B H S7b oqa Wf}t ^nnalg of THE AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE VolLXXIV NOVEMBER 1917 WkoU No. 163 The World's Food Issued Bi-Monlhly by the American Academy of Political and Social Science at Concord, New Hampshire. Editorial Office, Woodland Avenue and S6th Street, Philadelphia, Pa. Entered as iecond-cla»9 matter May 8, 1916,iU the post-office at Concord, New Hampihire, under the Act of THE AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE Origin and Purpose. The Academy was organized December 14, 1889, to provide a national forum for the discussion of political and social questions. The Academy does not take sides upon controverted ques- tions, but seeks to secure and present reliable information to assist the public in forming an intelligent and accurate opinion. Publications. The Academy publishes annually six issues of its "Annals" dealing with the six most prominent current social and politi- cal problems. 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The membership fee is $5.00; hfe membership fee, $100. Members not only receive all the regular publications of the Academy, but are also invited to attend and take part in the scientific meetings, and have the privilege of applying to the Editorial Council for information upon current political and social questions. STATEMENT OF THE OWNERSHIP, MANAGEMENT, ETC., OF THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE Published bi-numthly at Concord, N. H., as required by the Act of August 24, 1912. Name of Stockholders or Officers Post Office Address Editor, Clyde Lyndon King, Logan Hall, West Philadelpbia. Pa. Managing Editor (none). Business Manager (none). iio Depot Street, Concord, N. H. 36th and Woodland Avenue, West Philadelpbia, Pa, Ovmers (if a corporation, give names and addresses of stockholders holding i per cent or more of total •mount of stock). The American Academy of Political and Social Science, L. S. Ro we,. President, J. ,P. Lichtenberger, Secretary, Charles J. Rhoads, Treasurer, 10 Depot Street, Concord, N. H., 36th and Woodland Avenue, West Philadelphia, Pa. Known bondholders, mortgagees, and other security holders, holding I per cent or more of total amount of ^foonds, mortgages, or other securities. None. American Academy of Political and Social Science. CLYDE L. KING, Editor. Sworn to and subscribed before me this 8th day of October, 1917. G. E. NITZSCHE, Sntary Public. Term expires January z8, 1921. Form 3526. THE WORLD'S FOOD triie Annals; Volume LXXIV November, 1917 Editor in Charge of this Volume: CLYDE L. KING The American Academy of Political and Social Science " .^rTH AND Woodland Avenue Philadelphia 1917 ^'^ ^oo^ Copyright, 1917, by American Academy of Political and Social Science All rights reserved EUROPEAN AGENTS England : P. S. King & Son, Ltd., 2 Great Smith Street, Westminster, London, S. W . France: L. Larosc, Rue Soufflot, 22, Paris. Germany: Mayor & Miiiler, 2 Prinz Louis Ferdinandstrasse, Berlin, N. W. Italy: Giornale Degli Economisti, via Monte Savello, Palazzo Orsini, Rome. Spain: E. Dossat, 9 Plaza de Santa Ana, Madrid. CONTENTS Page FOREWORD vii Clyde L. King, Editor. PART I— THE WORLD'S FOOD A. Introductory TH:E WORLD'S FOOD SUPPLY 1 G. B. Roorbach, Assistant Professor of Geography, University of Penn- sylvania. INTERNATIONAL RATIONING 34 Burvvell S. Cutler, Acting Chief of the Bureau of Foreign and Domestic Commerce, United States Department of Commerce. B. The Food Situation urith the Neutrals INTRODUCTORY 43 Carl P. Hiibscher, Secretary of Swiss Legation, Washington, D. C. THE FOOD SITUATION OF NORWAY 44 Fridtjof Nansen, D.Sc, D.C.L., Minister Plenipotentiary of Norway on Special Mission. SOUTH AMERICA'S AVAILABLE FOOD SUPPLY 53 His Excellency, Senor Don Ignacio Calderon, The Bolivian Minister. SWEDEN'S FOOD SUPPLY ! 57 Hon. Axel Robert NordvaU, Delegate of the Royal Swedish Government. SWITZERLAND AND THE AMERICAN FOOD SUPPLY 66 William E. Rappard, Professor at the University of Geneva, Switzer- land, formerly of Harvard University; Member of the International Red Cross Committee; Member of the Swiss Mission to the United States. THE CASE FOR HOLLAND 74 A. G. A. Van Eelde, Member of the Netherlands Mission to the United States. C. Food for the Allies INTRODUCTORY 79 The Honorable Roland S. Morris, American Ambassador to Japan. HOW JAPAN MEETS ITS FOOD PROBLEM 81 His Excellency, Viscount Kikujiro Ishii, Ambassador of Japan on Special Mission. FOOD FOR FRANCE AND ITS PUBLIC CONTROL 84 FranQois Monod, "Chef de Cabinet" to the French High Commissioner in the United States. 369705 iv Contents THte FOOD PltOBLEM OF GREAT BRITAIN; THE SHIPPING PROBLEM OF THE WORLD 91 Arthur Pollen, Esq., London, England. PART II— FOOD UTILIZATION AND CONSERVATION A. A Basis for Individual and A'ational Diets SOME ESSENTIALS TO A SAFE DIET 95 E. V. McCoUum, School of Hj^giene and Public Health, Johns Hopkins University. DIETARY HABITS AND THEIR IMPROVEMENT 103 H. R. M. Landis, M.D., Director of Clinical and Sociological Depart- ments, Phipps Institute. A GUIDE TO THE NATION'S DIETARY NEEDS 108 Helen W. Atwater, Specialist in House Economics, States Relations Service, United States Department of Agriculture. B. Food Conservation and Utilization. SOME FACTS TO BE CONSIDERED IN CONNECTION WITH THE FOOD PROBLEM 119 Howard Heinz, Chairman of Committee on Food Supply, Committee of Public Safety of Pennsylvania. THE HOUSEKEEPER AND THE FOOD PROBLEM 123 Charlotte Perkins Oilman, Author and Lecturer, New York City. THE RELATION OF THE HOUSEWIFE TO THE FOOD PROBLEM . . 130 Nevada Davis Hitchcock, Instructor in Marketing, Temple University, Philadelphia. FOOD CONSERVATION IN NEW YORK CITY 140 Lucius P. Brown, Director, Bureau of Food and Drugs, Department of Health, New York City. ACCOMPLISHMENTS OF BOYS' AND GIRLS' CLUBS IN FOOD PRODUCTION AND CONSERVATION 147 D. H. Benson, United States Department of Agriculture, Washing- ton, D. C. THE WORK CONDUCTED BY THE COMMERCIAL CANNERS OF THE COUNTRY 157 D. Bigelow, Chief Chemist, National Canners' Association. PART III— PRODUCTION AND MARKETING PLANS FOR NEXT YEAR PRODUCTION AND MARKETING PLANS FOR NEXT YEAR . 164 Charles J. Brand, Chief, Bureau of Markets, United States Depart- ment of Agriculture. Contents v AN AGRICULTURAL POLICY FOR THE UNITED STATES IN WAR TIME 181 Gifford Pinchot, President of the Pennsylvania Rural Progress Associa- tion. THE IMPORTANCE OF MILK AS A FOOD 188 W. H. Jordan, Director, New York Agricultural Experiment Station. THE SHEEP INDUSTRY OF THE UNITED STATES 191 A. C. Bigelow, President, Philadelphia Wool and Textile Association. THE WAR AND OUR POTATO INDUSTRY 197 Lou D. Sweet, Potato Expert, United States Food Administration; President of the Potato Association of America. URBAN AND SUBURBAN FOOD PRODUCTION '. 203 Charles Lathrop Pack, President, National Emergency Food Garden Commission. THE POINT OF ORIGIN PLAN FOR MARKETING 206 A. B. Ross, Executive Secretary, Department of Food Supply, Com- mittee of Public Safety of Pennsylvania. LESSONS IN SOLVING LABOR, CREDIT AND OTHER PRO- DUCTION PROBLEMS 210 A. E. Grantham, Professor of Agronomy, Delaware College. PART IV— PRICE CONTROL THE NECESSITY FOR GOVERNMENT REGULATION OF PRICES IN WAR TIME 224 Charles R. Van Hise, President, University of Wisconsin, Madison. FOOD PRICES VS. WAGE INCREASES IN PHILADELPHIA ... 235 Raymond T. Bye, A. M., Instructor in Economics, University of Penn- sylvania, and Charles Reitell, Ph.D., Professor of Commerce, Law- rence College. CONSTITUTIONALITY OF FEDERAL REGULATION OF PRICES ON FOOD AND FUELS 256 Clifford Thome, Lawyer, Chicago. WHAT COOPERATION CAN DO AND IS DOING IN LOWER- ING FOOD COSTS 268 Peter Hamilton, New York City. PRICE CONTROL THROUGH INDUSTRIAL ORGANIZATION . . 280 J. Russell Smith, Ph.D., Professor of Industry, University of Pennsyl- vania. PRICE CONTROL 288 Joseph E. Davies, Federal Trade Commission. BOOK DEPARTMENT 294 INDEX 306 vi Contents BOOK DEPARTMENT THE BUSINESS MAN'S LIBRARY Cherington — The Wool Industry (M. Keir) 298 Church — Manufacturing Costs and Accounts (A. T. Cameron) 294 Davis — Essaijs in the Early History of American Corporations (E. R. Johnson) 299 Farrar — The Typography of Advertisements That Pay (J. W. Piercy) 295 Gephart — Principles of Insurance (R. Riegel) 296 Montague — Business Competition and the Law (F. Parker) 295 Rhodes — Workmen's Compensation (R. H. Blanchard) 297 Stevens — Unfair Competition (F. Parker) 295 Victor — Canada's Future (P. R. Hayward) 299 Webb — The Restoration of Trade Union Conditions (J. T. Young) •. 297 economics Mac NuTT^-T^ie Modern Milk Problem (C. L. King) . . , 300 NoURSE — Agricultural Economics (J. L. Coulter) 300 Parker — City Milk Supply (C. L. King) 300 POLITICAL SCIENCE Goldsmith — A League to Enforce Peace (J. W. Garner) 301 Sims — Ultimale Democracy and Its Making (L. P. Fox) 301 Thompson — Municipal Ovmership (B. Marsh) 302 sociology Abbott — The Immigrant and the Community (C. Kelsey) 302 Bogen — Jewish Philanthropy (E. Mayer) 303 Ferri — Criminal Sociology (J. P. Lichtenberger) 303 Simkhovitch — The City Worker's World (F. Tyson) 304 Smith — An Introduction to Educational Sociology (J. P. Lichtenberger) .... 305 FOREWORD This volume of The Annals constitutes the Proceedings of the Conference on The World's Food held by the Academy in Philadelphia on September 14 and 15, 1917. The Academy is obligated to many for assistance in arranging for this conference. Our appreciation is particularly due to the many governors, mayors and public officials who appointed delegates to the conference, for these delegates gave to the conference a seriousness of purpose that was felt by those who addressed the conference as well as by those who attended or participated in the discussions. We also gratefully acknowledge the assistance of the program committee. The following, among others, were particularly helpful in planning the program: Charles R. Van Hise, Chairman, Gifford Pinchot, Irving Fisher, Alonzo E. Taylor, Clarence Sears Kates, Harry Hay- ward, Samuel S. Fels, Mrs. N. D. Hitchcock and M. T. Phillips. Clyde L. King, Editor. THE WORLD'S FOOD SUPPLY By G. B. Roorbach, AsBifltant Professor of Geography, University of Pennsylvania. The number of staple foods as distinguished from the luxuries that constitute the world's dietary are comparatively few. Many thousands of articles make up man's food, but a few form his chief dependence. Standing far at the head of the list are the grains — rice, wheat, millet, rye and barley. Whether measured by bulk of production, the food energy they contain, or the amount that enters international trade, these five grains, together with corn, oats and beans, are the chief food dependence of man. Sugar occu- pies a very high place as a food for nearly all peoples. Of the vege- tables, the potato is exceedingly important, especially in the west- ern world, but, although very great in bulk, its food value is much less than the grains and sugar. Fruits and nuts are of still less importance as staple articles of vegetable diet. Tea, coffee and cocoa are luxuries rather than vital elements in the world's food supply. Meat, compared with vegetable products, stands surprisingly low in food value and in importance to most of the human race. Over one-half of the people of the earth eat very little meat. Only in new countries, where land is cheap, or in countries like those of western Europe where meats and animal fodder can be readily imported, are meat-producing animals so abundant that they are of large importance as a food. Even in this latter case, the con- sumption is small compared to countries like Argentina or the United States,^ The world production of meat — beef, pork and mutton — is only one-fifth of the world's tonnage of wheat, and the food value less than any of the important grains, sugar or potatoes. If dairy products — milk, butter and cheese — are added to the meat prod- ucts, the importance of animals as a source of food is much greater. The money value of dairy products in the United States, for exam- ple, is higher than the money value of the edible grains, and the energy value of these concentrated foods ranks high. With the 1 See Figure 9, p. 26. 1 L The Annals of the American Academy The World's Food Supply Table I Value of Imports and Exports op Foodstuffs and Estimated Value of / Production for Various Countries ^ Figures are in millions of dollars Per cent production Country Imports Exports Production to requirements United Kingdom 1,239 200 1,162 53 Belgium 247 79 225 57 Germany 698 282 2,932 88 France 232 109 1,777 93 Austria-Hungary 144 115 1,814 98 United States 562 540 5,334 100 Russia 102 452 3,986 110 Canada 72 204 710 123 Argentina 17 169 469 148 exception, however, of a few localities, animal foods are of very much less importance than vegetables. The bulk of the world's food supply is produced in the coun- tries in which it is consumed. Large as is the international trade in food products, it represents but a small proportion of the food grown and consumed at home. The United Kingdom and Bel- gium, which are usually mentioned as the countries dependent for food upon the outside world, are exceptions to the rule. Even these countries produced in the pre-war period 53 per cent and 57 per cent respectively of their own requirements.^ Germany, ac- cording to the same estimates, supplied 88 per cent of her require- ments, and France 93 per cent. Sparsely populated Argentina, which we think of as primarily a food exporting nation, actually consumes nearly twice as much as she exports. The United States produces more than ten times the. value of her exports and, most surprising of all, food importations into the United States, meas- ured in dollars, are slightly greater than food exportations. In other words, the United States is scarcely able to pay for imported foods with what is exported. When we balance accounts we find our soils are supporting only our own population. Russia, which ^Data from N. C. Murray and F. Andrews: Food Production and Re- quirements of Various Countries. Farmers' Bulletin, No. 641, U. S. Dept. of Agriculture. ^lUd. The Annals of the American Academy we think of as a great food surplus country, has a paltry 10 per cent surplus left for exportation after her own requirements are satisfied. As far as the staple foods that satisfy the hunger of mankind are concerned, the world's table is set with products grown near at home. FIG. 2. WORLD PRODUCTION OF GRAINS AND POTATOES IN BUSHELS 1911-13 AVERAGE. The heavier shaded area indicates the part op production that enters international TRADE. China is not included. Although the grains are by far the most important foods that enter world trade, only a small proportion of the crops produced goes beyond the borders of the countries in which they were grown. Figure 2 shows that wheat and barley only have any considerable percentage of export as compared with total production, amounting to about 20 per cent in each case. The proportions of vegetables exported are insignificant when compared with production. Sources of World Food The principal food producing countries, as well as the consum- ing countries, are in the temperate zones. The tropics, containing one-third of the land area of the globe, are barely able to support one-third of the world population. The north temperate zone, com- prising nearly one-half of the land area, contains almost two-tliirds The World's Food Supply 6 of the population. If we except coffee, cacao, and about one-half of the world's tea — luxuries rather than foods — only two crops of large importance for the outside world are supplied by the tropics: rice and sugar. In the case of rice, some of the largest producing countries, China, Japan, Italy and the United States, are in the temperate zone and the cane sugar of the tropics makes up only a little over half of the total sugar production. Tropic fruits, especially the banana, are important food exports in a few favored localities. But aside from these three crops, the tropics are not producing any important food surpluses for a hungry world. The wonderful food producing ability of the tropics is potential, not developed. They may be the producers of the food surplus of the future, but they are not important sources today. Many tropical countries are not feeding themselves,- but are dependent upon the temperate zone. Brazil, for example, is a large importer of wheat; Cuba is one of .the largest meat import- ing countries. Even rice in large quantities is imported for con- sumption into Java, the Philippines, the Straits Settlements and the American tropics. India is one of the largest sugar importing countries. The only sections of the tropics that today are at all important in supplying food products are: (1) Indo-China, Siam and Burma, which are all exporters of rice. Most of this crop goes to other tropical countries, however, and in these days of few ships the great distance of these lands from Europe and America is a serious handicap to fully utiUzing these suppHes; (2) Java, Cuba, Porto Rico and other West Indian Islands, Hawaii and some other tropical lands which supply most of the cane sugar of exports; (3) West Indies and Central America, which send much fruit, especially bananas, to the temperate zones. The shortage of food has stimu- lated production in the tropics, especially of sugar, to a certain extent, but a rapid extension of agriculture, at all commensurate with the present needs, is impossible. The task is one requiring a period generations long, not years long, and is dependent upon the whole big question of making the tropics habitable and effi- cient; not one to be solved to meet the emergencies of a world war. It is in the north temperate zone that we find not only the greatest food needs but also the largest production of today. Meas- ured by production two of the most important agricultural regions of the world are eastern China and Japan, and central and West- 6 The Annals of the American Academy ern Europe. The first of these two regions practically supports its own enormous population; the second region, in spite of its enormous production, needs to import the deficiency in the sup- plies and this import comes largely from other, but less densely inhabited, sections of the north temperate zone, chiefly the United States, Canada and Russia, and from the sparsely settled lands of the south temperate zone, chiefly Argentine and Australasia. The wheat exporting section of India also lies north of the Tropic of Cancer. The south temperate zone, containing a land area only one- third larger than the United States and with a total population of but 20,000,000 people, can produce the kind of food demanded by the people of the north temperate zone. Ai-gentina and Uruguay, Australasia and South Africa are suited by climate and soil to produce grains and animals, and with a small population to con- sume them, they are food exporting nations. In addition to the small land area of the south temperate zone there are several seri- ous handicaps to large food production in this zone: (1) much of the aheady restricted area is desert; (2) the climate of the more arable areas is a most undependable one, shortages, or even com- plete failures, of crops in Argentina and Australia being very fre- quent; (3) they are far from the markets and the bulky grains and meats require a tonnage that the world in this time of war can scarcely spare to bring them to the shores of Europe. The unde- pendableness of Argentina's climate is indicated most forcefully by the great draught of last year, which, in the world's supreme hour of need, made that country almost worthless as a suppUer of wheat and corn. Even to a greater degree does Australia's production of grain vary through wide margins with its exceedingly capricious rainfall. The World's Grain Supply Wheat. Wheat an.d rice are rivals as sources of human food. Rice, however, while it feeds many millions of people, is consumed almost entirely where it is produced. Wheat is the great staple food export. Corn, which equals wheat in production, is largely used for animal food and enters world commerce only to a slight extent. Of the world production of 3,823 million bushels of wheat (not including China), considerably over half is grown in Europe. Russia in the three years' average preceding the war led the world The World's Food Supply . 7 in production, and although that country consumed five-sixths of what was produced, enough was left for export to make Russia the leading source of supply for western Europe. Roumania, also, although producing but 88,000,000 bushels, had an export surplus of 54,000,000 bushels, nearly half of Russia's export. Bulgaria had a 12,000,000 bushel surplus for export. Germany, although an exporter of wheat, imported three times her export and there- fore cannot be regarded as a wheat surplus country. The large production of wheat in Austria-Hungary was practically all con- sumed at home. Of the other European countries, France, Italy, Germany, Spain and the United Kingdom are all large producers, but production is less than needs. Holland, Belgium, Switzerland and the Scandanavian countries largely depend upon importations for wheat. Four countries. United Kingdom, Germany, Italy and France, took 60 per cent of the world's imported wheat, the United Kingdom alone importing 221,000,000 bushels on the average each year, or 30 per cent of the total world importation. Brazil, with a wheat importation of 23,000,000 bushels, is the only country out- side of Europe with any considerable wheat import. The supply of wheat for the importations into Europe, aside from what comes from Russia and Roumania, is supplied principally by the United States, Canada, Argentina, India and Australia. These seven countries furnish 94 per cent of the world export of wheat. Such were the conditions before the war. What is the state of the world wheat this year? Russian wheat is shut off from the outside world by the clos- ing of the Bosphorus, and hence the surplus this country con- tributed to the world is not available. The wheat of the Balkans and of Turkey, as well as of most of Roumania, is to be added to the supplies of the Central Powers. There is no means of knowing the actual conditions of the wheat crop of Germany and Austria- Hungary this year. The average production (1911-1913), export and import of the countries now occupied by the Central Powers, in millions of bushels are shown in Table II. By including Rou- mania, Poland and Belgium we see that before the war the lands now in control of the Central Powers had a wheat deficit of 54,000,000 bushels. If we include Turkey — both Asiatic and Euro- pean — with the other Balkan States, we would add to production about 55,000,000 bushels. Considerable of this was available for Thb Annals of the American Academy fi ^ s <- The World*s Food Supply Table II Wheat Production, Export and Import OF Leading Countries * 1911-1913 averages Countries in Control of Central Powers • Production Export Import Germany 160 23 01 Austria Hungary 247 1 Bulgaria 46 12 Roumania 88 54 Belgium 15 21 74 Poland (1912-1914) 18 Total — Central Powers 574 111 165 Neutral European Countries HoUand 5 64 78 Sweden 8 7 Norway .3 6 Switzerland 3 20 Spain 123 4 Denmark (1913 only) 4 7 Total— Neutrals 143.3 64 121 Western Allies United Kingdom 61 221 France 324 65 Italy 191 59 Portugal 8 2 Greece 7 7 Total— Allies 591 344 Other Countries Russia 727 128 United States 705 116 India 370 60 Canada 229 111 Argentina 156 101 Australia 89 62 Algeria 33 6.5 Tunis 6 1 British South Africa 6 6 Egypt 33 .. Brazil . , 23 Japan 26 3 Total— World 3,823 767 723 Uri millions of bushels. Flour is reduced to wheat equivalent. The blank spaces indicate no import or export, or only small amounts Data for this and the other tables, have been taken from the Year Books of the United States Department of Agriculture and from Statistical Notes on Production, etc. of Cereals, published by the International Institute of Agriculture, Rome. 10 The Annals of the American Academy export, and possibly would be capable of materially reducing the Central Powers' deficit at the present time. The neutral nations bordering the Central Powers are all wheat importing nations, and presumably can be of little or no aid in supplying this grain. But unless the Central Powers have been able materially to increase wheat production in the face of increased consumption in the army, lack of skilled man power for the farms, shortage of fertilizer and actual destruction by the acts of war, the supply must be short of actual demands. With the exception of Spain, the neutral countries, largely for climatic reasons, are small producers and therefore largely depend on importations. Neutral imports exceeded neutral exports by 67,000,000 bushels in the average for the period 1911-1913. The western aUies were, in spite of large wheat production, the chief importers. With a total production of 591,000,000 bush- els, there is practically no export, and 344,000,000 bushels of import to supply the needs. The wheat importations necessary therefore to supply the deficit of the European countries, excluding Russia, before the war, were 465,000,000 bushels of which the neutral nations and the western allies required 411,000,000 bushels. How can this shortage for the neutral nations and the allies be met? The wheat production of the western allies will this year fall far below the normal pre-war production. France, whose average production in 1911-1913 was 324,000,000 bushels will produce this year but one-half this crop — 162,000,000 bushels.^ On the basis of pre-war conditions France would require therefore an im- portation of 182,000,000 bushels. The wheat crop of Italy is below the pre-war average, and it is estimated that Italy's deficit will amount to 73,000,000 as compared to 59,000,000 bushels for 1911- 1913. The wheat crop in the United Kingdom is reported in excel- lent condition, but an importation of over 200,000,000 bushels may be required to fully meet the needs. This gives a total deficiency of over 457,000,000 bushels of wheat for the three western allies. To this must be added the needs of Greece and Portugal (9,000,000 bushels before the war) and the neutral countries which, as we have seen, in the pre-war period amounted to 67,000,000 bushels. Can the wheat exporting nations meet this western European ^Estimate of International Institute of Agriculture as given in monthly Crop Report, United States Department of Agriculture, August, 1915. The World's Food Supply 11 deficiency of over 524,000,000 bushels? Of the five countries that usually have a large available surplus of wheat — United States, Canada, Argentina, India and Australia — one, Argentina, has prac- tically no surplus, the 1916-1917 crop being practically a failure. Canada will probably have a surplus of 120,000,000 bushels, and Austraha 50,000,000. This gives a total of 328,000,000 bushels. To this may be added several miUion bushels of surplus from North Africa (Algeria and Tunis). But on the other hand South Africa, Brazil and Japan are in normal years additional wheat importing countries. It would seem, therefore, that the 1917 wheat supply would fall at least 200,000,000 bushels short of the normal demand, and will probably be over 300,000,000 bushels. Corn. Corn rivals wheat in quantity produced, but its impor- tance as a food supply is verj^ much less. This is due to the fact that the merits of corn as a human food are not fully appreciated by a large proportion of the human race, its cultivation is less capable of extension due to climatic limitations, and much of the crop is used for feeding animals. In the years 1911-1913, the United States produced 2,700,000,000 bushels of corn, against 3,800,000,000 bushels for the world production. This was over 71 per cent of the world crop. Most of this great yield was consumed at home by cattle and swine, only 48,000,000 bushels (1^ per cent) being ex- ported. Argentina, the second country in production, produced in the same period 252,000,000 bushels, of which half (128,000,000 bushels) was exported. The only other countries in which corn production exceeded 100,000,000 bushels were Austria-Hungary, Roumania and Italy. India, Russia, Egypt, South Africa and Bulgaria are lesser producers. Since the United States crop for 1917 promises to surpass all previous records, the estimate being 3,248,000,000 bushels, an increase of 700,000,000 bushels over the 1916 crop, the almost total failure of the Argentine crop is more than compensated. Since the corn crop of Italy also promises well for this season, the surplus corn may help in the conservation of our wheat. The corn crop of the United States for this year will be greater than the total world production previous to 1905. Rye and Barley. As a source of food in many countries of Europe, notably Russia and Germany, rye is a more important food supply than wheat. Barley is also of very great importance, although a considerable part of this crop has been used in the manu- 12 The Annals of the American Academy The World's Food Supply 13 facture of malt. Over one-half of the world's rye and one-third of the world's barley are grown in Russia. Of the 1,783,000,000 bushels of rye produced in 1911-1913, the countries now occupied by the Central Powers produced 655,000,000 bushels, about 37 per cent of world production. These countries had a slight surplus for export, about 29,000,000 bushels above imports. For barley, the Central Powers were much more dependent upon the outside world. They imported, in addition to a production of 353,000,000 bushels, equivalent to one-fourth of the world production, 175,000,000 bush- els, against an export of 41,000,000 bushels. Germany especially was a heavy importer of barley. Import 16 " 1.5 23.6 4 8 31 10 53.7 2 3 .6 5.6 6 107 Table III Production, Import and Export of Rte Millions of bushels. 1911- -1913 averages Central Powers Germany Austria-Hungary Bulgaria Roumania Belgium Production 455 163 10 Export 45 1 2.3 3 1 Total — Central Powers 655 52.3 Neutral Countries Spain Sweden Denmark Holland Norway Switzerland 25 23 18 16 1 1.7 19 Total — Neutrals 84.7 19 Western Allies United Kingdom France Italy 1.6 48 5 •• Total— Allies 54.6 , , Other Countries Russia United States Canada 935 37 2.4 35 1 Total— World 1,783 107 14 The Annals of the American Academy The World's Food Supply 15 i6 The Annals of the American Academy The neutral countries of Europe produced rye and barley in important quantities, this crop being suited to their severe climate and soil conditions. To meet their consumption needs, however, a net import of 34,000,000 bushels of rye was required and 18,000,000 bushels of barley. Table IV Production, Import and Export of Barley Millions of bushels. 1911-1913 averages Central Powers Production Export Import Germany 168 1.2 (malt) 154 Austria-Hungary 153 18 .8 Bulgaria 11 1 Roumania 25 17 Belgium 4 4 20 Total — Central Powers 353 41.2 174.8 Neutral Countries Spain 67 .. Sweden 14 .. Denmark 23 3.5 2.1 Norway 3 4 Holland 3 30 41 Switzerland .5 33.5 4.5 Total— Neutrals 110.5 51.6 Western Allies United Kingdom 62.5 1 62 France 48 .5 7 Italy 10 •• .8 Total— Allies 120.6 1.5 69.8 Other Countries Russia 485 168 United States 187 8 .. Algeria and Tunis . 45 8 .. India 38 17 Argentina 5 1 (malt) 1.3 Canada 47 7 .. Japan 93 •• •• Total— World 1,489 294 290 The World's Food Supply 17 Among the western allies, rye was of little importance as a food product, except in France, whose production of 48,000,000 bushels suppHed her needs within 3,000,000 bushels. Very little rye was imported into England and Italy. Barley, on the other hand, was of considerable importance. The United Kingdom grew more barley than wheat and imported in addition 52,000,000 bushels. The net imports of barley into the United Kingdom, France and Italy amounted to 58,000,000 bushels. The neutral countries of Europe and the western allies, therefore, before the war required in addition to their production of rye and barley an importation of 116,000,000 bushels of these two grains. The supply of the 40,000,000 bushels of rye in this deficit was obtained largely from Russia and Germany — sources that are not now available. The 76,000,000 bushels of barlej'' imports had a wider source. In addition to Russia and Roumania, which supplied 60 per cent of the barley exports before the war, barley exports from India, Algeria and Tunis, the United States and Canada, were of some importance. With the restrictions of the use of barley and rye for liquors, and the increased use of flour from these grains for bread, the barley and rye crops have assumed an increased importance as a food during the war. The estimates of rye and barley crops for 1917 in Europe are favorable. The United States estimates* place barley production 17,000,000 bushels above the 1911-1913 average, while an estimated rye production of 56,000,000 bushels makes the production of this grain 19,000,000 bushels above the average. Nevertheless, the shutting off of Russian and central European rye and barley from the neutral and western allies adds a very serious burden to the problem of supplying Europe with grain this year. Based upon the consumption of grains before the war, the neutral nations and western allies face a shortage of at least 640,000,000 bushels of wheat, rye and barley. If we should add to this the needs in corn, oats and other grains, the cereal deficiency will mount up into figures well over 1,000,000,000 bushels. The staggering burden of meeting this deficiency is placed upon the cereal surplus countries of the Americas, Asia and Australia. Rice. Estimates of the world production of rice are less reli- able than for the other grain crops for the reason that China, prob- ably the largest producer, furnishes no data for any accurate esti- • Monthly Crop Report, September, 1917. I 18 The Annals of the American Academy mate. The estimate of 2,200,000,000 bushels of cleaned rice for 1910 for all countries except China, is based upon the data given in recent Year Books of the Department of Agriculture and Statistical Notes of the International Institute of Agriculture^ The produc- tion of three of the eighteen provinces of China is given in 1910 at nearly 800,000,000 bushels.^ The importance of rice as a food is even greater than its quantity of production would indicate. Judged by food value, rice far exceeds its nearest competitor. A sixty pound bushel of wheat has three-fourths of the food value of a sixty pound bushel of cleaned rice. Even more than wheat, rice is con- sumed in the countries where it is grown. As shown in Table V, of the 200,000,000 bushels that enter international trade, the largest proportion is a transference of rice from one tropic country to another or to the rice producing countries of China and Japan. Table V Rice Production, Export and Import Millions of bushels. 1911-1913 averages Production Export Import World 2,200 (excluding China) 210 191 India and Ceylon 1,091.7 100 19 Japan (Empire) 341 20 Java 133 2.2 18.5 French Indo-China 83.3 32 Siam 54 30 Philippines 19 7 United States 12 4 Italy 11 .... China (no data) 10 Singapore and Straits (no data) 18 36 Russia • 6 4.5 Germany 6.6 17.5 Holland 8.5 14 United Kingdom .... .... 12 Belgium 1.6 3 France 1 8.1 Egypt 8.3 2 Cuba . • . • .... 4.6 ^ Statistical Notes on the Production, Imports and Exports, Prices and Maritime Freights of Cereals. Rome: International Institute of Agriculture. Published twice yearly. » Year Book, Dept. of Agriculture, 1916, p. 608. The World's Food Supply 19 Only a small proportion of the rice surplus normally goes to Euro- pean countries — not much over one-third. Of the western countries Italy and the United States are the only countries in which the growing of rice has become an important indus- try. From 1911-1913 the average production in the United States was 12,000,000 bushels of cleaned rice, as compared to 11,000,000 bushels for Italy. The possibilities of future extension in the United States of this, the most important of all food crops, are almost unlimited. Since its production requires much outlay of time and capital in equipping for irrigation, it cannot be depended upon to a large extent as an emergency crop for meeting shortages in other grains during the war. The 1917 estimate of rice production in the United States, however, is given at 32,200,000 bushels.® Beans. A food crop of great importance in the far east, beans are of relatively small importance in the west, when compared with the grains. Of the countries for which we have statistics, India, with 125,000,000 bushels, is the most important; Italy, with 23,000,- 000 bushels; Japan, with 21,000,000 bushels; Austria-Hungary, with 19,000,000 bushels; Russia, with 12,000,000; Spain and the United States, each with 11,500,000 were the most important producers before the war. The introduction of the soy bean from China and Japan into the western world met the need of a seed-crop of large yielding possibilities. Since the soy bean, because of its large content of oil and proteids, can be a substitute for meat, this crop is becoming an increasingly important one. The production of beans this year in the United States and especially of the soy bean in the southern states, will be far in excess of any previous year, and should be an important addition to our food supply. Potatoes. The potato crop of the world, measured by its bulk, is one of the most important of our food crops. Nearly 68 per cent of this enormous crop is produced in Germany, Russia and Austria-Hungary. Very little, however, enters international trade. The crop is consumed at home. Only 75,000,000 bushels out of the 5,313,000,000 total entered foreign trade and this for the most part was across the frontiers of Germany. A very large part of the potato crop is used for industrial purposes. This, combined with the low food value of a bushel of potatoes as compared to a bushel of grain, puts the food value of the potato crop lower than » Monthly Crop Report, September, 1917. 20 The Annals of the American Academy The World's Food Supply 21 any of the grains or sugar as far as its total value to the world is concerned. Its importance to the potato-growing nations of Europe, however, should not be underestimated. Germany, the largest pro- ducer before the war, was also the largest importer. The net import into Germany — 17,000,000 bushels — was over three times as large as the net imports of Great Britain — 5,100,000 bushels. Before the war the western allies, with the exception of the United Kingdom, and the neutral countries except Switzerland, were either exporting potatoes or fully meeting their own needs. The 1917 prospects Table VI Production, Export and Import of Potatoes Millions of bushels. 1911-1913 averages Central Powers Production Export Import Germany 1,699 12 29 Austria-Hungary 642 1.3 4 Roumania 3 Belgium 113 9 22.3 6 Total — Central Powers 2,457 39 Neutrals Holland 128 16 2 Sweden 66 Denmark 36 1 Norway 27 .... Switzerland 42 3.2 Spain 92 1.8 18.8 Total — Neutrals 391 5.2 Western Allies France 507 8 7 United Kingdom 260 6 2 U.3 Italy 61 4 18.2 Total— Allies 828 18.3 Other Countries Russia 1,288 8 United States 348 1.8 .... Argentina 38 1.3 Canada 78 1.4 75 Total— World 5,313 77 22 The Annals of the American Academy indicate a surplus production of potatoes in Italy/° and good crops in France and Great Britain. In the United States, the potato crop this year is given as 100,000,000 bushels above the pre-war aver- age, and 175,000,000 above last year's crop.^^ The supply of this staple vegetable should be more than sufficient to meet the normal demand, and help relieve the great shortage in grains. Sugar. In the year preceding the war, 1913, the world sugar crop was given at 20,883,000 tons. The wheat crop was 1 14,000,000 tons. This makes sugar one of the bulky food products and be- cause of the high food value of sugar it stands next to rice and wheat as a world food. Of the 20,883,000 tons of sugar, 11,118,000 were cane sugar, the balance beet sugar. With the exception of the 733,000 tons of beet sugar produced in the United States, prac- tically the entire beet sugar supply was grown in Central Europe. Germany, Russia and Austria-Hungary alone produced 67.4 per cent of the total beet sugar and 32.4 per cent of the total sugar supply. Germany and Austria-Hungary, and, to a lesser extent, Russia, were enormous exporters. In fact, every country of Europe, with the exception of Great Britain, Italy, Swit25erland and Norway, and some of the Balkan States, was either meeting all its own sugar needs or producing for export. The United Kingdom, however, was not producing any sugar, and was, next to the United States, the largest importer of sugar in the world. Of the 2,000,000 tons of sugar imported into the United Kingdom, about one-third came from Germany and Austria-Hungary. Belgium, Holland and France were also exporting sugar to England. The outbreak of the war made necessary a radical change in Europe's sugar supply. The big export market for German and Austrian sugar being shut off, sugar-beet production in these coun- tries gave place to other crops. The Belgium beet sugar and much of the sugar-beet area of France came under Germany's control, so that even France was deprived of her own sugar supplies. The neutral importers, Norway and Switzerland, have remained in touch with the Central European sugar countries, but the western nations have been compelled to go to the tropics. This has given a great impetus to cane sugar growing. In Russia there has been a great decline in beet sugar produc- '" Commerce Reports, August 11, 1917, p. 547. " Monthly Crop Report, September, 1917. The World's Food Supply 23 tion with the progress of the war. So great has been the decUne that, according to the International Sugar Journal,^"^ Russia this year will not produce enough to supply her needs. MILL ION TONS f u,s. PRODUCT/ON I CONSUMPT/ON EXPORT FIG. 8. PRODUCTION, EXPORT AND IMPORT OF SUGAR IN THE TEN LEADING SUGAR PRODUCING COUNTRIES, AND THE IMPORTS OF THE UNITED KINGDOM, CHINA AND CANADA. ARRANGED IN ORDER OF PRODUCTION, 1913. A large percentage of the cane sugar of the world has been pro- duced in Cuba, India, Java and Hawaii. Of these countries, India ^ XXX, pp. 304, 305, July, 1917. 24 The Annals of the American Academt Table VII pBODncrroN, Export and Impoet of Sugar, 1913 Short tons Cane Sugar Cuba India Java Hawaii Porto Rico Australia South America Mauritius United States Total Cane Beet Sugar United States Germany Russia Austria-Hungary France Italy Holland Belgium Spain Denmark Sweden Switzerland United Kingdom China Canada Total Sugar consumed all her enormous production and imported 961,000 tons in addition. The other tropic countries mentioned, together with the other West Indian Islands, Brazil and Peru, produce for export. The war has greatly stimulated the sugar industry of the tropics, especially of the West Indies, South America, Formosa and Java, reviving the ancient industry. The 1916-1917 crops of cane sugar will surpass all previous records. England and France are now receiving their sugar import from the East and West Indies, Mauri- tius and indirectly the United States. The establishment of new Production Export Import 2,909,000 2,738,000 2,534,000 961,000 1,591,000 1,471,000 612,000 543,000 398,000 382,000 ■ 397,000 88,000 874,000 250,000 206,000 271,000 227,000 300,000 3,306,000 11,118,000 733,000 2,886,000 2,231,000 2,031,000 415,000(1912) 1,858,000 1,184,000 861,000 221,000 123,000 337,000 15,000 253,000 220,000 123,000 249,000 125,000 187,000 158,000 151,000 5,000 129,000 1,936,000 (?) 474,000 335,000 20,883,000 9,707,000 8,925,000 The World's Food Supply 25 sugar plantations, with the installation of necessary machinery for crushing and preparing the raw sugar for market, is not a rapid process and the extension of the sugar cane production cannot rapidly meet the deficit caused by the upheaval of the sugar industry in Europe. Meats and Other Animal Foods. The animal foods consist of meats (principally beef, pork and mutton, with a relatively very small amount of goat, horse, dogmcat and poultry), milk, butter and cheese, and fish. Compared with grains and vegetables, meats are of much less importance as a world food supply than we of the western world are accustomed to thinking. Figure 1 shows the combined food value of beef, pork and mutton to be only three- fifths that of potatoes, and scarcely to be compared with rice and wheat. This is another way of saying that meat does not play an important part in the diet of the world. Only a few countries are large meat consumers. These countries are the newly opened countries of large grazing facilities and small population such as Australia, New Zealand, United States, Argentina and Canada, or the countries of large industrial population that can readily import meat. The United Kingdom, Germany, France and Belgium represent such countries. But the per capita consumption is very much less than in the first group. The people of the densely popu- lated countries of the far east and the tropics eat very little meat. No figures are available, but the per capita consumption of China would probably be very much lower than that of the lowest Euro- pean country shown in the diagram. (Figure 9.) Not only is meat consumption relatively small in most countries, but the meat that is consumed is produced at home. Only a small part of the production enters international trade. The total ton- nage of meats in import trade in 1912 is given at 2,400,000 tons," 8 per cent of the world's consumption, which is estimated at 25,000,- 000 tons. The movement of the world wheat crop for the same year was 22,500,000 tons out of a production of 114,000,000 tons. Over 85 per cent of the world exports of meat in 1912 were suppHed by five countries, viz., Argentina and Uruguay, 36 per cent; United States, 31.1 per cent; Australia and New Zealand, 18.7. Canada, Denmark and Russia supplied practically all of the remain- "G. K. Holmes, Meat Situation in the United States, Part I. Report No. 109, U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Office of the Secretary, p. 15. 26 The Annals of the American Academy O J ' M ^ Q z O tj o N o N O N C) ^ Cj o ^ o f"^ K ^P (Ja t„ 1.,^ 1-,' loo i ~ ^o *IN s ^ Oy' O ' 1 1 1 1 1 V 1 1 1 _K •o- ^ 1 1 '* ,, ^ i ^ ^ 1 ^ ^ **) i I P ^ ! 1 «si- 1 1 1 i ! 1 1 ^ >^ R 1 Mm 1 J ; ^ t 1 OS m >« (^ '^ (S, (7s ^ w ON o N ON O -^ CN ei ■Q <0 S X M .1 -J Si 1 1 1 5 1 S ^ lit ^ «Q ?: t*. ^ "^ s s> -4 t III! 1 1 1 ^ K ^ 1 & « 5 i 1 i 5 5 5 S 5 -J 1 •0 It ' c < 1 '^ § O >< Q »5 «5 *: «> ± ■>, •0 ^ 1 ^ The World's Food Supply 27 der. The only country in which imports of meat constituted a large proportion of the consumption was the United Kingdom, 40 per cent of this country's meat needs being imported. This was nearly 62 per cent of the total world imports of meats. Germany, Holland, Belgium, France, Russia, Switzerland, Norway, Sweden, Denmark and Spain were all importers of meats, fats and oils. The only country outside of Europe which imports meats in considerable quantity is Cuba. Beginning with 1913, however, a considerable and growing importation of meat into the United States had devel- oped, principally of chilled meat from Argentina and Australasia. This importation in 1914 amounted to 200,000,000 pounds and in 1915 to 223,000,000 pounds, making the United States the fourth country in importance as an importer of meat, as well as the leading exporter. The effect of the war upon the meat supply is very difficult to measure with any high degree of accuracy. The great demand for food for man, combined with the difficulty of importing animal fodder, or the desire to use the grains for food rather than for fodder, has caused an increased slaughter of animals. According to the United States Food Commission,^^ the number of meat producing animals has decreased since the outbreak of the war by 115,005,000, divided as follows: cattle, 28,080,000; sheep, 54,500,000; hogs, 32,425,000. The greatest reduction was, of course, in the warring nations and some of the nearby neutrals. But the increased slaughter in some of the surplus meat countries seriously depleted the number. For example, the number of sheep in Australia fell from 78,600,000 in 1904 to 72,300,000 in 1916. In France, the decrease is estimated to have been for cattle from 14,800,000 in December, 1913 to 10,845,000 in 1916; for hogs, from 7,047,000 in 1913 to 4,362,000 in 1916.'* In the Netherlands and Norway there has been a slight increase in the number of animals. German stocks were seriously reduced in the fall of 1914 and early 1915, but apparently have been gradually increased since. ^* If the accounts that have come to us of the food shortages in Ger- many are at all correct, one of the most serious deficiencies is in animal fats and foods. "Washington Official Bulletin, August 21, 1917. " Data from Robert W. Woodbury, personal communication. 1" Ibid. 28 The Annals of the American Academy The World's Food Supply 2d 30 The Annals of the American Academy To meet the increasing demands of the western aUies the United States, Argentina, Australasia and South Africa are being called upon as never before for meat supplies. Our exportations of meat last year (1916-1917) were well over 2,000,000,000 pounds as compared with 493,848,000 for the three year pre-war average, a gain of over fourfold. Dairy Products. Other animal products of large importance are butter, cheese and milk. Milk enters into international trade in the form of condensed milk, butter and cheese. Butter and cheese, particularly, being items of small bulk relative to their high food value and their high money value, are of considerable importance. The chief dairying region of the world is northwestern Europe, where climate especially favors the dairy cow. Butter, cheese and milk here are all exceedingly important foods, and in spite of the enormous quantities that are produced for consumption large additional quantities were imported from foreign countries. Tables VIII and IX indicate the chief importing and exporting countries of butter and cheese. The effect of the war on dairy products has been disastrous. The large killing of milk animals for meat, the shortage of animal fodder, and the drain upon labor for armies have all contributed to a lessened milk supply. Of the countries now under control of the Table VIII Exports of Butter and v^HKEjSS Millions of Pounds. Average 1911-1913 of Leading Countries Butter Cheese Total Holland 71 130 201 Denmark 200 200 Australia and New Zealand 116 ei 177 Russia 167 8 175 Canada 4 157 161 Italy 8 67 75 Switzerland 70 70 France 36 30 66 Sweden 48 48 United States 5 6 11 Argentina . 8.3 8 Bulgaria 5 648 5 Total— World 710 1,258 I 122 50 172 16 49 65 50 50 15 32 47 10 13 23 12 8 20 12 12 10 10 6 6 6 6 The World's Food Supply 31 Table IX Imports of Butter and Cheese Millions of Pounds. Average 1911-1913 of Leading Countries Butter Cheese Total Onited Kingdom 451 253 704 Germany France United States Belgium Austria-Hungary Switzerland Italy Argentina Canada Denmark Total— World 697 539 1,236 Central Powers, Germany, Austria and Belgium were all large importers of butter and cheese. These supplies were obtained principally from Russia and the neighboring neutral countries, particularly Denmark, Holland, Sweden and Switzerland. During the war, butter and dairy products have been the chief, practically the only, foodstuffs, that the neutral countries could supply the Central Powers. But the grain shortages and the decreased ability to import the usual amounts of cattle food have greatly curtailed dairy production in these neutral countries as well as among the warring nations. With the usual supply of butter from Russia cut off, combined with the decreased production at home and among the neighboring neutral countries, the western allies are demanding more and more butter, cheese and condensed milk from extra-European countries. Before the war, 451,000,000 pounds of butter, 65 per cent of the world's imports, were brought into the United Kingdom, although the production of the United Kingdom itself was very large. This, combined with an import of 253,000,000 pounds of cheese and a very large import of condensed milk, made the United Kingdom by far the largest importer of dairy supplies. How this demand is now put upon countries outside of Europe is indicated by the growth of exports of dairy products from the United States as shown in Table X, 32 The Annals of the American Academy Table X Exports of Butter, Cheese and Milk from United States Butter Qba.) Cheese Qha.) Condensed Milk (lbs.) 1913 3,585,600 2,599,058 16,-525,918 1916-1917 26,835,092 66,087,213 -259,102,213 The importance of milk and its products as a food for western nations is exceedingly great, especially when we consider the relation of the milk supply to the strength and development of children. A real danger of shortage of this food faces the nations today, both in Europe and in the United States, unless immediate steps are taken looking toward the increase in dairy cattle. Fish. The catching of food fish is almost universal, and since fishing is practiced by the individual on a small scale with rod along the brook as well as by great fishing fleets upon the high seas, it is very difiicult to even roughly estimate the amount of food thus supplied. In Japan fish is a staple article of diet of first-class importance. But even here the grains and vegetables are very much more important. In most other countries fish is relatively of very small importance. One writer^^ states that the fish catch in the United States is not one-fifth as valuable as the butter produced, and that the fish of all the world are only two-thirds as valuable as the poultry and egg production of the United States. Neverthe- less, fish is an article of diet of no mean importance in several coun- tries in Europe, as is shown by Table XI. Table XI Per Capita Consumption of Fish Pounds Pounds United Kingdom France Germany Denmark 41.4 (1913) Norway 14.2 (pre-war) Sweden 19.1 Holland 26.5 (1913) United States 140.9 (1915) 44.3 (1914) 15.4 (1913) 21.2 (1908) In the Scandinavian countries, Denmark and United Kingdom, fish was of considerable more importance than in France, Holland or Germany. That the problem of securing fish supplies is now more difiicult is to be expected from the naval activities in the North " J. R. Smith, Industrial and Commercial Geography, p. 324. The World's Food Supply 33 Sea and surrounding waters. The estimated fish production of the United Kingdom for 1917 is placed at 8,000,000 cwt. or less than one- third the production of 1913. French production for 1917 will be one-third that of pre-war production; Germany secured three- fourths of her fish produced from the North Sea before the war and in addition imported large quantities. It would be safe to estimate Germany's fish production for 1917 as probably not over half of the pre-war production. On the other hand, Sweden, Holland and Denmark have increased their fish production in the last three years, and Norway's production has remained nearly stationary.^* Conclusion The outstanding fact in reviewing the food supply of the world is the importance of Europe as an agricultural and grazing region. In spite of Europe's small area, great industrial development and large population, it is the greatest agricultural region of the world. Here are produced the largest supplies of wheat, rye, barley, oats, potatoes, sugar, meats and dairy products, and many other of the important foods of man. In 1913, 65.4 per cent of the world's total production of wheat, oats, rye and barley were grown in Europe; 90.5 per cent of the world's potato crop; 43 per cent of the world's sugar; 18 per cent of the world's corn; 31.8 per cent of the world's cattle. With the exception of rice, millet and corn, Europe leads the world in the production of most of the great staple articles that feed mankind. In spite of this enormous production, Europe is the chief importer from the outside world of foodstufi"s and other sup- phes, like fertilizer and fodder, that are used in producing foods. With the disorganization of the agricultural life occasioned by the war, both in Europe and outside of Europe, with the great demand upon the ship tonnage of the world, needed for war purposes and decreasing as the ravages of the submarine continue, with the actual destruction of large amounts of foods by the destructive agencies of war on land and the sinking of food ships on the sea, the provisioning of Europe is a serious problem. So big is it, indeed, that the food resources of all the world, under existing organization, are being strained to the utmost to meet the needs. 1* Information in regard to fish is from Robert W. Woodbury, personal com- mmiication. 34 The Annals of the American Academy : INTERNATIONAL RATIONING By Burwell S. Cutler, Acting Chief of the Bureau of Foreign and Domestic Commerce, United States Department of Commerce. Proceeding out of the congregative instinct to which all self- governing animals give themselves when in prolonged trouble, mankind is now dividing itself into two main camps of warlike and economic action. Each camp aims to make of itself a complete economic erttity, self-sustaining and aggressively independent. Rationing schemes under governmental authority and administered by semi-official committees are everywhere in evidence, I propose the idea that the plan of national and international rationing grows out of the instinct of self-preservation and will continue, under the stress of economic pressure following the war, to be a permanent featare of civilization. Let me describe to you briefly the European committees in operation. Many of these do not confine their supervision to food- stuffs or industrial materials although it is true that all of them have a direct bearing on the ebb and flow of commodities in the final analysis. In London we have : 1. The Contraband Committee whose purpose is self-evident; 2. The War Trade Intelligence Department whose duty it is to see that individuals and concerns are prohibited from supplying the enemy with useful intelligence, credit, foodstuffs or other materials; 3. A War Trade Statistical Department which collects data proving the normal and extraordinary needs of markets at home, in enemy countries and in neutral countries; its recommendations are the basis for action by most of the other committees; 4. A War Trade Department which concerns itself with licensing exports, especially wool, cotton, rubber and tin; one of its chief duties is to supervise the exportation of these materials in amounts adequate to the fulfillment of British war contracts in this country; 5. A Ministry of Shipping within whose control rests the dis- position of practically all the European ocean tonnage in the hands of private concerns or of governments outside of Germany; it corre- sponds to our own shipping board but has the additional privilege of taking over the management of neutral and allied merchant fleets; 6. A Coal Exports Committee whose purpose is plain; International Rationing 35 7. A Commission for Re-Victualment; this is perhaps the most important of them all inasmuch as it lays down a rigid program of allotment on foods and raw materials for every country within the influence of Great Britain, and there is no appeal from its decisions, especially on materials controlled by the British government. The French committees are, of course, more limited in number, due to the fact that a large part of allied responsibility has been willingly placed on the shoulders of the British committees which I have mentioned. At present I might list the French committees as follows: 1. A Committee for Restricting the Provisioning and Commerce of the Enemy; it is composed of representatives technically qualified to decide either on the indispensability of a product of enemy origin or on the advisability of accepting requisitions presented by private persons for said products or merchandise, the importation of which is generally prohibited in view of their origin. The findings of this committee serve as a technical basis for decisions by the French administration. Its official members are exclusively French scien- tists, but its meetings are attended by representatives of the Italian and Russian embassies at Paris and by one of the British Embassy secretaries; these three outside collaborators act as friendly coun- sellors and not as members. 2. An International Committee on Contingents, the word "con- tingent" being used here in a technical sense that did not obtain prior to the war. The committee is charged with the study and determination of cases relative to Switzerland's need of merchandise that must find its way across France and Italy to destination. As in the case of other committees its resolutions are based on com- parative statistics for peace and war times, it being the purpose to eliminate whatever part of the importation is plainly intended for the Central Empires. The members of this commission are men of technical training in custom duties and research of a like nature. There is practically nothing opinionative about their work, it being exclusively a matter of proven data. There is another name for this committee in French terms that has been abbreviated to the rather famous expression "S. S. S.," meaning Swiss Society on Economic Surveillance. 3. A Permanent International Committee of Economic Action; this is composed of representatives of the various allied govern- ments and met first at Paris in June, 1916, to adopt resolutions for an economic alliance between the Entente Allies that would con- tinue after the war. It has deliberated and decided on all matters^ relating to the blockade and especially relating to questions diX insurance, black lists and contraband. It is in effect the French side of several London cominittees supervising blocka^ej war intelligence and insurance. -^ V 36 The Annals of the American Academy It has been impossible, of course, to keep strict lines of demarca- tion between the activities of these three French committees, but danger of duplication and of conflicting action is reduced to a mini- mum by the close supervision of Baron Denys Cochin who is the president of all three committees. It can hardly be said that both the London and Paris committees are actuated by identical motives, although in a general way they follow the lines which we in this country have adopted to conserves first of all for ourselves the products that we most need. Quite naturally, too, the declared principle of conservation is used some- times to serve a policy of protection to home trade. I may give you the instance of a certain country which declined politely to discuss the lifting of an embargo on its imports because it claimed the right to restrict purchases by its citizens on the ground of public economy, of conservation of wharf and railroad facilities, of saving freight handling and of lack of ocean tonnage. In the end, however, these arguments were not strong enough to conceal a powerful effort on the part of certain capital interests in that country to build up a manufacturing monopoly in a group of commodities which have always been imported heretofore. The abuse is not general ; nor is it always inexcusable. Our own rationing scheme is a very simple matter, but not being thoroughly understood by the public in general, I make free to de- scribe it as follows: Under proclamation by the President, to whom power is dele- gated by Congress, the principle has been adopted that we must first of all conserve our own products where they are most needed by our own people. Our surplus — and we will figure it liberally — • goes in just proportions to our associates in the war, particularly when their armies must be served; out of this surplus we must also allot something to the neutral nations of the world where their .loyalty to our cause is beyond question. The policy underlying our conservation plan is given by the President to the Exports Council, composed of the three Secretaries of State, Agriculture and Commerce, together with the United States Food Administrator. These oflficials in turn have each dele- gated a representative to the formation of an Exports Administrative Board which is instructed to collect all data on the subject of domes- tic and foreign needs so that a definite recommendation may be International Rationing 37 made by it, back to the council. Under this board exists a Bureau of Export Licenses that stands as the clerical mechanism, its duties being to receive apphcations for export, pass them through the searching test of commodity and trading investigation and then to grant export licenses if the test is survived. Modifications or addi- tions to the controlled hst and to the regulations pertaining thereto are deliberated upon by the Exports Administrative Board and transmitted with a recommendation to the Exports Council which considers both the foreign and domestic policy involved and makes its own recommendation to the President, if the matter is one of international significance; whereupon the President renders a deci- sion which goes back again over the same track to the Bureau of Export Licenses with instructions to act. Ordinary export applica- tions go directly to the clerical force and out again. Another feature of the rationing plan that attracts our attention is the purchase by government of a supply of materials in the coun- try where they originate. Great Britain has bought the entire Australian wool clip for this year and holds it subject to her orders. She also has purchased large amounts of raw sugar which are trans- ported to warehouses in England where they are held subject to scientific distribution to various home refineries, all under agree- ment to furnish the refined article at reasonable prices, first to the army and then to the public. The London Times Trade Supplement is authority for the statement that the following products in sub- stantial quantities are controlled by the British government: Coffee Leather Preserved meat Coal Maize Rubber Copra Meat Sugar Diamonds Metals Tanning materials Feeding stuffs Oil seed Tobacco Grain Paper Wood Jute and its fabrics Petrol Wool Control in the United Kingdom of these commodities is exer- cised through the following agencies: Ministry of Food, Army Council, Board of Trade, Ministry of Munitions and other semi- official committees such as the Royal Commission on Sugar, and others. Most of the articles controlled are under the jurisdiction of the Army Council whose authority issues from the Defense of the Realm regulations. While the Army Council is interested primarily 38 The Annals of the American Academy in war materials, so many products are now included under that clas- sification that the Army Council may be said to have in charge the majority of the products controlled by the British government. Whether this outcome is the result of the peculiar operation of the law or of the superior ability of the men composing the committee is unknown to me. Tliis council usually exercises its control by taking possession of stocks existing in the country and in many cases fixing the price for such materials, just as our food administration is em- powered by the President to do. At this date the only commodities that have been bought out- right by the British government at the point of production are wool and sugar. The announced motive back of the Australian wool purchase was the desire of that government to utilize the credit which they possessed there for the very immediate benefit of Aus- tralia which stood in need of ready fmids, but I am disposed to be- lieve that the pressing need of this material in all parts of the world, particularly here, appealed to Great Britain as a trade advantage which should not be neglected. It follows naturally that the owners of the wool will apportion it with a fine regard to reciprocal advan- tages, both here and in other countries, although I do not mean to say that any sharp purposes will be served. The same government is also exercizing a rationing power over the following stocks which are held in quantity at ports controlled by them, namely: mohair, cotton, Unen yarns, flax, jute, hemp, corn, rice, oils, seeds, beans, peas, etc., pork and other meats, together with butter, leather, copper, lead, aluminum, petroleum, tin, rubber, coal tar, wax and cabinet woods. The list is increasing day by day. To put it briefly, our English relatives have given up the notion that non-interference in trade is essential to the initiative of the individual and his pros'^erity. They have apparently conceded the principle of governmeiital control of commodities for the benefit of the nation. Although this means right now a first consideration of army needs, it will mean very soon an equal regard for the needs of the consuming public. That the plan should be developed with an eye to trading possibilities is also natural, even though it is a matter of subordinate importance for some time to come. If I am a competent judge of the situation, I may say that the powerful industrial associations, to which the British govern- ment has given power of distribution, are in existence today by International Rationing 3d reason of a conviction that large and efiicient organizations have ceased to be a public menace and have become a prime requisite for economic survival. Notably in Europe and less notably here, aggregations of capital and cooperative effort have been found necessary to the maintenance of national power at home and abroad. Italy likewise has placed-an embarg^o on the exportation of the several commodities for which she is famous and they represent the larger part of her industrial activity, notably olive oil, macaroni, tomato paste, etc. With striking consistency she allows the free departure of citrus fruits since this is a surplus product and has no food value as compared with the other commodities. Spain, too, has embargoed olive oil in addition to other commodities which are necessary for the food and industrial activity of her people. Unless this country takes similar measures in the purchase or control of basic commodities which it does produce or may purchase, we may find ourselves very soon at the mercy of competing nations that will either starve us or force us into bargains which we do not now contemplate. In a measure, but not yet adequate to the situation, we "are trying to establish our economic independence by the private purchase of certain raw materials in bulk from Russia, Spain and from South American countries, by the process of an exchange for manufactured commodities which we turn out as characteristic products. We are, however, seriously handicapped by the lack of a merchant marine since we cannot provide transpor- tation after the deal in all other particulars is made. This is the place, possibly, to express the opinion that when it comes to the final issue in warlike or economic competition, the country which can produce the greater number of basic materials has the whiphand. Consequently, one may not view with complete satisfaction a disproportionate growth of liberal arts manufacture. It is plainly to be seen that the refining process, when dependent upon an outside supply of raw material, is completely at the mercy of the countries which control the raw material. In the present state of affairs we find the exportation of raw materials mounting steadily since August 4, 1914. Are we losing what others are saving? It is to be hoped that the present export control will partly remedy the situation. Our importation of raw materials for April this year amounted to $94,094,515-, for May, $108,036,640, and for June, $114,876,294, a steady increase, whereas I 40 The Annals of the American Academy the exportation of finished products has notably decKned where they were destined for public consumption; military needs must, of course, be eliminated for a clear judgment of the normal exportation. The end of the war will not, in itself, expand the supply of available materials. In fact, there is every reason to anticipate a greater disproportion between international needs and the supplies on hand. When we look back at our exports for the first seven months of 1914, covering breadstuff s, cotton seed oil, cattle, hogs and sheep, meat and dairy products, cotton and mineral oils, we find a total of $494,294,000. This is in great contrast to the total for the same seven months of 1916 amounting to $783,981,000; an increase of 80 per cent. Consult, if you please, the identical total covering these commodities for the first seven months of 1917 and you find a matter of $1,007,065,000, or an increase of approximately 225 per cent on the figures for 1913, when we considered conditions fairly normal. Have we been squandering the riches of our land without much regard for the need of future generations? Such excuse as we have today as purveyors of materials absolutely necessary to the main- tenance of our associates in the war, did not exist prior to April, 1917. The industrial property and homes that will have to be restored to normal activity and usefulness after the war will mean a much greater drain on the world's resources than is now taking place on account of war requirements. In France alone, devastated territory must be built up to the extent of millions upon millions of dollars. In Belgium an even more extensive restoration must be made. When one thinks of the materials which will be requisitioned for these two territories alone, one is justified in wondering whether any price will be too high to pay for any material. What result will the present and future expenditure of basic materials have on the market supply, if they are not regulated? Very plainlj'^ a speedy exhaustion of the available stocks. Before this situation actually arrives, every nation will, I think, automati- cally adopt a system of embargo on exports, subject first to the needs of its people and second to the exchange possibilities which other nations afford. It may be expected that an economic alliance of the entire world will eventually come about by the process of one nation pairing with another and those two combining with others until a large International Rationing 41 aggregation of them acts as a single comprehensive family. If they eventually join hands covering the entire earth, wherever civiliza- tion is in authority, they will be doing nothing more or less than what priiTiitive peoples accomplished by instinct in a smaller way. I refer to the community relations between family, clan and tribe. Even before our entrance into the war the Entente AlUes pro- posed an economic alliance, comprising all the war associates on their side of the conflict, for operation following the end of hostilities. This proposal has serious defects, however, inasmuch as it is based almost wholly on belligerent motives and is in defiance of the funda- mental laws which have compelled commerce as far back as we can see. I cannot conceive that French manufacturers, as an example, can survive international competition if they are forced arbitrarily to buy from Italy or England or Russia or from this country mate- rials that may, on the other hand, be laid at their doors over night by a short railroad haul from Germany. Propinquity in commerce is a cardinal advantage, and is not easily overridden. As I have said, one may anticipate that rationing committees will appear by government order in all countries. Supplementary to a home committee or organization for the apportionment of domestic products we might have in Italy an expert in olive oils whose duty it is to purchase for dealers in the United States such quantities as the Italian government allows to go out to us; and a marble expert and a silk expert are every bit as probable. These representatives would naturally resolve into a buying commission, whose further part it would be to secure from our own country such commodities in exchange as Italy might want for herself. Likewise, Italy would have her commission on this side. In each country it would be necessary to establish a banking credit, to the end that said credit, if one eventuates, will be remittable to the side whose purchases are short, unless the credit is ordered to stand against further purchases — a very probable out- come. The stabilizing of monetary exchange, so essential to peace- ful commerce, would thereby become comparatively automatic. As a matter of fact, vast purchases from Russia have been and are being consmnmated by such a process at this time, with the financial service performed by American banks, as one might expect. We must disabuse our minds of the notion, held unconsciously or as a principle of faith, that trading beyond our own boundaries is 42 The Annals of the American Academy abnormal or of importance secondary to domestic trading. Ocean- borne commerce constitutes the bulk of all trading for many Euro- pean countries, notably Great Britain and Germany. The foreign trade of the first country for 1913, the year prior to the war, amounted to $5,451,000,000; thatof Germany figures $4,966,000,000. That our own foreign trade ranked third after both those countries, with a figure of $4,278,000,000, proves to my mind not so much the success of our foreign trade enterprise as it does indicate the tremendous quantities of raw materials which European nations seek from this part of the North American continent. Although it is true that our finished products have been in the ascendency, never- theless it is to be noted that the component materials thereof origi- nated very largely in the soil of this country. Of course, it is cheaper in many instances for the European purchasers to take materials in their refined forms than it is to import the raw products in gross bulk, at a great expense for freight and handling, and to then refine it on the other side. I believe that the era of international rationing has arrived and that our own government must very soon recognize the instinctive need of new organization, both at home and abroad, to plan and maintain a constant supply of prime necessities. In the past, foreign relations have depended very largely on the pohtical fancy of rulers, whether they be part of an autocratic, or monarchical, or repubhcan regime. They may be expected sooner or later to follow the lines of economic association as dictated by the needs of the people. INTRODUCTORY By Carl P. Hubscher, Secretary of Swiss Legation, Washington, D. C. It would mean carrying coal to Newcastle should I, as a neutral diplomat whose thoughts are naturally concentrated upon the immediate needs of his country, attempt to add anything to the discussion, the more so as my friend, Professor Rappard, has in a masterly manner, elsewhere explained to you the position of Switzer- land to the food question. I may, however, ask your indulgence if I call to your attention the reasons why we representatives of foreign countries must be deeply indebted to the American Academy of Political and Social Science for having been given this opportunity to discuss the food question in an informal manner. I have been connected with international affairs for many years and have been struck by the fact that, upon careful examina- tion, we may find that the true root and origin of many interna- tional complications is too often mere misunderstanding — the sheer inability of both sides to comprehend the national character and ideals of one another — too often, also, negotiators are unable to divorce their personal feelings from their obUgations as represent- atives of their respective nations. In private life we observe that after a heart to heart talk, persons who have bitterly differed separate perhaps not as friends, but at least with a better understanding of each other's viewpoint. The same is true in international life. Once the good will and desire is present to compose a misunderstanding by a free and open discussion, a solution of even a complicated international dispute may always be found. To attain this end is necessary not only the more formal diplo- matic negotiations, but also just such an open forum as the American Academy of PoUtical and Social Science has arranged for the in- formal discussion of the food question. This occasion provided by the Academy has made it possible 43 44 The Annals of the American Academy to present to the American public the views of foreign countries on the food embargo, and no one knows better than the citizens of the oldest republic in existence, Switzerland, that in the people them- selves lies the ultimate verdict, and that is why we Swiss and we neutrals are justified in the assumption that a just solution of the food embargo will be found in the United States. THE FOOD SITUATION OF NORWAY By Fridtjof Nansen, D.Sc, D.C.L., Minister Plenipotentiary of Norway on Special Mission. In spite of its great extension, Norway has not more than two and one-half million inhabitants. Our countr}^ thus has one of the smallest populations of any country in Europe though Norway is one of the oldest kingdoms existing. Though we are small our history may, however, be said to have proved that the Norwegian people possess some good qualities, ever since the days when the Norsemen were the first to cross the Atlantic Ocean and reach the shores of the new world where they established permanent colonies in Greenland. The Norsemen were, and are still, a strong race with a high degree of vitality which is proved for instance by the unusu- ally low death rate in our country. For this and other reasons our people have during the last century increased in number more than any other European people. The increase of our population was on the basis of 100 to 254. If it had not been for the emigration, espec- ially to this country, this increase would have been much greater. We have the doubtful honor of being that European country which next to Ireland has sent comparatively most emigrants across the ocean. In the latter half of the past century one-half million people left Norway and in the ten years from 1901 to 1910 no less than 190,000 left the country. In many years the emigration was more than half the increase by birth and in some years even more than the whole increase by birth. There are now said to be in this country one and one-half million Norwegians of the first and second generation. The important question in connection with the subject inter- esting us at present is: How do the people of Norway live? What are their means of existence? The Food Situation of Norway - 45 At all times agriculture and dairy farming or animal industry were by far the most important means of existence in Norway, The average value of the yearly agricultural production may be esti- mated to amount to something like two hundred million kroner, or between two hundred and two hundred and fifty millions. A very important industry of the Norwegian people is the lumber trade. The total value of the production of this trade is not easy to estimate as so much of it is used at home on the farms. But the average value of the yearly export of the production of the forests was in the years 1906 to 1910 about eighty million kroner. Our fisheries are naturally also of great importance and cer- tainly not less so in late years. The value of the total catch of fish considered as raw material was for instance in 1910, sixty-eight million kroner, the value of our whaling fisheries being included. The export value of our fish and fish products is naturally con- siderably higher. Especially in late years, manufacturing industry has become a very important factor in our national economy. In 1910, for instance, the value of our export of industrial products, mining products not included, was one hundred and ten million kroner. Here, however, are included certain products of the lumber trade such as pulp, chemical pulp and paper. But the export of industrial products has increased very much for every year after 1910. Finally may be mentioned our shipping, which is of very great importance to the Norwegian people and, I may say, also to several other nations, and certainly not less so during this war. The Nor- wegians were always a seafaring nation ever since the days when our ancestors were the horror of the coasts of Europe, until this day when we are a preeminently peaceful people and wish to remain so. though it cannot be denied perhaps that still a little of the old adventurous spirit is burning in us. Our poet Bjornson has said: "Vor acre og vor magt har hvite sell OS hragV (i.e., our honor and our position we owe to our white sails). This is largely true even today though our white sails have now to a great extent been replaced by the black smoke of our steamers. Though, as I said before, agriculture is the most important industry of the Norwegian people, the agricultural production must not be expected to amount to very great quantities for it has to be 46 The Annals of the American Academy considered that only 2^ per cent of our land area is cultivated. If we also include in this calculation natural grass fields not ploughed, we reach about 4 per cent. This may seem a very small proportion of a country supposed to be inhabited by a civilized people; but it has to be considered that about 70 per cent of our extensive land area is occupied by mountains, snow mountains, glaciers and entirely barren ground. About 21 per cent of the total area is covered with forest. Also in this respect — the very small percentage of cultivated area — our country is unique amongst European countries. For the sake of comparison I may mention the following figures. Finland is the country that comes next to us with a cultivated area of between 10 and 11 per cent of the total land surface; then comes Sweden with 12 per cent. Very different are the conditions in Denmark where 73 per cent of the total land area is cultivated. It is also of interest to notice that in mountainous Switzerland the cultivated land is 56 per cent of the total area. Though very much has been done in order to develop our agriculture in every respect, it has not been possible to increase its production at the same rate as the population has been growing. Nevertheless, our agriculture may be said to have a fairly high standing. The cultivated ground yields, " for instance, a much greater crop per acre than in most countries. This is largely due to our small holdings causing the soil to be better worked and ma- nured. As, however, our cultivated area is comparatively so small, we are not able to produce more than a certam portion of the grain we need for living. This portion varies naturally somewhat with the harvest in the different years, but on the average it has lately been between one-third and one-half of the total amount we need. We have therefore had to import all the way from an equal quantity to double as much as we produce ourselves. As an illustration it may be mentioned that during the three last years before the war, 1911 to 1913, our total import of grain and flour of all kinds (not including Indian corn chiefly for feeding animals) was on the average of 425,000 tons while our home pro- duction of grain during these years averaged 311,259 tons. In the three years 1914 to 1916, that is during the war, the average import reached only the amount of 389,536 tons while our home production averaged 303,314 tons. It is thus seen that our import of grain as well as our home production has been less during the years of the war than before this time. The Food Sittjation of Norway 47 In the figures of our home production just given our crop of potatoes has not been included. If this be done the proportion between home production and import for human food will be some- what different. In order to make the figures comparable, the nutritious value of the potatoes as well as that of the different kinds of grain has to be transferred to the value of one special kind of grain as a standard, and in our statistics barley has been chosen for this purpose. In order to give an impression of the change which has taken place in the proportion between home production and imports the figures obtained for a few different years may be useful. Home Production Import About 1855 75.0 per cent 25.0 per cent " 1900 42.9 per cent 57.1 per cent " 1911 38.8 per cent 61.2 per cent " 1914-16 42.3 per cent 57.7 per cent It will thus be understood that the proportion of the home production as compared with thie import of grain has been con- stantly sinking during this time until about 1911 or the years before the war, but during the war it has again been somewhat increased. This is due to our natural desire to decrease our dependency on the import of grain as much as possible. The land area cultivated has been increased, especially this year, and our government has stimu- lated the agricultural production in every possible way by allotting free soil, by minimum prices, by importing fertilizers and reselling them at a sacrifice, etc. We therefore hoped that this year's crop would be essentially increa^sed from what it has been in former years and the outlook early in the summer was also quite good; but a very long and continuous period of drought has spoiled our good prospects and, as I now have learned, much rain during the collect- ing of the crop, which is now going on, has caused serious difficulties. If we take our imports of grain and our home production, the total average quantity of grain and flour available for consumption during the years 1911 to 1916 has been 715,000 tons per year. We might thus calculate the consumption at 60,000 tons per month, but here is also included seed as well as grain used for feeding ani- mals. After having deducted the quantities necessary for these purposes, and considering that our population is two and one-half million inhabitants, we find that during the six years 1911 to 1916 48 The Annals of the American Academy the consumption of grain per head averaged 232 kilograms, or about 600 grams per day. Before the war we received our greater part of grain and flour from Russia, Germany and Roumania. From the United States we only received a comparatively small portion which in the years 1911 to 1913 averaged 8 per cent of our total imports. In 1914 it was increased to 43 per cent which means that after the outbreak of the war in August the United States supplied us with practically all the grain and flour imported. In 1915 United States sent us 98 per cent and in 1916, 99 per cent of our total import of grain. Though it is unnecessary, I may still mention here that we have naturally had no export of grain either before or after the outbreak of the war, with the exception of some diminutive quan- tities confined almost exclusively to a little grain and flour sent to the Pomors or inhabitants of northern Russia on the Kola Peninsula and a little trade across the frontier to the nearest districts of Sweden. There is of course- prohibition against all exports of grain and cereals and no licenses are given for this frontier trade, except in accordance with the agreement with Great Britain. The different kinds of grain as well as potatoes are naturally the chief sources of the carbohydrates necessary for the sustenance of the Norwegian people. But in this connection ought also to be mentioned sugar, though of less importance. No sugar is raised in Norway, and we therefore have to import all we need, which has on the average amounted to between 49,000 and 55,000 tons of sugar a year, corresponding to a consumption of about 50 grams per individual per day, or something like 20 kilograms in a year. This is much less than most other people consume. Of course we do not export sugar, except some few tons, 80 or 90 tons, that go across the frontier in the same way as the grain before mentioned. Having thus mentioned the quantities of food containing carbo- hydrates consumed by the Norwegian people, I now propose to discuss another important part of the food, namely the fats. I may then first point out in general that the investigations on the nutrition of the Norwegian people show that their consumption of fats is relatively great as compared with that of the more southern nations of Europe. This is naturally explained by the climate of our country and by the hard work of the people and their way of living. The average low temperature and the long The Food Situation of Norway 49 winter make a greater production of the heat of the body necessary and besides this it is also to be considered that a comparatively great proportion of the men, fishermen, laborers in the forest, etc., have very hard work in the open air under severe climatic condi- tions. And it is a well-known experience that under such circum- stances the increased need of food has chiefly to be covered by fats. The average consumption of fat by a man in our country who has not hard work, amounts to about 100 grams of fat per day. By harder work his consumption is increased to 130 to 150 grams, and by work in the woods during the winter it is increased to 200 grams per day, a great portion of our men being engaged in this kind of work, especially in eastern Norway. This consumption of fat may be said to agree well with the conditions in the United States and Canada. According to his investigations on the food of the people in the United States and Canada, Professor Atwater, in his book Methods and Results of Investigations on the Chemistry and Economy of Food, calculates that the consumption of fat per individual should be about 158.5 grams per day. Assuming that the population of Norway, somewhat more than two and one-half million inhabitants, corresponds to a little more than two million of what might be called standard men, and if we further assume that these standard men need only 100 grams of fat per day, this will make a consump- tion of about 74,400 tons of fat for the whole of Norway per year. This quantity is, however, a minimum. As I said before, a great part of the population of Norway has hard work at comparatively low temperatures which will naturally increase the craving for fat, and if we increase the consumption of fat, for instance with 30 grams per day, it will make the quantity of fat needed for feeding Norwegian people in the year as much as 96,725 tons. A careful calculation of Norway's production of fat which can be used for human food shows that it is about 53,700 tons per year on the average. In this quantity is included the fat of animals, cattle, sheep, swine about 15,000 tons, fat of milk and milk products — butter, cheese, etc. — with about 35,500 tons. Herring oil which is not used for human food is not included, but on the other hand, the fat contained in fresh and salted fish from the home fisheries is included in our calculation. All figures are calculated as net values, i.e., the quantity that is really available in the human organism. If we take the calculation of our needs based upon 100 grams 60 The Annals of the American Academy of fat per day per each standard man, Norway will have a deficit of about 21,000 tons of fat per year which has to be imported. This is, as pointed out before, a minimum. With the consumption of 130 grams per man per day the deficit will be 43,000 tons. If we now look at our imports of fats and oils for human food we find that they agree very well with this more theoretical calcula- tion. In the three years 1911 to 1913 our average yearly import of fats was 21,000 tons. In the three years during the war, 1914 to 1916, the average import was somewhat higher, namely 26,400 tons. If we take the imports for each year we find, however, that they were on the whole increasing somewhat even before the war. The increased import of fat after the outbreak of the war is also to a great extent explained by the decrease in our supplies of meat and pork, which decrease was very considerable if we consider the dif- ference in import of live stock and our home production. If it be considered that the quantities of fats mentioned are not net values, it will easily be understood that the people of Norway are decidedly not overfed, in regard to fat. There still remains a very important part of foodstuffs and that is everything belonging to what is called with a general name — • protein — contained chiefly in meat, fish, and also to some extent in grain. If we take it that each individual will want about the same daily ration of protein as fat it means that the yearly consumption of protein should also be about 74,000 tons. Of this we produce about 70,000 tons ourselves and consequently we should only be 4,000 tons short in this respect, a shortage which may easily be covered. I have described the situation of the Norwegian people as to their food supplies and have tried to give you an idea of what we actually must import from abroad in order to live without suffering. Of course there are also many other things which we must import, for instance, material for our shipbuilding, raw material for our man- ufacturing industry, manufactures of various kinds, etc., which also are very necessary for our existence as a nation, but which now, when it is a question of to be or not to be, are not so important as the food. The next question now is how the Norwegian people can obtain the means to cover the deficit in the balance of trade caused by the importation of these foodstuffs and other necessary articles. pi The Food Situation of Norway 51 For this purpose our fisheries are naturally of great importance producing some of our chief products of export. Altogether the value of the exported products of our fisheries averaged before the war about 100 million kroner a year. Besides England and Ger- many, Spain and Italy were very important markets for our fishery products before the war. During the war these markets have to a great extent been closed to us owing to the difficulty with tonnage. Our chief market now is England and also Germany. But I may mention that our export to Germany is now carried on in strict accordance with agreements with England, not allowing us to export more than a certain proportion of our catch to her enemy. The products of our lumber trade consisting of timber, sawn timber, planed wood, manufactures of wood, pulp, chemical pulp, paper, etc., are naturally also of much importance for our balance of trade. But besides this the exportation of products of the various other branches of our manufacturing industry becomes every year more and more important as was pointed out before. The export of our industrial products gave in 1910 an income of one hundred and fourteen and one-half million kroner, and this value has been substantially increased during recent- years. The chief buyers of these industrial products during the war have without comparison been England and her aUies, and our electro-chemical production has been especially valuable. This industry, used to a great extent to produce raw material for the agricultural and manufacturing industry of Germany, has during the war more and more become producer for England and her allies, especially France. The prod- ucts we send them have been, as I understand it, of the very greatest importance. I may as an example mention the ammonium-nitrate sent to England, and especially to France. I may also mention other products as for instance cyanamid and also aluminum. According to what I have been told, a reduction or a stop of the exportation of these products would mean a very serious loss for your allies. There is still left one branch of trade which is of the very greatest importance for our balance of trade, and that is our ship- ping. In order to give you an idea of how matters stand in this respect I may tell you that the average value of our imports in the four years from 1911 to 1914 inclusive was five hundred and sixty-one 52 The Annals of the American Academy million kroner, while the average value of exports during the same years was three hundred and ninety-one million kroner. This makes an average deficit of one hundred and seventy million kroner which is chiefly covered by our shipping. This shipping has during the war naturally to a great extent been directed to the shores of England and her allies as well as to this country, and — as you are probably aware — there has been and still is a great portion of our fleet sailing between United States and the West Indies and South America and also on your Pacific coast. Our shipping between Great Britain and her allies was not considered with friendly eyes by the Germans, and their U-boat warfare has to a very great extent been directed against our shipping, and our losses have therefore been heavier than those of any other neutral nation and I believe also greater than the losses of this great country until now. I cannot give you the exact figures at this moment, but I do not say too much when I say that one-third of our commercial fleet has been destroyed. It means that about one million Norwegian tons have been sunk and about 700 Norwegian sailors, or now probably more, have been killed. In spite of this the Germans have not been able to terrify the Norwegian sailors. I was told of only one instance when a Norwegian sailor refused to go because the ship was going to the war-zone. The consul in that port told him that he was very sorry to hear it because it was the first instance in his experience that a Norwegian sailor had refused to go because he was afraid. The sailor said nothing, went on board and did his duty. I saw a report the other day of the sinking of a Norwegian vessel off the English coast. One of the surviving sailors was ex- amined before the maritime court in London, and was asked whether he had been sunk before. He answered that this was the sixth time. On the suggestion of the judge that now he had probably got enough of it, he declared that he was of course going out again as soon as he could find a new employment. But the destruction of our commercial fleet is constantly going on, and if this lasts very long the prospects are that it will be entirely destroyed. The Norwegians will no more belong to the seafaring nations — we who used to have the third commercial fleet in the world. We came next after England and the United States and were only in late years surpassed by Germany. I have tried to give you an idea of the situation and the needa South America's Available Food Supply 53 of the Norwegian people. We are a small nation, that is true, of no great consequence in the world perhaps, whatever we ourselves may think, but still we are a nation, and we beg for nothing, we only ask for our right to exist. We consider it our duty to remain neutral and do our best to keep out of the war. We think that in this way we may also do the greatest service to the world. We are of those who, in spite of all. Never doubted clouds would break, Never dreamed, though rights were worsted, wrong would triumph. Held we fall to rise, are baffled to fight better. Sleep to wake. May all humanity awaken after this terrible crisis — I think the most serious one in the whole history of the world — may we awaken to see that there is one great purpose in life and that is not destruc- tion of others, it is development of oneself, of all one's possibilities; that there is one high ideal of existence. Its name is not power, its name is justice! SOUTH AMERICA'S AVAILABLE FOOD SUPPLY By His Excellency, Senor Don Ignacio Calderon, The Bolivian Minister. All know that South America is a very vast continent, full of possibilities and great in resources, where ten independent republics are established, each one with its own characteristics; therefore, to speak of South America as a unit is misleading and inaccurate. For instance, if we say th,at South America produces a great deal of wheat, it would mean that wheat is produced for export in all the countries. That is not the case. Wheat is not produced for export except in Argentine. If we say that tin is exported from South America, we also make a wrong statement, because tin is produced only in Bolivia, which gives to the world one-third of the production of that mineral. Therefore, it is not correct to say that tin is produced in South America. I am going to give you a review of the exportable food resources of each of the countries in South America. Agriculture is not very much developed in those republics 54 The Annals of the American Academy for the simple reason that they are wanting in means of easy and cheap transportation, which is an element very important in agri- culture. Argentine is the only country in South America that, because of its advantageous geographical position and the lack of mountains, being entirely flat, and because it receives thousands of immigrants every year, has been able to develop its agricultural resources. Argentine exports every year large amounts of wheat, corn and barley. These same cereals are produced in small quanti- ties in other countries. Rice is exported in small quantities from Peru and Brazil. Chile produces and exports some barley and oats and what they call frijoles, which is a kind of bean. Coffee, as you all know, is the great staple article of Brazil; in fact, is the main export from Brazil. Venezuela and Colombia also export some large quantities of coffee; and Ecuador, Peru and Bolivia are also producers of it and export it in small quantities. Cocoa is the staple product and the main export from Ecuador. Ecuador produces most of the cocoa that is used in the world. Venezuela, Colombia and also Brazil may be counted as providers and exporters of cocoa in smaller amounts. Peru manufactures and sends out a great deal of sugar, and Argentine will perhaps soon be able to export it because the manu- facture of sugar is improving, at the present time being only enough for home consumption. These are the principal articles of agricultural production that are actually available in South America. Then of course, we have to count the tropical fruits, like bananas, oranges, pineapples and different kinds of nuts that are exported from the tropical countries, like Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador and Venezuela. The products I have mentioned, are simply those that are avail- able for consumption in the present emergency all over the world. Each country produces different kinds of vegetables and cereals that are not exported, and therefore it is not necessary to mention them. Argentine and Uruguay are the great centers of meat supply. In both countries there are millions of cattle. Chilled and frozen meats and jerked beef are exported in large quantities to all parts of the world. In the northern part of South America, that is to say, in Venezuela and Colombia, there is also an abundance of cattle. Beef is exported on the hoof to the West Indies. These two coun- tries, as well as the southern countries, like Brazil, Paraguay and South Americans Available Food Supply 65 Bolivia, have extensive grazing grounds where millions of cattle can be raised. In fact, Bolivia, whose territory comprises more than seven hundred thousand square miles,' has roaming, in the section neigh- boring to Argentine,* Paraguay and Brazil, thousands of wild cattle in its vast grazing fields. They have already received the atten- tion of the people in this country. I often receive letters from western farmers asking detailed information about the grazing grounds in Bolivia. Southern Argentine and Chile are developing a large sheep raising industry. There are great flocks in Pata- gonia and Tierra del Fuego. This supply of meat is very interesting to the United States. If we take into consideration that from 1907 to 1917, the stock of cattle in this country has diminished, according to statistics, at least ten million heads, while the population increased more than fifteen million, it is a fortunate thing that in the great plains of Colombia and Venezuela, which have splendid grazing grounds, cattle could be raised in great numbers, just as in the other countries I have already mentioned, thus making it possible to supply the deficiency in this country. Such is the summary of the products that South America could furnish to the world under the present circumstances. Of course, many of the countries of South America import great quantities of flour from the United States. We in Bolivia import every year from twenty to thirty thousand tons of flour. It seems a shame that we have to import flour when we have such a fine climate and plenty of wheat. But transportation is too ex- pensive and therefore, with the railroads that have been built lately in the neighboring countries and the cheap ocean freights, the American wheat can go to Bolivia cheaper than the native wheat can be transported a few hundred miles on mule back. The facility of communication, the cheapness and the prompt- ness of transportation, have so knitted the nations of the world that they have grown to depend on each other and to receive whatever is needed and to sell whatever they have to export. In this way, little by little, the extension of commerce and good-will among all the peoples has progressed almost to the extent of making the whole world into one single community. But unfortunately, this condition of affairs has lately been abso- 66 The Annals of the American Academy lutely disorganized. War is desolating mankind. An autocrat filled with the crazy ambition of submitting the world to the dominion of might and military rule has trampled down the most sacred traditions and principles of international law. To accomplish his purpose is waging a war unique for its barbarism, inhumanity and immorality, cities have been burned, monuments of art that are the glory and pride of mankind have been wantonly destroyed, entire populations taken and brought away from their homes, women out- raged, little children left homeless and without protection, the high seas turned into a bandit's lair to attack merchant ships and destroy them, and defenseless passengers drowned without mercy. It seems as if the author of this great calamity is bent on following literally the threat of his predecessor, Attila, who boasted that where the hoof of his horse trod, no blade of grass would ever grow. No man with a heart, no nation mindful of its dignity and the conception of its life, will stand this wanton challenge to mankind. The United States has been compelled to put the whole weight of its immense financial resources and man power into the struggle, to defend its rights and vindicate the rights of mankind. Its action will no doubt hasten victory, and I think will shorten thjs conflict. The day is not far when this night of horror and misery will be succeeded by the beautiful light of justice; and having thoroughly crushed military power and autocratic rule, the nations of the world will once more in peace and freedom resume their onward march, and preceded by the unsullied flag of the stars and stripes will advance toward progress and the attainment of the greatest ideals of mankind. Sweden's Food Supply 57 SWEDEN'S FOOD SUPPLY By Hon. Axel Robert Nordvall, Delegate of the Royal Swedish Government. From early times it has been customary to give agriculture as the chief industry of Sweden. Today the country does not possess the same right to that description it once did. In the first place the number of persons engaged in agriculture has not increased in the same proportion as the population of the country. Where 82 per cent of the entire population was dependent on agriculture during the "twenties" and "thirties" of the last century, only 48 per cent was so classed in the last census in 1910. This decrease occurred si- multaneously with an increase of crops produced, which means that greater economy has begun to be practiced with expensive human labor. Yet the fact remains that the diminished labor supply has in many places made it distinctly difficult to successfully carry on the work with undiminished intensity. While there has been a steady increase in the area of cultivated land and the crops obtained from it, this growth has not kept pace with the greater food needs of the population. In some earlier periods Sweden had a considerable surplus of grain but now she is obliged to import very large quanti- ties of cereals. In this connection it must be considered that agriculture, which in the middle of the nineteenth century was the only important Swedish industry, is now considerably exceeded in product value by the commodities turned out by the nation's factories. In other words, Sweden is more and more becoming a manufacturing country. Climate has probably been the most important factor in this change. It is incontestable that Sweden considering its northerly latitude is wonderfully favored in point of climate. And it is only fair to admit that we have America to thank for this to a very great extent in furnishing us with that marvelous thing — the Gulf Stream — on which I hope an embargo will never be placed. But the life-giving warmth of the south is lacking. Most of the cultivated species in Sweden have to be grown in latitudes farther north than is favorable to them. The feeble sunshine of the north allows only a short growing period; night frosts are frequent. On the whole it might be said that the farther north, the greater the 58 The Annals of the American Academy cost of producing a crop of cultivated plants. It is therefore no marvel that agriculture is difficult, especially in rivalry with coun- tries that possess more beneficent sunshine. Rye and wheat are the two main bread producers in Sweden. Some barley is used in northern Sweden for bread making, but corn so far is unknown as a bread material. The yearly consumption of rye and wheat amounts to something over one million tons, or, in round figures, 40,000,000 bushels. An average rye crop in Sweden is about 600,000 tons or 24,000,000 bushels. Home grown wheat crops are usually about 220,000 tons or 9,000,000 bushels, making a total crop of bread cereals that approximates 33,000,000 bushels counting wheat and rye. Add to these figures the average yearly import of these grains, which is 12,000,000 bushels — mostly wheat — and deduct 5,000,000 bushels needed for seed and there remains a difference of about 40,000,000 bushels of rye and wheat needed each year to feed the Swedish population. It might be of interest to know from which countries Sweden filled its pre-war grain requirements. In 1913, or the last year before the outbreak of the war, Sweden imported 8,500,000 bushels of wheat, of which 2,500,000 bushels came from Russia, 2,000,000 bushels from Germany, 700,000 bushels from Argentina and about 1,000,000 bushels each from the United States, India and Denmark. During the same year, 1913, 4,000,000 bushels of rye were imported, 3,000,000 bushels coming from Germany and the remainder from Russia. These figures reveal the fact that before the war at least two- thirds of Sweden's grain cereal imports — 12,500,000 bushels — came from the now belligerent nations, Russia and Germany. When, at the outbreak of the war, Sweden could not import grain from those countries and had to fill her requirements from other markets, it was only natural that she should turn to the United States. In 1916 Sweden imported 12,000,000 bushels of wheat and rye, something less than the 1913 purchases. The United States fur- nished about 80 per cent, or 9,720,000 bushels, and Argentina pro- vided the remainder — about 2,000,000 bushels. As will be seen from these figures, Sweden did not import more grain during 1916 than before the war, but actually bought a smaller quantity and changed the sources of her imports from Germany and Russia to the United States. Sweden's Food Supply 59 At the end of 1916, when shipping diflBculties became more and more acute, the Swedish government took the precaution to take over all stocks of grain and flour and put the entire nation on a bread ration. In the beginning this ration was fixed at 12 kilograms (26.5 pounds) of bread grain a month for each person enrolled in the agricultural class, and 250 grams, or 9 ounces of flour a day for all other citizens. During March of 1917 an inventory of the nation's grain stock was completed and it was discovered that the stores were much smaller than had been calculated. An error had been made in calculating the 1916 crop and it was immediately decided to cut down the bread ration considerably. The new ration, it was decided, should be 10 kilograms (22 pounds) a month for each person in the agricultural class and 200 grams, or 7 ounces daily, for all other individuals. Lately the proposition has been under consideration to further diminish the bread ration because of the serious doubt as to whether the old crop would be sufficient to last until the new harvest, grain from which may be expected to reach the market about the middle of November. I hope this course has not been deemed necessary because it would bring a great part of our people to the brink of starvation. The seven ounce ration is small enough; in fact it is the smallest I know of in any country in the world, including Germany, The German bread ration, I have been told, was some months ago increased to 1,950 grams (69 ounces) per person per week, whereas the Swedish ration gives only 1,400 grams (50 ounces) to each person per week — or, in other words, the Swedish ration is 25 per cent less than the German. It should be mentioned in this connection, however, that to those individuals among the Swedish working class who have es- pecially hard work to perform, an extra allowance of flour is given, depending entirely on the occupation of the individual. In some cases — with his extra flour allowance — the Swedish workman gets nearly the same ration as the German civil workman. Some time must elapse before the 1916-17 crop figures are available. With a satisfactory harvest and with a good potato crop this year it would have been possible to maintain the present bread ration during 1917-18, even though foreign grown grain was unavailable. 60 The Annals of the American Academy I am sorry to say, however, that there is no prospect today for a medium good grain harvest. Owing to unfavorable weather con- ditions during the fall of 1916 the sowing of winter wheat and rye was delayed, and the winter frosts found the plants small and delicate. This, taken in connection with unfavorable conditions during the winter and the severe frosts of April and May, caused a total failure of the winter rj^e in certain sections and a partial failure in other parts, and the entire crop, including the wheat, was very poor at the beginning of the summer. June and July brought a severe drouth spoiling the small remaining prospects of the winter grain and also greatly hindered the development of spring grain. I am sorry to state that today it can safely be said that both winter and spring grain will show a considerable shortage for 1917. The winter crop will be approximately 12,000,000 bushels below normal. It will scarcely be possible to fill this shortage by a greater use of spring grain, because the spring crops are for the most part oats, barley, etc., and are unsuitable for bread making, being really fodder crops, and short at that, promising only enough food for livestock use during the winter, since the hay crop is also short and since im- ported fodder will be difficult to secure from abroad, if it can be secured at all. In brief, the Swedish grain crop is about 12,000,000 bushels short of normal production. With an average crop it is necessary for us to import 12,000,000 bushels. Consequently, this year we will need 24,000,000 bushels of grain from abroad in order to have the same standard of living as before the war. Thanks to our government's foresight in introducing bread rationing in good time, we have saved about 12,000,000 bushels, or 30 per cent of the pre- war annual consumption of bread grains. We must, however, import 12,000,000 bushels of some sort of breadstuff during 1917-18 if we manage to maintain the present bread ration, which, as I have stated, is probably the smallest in the world, and is at least 25 per cent less than the German allowance. Sweden particularly recognizes the value of the potato as a foodstuff of the greatest importance for man and beast. Our crop in 1913 was about 2,000,000 tons; in 1914, 1,700,000 tons; in 1915, 2,100,000 tons, but in 1916 we harvested only 1,500,000 tons of potatoes. During the war there has been no import or export trade in this conmiodity. As to the prospects of the potato crop I think Sweden's Food Supply 61 it would be safe to say that we might expect a medium crop and if the weather conditions continue to be favorable, it might even be a little better. One other important nutriment is produced from Swedish soil; sugar, made from beets. The production of refined sugar amounted to 126,000 tons during 1913; in 1914 the output was 137,000 tons; in 1915, 143,000 tons, but in 1916, owing to decreased acreage and to inferior quality and quantity of the sugar beet crop, only 122,000 tons of refined sugar were produced. Because of the excellent 1914 and 1915 crops, Sweden was able to help her friend and neighbor Norway with 15,000 tons of sugar, the only sugar that has been exported during the war. Statistics show that there was a consid- erable increase in Swedish domestic consumption of sugar in 1915 and 1916. This was due to the fact that the government fixed a maxi- mum sugar price, making it one of the cheapest nutriments on the market. The low price, however, had one great drawback, it brought about the reduction in acreage and lessened the cultivation of sugar beets. The decrease in sugar production during 1916, and the greatly increased sugar consumption, made the sugar situation rather serious in the latter part of 1916, which influenced the govern- ment to ration sugar in the following manner: (1) Factories using sugar (including bakeries, chocolate, candy and soft drink factories) , will receive about half the yearly quantity they had used during the previous two years. (2) Each individual will receive 13 kilograms of sugar a year and in addition a small quantity will be allowed each household for pre- serving purposes. In the foregoing I have given a short r^sum^ of the Swedish situation in regard to bread and other starch-giving foods. Hardly less important, however, is the fodder production on which depends the cattle raising industry. Our fodder crops are oats, barley and mixed grain, with certain quantities of straw and hay; which has never been sufficient to feed our livestock. Even before the war, it was necessary to import oil cake and corn in order to supplement the stocks of native grown fodder. Approximately 1,300,000 tons of oats are generally produced each year, with the exception of the 1914 crop, which was unusually short, 40 per cent below normal in fact, with the total production approximating 800,- 000 tons. Our barley crop is usually 300,000 tons annually, and we B2 The Annals of the American Academy produce about 350,000 tons of mixed grain each year. The hay crop, as a general thing, is between five and seven milhon tons annually. Until 1916, the annual import of cotton seed cakes was 150,000 tons. That at least was the figure for 1913, 1914 and 1915. In 1916 this figure was reduced about one-half and in 1917 there was a still greater reduction. Corn was imported at the rate of 50,000 tons a year during 1913, 1914 and 1916. In 1915 this figure increased to more than 200,000 tons, which is accounted for by the unusually poor oat crop in Sweden during 1914 when the total yield was between 500,000 and 600,000 tons below normal. As a consequence of cutting off almost entirely the importation of cotton seed cake and corn during 1916, and because of the poor 1917 fodder crop as well as the indifferent harvests of oats, barley, mixed grain and hay, it will be necessary in the near future to slaugh- ter or export a considerable part of the nation's cattle and swine. It is hardly necessary to dwell on the enormity of a national calamity endangering the national production of meat, milk and butter, by being forced to kill off the country's livestock. Extensive stock killing will for the time being flood the market with more meat than can be consumed causing an overproduction of one kind of food, but in the end the cattle loss will be badly felt especially when the war is over and business tries to revert to pre-war conditions. Sweden's War Time Food Exports Much misinformation has been published in the press and gen- erally believed by the pubhc, under the general subject of "Sweden is Feeding Germany." Only the other day I read that 5,000,000 bushels of wheat have been shipped from Sweden to Germany during the war. This statement, like most of the others I have read, is absolutely wrong. It is a pleasurable duty to give the correct export figures to this American audience. During the war Sweden has exported the following quantities of wheat' to Germany: 45 tons or 1,800 bushels in 1914; 30 tons or 1,200 bushels in 1915; 40 tons or 1,600 bushels in 1916 and during 1917, nothing at all. During the entire three years of war the total exports of wheat have been less than 5,000 bushels. Absolutely no rye has been exported from Sweden during the war. Of Swedish oats, nearly 500,000 bushels were exported during Sweden's Food Supply ^ 63 1916, but during the years 1914, 1915 "and 1917 not a single pound has been exported. Just 180 tons of barley were exported during 1916 — the only exports of any year during the war. No corn has been exported during the war. About 1,200 tons of rolled oats and partly spoiled barley were exported to Germany during 1916, part of which was sent for the relief of the starving population of Lodz in Poland. Finally 2,200 tons of malt were exported to Germany during 1916. All told there has been a total of 10,695 tons of grain and malt exported during the entire war. Of this amount the greater part was oats, and only an insignificant portion was wheat. Considering that Sweden's total yearly consumption of all sorts of grain amounts to 3,000,000 tons a year, which for the three years of war makes in round numbers, 9,000,000 tons, the total export during the entire war was about one-tenth of •I per cent of Sweden's total grain con- sumption — certainly an insignificant amount. It is hardly necessary to state that at the present time, or during the present year, there can and will be no export of grain in any form from Sweden. Regarding the situation concerning cattle, meat and dairy products, I must say, in times past Sweden used to export consid- erable quantities of oats, which, however, has ceased since the country began to raise cattle on a larger scale. Sweden had, at the beginning of this year, about 3,000,000 head of cattle. In 1913 we exported 42,000 animals; in 1914, 80,000; 1915, 36,000; 1916, 14,000. Broadly speaking, 1 per cent of the nation's entire cattle stock was customarily exported, except in 1914, when the oat crop dropped 40 per cent, approximately 3 per cent of the national stock being sold abroad. For years before the war, Germany and Den- mark bought the greater portion of our export cattle. The actual meat export figures for four years past are: 1913, 5,000 tons; 1914, 7,500; 1915, 11,700; 1916, 5,000. I must em- phasize the point that this export business is not a war industry but existed long before the war. And also that shortage of food at home caused the trade to fall off considerably in 1916, and to diminish to . virtually nothing this year. Pork exports before the war increased yearly. In 1913 we exported 8,000 tons of pork and in 1914 the pork exports increased to 15,000 tons. The 1915 exports totalled 19,000 tons and reached a maximum. In 1916 the export pork tonnage was 14,000, while at the present time all export of pork 64 The Annals of the American Academy from Sweden has ceased, and'we are importing pork under a special arrangement from Denmark. It is regrettable that Sweden has not been able to uphold the export of her pork to England during the war and that a greater part of it has gradually gone to Germany, especially in 1915. The natural and only explanation is that pork exporters, in order to get the high cost of production covered, chose the market that offered the best transportation facilities, the highest prices and the best condi- tions of payment, which conditions Germany undoubtedly fulfilled. Many efforts have been made to maintain the export of pork to England but these have all been in vain, as the prices offered and other conditions were too unfavorable. Butter is one of Sweden's most important export articles and has been for many years. Before the war we exported about 20,000 tons annually. During 1914 andil915 this amount decreased and in 1916 it had reached the low figure of 13,000 tons. During the present year all export of butter has ceased and Sweden is now importing butter from Denmark under special agreement. The same reasons given for the decline of English-Swedish pork trade and the turning of this business to German firms — also apply to the butter business. The diminution of Sweden's butter exports is intimately connected with the cessation of Swedish production of margarine. Sweden manufactures and consumes, during normal years, about 30,000 tons of margarine, made principally from imported raw materials. The importation of fats and oils needed for margarine production ceased entirely during 1916. Sweden had an important pre-war export trade in milk, cream and cheese. Denmark bought the milk, Germany the cream and Switzerland the cheese. During the war the export of these com- modities gradually diminished and ceased altogether during 1917. I would like to give you some figures showing what Sweden's meat export to Germany really meant to that country during the war. I say "meant" because such export, worth mentioning, does not exist any more. In 1915 Sweden's total export of all kinds of meat to Germany was only 28,400 tons. In 1910 the total amount was 20,000 tons. Both figures include pork and live cattle. Esti- mating Germany's population at 05,000,000, the export figures men- tioned above indicate that each individual in Germany received Sweden's Food Supply 65 about 430 grams, or about one pound of meat and pork all told during the entire year 1915. In 1916 the corresponding figure was 310 grams or 11 ounces. I hope the remarks I have had the opportunity of making before this distinguished audience will help to give an idea of the conditions in my country and of the grave problems Sweden is now facing. It is not only foodstuffs we lack, but also such articles as oil, coal, and many kinds of raw materials. The lack of lubricating oil, to take one example, will in a month or two put hundreds of thousands of Swedish workmen out of employment. It is to America, that we, like other countries, are looldng for relief in our precarious situation. I am a great believer in ''give and take," and hate one-sided agreements. Today, money alone is not consideration enough for America's products, and Sweden offers in exchange for the American goods she so badly needs, such Swedish products as our good iron ore, our high grade steel, or wood pulp and other commodities, facilities and guarantees which are in our power to give. The American government has taken into her own hands con- trol of the export of American products. This means, I know, a square deal to everybody. It is a tremendous task this country has undertaken, and means virtually, the rationing of the greater part of the world — her allies as well as the neutral nations. An organization to handle this immense job cannot be put into shape over night. It is only natural that America shall want to find out first what her own resources are, and then how much she needs for her own people and for the nations allied with her in this great war. And when these facts are ascertained she will know how far she will be able to satisfy the neutral countries dependent upon her. That everything will be done to avoid unnecessary hardship and suffering in any of the neutral countries is the belief of everybody who knows the American people, their government, American ideals and what America stands for in this war. M The Annals of the American Academy SWITZERLAND AND THE AMERICAN FOOD SUPPLY By William E. Rappard, Professor at the University of Geneva, Switzerland, formerly of Harvard University; Member of the International Red Cross Committee; Member of the Swiss Mission to the United States. The Economic Situation Nature seems to have predestined Switzerland to be a victim in a general European war. Imagine a country smaller in size than Maryland and smaller in population than Massachusetts, surrounded on all sides by four great nations whose total population is about twice that of the United States. Imagine two of these surrounding nations at war with the two others. Imagine a country whose moist climate and high average altitude prevent it from raising more than a fifth of the cereal foodstuffs necessary for the consumption of its population, a population about equal in point of density to that of Connecticut. Imagine a highly industrialized country without any mineral re- sources nor any outlet to the sea. Imagine all these conflicting circumstances and you will have a true picture of the economic situation of Switzerland. In the last few years before the war Switzerland was in the habit of importing from 50 to 75 per cent of her foreign wheat from Russia and Roumania; Canada, the United States, and Argentina supplying most of the rest. Coal, of which her soil is absolutely barren, she drew mostly from Germany. This empire alone supplied her with more than 80 per cent of her needs, less than 10 per cent being im- ported from France and still less from Belgium. As for pig iron, all of which we were obhged to import also, about 55 per cent of it came from Germany, 30 per cent from France and the rest from England, Austria, and Sweden. In normal times about three-fourths in value of our annual imports consisted of foodstuffs and raw materials and about three-fourths of the value of our annual exports were repre- sented by manufactured articles. In times of peace, the economic interdependence of nations is justly regarded as a very natural and mutually advantageous con- sequence of the international division of labor. But in times of war, Switzerland and the American Food Supply 67 as we have learned at our expense, economic interdependence means economic dependence of the small on the large states, and nothing can be more threatening for the political independence of small states than economic dependence on their large neighbors. Since 1914 Switzerland has become entirely dependent on the allies in general and on the United States in particular for many essential commodities, the most important of which is grain. On the other hand, Switzerland has become equally dependent on the central powers in general and on Germany in particular for equally essential commodities, the most important of which are coal, iron, chemical fertilizers and potatoes. That the central powers should not supply us gratuitously with coal and iron is as natural, as it is natural that the allies should not allow us to pay for them with the foods stuff they export to us. Nor it is surprising that the central powers should forbid the reexportation to the allies of the coal and iron we receive from them. On the other hand, the considerable tourist traffic, which for- merly helped us to balance our foreign trade account, has become negligible as a result of the war. Consequently we today have to rely almost exclusively on the products of our grazing and manu- facturing industries as payment for our imports of foodstuffs and raw materials. The allies have further so far restricted our exports of Swiss raised cattle and dair}^ products to the central powers that they have become insignificant as compared with the needs and resources of those powers and insufficient to pay for our imports. Hence the recent credit arrangement between Switzerland and Germany, according to which we have been obhged to loan Germany $4,000,- 000 for every 200,000 tons of coal we receive from her. The allies have recognized that our economic relations with the central powers have been limited as far as is compatible with the necessities of our national existence. In order to live, we must im- port some cereal foodstuffs from the allies and export some products of our grazing industry to the central powers; that is the price exacted for the coal and iron which no one but they can furnish us. To deny us the right to import or to make it dependent upon our refusal to export would, therefore, be to denj^ us the right to Hve. 68 The Annals of the American Academy Stated in these simple terms, the problem involved is suscepti ble of but one solution at the hands of a nation and of a government which have always been noted for their spirit of fair play and for their generosity toward small countries. The Political Situation So much for the economics of the Swiss situation. Let us now briefly examine its political aspect. The Swiss nation, although one of the smallest in the world, is made up of peoples of different tongues, of different races, and of different creeds. About two-thirds of the population speak a Germanic dialect, about a quarter speak French and the rest Itahan. I may here remark parenthetically that although German is the written language in the German parts of Switzerland, the spoken dialect, somewhat resembling the Alsatian, is so distinctive that it is not understood by the average German. The national problem arising out of the diversities of the Swiss nation has hitherto been- successfully solved through the strict observance of three great principles — democracy, federalism (what you would call the principle of states' rights or of local autonomy) and neutrality, Switzerland was born at the close of the thirteenth century as a democratic republic and, in spite of some attempts at political reaction, she has always remained true to her democratic ideal. The initiative and the referendum, which she has devised in the course of the last century and which hav^ since been imitated in this country, are but the most recent symptoms of a political spirit which is as old as the country itself. Until 1798 Switzerland had been a loose confederation of sov- ereign states. Then suddenly she became a highly centraHzed re- public, after the French revolutionary pattern. Neither system proved satisfactory. In 1800 Napoleon Bonaparte urged Switzer- land to adopt the American form of federal government. This was finally done in 1848. In the meantime several Swiss authors, and particularlj^ James Fazy, a Geneva statesman who had been a warm friend of Lafayette, had carefully studied and strongly recommended the imitation of American institutions. The happy balancing of the rights of the constituent states represented in one house of Congress, and of the rights of the nation at large represented in the other, is, almost as much as the democracy itself, one of the secrets I Switzerland and the American Food Supply 69 of Switzerland's internal peace. We have not forgotten and we shall never forget that we owe it to the example of your country. The third cardinal principle of Swiss political life is neutrality. This also is well-nigh as old as the country itself. It was practiced in an imperfect manner as far back as the beginning of the sixteenth century. It saved Switzerland from ruin during the Thirty Years' War in the seventeenth century and during the wars of Louis XIV in the early part of the eighteenth century. Ifc was given its present form at the Congress at Paris in 1815 when France, Great Britain, Russia, Portugal, Prussia and Austria, recognizing 'Hhe neutrality and inviolability of Switzerland and her independence of all foreign influence to be in the true interests of the policy of the whole of Europe," solemnly yowed forever to respect them. The neutrality of Switzerland is, unlike many other neutralities, no provisional and opportunist political attitude. It is a funda- mental principle of our national life, a condition both of our external independence and of our internal peace. Our federal Constitution, defining the duties of the Federal Council, our national executive, makes it equally incumbent upon it to defend "the independence and the neutrality" of the country. At the beginning of the present war all our belligerent neighbors renewed the assurance of their fidelity to their treaty obligations and our government renewed the assur- ance of our absolute and unconditional will and duty to defend our neutrality against all possible aggressors. Since the beginning of August, 1914, our army has been continuously guarding our frontiers. The cost to date is approximately $150,000,000, a sum / which means as much to a population of 3,500,000 inhabitants as about $4,500,000,000 would mean to the people of the United States. It is a very heavy burden. But we deem no exertion too strenuous, no privation too trying, no sacrifice too great, when the sanctity of our word of honor and the independence of our country are at stake . Such are the foundations of our political existence. They have thus far withstood all shocks from without and from within. Ever since the beginning of the war the French and Italian speaking element of our population have ardently hoped and wished for the triumph of the allies. In those parts of the country where the German-Swiss dialect is spoken, our people were divided. An unbounded admiration for German efficiency, an exaggerated faith in the German version of the origins of the war, unfortunate illusions I 70 The Annals of the American Academy about the degeneracy of France, about the imperiaUsm of Great Britain and about the menace of Czarism caused many of our fellow- citizens to lose sight of the deeper moral significance of the present struggle. But today the violation of the Belgian neutrality and the admirable resistance of that noble people, the terroristic methods of German warfare and the magnificent reaction of unprepared and pacific France, the Russian revolution and the entrance of the United States into the war, have cleared the issues. Today the great mass of our people have, with regard to the principles at stake and to their champions on the fields of battle, such feelings of hope and gratitude as become the citizens of the oldest democratic repub- lic in the world. In her efforts to hold and to gain the sympathies of Switzerland, Germany has used two tools, one intellectual and the other economic. The first has failed her. A bad cause poorly defended; such is the Swiss opinion of the German propaganda. With the other tool Germany has been much more fortunate. In spite of our adverse feelings, or perhaps on account of them, she has been almost gener- ous toward us. Burning exclusively German coal, the Swiss people suffered less from last winter's cold than the German people them- selves. Last year three-fourths of our imported potatoes were furnished us by Germany. Our own crop had failed and this spring, when we were in dire need of potato seeds, Germany, in spite of her own shortage, supplied us liberally with them. When rumors of the threatening American embargo on food for neutrals reached Europe, rumors which doubtless provoked still more rejoicing in Berlin than anxiety in Berne, it was intimated from certain quarters that if the allies failed us we might perhaps rely on Germany even for some of our cereal foodstuffs. One may be assured that in her present moral isolation, there are few economic sacrifices which Germany would not make, if they were productive of real political advantages. Fortunately the allies have also treated us fairly thus far. The allurements of interested German generosity have, therefore, not been too effective. But they are dangerous and they might become fatal for our people if we were not certain of your people's and of your government's sympathetic interest and support. Switzerland and the American Food Supply 71 Conclusion In his memorable farewell address, Washington said in 1795: There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. 'Tis an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard. This wise utterance is perhaps less absolutely true today than it was at the end of the eighteenth century. Still we should not dare to sohcit any favors from this country, if we were not convinced that by granting them your government was effectively serving your own cause. The United States government has it in its power to save Swit- zerland or to ruin her. For America to save Switzerland in the present crisis is to clear the way for the realization of the American peace idea, by convincing the most hardened of skeptics and cynics abroad of the absolute sincerity of its democratic inspiration. For America to let Switzerland perish or to allow her to be saved through the shrewd and calculating generosity of the German autocracy, would be to abandon the most ancient and the firmest foothold of liberal and federative democracy on the continent of Europe. Could anything more hopelessly obscure the fundamental issue of this war, undertaken by the United States to realize that state of political fellowship between peoples of different tongues and races, of which Switzerland is perhaps the most perfect prototype in the world? And, on the other hand, could anything more gloriously and more persuasively show the German people the true intentions of the American government and the true obstacle to lasting peace, than a fair and generous treatment of that country which at their doors, is for friends and foes of democracy alike, the very embodiment of the democratic idea? A public statement of this policy and of its justification from the American point of view, coming from this country and reechoed into Germany through the thousand channels of our press, would be more than a convincing argument. It would be a demonstration. We know that America will save Switzerland, because we know that it is America's wish and will that the government of the people, by the people, and for the people perish not from any part of the earth, but that it prevail throughouJt all civilized mankind! 72 The Annals of the American Academy Statistical Appendix The following five tables illustrate Switzerland's economic de- pendence on the two hostile groups of belligerents for five of the most vital commodities. Unless otherwise specified, the figures given are in thousands of metrical tons. The total imports of each commodity as indicated often exceed the sums of the imports from the various countries, as only the most important of the ex- porting countries are mentioned. Imports of Coal Frovi 1911 1912 1913 1914 1916 1916 Germany 2,467 2,615 2,845 2,730 3,032 2,730 Austria 9 11 7 12 2 13 France 393 322 325 202 12 9 Belgium 2C6 188 Ul 93 251 396 Holland 17 25 17 35 13 England 41 28 32 32 1 1 United States 6 6 Total 3,133 3,195 Imports 3,379 of Pig 3,105 Irox 3,311 3,149 From 1911 1912 1913 1914 1915 1916 Germany 656 785- IQil 553 997 637 Austria 9 12 7 45 129 6 France 348 392 364 242 5 20 Belgium 14 19 7 England 158 139 107 35 111 Sweden 8 8 5 6 121 92 United States 47 Total 1,165 1,374 1,229 953 1,287 913 Imports of Potatoes From 1911 1912 1913 1914 1915 1916 Germany 48 48 68 21 22 59 France 10 19 8 4 4 Italy 8 11 14 43 6 Austria 9 3 2 1 HoUand 1 60 3 11 Total 80 85 94 133 30 78 Switzerland and the American Food Supply 73 Total 439 Imports of Wheat From 1911 1912 1913 1914 1915 1916 Russia 220 203 186 167 17 Roumania 102 141 50 11 Canada 46 55, 80 60 Argentine 12 13 33 18 7 58 United States 24 33 151 168 458 540 486 529 441 482 598 Total 24 Imports of Raw Cotton From 1911 1912 WIS 1914 1915 1916 United States 14 15 16 9 17 16 Egypt 9 10 10 11 14 10 British India 1 1 1 1 1 1 26 27 21 32 27 These five tables show that Switzerland could.no more do without German coal, iron and potatoes — the same is true of several other commodities, notably the various kinds of drugs and fertilizers — than she could do without American wheat or cotton. It will be noticed that in 1916, Switzerland actually imported more wheat than in the years before the war. In order to avoid any possible misinterpretation, it must here be repeated that ever since 1914 no wheat nor other grain has been exported from Swit- zerland to the central powers, except in the shape of strictly limited quantities of bread destined for the allied prisoners interned in Germany and for the Swiss citizens resident there. These exports, authorized, controlled, and encouraged by the allies, have never profited any of their enemies. Unhappily for Switzerland, these excess imports of wheat in 1916 have been more than compensated by the deficiency of the imports of almost all other commodities and notably of almost all other foodstuffs as the following table shows : u The Annals of the American Academy General Imports Annual Average Total From United State» Commodities 1910-191S 1916 1916 Oats 180 96 49 Malt 54 19 12 Rye 19 1 1 Flour 45 4 Macaroni paste 23 Potatoes 95 78 , , Fresh vegetables 56 25 , , Beans and peas 8 4 Eggs 14f 3 Butter 5 Poultry 5 2 Fresh meat 13 1 Preserved meat 3 1 1 Hay 51 1 Bran 13 4 4 Flour for cattle 53 Rupe cakes and carob bean 32 27 Petroleum 65 34 12 {in thousands of head) Bovine cattle 86 3 Swine 65 ■ 37 Sheep 116 1 THE CASE FOR HOLLAND By a. G. a. Van Eelde, Member of the Netherlands Mission to the United States. On July 31, 1914, Holland began mobilizing its army and navy, subsequently set to increasing and equipping them, and now main- tains on a war footing about half a million of men. It acted thus, not with a view to join the cause of either of the belligerents, but to be in a position to ward off any hostile attempt on the integritj'^ of its territory, home and abroad. It pubHcly declared its firm determination to remain neutral. The number of those criticizing this line of conduct was of no consequence in Holland, but rather extensive abroad. It was, the latter averred, inconsistent with the policyof Holland as chronicled in history and not conformable to the spirit of the nation, which The Case for Holland 75 was well known to be liberty-loving and anti-militaristic. Before long, however, the dissenting voices became faint and less numer- ous. The opinion began to prevail that intervention of Holland in the war could only be done at a ruinous cost to itself, would be of no material advantage to anybody and unlikely to promote justice, until, at the present moment, all open-minded critics admit the wisdom of Holland's decision to stand aloof, showing a bold face on all sides; on the one hand ready to severely punish all comers who were evilly affected, on the other to extend its alleviating hands to the sufferers of all nations. Those, however, who think that Holland, acting as it does, has a chance of coming off with a whole skin, are undei* a misapprehen- sion. What with the upkeep of an abnormally sized army, the housing and boarding of thousands and thousands of interned soldiers and refugees, what with the government distribution of foodstuffs and other commodities to its population at prices far below the absurdly enhanced cost prices, Holland is compelled to raise loans and taxes of unprecedented magnitude. The ever increasing difficulties and dangers at sea seriously threaten its mercantile and fishing fleets. For, were it not for the undaunted determination of its sailors and fishermen who never flinch no matter what perils are impending over them, the supplies of indispensable victuals would have run out long since. As it is, supplies are scanty. All Holland is clamoring for more bread and fuel, farmers are crying out for fertilizers, stock owners for feeding stuffs, manufacturers for coal and raw materials. For Holland is not a self-supporting country in the actual sense of the word. Formerly, when means of conveyance were limited to the efforts of human and animal physical power, Holland derived its necessa- ries of life mainly from its own soil. On the victorious entrance, however, of the steam engine, transport — especially marine trans- port — became swift, cheap and reliable. The Dutch farmer realized that cereals could be grown in America and landed in his own country at less cost than he could raise them at home; he stopped tilling the soil, promptly turned his arable lands into grasslands and applied himself to cattle raising, his efforts resulting in the creation of a cattle breed, justly renowned all the world over — not the least in the United States — for its milk producing qualities. The manufacturer, in the meantime, kept pace with the farmer. 76 The Annals of the American Academy He left to others the providing of articles which could be landed more cheaply from elsewhere, and limited himself to the manufac- ture of such articles best adapted to the conditions of his country, importing his raw materials from abroad. Thus it came to pass that Holland, like England and like Eng- land alone, became a free trading country, producing what it is best adapted to produce, depending for most of its cereals, fuel and raw materials on the available surplus production in other countries imported into Holland practically dut}" free. Only one-fourth of the total amount of wheat and rye needed for bread for the population of Holland and the multitude of its guests, grows on Dutch soil. The balance used to be imported from the Baltic provinces, from the Black Sea provinces and from Amer- ica. The two former sources being cut off immediately after war broke out, stocks of wheat and rye began to fall dangerously low in Holland in August and September of 1914, causing the government to step in and to establish an organization of its own for the pur- chase, the transportation and home distribution of said cereals. The government reckoning and — as subsequent events proved — not in vain, on the farmers of its old friend of long tried standing, the United States, was enabled to realize its designs, avert the threatening bread scare and to create a sense of security. Bread, howsoever, was procurable in diminished rations only. The sense of security following upon this action of the govern- ment was not confined to Holland alone. It spread to Belgium and to the north of France. The American Commission for the Relief of Belgium in its untiring efforts to supply the needful to millions of indigent men, women and children— a gigantic self-constituted task — once in a while ran up against the vicissitudes of fate and found itself short of provisions. Self praise is no recommendation, but the Belgian Relief Commission will bear witness to the fact that, in such times of emergenc}^ the Holland government was ever willing to open the doors of its storerooms, thereby releasing the anxiety of the Commission and its crowd of famine threatened chents. On those occasions the people of Holland, without excep- tion, stood by its government. Of late, however, things are shaping differently. The United States, hitherto a neutral, joined the belUgerents and was com- pelled, so as to protect the interests of self and allies, to stop the The Case for Holland 77 exportation of sundry commodities, among them cereals, pending the result of stock taking. Subsequently the sense of security in Holland, in Belgium and in the north of France is giving place to a feeling of unrest. What between the alarming news that no more grain-laden ships are to be expected in the ports of Holland within measurable time, and the prospect of the importation of the precious cereals being stopped altogether, once more the fear of an approach- ing bread scare is looming up in the minds of the people of Holland, of Belgium and of such portions of France as are occupied today by the Germans. Bread rations in Holland have been reduced from .88 of a pound to .56 of a pound per day. The importation of fertihzers and feeding stuffs, although a matter of second consideration in comparison with wheat and rye, is of vital importance to Holland. Lack of fertihzers would pre- clude farmers and cattle breeders from turning their grasslands to account in summer, while want of feeding stuffs would render the upkeep of cattle in winter time well nigh an impossibility. Cessa- tion of importation would therefore be almost on a par with a na- tional calamity; it would involve the immediate slaughtering of roughly half a million cattle, half a million pigs and half a million sheep; it would put a stop to all exportation, to alhes and centrals alike, involving dearth of fuel and raw industrial materials, which Holland is in the habit of exchanging against its surplus production. Deprived of the means for carrying on such interchange, in other words thrown exclusively on its own resources, Holland might be able to drag on its existence, but only at an excessive cost and risk. Nearly a million of its inhabitants, about one-seventh of its popula- tion, would have to walk the streets unemployed. Lately, rumors are afloat giving rise to the belief that the already materially reduced importation of fertilizers and feeding stuffs will be caused to stop altogether. Holland, realizing the far-reaching consequences of such a contingency, is anxiously watching coming events. It is a duty incumbent on every nation to pass in review, from time to time, its conduct in the past; especially so, after a period of three years of warfare, now elapsed. Holland can set out for the performance of this duty with a clear conscience, full}^ confiding in the honesty of its purpose and the wisdom of its leaders chosen through the medium of its democratic institutions. At the opening of the war it took up its stand as a neutral 78 The Annals of the American Academy power, a position criticized at first by some, later on admitted as being correct by all but a few. It has since acted up to its obliga- tions, playing a fair and open game with everybody, honestly en- deavoring to apply the same standard to all belligerents. It has suffered, and is still suffering, but it strongly feels the unbecomingness of accentuating its own burdens wliile millions of fellowmen are sacrificing their all, and therefore Holland abstains from doing so. At the same time there must be no misunderstand- ing. If a man has a clear conscience, he has evidently a clear case, and is entitled to a respectful hearing and an impartial judgment. The case for Holland is a clear one. She expects with confi- dence unbiased treatment. INTRODUCTORY By The Honorable Roland S. Morris, American Ambassador to Japan. "From war, pestilence and famine — Good Lord deliver us," has been the pleading prayer of mankind through countless genera- tions. As Mr. Ralph A. Graves tells in a recent article, "Grim, gaunt and loathsome like the three fateful sisters of Greek mythology, war, famine and pestilence have decreed untimely death for the hosts of the earth since the beginning of time." For over three years we have increasingly felt the baneful influence of an all but world-wide war. Soberly, earnestly and with no selfish principle, but with undaunted determination, our own country has entered this war to make certain that human liberty "shall not perish from the earth." To this cause we have dedicated without reservation our manhood, our national wealth and our individual energies. But what of pestilence and famine with which human experience has linked war in its trinity of evils? i Modern science has grappled with pestilence and has thus far gained a victofy which it seems to me must rank among the greatest achievements of, the human intellect. Just consider it a moment. For three years millions of men have been herded together under conditions of living impossible adequately to picture, have been shot to pieces by bullets, shattered by shrapnel and shell, seared by liquid fire and suffocated by poisonous gases, have existed in narrow cramping trenches at times withered by an almost tropical sun, at others chilled to the marrow by a biting arctic wind, and yet thus far have been mercifully spared from the added horrors of that spectre of pestilence which for ages has haunted the imagination of mankind. As we think on these things may we not reverently bow our heads in gratitude to those heroic pioneers of science who in the past have again and again given their all that mankind might know the secrets of disease and also to that noble army of doctors (some from our own city) who tonight are holding at bay the ever impend- ing spectre of pestilence which constantly threatens that far flung battle line in Europe. 79 80 The Annals of the American Academy And famine? Yes, it too threatens the world, and we are here tonight to take counsel once more how this third evil may be averted. To the United States of America more than to any other of the alHes this question comes with impelhng force. We have ever held that this vast, fertile land developed by the vision and energy of our liberty-loving pioneers is a sacred trust to be adminis- tered for the benefit of mankind — and when the test came and our President asked us, "Are you ready now that liberty is threatened and our brothers call to make good the unselfish professions of a century," the answer came in one great chorus from every corner of our land "We are ready." It is because of this reponse that the wealth of our favored land and the manhood of our nation is now dedicated in one supreme effort to curb forever that spirit of aggression which threatens the right of every liberty-loving nation to develop its own traditions and conserve its ow^n national life. We have one great contribution to make to this great task. We must conserve so that we may give freely of our food resources to our allies and thus meet their pressing needs. How this may best be done has been the central theme of the conference now drawing to, its closeiand we are fortunate to have with us distin- guished representatives of our allies who are here to add their vital word to this discussion. Our fertile fields, our natural resources, our comparatively small population, have all tended I fear to make us an extravagant nation. No necessity up to this moment has forced us to give due thought to the needs of economy and conservation. The problem is a new one to us. We must learn the lesson, and where could we better first turn for instruction than to that island Empire with its experience of thousands of years, which has learned through that experience to overcome the limitations which nature has imposed upon it, and through economy and thrift, by the use of every square foot of available land, and by the saving of every ounce of product has reared a great Empire, developed a far-reach- ing civilization and given to the world an art and a literature which has made a profound impression on the standards of every other nation. The Food Problem of Japan 81 HOW JAPAN MEETS ITS FOOD PROBLEM By His Excellency, Viscount Kikujiro Ishii, Ambassador of Japan on Special Mission. I am embarrassed by the honor you have done me in thus in- viting me into a discussion interesting and of great value to all the wortd, but in which my part must be little more than a digression. Nevertheless, it would be unbecoming in me should I fail to avail myself of your courtesy and make an effort to inject some remarks which may perhaps throw light upon a situation and a condition foreign to the surroundings in which I find myself. As a repre- sentative of my Emperor and my countrymen, I came to tell the government and the people of the United States in all sincerity and earnestness that in this great and fearsome struggle in which we are all engaged, the East and the West must meet and labor together for the benefit of humanity, and that Japan is prepared to save and sacrifice more in order that as a nation she may live. We in Japan have not been idle during the heat of the day so far. In our own small way we have endeavored to do and we believe have done our best as we saw what we had to do. But we do not underestimate the further task before us and we realize that the future may demand further self-sacrifice and conservation of our resources — all for the common good in cooperation with our allies. We have had special opportunity for the last month to see something of the vast machinery and resources at the command of the United States and to realize how much from its surplus there is to spare and how much can be conserved as the time of stress con- tinues. America has lived in magnificent luxury. America has had at its command food and raw material undreamed of in Japan. Indeed you have little idea Jtiow small is the margin between plenty and want in the country from which I come or how great has been our sacrifice to the cause of national existence. I have noticed while I have been here discussions in the maga- zines and newspaper press of this country on "the vast increasing wealth of Japan." I am inclined to think that these publicists really know but little of the subject with which they deal. In comparison with yours the so-called "wealth of Japan" sinks into insignificance. The food problem with us is not serious but is 8S The Annals of the American Academy solved by frugality. It is true that our people are not in want, be- cause their requirements are limited to the barest necessities of life. We have a very small area of food-producing country from which to draw, and by necessity every bit of it is most intensively cultivated. The food of our people consists mainly of vegetables, rice, roots and barley grown in the valleys and upon the hillsides where irriga- tion can be made effective, and of the fish that are drawn from the seas which surround us. I will not venture too far into statistics for that might be danger- ous, but I am convinced you would be startled if I should show the cost of living in Japan compared with the present cost of living in America. Even you, with your great store of information, would be astonished if I compared the bulk of our national wealth with the bulk of the national wealth of the United States. A comparison of figures for 1913 shows that this great city of Philadelphia — the ninth in point of importance in the world — has an annual industrial output double the total industrial output of the whole state of Japan. The United States has a population approximating 100,- 000,000 and Japan has a population approximating 60,000,000. Japan's area is considerably smaller than that of the state of Texas. This alone must open to you a field for consideration of Japan and a ready answer when you are asked why Japan does not contribute more to the war in Europe. It is only ten years since we engaged in what then was a great struggle for a national existence. The figures representing our national resources and our national debt today are very large indeed compared with the facts of our resources and indebtedness then. In order to protect our nation and our people, to preserve that in- dividuality as a nation which all the allied nations are striving for today, a call for self-denial on the part of our people and for a frugality of which some people have even now little conception is necessary. The burden laid upon our people is still being patiently and patriotically borne. For the last ten years I can safely say that the self-sacrifice and the saving of the great mass of people of Japan has been a splendid tribute to the virtue and value of patriot- ism, a patriotism so abundantly exhibited in the allied countries today. We were prepared then and we are prepared now to save and to sacrifice in the matter of foodstuffs as in all else, in order to conserve our national forces and unite in preserving for humanity an individual right to freedom and to liberty. The Food Problem of Japan 83 In the year 1868 the total export and import trade of Japan amounted to a Httle more than $13,000,000. In 1877 it amounted to $25,000,000 and in the year 1913, the last normal year of trade, it amounted to about $600,000,000. I am glad to say, and I think it is a significant fact to relate here to you, that of this total Japan has done more business with the United States than she has with any other country in the world — a condition which is emphasized more in these abnormal times than it was during the normal. Our trade with the United States in 1913 amounted to about 30 per cent of our total foreign trade. I am giving you figures, not as presuming to inform you, but in order that I may emphasize and you may consider the resources of Japan when you estimate the share we should bear in the future of the food distribution. Permit me to offer you again, and perhaps to bore you with, a further statement which may be illustrative of the resources of our country at a time when we are called upon to contribute men, money and material to the winning of this war. In 1877 the total annual state revenue of Japan was a little under $30,000,000, and in 1913 the total annual state revenue of Japan was a, little under $300,000,- 000, not a very large sum in the face of the thousands of millions you can spare. Additional figures may again help you to understand to what extent we are obliged to impose upon our people a frugality which is borne with a due sense of responsibility by the individual to the state. In the year immediately preceding the great struggle for our national existence, the amount of national debt outstanding was a little more than $220,000,000. In the year immediately fol- lowing peace it was a little over $2,000,000,000. Today our taxes are very heavy indeed ; proportionately as heavy, I find, as those imposed recently on the people of this country. I have finished with figures, and have only injected them to give a comparative idea of resources. A like proportion would apply to the earning capacity of the laboring classes and the margin to spare from their earnings. I assure you that until we realize the enormous difference in the cost of living in Japan and the United States, that^comparison with the earnings of your people is staggering. Now you will certainly agree with me that national economy — which is represented by the frugality of the great mass of the people I 84 The Annals of the American Academy and not by lavish expenditure of a few individuals — is as essential to the life of a nation as is economy to the existence or the credit of a firm or individual. Also you will agree with me that the figures representing the business of a nation, firm or individual, during these abnormal times, should not be taken into consideration or into estimation as the normal resources on which such states or indi- viduals may base their present estimates for future j'^ears. The independence of a nation as the independence of an indi- vidual is measured by income, expenditure and indebtedness. Our credit has been created by a frugality of living and a sacrifice of the individual to the state in order that the state, the nation and the individual may survive. We are endeavoring to conserve that credit so as to insure our independence. At the same time we are expending, and we are ready to expend funds drawn from a frugal people in a cause which means to us the same as it means to you — a free independent life for the nation and for the individual. FOOD l^OR FRANCE AND ITS PUBLIC CONTROL By Francois Monod, "Chef de Cabinet to the French High Commissioner in the United States. Without attempting to present a complete and authbritative review of the conditions prevailing in France as regards the food question, I think it may be worth while to state here at least some of the main facts or figures evidencing the difficulties with which France has had and is having to contend during the war in order to supply the needs of her civilian population and of her armies. Emphasizing first the decrease of production and the increase in prices, I will thereafter outline the main measures taken in France in order either to make up for the shortage of agricultural workers or to regulate consumption, to remedy the deficiency of production and to provide a sufficiency of the essential foodstuffs, Food for France and its Public Control 85 I. Shortage of Agricultural Handwork and Deficit of Native Production 1. In France during the war the whole food situation has been controlled by an extensive and critical shortage of agricultural handwork. Obvious are the reasons accounting for that main fact of the situation. Seven million men up to the age of forty- eight years have been taken in France for army service. It would be difficult to overstate the consequences of such a wholesale mobilization of our manhood amongst a nation which has been for centuries and which is still foremost a nation of agriculturists, of food producers. Though accurate statistical data are not easily procurable, I think that a round figure and safe estimate of the number of agriculturists in the French army during the war would not prove to be under four or five million men. This includes without exception all the younger and stronger male peasantry. Then there is to be taken into account the invasion and long detention of a large part of northern France by the Germans which means the loss, during the war, up to the present day, of some of .our best managed and most productive wheat growing districts, and the enforced employment of their agricultural resources and handwork for the benefit of Germany, South of the invaded districts along the front in the "army zone," that a large acreage of agricultural soil is lying uncultivated and idle is another fact not to be overlooked. Wheat is not grown on a shell-torn ground and the main crops of that long belt from the French Flanders to the south part of the Vosges, to the border of Switzerland, are barbed wire. The varying breadth of that belt, extending far behind the actual "no man's land," is easily several miles. Then there is to be mentioned last, a deficiency of the essential fertilizers all over France. The import of nitrates is cut short by the growing contraction of available tonnage and by the scarcity of shipping from the far distant sources of supply in Chile. 2. A heavy decrease of production has unavoidably been following such unsatisfactory conditions of cultivation. Wheat has ever been the staple food of France. Amongst all classes over the country bread is the main article of consumption, the actual 86 The Annals of the American Academy basis of the French nation's feeding, even more so especially in the case of our peasants, that is to say of the majority of the nation with whom bread actually takes to the largest extent the place of meat as a foodstuff. In peace times the wheat production of France was about equal to our consumption, sometimes slightly inferior to our needs, sometimes slightly superior and allowing a thin margin of surplus. This meant a crop of about 90,000,000 French cwt.^ on the average. Since the war, production decreased to: 82,000,000 French cwt. in 1914 75,000,000 French cwt. in 1915 58,000,000 French cwt. in 1916. 38,000,000 French cwt. in 1917 (estimate) Thus, compared with the normal production, the present wheat production of France indicates a decrease of over 50 per cent in the native supply of the staple food. As regards meat the unavoidable depletion of our resources in livestock has been made much heavier by the huge needs of the army. In the army the meat consumption per head amounts to about 400 "grammes," a little less than one English pound, a day. This means an exceedingly heavy additional burden on our re- sources in livestock on account not only of the tremendous con- sumption of meat at such a rate in an army of several million men, but on account of the fact that the peasants, contributing the largest part of the army's establishment are, as already stated, consuming very little meat in peace time. In round figures the decrease of the livestock in France since the end of 1913 runs as follows: End 1913 14,787,000 bovine species End 1913 16,138,000 ovine species End 1913 7,035,000 pigs End 1916 12,341,000 bovine species End 1916 10,845,000 ovine species End 1916 4,361,000 pigs meaning thus, at the end of 1916, a decrease of about: 2,440,000 bovine species 5,700,000 ovine species 2,700,000 pigs ' French cwt. = 220 English pounds. Food for France and its Public Control 8^ II. Increase in the Prices of Foodstuffs 1. The increase in price for wheat has been balancing almost exactly the decrease in production. Average Price of Native Wheat Before the war 22 francs per French cwt. 1914 30 francs per French cwt. 1915 36 francs per French cwt. 1916 50 francs per French cwt. which means in 1916 an increase of over 50 per cent. 2. The price 'of meat has been rising in a similar proportion and an increase of circa 50 per cent may safely be stated as an index for the rising in the prices of all the main foodstuffs. 3. The price of bread though shows a comparatively small in- crease. The peacetime price was 35-40 centimes per kilogram on the average; the war price did not rise over 50 centimes. The explanation of such a paradoxical fact is that the price of bread was artificially and deliberately kept down by the government burden- ing public finances with a heavy extra war burden. On account of the paramount importance of the question of bread, the French government adopted the policy of paying from public moneys the difference between the prices corresponding to the actual market quotations of wheat and the price of bread as stated above (50 centimes). Thus a steady, abnormal and uncontrollable increase of wages amongst the community at large and other undesirable results which would have followed as regards the price of bread were avoided. III. Sketch of the Public Measures Taken to Control THE Food Situation Important public measures have been taken to make up for the deficiency of agricultural handwork, to regulate or to lessen con- sumption and to provide supplies. 1 . All over France private initiative amongst the agricultural community did wonders in order to keep the production as large as possible. All the people who were not in the army, the old men, the women, the boys under military age displayed great physical and moral courage in taking, as regards agricultural work, the place of the millions of men at the front. They directed the work — 88 The Annals of the American Academy many women have themselves been running even large-sized farms during the war — or they spent themselves tirelessly in the manual work involved by the daily business of farming; they took care of the cattle, of the horses; they performed ably the ploughing, seed- ing, harvesting operations. Under such trying conditions they went on with the cultiva- tion of the fields as far as possible even in the zone behind the actual front, many times in shelled districts. Near villages located behind the trench line I have often seen women or old men, bent in two, weeding or hoeing without taking notice of the casual land- ing of shells in the near fields. 2. This strenuous endeavor has been helped and stimulated by special organizations created under the authority of the Ministry of Agriculture. Under the supervision of the communal authorities and with the help of the local agents of the Ministry of Agriculture, a special local cooperation was organized in the rural townships, bringing about a local pooling of agricultural resources of machinery, draught horses, seeds and of handwork to some extent. Special military measures, besides, weie taken for the same purpose. A certain amount of supplementary agricultural hand- work was provided in two ways: first, by granting, as far as possible long furloughs to soldiers of the older "classes," and second, of late, by the release of the 1889 and 1890 "classes," aged forty- seven and forty-eight years. Another kind of military cooperation was extended in the army zone itself in the villages located behind the line, by the temporary use of smaller groups of soldiers and of army horses in agricultural work, helping the peasants on the spot and reclaiming part of the fields left idle since the war began. Then the German army herself contributed another welcome addition of handwork — mobile squads of German prisoners put at the disposal of many of our rural communities have been fairly extensively employed by our peasants in various districts. They were well treated and well fed and the results proved satisfactory. Provided they are kept under a sufficiently strict military discipline, the German prisoners are submissive and willing to work. Last, another addition of hands was offered by importing natives volunteering from Algeria. The Kabyles, one of the main Food for France and its Public Control 89 races of French Northern Africa, are sedentary peasants. For months squads of turbaned Kabyles have been seen with us, em- ployed not only as street sweepers in Paris, but in several rural districts, mixing unexpectedly as agricultural laborers with the old peasantry of France. 3. So much as regards handwork and cultivation. Regarding the regulation of consumption and the victualling, the most impor- tant public provision has been the buying of all wheat imports by the French government. This resulted in regulating automatic- ally the prices of the native wheat and in preventing speculation in the interior market. Since December, 1916, this organization has been extended and completed by the creation of a national Ministry of Supplies (Minist^re du Ravitaillement). 4. A series of food laws have been further enacted: a. Increase of the proportion of the wheat grain used in the bolting for the making of flour. b. Institution of two meatless days per week and reduction of the menu of meals in hotels and restaurants to three courses only. c. Institution of sugar cards reducing, monthly, the sugar consumption to 750 grammes, and later to 400 grammes per head. Besides food laws proper, there ought still to be mentioned in connection with them the institution of coal cards regulating the supply of coal for home consumption. This democratic provi- sion is preventing the well-to-do from buying at high piices, thereby increasing the general retail market price for the larger part of the population. IV. Interallied Measures The carrying out of these national measures has been seconded by a general interallied undei standing. An interallied "wheat executive" (December, 1916) and recently a "meats and fats executive" have been appointed by France, Great Britain and Italy, thereby providing an interallied buying and apportionment of imported supplies. V. American Cooperation The aims and results of the food control organized in the United States are well known. The allies are concerned by the 90 The Annals of the American Academy national husbanding of American resources and by the controlling of food exports. After provisions are 'made for the national con- sumption the available surplus is kept for supplying the needs of the allies. This American cooperation has been meeting with a very special appreciation in France as regards the supplies provided in the past and in the present to hundreds of thousands of our unfor- tunate countrymen who are still enslaved under German bondage and oppression in northern France. Those people have been and are under much worse conditions than the Belgians and their pitiful, exceedingly critical situation at present is a matter of grave anxiety. If they have not literally starved, if they have not died out, this was due entirely to the Belgian Relief Commission opera- ting in northern France. From this standpoint no adequate tribute could be paid to the former Director of the Commission of Belgian ReUef, to the present United States Food Controller, Mr. Herbert Hoover, to his genius for organization, to the generous and tireless activities of Mr. Hoover and of his staff, to their firmness in deahng with German authorities in invaded territories and in upholding Ameri- can rights for the benefit of our countrymen. Amongst many American names forever dear to us, the name of Mr. Hoover will ever be remembered by the French nation with a deep and affec- tionate gratitude. VI. Conclusion The conclusion to be derived from this review of the food situa- tion in France is plain enough. In her sustenance, France has been depending upon imports in an increasing way. Upon an adequate supply of foodstuffs as well as of coal, and of the other main war supply — steel — depends in the present and in the near future the further resistance of our civilian population and the sustenance of our armies, who, after having borne the main brunt of the fight for three years, are still defending about three-quarters of the western front and acting as the main rampart of the allied cause. Considering the main food supply — wheat — only the needs of France are emphasized by the present condition of crops. Taking 100 as indexing a very good crop, while the crop of 1916 Food Problem of Great Britain &1 winter wheat was not classed higher than 64, a very poor crop is indicated by this year's probable index 56.^ Needless to say an increase in the supply of foodstuffs means finally an increase of the tonnage available for imports in France. For France thus, from the point of view of American cooperation, the supply of tonnage stands out as the vital issue. THE FOOD PROBLEM OF GREAT BRITAIN; THE SHIP- PING PROBLEM OF THE WORLD By Arthur Pollen, Esq., London, England. I can only direct your attention to one or two salient and really rather startling facts. Before the war we used to import 13,000,- 000 tons of food, a shade more than one-quarter of our total im- ports measured by weight. We grew at home about one-fifth of the wheat we required and about one-half the country's consump- tion of beef, mutton, bacon, etc. Within the past six months great efforts have been made for an organized reduction in the consumption of food and an organized increase in its production. The results are unexpectedly satisfactory. Our consumption of bread is reduced by 25 per cent on the average, and by more in some districts. Further economies undoubtedly can be made. The "The decrease of the 1917 crops compared to the 1916 ones is noticeable for all cereals. Reports based on unpublished official estimates give the follow- ing figures for 1917: Metric ions Wheat 3,950,000 Spelt 90,000 Rye 700,000 Barley 700,000 Oats 3,500,000 Corresponding figures for 1916 were in round figures: Metric tons Wheat 5,841,000 Spelt 111,000 Rye 911,000 Barley 857,000 Oats 4,127,000 92 The Annals of the American Academy meat reduction is greater and we have more than doubled our pro- duction of cereals. We used to grow enough for ten weeks. This supply would now last us thirteen or fourteen weeks. We have nearly doubled the old supply which gives us six months' wheat grown in the country. But we are growing other things which should progressively take the place of wheat, and in the last year we have greatly increased our stocks. It looks, therefore, as if the food supply of Great Britain could be assured to the end of 1918 and that no anxiety on this score need be felt. The food problem of the world is governed not only by the demand for food in one country and by the total supply of avail- able food in others, but by the problem of shipping the food from one country to another. This problem has been made infinitely grave, not only for the period during which the war lasted, but quite obviousl}^ for a considerable period after it. It has been made grave by the enemy's having adopted a method in sea war to which there was no precedent in civilized times. It is fortunate for the world that the pirates' progress of Ger- many has been a development and did not open in 1914 at the full tide of its present heartless villainy. The captains of the Emden and Karlsruhe, and of the armed cruisers that took between fifty and sixty British ships in the opening months of the war, never injured a British seaman or hurt a passenger. Mtiller of the Em.- den was a model of courteous deportment in this respect. The captain of the Eitel Fritz was, I think, the first to break with the civilized tradition. The rule of international law, as you all know, is that normally all prizes must be taken into port. The captor has no final right in them until a court of law has found them to be legal prize. In very exceptional cases they may be destroyed at sea. The Germans had to make the exception the rule. When the}^ took a prize, therefore, the problem presented itself how were the crews and passengers to be disposed of. Von Miiller put the crews and passengers taken from separate prizes into one ship, which he kept with him until it was full, and would then send that ship to a British port. He may have strained the law in sinking ships without legal procedure, but his treatment of his prisoners was exemplary. The captain of the Eitel Fritz took them aboard his own ship and kept them confined below decks, and there they remained prisoners until he surrendered himself to internment at an Food Problem of Great Britain 93 American harbor. His captives, therefore, were exposed day after day to the risk of death, for had he met a British cruiser, he must have been engaged and destroyed. When the submarine war began and the indiscriminate sowing of mines, all considerations of humanity were thrown to one side. But here too -there was a development in brutality. Where the submarine was not risked, crews and passengers were originally given a chance to get into the boats. But it was found that too many ships escaped under this proceeding, and it was quite clearly realized that the only way of making war on trade effective, was to sink always at sight. This could not be done without declaring war on all the world. And after some years of it, all the world now seems to be declaring war on Germany. But I am less con- cerned at this moment to expatiate on German villainy than to direct your attention to an economic result which must flow from it. The submarine campaign has very gravely diminished the world's supply of ships. Now when the war ends it is precisely ships that will be more wanted than anything else. The homes, the railroads, the factories, the bridges and the roads of a great deal of Europe will have to be entirely rebuilt, reequipped, remade. It is work that must be done at the highest possible speed. If the manufacture and agriculture of Europe are to be restored, raw material, lubricants and fertilizers must be imported in vast amounts. Over the greater part of Europe the soil is exhausted, and without fertilizers the crops must continue very small after the war is over. For some years, then, the European demand for imported food will be just as great as the demand for steel, cement, tools and raw material. None of these things can be taken from the countries where the supply exists. North, Central and South \merica, Australia, New Zealand, India, China and Japan, without shipping. The demand for shipping, therefore, may be nearly twice what it was before the war, and that demand will have to be met by a very gravely depleted supply. The depletion has been brought about by methods of war not only illegitimate but in- describably barbarous and horrible. The country that has in- vented and practiced these methods has a considerable shipping unemployed today in its own harbors. The German merchants and importers will be candidates for cargoes of all sorts, and es- pecially for cargoes of food, which they will want to carry in their own bottoms when the war is over. §4 The Annals of the American Academy I therefore put this problem to this learned society. Dismiss if you like from your minds every vindictive thought, abandon every plan for punishing these unnatural and murderous innova- tions that have taken the place of the old chivalry of the sea, but even if you renounce the principles of direct and active punish- ment, is it reasonable to suppose that you will forget who have been the authors of these crimes? And if you do not forget, if the world remembers, then surely when the readjustments come after the war and Europe has to be restored, surely then Germany will be told that 'her needs will be the last that will be met. Make no mistake about it. Whether the war ends this year or next, or the year after, Europe is faced by a five years' shortage of food, which may well mean five years' famine. It is a situation that it will be very difficult, nay, impossible to meet by the individ- ualistic operations of trade which governed the world commerce before the war. The national necessities of every country have driven the allies into governmental control of the supply and now of the distribution of raw material and food. This will have to be continued when the war is over unless grave injustice is to be done. Whatever the economic principles we profess, we are here faced by a purely human problem which nothing but national action, and indeed international concerted action, can deal with. And I suggest to you that it should be a first principle in this action that those who have brought about the present chaos, who are the authors of the hideous destruction that has taken place, who were the prime cause of the overwhelming wants Europe will feel when the war is over, and the direct creators of the main difficulties in meeting them — these people should be the last to be served. Whatever the issue of the war, this is a matter which it will be in the allies' hands to settle. SOME ESSENTIALS TO A SAFE DIET By E. V. McCoLLUM, School of Hygiene and Public Health, Johns Hopkins University. In my association during the summer in Washington with the various women in the field of home economics who were working in association with the food administration, I saw a great many charts and illustrations regarding comparative food values, and I was struck particularly with one type of product which came from various sources. I refer to such charts as illustrate the cost of a hundred calories of energy or the cost of a pound of digestable pro- tein. In such charts we find invariably that for a dollar one can purchase the greatest amount of energy in the form of one of the cereal grains or their milled products, depending upon the market price at the particular time. The cheapest energy foods are those that are derived from the cereal grains Now what effect will the distribution of such illustrative matter broadcast over the land have upon the dietary habits of the people of the United States at the present time? I think the answer is clear. Never before has the cost of foodstuffs risen to the present point. It is taxing very seriously the budget of numerous house- holds to meet the food requirements of the family. I feel that there is an element of danger in giving the housewife this information with- out supplementing it with further advice to enable her to make a wise selection of food so that her list of purchases will provide a safe diet. I am told that the recent rise in the price of milk in some of the large cities has already reduced the consumption of milk by the people. Under the stress of poverty the list of foods purchased becomes restricted and more and more the tendency is to use prin- cipally wheat bread, corn bread, oatmeal, rice, peas and beans, or dishes prepared from these, so that the diet becomes derived almost wholly from the seeds of plants. The charts of food values to which I have referred encourage women who are alert and anxious to study the food problems, to buy just such a list of foods as that just enu- merated. Milk and green vegetables do not appear to the average 96 The Annals of the American Academy housewife to be economical purchases because they contain much water and do not compare favorably, pound for pound, with the dry cereal grains. Milk and Green Vegetables Imperative It is so important that the diet should contain a certain amount of milk and green vegetables because of the special values which these possess from the dietary standpoint, that I want to place spe- cial emphasis upon this point and, furthermore, I want to show you why a diet consisting too largely of cereal grains will not induce optimum nutrition. There has long prevailed in the discussions of matters relating to nutrition, the idea that the essential constituents of the normal diet are protein, carbohydrates and fats, and certain inorganic salts. Since the organic constituents named all furnish energy when they are oxidized, the idea has prevailed that the proportions between the carbohydrates and fats in the food is a matter of little importance. This idea is correct. The eskimo eats little carbo- hydrate and much fat, while people in the temperate regions eat relatively very much less fat. It is a common misconception, how- ever, that the people in the warmer regions of the world do not eat liberally of fats. They consume much more fats than do the peoples living in the temperate regions. This is purely a matter of Con- venience and came about through the relative abundance in the tropics of oil-rich fruits and nuts. The temperate regions produce the cereals and other crops which are with few exceptions rich in carbohydrates and poor in fats. Man has adapted himself to the character of the foods which he has found available, andthrough long usage certain dietary habits have become fixed. There has been much importance attached to the protein content of the diet, and justly so. I shall not attempt to dis- cuss the merits of the high or low protein diet. Practically all students of nutrition are now agreed that a fairly liberal supply of protein in the diet tends to promote good nutrition better than an amount which closely approximates the physiological minimum. Furthermore, this aspect of nutrition is so well appreciated that it receives the attention of all who concern themselves with the planning of rations. One of the dietary factors which should be given attention is Some Essentials to a Safe Diet 97 the inorganic or mineral content. The research of the last few years has brought to light an importance of this part of the food which was not hitherto suspected. Another fact of the greatest importance in enabling us to plan adequate dietaries is the knowledge that there exists two substances the natures of which are still unknown which must be present in the diet if an animal is to grow or long maintain a state of health. The existence of one of these has been appreciated only about four years and the other but two. Although we do not know much about the natures of either of these substances we have definite and fairly adequate knowledge regarding where they can be found. One of those substances is especially abundant in milk and it is fairly abundant in the leaves of plants, but almost without exception is deficient in the seeds of plants. Butter fat is one of the best sources of it. Egg fats are also an excellent source of it. This substance is in these particular kinds of fats and in the leaves of plants, but not in the seeds in adequate amounts. The second unknown is everywhere abundant except in the following list of foods : polished rice ; fats from either animal or vege- table sources; sugars and starches. None of these contain this second food element. Under ordinary conditions when we take a diet of seeds, or seeds and vegetables, or seeds and milk, or seeds and meat, we get an abundance of the second substance, but we are in more or less serious danger of running a little short on the dietary essential which is not abundant in the seeds but is associated with the leaves and is present in large amount in milk. There are several cases in the literature of medicine which indicate that serious consequences have actually arisen in Japan and Denmark, due to a specific shortage of that particular unknown thing which is so abundant in butter fats and in milk and in egg fat and in the leaves of plants, but not in the seeds. Up to recent times the practice in Denmark was to feed children on milk containing a moderate amount of fat, but since the introduction of the milk separator, which is very efficient in taking out practically all the fat of milk, a physician named Bloch at Copenhagen has observed about forty-five cases in the last five years of children in the country who were fed on separator milk and vegetable food, who suffered from eye troubles. The eyes become swollen, inflamed and in- 98 The Annals of the American Academy fected, and blindness results unless something is done to correct the faulty diet. The introduction of whole milk causes an immediate response and recovery, providing the eyes are not too badly injured. During times of famine among the vegetarian people of Japan, hundreds of cases have been recorded of this pathological condition of the eyes in young children; and curiously enough, a certain Japanese physician named Mori has pointed out that the eye trouble 1 in these vegetarian children is cured by giving them chicken livers. ' As a matter of fact, other livers would cure them just as well. They could be cured just as well with butter fat or eggs. Another type of malnutrition due to a lack of an unappre- ciated, unidentified dietary factor is a disease, found in the Orient, that is due to a lack of the second unknown to which I have referred. This is widely distributed in many kinds of food but is nearly absent from pohshed rice, and this disease which is called beri-beri occurs among those people who eat pohshed rice as the principal article of diet. The principal feature of this deficiency disease is general paralysis. One of the most important things to realize is that the chemical j analysis of foodstuffs, no matter how completed or by whom made, J cannot give the slightest evidence as to the biological values of the foods. Such knowledge can be gained only by properly conducted feeding tests. I have during the last five years perfected a sys- tematic procedure which involves a series of feeding experiments, and which yields results which constitute a biological analysis of food-stuffs. Briefly the principle is as follows: a single natural food: in a wholesome condition is fed as the sole source of nutriment and then with single or multiple additions of isolated food factors. This will be clear from a simple illustration. If we represent protein byi P, inorganic salts by S, the unknown dietary substance associatedj with certain fats and with the leaves of plants by A, and the re- maining unidentified dietary factor by B, the dietary properties of a foodstuff, as the maize kernel, are determined by feeding maizei in the following ways: 1. Maize alone 8. Maize + P + B 2. Maize + P 9. Maize + S + A 3. Maize + S 10. Maize + S + B 4. Maize + A 11. Maize + A + B 5. Maize + B 12. Maize + P + S + A 6. Maize + P + S . 13. Maize + P + S + B 7. Maize + P + A 14. Maize + P + S-f-A-l-B I 'Some Essentials to a Safe Diet 99 Only rations 12 and 14 in this series will adequately nourish an animal during growth. This shows that there are three ways in which the maize kernel is deficient, viz., its proteins are not of very satisfactory character; it lacks a sufficient amount of the unknown factor A and it is too poor in certain inorganic salts to support physiological well-being in a growing animal. What I have said about the maize kernel can be said almost without qualification for the other most important cereal grains; wheat and oats, and other common seeds. Since the dietary properties of various seeds are about alike their mixtures are but little better than the single seeds fed as the sole source of nutriment. The seeds are perfectly good foodstuffs so far as they go but we should recognize their deficiencies and see to it that they are combined with such other foods as will make good their shortcomings. Chief among the foods which cor- rect the deficiencies of the seeds are milk and the leaves of plants, such as cabbage, lettuce, spinach, cauliflower and such other leaves as are appetizing as greens. The tubers such as the potato and sweet potato possess a certain amount of corrective character, but are distinctly poorer than the leaf of the plant. Why do milk and leaf-vegetables make good the dietary defi- ciencies of the seeds? It is because they are especially rich in those mineral elements, such as calcium, sodium and chlorine, in which the seeds are deficient. They are rich in the unidentified factor A which is abundant in certain fats and in leaves but with few excep- tions, not in seeds and their proteins supplement those of the seeds so as to enhance their value. Whereas an animal can live but a short time when fed oats alone, a mixture of rolled oats, 60 per cent, and a flour made from immature alfalfa leaves, 40 per cent, constitutes a fairly satisfactory monotonous diet from infancy to adult life. Normal development cannot be secured on any mixture of seeds as a restricted diet, but combinations of leaf with seed are in most cases fairly satisfactory. There are at the present time thousands of people of the working classes in the south who are suffering from a disease known as pella- gra. Dr. Goldberger of the Bureau of Pubhc Health in Washington has demonstrated that the disease is the result of a faulty diet. A year ago, owing to the high cost of foodstuffs, there were several people especially interested in home economics who made in- quiry into the question as to what was the least expenditure of iOO The Annals of the American Academy money on which a self-respecting human being might expect to be well nourished. There was such a group of investigators in Chicago about a year ago, and after careful inquiry they decided that in Chicago about forty cents a day was the lowest expenditure on which an adult could be reasonably well nourished. While that investigation was going on, Mrs. Dewey made an investigation of the insane hospitals and state prisons of New York, and found that they were feeding the prisoners and insane patients in that state on about eleven and six-tenths cents a day. Dr. Goldberger has produced experimental pellagra in human beings on a diet supplying an abundance of energy and affording considerable variety, but derived too largely from seeds. The governor of one of the southern states agreed to pardon any con- vict in the state penitentiary who would volunteer to eat such a diet as Dr. Goldberger might prescribe until he chose to discontinue the experiment. There were eleven of them who took the chance. He kept these men in the country on a sunny slope under ideal hygienic conditions. They were given dishes prepared from the following list of foodstuffs: bolted wheat flour, corn meal, oatmeal, corn starch, sugar, syrup, bacon fat, cabbage, collards, turnip greens and sweet potatoes. After five and a half months five of the eleven men in this experimental group showed distinct signs of pellagra. In some of the insane hospitals and orphanages of the south where formerly there was a high incidence of pellagra, Dr. Goldberger found the disease to disappear when an adequate diet was supplied. I ven- ture to say that the trouble with the diets of the people in these regions is the very high percentage derived from the seeds of plants or products made by milling or polishing the seeds. There is an element of danger in restricting the diet of either man or animal too largely to products of this class. Dr. Goldberger has pointed out that the diet of many of the poor people of the south consists in winter of corn bread, salt pork and molasses. This they eat with little variety in the way of other additions, and by the end of winter come down with the disease. From what I have said of the nature of the dietary deficiencies of the seeds the nature of the deficiencies of the pellagra-producing diets is fairly clear. The fault does not lie in any one dietary deficiency but in poor quality with respect to several factors. Some Essentials to a Safe Diet 101 The greatest nutritional problems before us now are two in number. First we must find a way to provide the leafy vegetables at moderate prices to the people of our cities. These foods should be the least expensive of all. They are great producers and are easily handled, but because of their tendency to spoilage the present system of marketing renders them a hazardous class of foods for the retail dealer to handle and the prices are accordingly exhorbitant. One of the greatest boons which could possibly come to the poor people throughout the world would be the discovery of a plant which is a good agricultural crop, whose leaves are not fleshy, but of a character which permits their being promptly dried in the sun as are our hay crops, and the immature leaves of which could be converted into a flour with good keeping qualities. Such a leaf must be free from tannins and other bitter principles and so nearly tasteless that it could be incorporated with wheat flour to the extent of 20-25 per cent without destroying the pleasant flavor of the wheat loaf. Such a bread would have dietary properties vastly superior to any variety of dishes derived from wheat, com, oats and rice when prepared without the use of milk and taken without sufficient vegetables to correct their deficiencies. If such a plant can be found and the public educated to the regular use of such a mixed flour the health of all peoples who live on a restricted diet would be greatly improved. Since high ideals, ambition and agressiveness are promoted by physiological well being, the gain to society would be very great indeed. I have the hearty cooperation of Mr. Fairchild of the Bureau of Plant Industry in securing plants which may meet these requirements. The second fundamentally important dietary problem with which we have to deal is the preservation of the dairy industry. The prices of feeding stuffs have gone up 100 to 200 per cent while the price of milk has advanced only about 20 per cent. Such a con- dition makes milk production unprofitable and will lead, if not rem- edied, to an abandonment of the dairy industry. Such an event would be a misfortune of the gravest consequences to the public health. We have long been accustomed to the use of milk in lib- eral amounti in cookery, and of cream, butter and cheese. It is not generally appreciated that these articles have a dietary value far greater than can be expressed by their protein and energy content. They act as correctives for the deficiencies of the cereal i02 The Annals of the American Academy grains and without them the nutrition of our people will suffer serious impairment. The nation-wide cry against further advance on the cost of milk is unjust and dangerous. The cost of milk must go up and up so far as is necessary to insure that the dairy industry shall re- main a paying one. The only alternative in dietary practice which can maintain the health and efficiency of our population is the adoption of a new type of diet derived in suitable amount from leaf flour. This, however, involves still unsolved problems and cannot at once be put into effect. The only product which can in some measure meet the requirements is the flour prepared from the alfalfa leaf. It is not entirely satisfactory as a human food but baking tests made in the departments of Home Economics at several universities have shown that 10-12 per cent of alfalfa leaf flour can be used with wheat flour without affecting perceptably the physical properties of the wheat loaf. Bread prepared from mixed flour of this character is slightly green but does not differ greatly from whole wheat bread in taste. More than 12-14 per cent of the leaf produces a slightly stringent taste which renders the product less acceptable to the human palate. A better leaf flour should be found for this purpose and I believe this will be accomplished before long. Such a leaf would not, how- ever, do away with the need of milk and its products. The appe- tizing nature of these and their capacity in cuhnary practices of ^ conferring palatabiHty upon other foods make them foods for which there can be found no substitutes. The mixed seed and leaf flour which I have described will serve only as a cheap and safe food for those whose earnings do not per- mit the use of foods other than the cheapest, viz., the seed products, molasses, etc. For these meats do not form efficient dietary supple- ments and their purchase is not logical. We could entirely dispense with meats without sufl"ering any ill effects whatever, but if we per- mit the use of milk, even in the diet of adults, to fall much below the present consumption, its effects will soon become apparent in our national efficiency. Dietary Habits and their Improvement 103 DIETARY HABITS AND THEIR IMPROVEMENT SOME RESULTS OF THE WORK OF PHIPPS INSTITUTE By H. R. M. Landis, M.D., Director of Clinical and Sociological Departments, Phipps Institute. Anybody who has worked among the laboring classes and has any knowledge of the small wage-earner, realizes very quickly that there is no other class of people who are so shockingly extravagant and so ignorant in the making of their purchases, not only as to food but in other directions, and this holds true and did hold true long before food shortage became sach a vital question; it has always been a vital question with them. In one study that we made at Phipps Institute, some years ago, on the relationship that might possibly exist between tuber- culosis and the garment-making trade, we found that in those indi- viduals who were getting insufficient food or who were taking their food at irregular intervals the incidence of tuberculosis was higher than among those adequately fed. Among the men there was a very considerable proportion of those with a food deficiency who developed not only tuberculosis but other ailments; among the women, the proportion was almost three times as great as with those who were getting an adequate diet.^ I have no hesitation in saying that malnutrition is probably one of the most potent causes of tuberculosis that we have among the working class. It leads to a lowered resistance and is to be ascribed in some instances to poverty, but quite as often it is due to ignorance on their part as to the food they should get. Another study we made, of an intensive nature, was that of studying very completely, twelve families, these twelve families being represented by three Italian families, three Russian Jewish famihes, three negro famihes and three Polish families. This study was conducted for a period of two weeks, and in each of the families a very accurate estimation was made. A nurse went to each one of the homes and weighed all the food they had on hand when the study started, weighed all the food purchased each day and what * Eighth Report, Phipps Institute, 1915. I 104 The Annals of the American Academy was left at the end of the study was subtracted from the total. The amount used was then reduced to calories. This study brought out some very interesting facts as to racial characteristics, not only as to the tj^pe of food but more particu- larly as to racial economy in food purchases. The Italians made by far the best showing. Reducing each one of these families to men per day, we found that the Italian families were feeding themselves at the rate of nineteen cents per man per day. The negroes came next with twenty-two cents; the Russian Jews, twenty-four cents, and the Poles jumped up to thirty- four cents, and in one Polish family they were spending forty-two cents per man per day.^ As to the composition of the food, the Italians were getting almost 75 per cent of carbohydrates and were getting less than one- half of the amount of protein that is ordinarily believed to be neces- sary. In talking with Dr. A. E. Taylor about this, he offered the explanation that the Latin races, as a whole, are the only ones who have adequately solved the problem of preparing carbohydrate foods and have been able to cook them in a palatable form so that they are readily eaten and can be subsisted on without any great detriment. The negro, for some reason, as I found not only in our own ex- periment but in other investigations, runs to a very high fat content in his diet. He not only eats large quantities of fat, but the other articles of his diet are commonly cooked in fat. The Russian Jews subsisted on a diet which was more nearly balanced than that of vany of the others. The Polish families were getting a diet that was pretty fairly balanced, but in going over it and analyzing the diets per family, it was found that they were buying a large amount of food stuff in which there was no essential food value at all. In other words, they were extremely lavish in their expenditures and did not begin to get out of their purchases what they should in the wuy of absolute food value. The result of this study was that it seemed apparent to us that the dispensary patient seems to be getting about four-fifths of the amount of food that he should. In other words there is just that subnormal amount all the time that is probably lowering his resist- * The figures quoted are those of two and a half years ago. Dietary Habits and their Improvement 105 ance and if there is any additional strain put upon him he readily falls the victim of some disease.^ The influence of good food has nowhere been better demon- strated than in our open-air schools. In the beginning children referred to the open-air schools were designated as tuberculous or pretuberculous. More often, ^however, they are delicate, under- nourished children, who are without any apparent organic disease that you can put your hands on, the chief difficulty seeming to be that of malnutrition. When they are placed in an open-air school and supplied at the same time with at least one mixed meal, these children make the most amazing gains in weight. A study somewhat similar to that made by us was conducted by Miss Lucy Gillette for the New York Association for Improving Conditions among the Poor. An intensive study was made of children. She found that there were certain variations as to the food requirements for different types of individuals. She points out very clearly that the delicate child, one that is emaciated and under-nourished, is one that inevitably needs a vastly larger food supply than the child under ordinary conditions. 1 was much interested only a short time ago, as pointing to the ignorance of food values which I think obtains among the masses pretty generally, in a statement made by the Chief of the Depart- ment of Food Hygiene of the Argentine Republic, to the effect that, among the laborers in Argentina, as a whole, a most inadequate knowledge of and the most thriftless habits in regard to food prevailed. In his opinion there was most urgent need for legislation which would see to it that these people got a better balanced diet. Legislation, I believe, would not have the slightest influence. I think the problem is one entirely of education. This brings up the question of how to teach people the kind of and the amount of food that they should get each day. Personally, my experience has been that irrespective of the race, there is a tendency to take a diet that is more or less similar. One race may eat a little more fat and another go a little further in carbohydrates, but there is this tendency to use a mixed diet, and where they have their independen4; choice, they keep away from any set food formula. But the essential thing is to teach people the quantity and quality of food desirable and in addition the relative values of 2 Craig and Landis; Transactions Association American Physicians, 1916. 106 The Annals of the American Academy different foods. Our experience at the Phipps Institute has been that housewives vary tremendously in their purchasing abilities; one woman, for instance, for every ten cents, would get food equiva- lent to fifteen hundred calories, another would get only nine hundred. In other words, there was a difference of almost 40 per cent between the purchasing power of two women. In some of the work that we have done in connection with tuberculosis classes, we watched more or less closely the amount of food the patients were getting. It was necessary, in almost every instance, to show them the kinds and amounts of food needed. If there were available four or five dollars a week for food in a family of five — I am quoting figures for six years ago — it became necessary in nearly every instance to show them exactly how they should spend those four or five dollars to get the food that would give them the best returns. The only way we have of controlling the amount of food we are giving to an individual and determining whether that individual is on a subnormal diet or not, is by the caloric method. I want it understood, of course, that the calory does not mean everything. We have to take into consideration the preparation of the food and very often, the service of the food and, in addition, to keep in mind, the use of those foodstuffs which furnish the so-called vitamines. But the caloric method is necessary as a means of determining whether the individual is on a subnormal diet, or whether, perhaps, he is being overfed, as many are. In one school which was investi- gated, it was found that the boys were each receiving about 5,500 cal- ories daily and in addition were getting about 500 more outside in the form of candy. In other words, they were tremendously overfed. The difficulty with the caloric method has been that lay people as a whole have very little conception of what is meant by a calory; and it is undoubtedly true that many physicians have a very hazy idea of what is meant if you say that an individual should have 2,200 or 3,000 calories a day. The great trouble with the caloric method has been the difficulty of translating the values in intelligible form to the individual who knows nothing about them. One of the difficulties has been that it is a tremendous tax on the memory to recall that so many grams of a certain amount of food equal 135 calories, and so many grams of another kind of food equal 40 calories. Dietary Habits and their Improvement 107 What I believe to have been a market advance in the intro- duction of the caloric method was a suggestion first made by Dr. Irving Fisher, by which you use a common unit of 100. The next advance in this line was made by Dr. William Emerson, of Boston, who translated these 100 calories into perfectly familiar terms so that even the most ignorant housewife could understand. He has reduced them, for instance, to teaspoonfuls, cupfuls and so on — a tea- spoonful of a given amount of food equals a hundred calories, so in that way the values could be very easily followed. He has had an exhibit prepared on these lines which he has used with extraordi- narily good effect in the teaching of dietetics to delicate children. In this way he has been able to teach children, of even seven or eight years of age, how many calories they have taken a day and how many more they need to make up their quota. It is not so difficult to teach even the individual with a very slight amount of education what you mean when you say that he must have 2,200 or 2,400 calories of food per day when this is translated into familiar measurements. I have had one of these food exhibits made because it visualizes these values and enables one to learn more in a few minutes than any arnount of talking would do con- cerning caloric feeding. For instance, it does not take very long to remember that approximately a quart of bouillon made of the very best meat you can get is 100 calories, and you can contrast that with two table- spoonfuls of lima beans, which have a food value of 100 calories. The banana, equaling 100 calories, is one of the easiest articles of diet to get, is always on the market, and has recently been shown to be practically the equivalent of the potato. It can be eaten as almost the sole and only diet. The chief difficulty with the banana is that so often it is sold green, or partially so. One roll equals 100 calories; one pat of butter equals 100 calories; four of the ordinary Uneeda biscuits equal 100 calories; the lean portion of one lamb chop equals 100 calories; twelve double peanuts equal 100 calories; a piece of fish about the size of the palm of the hand equals 100 calories; a teaspoonful of peanut butter equals 100 calories; and so you can go through the whole list, reducing the commoner food- stuffs to a basis that anybody can understand. Extreme accuracy is not claimed for this plan but it does serve to give a fairly clear idea of what the individual should receive. 108 The Annals of the American Academy I used this method a part of last year with medical students and their own testimony was that they were able to get a clearer idea in fifteen minutes as to what was meant by caloric feeding by being able to visualize the articles, than they were by reading pages and pages of tabulations showing that so many grams of one thing equaled so many calories, and so many grams of somethingelse equaled so many more calories. I intend to use the method this winter with dispensary patients to find out, in the first place, approximately how much food they are getting. It has been our experience that many of the patients who come to Phipps Institute are getting food which amounts to but 1,200, 1,500 or 1,800 calories when their disease demands that they should be getting about twice that amount; and quite as often as not you will find that their deficient dietary is not a result of the fact that they have not money enough to get the food, but because they are not purchasing the right kinds of food. Whether a better method than this one can be devised for the teaching of dietetics among people who have no knowledge what- ever of food values, I do not know. I do know this, that prior to my seeing this exhibit, I had a very poor idea as to what my daily food consumption was. I had not the slightest idea whether I was getting 1,500 or 3,000 calories, but with this method I can compute it with a fair degree of accuracy. A GUIDE TO THE NATION'S DIETARY NEEDS By Helen W. Atwater, Specialist in House Economics, States Relations Service, United States Department of Agriculture. There are many popular theories current regarding the food habits and customs of different nations and regions and even more theories as to how those habits and customs might be changed to the benefit of mankind, but to a large extent these are based on inade- quate observation, often merely on personal impressions, or even on the somewhat prejudiced opinions of the food faddist or the com- mercial exploiter. Evidently if we are to say with anji,hing like accuracy how the nation can best be fed, we must have more definite The Nation's Dietary Needs 109 information as to what it needs and what it habitually uses. We are far from knowing as much as we should on either of these points, but the work of physiologists, chemists and statisticians taken to- gether has done much toward starting us toward a real understanding of dietary needs. During the last fifty years, our knowledge of human nutrition has developed into a well-ordered science, and as the combined result of clinical study, laboratory investigation and accurate observation of the diets normally chosen by persons living under different con- ditions, students of nutrition are now fairly well agreed as to the general food requirements of normal men, women and children. Our knowledge is rapidly increasing regarding the part played in the body by the different mineral matters, different types of protein, and the little known but apparently important growth-deter- mining and body-regulating substances and as a consequence our ideas as to the special values of different kinds of food are slowly changing. But while doctors still disagree as to the exact number of grams of protein a man should consume a day to build and repair his body tissues or exactly how we should reckon the calories of energy needed by the various members of a family, the great majority are now will- ing to adopt as a working hypothesis a daily requirement of from ninety to one hundred grams of protein for a one hundred and fifty- pound man at full vigor, with 3,000 calories of energy if he does a moderate amount of muscular work. Certain factors are also generally accepted by means of which this standard can be changed to express the requirements of persons of different age, sex and mus- cular activities. The energy requirements of a man at severe muscular work, for example, are reckoned as two-tenths greater than that of one at moderate muscular work, and that of a woman as eight-tenths of that of a man of corresponding muscular activity. In the light of our present limited knowledge of the r61es played by different food constituents, it is generally considered safest to obtain the required protein and energy from a mixed diet in which the protein foods {i.e. meats, fish, dairy products, eggs, dried legumes, etc.), cereals, fruits and vegetables all appear with enough fats and sugars to render the diet palatable. Exactly how much of each type of food should be included daily or even weekly, few would care to say. In practical menu making, 110 The Annals of the American Academy this is usually decided by the amount of money one has to spend on food; but the food groups should all appear reasonably of ten, and milk should always be provided for the use of children. Such a diet seems to correspond with the food habits most common in this country. Among the very poor, especially in large cities and in seasons of high prices, the total amount of food used is probably dangerously inadequate; and among special groups of our population, for in- stance in certain mountain regions of the southeastern states, there is evidence that the variety of food materials used is too restricted for safety; but taking the country over, we probably err on the side of abundance rather than scarcity. At any rate this is the condition shown by accurate studies of family dietaries that have hitherto been made in different sections of the country. If we accept the standard quoted as a safe measure of food requirements, it should be a simple matter to calculate the food re- quirements of the nation. The census reports give the number of men, women and children of different ages and a fairly good indi- cation of their occupations and probable muscular activity. Apply- ing the factors previously referred to with these figures we could work out the total annual protein and energy requirements of the nation and the average requirements per capita per day. Going a step further, it would seem an equally simple matter to compare this theoretical national requirement with the total food consumed, and to tell at once how we could safely change our food consumption in a time of food shortage or national emergency. This is exactly what was attempted in Germany by the so-called Eltzbacher Com- mission and in England both by Thompson and by the Committee of the Royal Society in their reports on the Food Supply of the United Kingdom. It may be interesting to note in passing that both British reports used the American dietary factors and tables of composition of food materials originally worked out by Atwater and his associates and slightly revised by his successor, Langworthy, in the United States Department of Agriculture publications — a pleasant instance of the help American science has given to our allies. Unfortunately, such calculations are open to two objections, which the practical experience of the foreign food control authorities has found to be well-founded. First, there are no figures from which the total food consumption can be calculated with any certainty of The Nation's Dietary TnTeeds ill correctness; and second, assuming the totals to be correct, they give no adequate idea of regional, racial or occupational variations in food habits. In the foreign reports, the food consumption figures were ob- tained from agricultural and trade records of production, export and import, and if it were desirable, the same thing could be done in this country, in fact has often been done for such staples as wheat, beef, pork, etc. Unfortunately, when we try to do this for all the materials used for human foods, we find our records incomplete and conflicting. Nobody knows, for example, how much of the total corn crop is used for cattle feeding, how much in industry, and how much for human food. The census may show how many farmers keep hens, but would anyone care to estimate how many eggs are used in the average farm home or how many chickens end their careers on the farm table? Even supposing that we could estimate the total amount of vegetables and fruits raised in this country, could anyone say how much was wasted or spoiled before it reached the table? Even such an important and well-organized business as the dairy industry can give us no definite information as to the milk consumption of the United States. The census enumerators may take careful note of every cow in the country, but the most experienced dairyman can do no more than guess how much milk is used on the farms where it is produced, and not even he can say how much is fed to the stock, how much goes into butter for home use, and how much- is consumed as such by the family. The most reliable estimate gives seven-tenths of a pint per day as the probable per capita consumption of milk, exclusive of butter and cheese, but this is admittedly based on nothing better than intelligent guess- work. So far it has not seemed worth while to estimate the total food consumption of the United States by such a method. For the present, at least, the plan is to try another method, namely, that of the food survey authorized by a recent act of Congress and begun by the Department of Agriculture on August 31. As the newspapers have said, on that 'date investigators enumerated all the stocks of food materials then existing in wholesale warehouses and storage plants, in the stores of commission and retail merchants and small producers, and in the hands of hotels and restaurants, etc. In addition to this survey of commercial stocks, 3,500 typical families 112 The Annals of the American Academy selected from all over the country were visited and record made of all the food materials found in their pantries, storerooms and bins. From these an estimate is to be made of the total household stocks of the country — an unsatisfactory method, but the best compromise which could be found between leaving them out entirely and at- tempting to get figures from all of the 20,000,000 families in the country. The material represented by household stocks makes such a small proportion of the total material recorded, that any error that may creep in here is not serious. The results of this first survey of August 31 cannot fail to give valuable information as to what food materials the country possessed and where they were located; but those responsible for it consider it chiefly useful as testing out the machinery for the second survey which is planned to be made in November or December by improved methods. From the results of the two together they are confident that the annual food supply of the nation can be calculated more accurately than by the method used abroad. If the food survey stopped there, we should still be faced by a lack of knowledge regarding variations in food customs. This is of great importance because men are more conservative in their food habits than in almost any other, and they will not submit to sudden changes except under the pressure of stern necessity. Everybody knows the stories of famines in Asia where rice-eating peoples have died rather than eat the unfamiliar wheat and barley which the government imported for them. The so-called food riots in some of our own cities last winter took place not because there was a general food shortage, but where certain staples (potatoes, onions, and chicken-fat in many cases) to which the people were accustomed had suddenly gone up in price. It is a first principle of enforced ra- tioning that food prejudices are to be considered as far as possible. When a rich, food-producing nation is being asked voluntarily to share its abundance with distant allies, it is even more necessary for the leaders to know to what food it has been accustomed, and to consider these customs in suggesting changes. In a country which has a great variety of climate, agriculture, industry and racial stocks, there is an equal variety of dietary habits, and some way must be found of learning where and what they are. The unprecedented value of the food survey as a guide to the nation's dietary needs lies in the fact that in addition to measuring The Nation's Dietary Needs 113 the nation's stock of food, it has planned to provide reliable informa- tion as to what people actually eat in different parts of the country and in families of different circumstances. This is to be accomplished in two ways. The first is called a food consumption survey, and the preliminary survey was made with the cooperation of the 3,500 housekeepers visited for the household stock records. Each was asked to keep a daily record of the food used by her family for seven days. Blanks were provided on which all the common food materials were listed in a way which she could understand, and she was simply asked to put down the amount of each in the space provided. If purchased, the cost was also re- corded; if home produced, this fact was noted and current retail prices were supplied by the investigator who distributed and col- lected the blanks. Entries were also made of the age, sex and oc- cupation of the members of the household, their guests and the number of meals eaten by each. As much information as possible • was collected regarding the health, racial stock, income and general economic condition of the family; the latter might be designated by number rather than name, and thus be identified only by the investigator. The preliminary survey was necessarily so hastily organized that it was impossible to include as many of these consumption records as were desired or to distribute them as carefully as was wished in relation to rural and urban population, industrial and agricultural conditions, nationality and so on. Fifteen states were represented, chosen with reference to their general known dietary conditions. City and rural studies were included, the families representing various nationalities and incomes ranging from $450 to $7,500. In the second survey it is hoped to have at least 10,000 records with all the states represented and to ap- portion the families with due reference to urban and rural popu- lation, racial stocks, occupations and so on. Even so, the results will not be relied on to indicate accurately how much protein and energy is used per man per day, but rather to give a rough sketch of what the people in the different sections commonly eat. If the study does no more than indicate about how much milk the families use, especially how much goes to the children under seven, it will have been worth making. Even the preliminary survey, inac- curate and incomplete as it is, will tell us more than we have ever known about our national food habits. 114 The Annals of the American Academ¥ For more accurate information as to the kind and amounts of food consumed, another type of records has been provided. These are known as dietary studies; the method of making them has been in use for forty or fifty years, and any intelligent senior in a college course in home economics should be able to conduct one. All the food on hand at the beginning of the study, all that procured during its course, and all remaining at the end, is carefully weighed and recorded. All waste and refuse are also noted. From these the amount of each food material actually used is determined. The percentage composition of each is then obtained from standard tables, or in rare cases, specially found by analysis, and by the use of these figures the protein, fats, carbohydrates and energy provided are easily calculated. In these dietary studies accurate note is made of the age, sex, weight, general condition and occupation of the different members of the family by means of which the nutrients and energy actually consumed per person or per man per day are calculated. As full information as possible is also obtained regard- ing the income, health and general standards of living. The dura- tion of such a dietary study varies from two or three days to several weeks; those included in the food survey are for one week. If studies can be made in the same family at different times of the year the difference which seasons make in the diet is also shown: a condition met, in part at least, by the preUminary and final surveys which will represent late summer and early winter diets, that is, the season in which fresh fruits and vegetables are most abundant and that in which those materials are available mainly in conserved forms. In the preliminary survey it was not feasible to have the dietary studies made through the same agencies as the food consumption studies, but the voluntary cooperation of suitable institutions and individuals was asked. Blanks and carefully worded instructions were sent out by means of which the task of collecting the desired data was made as simple as possible. All the state agricultural colleges and nearly all the privately endowed colleges having de- partments in home economics were appealed to and also a selected list of normal schools and other institutions, numbering about 390 in all. These are scattered throughout the forty-eight states, the largest numbers of studies being requested where population is densest. The Nation's Dietary Needs 115 These institutions were requested to distribute the blanks among their students or graduates in home economics, who in turn were asked to fill them in with data from well selected families: As far as possible these families were chosen with reference to typical variations in region, industrial condition, racial stocks, etc. In addition to the 1,800 studies thus obtained, about 700 blanks were filled out by selected individuals (mainly members of the American Home Economics Association) either in their own homes or in those of families whose cooperation they secured. In gaining the consent of a family to have such a study made, the national importance of such information was explained and their help was represented as a real patriotic service. The investigator conducting the study usually found it advisable to pay a daily visit in addition to those at the beginning and end of the study, and was expected to fill in the blanks herself. All the calculations are to be made at the Department of Agriculture at Washington by the trained computers for the food survey. It is of course still too early to say how successful this method of collecting dietary studies will prove but the indications are^ that there will be reliable studies from nearly all -the states. In the final survey it is hoped to repeat the studies in enough of the families represented in the pre- liminary one to give a just idea of seasonal variations in diet, and to include others which will fill in the gap left in the first. If, in addi- tion to these studies, the Food Administration carries out its proposed plan of making similar studies in hotels, restaurants and clubs where large numbers of persons are fed and if we can compile with these the results of such work as the dietary studies made last spring by the United States Departments of Labor and Agriculture in con- nection with a cost of living survey in the District of Columbia and those conducted a few weeks since in connection with the food con- servation work of the Massachusetts Council of National Defense, etc., we shall have a more complete picture of national food habits than has ever been attempted before. It is true that the food supply this year is abnormal and that the picture thus presented may not show exactly what the nation habitually eats. This, however, will not destroy its present value as a dietary guide. If we learn that among certain groups there is evident under-nourishment we can more intelligently direct our efforts toward improving their supply because we will know wherein 116 The Annals of the American Academy the diet is deficient. If we find that the majority of children under three do not get the quart of milk per day which is believed neces- sary for their proper development, something must be done to in- crease the amount available for them, either by increasing the total amount of milk produced, or by lessening the amount used for mak- ing butter and cream or both. If, in spite of high prices and general dislocation of the usual sources of supply, large sections of our population appear still to be eating more than the standard requirement, we shall be more than ever justified in urging them to curtail for the benefit of our allies. Moreover, we may find that in many, and perhaps in most sections of the country, our food habits have not yet been disturbed to any important extent. Unfortunately we have no recent dietary studies on which to base such a comparison. Most of the statements now made re- garding the diet of the United States as a whole are based on a com- pilation of 400 or more studies made under the auspices of the United States Department of Agriculture between 1890 and 1905. Incomplete as such a compilation seems in contrast to that under- taken by the food survey, it is a more accurate guide than is available in any country except Germany and possibly Belgium, and is fully as reliable as the data on which many accepted statements of the general cost of living are based. According to that compilation 38.5 per cent of the total food in the average American family Is of animal origin, of which 16 per cent comes from meat (including lard) and poultry, 1.8 per cent from fish, 2.1 per cent from eggs, and 18.4 per cent from dairy products. Of the 61.5 per cent supplied by vegetable foods, 30.6 per cent comes from cereals, 24.7 per cent from fruits and vegetables and 5.4 per cent from sugar and miscellaneous materials. Judging by recent estimates of food consumption in 950 farm homes in fourteen states recently made by the Bureau of Farm Management^ and by production and trade figures, the use of meat was decreasing during the years preceding 1915, and the use of fruits and vegetables was increasing, though to exactly what extent it is impossible to say. It seems likely that both these tendencies will be found to be intensified under present conditions. The increased ' U. S. Dept. Agricultural Bulletin 410. Value to Farm Families of Food> Fuel, and Use of House, by W. C. Funk. U. S. Dept. Asricultural Bulletin, 636- Whai the Farm Contributes to the Farmer's Living, by W. C. Funk. I The Nation's Dietary Needs 117 use of fruits and vegetables is undoubtedly beneficial; and the de- creased use of meats is not dangerous as long as small amounts are used occasionally and the total protein requirement is met by other protein-rich foods, including milk and its products. It may be interesting to see how these older American dietary studies compare with the results of the German and British calcu- lations alluded to before. Such a comparison cannot be accurate because the food materials are not uniformly grouped in the differ- ent compilations, and because the foreign studies represent gross consumption and make no allowance for waste, either in marketing or in the household, whereas the American ones refer to food actu- ally consumed. The German figures^ for per man per day con- sumption were 117.3 grams of protein and 4,164 calories of energy. Thompson's figures^ for Great Britain are 105 grams of protein and 4,190 calories of energy. Corresponding ones in the official English report* are 113 grams of protein and 4,009 calories of energy per man per day. Thompson estimated the average waste between pro- ducer and consumer at 7.5 per cent. Assuming this to be correct for all three studies, the figures become, for the German report, 109 grams of protein and 3,852 calories of energy; for the Thompson re- port, 97 grams of protein and 3,875 calories of energy; and for the Board of Trade report, 105 grams of protein and 3,708 calories of energy. A rough average of the 400 American dietary studies indi- cates about 95 grams of protein and 3,500 calories of energy ac- tually consumed per man per day. In order to make these figures comparable with the foreign ones, allowance must be made for household waste. This has been found to run from nothing up to as high as 20 per cent, according to the carefulness of the housekeeper. The average is probably be- tween 7.5 and 10 per cent. Assuming the latter figure to be correct, the per man per day consumption of food as purchased becomes 1 05 - Die deutsche Volkserndhrung und der englische Aushungerungsplati, Edited by Paul Eltzbacher, Brunswick, 1914, pp. vii, 196. » A calculation of the foodstuffs and energy of Great Britain's food supply, W. H. Thompson — Communication to the Royal Dublin Society, Oct. 26, 1915. Abridged under the title of The Daily Food Ration of Great Britain, Nature [Lon- don] 96 (1916), No. 2416, pp. 687-690. * The Food Supply of the United Kingdom. A report drawn up by a committee of the Royal Society at the request of the President of the Board of Trade, Lon- don. 118 . The Annals of the American Academy grams of protein and 3,850 calories of energy per man per day. These figures probably underestimate the true average consump- tion because a larger proportion of the studies on which they are based were made among families lower in the economic scale than would be found in the total population. In fact unpublished esti- mates of rural diets based on the farm management studies already referred to, show 110 grams of protein and 3,964 calories of energy per man per day. This indicates that the average normal Ameri- can diet is higher than the English in both protein and energy, equal to the German in protein and superior to it in energy. Its principal advantage over the European ones, however, lies in the fact that it includes a greater variety of food materials, notably of fruits and vegetables. This variety is probably one reason for its greater cost. The many assumptions made in this rough comparison of our own and foreign food consumption furnish a good illustration of the guesswork used in all such estimates and emphasize again the need of such information as that provided by the dietary studies of the war emergency food survey. If we succeed in carrying these through successfully we may have developed machinery simple enough to be used whenever occasion requires. Indeed, some well- informed food economists hope that in the future such dietary surveys will become a recognized part of our statistical information and be made as regularly as cost of living studies are now. Be that as it may, the extensive series now begun ought to provide a reliable working guide for the present emergency, and an almost inexhaus- tible mine of general information for the student of nutrition in the United States. SOME FACTS TO BE CONSIDERED IN CONNECTION WITH THE FOOD PROBLEM By Howard Heinz, Chairman of Committee on Food Supply, Committee of Public Safety of Pennsyl- vania. Dr. Nansen spoke about the misfortune of Norway in losing almost all her fine inhabitants, and I want to say that it has been my experience that it has been this country's good fortune to have gained them. I believe if every man and woman in this country knew Mr. Hoover as he is, the unselfish way in which he is going about his job, the fact that he has nothing to gain, no glory in it, but runs the chance of criticism from farmer, from distributor and finally, from the consumer — they would still better realize the size and importance of the service that he is giving to his country. I speak not as an expert, not as a scientist, but just as a plain, common consumer who is very much interested in the problem that concerns the people of our commonwealth, the nation and the world at large : our food supply. With between thirty and thirty-five million men in uniform, consuming a daily average of at least 35 to 40 per cent more than is their custom, with every man and woman in this country, who is willing to work, in a job, which means also increased consumption of food, we have the greatest demand for food that the world has ever known. What have we in supply? In the meat supply, we have a world shortage of 115,000,000 meat animals today, and it is growing every day because of the inability of foreign countries to provide sufficient fodder. In England today, they have decided to begin killing off more extensively their animals in order to preserve their maize for human consumption. In this country, we have today seven million less meat animals than we had seventeen years ago, and our popula- tion is 26,000,000 more than it was at that time; thus, you can see how far away we are from meeting even the home demand and the 119 120 The Annals of the American Academy reason for the present price of meat. I think it is estimated that 43 per cent of man's living cost goes for food, and nearly 50 per cent of that, on an average, goes into meat and meat products; hence, the importance of the meat situation. The world wheat shortage amounts to millions of bushels. Our allies have called upon us for between 250,000,000 and 300,000,000 bushels of wheat if we can get boats over safely with it; and if we can't, God pity our allies. Now, how are we going to meet this question of world shortage m food supplies? I want to direct your attention to what seems to me to be one of the most important points and one of the first to be discussed, namely, the question of production. People who live in cities and who have to pay high prices don't consider that suffi- ciently. We have to enter into a serious consideration of the world's production markets to enable us to gain a proper attitude toward the producer. The farmer is too little understood. Have you ever seen any millionaires made on farms? I haven't. Forty per cent of the farms in this state of Pennsylvania are occupied by tenants today. Does that indicate that there is very much money in farming in Pennsylvania? Do you know that the farmer is paying from 75 to 150 per cent more for his machinery? Do you know that his labor has increased over 100 per cent? His seed has increased in some instances from 200 to 300 per cent. His fertilizer, when he can get it, is at almost prohibitive prices. The farmer has prob- lems that we must help him to meet. It might, for example, be very much better for us to pay an increased price for milk as a means of diminishing the number of dairy cattle that are being sold for slaughter because of the high cost of feed. For if they go on killing off dairy cows at the rate they have in the last three of four months, milk is more likely to be twenty cents a quart within the next twelve months than to be less. In other words, as a first step in solving the food problem, we must encourage the producer and give him at least a reasonable profit if we want him to continue in business. The proper encouragement of production, if we will just carry it far enough, will take us a great way toward the solution of the entire difficulty, for we can talk about marketing and we can talk about conservation, but if we don't produce, we won't have any- thing to distribute or to conserve. The perplexing subject of markets and distribution is receiving \ The Food Problem 121 much attention in Washington and by the various states. The middleman who is concerned with this phase of the situation is blamed, perhaps unjustly, for many of our woes. I don't beheve there is going to be established immediately a new method of market- ing. There will be some attempts at it that will help the situation, but a complete change of our whole marketing and distributing problem will not be made in a day. It has taken a great many years to get us into our present condition, and it will take us some years to get out of it. But there are many things that can be done. I think the Federal Food Administration Law as interpreted and put into execution by Mr. Hoover and those associated with him will tend to eliminate some of the extra commission men and brokers that are not only needless, but actually detrimental to both pro- ducing and consuming interests. I think, too, that Mr. Hoover's control of profits, the prevention of hoarding, the cutting out of speculation, will go a long way toward solving the problem of distribution cost. Woe be to the food pirate who falls into the clutches of the law. It will not be very healthful for him, and it shouldn't be, for with the condition of the food supply of the world today, for a man to bargain, to hoard, to speculate in that which concerns human existence, is an outrage against human- ity and should be stamped out. We are trying in Pennsylvania some changes from the regula- tion channels of distribution by the establishment of curb markets. They have been successful in a number of places and we have in view the establishment of many more of them. They bring the producer and the consun.er immediately together; the producer getting more for his produce than he would through the commission man and the retail grocer, and the consumer getting his goods more cheaply. Another feature of the distribution problem that demands reform is the matter of merchandising service. For many years merchants have been educating consumers to expect service with every purchase, and of course the consumer is charged for the service whether he gets it or not. Now, if the consumer will go to the store and shop for what is there, pay cash and carry it away, we can cut down the cost of distribution considerably. One grocer told me that he could afford, without any question, to reduce his prices, particularly of perishables, from 10 to 12 per cent if people would come to his store, pay cash and take the things home. In regard 122 The Annals of the American Academy to the question of deliveries, some grocers actually average four, deliveries per day per house. Somebody has to paj'- for this, and as such service is always unequal, the poor, who naturally receive the least, suffer most. Such practices must stop if we are to have any kind of a fair method of distribution. I heard the other day that it was possible in a certain bakery to bake bread for four and one-half cents for a fourteen-ounce loaf, but that when that loaf was delivered to the family it actually cost seven and one-half cents. Now think of it: from the bakery to the grocery store, through the grocery store and delivered to the house, it went up from four and one-half cents to seven and one-half cents, almost 75 per cent. That bakery could have sold its product at the bakery door, with service eliminated, for five cents. The third thing that we have to deal with in this problem of food supply is the great one of conservation. The women of Penn- sylvania have — for we have had investigations made which show it — practiced avoidance of waste to the extent that some of the garbage plants or people in the fertilizing business who get their material from garbage plants, have been complaining over the lack of garbage that is being collected recently. In food conservation I think the women have caught on to what is necessary. Many of them practiced thrift long before this war came on, but simply because they did so doesn't mean that there isn't a lot more to do, because there are little ends to put in here and there that still would make a big volume as applied to the whole of the country. But there is one factor that doesn't know what food conserva- tion means, and I am sorry to say it is my own sex. Taking him as a whole, man does not seem to realize what is necessary for him to do in food conservation. They say that that is a woman's problem. I have seen very few men eating in restaurants who have changed their usual habits. Then I think about 10 per cent of the population in this country probably overeat 50 per cent and that another 25 per cent overeat 25 per cent. There are too many people, you will agree with me, who do overeat and perhaps deprive somebody else of needed food and at the same time helping the continual advance in prices. And I want to say to you that I fear prices will be higher before they are lower. The crops are nearly garnered. We know pretty nearly what we have got, and we know how far it falls short of our demand. I The Housekeeper and the Food Problem 123 Those people who are dealing directly with the food problem are not the only ones who should study it and observe the principles involved in it. Every man, woman and child should enter into the war to the extent or realizing each his own personal, individual re- sponsibility and should play his part if our country hopes to win the war for democracy. It will take every bit that everybody has, with perfect team play, to win the battle. God grant that we may win it soon. THE HOUSEKEEPER AND THE FOOD PROBLEM By Charlotte Perkins Oilman, Author and Lecturer, New York City. The food problem is: A. How to produce the most food with the least cost in time, labor and money; B. How to distribute it to the consumer most swiftly, efficiently and economically; C. How to prepare and serve it, with the least cost in time, labor and money, and with the best effect on our health and happiness. The housekeeper is the person who stands before the third clause in the problem; who is immediately responsible for those last elements of cost and of human well-being. She is not ulti- mately responsible, as she acts under direction. The income of the head of the family limits the style in which they live, and his tastes count strongly in the manner of food served. But as he deputes this work to the housekeeper and abides by the result, she becomes the direct agent in the choice and treatment of the world's food. Food is produced by farmers, graziers and the like for indi- vidual profit, and with so little general knowledge of the needs of the world, of national or international relations, of labor conditions, or even of the essential science of the business itself, that the pro- duction is by no means at the least cost. The farmer, so far as he understands it, must consider "the market" in deciding what, when and how much to raise, and that "market" touches the next step — distribution. 124 The Annals of the American Academy We here enter the field of speculation. Food is gathered to- gether in such immense quantities for storage and shipment that it offers a most tempting opportunity for "profiteering." In storage rates, transportation rates and "market prices" the cost of food is manipulated and its nature and quality dictated, so that most serious effects are felt in the last stage, that of preparation. j Here stands the housekeeper. Behind her are the needs and j preferences of her family, the limits of her time, her strength, her knowledge and her purse. Before her is the retail market, where prices and qualities go up or down, moved by invisible hands. It • seldom occurs to her to question or protest as to these prices or the frequently lamentable quality of what is offered. "The market" is more vague to her than it is to the farmer. We have begun to reach, in recent years, the producer's end of this chain. Large public assistance has been given and wide research made, by governments and by men of genius like Luther Burbank. Experiment stations have been established, instruction offered and all manner of stimulation to improve and guide produc- tion. Under imminent pressure of war conditions we are now begin- ning to take hold of the distributing part of this great business of feeding the world. The anti-social crime of injuring the people's food, or of charging extortionate prices for the necessities of life, is just beginning to be recognized and will soon meet punishment. But quite beyond this comes the third stage, the one nearest home, the final process, in the hands of the housekeeper. This work must now be studied as to its efficiency and economy. ■ Recent studies in distribution of manufactured articles show that of the consumer's dollar about one-third pays for the goods, say one-sixth goes to the manufacturer, one-sixth to the wholesaler, and the other third to the retailer. In food products the retailer often gets much more than a third, sometimes more than one-half. No other retail business demands such limitless rehandling. Our drygoods stores are crowded with shoppers, but we do not have to buy clothing every day and sometimes oftener. The retail food dealer must pursue the consumer, who is always limited in time and strength; must place his wares as near as possible to the home, must even overflow into wagons and pushcarts, shouting hoarsely through residence streets. J The Housekeeper and the Food Problem 125 In the classified directory of New York City there are Hsted three and a half columns of retail drygoods stores; while of retail food stores there are: butchers, sixteen and a half columns; grocers, twelve and a half; bakers, five; confectioners, five; milk dealers, four and a half; delicatessen, four; fruit and nuts, four; butter, cheese and eggs, three and a half; fish, two and a third; ice, one; in all about fifty-eight columns. Of the small shops without telephones, the booths, wagons and pushcarts — the proportion would probably be still greater. Even without speculation or dishonesty it is easy to see how large a part of the cost of our food supplies is due to this profuse multiplication of retail handling and delivery. Before this expense the housekeeper stands helpless. She has neither knowledge nor power in these weighty matters of produc- tion and distribution. Her part in the food problem is to buy as wisely as she can, as cheaply as she must, §,nd to prepare her pur- chases so as to meet the tastes and needs of the family. I put tastes first because of the peculiarly helpless position of this func- tionary in relation to those whom she serves. In other trades the dealer may tell you that he does not " carry" this, or "they are not wearing that"; you may take it or leave it; he has his chance of other patronage. But in this trade here is Jones, who pays the freight, and Mrs. Jones, whose business it is to cook the steak as he likes it, to make apple pie or angel cake as he prefers; and here also are the little Joneseo, (i'onservative of taste as children are, merciless in criticism, and — always there. No other worker has to live with his market as must the housekeeper with hers. In our country it has been estimated that only one woman in sixteen keeps even one servant. In the great majority of cases the wife and mother is also the domestic servant, with a total of activi- ties such as to prevent high efficiency in any. To her of late years has come an unwonted pressure of responsibility as to health, as to dietetics. To the limitations of her knowledge and skill, the limitations of her income (the working housewife always has a limited income) and the demands of the family taste, has been added this burden as to proteids and calories. The importance of scientific cooking to the public health is undeniable, but it is made a jest of by newspaper wits, and is by no means taken seriously by Mr. Jones, who prefers the pie "like mother used to make." 126 The Annals of the American Academy And now comes the great war. It comes even to us, at last, and with it the splendid burden of feeding the world. In facing this duty the food administration first demands larger and more careful production, then applies pressure to the criminally mis- handled processes of distribution, and then turns to the house- keeper and bids her save! We are asking economy of the most wasteful of our industrial processes, the inherently and hopelessly wasteful method of pre- paring food by means of one cook and one kitchen to each family. To get the best results from our effort to improve this primitive industry we must supply to all our millions of housewives, printed in many languages, the plainest and simplest of directions. These should give not only information as to food values and methods of economizing, but model menus, "balanced rations," with a graded scale of cost, showing \yhat is the least amount and variety that will keep us in health and working efficiency, and offering wider choices also. This being done it remains to see that prices and wages are such as to allow at least this minimum to all our people, else we remain ill-nourished and underfed, as so many are now, in spite of all the proposed instruction. And further it remains, in some as yet undiscussed manner, to induce the family to eat what we have so laboriously urged the housekeeper to prepare. Among women already intelligent, already competent, already willing, much may be done. People who have purchased too lavishly, who have wasted riotously, may be induced to retrench, and simple restrictions, such as going without wheat bread or meat on certain days, will be widely accepted. But in the face of what may prove the most important phase of this world-changing war, our well-meant campaign of trying to improve conditions in twenty million kitchens, trying to change the habits of twenty million cooks, seems both futile and pathetic. What should be the attitude of the housekeeper, and of the nation, toward the food problem? It should be recognized that the preparation of food is no longer a domestic industry. It is no more an integral part of home life than is the making of cloth, once so exclusively feminine and domestic that the unmarried woman is still spoken of as a "spin- ster," So perhaps might the term " cookster" be applied to women long after they have escaped that universal service. I The Housekeeper and the Food Problem 127 The scientific knowledge, the trained skill, the wide experience, the discriminatory buying power which should be devoted to the proper feeding of the world can never be developed by the over- worked, ignorant, unpaid mother-servant. In the interests of economy we should clearly see that a system of service which wastes 90 per cent of the "plant," of the running expenses and of the labor involved — which allows maximum prices with all manner of extortion, and inferiority of materials, and which patently fails to maintain the health of the community, ought not to be persisted in merely from inherited sentiment and habit. The drained and wasted nations are beginning to count their "woman power," to see that where men must die women must take their places as workers. They are doing this the world over with such unexpected ability and success as to give a new status to womanhood. The women of America share with the men of America in the high honor of such a call to world service as never came to any nation before. It is possible that bitter necessity may be added to the call of honor before our work is done. That this work may be well done, quickly done, done with the least loss of Ufe and treasure, requires the best service of all. With what conscience then can we persist in a method of indus- try which, in kitchen service alone, wastes the labor of nine women out of ten? If all house service was professionalized, done by trained specialists with proper organization and mechanical conveniences, we could release the labor power of 80 per cent of our women. Counting that labor at charwoman's wages, say $500 a year, allowing fifteen out of our twenty million women as working house- wives (this omits those housewives now wage-earners, those too old or sick to labor, and those to whom a year should be given for childbearing and nursing) the released labor of four-fifths of the fifteen, namely twelve miUion, would be worth $6,000,000,000 a year. Their product value would at least equal their wages, another $6,000,000,000 a year. The saving in cost of food materials, by eliminating both the whole retail expense and the inevitable waste of minute rehandling in small quantities, would be fully 50 per cent. If the average American family now spends $500 a year on food, and if the saving was but two-fifths, or $200, there would be another $4,000,000,000. This gives a pleasing total of $16,000,000,000 which in an extreme hypothetical case we might save each^year, 128 The Annals of the American Academy No such sudden and universal change of system is to be ex- pected. It would not be desirable instantly to eliminate a whole complex business, as the retail food trade. These large estimates are given to show the importance of the food problem, and the enormity of the waste involved in our primitive method of treat- ment. The housekeeper herself should realize that her devotion to duty results not in economy, but in waste, not in safeguarding the health of the family, but in maintaining a system of feeding people which keeps our standard of health low, and sees it going lower. The world's gain in health is made in those diseases combated by sanitary legislation; we are losing in what may be called "food diseases." If the housekeeper does recognize her high public duty in regard to the food problem, what can she do to meet it? And what can the food administration do to help her? As we have experiment stations to establish standards and gather information for our farmers, so we should now establish at least one national food laboratory, an experiment station for the benefit of the housekeeper. Such a laboratory should be in charge of men and women of the highest ability, a staff capable of meeting all demands of this exacting work, for the preparation of food for modern humanity is by no means the simple service we commonly consider it, but is an art, a science, a business and a handicraft. From an authoritative center like this should be distributed accu- rate information as to food values and prices, with bulletins for special localities and seasons. With an experienced buyer, with the most expert handling of all the valuable by-products of this great industry, now so wastefully mishandled as "garbage," with storage and refrigeration facilities, with such arrangements with dairymen and local market gardeners as would be easy with large and steady orders, with a preserving department to take advantage of surplus materials, and with all accounts carefully kept and freely published, we should at last be in a position to know what really is the "cost of living." Figures could be given on a series of diet lists, all equally whole- some, but varying in materials and in prices. The best and fullest information would thus be available to the housekeeper unable to change her industrial position, as also to all institutions where cooking is done on a larger scale. We should at least have an au- a The Housekeeper and the Food Problem 129 thoritative standard, a minimum below which no poorhouse or prison would be allowed to fall, and a maximum above which any- one should be ashamed to waste money on eating. From such a center local service kitchens could be established as fast as needed, with intelligent modification as to race or religious customs and personal preferences. On the side of individual initiative the same thing may be done far and wide; but at least in the beginning the sanction of government authority and the reach of government power would be of great advantage. Now, if anyone asks, "And where is the money to come from to do all this?" the answer is comfortingly simple. The money will come from the pockets of those who buy the appetizing products of these food laboratories, and it will cost them less, far less than it does now. That is precisely the feature of the food problem which is here emphasized, that our present method is not economical as popularly supposed, but is madly expensive. Look at the food budget of one hundred families who keep cooks: $30 a month for each cook, $360 a year per family, $36,000 for the group. The necessary force of one manager, one clerk, six cooks and kitchen men and two delivery men, with salaries averag- ing two thousand, would be but $20,000 a year, a saving of $16,000. The saving in coal bill or gas bill for kitchen use would be in much greater degree, as would the incidental expenses of all kinds. The cost of the food itself, now perhaps $30 a week for the family of five and the cook, totaling $156,000 a year for the hundred families, could be cut in half by proper wholesale buying and the economy of scientific handling in quantity. If the saving was but little over a third, say, the $56,000, that, with the $16,000 saved on labor and the other incidental savings in fuel, light, utensils, breakage, etc., it would amount to some $75,000 a year. If the hundred families were content to accept a saving of but $500 a year each, there would remain $25,000, quite sufficient to maintain an elaborate kitchen and two delivery motor vehicles. A hundred families willing to make this change in living could pay for their new outfit, motors, food containers and all in the first year and after that find their labor expense reduced from $36 to $20 a month, their food expense reduced from a third to a half, and the quality of that living improved. Beyond this direct saving in money we have the far larger 130 The Annals of the American Academy items of the released labor, its earnings for the family, its product for the nation. And all this gain would be greater in proportion to the need of it, the relative saving to our poorest more than that of the rich. Details of food containers, keeping things hot and cold for hours, should present no difficulties to manufacturers of thermos bottles and fireless cookers. Such, and suitable delivery wagons, are already in use in Europe. The most important thing is the establishment of authorita- tive food laboratories to save the mistakes and discouragement of scattered efforts, and the next is for our housekeepers to recognize the imperative duty of the change of method in this industry. Some difficulty will be experienced, no doubt, from the objec- tions of Mr. Jones, but if the food is really good and he sees himself much richer for the change, he will be convinced in time. More immediately, if the husband and father has gone to the war, the mother at home will be both relieved in labor and enriched in cash . And one generation of children, accustomed to such wiser living, will end opposition forever. THE RELATION OF THE HOUSEWIFE TO THE FOOD * PROBLEM By Nevada Davis Hitchcock, Instructor in Marketing, Temple University, Philadelphia. The consumer has been much in the limelight of publicity within the past few years. The consuming public is represented so far as foods are concerned by the housewife. It is, therefore, upon the latter that the searchhght has been focused. There is no problem in which the public is more interested than that of food and I may add, no problem in which the public is inclined to do less except to give advice. At any rate there has been much talk, reams of writing and millions of words. These have been cast before the housewife in numerous forms, offering her advice, hurling it at her, rather, showering her with remedies, heralding her as the one able to solve the puzzle of how to reduce the cost of living, assailing her as false to her trust, calling her attention to all sorts of panaceas warranted i The Housewife and the Food Problem 131 to cure all the ills of soaring prices. After having given their advice, these advisors have washed their hands of responsibility and have gaily gone their way. They have told the housewife what to do to get cheap food. It becomes her responsibility then. The housewife, equipped with such weapons as "how to use left-overs" and a market basket, has about as much chance of lower- ing the high cost of living as a baby armed with a powder puff has of frightening a burglar. The truth of the matter is that the food prob- lem has reached such gigantic proportions that under our present system the consumer has no power whatever against organized business. The produce of our farms passes like a shuttle, weaving in and out of numerous threads before it reaches the hands of the housewife. Business interests in our cities have been organized. We have wholesale and retail associations made up of jobbers, com- mission men and retail grocers. These in turn are connected with railroad interests, manufacturers and financial interests. The individual producer is at one end of the line, the individual consumer at the other. They both have to dance when the organized interests pull the string. The conflict between the housewife and high prices does not even approach a David and Goliath conflict. One was brain pitted against brawn, but the other is only an individual in- terest against collective brains and financial brawn. It is at best but a pigmy attempt. Every bit of the expense connected with foods has to be borne by the consuming public. And, as affairs are conducted at present, the housewife is helpless, no matter how much she may wish to do her part. As an example there is the recent attempt to lower the cost of food by eliminating the delivery system, or by placing it on a charge basis. Although many women signified their willingness to do with fewer deliveries and to pay a five-cent charge provided the price of goods were lowered in consequence, deliveries were cut out entirely or were made at te7i cents without the housewife perceiving any benefit whatever to herself. She has to bear heavy burdens and use more time without receiving any appreciable benefit. There has been an abuse of the delivery but the housewife has been the victim rather than the offender because free delivery at all hours has been held out to her as a bait for her patronage. It is neither wise nor just to attempt to punish her by taking away delivery service altogether, or by charging her ten cents for it. It requires too much 132 The Annai^s of the American Academy time and too much strength when the housewife attempts to carry all her food home. It is returning to the dark ages. One might as well go back to candles and to backyard hydrants, because it would reduce light and water costs. In conserving food after it comes into her hands the housewife can do a great deal. That, however, is but one phase of the problem. . There is an old proverb which says "First catch your hare, and then cook it." This is most applicable to the situation. We have urged women to can and to dry food, but no effort has been made ex- cept in sporadic cases to get food before them that they can afford to buy and conserve. The true relation of the housewife to the food problem may best be understood if one considers her actual responsibility and her limitations. This responsibility of the housewife includes three things: wise food selection, proper preparation and adequate con- servation. Her Responsibility To make a wise selection one must have a knowledge of food values, based upon the principles of nutrition. There must be the proper grouping of foods, so that all the necessary elements will be given in the right proportion each day. Then one must have a knowledge of markets, of food prices and of seasonal foods, in order to get the best food for the least money. The next step is the proper preparation in order that food will not be wasted in sink and garbage pail. The housewife also must know the amount of heat and the length of time required to cook food. Otherwise there is great possible waste in food preparation, . for many times nearly a third of the nourishment is lost, in meat, for instance, by overcooking. The third division is adequate conservation. The housewife must look after the refrigeration, must see that foods are kept at as low degree of temperature as possible. One phase of food preserva- tion is in keeping the foods covered and away from contact with other foods. Then there is th - science of using left-overs, i. e. , in com- bining remnants of food so that nothing will be wasted. These are the essentials of the responsibility that each housewife ought to bear toward the food problem. That the vast majority of women do not know how to do all these things perfectly arouses biting sarcasm from many quarters. But if one will stop to consider the limitations The HousiEwiFE and the Food Problem i33 with which the housewife of today has to contend , much that seems reprehensible in her conduct will be considered excusable. Her Limitations Just why the housewife cannot rise to the full responsibility that is laid upon her will be apparent at once if we go back a little while and study what her preparation has been to carry out this responsibility. In the first place it is only within recent years that any of us have known how great a part the food problem plays in the develop- ment of the individual, the home and the nation. A woman who could cook a delicious dish, serve an attractive meal and give to her family full satisfaction in taste and quantity was considered as hav- ing done her duty. But with the advance in science and the research work that is carried on, a new phase of the food problem arose. The housewife was called upon to conserve the health of the family as well as the family income. In other words, she must not only learn to be an economical, wise cook, but she also must be an economical, wise buyer of foods. Now although this responsibility has been laid upon her for some years past, very little has been done to help her to carry that responsibility wisely and well. For a long time farmers have been instructed through agricul- tural colleges, experiment stations, farm agents and the public press in regard to the necessity of knowing how to feed and care for their livestock. Numerous pamphlets, bulletins, articles and books were written and put upon the market so that any farmer that wished to do so might be able to know how to care for his flocks and herds. On the other hand, very little was done until recent years to give the housewife proper instruction in regard to what she must know about foods from a scientific viewpoint. Of course, we have had in our public schools, for fifteen or twenty years, a system of instruction in domestic science, but much of this instruction has been meager. By this I mean no attack upon the work done in the public school at all. I simply wish to call attention to the fact that domestic science and home economics are of so recent development that the practical application has not been worked out long enough to enable the average housewife to have had that instruction. Cooking, as it is taught in the public schools, is in its mere infancy so far as the average housewife is concerned, and, of course, in private schools r ■ 134 The Annals of the American Academy there has been much less progress. In women's clubs and charitable associations some attention has been paid to the subject, but no definite program has been carried out along both practical and theoretical lines. We hear "a good deal about what has been done by women's clubs in regard to the food problem, and much has been done, but it is more along the line of clean foods and pure foods than it has been in regard to food values, food preparation and food conservation. The fundamental principles of economics, upon which the food problem really rests, if we are to have enough food to feed the masses in our great cities, have not been touched upon to any extent either in pubUc or private schools, or in women's clubs or organizations. In fact, political economists, with a few exceptions, have not given this subject the attention it deserves and the attention they must necessarily give to it in the future through circumstances that have arisen since our entrance into thiB great war. While the consumer has been called upon and has responded in many cases to do many things, no attempt at protection against the dangerous results of inefficient transportation and distribution and food speculation has been given to the housewife until the food con- trol bill was passed in Congress and Mr. Hoover became Food Ad- ministrator of the United States. In fact the great majority of. business men and the members of different organizations of the public in general do not yet realize the impossibility of the con- sumers' doing anything more than merely offering the slight re- sistance to the flood of the cost of living with the weapon of the market basket and the boycott. Take the question of the boycott, for instance. It is easy enough to say to women, as was done last winter in New York, "Do not buy eggs. Boycott the egg and bring down the price." And the consumer, willing to do her part, followed this advice. What is the result? The storage houses can hold eggs until they get the price that they wish at very little extra cost. ,Xhe poultry- man, on the other hand, producing eggs in the winter time at a high cost of feed and with much hard work, loses his market for eggs on account of the boycott. As a result he becomes discouraged, reduces his flock, and sells off his breeding stock. The cold storage dealer sells his eggs when the first effects of the boycott have waned at the price he would have received if there had been no I The Housewife and the Food Problem 135 boycott, and loses practically nothing. The consumer has done without eggs and has perhaps lowered the cost of 'eggs two or three cents a dozen for a short time without stopping to reflect that by cutting out the market for the poultryman she has made it impos- sible for him to keep on with his usual number of hens, and so for that reason the next year there will be fewer eggs and higher prices. There was a time perhaps when the boycott could have been used without having any particular effect upon the market, but now it becomes a dangerous instrument in the hands of those who do not understand the economic principles that underlie production, transportation and distribution. Consumers have been urged to take their market baskets, go out and buy their food and carry it home. The market basket is a splendid thing which ought to be carried oftener than it is; women ought to be urged to go to market and select their food, but not without proper protection against food speculation and inefficient transportation and distribution. ^If the municipalities and the state do not make it possible for food to be brought into the city without waste and without rehandling, if there is no efficient system of distribution by which this food is carried directly to different parts of the city and distributed under regulations which cut out food speculation and combination in food prices, the market basket will have no effect at all in reducing the cost of living. Not a Free Agent The housewife cannot always exercise her own judgment in regard to food for her family. There are limitations. In the first place, the individual taste of the family must be considered. We have not yet arrived at the condition of societj^ when one can pre- scribe a certain kind of food for all individuals. In fact food that is not relished very often does not give the proper nourishment. Of course I do not mean to say that much cannot be done by the house-mother in directing and guiding the tastes of her family. Much can be done, but only to a certain degree. She is bound to consider what her family likes if she wishes to make her house a home and not merely a, place where food that will support life is given out. We all know that beans have just about as much protein as meat, and yet if your family will not eat-beans, what are you going to do? Or if your family refuses to eat beans oftener than once a week. I 136 The Annals of the American Academy what solution of the problem can you offer? One cannot use force; the house-mother of today cannot go around with a bean pot in one hand and a club in the other. Then in addition to that is the effect of food on the individual, which is something that must be considered as well as the taste. For instance, there are food idiosyncrasies, and these are more com- mon than one would suppose. There are a number of individuals who cannot eat eggs without becoming bilious. Those who have rheumatic tendencies cannot eat tomatoes, grape fruit, lemons, strawberries and rhubarb. Milk does not agree with some indi- viduals. Others are poisoned by fish. The consumer also must have the cooperation of the family. Even where members of the family are able to eat everything, unless the family will eat everything, the consumer is much hampered in providing a well-balanced ration for her family at a reasonable cost. The head of the family himself often is the stumbling block. A man who earns three or four dollars a day at hard work naturally demands that his wife give him what he calls "good meals." Hav- ing earned his bread by the sweat of his brow he thinks he has a right to choose the kind of bread he wants to eat, and having the balance of power, the pocketbook, he makes his wishes rule the house. The professional and business man very often follows the same habit and demands that certain kinds of food be served, and so the housewife has to buy that which is demanded, and by thus buying, is not a free agent in selecting foods. She is obUged often to buy food at what she considers an exhorbitant price which she would not touch if she were at liberty to do as she pleased. Very often men who complain of household bills will not agree to do with- out the things that make those prices exorbitant. As a result, few women have had the vital interest in the food •problem that they should have until the present situation in regard to food conservation has arisen. One of the blessings that may come from this great war evil is that a widespread interest in foods has been aroused. Up to this time few club women have been enthusiastic in regard to the subject. Those who have worked along these lines foreseeing the vision of the present situation, felt discouraged many times owing to the lack of interest among their sisters. Most clubs have had some program in regard to foods and home economics, as I have said, but very few clubs have taken up I I The Housewife and the Food Problem 137 the matter with the same enthusiasm as they have had in getting playgrounds, recreation centers, proper legislation, public health and sanitation, political equality and civic improvements. Music, literature and art have all taken precedence of this vital topic. A musicale, an art exhibition, or a social tea would draw crowds when a food demonstration would call out handfuls. Even at the out- break of the war, the Red Cross, the Emergency Aid and the Army and Navy League were organized and doing effective work before the food problem had been touched. It is only with the entrance of the government into food conservation and the appeal to the women of America to do their patriotic duty that the foods have received anything near their proper attention from the majority of women. A great deal needs to be done for the housewife if she is to fulfill her duty. It is time to see that she has the right kind of markets. She also should have full opportunity for practical instruction in home economics. I do not forget the work that is being done along that line by the Department of Agriculture at Washington, as well as by the extension work in our state colleges. Through these agencies valuable literature has been sent out and useful cook- ing and canning demonstrations have been held. But they have been of more value in the country districts than in our great cities because they have not been developed along lines that will reach the women of the city. A definite and concerted action should be taken at once to get proper instruction which will make it possible for women everywhere to have the necessary information. This is most important because just now there is great danger that the American woman in her endeavor to save food for patriotic reasons will become hysterical in her efforts. Unless she knows which foods are growth promoting and energy giving, she will make food selec- tions that will injure the health of her family. Clubs and associa- tions of all kinds should take up a definite program for giving housewives an opportunity to know these things and their relation to the welfare of the family. A simple practical course in homemaking should be taught in the grades of our public schools. Food values and food groupings should be concretely illustrated by having models of meals that embody them. Artificial groups of foods might be a part of the equipment of schools just as much as blackboards are. Practical 138 The Annals of the American Academy instruction in food selection and preparation ought to be carried through the grades so that by the time the girls finish the eighth grade they will know how to buy the right kind of food at the best possible price. They also will know how to cook the food and serve it appetizingly. They will be able to select foods on a calorie basis and be as familiar with proteins, carbohydrates and vitamines, as the housewife of today is with soda and baking powder. The crux of the situation in regard to the cost of foods rests upon abundant production, proper transportation and efficient distribution. This year has proven what can be done in the way of increasing production, but so far the consumer has not reaped the full advantage of the abundant crops because the transportation and distribution of foods are still in an antiquated form. The consumer should be directly interested in improving these condi- tions because the prices of foods in the future will depend largely upon their proper distribution now. The producer must get a fair return for his labor and investment. The consumer should get food at reasonable prices without paying toll to five or six middlemen. Right here is the need for economic study of foods. It is the duty of each city and state to stop dilly-dallying and do something. Terminal markets should be established in connection with regional markets that food may be distributed quickly and effectively to every part of the city, eliminating the present glut at one part and scarcity at the other. A word about curb markets. There is much talk of curb markets as a solution. The time has gone by when we can expect or demand the producer to be distributor and retailer on the street. The nearby truck farmer may find it profitable to come into the city and sell his produce on its streets, but the student of economic principles questions whether it would not be better for the farmer- to specialize in farming and leave the retailing and distributing in other hands. Cooperative societies are already being formed among the farmers which promise success. The next logical step would be to organize cooperative societies in the city which would be distributing agencies for the cooperative societies in the country. There would be a reciprocal relation which would be highly advan- tageous to both. The problem of getting enough food to feed the family is most serious in the eyes of housewives all over the United States. There I I The Housewife and the Food Problem 139 is consternation in the minds of housewives as they look forward to the winter months. Women have responded nobly to the call to help produce and conserve food. Our abundant harvests and stores of canned and dried foods prove that. Women are doing their part in food economy so that there may be no waste in garbage pails. But that has had no appreciable effect in lowering prices except for a few vegetables. The one thing that prevents utter discourage- ment is that the President of the United States has been enabled to appoint a food administrator with full power. It is to Mr. Hoover, as representative of the federal government, that the housewives are looking for relief. They turn to him for protection against food speculators by making it a crime that ranks with treason for any individual or corporation to hoard or manipulate foods so that they are sold at exorbitant prices. They look to Mr. Hoover to see that food prices are based upon actual cost of production and distribu- tion, including all return to labor and capital, but with no excess wartime profit. They look to Mr. Hoover to make an example of such men as those who have dumped loaves of bread upon vacant lots and have set fire to the bread — bread which thousands of women are doing their best to save. The consumer also looks to each state and city to do its part in helping to solve the food problem. The development of the United States Bureau of Markets is proving of great value from an educational and publicity viewpoint. Some states have also formed market bureaus which have given an opportunity to do good work. The trouble is that in too many cases these bureaus have no "teeth" to make their influence felt. The consumer needs a bureau of foods and markets with power in each city to which she can appeal. This bureau should be place d on the same footing as the bureau of public health, public safety and public utilities. There should be some local court of appeal to which the consumer can address his complaints when situations, like the one existing at present, arise. For instance women are clamoring to know why they have to pay 20 cents a quarter peck in West Philadelphia, or at the rate of $3.20 a bushel, for tomatoes when the crop is so abundant that the government is calling upon women to volunteer for work in canning factories to save it. As a consumer, and representing other women interested in the food problem, I am most earnestly asking for the assistance of all in heeding the appeal and standing with the housewife; in urging f l40 The Annals of the American Academy upon cities the immediate need of establishing terminal markets connected with regional markets; in developing trolley freight, motor truck and parcel post deliveries so that nearby products may be brought in cheaply; in forming cooperative associations; in urging educational development in practical home economics in the grades of our public schools; in demanding that all city nurses and social workers be required to have training in home economics before they are ready to go to work, and in this way may help to eliminate some racial prejudices through health centers and social centers. The food problem has become not only the problem of the con- sumer represented by the housewife but is the problem of men and women in all walks of life. Only by their cooperation can there be any stable solution. FOOD CONSERVATION IN NEW YORK CITY By Lucius P. Brown, Director, Bureau of Food and Drugs, Department of Health, New York City. In telUng what has been done in the city of New York for conservation, it is necessary to tell you that the Food and Drugs Bureau of the Department of Health has a force of some ninety inspectors within the city. This force is divided into two broad divisions as far as the work is concerned. One of these divisions works with the retailer in maintaining a sanitary condition of the stores and the quality of the food sold by the grocer, restaurant people and delicatessen man and allied callings. The other division of the force looks after the food in a wholesale way and for this pur- pose is divided not along geographic but along functional lines. One squad from the latter force meets the city's food as it enters the city and halts there all unsound material, forcing, when any consignment of food is found to contain both sound and unsound material, the separation of the sound from the unsound portions. It has been found by experience that one of the most effective ways of using food materials which are in part unsound or in which the unsoundness has not proceeded to its ultimate term of decay is to subject it to that form of camouflage which is so readily offered by I Food Conservation in New York City 141 making it into preserved material. This is of course particularly true of fruits, which can be made into preserves, jams and jellies. Consequently another squad has been formed which has for its function the inspection of food factories of all sorts. This squad Hkewise looks after goods which are stored in dry and cold storage warehouses. The district men are able to point out those forms of spoilage which occur as the result of retail conditions. Through all these sources of information we are able pretty thoroughly to identify causes of spoilage due to transportation and distribution defects or conditions and to form an excellent idea as to what causes of spoilage, due to conditions existing on the farm, are readily preventable. The information thus collected has enabled preparation of a somewhat systematic analysis of the causes for spoilage which it seems worth while to reproduce here. Speaking broadly, the efforts of the New York Health Depart- ment have been directed towards correcting such of these conditions as occur within the city, to ascertaining what the reasons for these conditions were when they have occurred without the city, and notifying persons responsible for such decay-producing conditions to the end that they might be minimized in future; and when foods have actually arrived in the city in lots, parts of which have been decayed, to procuring a use for them through the separation of the unsound portions. The city's laws provide for the destruction of unsound food- stuffs and the unpleasant necessity of such destruction, if we are to do our duty, has in these days of high foodstuffs, greatly impressed every member of our force with the necessity of promoting all pos- sible conservation. It has been estimated that the city of New York consumes in the neighborhood of five biUions of pounds of food per annum, which is consumed by about five millions of people. A very large portion of the food for the whole metropolitan district of some seven million people passes under the eye of New York City's Health Department, while New York is the -entrepot for a very large portion of the whole northeastern part of the United States. During the winter and spring of the current year, the condemnations of foodstuffs were at the rate of about 24,000,000 pounds per annum, which is about five-tenths of 1. per cent of the total food supply. Nine-tenths of this amount were perishables, that is to say fruits and vegetables, which, of course, form less than 20 per cent of the average dietary, 142 The Annals of the American Academy 08 o w O •si- E S .•s o o ^ o o 2 <; - o CQ as as O -5 ^ Oh I g w a "^ H & z CB O O :^ a H 5 (S « Q ° d fe 8 Q fa -o "< '^ 5 « 3i g c ^ ^ o Old -' 5? ^£ -g fa .£ W -< CO -9 SJ S 2 I 1-2 s '-■■^^ O o J) 3 c_rt £ fe SJ§2 WcoHc/l = cSJ I — O o o = ca.S I- . ^■^^ f c S-S «_2^ ' ° ° J= .-S M ■" M 3 t. 3 3 g C g -o s g "S o 2,; 31: r? < "c > g = . .a a = ° ^ M. c -^'s . ^ = « a. Bc Mj: 0; c i|^ .£ = a. « S o- ^ 1 oT St: a .H i: 0. m-c _o ; to track shortage. m undue length of deir kes or other labor trou e to shortage of storage ~S S; c % 1^ ■a fe J.-C c = a — E a Sf 0. oily unsound, tly unsound and tly unsound but fa rkef eonditiona be QJ fc- eL.cce- 3 3 3 3 P't. 3 U cjj: M.^ B^ u eoX^ ij-C «J2 aj= d-d C.2 >. 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Indeed the curve shows that the low level for the present year was reached in June, when the relative price was^l40,^and that in August the rise had alreadj'- set in again. This price increase can be studied in greater detail in Table I, Food Prices vs. Wage Increases 239 page 244, which shows the relative prices of twenty-seven articles of food in Philadelphia, by months, from January, 1915 to August, 1917. The first column, "22 Articles Combined," gives the weighted average relative prioes of the twenty-two articles of food on which CHART II Chart I is based. Charts II, III, IV, and V show in graphic form the relative prices of some of the more important articles included in the table. It will be noted that with the exception of a very few articles hke coffee, tea and rice, practically all of the necessities of life went up markedly in price during the period covered by the figures. Meats of all kinds rose anywhere from 19 per cent to 51 pei' cent in two years. Butter and lard increased 52 and 109 per cent respec- 240 The Annals of the American Academy lively, while eggs in August of this year were 49 per cent higher than in August of 1915. Flour, a basic article of diet, took a tremendous leap in the latter months of 1916, fell somewhat in June and July but was on the upward trend in August again. Flour in May was 93 per cent higher than two years previously. Bread, of course, has risen similarly. More pronounced even than these increases, how- /60 ISO 140 130 120 IIO /OO 90 QO 70 60 \ < 1 \ > /, / 1 V ,\ 1 1 \ ,/^ \ 'f/ / , / \ \/ \ 1 1 J \ !< N^ '/ I- ^~ -- \- -^ -u ^ Y / \ / ^> --.'' \ ^^ ff£i/}T/y^P^/cFor n> UTTER r- — - lAPP ^i'fraje Price for 1916 -/OO 1 1 1 1 1 1 CHART III ever, were those in potatoes and onions, which occurred last spring. Potatoes are an extremely important item to the masses and it is not to be wondered at that the high prices prevailing led to suffering and rioting. Potatoes in June of this year were 234 per cent higher than in June, 1915. Onions in April, 1917 had a relative price of 279 as compared with 64 two years previously, an increase of 336 per cent. The price of the twenty-two articles mentioned above, multi- I Food Prices vs. Wage Increases 241 plied by the average amount consumed by workingmen's families,' represents, at the August, 1917 prices, an annual expenditure of $566.31 per family. Assuming that this represents two-thirds of the 200 /90 /30 /70 /60 ISO /4o /JO I20 no 100 90 ao ro 60 ^So 40 JO ^O lO - /SJ^- -IS/6- -/s>iy— i/an flar M^Li July >/?/ No I' Jart Mar />y July Sef>t /ioi' Jan M^r M^f, c/^lt/ ^epf J90 jao 170 /60 /so 1^0 130 120 IfO loo 90 ao 70 60 Jo 20 /o A \j 1 v 1 1 r— A / J \ r /^ 1 1 / > — / 1 -^ A / "" ^" \ y/ / ^x/ ..^/ i .^ \ v:^ V - — ■—, / ^ 1 • \ /— ^V. ^^ J \ f / / \ \ 1 1 1 trc rMi^c ui- - VerajePrkr lor /9/6'/00) ~ /A [A 1 1 1 1 CHART IV total expenditure for food, which is approximately correct, the annual expenditure per family for food at the August level of prices was about $850. The corresponding figure at the August, 1915 prices was $530, and at the August, 1916 prices, $590. The annual *U. S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, Annual Report, 1901. 242 The Annals of the American Academy 270 /3/~S- 1 /9/S 1 /9/r 2 70 Jan /*1ar /Va^ t/^/y Se/>/- //ou Jan Afar /*fa^ >Jid/j/ J-.,V //oy Jan /*far Ma!/ Uu/i^ Sef>/ — ;r 1 260 2^0 , 260 2S0 240 230 220 2/0 230 ■f 220 2/0 j} 1 /90 1 1 /90 /SO 1 /SO /70 \\ ]/ ~ '^ /70 \\ /: \\ /SO /60 /SO /! /so /' / /40 1 / /40 1 /JO fi^ l/ \ /30 /20 I / \ \ \ /20 / / / . \ //O /oo /' 1 \ \ //o /oo I'l \ \ \ J 1 V 'J y -i- 90 r/ A / ■ 9C > if:)co^PI..*-^Sl pauuBo 'uoiniBg O o o - OOOOOCOOOCS CSCS OSCSOSOSC;C5C5CSCSCS-fiO (OCiTjCCCO-^as ooooooooocsosos osososcsososcsososooo ooo^:orceo "91 2 C-. osScsosoSoSSoSo oooooSoosSSosS oSoooool 83^00 J3 o •o ^OC^--"- .— ^OCSOCSO wCsOOOCsC-lOOCVC.O CSOOOO— O- oocsoooooosocso oc^ooocioooasaio osoooooo JBgUg 3 ° c-i ~. — ' --^ :£: :c CO o cc OS CI CO CO CO -r -M ^ c:: o 'O >.-: o CO CO ei t^ *r w x c. r^ i--i--'Xooooooo030t^cot^oo ooioosooo-^oc-. ooo ooo — — oo: gso^B^oj '^ as cr. 1- CO c-i -H ..,» CO cc cs cs ^ CO [^ -M OfM 1- cc »c:j OS CO -r c^) c^ 'C cs i^ co t-- « i u:i4CuO>OCOt^-*T)<>3]-ri-:oX« OOXJOOCiOQOCOOOt— I^t^GOOO 000000000S03OOO — C^lC^l C^lC>JCO^i.O«OiO cnBH CO -Xr-Oi-OeOOOOSCSC30CS ^-COCOX)OS-h-m:-3.c5^_j,-p iOjO — 000»* COX)GOC»QOOSOSOOQOOSOS30 OSOSCSOSOJOOOOOOO OO — (MCOCOWl 1 uo.)Bg C'O rj n o — ' -^ -I' -# -^ Tj< ■ri' CO c^ c^i «o CO c*o CI CO -T "O ".o '."^ lo TM 1 ~ Tj. I" »o owl cs OS OS OS OS OS OS OS OS OS OS OS OS OS C!S OS oso O O O O O CO OO — c^co..f^| sdoiio 31J0J 00 CO O 1 - CO C^l O O C^l t^ O lO — OS CO cs 00 OS OS C^J M to CO O — OS CO C^l o -r c>: — « 00 ' QOt-l^oOCSOSOSCSOOOSI^ OOOOCSOSOSOOO — — OOS O — CI r? *rs CO Wj ja.jgaui i'.og 3?Bij J3 ■J -?! 0'M-4«'-r'MCM01iO«3CJC^qCvi »o-*"t^OO'5'COCOCOOC10 OCOI~-:f-GCCOflC CSOSCSOSCSCSOSOSOICSOSOS OSOSOSOSCS^OOOOOO O — — CvlCICOW }8B0y -5 o a. 2 moccccjo-tooc«i-coc-4(ci c O cs OS oooo — ^•- |I3UI<|U10Q X C^lOSCOt^OOC-. OCOCOS — (M-a' T1-CO-*OCOOOI^COCOI-— — ■ UOOOS cs ioi»2| OS OO 00 00 00 CC 00 GO 00 OS OS OS OSOS OS oscs csosos - kfAT. (y^c/.j J^O. CHART VII The following important conditions were found to prevail as general, or perhaps chronic, among the members of the unions investigated : 1. Everywhere unions were emphatic in calling our attention to the lack of any adjustment of long-time wage rates and short- time commodity prices. Even in those unions where rates had been increased within a period of two months, there was dissatisfaction Food Prices vs. Wage Increases 249 expressed. In the cases of long-term contracts, however, the great- est evil of this maladjustment was manifest. 2. As was to be expected the claim was paramount that wages were not high enough to meet those necessary costs needed for a fair standard of living. By applying the standard income for an individual and then closely examining the above income chart, one can judge the truth of the contentions of these workers regarding low wages. 3. In a few unions covering over 600 workers, successful strikes were an admitted failure. This economic paradox is quickly under- stood upon citing the most pronounced case — that of the Clothing Makers Union. The union had returned to work after a four weeks' successful strike in which a one dollar per week increase was realized. During this four weeks' interim food prices for an average family had gone up approximately $1.75 per week. In short, the strike although increasing the money income, resulted in the falling of the real wages. II Actual Payroll Studies More important than these figures, however, are those obtained from an actual study of payrolls. In order that this study might be as accurate as possible proportional representation was used. That is the plants investigated and the individual wage cards obtained were selected in proportion to the importance of the different indus- tries and the different trades within the industry in the city's enter- prises. For instance, almost one-fourth of the city's workers are in the textile industries, consequently one-fourth of the wage cards should come from textile mills. Similarly, within the textile in- dustries are several different trades, and the cards from individual workers should be proportioned to the number of men employed in each occupation. By following this method the wage cards taken from the records were made fairly representative of the trend in wages throughout the city. In all, 1,600 wage studies were made, covering by proportional representation about 44,200 workers. The average weekly incomes of these 44,200 represented workers for the sixty-two weeks covered by the investigation are as follows: 250 The Annals of the American Academy Average Weekly Incomes of 44,200 Wage-Earners in Philadelphia January 1, 1916 to March 10, 1917 Date Amount Date 1916 January 8 $9 . 15 11. 22 11. 29 11 February 5 10 12 11 19 11. 26 11. March 4 11. 11 11. 18 11. 25 11. April 1 11. 8 10. 15, 11. 22 12. 29 11. May 6 11. 13 12. 20 11. 27 12. June 3 11. 10 11. 16 11. 23 11. 30 10. July 7 10. 14 12. 21 11. 28 11. August 4 11. 12 11. Amount 22 August 19 $11.58 64 26 11.43 66 Septembei • 2 11.64 05 9 10.94 78 16 10.67 93 22 11.13 68 30 12.53 88 October 7 11.89 36 14 12.30 68 21 12.29 83 28 11.93 68 November 4 12.40 26 11 11.87 54 18 13.76 81 25 13.78 03 December 2 11.85 45 9 13.66 78 16 11.57 21 23 12.35 98 30 12.73 07 1917 01 January 6 11.52 19 13 12.01 21 20 12.93 03 27 13.84 78 February 3 14.13 28 10 12.12 19 17 13.66 46 24 14.12 98 March 2 13.35 58 10 13.40 16 The increase in wages for the last month of the investigation over the first month is 22.8 per cent. The weekly fluctuations can be well seen in the chart. These wage statistics afford a basis for comparison with the food price figures given in the preceding article. Taking the aver- age wages for the year 1916 as 100, relative wages by months can be computed comparable with the relative food prices there quoted. These relative wages are shown in graphic form side by side with Food Prices vs. Wage Increases 251 1 1 §1 §. §1 §1 S. §1 §, |1 o, C, g, o, §, §, c, o, ^ vo ^ ^ 15 CV3 -; ^ 5,- to- K ^- lo ^ N^- ^- i 1 \ / ^ K ^ ^ s S s. [> ^ V ^ ^ ^ ^ ■*> ^ ^ C '^ "^ ^ V * i <^ I ^ / ^ ^ \^ ^ , 7 t; y s^ f ^^ \^ V ^ ^ c ^ / ^>s, 1 « / 0\ C. ^^ 5 ^^§1 §1 §1 §1 §1 §1 51 §1 §1 §1 §' §' §1 §) §1 Si °i ^ 8 ^ ^' i$ ^'1:5 ^ ^ ^ 05 c>6 K ^. ' > 1 1 ^ 1 ^ \ f ; / \ 1 / / t \ 4 ^ 1 I j 1 1 '2 \ nxk5'. li 1} 1' 51 |i 11 H ?| s S ^ (^ ^ - \ 254 The Annals of the American Academy Average Weekly Wage by Months, 1916 January SIO . 07 February 11 . 19 March • 11 . 32 April 10.49 May 11.04 June 11.21 July 9.65 August 10.61 September 11 . 73 October 10.65 November 1 1 . 24 December 10.68 In the textile industry covering 1,650 workers the weekly in- come over fourteen months fluctuates between $10.87 and $15.36 per week. The following are the average weekl}^ incomes by months : Average Weekly Incomes by Months, 1916 January $10 . 87 February 11 . 55 March , 11.50 AprU 11.14 • May 11.35 Jtme 11.50 July 12.18 August 11.04 September 11 .41 October 11.99 November 12 . 55 December 13 . 13 1917 January 13.21 February 13 . 44 March fTwo wee^s onlyj 15 . 36 As the above tables are averaged rates, they balance up and remove extreme cases. One textile worker through personal con- tact showed his wages and food budget. His income ranged from $7.34 to $21.50 per week while his food costs for a -family of four ranged between $7.80 and $11.10 per week. CONCLUSIONS Raymond T. Bye, A. M., and Charles Reitell, Ph.D. It is customary for social workers to contend that wages do not rise as rapidly as food prices, and that therefore real wages are fall- Food Prices vs. Wage Increases 255 ing. The figures of the United States Bureau of Labor Statistics for the country as a whole, indeed, confirm this behef, showing that prices have been rising much more rapidly than wages for several decades. It was expected that this study of wages and food prices in Philadelphia would reveal a similar tendency. It is rather sur- prising, therefore, that at first sight a comparison of the two sets of figures shows a remarkably close correspondence between price and wage changes. A reference to Chart I, page 238, where the monthly- relative food prices and wages are shown, indicated that during the period from January 1, 1916 to March 15, 1917 wages followed the increase in food prices with considerable regularity. During these fifteen months food prices increased 26.6 per cent while wages rose 23.6 per cent, a difference of only 3 per cent. Is it then to be concluded that real wages are not changing at all? The statistics hardly warrant such a statement. Unfortu- nately the period covered by the Food Committee's study is too short to be of any real significance as to the movement of real wages in general. Moreover, food is not the only item although it is a very important one in the family budget. An adequate measurement of real wages would have to take into consideration the prices of clothing, lodging, fuel and many other things. It is hardly likely, however, that these prices have increased any faster or even as fast as food prices. A reference again to the chart will show that the difference be- tween the increase in wages and that of food prices is really greater than the figures just quoted would make it appear. A sharp rise in wages from January to February, 1916, and a shght drop in food prices from February to March, 1917, is deceptive. If the January and March figures be eliminated and the increase of prices for the year from February, 1916 to February, 1917 be compared with wages for the same period it will be seen that prices rose 31.1 per cent while wages increased only 16.0 per cent. If the wage figures, moreover, were continued to August, which unfortunately it was impossible to do, it is hardly Hkely that they would be shown to have kept pace with the extraordinary price increases of April and May. It is probable, therefore, that over a long period the Phila- delphia statistics would bear out the general impression that real wages are falling. What is interesting to note about this study, however, is that for a considerable group of wage-earners the phe- 256 The Annals of the American Academy nomenal rise in food prices from January, 1916 to March, 1917 has not entailed as great a hardship as might at first be supposed. Dr. Reitell's investigation showed this to be particularly true of the iron and steel and other "war" industries. On the other hand, as has been pointed out, for the salaried employes and trade unionists working on wage contracts it has meant a considerable hardship. On the whole it seems probable that wages are increasing less rapidly than food prices, and that in consequence standards of living in the long run are slowly falling. CONSTITUTIONALITY OF FEDERAL REGULATION OF PRICES ON FOOD AND FUELS By Clifford Thorne, Lawyer, Chicago. A question has been raised in the minds of some eminent gentlemen who are in entire accord with the policy of regulating prices on food and fuels concerning the constitutional power of the federal government to regulate prices on commodities or serv- ices, other than those which are strictly public in character, like a railroad which has received certain privileges from the public in return for which it is subject to public regulation. The Issues Two issues are involved: (1) the extent of jurisdiction by the federal government as distinguished from the several states over the subjects in question; and (2) does the police power of either a state or of the federal government include the authority to fix prices on such articles as food and fuels at a time like the present. Our position is that Congress has the constitutional authority to establish or to authorize some tribunal to establish reasonable maximum prices on food and fuels during the period of the war. In support of this position we will briefly outline the fundamental principles of law which are involved. During the discussion of the cases we should bear in mind constantly: A. The vital connection between the production and equitable distribution, at reasonable prices, of food and fuels, with the whole Fedekal Regulation of Prices on Food and Fuels 257 defense program of the federal government, (1) in the manufacture and transportation of war munitions, and (2) in the efficient sus- tenance of the nation during the world war, wherein the other principal combatants have found it necessary to take over many of their industries, or to control the prices on these basic commodities during practically every stage of their participation in the conflict. B. The monopolistic character of these enterprises at the present time. C. The effect of no regulation and control upon the general welfare of the public — directly, through their own purchases; and indirectly, but nevertheless more powerfully, in the advancing charges of railroads and public utilities of all kinds. ' Outline of Legal Propositions The legal propositions which we hope to sustain may be sum- marized as follows : 1. In the interpretation of the Constitution the trend of the court decisions has been to limit the police power of the Congress to those subjects over which the federal government is given jurisdic- tion or control; all not so specifically granted being reserved to the several states. 2. The exercise of the police power to provide for the common defense carries with it all that which is necessary for the safety and welfare of the people during the period of the war, many things being permissible in a time of war which are prohibited in a time of peace. The safety of the state is of supreme importance. 3. The exercise of the police power over commerce, by either the state or federal governments, on subjects properly within their respective jurisdictions, has been sustained as to various matters, including: The prevention of interference with the freedom of commerce by combinations in restraint of trade. The prevention of nuisances. The prevention of unreasonable charges, either excessive or discriminatory in character. In the interpretation of the Constitution, the trend of the court de- cisions has been to limit the police power of Congress to those subjects over which the federal government is given jurisdiction or control; all those not specifically granted being reserved to the several states. The above proposition is not subject to argument. There can be no question on the proposition that the Constitution grants to 258 The Annals of the American Academy the federal government the power to: (a) provide for the common defense; and (b) regulate interstate commerce. A question of some difficulty frequently arises when we at- tempt to draw the line between state and interstate commerce. In the case entitled United States v. E. C. Knight Co., 156 U. S., 1, the court held that the manufacture of sugar within the bounds of a given state did not constitute a restriction upon interstate com- merce and thereby subject to the federal anti-trust act. The court went so far as to state : Contracts, combinations, or conspiracies to control domestic enterprise in manufacture, agriculture, mining, production in all its forms, or to raise or lower prices or wages, might unquestionably tend to restrain external as well as domestic trade, but the restraint would be an indirect result, however inevitable and what- ever its extent, and such result would not necessarily determine the object of the contract, combination, or conspiracy.' The foregoing dictum in so far as it referred to a combination to raise or lower prices not being subject to the federal act was reversed in the later case of Addyston Pipe and Steel Co. v. U. S., 175 U. S., 211. The distinction between the manufacture and a contract to sell, was clearly made by the court in the Knight Case, and that distinc- tion has been followed in subsequent decisions. While holding that the federal act did not apply to the police regulation of a manufacture within a state, the court held, however, that: It will be perceived how far-reaching the proposition is that the power of dealing with a monopoly directly may be exercised by the general government whenever interstate or international commerce may be ultimately affected. The regulation of commerce applies to the subjects of commerce and not to matters of internal pohce. Contracts to buy, sell, or exchange goods to be transported among the several states, the transportation and its instrumentalities, and articles bought, sold, or exchanged for the purposes of such transit among the states, or put in the way of transit, may be regulated, but this is because they form part of interstate trade or commerce.^ In the Addyston Pipe and Steel Company Case, 175 U. S., 21 1> the principle in the Knight Case was restated in the following lan- guage: The case was decided upon the principle that a combination simply to control manufacture was not a violation of the act of Congress because such a contract or 1 United States v. E. C. Knight Co., 156 U. S., 16. « Ibid., p. 13. Federal Regulation of Prices on Food and Fuels 259 combination did not directly control or affect interstate commerce, but that con- tracts for the sale and transportation to other states of specific articles were proper subjects for regulation because they did form a part of such commerce.* A commodity need not have commenced its journey beyond the bounds of a state, and yet it may still have been sold for delivery in another state. A combination among dealers may be subject to federal regulation. In the language of the court in the Addyston Case: Decisions regarding the validity of taxation by or under state authority, involving sometimes the question of the point of time that an article intended for transportation beyond the state ceases to be governed exclusively by the domestic law and begins to be governed and protected by the national law of commercial regulation, are not of very close application here. The commodity may not have commenced its journey and so may still be completely within the jurisdiction of the state for purposes of state taxation, and yet at the same time the commodity may have been sold for delivery in another state. Any combination among dealers in that kind of commodity, which in its direct and immediate effect, forecloses all competition and enhances the purchase price for which such commodity would otherwise be delivered at its destination in another state, would in our opinion be one in restraint of trade or commerce among the states, even though the article to be transported and delivered in another state were still taxable at its place of manufacture.^ The same principle that was enunciated in the Addyston Case was recognized in Swift & Co. v. U. S., 196 U. S., 375. In this case the rule applicable to the particular combination in restraint of trade was distinguished from that described in the Knight Case, supra. The combination for the control of the purchase and sale of cattle was held to be in violation of the federal act. The injunction, however, refers not to trade among the states in cattle, con- cerning which there can be no question of original package, but to trade in fresh meats, as the trade forbidden to be restrained, and it is objected that the trade in fresh meats described in the second and third sections of the bill is not com- merce among the states, because the meat is sold at the slaughtering places, or when sold elsewhere may be sold in less than the original packages. But the allegations of the second section, even if they import a technical passing of title at the slaughtering places, also import that the sales are to persons in other states, and that the shipments to other states are part of the transaction — "pursuant to such sales" — and the third section imports that the same things which are sent to agents are sold by them, and sufficiently indicates that some at least of the sales are of the original packages. Moreover, the sales are by persons in one state ^Addyston Pipe and Steel Co. v. U. S., 175 U. S., 240. * Ibid., 245, 246. 260 The Annals of the American Academy to persons in another. But we do not mean to imply that the rule which marks the point at which the state taxation or regulation becomes permissable necessa- rily is beyond the scope of interference by Congress in cases where such inter- ference is deemed necessary for the protection of commerce among the states. Nor do we mean to intimate that the statute under consideration is limited to that point." In harmony with these principles is the act relative to the inspection by federal authorities of livestock at the various markets.^ II The exercise of the police power to provide for the common defense carries with it all that which is necessary for the safety and welfare of the people during the period of the war; many things being permissable in a time of war which are prohibited in times of peace. The safety of the state is of supreme importance. This principle was splendidly stated in one of the Federalist letters, as follows: As the duties of superintending the national defense and of securing the public peace against force or domestic violence involves a provision for casualties and dangers to which no possible limits can be assigned, the power of making that provision ought to know no other bounds than the exigencies of the nation and the resources of the community.'' In a very old and celebrated decision by the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania in 1788, the clear distinction is made as to the neces- sarily wide power of Congress or of the federal government, during a state of war. The case was this: Congress, perceiving that it was the intention of the British army to possess themselves of Philadelphia, and being informed that considerable deposits of provisions, etc., were made in that city, entered into a resolution on the eleventh of April, 1777, that a committee should be appointed to examine into the truth of their information; and if it was found true, to take effectual measures, in conjunction with the Pennsylvania Board of War, to pre- vent such provisions from falling into the hands of the enemy On this state of facts the court held: On the circumstances of this case, two points arise; 1st. Whether the appellant ought to receive any compensation, or not? and 2nd. Whether this court can grant the relief which is claimed? » Swift & Co. v. U. S., 196 U. S., 375, 399. « I Supp. Rev. Stat., p. 938, as amended in II Supp. Rev. Stat., p. 404. '' The Federalist, Letter 31. Federal Regulation of Prices on Food and Fuels 261 Upon the first point we are to be governed by reason, by the law of nations, and by precedents analogous to the subject before us. The transaction, it must be remembered, happened flagrante hello; and. many things are lawful in that season, which would not be permitted in a time of peace. The seizure of the property in question, can, indeed, only be justified under this distinction; for, otherwise, it would clearly have been a trespass; which, from the very nature of the term, transgressio, imports to go beyond what is right.* It is a rule, however, that it is better to suffer a private mischief, than a public inconvenience; and the rights of necessity, form a part of our law Houses may be razed to prevent the spreading of fire, because for the pubUc good.' We find, indeed, a memorable instance of folly recorded in the 3rd volume of Clarendon's History, where it is mentioned that the Lord Mayor of London, in 1666, when that city was on fire, would not give directions for, or consent to, the pulling down of forty wooden houses, or to the removing of the furniture, etc., belonging to the lawyers of the temple, then on the circuit, for the fear he should be answerable for trespass; and in consequence of this conduct half that great city was burnt. We are clearly of opinion, that Congress might lawfully direct the removal of any articles that were necessary to the maintenance of the Continental army, or useful to the enemy, and in danger of falling into their hands ; for they were vested with the powers of peace and war, to which this was a natural and necessary incident. And, having done it lawfully, there is nothing in the circumstances of the case, which, we think, entitles the appellant to a compensation for the conse- quent loss." Ill The exercise of the police power over commerce, hy either the state or federal governments {on subjects properly within their respective jurisdictions), has been sustained as to various matters, including: (1) The prevention of interference with the freedom of commerce hy combinations in restraint of trade; (2) The prevention of nuisances; and (3) The prevention of unreasonable charges, either excessive or discriminatory in character, (a) By companies engaged in a public service; and (b) By companies engaged in a business in which the public has an interest, even though that business is not strictly public in character. Scores of precedents could be cited in support of the foregoing propositions, but we are only concerned in the last one stated, and it is this issue about which the present controversy hinges. 8 5 Bac. Abr., 150. « Dyer, 36. Rud. L. and E., 312. See Puff, Lib. 2, c. 6, Fee. 8. Hutch. Mor. Philos. Lib. 2, c. 16. " Respublica v. Sparhawk, 1 Dallas, 357, 362, 363. 262 The Annals of the American Academy The "police power" of a government is very extensive and cannot be defined definitely at any particular time ; it is that power of the government to do that which is necessary for the general welfare of the people. This power has been interpreted as including regulations for the health, morals and safety of the public, to pre- vent excessive and discriminatory charges, to prevent combinations in restraint of trade, to provide for the common defense, and for such other things as may arise from time to time as may be deemed for the general welfare of society. This police power of providing for "the general welfare" was specifically granted to Congress by the Constitution of the United States. Mr. Justice Miller in the Slaughter House Cases, 16 Wall., 36, 62, described the police power in the following language: This power is, and must be, from its very nature, incapable of any very exact definition or limitation. Upon it depends the security of social order, the life and health of the citizen, the comfort of an existence in a thickly populated commu- nity, the enjoyment of private and social life, and the beneficial use of property. ^^ The language of the Constitution in both the Preamble and in Section 8 of Article I, very clearly grants this broad power of caring for the "general welfare" to the federal government. Many have specifically declared recent acts of Congress to be unconstitutional, holding that such would be the ruhng of any court in a case properly presented were it not for the possible effect of the strenuous war period at the present date. Others tremble for future developments along these same lines. It is our belief that the power of Congress to provide for the establishment of reasonable maximum charges on food and fuels has been clearly recognized by the courts in well considered opinions of former days, and there can be no question about the power of Congress to act in the present emergency. Mr. Ernst Freund, of the University of Chicago, in his work on The Police Power,^^ has quite accurately summarized the law relative to the power of a government to regulate prices under its exercise of the police power, in the following language: The justification for regulating charges in some particular business would usually be that it constitutes a dejure or de facto monopoly or enjoys special privi- leges; but it may also be that the commodity selected is a necessary of life, or that " Justice Miller in the Slaughter House Cases, 16 Wall., 36, 62. " See page 389. Federal Regulation of Prices on Food and Fuels 263 it is essential to the industrial welfare of the community, or that it has been imme- morially the subject of regulation." The context surrounding this statement by Mr. Freund should be considered: A possible solution of the difficulty may be found in the application of the principle of equality. Conceding that it is within the general scope of the police power to prevent unreasonable charges as constituting a form of economic oppres- sion and, as a means of prevention, to fix rates, yet it is clear that a systematic regulation of charges of all commodities and services is not within the range of practical legislative policy. All such legislation will necessarily apply to particular classes of business. Under the principle of equality the classes so singled out should have some special relation to the possibiUty of oppression. The justifica- tion for regulating charges in some particular business would usually be that it constitutes a de jure or de facto monopoly or enjoys special privileges; but it may also be that the commodity selected is a necessary of life, or that it is essential to the industrial welfare of the community, or that it has been immemorially the subject of regulation. Upon this theory it is possible to account for existing legislation without conceding legislative power with regard to any and all com- modities, which it may choose to select, and on the other hand, to allow for new applications of this power, while subjecting them to an efficient judicial control which will imdoubtedly be claimed and exercised. There will thus be an adequate safeguard against arbitrary class legislation in the matter of regulation of charges. All legislation in this matter will, moreover, be subject to the principle of reason- ableness of the rate fixed, — a principle which has become established in a series of important decisions." Illustrating the tendency of these rules in regard to the regula- tion of prices, Mr. Freund states the following: It has been shown that the opinions delivered in the earlier grain elevator cases strongly rehed upon the monopolistic character of the business. The monopoly in these cases was not a legal one, but it was held to exist virtually and de facto. The argument of special privileges does not avail in such a case to justify the regulation of charges; but since the common regulating factor, competition, is absent, a condition is presented which calls for the exercise of the police power for the prevention of oppression. The police power is exercised for the prevention of monopoUes, where they rest upon the preventable machinations; it follows that where a monopoly is inevitable by reason of natural conditions, the power must exist to minimize its detrimental effects. Wherever physical conditions are naturally limited for carrying on some business, a case arises for special control; and this will often be true of mill and wharf rights; but it is also possible that economic conditions will tend to make a business a monopoly; so the business of an exchange cannot be advantageously carried on except by a cooperation and " The italics are mine. " The Police Power, by Ernst Freund, page 389. 264 The Annals of the American Academy concentration of all interests. The regulation of charges would seem as justifiable here as in the grain elevator cases. '^ Some illustrations of these same principles are cited from Eng- land by Mr. Freimd, as follows: An instance of regulation of prices in case of a monopoly is found in Dasent, Acts of the Privy Council, 1545, p. 192; on complaint made by the whole company of bowyers that one Petersvan Helden, of the Steelyard, having in his hands the whole trade of bringing in of bowstaves into the realm, demanded such excessive prices as they were not able to Uve up the gain that should rest upon them, giving so excessively for the same, it was ordained that he should not demand above £7 sh. 10 for the band. — In the leading English case, Allnut v. Inglis, 12 East, 527, the power to prevent unreasonable charges was based upon the special privileges enjoyed by the dock company. In the leading case of Munn v. Illinois, 94 U. S., 113, the basic principles were stated justifying the exercise of the police power by the state in the naming of charges for services rendered. These doctrines have been applied consistently in subsequent cases. In Budd V. New York, 143 U. S. 517, at page 535, the Supreme Court succinctly stated the gist of the doctrine established in Munn V. Illinois, as follows: It said, that under the powers of government inherent in every sovereignty, "the government regulates the conduct of its citizens one toward another, and the manner in which each shall use his own property, when such regulation be- comes necessary for the public good"; and that, "in their exercise it has been customary in England from time immemorial, and in this country from its first colonization, to regulate ferries, common carriers, hackmen, bakers, millers, wharfingers, inn-keepers, etc., and in so doing to fix a maximum of charge to be made for services rendered, accommodations furnished, and articles sold." It was added: "To this date, statutes are to be found in many of the states upon some or all these subjects; and we think it has never yet been successfully contended that such legislation came within any of the constitutional prohibitions against interference with private property." In a case entitled Coiling v. Kansas City Stock Yards Co., 183 U. S., 79, the writer of the opinion of the court, Mr. Justice Brewer, attempted to make a distinction between the method by which the state should determine the charges levied by a company performing some public service, as distinguished from companies not engaged in such services, and which have devoted their property to a use in which the public has an interest. ^^ Mr. Justice Brewer cited Munn " The Police Power, by Ernst Freund, p. 387. " Cotting v. Kansas City Stock Yards Co., 183 U. S., 85. Federal Regulation of Prices on Food and Fuels 265 V. Illinois, and a large number of subsequent decisions based upon that case, making the following comment: These decisions go beyond but are in line with those in which was recognized the power of the state to regulate charges for services connected with any strictly public employment, as, for instance, in the matter of common carriage, supply of water, gas, etc." Mr. Justice Brewer had frequently dissented from the prevail- ing application of Munn v. Illinois, but in writing the opinion in the Stock Yards Case, he frankly held that the state had the power to make reasonable regulation of the charges for services rendered by the Stock Yards Company. At great length Mr. Justice Brewer outlined a difference in principle in the determination of what the charges should be for a company performing a public service, and on performing a service in which the public is interested, but not a distinctly public employ- ment. He also discussed a second issue and held that the statute of Kansas was in violation of the Fourteenth Amendment to the Con- stitution of the United States in that it applied to the Kansas City Stock Yards Company only, and not to other companies engaged in like business in that state. It was on this second point, and that alone, that a majority of the Supreme Court concurred with Mr. Justice Brewer, who wrote the opinion. Six members of the court declined to concur or to express an opinion on the first question stated. In this decision Mr. Justice Brewer stated: While not a common carrier, nor engaged in any distinctly public employ- ment, it is doing a work in which the public has an interest, and, therefore, must be considered as subject to government regulation. In the recent case of German Alliance Insurance Co. v. Kansas, 233 U. S., 389, the issue was whether insurance rates could be regulated by the state under its police power. The opposition claimed : The basic contention is that the business of insurance is a natural right, receiving no privilege from the state, is voluntarily entered into, cannot be com- pelled nor can any of its exercises be compelled; that it concerns personal con- tracts of indemnity against certain contingencies merely. Whether such con- tracts shall be made at all, it is contended, is a matter of private negotiation and agreement, and necessarily there must be freedom in fixing their terms. And " Colling v. Kansas Cily Stock Yards Co., 183 U. S., 85. Italics are mine. 266 The Annals of the American Academy "where the right to demand and receive service does not exist in the public, the correlative right of regulation as to rates and charges does not exist. "^' The issue was very clearly stated by the court in the following language : We may put aside, therefore, all merely adventitious considerations and come to the bare and essential one, whether a contract of fire insurance is private and as such has constitutional immunity from regulation. Or, to state it differently and to express an antithetical proposition, is the business of insurance so far affected with a pubUc interest as to justify legislative regulation of its rates! ^' The discussion by the court of the factors involved is very in- structive. Summarizing a review of the cases the court stated: The cases need no explanatory or fortifying comment. They demonstrate that a business, by circumstances and its nature, may rise from private to be of public concern and be subject, in consequence, to governmental regulation. And they demonstrate, to apply the language of Judge Andrews in People v. Budd, 117 N. Y., 1, 27, that the attempts made to place the right of public regulation in the cases in which it has been exerted, and of which we have given examples, upon the groimd of special privilege conferred by the public on those affected cannot be supported. "The underlying principle is that business of certain kinds holds such a peculiar relation to the pubhc interests that there is superinduced upon it the right of pubhc regulation." Is the business of insurance within the principle? It would be a bold thing to say the principle is fixed, inelastic, in the precedents of the past and cannot be applied though modern economic conditions may make necessary or beneficial its application. In other words, to say that government possessed at one time a greater power to recognize the public interest in a business and its regulation to promote the general welfare than government possesses today. We proceed then to consider whether the business of insurance is within the principle."" The court holds the insurance business to be of such a character as to justify public regulation. The existence of a monopoly as a justification for regulation is well established and generally recog- nized. Mr. Wyman in his work on Public Service Corporations, written while a member of the law faculty of Harvard, stated the accepted doctrine in the following language:''^ It will have been noticed, therefore, that the principle of law which permits the regulation of these caUings has never been abandoned, though the conditions calling for its appUcation at various times have greatly changed. Whenever the " German Alliance Insurance Co. v. Kansas, 233 U. S., 405. i» Ibid., 406. "/bid., 411. " Sec. 29, 33. Federal Regulation of Prices on Food and Fuels 267 public is subjected to a monopoly the power of oppression, inherent in a monop- oly, is restricted by law. Whenever, on the other hand, competition becomes free, both in law and in fact, the need of governmental regulation ceases; public opinion ceases to demand such regulation, and the law withdraws it The programme of organized society is practically to see to it that those who have gained a substantial control of their market shall not be left free to exploit those who look to them to supply their needs. Men now see clearly that freedom of action in the industrial world may work injuriously for the public, and it must then be restrained in the pubUc interest. Having seen the results of unrestrained power we no longer wish those who have control of our destinies to be left free to do with us as they please. Such liberty for them would mean enslavement for us. The broad police power of the government in regard to matters over which it has control has been constantly stated and restated in the decisions. The following is typical: Regulations respecting the pursuit of a lawful trade or business are of very frequent occurrence in the various cities of the country, and what such regulations shall be and to what particular trade, business or occupation they shall apply, are questions for the state to determine, and their determination comes within the proper exercise of the police power by the state, and unless the regulations are so utterly imreasonable and extravagant in their nature and purpose that the property and personal rights of the citizen are unnecessarily, and in a manner wholly arbitrary, interfered with or destroyed without due process of law, they do not extend beyond the power of the state to pass, and they form no subject for federal interference.^^ Conclusion Public necessity — the general welfare — is the test as to the ex- tent of the police power of a government. What shall be regu- lated is a legislative question, and the courts will not interfere with the action of the Congress or state legislature over matters under their control, providing there is not a clear abuse of legis- lative discretion, an arbitrary action without reason or justification. The regulation of prices on food and fuels during the war is justified for the reason that the general welfare of the people demands this action: (1) because the purchase and sale of these commodities in different parts of the country have been dominated by powerful combinations of moneyed interests which are exacting excessive charges for that which they have to sell; and (2) as a matter of common defense in a war where other governments have resorted to the same and even more drastic measures. It would be a strange and most unfortunate situation, while " Gundling v. Chicago, 177 U. S., 183. 268 The Annals of the American Academy other governments are protecting their people from exorbitant charges at this crucial period in world history, if our government should be helpless to do so; or possessing that power, it should fail to perform a similar service for the American people. Without attempting to discuss the various provisions of the measures which have passed Congress, if the basic principle upon which these laws are framed should be tested, the decisions of the courts of last resort clearly indicate that the acts in question would be sustained and be within the legislative discretion of Congress. WHAT COOPERATION CAN DO AND IS DOING IN LOWERING FOOD COSTS By Peter Hamilton, New York City. Legislation and proclamations, intended to restrain the dispo- sition toward exorbitant prices, can have but a temporary and im- perfect result because they do not touch, or they touch very super- ficially, the fundamental cause of extortion. They are like the remedies of the old-fashioned medical practitioner of a generation ago, who treated symptoms with strong drugs instead of seeking to remove the cause of disease. Frequently the drug effects compli- cated the symptoms, so that the patient was in worse straits than before. Modern medicine has learned that until the cause has been removed it is futile to merely treat symptoms. Scarcity of supply, greatly increased demand, one or both, are the legitimate immediate causes of high prices. Monopoly, ar- tificial scarcity induced by withholding supplies from an eager market, cupidity, employing one pretext or another, are the im- mediate causes of extortion. But back of monopoly, ^back of cupidity and chicanery is the selfish motive of private profit. It is for this that men cheat each other and descend to all the unfair practices which have puzzled legislators and reformers. This is the fundamental cause of extortion and sharp practice between men and between nations. Indeed, if complete analysis be made, it is the cause of war itself. Our legislators and reformers are like the old- fashioned practitioner, frantically treating symptoms with strong Cooperation and Lowering Food Costs 269 measures and not effecting a cure. The socialists, on the other hand, are good diagnosticians. They know the cause but they are short on therapeutics, and their remedy would be likely to throw the pa- tient into fits. The syndicalists, known in this country as the "Industrial Workers of the World," have, like the socialists, diag- nosticated correctly, but their remedy would be the knife, a radical surgical operation at whatever risk to the patient. The cooperator is the only one among these economic doctors who has the correct diagnosis and whose remedy will effect a cure by removing the cause without unduly upsetting the patient. He knows that the disease is chronic and must be subjected to a long course of treatment adapted to the patient's constitution. He does not believe in excessive doses that may disturb the digestion and nervous system of the invalid. His purpose is a complete cure, but he realizes that he need not hurry and does not administer his remedy faster than it can be absorbed and assimilated. Thus will he succeed where the others have failed, and the outcome is not in doubt though the time of its full accomplishment may be deferred. At the outset of our consideration of cooperation as a means of lowering food costs, a distinction should be clearly recognized be- tween producers' and consumers' cooperation. The former has for its underlying motive the making of profit, as much profit as pos- sible, from the sale of its product. It would increase instead of lower prices. It would constitute the same kind of coordination of special interests, yielding disproportionate benefits to a few, more or less at the expense of the many, that we see in the trusts and with even greater menace to the general welfare; for it would, when fully grown, control not only the product of labor, as do the trusts, but also labor itself, as do the labor unions. With the selfish motive of private profit still present, the temptation to run up prices would be irresistible. Nor would there be, as, theoretically, in our present system, the wholesome restraint through the fear of drawing com- petitors into the field by putting the prices too high, for labor, especially if highly skilled, would be monopolized and held by its own self-interest, making impossible the organization of successful competition. It is easily imaginable that agricultural cooperation might lead to a similar result if a very large proportion of farmers were combined in one organization. Their motives would be no more philanthropic or self-sacrificing than any other kind of a trust, 270 The Annals of the American Academy and the rest of the world would have to pay the price that they might dictate or go hungry. The farmer, naturally and invariably, wants to sell in the highest market, to make the largest profit pos- sible, and this is the purpose of all his efforts at cooperation. The citrus fruit growers and other organized agricultural interests have demonstrated the great potency of cooperation to get things done. But when they avoid a glutted market and keep themselves advised through excellent arrangements of communication as to where there is a scarcity and send their product into the undersup- plied market, it is not with a desire to effect more perfect distribu- tion 'per se, but to make more profit. Everyone is familiar with the wasteful and sometimes foolish efforts of the farmer to raise the price of his product by destroying part of it, and this while there are people in almost every community in dire need of what he burns. He ruthlessly seeks his profits; and this motive is not changed nor is his ruthlessness diminished when he, as a producer, cooperates. Cooperation with his fellow-producers enables him to effect econo- mies, lifts him out of the slough of despond in which he desperately practices waste in a blind attempt to help himself, gives him the facilities of an up-to-date merchant in disposing of his yield, but just the same as ever before he still wants the highest price the traffic will bear and he espouses cooperation only because it helps him to realize this desire. In this kind of cooperation the quality of the product may be improved, many sources of waste ehminated and the farmer made prosperous and happy; but there is Uttle prospect that it will lower food costs to the consumer. Consumers' cooperation, on the other hand, yields no profits to one set of men out of the needs of another. It is a coming to- gether for mutual benefit on the broadest, most inclusive conceiv- able basis of common interest — that of the consumer. Every human being is a consumer and eligible for participation in con- sumers' cooperation. Instead of a few with a class interest, as in producers' cooperation, it is, or may be, everybody, with a universal interest, — "each for all and all for each," according to the motto of the English cooperators, and with all suspicion of exploitation elim- inated. Here you have a new system of economics in which the only motive is to produce and distribute the good things of life at the lowest possible cost, because the sole beneficiaries and pro- prietors of the system are the consumers. All motives to charge Cooperation and Lowering Food Costs 271 exorbitant prices are here absent. They cannot overcharge them- selves, because any excess, however large or small, that may be charged above the cost of production and distribution, is returned to each member patron in the form of a dividend. To burn up or otherwise destroy anything in order to raise the price would be rec- ognized as a pure waste and an obvious absurdity. Every saving, however small, benefits every consumer, just as every loss is his loss. Everybody would be hurt and nobody benefited by adul- teration and misrepresentation, and so they have no place, no reason for existing, in consumers' cooperation . This attempt to sharply contrast producers' with consumers' cooperation is prompted by the evident failure of many who speak and write on the subject to discern the radical difference between them. As they spring from different motives they should not be confused one with the other. Consumers' cooperation as first inaugurated by the Rochdale Pioneers in 1844 was born out of a pressing necessity to reduce food costs. This was at first its only purpose. It succeeded more wonderfully than its founders, in all probability, ever expected. A brief recital of the story of the Rochdale Pioneers, though its de- tails may be familiar to many, will do more than any extended argument to show the power of consumers' cooperation to reduce the cost of food and of every other necessity and to give the con- sumer command over the sources of the things he needs. There had been a strike for higher wages among the flannel weavers of Rochdale, England, and the weavers were beaten and had to go back to work at the same pay. They claimed that this was not enough to buy their actual necessities. The workers in one mill, having faith in the good heart of their employer, went to him and showed him that rent and food and clothing came to more than their wages, that they were unable to meet expenses for bare neces- sities and that the education and proper care of their children was out of the question. They wanted his advice and help. He saw their desperation and was moved by sympathy, but he told them that if he raised wages he would not be able to meet competition and would have to go out of business. They, of course, saw the force of this. He was willing to pay higher wages if his competitors would all do the same, and he recommended that they try to induce the other mill owners to enter with him into such an arrangement. 272 The Annals of the American Academy It may be imagined how ineffective was this small band of humble workmen, hat in hand, trjdng to change the policies of the magnates of that day. In many instances they were not even granted an interview. Hopeless of obtaining more pay, they were driven to the expedient of trying to buy still more cheaply and out of this, their necessity, has arisen the great cooperative movement of Great Britain, which has done so much to keep a decent Hving within the reach of the workingman and after which have been patterned sim- ilar movements in many other countries. Their first step was to pool their purchases of flour and to buy a sack at wholesale, instead of the small quantities at high prices their slender purses had previously made necessary. This was trundled in a wheelbarrow by one of their number, and thus was each family's share delivered. Though the saving was small, they had enough vision to see that if applied to many things it would be- come appreciable and mean for them the addition of some comforts to the actual necessities of life. But to deal in a variety of articles it was necessary to have a place to keep them, and so they con- ceived the idea of raising by instalment subscription enough capital to open a store. There were twenty-eight of them, referred to ever since as the twenty-eight Rochdale Pioneers, and the most they felt able to pay was an instalment of two pence per week. Stories are told of the sacrifices even this small payment involved on the part of some of them. But at last each of them had contributed one pound to the fund and this gave them a working capital of about $140. With this they opened their store in Toad Lane, Rochdale, in 1844, stocked with a very limited supply of dry groceries, open one night a week and attended by some one of their own number. The story has it, and it is quite easy to believe, that on the evening of their first opening they were jeered and laughed at and unpleasant missiles were thrown at their windows by their fellow-workers who had not caught the vision of the pioneers and who regarded them as a crazy set of fellows ambitious to get out of their class and become shopkeepers. But the most notable feature of this infant enterprise was the set of rules they adopted. First, they would charge themselves the same prices that other stores were charging. They did not want to stir up any unnecessary animosity from the neighboring dealers by appearing to cut prices. Second, after bills and expenses were Cooperation and Lowering Food Costs 273 paid, any surplus remaining, ordinarily called profit, was to be re- turned as dividends to the members, not in proportion, however, to the amount of share capital held, but in proportion to the amount of their purchases. Third, interest on capital was to be treated as an expense. Capital, being stored up labor, was deserving of its wage at the prevailing rate for a safe investment, but no more. They did not subscribe to the theory of the early socialists that interest was immoral. Nor did they believe that capital, an inanimate thing, should receive all the profits arising from the activities and patron- age of living beings after paying to labor the lowest wage it could be forced to accept. Fourth, each member was to have one vote in the control of the affairs of the society regardless of the amount of share capital he might hold, and there was to be no voting by proxy. The obvious purpose of this was to prevent a designing few from gaining control for selfish ends. Fifth, their sales and purchases were all to be for cash. It was unjust to him who paid cash to sell to another at the same price on credit. Losses from bad debts would reduce dividends, accounting would of necessity be more complicated and expensive, besides which cash discounts on pur- chases, which were a consideration in lowering costs, could not be taken advantage of if they sold on credit. This has been a cardinal principle of the cooperators throughout, although some societies have not adhered strictly to the ideal and those that have got into trouble have done so most frequently from violating this rule. With capital so limited and with inexperience so vast the little store had its inevitable difficulties, but it survived and finally pros- pered and so sure were the benefits its owners had realized that they wanted to extend them to others of their class, and so they voted to put aside out of surplus, before declaring dividends, a fund for edu- cational purposes and thus, with their help and guidance, more stores of the same kind were opened in neighboring communities. As time went on these stores began to pool their purchases through buying agencies, on the same principle the Pioneers followed in the beginning with their first sack of flour, until in 1864 they decided to open a wholesale depot at Manchester. They had for twenty years now been saving for themselves the retail profit on what they bought; from thenceforth they would add to this the wholesaler's profit. To raise the necessary capital, each retail society participating was required to subscribe to shares in proportion to the number of its 274 The Annals of the American Academy members and each society was given a proportional vote in the affairs of the wholesale organization, based also upon the number of its members. The payment of interest on invested capital, the fix- ing of wholesale prices and the distribution of dividends on pur- chases followed the same principle as that described for the retail societies, each retail store paying the regular wholesale prices and receiving its dividends and interest on its invested capital, these, in turn, to be included in its reckonings with its own members. Up to this point the only opposition the movement had en- countered was from the small retail merchant. He was the one whose ox was being gored and he made it as hard for the cooperators, wherever they appeared, as he knew how. Those of larger affairs, the wholesalers and manufacturers, had regarded the movement as a commendable effort on the part of the workingman to be thrifty and improve his circumstances. But when he became so ambitious as to open a wholesale establishment — that was entirely a different matter. Then he became a nuisance and had to be stopped at once if possible. Certain manufacturers refused to sell to the wholesale society because their jobber customers threatened to boycott them if they did. The cooperators were apparently not discouraged by this for they were by now able to raise any amount of capital that they needed, and so they opened and equipped factories of their own in lines where they had difficulty in obtaining supplies. These factories became departments of the great Cooperative Wholesale Society; and thus not only the wholesaler's profit but that of the manufacturer as well was added to the savings of the cooperators. Line after line of manufacturing was invaded in this way by a steady and progressive program, until the great wholesale society had become the manufacturer of almost every article that was needed for comfortable living. Later the tea monopoly gave them trouble and they went to Ceylon, bought large tea estates and be- gan raising and curing their own tea. They have acquired many large estates in England, Scotland and Ireland, where they farm the land and use the old manors as convalescent homes, vacation re- treats, a kind of country cinb for their own members. They have small coasting steamers, which, before the war, went to Mediter- ranean ports and as far as Spain for the products of those countries, chiefly small fruits to be made into preserves and jams in their own " mammoth canning establishments. They were not satisfied with Cooperation and Lowering Food Costs 275 their supply of vegetable oils for the manufacture of soap, so they bought a great tract of land on the Guinea coast where they produce their own oil and grow tropical fruits besides. For years they have had their own grain elevators in Canada, and within the last eighteen months they have bought between ten and eleven thousand acres of wheat land, under cultivation, in the province of Saskatchewan, western Canada. They have buying agents on the produce ex- changes of every great producing country of the world. Mr. John Gledhill, their representative on the New York exchange, purchases for them between ten and fifteen million dollars worth of American foodstuffs every year, their representative at Montreal also pur- chasing very large amounts. They have become the proprietors of a coal mine connected with which is a line of railroad. They have upwards of three hundred million dollars invested capital, a yearly turnover of more than seven hundred millions of dollars and many thousands of employes, almost all of whom are members of the re- tail societies. There are more than fifteen hundred retail societies, having a membership, in round numbers, of three million persons. These are supposably heads of families. Counting five to a family, there would be fifteen million people in the United King- dom now enjoying the benefits of consumers' cooperation. As the last census gives Great Britain a population of about forty- seven million, it will be seen that a third of the people who live there are cooperators. What will be the result when a majority of the population shall have entered the movement? Business of the old kind will have to capitulate. It could not continue without customers. There will, more probably, be a gradual amalgamation of the old with the new, and eventually all business may be conducted under the system established by the cooperators. When the war started in 1914 there was a great fear in England, amounting almost to a panic, that there would be a scarcity of food. Those who had the means began to buy in greatly increased quan- tities in anticipation of a famine. Prices began to rise and this but added to the determination of those who could to fill their cellars with supplies for the future. Those not able to follow this course must have been in despair. Retail merchants were taking advan- tage of the opportunity to make large profits by boosting prices on any pretext that seemed at all plausible. The retail stores of the 276 The Annals of the American Academy cooperatives continued to sell at the old prices, which resulted in such an increase of patronage that the managers of some of them became anxious and communicated with the executive committee of the wholesale society as to available supplies. An inventory of the great storehouses of the wholesale society was quickly taken, by which it was determined that there was a supply of most edibles sufficient for four months at their regular rate of consumption. The retail societies were advised to continue without increasing prices, which they did. But in a few days it was seen that their four months' supply would be quickly gone so excited and feverish was the demand, and it was therefore decided that no sales would be made except to members of the societies. The result of this ruling was a sudden and enormous increase in the membership and the further restriction had to be adopted by the cooperators, with great reluctance however, as it seemed contrary to their principles, that no further new members would be admitted until conditions had returned more nearly to normal. Real scarcity and disturb- ances incidental to war have since forced up some prices even to the cooperators, but their members did not at any time have to pay panic prices; and the later reopening of their books for new members not only greatly increased their membership, but had a powerful influence in making private merchants return to a reason- able level of prices. So reasonable were their prices, so readily could their great wholesale establishments furnish vast quantities of clothing and shoes and bedding and other things needed in the equipment of soldiers, that they quickly came to correspond to a great commissa- riat of the government and in the first days of mobilization, when the government was puzzled where to find sufficient means of transpor- tation, they came forward with hundreds of automobile trucks and thousands of draft horses, placing them at the disposal of the Min- ister of War. Here it will be seen that a democratically organized body of working people, by intelligent direction of their combined purchasing power, were able not only to avoid pajdng exorbitant prices for their own food and other necessities, but to do much to protect the rest of the public from extortion and at the same time, in a crisis, to come to the rescue of a great government by supplying at normal prices and on a vast scale things needful for an army of^ thousands. Does not this begin to make it clear wherein lies th« application of consumers' cooperation to the lowering of food costs? Cooperation and Lowering Food Costs 277 It would be interesting, did space and time permit, to study their great banking department by which the cooperators obtain credit at cost, the insurance department, the housing department, very much hke our building and loan associations to which many members send the dividends on their purchases in order to pay for a home, the educational and recreational activities that have grown up with the movement and made of every retail store, with its meet- ing room and rostrum, a social center for its members, furnishing a social life that was offered before only by the public tavern. It would also be illuminating to turn our attention to the functions of the great Cooperative Union, which is maintained by subscriptions from all the societies and which has charge of propaganda and the educational side of the movement, compiles statistics, maintains a bureau of lecturers, musicians and other artists, a sort of Chau- tauqua circuit for the entertainment, broadening and culture of the cooperators, which elaborates improved systems of accounting and maintains a corps of trained auditors for the use of the societies and which holds a convention every year and issues a voluminous report. But such an investigation would take us into details not bearing directly upon the lowering of food costs, which is our subject. More pertinent is a brief review of what has been accomplished in some other countries. In all the continental countries of Europe the movement has a good foothold and in some it is taking giant strides. In Russia there has been a phenomenal growth in the last four years, the necessity for economies during the war having apparently stimulated the formation of cooperative societies, the members of which are said now to number twelve million — representing sixty million consum- ers. The activities of the Zemstvos, or peasants' assemblies, have been potent in the promotion of this development. Germany has a most highly organized cooperative movement with many societies of a great variety, grouping themselves under and making reports to several separate unions. By far the largest number of its societies are the Raiffeisen and Schulze-Delitzsch cooperative banks. These banks, themselves consumers' societies (consumers of credit), have been promotive of the formation of distributive societies for dealing in food and other necessaries. There were seventeen thousand four hundred and ninety three such banks in Germany in 1910, having a turnover, money paid in and 278 The Annals of the American Academy out, in one year of $8,275,000,000. In the same year there were two thousand three hundred and eleven distributive societies with one miUion, five hundred thousand members, having assets of $40,000,- 000 and yearly sales of considerably over $100,000,000. The German government has looked with disfavor on the cooperative distributive societies and has forbidden government employes to become members. Since the war, however, there are reports that many have defied this prohibition and joined anyhow, because of the many benefits, and without rebuke from the government. In Belgium the movement is largely conducted by the socialist party, and instead of returning dividends on purchases, these are retained and are used for socialist propaganda. The movement started as a cooperative bakery, which has grown to great propor- tions, but, on account of its socialist affiliations, it was opposed by the church where the social interests and amusements of the people centered. The socialists, to offset this, started recreational com- munity centers on a cooperative basis, the largest of which is "The House of the People" at Brussels. Out of these it was possible to organize store societies, and the movement grew. There are now also cooperative societies under the auspices of the church. There are, or were, in Belgium many cooperative peoples' banks, after the systems of both Raiffeisen and Schulze. The Swiss movement is so strong that it has taken over the meat monopoly by purchase, and has entered into a fight against the chocolate interests which are very strong and inclined to be dic- tatorial. In the far east Japan is not behind, with over twenty-five hundred consumers' societies in 1909, if credit societies be counted. Of the latter there were over eighteen hundred and much growth has taken place since then. Many of these countries have more or less perfectly organized bodies or unions to which the societies report, and these unions in turn report to the International Cooperative Alliance, which is an international propaganda body for the promotion of cooperation throughout the world, and whose affiliated societies represent be- tween fifty and one hundred million people. It pubhshes regularly a bulletin giving the progress of the movement, which is a reliable source of information on the subject. Its headquarters are in England. Cooperation and Lowering Food Costs 279 In the United States less progress has been made than in Europe, but it will probably develop very rapidly when a good start has once been made. The Agricultural Department at Washing- ton has recently interested itself to make a survey of the consumers' societies throughout the country, but its conclusions were not very encouraging. They found about four hundred stores, many of which were not thriving. The Cooperative League of America, with headquarters in New York at 2 West 13th Street, which is a purely educational organization whose purpose is the spread of cooperative propaganda, after a fairly thorough investigation found five hundred stores and believes there are many more that do not take the trouble to answer inquiries. They would estimate the number at one thousand, although all these may not be strictly following the Rochdale plan. There have been many failures. What may be stated as the general causes of failure, everywhere, are insufficient capital, inefficient management and injudicious credits. Other causes, in America, are the lack of homogeneity in the population and the disposition, especially among working- men, to move frequently. The European cooperators have in large measure overcome the general causes by more perfect organization ^ through their unions, which evolve better methods, supply auditors and conduct a constant campaign of education for instilling the cooperative spirit which makes for greater loyalty and unity of purpose. They also have the advantage that the people in each country are more alike in tastes and modes of thought than in America, and for the most part they remain generation after genera- tion in the same location, thus giving time for accumulation and for an appreciation of the benefits from cooperation. Though the American cooperators have not so far formed a union, their efforts having been sporadic and widely scattered, the Cooperative League of America is doing much by correspondence, by its literature, by its monthly pubHcation, The Cooperative Con- sumer, and by maintaining field workers and lecturers, to bring the various, unacquainted groups together, to give them some knowl- edge of each other, to teach them the possibilities of further coop- eration in a wholesale movement and to develop a sense of loyalty to the idea and a deeper comprehension of its meaning. In conclusion let us put our subject in the form of a catechism, as follows: » 280 The Annals of the American Academy Question: What can cooperation do in lowering food costs? Answer: Consumers' cooperation can remove every motive for keeping up food prices and make it to the advantage of every human being to use, to its fullest capacity, every device that will increase the yield of the good things of the earth and that will distribute them quickly, easily and cheaply to those who would use them. Question: What is cooperation doing in lowering food costs? Answer: Consumers' cooperation in many parts of the world is not only eliminating the profits of all middlemen, but it is im- proving methods of production, thereby increasing the yield and is giving to the consumer absolute certainty that the quality and the quantity of what he buys is as it is represented. In consumers' cooperation it is to nobody's interest to follow any other course. The application in America of the principles of the Rochdale Pioneers is behind other civilized countries and every effort, such as is being made by the Cooperative League of America, to bring about a clearer understanding and a more general and successful adoption of these principles, should be encouraged and supported by everyone who has faith in a more just and a more efficient economic system. PRICE CONTROL THROUGH INDUSTRIAL ORGANIZATION By J. Russell Smith, Ph.D., Professor of Industry, University of Pennsylvania. Some persons have been inclined at times to smile at the dis- tinguished iron master whose name adorns so many libraries, but I regard Andrew Carnegie in the light of an economic prophet, for he declared years ago that we were coming to the time when we would have a supreme court of prices. If ideas have something of an environmental origin, it is perhaps not unnatural for Mr. Carnegie to come to such conclusions after contemplating the sale for hun- dreds of millions of certain iron properties that cost scores of mil- lions. Mr. Carnegie's supreme court of prices is here embedded in our states, as witness the Interstate Commerce Commission. That it is also deep in the common mind is shown by the repeated at- tempts to create a Federal Trade Commission. Although that organization is still feeble and almost toothless, after the manner Price Control through Industrial Organization 281 of beginners, yet the occurrences of the past two years show that it has promise of long Hfe, great growth, and far-reaching influence. For price regulation, like many other forms of industrial control, is here to stay. The necessities of price regulation have made Woodrow Wilson, who calls himself a democrat, recommend and fight for legislation so sweeping that it would surely make Thomas Jefferson rule him out of the party, and yet we know from the experience of the last twenty years, illuminated by the experience of the last two years, that the needs of the people compelled even this supposed apostle of states rights, this priest of the doctrine of little government, to ask these powers for the federal administration and to use them. He had no alternative but to ask for price control. Price control is coming by two methods: one the legislative — administrative control, now very much in the public mind; and the other, industrial organization which lacks some of the dramatic appeal of the cudgeling of rascals over the head, but despite this limitation it has great possibilities as a real price reducer. Organization is a new concept to the American, one that does not inhere in the nature of democracy. It took the Germans to show us what organization is. We now know the difference be- tween a mob, a body of militia and an army. Each is a group of men, but the militia is far superior to the mob. We have also found out that it takes the militia months of diligent training to become an army, and when it has become an army all it does is to have a great group of men put certain objects in certain places at certain times. That description also happens to cover the process of sup- plying a city with food; namely, a great group of people putting certain objects in certain places at certain times. Owing to the poor things we will put up with in times of peace, we may justly say that American food production and particularly American food distribution are in the mob stage rather than in the militia stage of organization. Behold the distribution of goods in a city! In the early morning sleep is disturbed by a mob of milkmen traveling one after the other through the same block, each leaving his contribution of bottles on the different doorsteps. During the forenoon a mob of grocer wagons rattles through the same street, their places to be taken in the afternoon by a similar mob of de- partment store delivery wagons. With the din of this wasteful 282 The Annals of the American Academy confusion still in our ears, we wonder in the evening why the cost of living is so high. We haul food a thousand or two thousand miles, past untilled lands, and then wonder why we have a car shortage and why it all costs so much, and why the quality is poor. We have an industrial organization based on individualism and profits rather than upon service, and as socialism looms above the horizon the champions of individualism denounce it. I am here to urge them to cease denouncing and construct, and I am here to warn them that if thej^ do not construct, the sociahsts will certainly try it in ways which to the average individualist are quite terrifying. The present Enghsh situation is a neat compromise between socialism and individuahsm. They found that the price of ships was becoming unreasonable, so the government took over all British ships at a comparatively low but profitable rate per month and handed them back to owners to operate for the government. The British found the price of bread was becoming unreasonable, so the government buys all the wheat, hands it over to the importer, teUing him he may make so much profit gross on it. The importer sells it to the miller to whom the government grants the privilege of a certain other gross profit, and so on down the line. Thus when the loaf of bread is found to cost too much, the irregularity is traced, and woe to the man who is found profiteering beyond the allotted amount. An English farmer was fined ;$5,500 the other day for selling his po- tatoes above the proper price. It is comparatively easy for a government to say to a wheat importer that he may sell wheat at 1 cent or 2 cents a bushel more than the government charged him for it. That is industrial control. The real business, the indus- trial organization, is still in the hands of the individual importer. He hires and fires, sells and collects, repairs and sweeps up. The government has dodged these bothers of administration. I wish to point out the service of industrial organization as a factor in possible price reduction. What is there for industrial organization to do in reducing the price of food, and how can it be done? I will cite the investigations of Mr. A. B. Ross in the Altoona food situation. In trying to work up an outlet for the produce of a nearby county, he succeeded in getting a fairly authoritative food survey for the city of Altoona which revealed the surprising fact that 80 per cent of the perishable produce was hauled fifty miles or more by train to a small city sit- Price Control through Industrial Organization 283 uated in the midst of undeveloped agricultural territory with a great variety of soil resources, and with a farming population sure that there was no market and that farming was not much of a busi- ness. During this investigation this characteristic and instructive episode was unearthed. A Bedford County farmer had hauled a barrel of apples to his station and shipped it by train to Altoona. There it was put upon a dray and hauled to a commission merchant's place. After keeping it for a few days the merchant paid a price for it, hauled it to the station and shipped it to Pittsburgh. It was again put on a dray, taken to a commission house, again sold and again hauled back to the station, put on a train and shipped back to Altoona, carted to a commission merchant's store, sold to a retail grocer, who hauled it to his store, broke it open and delivered the contents in many small lots to his customers. Four sales, six cartings, three railroad journeys, and all on one barrel of apples — not very good apples either. It is not unnatural that the farmer who shipped that barrel is inclined to think evil thoughts of middlemen and railroads, yet it was not necessarily the fault of any one of them, but the fault of a very vicious system that dates back to the day of hoop skirts and negro slavery. This inland town of Altoona with 58,000 people, mostly artisans, with 80 per cent of its perishable goods coming by train, often long distances, is supplied chiefly with stale and therefore tasteless, unappetizing and partially inedible vegetables. This fact, which is typical not only of the small town, but also of the great city, helps to explain why the way of the vegetarian is hard. Go to a restaurant and order a few meals, and you will find that about the only things you can eat are bread and meat. The pov- erty of our vegetable supply and its poor quality, explain why this nation finds it so hard to give up the meat diet, even though at the present time the prices are past anything in our record and with no permanent relief in sight. It is indeed unfortunate that there is no immediate or ultimate prospect of any substantial increase in the meat supply, but the economic facts of the country have so decreed. It is easy to prove that between eight-tenths and nine-tenths of the American farm produce goes to feed the beasts. Our agricultural area is nearly static, the population and the demand for meat are increasing, and few people think that even all the authority of the 284 The Annals of the American Academy war food administration can materially affect the price of meat. It is exceedingly suggestive to note the first great service of the food administration — the case of bread. This great act was to guaran- tee the farmers that the price of wheat shall be high — $2.00 a bushel next year. With a large and increasing population and a consequently large and increasing demand for food, with the high price of bread and the high and increasing price of meat, we are compelled to seek the vegetable diet. Fortunately the possibilities of vegetable pro- duction, unlike those of meat or of wheat, are indefinite in extent. The yield of these plants is heavy, and we eat the product ourselves rather than feed it to our beasts, so that a small acreage suffices. We could raise five times as many potatoes without materially affect- ing the area for the production of any other crop. As to peas, beans, cabbages, beets, and all the rest, there is a possibility of many fold multiplication of output. The bane of truck growing is agricultural overproduction. The fear of the truck farmer is the glutted market. There is scarcely a year goes by that the farmers of New Jersey do not leave peas unpicked in the field and plow under beans, while in the aggregate the annual waste of vegetables in this country would almost feed a second-rate European power. That waste goes on even this year. The orchardist fears to extend his plantings for fear he cannot find purchasers for his fruit. Even in this year of scarcity, cabbages day after day have sold for less than cost in the markets of Philadelphia, despite the free advertising of the local food commission, and fruit has rotted on the ground. With all this scarcity of meat and possible abundance of vegetable food, the average small town is poorly supplied with stale and unattractive vegetables. Here is a field for some industrial organization. Now note the picture of what might be. There is no reason whatever either in scientific knowledge, in the physical conditions of production, or the facilities for shipment, why we might not have in every town that is a local market some kind of an organization to render the following service: (1) estabfish standard varieties of market vegetables to be grown in that locality, so that in that mar- ket town packages of beans, peas or cabbage could be made stand- ard packages, but made up if need be by the contributions of a dozen farmers. In Denmark, probably the world leader in rural organization, their famous bacon is grown on a standardized pig. Price Control through Industrial Organization 285 This marvelous animal is a certain cross of breeds being grown by thousands of farmers, fed in approximately the same way, slaughtered at the uniform size of maximum efficiency for food consumption, cut up and cured in the prescribed way so that a piece of Danish bacon is a piece of Danish bacon, and you can buy it with your eyes shut. Similarly the Countrj^side standardizing plant of the United States should be able to pack the produce of a hundred gardens from a hundred nearby farms or backyards, freely com- mingling them if need be, and put up standardized packages of peas, beans and beets of the same variety, picked in the same degree of ripeness and thus acceptable in any market to which they could be easily sent. This standardizing house with its standard- ized package is merely a copy of what has been done for years in California, to the great success of orange growers and the great increase in the consumption of that wholesome fruit. From this standardized packing plant all the stores of the town of Countryside and all housekeepers who wanted a whole package would be supplied with the' freshest of good produce. If a surplus remained it could be shipped to nearby markets. If other markets were not available, as at times they are not, an adjunct to the standardizing plant should be canning equipment and drying equip- ment, so that no food should be wasted. Thus the inhabitants of the borough could be supplied through the winter from their own good fresh produce, prepared in their own local plant by the most scientific and hygienic methods and no freight to pay. Anj'- sur- plus thus preserved in excess of local needs could be marketed at the world's leisure. We should have 5,000 little towns each thus fed with good fresh, home-made vegetable food from its own local plant. It would eliminate the waste of vegetables so common in farmers' gardens, for the farmer is not in a position to handle small surpluses. It would eliminate waste of labor by greatly reducing railroad freightage, it would reduce waste of work and lumber by saving the making of thousands of packages. It would reduce waste of labor and money, for middlemen's work and profits would not need to be paid. It would reduce the price of meat, because people would have more abundant and satisfying supplies of sub- stitute foods. By giving to the farmers around every population center the local market for twelve months in a year, it would aid greatly in the intensification of our agriculture and in its fine 286 The Annals of the American Academy adjustment to need. We are at the present time a nation that is freight car crazy. We are also crazed by freight car shortage. Next year it will be worse. Here is a way out. Such a point-of- origin standardized plant would give the small town its natural and proper advantage of a lower cost of living than any great city could rival. The second part of this plan is an efficient and honest informa- tion service which will enable both shippers and purchasers to know the supplies and demands. At the present time we have a perfect chaos of effort in seeking information concerning markets, and also a chaos in the supply of markets, so that one market is glutted, with the result of disappointed farmers, while another reasonably nearby market is starved, with the result of equally disappointed would-be purchasers. For example, this summer good peaches sold at from 40 to 60 cents a basket near Bordentown, N. J., while at the same time similar fruit was bringing $2.00 a basket in north Jersey towns suburban to New York. A proper information service would have had the cheap peaches in the high-priced market, with the result that prices would have been somewhat higher for suppliers and somewhat lower for purchasers; all parties would have been satisfied, consumption would have been increased and likewise pro- duction. It may be of interest to know that an attempt to estab- lish such an information system in one of our largest eastern states was killed by commission men, although it is probably easy to show that it would have been to their advantage. I do not wish to claim originality for these plans. They were worked out by Mr. A. B. Ross, now with the Pennsylvania Pubhc Safety Committee, in the process of his attempts to solve some very distressing conditions of badly fed towns and poverty stricken farmers hardby. Why do we not have it? There are four reasons: (1) the American farmer lives in a mental burrow and is the fiercest of individualists, while the plan that 1 have described necessitates that men shall cooperate; (2) the American townsman, despite the fact that he eats three times a daj^ thinks food supply is the farmer's problem, when really it is a town problem and he is about as set an individualist as the farmer; (3) the United States Department of Agriculture, for reasons defended by any social economist, thus far does not take hold of such work; (4) most of our state departments of agriculture and our state colleges and agricul- tural extension service are equally shy of this constructive work. Price Control through Industrial Organization 287 Perhaps the shyness of state and national government could be explained if we could read the full history of lobbying and appropria- tions. Put yourself in the position of a bureau chief whose work depended on appropriations, and it is easy to see why he should hesitate to start things that would get all the middlemen of the country out to kill his appropriations. Meanwhile the need accumu- lates, and we have an unexampled opportunity in the present need and the unusually widespread desire to be of service. Here is a possible good result of the war. This war is a terrible thing, but, like most misfortunes, it too may have a silver lining. The wo^-Id is getting new concepts of public necessity and the way to meet it. If stvles are not right, we change them. Not long ago someone had the notion that the ladies would look better with large, wide-flowing skirts, but suddenly a person in Washington, a person of thought, saw that this was going to cause world suffering from a wool famine. A brief international inter- view took place, and behold the lady is to look different. Her skirt is to continue short, and be exceedingly narrow, using little wool. Does steel go to make fences for game preserves, to make the skele- tons of more hotels at pleasure resorts, to make limousines for the parkway? In England the answer is emphatically "no." The nation needs steel for three things : munitions, warships, merchant ships. No one else can have a pound unless he proves his need to the Ministry of Munitions which has control of the steel industry. We will be shortly in the same position if we do our part. Does a young man do as he pleases, go to college, play golf, take a job, marry a wife? No, it is decreed that the nation needs him in the army, and to the army we send him. When this war is over we are not going to lapse back to individual chaos. Instead of this the con- cept of public need and the utilization of a nation's resources to meet it will be applied as never before. One of the ways will be the development of rural market organizations which will give us cheap and abundant suppHes of vegetable foods, a class of production that even our food administration in war times scarcely thinks it is possible to affect with all the authority at its command. It can only urge individual action. The bringing of such market organizations to pass this winter in preparation for next year's business is the peculiar opportunity of Public Safety Committees and other voluntary war service organi- zations. 288 The Annals of the American Academy PRICE CONTROL By Joseph E. Davies, Federal Trade Commission. Prices all over the world during this war have risen, and very rapidly. This is not a local phenomenon or manifestation. It is world-wide. The price of coal in Norway, the price of foodstuffs in Italy, the price of silver in China, the prices of all commodities the world over have appreciably increased. One of the fundamental reasons, perhaps, for this increase in prices is found in the fact that the measuring standard of value — money — has greatly increased in volume. Nations have been obliged to issue large volumes of paper money. Credits have taken the place of money to an ap- preciable extent. The inevitable consequence is an increase in the prices of commodities whose value they measure. There are additional reasons for increases in prices. There have come great and abnormal demands for certain commodities. The great war has consumed enormous quantities of materials in its processes of destruction which heretofore were not demanded for that particular use, or lack of use, but which were used in the ordi- nary processes of industry and trade. The demand for baJc com- modities has greatly inci eased. With reference to a great many commodities there are physical limitations in increasiilg production. It takes a year and a half to build a paper mill or twelve months to build a steel mill. The increase in the supply has not kept pace with the increase in demand. Prices register this condition. Thirty million men, or more, have been taken away from pro- duction and have been engaged in the destruction of property. Not only have the sources of supply been curtailed, but the available supply has been consumed in non-productive forces. Under such conditions it is inevitable that prices should rise. Whenever in the history of the world such a situation has come, men organized into communities or governments have tried to pi event the hardship that accrues. Governments cannot prevent the workings of economic laws, but government seeks to prevent the cupidity of men from taking an exorbitant profit out of com- modities whose value has increased entirely because of abnormal condi- tions. With the supply limited, governments have sought to pre- Price Control 289 scribe how that supply shall be distributed, and at prices which are based upon costs and upon such fair values as obtained before the rise of unusual and abnormal conditions. The earliest instance of price fixing historically, I presume, was biblical. The Emperor Diocletian in Rome, three hundred years after Christ, tried to fix the prices of various commodities and the prices of labor. Sixty years afterwards the Emperor Julian tried the same thing. During the French Revolution the English fleet blockaded France, foodstuffs fell off in production, there was a great demand for food, prices went up and the French government at- tempted at that time to establish fixed prices and fixed the law of the . maximum which, after a very brief trial, was suspended in its operation. Recently, Germany has made the most elaborate and intensive effort to control prices. The results we will not know with definite- ness until the conclusion of the war. France followed; English colonies early embarked upon the plan; England itself was the last to attempt it. We are now embarking upon a similar effort. In fact, there isn't a neutral or warring nation in the world that has a conscious, deliberate intent to serve the interests of its people but that is addressing itself to this problem and trying to control price. Economists have always maintained that this was impossible; that it was unsound to attempt it; and that it was foredoomed to failure. It is characteristic of man that in the process of his evolu- tion he will not admit that failure is foreordained where the general welfare of society is concerned, and it remains to be seen whether un- der present conditions as to production, transportation and distribu- tion, with modern intelligence, this situation can be successfully worked out. Our present situation is briefly this: legislation has been passed looking to fixing prices for government purchase generally and look- ing to the fixing of prices for the public as to food and fuel. The National Defense Act and the Naval Appropriation Act gives the Piesident of the United States power to fix the price at which mate- rials shall be taken for the use of the government. It is maintained that this power applies only to the purchase of those commodities which are used directly in military activities for ourselves or for our allies, steel for warships or projectile steel for shells, or lumber or coal for ships. 290 The Annals of the American Academy There are others who maintain that under this power the Presi- dent might extend this to the possible fixing of all prices for the use of the general public. The only specific legislative authority to fix prices for the public thus far, however, is found in the so-called Lever Act which has to do with food, fuel and agricultural implements. Senator Pomerene has introduced a resolution which is now before the Senate and which aims to bring about the same control over the price of steel and other commodities as obtains over the price of fuel and food. With the government of the United States — a large purchaser — taking out of the lumber and steel markets or any of the basic markets a large quantity of material for war purposes, there follows a manifest effect upon prices. The available supply for the business and com- mercial uses of the country is that much diminished. In a market already hectic with demand the introduction of such an additional large buying factor forces prices still higher. Prices in the market at the present time are, generally speaking, not dependent upon the cost of production, but are dependent upon the degree of men's needs and the competitive bidding they engage in to get the materials. The Federal Trade Commission has been engaged for the past eighteen months with a large corps of accountants and investigators in ascertaining the facts as to costs of production of many of the basic commodities, such as steel, cement, aluminum, petroleum, fuel, oil, news-print paper and a great variety of similar commodities. This was upon the direction of the President of the United States who, with characteristic foresight, concluded that it would be necessary for him and other government agencies to have accurate information of a definite, scientific character as to what the exact costs of production were, so that when the price was named, if it were to be named, it would be determined not upon hearsay, not perhaps upon the self-serving declarations of those who were engaged in that business, but upon the facts which had been determined by a government agency which had no purpose other than the disinter- ested one of serving the public. One of the chief difficulties attendant upon any plan of price control is the varying costs of production. The outstanding fact in all industrial production appears to be quite generally that the low cost, highly efficient, highly integrated plant can sell and make a Price Control 291 profit at a price where the high cost, inefficient plant can't even produce the commodity. The importance of that fact looms large when it is realized that production is equally important with price. The prices of commodities affect our immediate comfort and well-being. The question of whether we win this war or not affects living conditions for the long future, and equally vital therefore with present com^ fort in the matter of low prices and perhaps more vital, is the ques- tion of getting the material out and the fixing of a price that will bring the production. Materials are necessary to win the war. The price must be sufficiently high in order to get the material. Men will not voluntarily produce unless they make a profit. The problem is then, briefly, to fix a price based upon the cost of production that will give a fair return in profit and will at the same time not starve production. In official circles the methods of price fixing most discussed have been two. One, that a flat price be fixed, and that it be made such that it will enable the high cost producer to sell with a profit and at the same time insure a large proportion of the total produc- tion. The merit of this suggestion lies in its simplicity. It is put into effect by the mere declaration of the price. Its disadvantage lies in the fact that any such price so fixed will afford to the low cost producer a large profit, whereas the high cost producer will make a much less profit, and unless the price fixed is at a point so high that the least efficient can produce, some production will be curtailed. In England, steel prices have been fixed by this method for a large variety of steel products. Generally speaking, these prices as fixed were material reductions and are now about one-half in price of prevailing market prices for similar commodities in this country. The plan has been made effective by a system of licensing. The other plan that has been discussed is that of the pool. It would contemplate the purchase of all production at varying prices, giving approximately the same percentage of profit to all producers and the resale of the commodity at a fixed price which would be based upon the average of all the costs. It would con- template giving a larger percentage of profit to the efficient than to the inefficient, in order to stimulate efficiency. The merit of this plan lies in the fact that it would give the same profit to all and that it would insure the entire production because all producers would 292 The Annals of the American Academy be getting a margin of profit. The principal objection to the plan, and it is a serious objection, would be the difficulty of administration. It would require extensive administrative machinery and the closest coordination between such administration and the industry in- volved. With the outbreak of the war, England bought large quan- tities of sugar in the markets of the world, resold it to the consumer in England at a fixed price and assured that price through its con- trol over distribution. Since that time a joint commission of Eng- land, France and Italy buys sugar and resells the same on a similar plan. Up to this time materials have been purchased by the army and the navy at tentative prices fixed by the President and subject to determinations as to the ultimate price upon cost investigations conducted by the Federal Trade Commission under the direction of the President. As to prices for the public, the President fixed the price of coal on the twenty-first day of August for the various dis- tricts, and the administration of the situation is now under the able control of Dr. Garfield, the fuel administrator. Upon the cost data which the Federal Trade Commission has procured and which has been submitted to the President, the War Industries Purchasing Board, with the approval of the President, has fixed a flat price for copper and has secured assurances from the industry that wages would not be reduced and that the price thus secured for government purchase would be projected and sustained for the general public. It is highly probable that a similar action will develop with reference to steel products. It is probable that the general development as to price fixing by the government will at the outset follow the line of fixing a flat price, rather than by attempting to control price through pool ar- rangements. It is the moderate course and will naturally commend itself to government because of its simplicity. Any weaknesses which the situation may have within it will be developed and the processes of further control will be those of evolution through ex- perience, rather than an immediate attempt to project a very large administrative machinery in a new field of effort. Whether prices made for government purchase can be made effective for the general public by agreement between those in the industry and government officials without specific legislative author- ity to enforce such prices, remains to be seen. In spite of the dili- Price Control 293 gence and perfect good faith of those who have pledged their effoit to preserve fair prices for the pubhc, there is no doubt that the condi- tion of the market is such that the greatest of pressure will be ex- ercised to find ways and means of getting the commodity irrespective of price after it has left the control of the original producer. Of the good faith of those engaging to preserve these prices for the public there may be no doubt; of their capacity to project and preserve for any length of time uniform fair prices for the general public, there is room for doubt. It will undoubtedly be aided by the administra- tion of priority under the direction of the very able priority adminis- tration which has been created. BOOK DEPARTMENT THE BUSINESS MAN'S LIBRARY Accounting, Auditing and Cost Keeping Church, A. Hamilton. Manufacturing Costs and Accounts. Pp. viii, 452. Price, $5.00. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1917. In this scholarly and complete treatise Mr. Church has set forth most of the fundamentals of cost accounting, and has given a complete outline of his well- known supplementary rate method of distributing overhead expense. The book is divided into three parts: part one is devoted to a general outline of manufactur- ing accounts; part two describes the mechanism of cost accounting, while part three treats of factory reports and returns, embracing reports for foremen, superin- tendents and executives. The author has reduced all cost methods to three which he calls A, B, and C, respectively. He points out that method A will give accurate results if wages are imiform throughout the shop, and method B will take its place if wages or earnings per hour are not uniform. Method C is based upon the author's theory that departmentalization is the key to accuracy in cost accounting, and that the partic- ular merit of method C lies in the fact that it carries the principle of departmental- ization as far as the production centers themselves, i.e. to the ultimate limit pos- sible. Some question may be raised as to the wisdom of attempting to teach or explain the theory of double entry bookkeeping in the small amount of space allotted to this subject by the author in part one. In these days when the iac- covmting profession is trying to establish a satisfactory terminology it is decidedly . confusing to the average student to encounter the distinctions that the author makes between journals and books of original entry. One cannot but feel that it would have been better had the author adhered to modern accounting practice, insofar as it has been standardized, for the illustrations he uses to describe his cash journal. The author comes in variance with the usual accounting practice in his treat- ment of the division of administration expense and the deduction of depreciation from the asset instead of creating reserve accounts. In his chapter on the inclusion of interest in cost, the author has establi.slied himself in favor of including interest and has outlined methods for treating interest as an element of cost in what he terms ordinary and "hard times." The book is a notable addition to a library on cost accounting, and to the student who is well grounded in the basic principles of accounting it will prove of considerable value in treating of cost accounts. A. T. Cameron. University of Pennsylvania. 294 Book Department 295 Advertising and Salesmanship Farrar, Gilbert P. Typography of Advertisements that Pay. Pp. xvi, 282. Price, $2.25. New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1917. Mr. Farrar's book is admirably adapted to classroom work because of its good arrangement, well-chosen illustrations, and its simple manner of presenting tech- nical material. The book is prepared on the justified assumption that advertisers should know clearly certain technicalities of printing, but, at the same time, that they should not burden themselves with too much detail. In accordance with this theory, the author sets forth in an effective way the few families of tjrpes that are in common use. He shows how different combinations of type faces can be made for the best results. A peculiar virtue of the book is that these type faces are placed in close relationship to the advertisements that employ them. An ex- cellent chapter is that entitled Putting the Advertisement Together. It shows at a glance how an advertisement is prepared for the printer. The chapter on Making the Message Quick and Sure is a most excellent treatment of the em- ployment of types for the essential purpose of making clear what you have to say. Other valuable chapters in the book treat of combining pictures and type faces, borders, the field of hand lettering, white space and margins, adding life to package display, and the kinds of advertisements, the last named chapter being an illumi- nating classification of advertisements which cannot fail to be of service even to experienced advertisers. Many other books on the typography of advertisements have been written, but for simplicity of treatment and arrangement and for presentation of the essentials in typography this book fills a needed place. J. W. PXERCY. Indiana University. Government Regulation op Business Montague, Gilbert H. Business Competition and the Law. Pp. vii, 318. Price, $1.75. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1917. Stevens, W. H. S. Unfair Competition. Pp. xiii, 265. Price, $1.50. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1917. A mere mention of the trust problem, and more particularly the Sherman and Clayton Acts, at once is likely to engage the interest of a business man. It is quite superfluous, therefore, to bemoan a lagging interest in the subject matter of these two books. On the other hand, both works contain the elements of in- spiriting essays. They are phrased in a colloquial style and their manner of ex- pression is simple and natural. What is more noteworthy, they represent lucid treatments of subjects of which their authors have an intimate technical knowledge. The attitude of the authors toward the problems of current industrial and commercial practices is different. Montague has a proclivity to maintain the right of a business to live without too much molestation on the part of the courts. At the same time he suggests the legal pitfalls into which a business may un- wittingly step, and thereby bring upon itself an unpleasant acquaintanceship with the Federal District Attorney's staff. The substance of Montague's thought is developed by relatively brief passages of his own pen, coupled with rather elabo- 296 The Annals of the American Academy rate quotations of actual decisions rendered by the courts. It is the somewhat too numerous citations from these decisions that make his work a trifle monoto- nous at times, and yet, unfortunately, no means has been devised by lawyers for satisfactorilj' paraphrasing the law. Stevens reasons from the standpoint of economic justice. Once having propoimded the "competition theory of monop- oly," the justice of competitive business practices are resolved according to the rule that the "final test of the fairness of a given method should be whether or not it restricts actually, or potentially, the normal operation of the law with the result- ing survival of efficiency. " In substance what Stevens terms the "competition theory of monopoly" is based upon the principle that competition is fair and just so long as society accepts and countenances it. "The interests of society lie in the highest possible utility at the lowest possible cost. . ; . To secure this result it is necessary that efficient units of organization shall be preserved ; and it is equally desirable that inefficient units shall be destroyed. In other words, an organization is entitled to remain in busine.ss so long as its production and selling costs enable it to compete in a free and open market. As the productive and selling efficiency of one or more competing concerns in any line of business increases beyond that of others, the price of the goods sold tends correspondingly to decline. The more efficient organizations reduce the price in an endeavor to increase their volume of sales, expecting more than to compensate for the decreased profit per unit by the larger number of units sold. Generally, marginal concerns will gradually lose their market. Ultimately, if imable to reduce or hold their costs below the market price, they will be compelled to discontinue business. " It is patent that Stevens is not a proponent of large industrial combinations simply because they are large, and he carries the convictions of one who has investi- gated carefully the methods by which, fortunately or unfortunately, big business has grown. The logical soundness of some of his assertions is tinged by a super- vigilant search for recondite motives on the part of business; but he is not unfair. In short, Montague's work illuminates the. path of legal safety for business in a semi-legal fashion, while Stevens explains in a practical popular way the means, and the results thereof, pursued by monopoUstic combines. Each book is complimentary to the other, and both are deserving of the shelf of the business man's library. Frank Parker. University of Pennsylvania. Insurance Gephart, W. F. Principles of Insurance. Vol. I, Ldfe Insurance. Pp. xi, 385. Vol. II, Fire Insurance. Pp. xi, 332. Price, $1.50 each. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1917. Volume I is a revision of an earlier work by the author entitled Principles of Insurance, while Volume II is an entirely new work. More extended reference will therefore be made to the latter. The volume on life insurance is on the whole a contribution to the subject, the various topics being carefully arranged and the exposition clear. Some criticism Book Department 297 might be made of the elementary treatment of certain phases of the subject but a text is not supposed to equal a treatise in this respect. One may seriously object, however, to the issuance of a revised edition which does not follow the progress in the business in certain directions. Thus in the chapter on Insurance for Wage- earners the author discusses compensation laws but includes in his list of the same only twenty-three. One is at a loss to understand why. employers' liability in- surance is discussed in the chapter on Insurance for Wage-earners. The volume on fire insurance appears to possess certain serious defects as well as commendable features. The strongest criticism which can be advanced, viewing it in the light of a text, is its seeming lack of plan and arrangement of chapters. It is difficult to account at times for the appearance of apparently closely related or identical topics in different places, the subsequence of certain principles whose knowledge is prerequisite for other subjects and the brief treat- ment accorded particular portions of the study. Some explanation is also required of such statements as, "local associations of underwriters have little actual power over rates or commissions" (p. 69). This second volume has, however, certain distinctly commendable features. Prior to his work no adequate description of some of the more recent develop- ments of the business was available. He has therefore rendered a service in pro- ducing a relatively up-to-date textbook. Secondly, he has incorporated to a greater degree than anj^ other writer a discussion of fire insurance from the social viewpoint. In his chapter on the relation of the state to insurance he has discussed several issues which are now and in the near future will be very important in the conduct of the business. Robert Riegel. University of Pennsylvania. Labor Legislation Rhodes, J. E., 2nd. Workmeii's Compensation. Pp. 300. Price, $1.50. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1917. Workmen's compensation, in the space of a few years, has developed from an academic theory to an accepted institution. The problem is no longer whether the principle shall be applied but to what degree and by what means. This book presents a careful statement of the background and fundamentals of compensation and of its present status in the United States which should be useful as a basis for more detailed study or for a general survey of the problem. The author's criticism of present conditions is thoughtful and wall offend neither conservative nor radical. Particularly valuable are the illustrative cases and the brief digest of the essential points of laws now in foice. R. H. B. Webb, Sidney, The Restoration of Trade Union Conditions. Pp. 109. Price, 50 cents. New York: B. W. Huebsch, 1917. Mr. Webb reminds us of the government's promise to restore union conditions. He recognizes the impossibility of going back, and advocates a new settlement with the unions on the terms which will be fair and satisfactory to them. 298 The Annals of the American Academy Since Mr. Webb's booklet was published, the Reconstruction Committee of the British Cabinet and more especially the ministry of munitions have taken up the problem in a broad and progressive spirit. Some employers proposed a copart- nership form of management which will admit all classes of workmen to a direct interest in the increase of output and will seek to lessen if not remove the sharp distinction between the employer and the workman. These proposals which are made by responsible officials and employers, if worked out, would present a fairly satisfactory solution of the problem which Mr. Webb discusses. J. T. Y. Merchandising: Wholesale and Retail Cherington, Paul T. The Wool Industry. Pp. xvi, 261. Price, $2.50. Chi- cago: A. W. Shaw Company, 1916. In its field this book is unique, for it does not attempt to add anything to the existing large body of excellent material covering sheep breeding, wool growing, the relation of the tariff to the growth of these industries, or the technique of textile manufacturing, but instead concentrates upon the hitherto unexplored territory of buying and selling wool products. After setting forth the essential differences between woolen and worsted, and explaining the history of these two branches of the wool industry, the author presents his real contribution to the Uterature of wool. He describes in detail the function and importance of wool merchants, selUng houses, dry-goods jobbing enterprises, and department stores. He points out definitely the interrelations between methods of marketing and selhng problems on the one hand and wool growing and manufacturing on the other. Style as a factor in making and selUng cloth is amply demonstrated. If one were searching for flaws in this work he would dwell upon the illogical arrangement of chapters, pointing out that those dealing with middlemen are interrupted by other chapters treating processes and sources of raw materials. He would find fault also that too many important facts are buried in footnotes and not incorporated and explained in the text itself. He might complain that too many of the facts are set do^Ti without emphasis upon their significance. The majority of the readers of this book, however, will welcome it as a piece of fresh evidence. It does not contain materials stolen and garbled from other writers. Its author has gone to original sources for his facts, most of which were gathered from men in the trade itself and have never before appeared in print. Politicians endeavoring to shape a tariff pohcy would profit by studying Dr. Cherington's volume, men engaged in the various branches of the wool indus- try might gain a perspective from it that they may otherwise lack; and students of economics should hail it as valuable material for their deliberations. Malcolm Keir. University of Pennsylvania. Book Department 299 Miscellaneous Davis, Joseph Stancliffe. Essays in the Early History of American Corpora- tions. 2 volumes. Pp. xiii, 547; x, 419. Price, $2.50 each. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1917. Four essaj^s comprise these two vokimes, each essay being divided into sev- eral chapters. Volume I discusses Corporations in the Arnerican Colonies; William Duer; Entrepreneur, 1747-99; and The Society for Establishing Useful Manufactures, the first New Jersey business corporation. In Volume II, which deals with eighteenth century business corporations in the United States, there are chapters upon Banking Companies; Corporations for Improving Inland Navigation; Toll-Bridge and Turnpike Companies; and In- surance, Water Supply, Manufacturing and Miscellaneous Corporations. The appendices contain a list of American charters granted up to the end of the eight- eenth century. There is a full bibliography, topically classified. The author has done his work well. Although the preface states that "a well-rounded treat- ment" of the history of American corporations is impossible because of "deficien- cies in the available data," these volumes make a distinct and welcome contribu- tion to American economic history; they will be helpful to both historian and economist. E. R. J. Victor, E. A. (Ed. by). Canada's Future: What She Offers after the War. Pp. XV, 320. Price, 11.50. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1916. Fifty-two articles by eminent Canadians and an introduction by the editor comprise this book. The majority of the articles deal with the resources and pos- sibilities of Canada. The grain industry, fisheries, the peat bogs, mines and min- ing, hvestock, railway systems, manufactures, insurance, banking, dairying, lumbering and agriculture are taken up. . In another group might be named the educational facihties, the work of the church, Canadian clubs, immigration, sports and pleasure, conservation of resources, art, literature, chemistry and the soil, etc. The articles in these groups are in the main carefully written by ex- perts. A number of articles by leading politicians, with a few exceptions, do not treat their topics with care. The Dominion Labor Minister discusses Labor Conditions after the War (p. 48) in a page and a half of platitudes. Alberta's Future (p. 248) is dealt with by the Premier in two pages of florid oratory. Many of the articles are too exclusively descriptive and avoid too carefully the problem of constructive proposals for the future; for example, those dealing with the church and education. The book should prove helpful to those who look to Canada as a field for investment or settlement. P. R. H. 300 The Annals of the American Academy ECONOMICS Kirk, Alice Gitchell. Practical Food Economy. Pp. v, 246. Price, $1.25. Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1917. MacNutt, J. Scott. The Modern Milk Problem. Pp. xi, 258. Price, $2.00. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1917. This is another one of the recent books dealing with sanitary phases of the milk problem. The book covers practically the same ground as is covered by The City Milk Supply by H. N. Parker. It is a general study with no special con- tribution. The chapters on the analysis of the sanitary aspects of the milk prob- lem are well done. The chapter on the economic factors is superficial and does not even cover the secondary material available to the author. There is some valuable material in the Appendix on milk statistics, grading systems, the North system, costs and prices, and mUk products. C. L. K. NouRSE, Edwin G. Agricultural Economics. Pp. xxv, 896. Price, $2.75. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1916. A more accurate title for this collection of valuable contributions would be Source Book of Agricultural Economics, since the author does not attempt to pre- sent what would commonly be looked upon as a textbook in the general principles of the subject. The book covers practically the whole range of problems in agricultural economics, sometimes running over the line into economic history, technical or scientific agriculture, rural sociology, and indeed nearly every related field. The author has selected from an extraordinarily wide range of original docu- ments not only from every related field but from ancient to modern times. Some of the selections are from authorities of -the highest standing and the quotations are standard, while others are selections from the agricultural press, bulletins, etc., and are at times of a popular nature. J. L. C. Parker, Horatio M. City Milk Supply. Pp. xi, 493. Price, $5.00. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1917. Formerly Health Officer of Montclair, New Jersey, and lately Instructor in Municipal and Sanitary Dairying at the University of lUinois, the author has had rare opportunity for intensive work along the line of adequate protection of the milk supply to the consumer. The book on these points may be regarded as authoritative. The book is not entirely satisfactory, either in its analysis of production costs or of distribution costs. Possibly this analysis is not to be expected under such a title. However, the author has undertaken to give some facts as to dis- tribution costs which are not inclusive, and he has not used all the available sources in this field. But as to other topics which the author presumes to cover, the book is most inclusive and authoritative, and will be a most valuable record for all those interested in accurate facts as to sanitary milk, its production, trans- portation, and inspection. C. L. K. Book Department 301 POLITICAL SCIENCE Goldsmith, Robert. A League to Enforce Peace. Pp. xxvi, 331. Price, $1.50. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1917. The aim of this book is twofold: to show why various agencies and forces such as pacifism, Christianity, organized labor, diplomacy, business, etc., have failed to prevent wars in the past, to answer the objections that have been made against the proposed League to Enforce Peace and to show that it is the most practicable remedy yet suggested for the prevention of wars. To the chief objection that the joining of such a league by this country would be contrary to our traditional policy in respect to European alliances, the author replies that the League does not contemplate an alUance in the older and more objectionable sense of the term but merely a policy of cooperation for the preserva- tion of the peace of the world. The United States has attained such a position of influence and leadership that it can no longer pursue a policy of isolation but must become a partner with the other great nations in maintaining the peace. If nations should hesitate to introduce reforms until they become certain that the reforms would be effective the world's progress would be hindered indefinitely. The time has arrived when the world must take measures to prevent if possible the recurrence of such catastrophies as that which we are now witnessing. The League to Enforce Peace has received the approval of many statesmen and leaders of practical thought in all countries. Why not give it a trial? If it fails, no harm will have been done; if it succeeds, the world will have achieved its greatest victory in the fight for civilization. J. W. G. Sims, Newell L. Ultimate Democracy and Its Making. Pp. 347. Price, $1.50. Chicago: A. C. McClurg and Company, 1917. Viewing the achievement of ultimate democracy as a process of persistent conflict between aggregations of forces, the author appraises the contending forces in American society and foresees inevitable victory for Demos. But the demo- cratic triumph requires a collective purpose in government to effect radical changes in existing social institutions and situations. Socialization of wealth initiated by government ownership of public utilities, public regulation of big business, and taxation to equalize wealth, together with a rigid restriction of immigration, will promote the production of economic equality. There remains natural aristocracy, at bottom as bad as any other aristocracy and a barrier to the realization of ulti- mate democracy. "Inequality of conditions, contrary to the doctrines of some Socialists, comes not primarily and ultimately for many from the present distri- bution of wages and wealth, but from aji inequitable distribution of talent." Eugenic proposals tend to raise the average quality of the stock and to lessen the deviation therefrom. Democracy is advanced by the constantly accumulating experience in democratic government, the diffusion of the democratic idea, the urbanization of society, the spirit of the Scientific-Industrial Age, and the Uni- versal Peace Movement. The Industrial Age by stimulating international class- consciousness sublimates patriotism and aids the warfare of national and world democracy against militarism, a tripartite tyranny of autocracy, aristocracy and 302 The Annals of the American Academy plutocracy, engaged in the exploitation of humanity. Professor Sims has wTitten a thoughtful and spirited survey of significant tendencies and aspirations in American democracy. L. P. F. Thompson, Carl D. Municipal Ownership. Pp. xi, 114. Price, $1.00. New York: B. W. Huebsch, 1917. The chief contribution in this work is an adequate presentation of proof that regulation of public utilities is a complete failure and that private ownership of public utilities is the most important cause of corrupt government. The author seems to err in the importance he attaches to increasing the wages paid to employes of municipally-owned public utilities. Fortunately, how- ever, the advantages are not restricted to labor. He demonstrates that rates charged under municipal ownership succeeding private ownership of pubhc utili- ties have been reduced materially. He stresses an important point when he says: "Municipal ownership should not be used as a means of making profit in order to reduce taxes." Mr. Thompson errs, too, in claiming that reducing the cost of water, gas, street car fares, and he adds, "even rents," will reduce the cost of living. He sounds a soothing note to the present owners of public utilities in his state- ment: "Only those who are operating utilities stand to lose (under municipal ownership) . . . and this will be only a temporary loss that will more than be made up to them we verily believe in the vastly greater gains of the common good." It is impossible to agree with this view, and unnecessary in order to beheve in municipal ownership and operation. The most serious omission is the failure to discuss how municipalities are to secure the funds to acquire their public utilities. Benjamin Marsh. New York City. SOCIOLOGY Abbott, Grace. The Immigrant and the Community. Pp. vii, 303. Price, $1.50. New York: The Century Company, 1917. The author, long Director of the Immigrants' Protective League in Chicago, has had intimate contact with various immigrant groups and thus writes from personal experience. Many have given us labored evidences of their prejudices, others, of their keen emotional bias. Miss Abbott has been able to put her evi- dence into readable form, to appeal to our common humanity and yet reveal that she is not blind to the problems involved. Beginning with the journey to America the actual experiences of the incomers are related. Then we follow them through the mysteries of finding employment, the dangers of exploitation, and the special tribulations of the immigrant girls. Next we are shown the immigrant's relation to our social institutions, courts, industries, schools, politics. Everywhere actual cases are related giving a note of reality to the account. The volume closes with two rather unusual chapters on the Immigrant and American Internationalism, and the Immigrant's Place in a Social Program. Book Department 303 The volume is to be highly commended to all who are interested in immigra- tion, and particularly to those who want to know the extent of our own failure to safeguard newcomers and help in their readjustment to our life. C. K. BoGEN, Boris D. Jeivish Philanthropy. Pp. xvii, 391. Price, $2.00. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1917. The author states in his preface that his work is intended to serve as a text- book for beginners, and as a ready resume for those who are already engaged in the field. The content of the volume, however, reveals a most thorough, scholarly and up-to-the-minute study of Jewish methods of relief. The first two chapters establish very clearly and fully the need for separate relief agencies bj' the Jews for the Jews. The third chapter presents in remark- ably brief compass an illuminating history of charity among the Jews as prac- ticed from Bible times to the present. Beginning with chapter four, Dr. Bogen plunges right into present-day con- ditions with a description of the national organizations formed by the Jews for relief work. A strange omission here is his failure to speak of the work done by the Union of American Hebrew Congregations, though in a later chapter he refers briefly to its department of Synagogue and School Extension activities. The succeeding chapters deat with methods of fund-raising for Jewish philanthropic agencies, immigration, distribution, the "back to the soil" movement, resident- dependents, dependent women and children, insufficiency of income, a somewhat long-drawn-out investigation of the educational and social organizations,, an excel- lent presentation of the subject of administration; and the closing section briefly considers the connection between the charity federation and the synagogue. A bibliography and index are appended. The title of the volume strikes one as inept. Once in a while the author makes a sweeping statement without citing au- thorities. There are two serious drawbacks to the usefulness of the work. One is the constant use of Hebrew words, which are usually not translated or are mistranslated, as when on page 41 he uses the word "Kaddish" and in paren- thesis has the word "prayer." It is doubtful if the average Jewish student who will use this book will understand the many Hebrew words that are in it; and of course the non-Jewish seeker after knowledge will be exasperated. Any future work of this character should have a glossary of such Hebrew words as part of its appendix. The other is the chapter on Standards of Relief, which ought to have been the most important, received the most scant attention. But all in all, the book is a splendid piece of work. Eli Mayer. Philadelphia, Pa. Ferri, Enrico. Criminal Sociology. (Translated by J. I. Kelly and John Lisle, and edited by W. W. Smithers.) Pp. xlv, 577. Price, $5.00. Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1917. The translation of Enrico Ferri's fifth (and latest) French edition of Criminal Sociology is the best contribution to the American Uterature of criminology yet 304 The Annals of the American Academy made in the series of translations of the American Institute of Criminal Law and Criminology. While the great work-of Caesare Lombroso in the field of Criminal Anthropology laid the foundation, to the present writer belongs preeminently the credit for the founding of the Positive or Italian School of Criniinology. Since 1897 English readers have had access to Morrison's abbreviated translation of the original work, but now for the first time they have presented to them the complete work revised by the author himself. The work consists first of a defense of the theory of Positivism applied to CriminaUty. The principle of causation which has revolutionized natural science turning alchemy into chemistry, astrology into astronomy, etc., has even more significant effects when appUed to the phenomena of mind and of social hfe. Then follows a review and criticism of the data of criminal anthropology. While the author holds rigidly to the value of anthro- pological factors,, his constant insistence upon the physical or telluric and the social factors makes the complete interpretation of crime thoroughgoing and rational. Those who so ghbly characterize the Itahan School as the anthropolog- ical school and criticize it for its one-sidedness reveal an unfamiliarity with the doctrines propounded by its founder. Part III deals with the positive theory of penal responsibility. Here the old ethico-religious theory of moral responsibility is completely discarded for that of "social accountability" which is the natural outgrowth of the modern theory of social causation. The last part considers practical problems and shows what light the modern science of criminality throws upon the methods of dealing with criminals and the process of elimination of crime No one today can make a pretense of familiarity with the modern science of criminology who has not read this work. If criticisms are to be made of the Italian School, they should be made on the basis of the ideas here set forth. The American Institute has rendered a great service to Enghsh civilization by the translation of this book. J. P. LiCHTENBERGER. University of Pennsylvania. SiMKHOviTCH, Mary Kingsbury. The City Worker's World. Pp. 235. Price, $1.25 New York: The Macmillan Company, 1917. No civic leader could be better fitted to write of the hfe of the city worker than the author, who has lived many years in the heart of a great industrial sec- tion of New York City, as the moving spirit of Greenwich House. Mrs. Simkho- vitch says that her purpose in writing the book is to furnish "a plain description of the facts of the city dweller's Hfe"; and in a vivid and realistic way she has deliniated the home of the worker, his problems of health, work, and recreation, and the maladjustments in family hfe due to poverty, ignorance, and poorly regulated industrial conditions. But the book is more than description. The writer analyzes the evolutionary process going on in the city's heart. She indicates the changes that have taken place in the social environment of the worker and portrays the new home and neighborhood life that is developing as a consequence of those changes. The old home industries,, the old kinds of pleasure, even the old forms of rehgion have been so modified that few of their original values remain; and with them have Book Department 305 passed away most of the old safeguards of family life. The main intent of the book is to show the process of readjustment, the search for new sanctions and safeguards, and to interpret the new family life and community relationships that are emerging. Much of Mrs. Simkhovitch's own philosophy of life, — especially as it relates to the program of social reform, — is woven through the pages of the book; again and again her hatred of poverty and of all forms of social injustice is revealed. With deep faith in democracy she refers repeatedly to that newly discovered treasure house, the potentiality for group action for civic betterment that is slowly becoming articulate and effective in the industrial neighborhood. The author has made conscious effort to write objectively of the life of her neighbors. There is no direct hint of the splendid work that she and her settle- ment family have been doing to develop group consciousness and independence among the neighbors. The book will be of special value to the increasing number of those interested in the exploration of the new paths of community development already being trod in city neighborhoods. Francis Tyson. University of Pittsburgh. Smith, Walter R. An Introduction to Educational Sociology. Pp. xvii, 412. Price, $1.75. New York: Houghton, MifRin Company, 1917. This volume marks a new departure in educational theory and practice. It is quite inevitable that the growing discontent in the field of education should presently assume positive and constructive form, and the author has made the first conscious venture in this direction. As a textbook in educational sociology it will fill a much-needed place in the training of teachers in the broader aspects of the educational problem. Part I deals with the application of the general theory of sociology to education, and is intended to establish the social point of view. The reader is invited to survey the educational problem from the point of view of the primary social groups, such as the family, the play group, the com- munity, the state and to discover in this way the need for a democratized educa- tion as distinguished from the individualistic education of the past. Part II is an attempt to make the applications which grow from such a survey to the method and content of education. The Social and Educational Survey, Social Factors in School Administration, the Socialization of Discipline, of the Program of Studies, Vocational Aspects of a Socialized Education, Vocational Guidance, Cultural Aspects of a Socialized Education, are among the subjects considered. The first part dealing with sociological principles will hardly prove satisfactory to many sociologists because of its inadequacy rather than because of any inac- curacy, but as a beginning it justifies its existence and will no doubt point the way for a further development of the literature in this fruitful field. It ought to result in the organization of many classes in normal schools and colleges for teachers and in the formation of teachers' study clubs. For such purposes it will serve as an admirable introduction. J. P. LiCHTENBERGER. University oj Pennsylvania. INDEX Agricultural credit, importance, 220. Agricultural Policy for the United States in War Time, An. Gifford Pinchot, 181-187. Agricultural survey, results, 222. Agriculture: development, 46, 210; intensification, 285. Allies: barley export, 16; barley im- port, 16; barley production, 16; men in service, 230; necessities, 231 potato export, 21; potato import, 21 potato production, 21 ; rye export, 13 rye import, 13; rye production, 13 wheat export, 9; wheat import, 9 wheat production, 9. Altoona,.food survey, 282. America: cooperation, 89-90; Coopera- tive League, 279; enemies, 148; women, 205. American Food Supply, Switzer- land AND THE. WUUam E. Rap- pard, 66-74. Argentina, agricultural resources, 54. Army, meat consumption, 86. Atwater, Helen W. A Guide to the Nation's Dietary Needs, 108-118. Austria-Hungary, wheat production, 7. Barley: export, 15-16; food value, 11; import, 15-16; production, 15-16. Beans: food value, 19; production, 19. Belgium: cooperative movement, 278; restoration after war, 40. Benson, O. H. Accomplishments of Boys' and Girls' Clubs in Food Production and Conservation, 147- 157. Bigelow, a. C. The Sheep Industry of the United States, 191-197. Bigelow, W. D. The Work Con- ducted by the Commercial Canners of the Country, 157-163. Bolivia: exports, 54; grazing grounds, 65. Boycotts, results, 134-135. Boys, work. 147-148, 151. Brand, Charles J. Production and Marketing Plans for Next Year, 164- 181. Brazil, exports, 54. Bread: dietary properties, 101; prices, 87. Brown, Lucius P. Food Conserva- tion in New York City, 140-146. Bureau of Markets, development, 139. Butter: exports, 30; imports, 31. Bye, Ra^tviond T. and Charles Reitell. Food Prices vs. Wage Increases, 235-256. Calderon, Senor Don Ignacio. South America's Available Food Supply, 53-56. California, sheep, 192. Calory, meaning, 106. Canned goods: demand, 161; govern- ment needs, 161-162; prejudice, 159; standards, 159. Canneries, community, 203. Canners, increased acreage for, 162. Canners, The Work Conducted by THE Commercial, of the Country. W. D. Bigelow, 157-163. Canning clubs, organization, 153-154. industry: history, 158; investiga- tions, 158; labor problem, 162-163. Capital: definition, 273; limitation, 273. Cattle: purchase, 259^ sale, 259. Central Powers: barley export, 16; barley import, 16; barley production, 16; potato export, 21; potato im- port, 21; potato production, 21; rye export, 13; rye import, 13; r3'e pro- duction, 13; wheat deficit, 7; wheat export, 9; wheat import, 9; wheat production, 9. Cereals: excess profits, 231; production, 92, 167-169. 306 Index 307 Cigar industry, wage changes, 253. Civil War, boys in service, 149. Coal: excess profits, 232-233; exports committee, 34; import of various countries, 72; supply, 89. Colombia, exports, 54. Commerce: control, 261; extension, 55; interstate, 258; peaceful, 41; regula- tion, 258; restricting, 35; state, 258; world, 94. COMMEKCIAL CaNNERS, THE WORK Conducted by the, of the Coun- try. W. D. Bigelow, 157-163. Commercial supremacy, competition, 182. Community, industrial welfare, 263. Competition: economic, 39; free, 243; international, 41; law, 229-230; organization, 269. Congress: powers, 257, 260. Conservation: methods, 144; principle, 36. Consumers: direct marketing, 176; educating, 121; powers, 243. Consumption, increased, 286. Contraband committee, purpose, 34. Cooperation : agricultural, 269; benefits, 279; consumers, 270, 271, 275, 276; distinction between, 269; importance, 270; military, 88; producers, 271; promotion, 278. Cooperation, What, can do and is Doing in Lowering Food Costs. Peter Hamilton, 268-280. Cooperative societies: formation, 277; organization, 138. Wholesale Society, 274. Cooperators: principle, 273; savings, 274. Corn: clubs, 153; crop. 111; ex- portation, 12; food value, 11; im- portation, 12; production, 11-12, 153, 164. Cotton, imports of various countries, 73. Credit and other Production Prob- lems, Lessons in Solving Labor. A. E. Grantham, 210-223. Crops, rotation, 219. Curb markets, establishment, 121. Cutler, Burwell S. International Rationing, 34-42. Dairy industry, preservation, 101. Davies, Joseph E. Price Control, 288-293. Dealers: combination, 259; coopera- tion, 144. Delaware, agricultural survey, 222. Delivery, cost, 122. Demand, excess, 230. Denmark: cultivated area, 46; rural organization, 284. Diet: essentials, 96; mixed, 109. Diet, Some Essentials to a Safe. E. V. McCoUum, 95-102. Dietaries, family, 110. Dietary Habits and Their Improve- ment. H. R. M. Landis, 103-108. Dietary Needs, A Guide to the Nation's. Helen W. Atwater, 108- 118. Dietary studies: methods, 114; national importance, 115. Dietetics; teaching, 108. Disease, loss from, 148. Distribution: cost, 121; economic, 206; power, 38; retail, 145. Economic action, international com- mittee, 35. Ecuador, exports, 54. England: price control, 289; regulation of prices, 264; scarcity of food, 275. Europe: blunders, 150; grain produc- tion, 183; reconstruction, 93. Exports: embargo, 40; restriction, 67. Administration Board, work, 36- 37. Famine, averting, 80. Farm, labor, 218. Farmers: cooperation, 222; cooperative associations, 196; credit, 211, 219- 223; duty, 207; organizing, 207; problems, 120. 308 Index Fat, production, 49. Federal government, jurisdiction, 256. Federal Regulation of Prices on Food and Fuels, Constitutional- iTT of. Clifford Thome, 256-268. Federal Trade Commission: organiza- tion, 280-281 ; work, 290. Finland, cultivated area, 46. Fish, per capita consumption, 32. Food: allotment, 35; budgets, 129; composition, 104; conservation, 122, 132, 15C, 152-153; consumption, 89, . 91, 110-111, 113, 117, 119; control, 106; cooperative centers, 156; cus- toms, 112; distribution, 124, 134- 135, 138, 172, 281; embargo, 44, 70; family expenditure, 241; good, 105; interest, 136; laboratories, 128; laws, 89; lowering cost, 131; marketing, 207; poisoning, 160-161 ; preparation, 106, 124, 126; preservation, 157; prices, 267; production, 6, 123, 138, 150, 197, 207; racial characteristics, 104; requirements, 109, 110; saving, 127; shortage, 5, 94; speculation, 124, 134, 135; spoilage, 141; Sweden's exports, 62; transportation, 134, 135, 138; waste, 142-143. Food and Fuels, Constitutionality of Federal Regulation of Prices on. Clifford Thorne, 256-268. Food foe France and its Public Control. Frangois Monod, 84-91. Food, The Importance of Milk as A. W. H. Jordan, 188-190. Food Administration: demands, 126; policy, 199; services, 284. Food Conservation in New York City. Lucius P. Brown, 140-146. Food Costs, What Cooperation can DO AND is Doing in Lowering. Peter Hamilton, 268-280. Food prices: study; 236; trend, 236- 245. Food Prices vs. Wage Increases. Raymond T. Bye and Charles Reitell, 23&-256. Food problem: accomplishments of women's clubs, 134; definition, 123; discussion, 43; importance, 128, 133; world, 92. Food Problem, How Japan Meets ITS. Viscount Kikujiro Ishii, 81-84. Food Problem, Some Facts to be Considered in Connection with THE. Howard Heinz, 119-123. Food Problem, the, op Great Britain; The Shipping Problem OF the World. Arthur Pollen, 91-94. Food Problem, the Housekeeper AND the. Charlotte Perkins Gil- man, 123-130. Food Problem, the Relation of the Housewife to the. Nevada Davis Hitchcock, 130-140. Food Production and Conserva- tion, Accomplishments of Boys' and Girls' Clubs in. jO. H. Benson, 147-157. Food Production, Urban and Sub- urban. Charles Lathrop Pack, 203- 206. Food Production Act, powers, 228. products: conservation, 175; stor- age, 175; transportation, 175. situation, public control, 87. Food Situation of Norway, the. Fridtjof Nansen, 44-53. Food supplies: conservation, 80; in- formation, 174-175; scarcity, 164; standardization, 208. Food Supply, South America's Avail- able. Senor Don Ignacio Calderon, 53-56. Food Supply, Sweden's. Axel Robert NordvaU, 57-65. Food Supply, Switzerland and the American. William E. Rappard, 66-74. Food Supply, the World's. G. B. Roorbach, 1-33. Food survey: results, 112; value, 112; work, 111. Index 300 Food values: charts, 95; ignorance, 105; knowledge, 132. Foodstuffs: biological analysis, 98; condemnations, 141; cost, 95; dietary properties, 98; exports, 3; high cost, 99; imports, 3; international trade 3; prices, 87; production, 211; shortage, 210. France: agricultural labor, 85; com- mittees, 35; degeneracy, 69; de- pendence, 90; devastated territory 40; livestock resources, 86; Uve- stock shortage, 183; price control, 289; production deficit, 85; wheat production, 85-86. France, Food for, and its Public Control. Frangois Monod, 84-91 Freight cars, shortage, 286. Fruits: canning, 204; increased use, 117. Fuel, prices, 267. Garden clubs, organization, 153-154. Germany: autocracy, 71; cooperative movement, 277-278; efficiency, 69; food consumption, 117; foreign trade, 42; isolation, 70; price control, 289. GiLMAN, Charlotte Perkins. The Housekeeper and the Food Problem, 123-130. Girls, work, 147-148, 151. Government, powers, 258, 260, 262, 267. Government Regulation of Prices, the Necessity for, in War Time. Charles R. Van Hise, 224-235. Grains: food value, 1; storage, 169; world production, 4; world supply, &-19. Grantham, A. E. Lessons in Solving Labor, Credit and Other Production Problems, 210-223. Great Britain: cooperators, 275; food consumption, 117; food import, 91; food supply, 92; foreign trade, 42; imperialism 70; products controlled by, 37-38; purchases, 37. Great Britain, the Food Problem of; The Shipping Problem of the World. Arthur Pollen, 91-94. Hamilton, Peter. What Coopera- tion Can Do and Is Doing in Lower- ing Food Costs, 268-280. Heinz, Howard. Some Facts to be Considered in Connection with the Food Problem, 119-123. Hitchcock, Nevada Davis. The Re- ' lation of the Housewife to the Food Problem, 130-140. Holland: fertilizer import, 77; free trade, 76; intervention, 75; neutral- ity, 74; rye import, 76; taxation, 75; wheat import, 76. Holland, the Case for. A. G. A. Van Eelde, 74-78. Housekeeper, the, and the Food Problem. Charlotte Perldns Gil- man, 123-130. Housewife: instruction in homo eco- nomics, 137; limitations, 133; re- sponsibiUty, 132-133; work, 203. Housewife, the Relation of the, to the Food Problem. Nevada Davis Hitchcock, 130-140. HtJBSCHER, Carl P. Introductory, (The Food Situation with the Neu- trals), 43-44. Incomes, average weekly, 254. Industrial organziation: basis, 282, services, 282. Industrial Organization, Price Control Through. J. Russell Smith, 280-287. Insurance rates, regulation, 265-266. International complications, causes, 43. law: principles, 56; rule, 92. International Rationing. Burwell S. Cutler, 34-42. Introductory. (The Food Situa- tion with the Neutrals.) Carl P. Hiibscher, 43-44. 310 Index Introductory. (Food for the Allies.) Roland S. Morris, 79-80. Iron, imports of various countries, 72. IsHii, Viscount Kikujiro. How- Japan Meets its Food Problem, 81- 84. Italy, embargo, 39. Japan: conservation of resources, 81; cooperative movement, 278; cost of living, 82; export trade, 83; food problem, 81-82; import trade, 83; national debt, 83; population, 82; revenue, 83; taxation, 83; wealth, 81. Japan Meets Its Food Problem, How. Viscount Kikujiro Ishii, 81- 84. Jordan, W. H. The Importance of Milk as a Food, 188-190. Labor: boy, 216; competition, 211; conscription, 218; distribution, 212, 217, 219; exchange, 214; farm, 215-219; international division, 66; securing, 217; shortage, 211-212; waste, 223, 285. Labor, Credit and Other Produc- tion Problems, Lessons in Solv- ing. A. E. Grantham, 210-223. Labor unions: reporting, 246; wage data, 245-249. Landis, H. R. M. Dietary Habits and their Improvement, 103-108. Livestock: decrease, 166, 184; in- spection, 260; prices, 169; pro- ducers, 186; production plans, 169- 171; shortage, 182. London, committees, 34-35. McCoLLUM, E. V. Some Essentials to a Safe Diet, 95-102. Malnutrition, types, 98. Manufacture, regulation, 258. Market news services, extension, 172. organizations, rural, 287. service, city, 175-176. Marketing: direct, 176; licensing, 179-180; methods, 121, 154; plans, 178-181. Marketing, the Point of Origin Plan for. A. B. Ross, 206-210. Marketing Plans, Production and, for Next Year. Charles J. Brand, 164-181. Markets: curb, 138; information, 286; inspection service, 177; supply, 286. Maryland, labor problem, 217. Massachusetts, agricultural credit, 220- 221. Meats: excess profits, 231-232; ex- port, 28; food value, 1, 25; import, 28; per capita consumption, 26; prices, 87, 284, 285; production, 28; shortage, 119; supply, 55. Metals,' excess profits, 232. Milk; consumption, 95; cost of dis- tribution, 189; cost of production, 189; food energy, 189; food value, 32, 188, 189; importance, 96; price, 95, 101-102, 120, 189; production, 170. Milk, the Importance of, as a Food. W. H. Jordan, 188-190. Monod, Francois. Food for France and its Public Control, 84-91. Monopoly: prevention, 263; results, 268. Morris, Roland S. Introductory, (Food for the Allies), 79-80. Nansen, Fridtjof. The Food Sit- uation of Norway, 44-53. Nation's Dietary Needs, a Guide TO THE. Helen W. Atwater, 108- 118. Neutrals: barley export, 16; barley import, 16; barley production, 16; potato export, 21 ; potato import, 21 ; potato production, 21; rye export, 13; rye import, 13; rye production, 13; wheat export, 9; wheat import, 9; wheat production, 9. New Jersey, labor problem, 215, Index 311 New York: Food and Drugs Bureau, 140; food consumption, 141; State Food Supply Commission, 222. New York City, Food Conserva- tion IN. Lucius P. Brown, 140- 146. NoRDVALL, Axel Robert. Sweden's Food Supply, 57-65. Norway: agriculture, 45; emigration, 44; exports, 52; fat consumption, 48-^9; fat imports, 50; fat pro- duction, 49; fish exports, 45, 51; fisheries, 45; grain export, 48; grain import, 46-47; grain pro- duction, 46-47; imports, 51-52; industrial exports, 51 ; lumber trade, 45; manufacturing, 45; population, 44, 49; protein production, 50; shipping, 45, 51-52. Norway, the Food Situation of. P'ridtjof Nansen, 44-53. Nutrition, problems, 101. Ohio: labor needs, 213; sheep, 192. Pack, Charles Lathrop. Urban and Suburban Food Production, 203-206. Packing plants, standardization, 285. Paraguay, grazing ground, 54-55. Payrolls, study, 245, 249-252. Peace, obstacle, 71. Peru, exports, 54. Petroleum, excess profits, 232. Philadelphia: chain stores, 243; food prices, 238; retail prices, 244; union workere, 248; wage-earners, 250; wages, 238; Wool and Textile Association, 195. PiNCHOT, GiFFORD. An Agricultural Policy for the United States in War Time, 181-187. Pollen, Arthur. The Food Prob- lem of Great Britain; the Shipping Problem of the World, 91-94. Potato Industry, The War and Our. Lou D. Sweet, 197-202. Potatoes: crop, 197-198; dehydration, 200; distributors, 199; export, 18- 19; food value, 19, 60; grading, 202; import, 18-19; imports of various countries, 72; prices, 240- 242; production, 20-21; shippers, 200; storing, 199; utilizing, 157; world production, 4. Price Control. Joseph E. Davies, 288-293. Price Control Through Industrial Organization. J. RusseU Smith, 280-287. Prices: advancing, 224; causes of high, 268; causes of rising, 228-229; control, 234, 281, 290; effect, 290; exorbitant, 271; fixing, 289, 291; fluctuation, 252; increase, 288; meat, 239; reasonable level, 276; regulation, 262-263, 281; retail, 226, 244; wholesale, 225, 274. Prices, Constitutionality of Fed- eral Regulation of, on Food and Fuels. Clifford Thome, 25&-268. Prices, The Necessity for Govern- ment Regulation op, in War Time. Charles R. Van Hise, 224-235. Producers, cooperative methods, 187. Production: cost, 290; curtailment, 291; encouragement, 120; increased, 156, 177, 230, 288; methods, 154; plans, 167-168; problems, 211; purchase, 291. Production and Marketing Plans FOR Next Year. Charles J. Brand, 164r-181. Production Problems, Lessons in Solving Labor, Credit and Other. A. E. Grantham, 210-223. Profits: control, 121; excess, 231-234. PubUc, prices, 293. Purchasers, cooperation, 230. Purchases: poohng, 272, 273. Rappard, William E. Switzerland and the American Food Supply, 66-74. . 312 Index Rationing, International. Burwell S. Cutler, 34-42. Reitell, Charles and Raymo.vd T. Bye. Food Prices vs. Wage In- creases, 235-256. Rice: export, 18, 54; import, 18; production, 17-18. Rochdale Pioneers: experiences, 271; rules, 272. RooRBACH, G. B. The World's Food Supply, 1-33. Ross, A. B. The Point of Origin Plan for Marketing, 206-210. Roumania, wheat production, 7. Russia, wheat production, 7. Rye: exportation, 13-14; food value, 11; importation, 13-14; production, 13-14. Salaried men, incomes, 252. Seed, dietary deficiencies, 99. Sheep: breeding, 196; decrease in number, 194; industry, 193; losses, 185; protection against dogs, 195; value, 196. Sheep Industry of the United States, The. A. C. Bigelow, 191- 197. Shipment, facihties, 284. Shipping: demand, 93; difficulties, 146; ministry, 34; problem, 92. Shipping Problem of the World, The; The Food Problem of Great Britain. Arthur Pollen, 91-94. Ships, need, 93. Smith, .1. Russell. Price Control through Industrial Organization, 280-287. Sociahsts, theory, 273. South America, imports, 55. South America's Available Food Supply. Scnor Don Ignacio Cald- eron, 53-56. Standardization: purposes, 208 ; value, 177-178. Standardizing plant: equipment, 209; location. 209. Strikes, success, 249. Submarine warfare, brutahty, 93. Sugar: distribution, 292; export, 23- 24; import, 23-24; production, 22-24. Supply and demand, law, 229-230. Sweden: agriculture, 57; beet sugar production, 61; bread ration, 59; butter export, 64; cattle export, 63; cultivated area, 46; exports to Germany, 62; fodder production, 61; food exports in war time, 62-65; grain shortage, 60; manufacturing, 57; rye production, 58; sugar ra- tions, 61; wheat importation, 58; wheat production, 58. Sweden's Food Supply. Axel Rob- ert Nordvali, 57-65. Sweet, Lou D. The War and Our Potato Industry, 197-202. Switzerland: cooperative movement, 278; cultivated area, 46; depend- ence, 67; economic dependence, 72; economic situation, 66; grain export, 73; imports, 74; internal peace, 69; neutrahty, 69; political situation, 68-70; potato import, 70; priiiciples, 68; sympathies, 70; wheat import, 66. Switzerland and the American Food Supply. William E. Rap- pard, 66-74. Taxation, validity, 259. Texas, sheep, 192. Thorne, Clifford. Constitutionality of Federal Regulation of Prices on Food and Fuels, 256-268. Tin: conservation, 158; shortage, 163. Trade, restraint, 259. Transportation: excess profits, 233; situation, 206-207. Trolley freight, development, 140. Union workers: conditions prevailing among, 248-249; wages, 248. Index 313 United States: average diet, 165; conservation plan, 36; cooperative movement, 279; com crop, 11, 185; decrease in sheep, 191; development of sheep industry, 191; diet, 116; economic independence, 39; eco- nomic problems, 197; efficiency, 182; exportation of raw materials, 39; exports, 40; food army, 152; food consmnption, 111; food gardens, 203; food importations, 3; food packed, 163; importation of raw materials, 39-40; meat export, 166; meat importation, 27; milk con- sumption, 111; population, 82; production plans, 167-171; prospec- tive wheat crop, 168; rationing plan, 36; resources, 81; rice production, 19; wheat production, 183; wool clip, 193. United States, An Agricultural Policy for 'I'HE, in War Time . Gif- ford Pinchot, 181-187. United States, The Sheep Industry OF the. a. C. Bigelow, 191-197. Uruguay, meat supply, 54. Van Eelde, A. G. A. The Case for HoUand, 74-78. Van Hise, Charles R. The Neces- sity for Government Regulation of Prices in War Time, 224-235. Vegetables: canning, 204; dehydra- tion, 146; importance of green, 96; increased use, 117; production, 284. Venezuela, exports, 54. Vermont, sheep, 192. Wage-earners, weekly incomes, 250-251. Wage Increases, Food Prices vs. Raymond T. Bye and Charles Reitell, 235-256. Wage studies: number made, 249; pmpose, 245. Wages: advance, 227; average weekly, 254; changes, 246-247; increases, 250; irregularity, 252-254; real, 255; trend, 245-256. War: cause, 268; marketing crops, 171-172. War, The, and Our Potato In- dustry. Lou D. Sweet, 197-202. War Time, An Agricultural Policy FOR the United States in. Gif- ford Pinchot, 181-187. War Time, The Necessity for Government Reguxation of Prices in. Charles R. Van Hise, 224-235. War trade department, work, 34. intelligence department,d uty, 34. -statistical department, work, 34. Waste: avoidance, 122; elimination, 270; household, 117. Wheat: exportation in various coun- tries, 8-9; importation in various countries, 8-9, 73; prices, 87; pro- duction in various countries, 6-9; shortage, 120, 166-167. Wood: exportation, 233; increased prices, 233: production, 233. Wool: marketing facilities, 196; short- age, 170. World: barley export, 16; barley import, 16; barley production, 16; economic alliance, 40; food, 4-6; potato export, 21; potato import, 21; potato production, 21; rye export, 13; rye import, 13; rye production, 13; wheat export, 9; wheat import, 9; wheat produc- tion, 9. World's Food Supply, The. G. B. Roorbach, 1-33. SOME COMMENTS REGARDING THE SEPTEMBER, 1917, ISSUE OF THE ANNALS ON Justice Through Simplified Legal Procedure "This is a most valuable contribution to the discussion and elucidation of the subject of Simplifying Judicial Procedure: — a subject which today is commanding, as it should command, the attention of all thinking men of the profession. After a careful perusal of all of the articles, we wish that every lawyer, judge and law- maker could read and consider this number. It would not only prove helpful to the individual but would be missionary work of incalculable value" VIRGINIA LAW REGISTER. "The volume is a collection of studies discussing various topics in the broad field of legal reform, but confined, for the most part, to the consideration of the organization of the courts and tlie rules governing practice before them. What- ever the opinion of the reader may be on ispecific questions of legal reform, he will find this volume both informative and inspiring. It is in every way a valu- able contribution to the ever-inrreasing body of literature upon the subject." COLUMBIA LAW REVIEW. "I have read the last two issues of THK ANNALS (July, 1917 and Septem- ber, 1917) with a great deal of interest and profit, particularly so the one just at hand (September, 1917). I think the subject matter has been treated in a mas- terly way, and its contents will do the membership a world of good. THE ANN.\LS is doing a splendid work, and its efforts will result in untold genuine benefit at large. ' A. R. SPIER, 128 Broadway, New York City. In addition to the September, 1917, issue of THE ANNALS on Justice Through Simplified Legal Proce- dure, the American Acetdemy has recently published other volumes on the following timely questions : Modern Insurance Problems (March, 1917) Stabilizing Industrial Employment (May, 1917) America's Relation to the World Conflict and to the Coming Peace (July, 1917) Forthcoming voluuies of interest to iiirmiKM-s and [o oIImm-s who may wish to buy special copies ait^ as !ollov\s: Financing the War (January, 1918) Next Steps in Railroad Regulation (March, 1918) These vohuues will he ready for distribution on the tenth of January and March respeetively. The American Academy OF Political and Social Science Philadelphia President L. S. ROWE, Ph.D., University of Pennsylvania Vice-Presidents CARL KELSEY, Ph.D. CHARLES W. DABNEY, Ph.D. University of Pennsylvania University of Cmcinnati DAVID P. BARROWS, Ph.D. University of California Secretary Counsel J P. LICHTENBERGER, Ph.D. HON. CLINTON ROGERS WOODRUFF University of Pennsylvania North American Building, Philadelphia Treasurer Librarian CHARLES J. RHOADS, Esq. Federal Reserve Bank, Philadelphia JAMES T. YOUNG, Ph.D. University of Pennsylvania General Advisory Committee RT. HON. ARTHUR J. BALFOUR, M. P. London, England PROF. C. F. BAST ABLE Dublin University PROF. P. VIDAL DE LA BLACHE University of Paris PROF. F. W. BLACKMAR University of Kansas PROF. EDWIN CANNAN, LL.D. Oxford, England DR. LUIS M. DRAGO Buenos Aires, Argentina PROF. L. DUPRIEZ University of Louvain PROF. R. T. ELY University of Wisconsin PROF. HENRY W. FARNAM Yale University PROF. CARLO F. FERRARIS Royal University, Padua, Italy PROF. W. W. FOLWELL University of Minnesota HON. LYMAN J. GAGE San Diego, Cal. PROF. CARL GRtJNBERG University of Wien SEIZOR ANTONIO HUNEEUS Santiago, Chile PROF. J. W. JENKS New York University PROF. W. LOTZ University of Miinchen PROF. BERNARD MOSES University of California DR. JAVIER PRADO y UGARTECHE University of San Marcos, Lima, Peru HON. HENRY WADE ROGERS New Haven, Conn. HON. HANNIS TAYLOR, LL.D. Washington, D. C. THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE Editor: CLYDE LYNDON KING Assistant Editor: E. M. PATTERSON Associate Editor: JOSEPH H. WULLITS Editor Book Dept.: C. H. CRENNAN Editorial Council: J. C. BALLAGH, THOMAS CONWAY, Jr., C. H. CRENNAN, ^"^S s mlEBNER, CARL KELSEY, CLYDE LYNDON KING, T P LICHTENBERGER, ROSWELLC.McCREA, SCOTT NEARING, E M. PATTERSON, T. W. VAN METRE, F. D. WATSON, JOSEPH H. WILLITS YD 22768 — ^j*5'