 
 273 
 Hercules, 107, 247 
 
 heroines who died for love, 1 80 
 
 heroes fallen in war, 187 
 
 Hesperia, 80 
 
 hiatus, 192 
 
 hie uir hie est, 244 
 
 hinc exaudiri gemitus, 198 
 
 his ibi, 279 
 
 honey cake, 171 
 
 honor mortis, 158 
 
 hostiae furuae, 136 
 
 Hydra, 148, 201 
 
 hypermeter, 206 
 
 hysteron proteron, 164 
 
 iacet extra sidera tellus. 246 
 
 Idaeus, 189 
 
 igneus uigor, 227 
 
 ilex, 123 
 
 Ilia, 242 
 
 Ilium, 98 
 
 Ilus, 217 
 
 immani turbine, 204 
 
 in tantum spe toilet auos, 271 
 
 inanis, 141, 217, 232 
 
 incanaque menta, 249 
 
 incerta luna, 141 
 
 inchoat, 139 
 
 inclusi poenam exspectant, 210 
 
 incubuere, 208 
 
 indebita fatis, 98 
 
 Indi, 246 
 
 Indicative in indirect quest., 
 
 210 
 infelix utcunque ferent, etc., 
 
 252 
 infinitive after dare, 98; 
 
 epexegetic, 96; perfect, 101 
 ingens, 128, 170 
 ingratus cinis, 125 
 ingredior, 116 
 ingressus, 270 
 inhumatus, 157 
 innare, iii 
 inolescere, 232 
 inops, 157 
 insomnia, 279 
 instar, 270 
 instaurate, 194 
 intacto grege, 94 
 intonat ore, 207 
 Invocations, epic, 140 
 inuergo, 142 
 Inuus, 241 
 irremeabilis, 172 
 Itala, 235 
 Ivory, gate of, 277 
 Ixion, 205, 211 
 
 iacet extra sidera tellus, 246 
 
 Judgment of the dead, 175 
 
 iugum, 170 
 
 lulia gens, 244 
 
 lulius Caesar, 244, 245, 254 
 
 luno inferna, 113 
 
 iurare with accus., 157 
 
 luturna, 104 
 
 iuuenum manus, 80 
 
 labor ille domus et inextrica- 
 
 bilis error, 92 
 La bos, 144 
 Lacaena, 192 
 Laodamia, 182 
 Lapithae, 205 
 largior aether, 214 
 
 284 
 
Index 
 
 laiidumque immensa cupido, 
 
 252 
 Lauini, 102 
 Lauinia, 104, 239 
 Laurentis populos, 276 
 lauri nemus, 218 
 laxat foros, 170 
 lectae de more, 94 
 lecti uiri, 100 
 lectus funebris, 127 
 Lernae belua, 148 
 Lethe, 231 
 Letum, 144 
 Leucaspis, 158 
 
 libamina, 137; (of blood), 138 
 Libyco cursu, 160 
 lilia, 274 
 lines • excised by Varius] and 
 
 Tucca, 148 
 lituus, 118 
 locative, 158, 161 
 lucentemque globum lunae, 
 
 226 • - 
 ludi Apollinares, 99 
 lugentes campi, 180 
 lustro, 132, 222 
 
 Maeotia tellus, 247 
 
 magnanimum, 155 
 
 maior uideri, 96 
 
 malesuada, 143 
 
 maligna, 142 
 
 Manes, 232, 279 
 
 manibus date lilia plenis, 273 
 
 manus, 222 
 
 Marcellus, 263 
 
 Marcellus (the young), 268 
 
 sqq. 
 marmoreum aequor, 227 
 Marpesia cautes, 186 
 Martem accendere cantu, 117 
 Massylae, 97 
 Manors, 270 
 Mauortius, 242 
 media Elis, 204 
 mediis in undis, 160 
 medium traiecerat axem, 195 
 mentem animumque, 86 
 mersit, 210 
 
 Metempsychosis, doctrine of, 
 
 228 sqq. 
 Minos, 175, 177 
 Minotaurus, 92 
 Misenus, 116, 134; episode of, 
 
 114; funeral of, 119, 124 
 Misers, 208 
 moenia, 197 
 Monoeci arx, 255 
 monsters at entrance to Hades, 
 
 146 
 more parentum, 129 
 Mummius, 256 
 Musaeus, 221 
 Mutilation of dead, 1 90 
 Mycenae, 256 
 my r tea silva, 181 
 
 ni for ne, 162 
 
 Night, 138 
 
 nigrae pecudes, 115,1^136, 138 
 
 niuea uitta, 221 
 
 Nomentum, 241 
 
 nostrumque in nomen ituros, 
 
 236 
 nouies Styx interfusa, 179 
 nouissima uerba, 133 
 nox ruit, 195 
 Numa, 249 
 Numitor, 240 
 Nysa, 248 
 
 obliuia, 224 
 
 obloquitur numeris, 216 
 occupat Aeneas aditum, 172 
 Offerings to the dead, 119, 
 
 129 
 oliua, 130, 132, 249 
 olU, 157 
 
 omnia (disyllable), 93 
 optare, 121, 191 
 orabunt causas melius, 261 
 Oracles, 161 
 Orcus, 142 
 ornus, 120 
 Orontes, 158 
 Orpheus, 107, 215 
 ossilegium, 131 
 ostia centum, 95 
 
 285 
 
The Sixth Book of the Aeneid 
 
 pacisque imponere morem, 262 
 
 Palinurus, 159, 161, 162, 163 
 
 palla, 198 
 
 Pallanteum, 105 
 
 parcere subiectis, 262 
 
 partes ubi se uia findit in 
 
 ambas, 195 
 Partbenopaeus, 187 
 paruoque potentem, 258 
 pascentes, 121 
 Pasiphae, 92, 182 
 Passions, classification of, 231 
 pater Anchises, 221 
 pater ipse suo superum iam 
 
 signat honore, 243 
 pater Quirinus, 268 
 paterae, 138 
 pecten, 216 
 perfect, instantaneous, loi ; 
 
 future, 103 
 Perseus, 257 
 Phaedra, 181 
 Phlegethon, 141, 151, 197 
 Phlegyas, 211 
 piacula, 116, 199 
 piceae, 120 
 pietatis imago, 170 
 pii uates, 219 
 Pirithous, 168, 205 
 plangor, 199 
 plaudunt choreas, 215 
 plectrum, 216 
 Pluto, no, 169 
 pollinctio, 127 
 pollution by corpse, 131 
 Poly botes, 189 
 Pometii, 241 
 Pompey, 254, 255 
 populares aurae, 251 
 porro, 224 
 portitor, 151 
 postuma proles, 238 
 praepes, 87 
 preposition following noun, 
 
 97; omitted, 196, 214 
 Priamides, 192 
 primam qui legibus urbem 
 
 fundabit, 249 
 principio, 226 
 
 Procas, 239 
 
 Procris, 181 
 
 procul, 84, 217 
 
 procul o procul este profani, 
 
 140 
 Proserpine, no, 113, 168, 169 
 protenus, 93 
 proxima sorte tenet lucis loca, 
 
 236 
 pulsatus parens, 207 
 punishment, period of, 158 
 pura hasta, 236 
 purpureus, 128, 215, 273 
 puto, 158 
 Pythagoreanism, 229 sqq. 
 
 quadrigae roseae, 195 
 
 quam tua te Fortuna sinet, 105 
 
 quercus ciuilis, 240 
 
 qui or quis, 113, 269 
 
 qui uitam excoluere per artes, 
 
 220 
 quid Thesea magnum, quid 
 
 memorem Alciden, 107 
 Quindecimviri sacris faciundis, 
 
 100 
 Quirinus, 268 
 quisque suos patimur Manis, 
 
 232 sqq. 
 quoi, 250 
 
 radius, 263 
 rapit siluas, 81 
 rebar, 222 
 recto litore, 279 
 regificus, 207 
 reginae amorem, 92 
 remigium alarum, 89 
 remumque tubamque, 133 
 Rhadamanthus, 177 
 Rhythm, 159 
 Rivers of Hades, 150 
 Romula, 271 
 rotam uoluere, 235 
 
 sacra ferens, 249 
 
 sacrifices at Avernus, 136, 139 
 
 Salmoneus, 202 
 
 Saturnus, 245 
 
 286 
 
Index 
 
 scelerum facies, 199 
 
 Scipiades, 258 
 
 scrupea, 135 
 
 sculptures on temple doors, 89 
 
 Scyllae, 147 
 
 sed enim, 92 
 
 senior, 154 
 
 senta, loca, 184 
 
 septem (mystic number), 94 
 
 septemgeminus, 247 
 
 septena corpora, 91 
 
 sermone sere bant, 116 
 
 Serranus, 259 
 
 seruare, 121 
 
 seu . . . seu, 272 
 
 si omitted in apodosis, 93 
 
 si qua fata aspera rumpas, 273 
 
 Sibyl, origin of, 84; name of, 
 
 84; cave of (Avernus), 124 
 
 134; (Cumae), 82, 83, 95; 
 
 frenzy of, 96; prophecy of, 
 
 loi ; oracle given on leaves, 
 
 100 
 Sibylline books, 99 
 silex, 80 
 
 Siluius, 237, 238, 239 
 Simois, 103 
 sistet eques, 264 
 situs, 185 
 
 Sleep, gates of, 277 
 Sopor, 144 
 sorte, 237 
 
 spolia opima, 263, 266 
 stant lumina fiamma, 152 
 stant sale Tyrrhenae classes, 
 
 223 
 stat ductis sortibus urna, 91 
 stat ferrea turris, 191 
 sterilis uacca, 139 
 Stoic doctrines, 226, 227 
 strepituque exterritus haesit, 
 
 198 
 Stygius rex, 139 
 Styx, 151, 180 
 succipio, 138 
 suicides, 179 
 super adstitit arce, 89 
 supera ad conuexa, 136 
 superne, 218 
 
 suppliants, attitude of, 108 
 supponunt cultros, 137 
 sutilis, 170 
 Sychaeus, 186 
 synezesis, 93, 145, 170 
 Syrtes, 97 
 
 taeda, 125 
 
 Tantalus, 206 
 
 Tarquinii, 251 
 
 Tartara, 11 1 
 
 Tartarus, 201 
 
 te amice, 192 
 
 ter (mystic number), 131 
 
 terra defixae hastae, 217 
 
 tertiaque arma patri suspendet 
 
 capta Quirino, 265 
 Teucrus, 216 
 
 thalamum inuasit natae, 212 
 Theseus, 92, 108, 168, 211 
 Thybris, 102 
 Tisiphone, 200 
 Titaniaque astra, 226 
 Titans, 202 
 Tityus, 205 
 tmesis, 98 
 Torquatus, 253 
 
 torquetque sonantia saxa, 197 
 torua tuentem animam, 185 
 Traitors in Tartarus, 212 
 transmittere cursum, 156 
 Tribute to Minotaur, 91 
 Triuia, 86 
 Trojan Horse, 192 
 tuba, 118 
 
 Tullus Hostilius, 250 
 tumultus, 263 
 turbida, loca, 194 
 turbo (intrans.), 247 
 turea dona, 129 
 Turnus, 103 
 turris ferrea, 198 
 turrita, 244 
 Tydeus, 187 
 
 ultrix Tisiphone, 200 
 Unburied dead, 158 
 Unfinished lines, 104 
 
 287 
 
The Sixth Bccic of the Aeneid 
 
 Untimely dead, their place in 
 
 Hades, 172 sqq. 
 urbes or urbis, 104 
 
 Velia, 164 
 
 uelisque ministrat, 153 
 
 uendidit hie Latium, 212 
 
 Venilia, 103 
 
 uestibulum, 142 
 
 victims, male and female, 94; 
 black, 115, 136, 138; holo- 
 caust, 136, 139 
 
 uiden, 242 
 
 uirtutem extendere factis, 
 
 248 
 uiscera solida, 139 
 uiscum, 123 
 uix adeo, 191 
 uoce precatur, 120 
 uolgo, 145 
 vowel, short, lengthened in 
 
 arsis, 139 
 
 Xanthus, 103 
 Zodiac, 246 
 
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