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 MESSAGE 
 
 OF HIS EXCELLENCY 
 
 JAMES E. ENGLISH, 
 
 GOVERNOR OF CONNECTICUT, 
 
 TO THE 
 
 LEGISLATURE OF THE STATE, 
 
 MAY SESSION, 1867. 
 
 gvitttftt hij tQxC^tx of i\\t ^icoislature. 
 
 HARTFORD: 
 CASE, LOCKWOOD AND COMPANY, PRINTERS 
 
 1867.
 
 MESSAGE 
 
 OF HIS EXCELLENCY 
 
 JAMES E. ENGLISH,^ 
 
 GOYERIOE OF COMECTICUT, 
 
 TO THE 
 
 LEGISLATURE OF THE STATE, 
 
 MAT SESSION, 1867. 
 
 ^vintcxT by (!)v(Uv of i\\t i^^oi.olatuvc. 
 
 HARTFORD: 
 CASE, LOCKWOOD AND COMPANY, PRINTERS. 
 
 1867.
 
 MESSAGE. 
 
 Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and 
 
 THE House of Hepresentatives : 
 
 In entering upon the duties to which I have been called at 
 this interesting period of our history, I am impressed with 
 the consciousness of my inability to meet the expectations of 
 those who have so generously honored me with the trust ; 
 and I should be destitute of feeling were I not deeply affected 
 by the confidence reposed in me by my fellow-citizens. 
 
 national affairs. 
 
 The situation of public affairs is in every aspect important. 
 Two years have elapsed since our country emerged from a 
 civil war such as the world had never witnessed ; a war 
 had been waged to maintain the supremacy of the federal 
 Constitution and the integrity of the National Union. Over 
 the calamities of that unhappy conflict which desolated so 
 large a portion of our country and carried sorrow into so 
 many households, we long shall mourn ; but as citizens of a 
 common country we should strive to extinguish the vindictive* 
 resentments it engendered. 
 
 The right of a State voluntarially to withdraw from the 
 Union hasjbeen abandoned by those who attempted to carry 
 it into effect. Four years of sanguinary warfare brought this 
 result to the country ; and yet the great object of that war 
 has thus far been defeated. The Union is not restored.
 
 Ten States are, by the action of Congress, denied all partici- 
 pation in the National Government, the laws of which they 
 are required to obey. Measures such as these tend to empire, 
 not to union. If persisted in they must inevitably destroy 
 the federative character of our government, and transform 
 the Eepublic into a despotism. The course of legislation 
 pursued by Congress towards the ten States of the South, is, 
 in my judgment, wholly unwarranted by our fundamental 
 law, and as fatal to the Union and the Constitution as the 
 principle of secession which has been suppressed. 
 
 From the adoption of the Constitution there have been con- 
 fhcting opinions and principles in regard to the powers which 
 have been delegated to the Federal Government and those 
 which have been reserved to the States. In the opinion of 
 one portion of our countrymen the concentration and exer- 
 cise of more power than was granted, is essential to give 
 strength and efficacy to the central Government. Another 
 portion insist that the authority conferred was ample — that 
 indeed its tendency is constantly aggressive and increasing, 
 encroaching upon the reserved rights of the States and upon 
 the rights of the people, and that if not carefully held in 
 check, all the important powers of the government will be 
 ultimately absorbed in one great central empire. And 
 around these conflicting opinions political organizations grew 
 up at an early day in our history. 
 
 Until a recent period, the good sense, virtue and patriotism 
 of our people so modified and tempered the excess of party 
 spirit, that the public tranquillity has been preserved and the 
 government and laws universally respected. But the passions 
 of men at last gained sway. The restraints of the Constitu- 
 tion chafed upon those who were striving only for political 
 power. One extreme begat another, until a large portion of 
 the people of the slave-holding States madly took up arms to 
 maintain the asserted right of secession. Few will question 
 the sincerity of most of those who voluntarily took part in 
 this armed resistance. The sufferings, hardships and sacri- 
 fices they endured, too clearly attest it.
 
 Overpowered by the armies of the Republic, they surrendered, 
 acknowledged their allegiance to the Government which they 
 had opposed, and accepted the legal consequences of their 
 acts. Their immense armies quietly dispersed to their homes 
 under the terms of the surrender, and resumed their peaceful 
 avocations. 
 
 To bring order out of chaos — to restore to their legitimate 
 functions the State anthorities, and to re-establish their broken 
 relations with the Federal Government, became at once a 
 work of necessity. As Commander-in-Chief of the armies, 
 President Lincoln addressed himself to that work. Under 
 his plan, matured by President Johnson, the States were re- 
 organized. In obedience to its requirments, their Constitu- 
 tions and laws were changed, and by the act of the people of 
 each of those States, slavery was forever abolished. By this 
 process the re-establishment of the Union was essentially con- 
 summated. Little more was thenceforward required for the 
 country to move onward in a harmonious and prosperous 
 career, than the admission of Senators and Representatives 
 from those States to seats in Congress. 
 
 Unfortunately the tendency to centralization had received 
 new impetus during the war, consequent on the exercise of 
 extraordinary powers by the Government, and this developed 
 a new and extreme partizan spirit. It demanded the exclu- 
 sion of the late insurrectionary States from any constitutional 
 rights within the Union. Assuming that tlie war in its prac- 
 tical results was a failure, that the Union is really divided, 
 tliat the inhabitants of the ten States which combined urder 
 the so-called confederacy, are alien enemies, and with the 
 exception of the blacks, are to be treated as a conquered and 
 subjugated people. Congress has arbitrarily excluded the 
 Senators and Representatives of these States from the halls of 
 legislation, and refused .even to examine their credentials. 
 By this means, Congress has taken possession of the Govern- 
 ment, and under the dictation of a committee, whose sessions 
 have been held in secret, has set aside some of the most im- 
 important and salutary provisions of the Constitution, and 
 even menanccd with its power the independent action of the 
 judiciary.
 
 The legislation of the Thirty-Ninth Congress was, to a 
 large extent, a series of usurpations and infractions of the 
 Constitution, commencing with propositions to enforce 
 amendments of that instrument', in thejnception of which 
 nearly one-third of the States and fully one-third of the 
 people, had no voice, and eventuating in placing that people 
 in a time of profound peace, under military domination. 
 
 The bill to establish military governments over the ten 
 Southern States, and which assumes to annul the State and 
 municipal governments and the legal tribunals of that portion 
 of our country, has justly alarmed the apprehensions of con- 
 siderate and reflecting citizens. It is in effect establishing 
 martial law over those States. But whence does Congress 
 derive the power to subject any portion of the citizens of the 
 United States to martial law ? Martial law is not military 
 law. It embraces tlie citizen as well as the soldier. It is 
 the substitution of the will of the commanding officer in an 
 enemy's country in time of war for the muncipal law which 
 previously prevailed. It is a creature of necessity, and 
 exists only Avhere no muncipal law is in force, or where the 
 success of military operations renders its suspension for the 
 time being necessary. The deliberate enactment of martial 
 law by a legislature is a solecism. For a legislature has 
 time and opportunity to enact muncipal laws to be admin- 
 istered by civil tribunals in conformity to the Constitution or 
 organic law. Congress has no power not granted to it by the 
 Constitution, and martial law is something wholly witliout 
 the Constitution, existing only by the absence of law. It has 
 no more power under the Constitution to establish military 
 governments in the Southern States than to institute an 
 order of nobility in New England. 
 
 Within tlie last month it has been authoritatively declared 
 by the Lord Chief Justice of England, in a notable case, that 
 tlie power to establish martial law has never belonged to the 
 British Crown, under any circumstances, and whether in the 
 colonies or at home ; and that " it never should be forgotten 
 that whatever might be the charge of which a man might be
 
 accused, though he might be a rebel and the worst traitor 
 that was ever brought to the block, yet, until he was con- 
 victed and until his life was taken, he was still a British sub- 
 ject, entitled when tried to those safeguards which were of 
 the essence of justice." 
 
 It is strange indeed that this power, so extraordinary that 
 no British Sovereign ever dared to claim it as a prerogative 
 of his crown, can be supposed to reside in the constitution of 
 a republic, establislied by a people who revolted against Great 
 Britain that they might better secure their liberties by the 
 safeguards of a written constitution with limited and well 
 defined powers. 
 
 But the evil consequences of this legislation do not stop 
 with the establishment of martial law. Congress has assumed 
 that power only for the purpose of more thoroughly accom- 
 plishing the subversion of State authority. By the military 
 arm it has not only stricken down all local civil government 
 in ihose States, but, by its aid, it determines who shall, and 
 who shall not, participate in forming the governments that 
 may be allowed to them for the regulation of their local con- 
 cerns. It assumes the power to disfranchise the white inhabi- 
 tants of those States and to enfranchise the black — thus con- 
 demning without conviction or trial a large portion of their 
 intelligent population, and placing the political power in the 
 hands of those who have never participated in the affairs of 
 government, and a large majority of whom cannot read the 
 ballots they are authorized to cast. This is not reconstruc- 
 tion. It is not a measure of peace, 'but a measure of war. 
 Local self-government is the very corner-stone of our Kepub- 
 lican fabric. All stable governments recognize its power as a 
 mere principle of governmental policy. For a Republic to 
 discard it, is suicidal. 
 
 It must be borne in mind that when these extraordinary 
 powers were assumed by Congress, our armies had been with- 
 drawn and disbanded. Peace had been proclaimed. Con- 
 gress itself had acknowledged the suppression of the rebellion 
 by a public act. All departments of government, State and 
 National, were peacefully and without obstruction exercising
 
 their functions in those States. The people were adapting 
 themselves with unanimity and good feeling, and with remark- 
 able order, to the changed social condition which followed the 
 abolition of slavery and the disbandment of their armies. 
 
 If Congress can thus legislate for those States it is not dif- 
 ficult to foresee, in the not distant future, like interference in 
 other States. If these powers, thus exercised, have been 
 rightfully exercised, then the Constitution of Connecticut 
 and the ancient right of the people, so often asserted when 
 a colony of Great Britain, to " regulate their internal affairs 
 in their own way," are henceforth subject to the will or ca- 
 price of a Congressional majority. 
 
 The Constitution requires that the President shall take 
 care that the laws be faithfully executed ; but Congress has 
 seen fit to change the prescribed time of its meeting, so as to 
 secure a continuous session for the purpose of enforcing laws 
 by its own decrees, and to hold the constitutional authority 
 of the Executive subject to its will. For this change, un- 
 called for and unexpected, the country was unpreijared. In 
 consequence of this, Connecticut was unrepresented in the 
 popular branch during the late session, convened at an extra- 
 ordinary time, during which laws of momentous interest 
 were hurriedly passed in the absence of the Representatives of 
 seventeen of the thirty-seven States of the Union. So broken 
 and depleted was this fragmentary Congress that it did not 
 venture to appoint the regular standing committees, though 
 adopting without hesitation, laws of vital consequence to a 
 large section of our common country, and in conflict with 
 the settled policy of our Republican system. 
 
 In this connection I may with propriety allude to the course 
 of the Senate in arrogating the power to select, as well as to 
 confirm, and in dictating to the President in regard to his ap- 
 pointments. While the President is responsible for the faith- 
 ful execution of the laws, the Senate, which is irresponsible, 
 by an abuse of power, refuses to allow him to select agents in 
 whom he has confidence, but insists that he shall only appoint 
 those who are opposed to him, his measures, and the policy 
 which he believes to be for the interest of the country. Es-
 
 timable laeii of admitted ability and integrity, many of them 
 having served with fidelity through the war, have been, thus 
 rejected for no other reason than that they had received the 
 confidence of the President. 
 
 It was in pursuance of this purpose to absorb within its 
 grasp the functions which legitimately appertain to the other 
 branches of the Government, that it was proposed to take the 
 pardoning power from the Executive where the Constitution 
 has placed it, and,*by an expost facto proceeding, confer it in 
 certain contingencies upon Congress. "When the insurgent 
 armies surrendered, their soldiers became amenable to the 
 then existing laws. It certainly could not have been sup- 
 posed that they were to be prosecuted under new and 
 different laws which were thereafter to be enacted. Yet it is 
 a lamentable fact that Congress during the past two years has 
 employed no inconsiderable portion of its time in devising 
 new laws for the punishment of past offences — a proceeding 
 bad in policy and repugnant to the great principles on which 
 free governments are founded, and to the common sentiment 
 of an enlightened age. 
 
 I have thus particularly brought to your attention these 
 acts of the Federal Congress, because, in my judgment, their 
 tendency is to revolutionize the character of our government ; 
 and, therefore, they vitally concern the people of Connecticut. 
 That the inhabitants of the proscribed States will peacefully 
 submit to the rule that has been provided for them, no one 
 can doubt. Their helplessness to do otherwise, if nothing- 
 else, assures this. That a Union of co-equal States under 
 the Constitution may result from their submission, is my 
 most fervent hope. But questions of serious import to us 
 will still remain. Will the precedent thus set by Congress 
 be forgotten ? Will the Constitution which is impotent to 
 restrain the fury of a majority to-day, become the sacred 
 sliield it once was for the minority to-morrow ? Will the 
 sword that is so easily drawn to establish a Constitution now, 
 be allowed to rest in its sheath if needed to overthrow a Con- 
 stitution hereafter ? It has been the honest boast and just 
 glory of the soldier that he has saved to our people their old
 
 10 
 
 flag without a star displaced or a stripe broken — but useless 
 has been the sacrifice, if the people no longer retain their faith 
 in constitutional government. If the charter of our liberties 
 has been lost, nothing has been won. 
 
 More than ever at the present time should any infraction 
 of the Constitution be regarded as a public calamity. By 
 the vast increase of our public indebtedness every question 
 which concerns the government credit comes home to every 
 person in the land. By that credit all vallies are measured. 
 It lies at the foundation of all our wealth, our industry — of 
 society itself. No calamities of the past can exceed those 
 which will befall us if the public credit should give way. 
 But how is it to be preserved if the supreme law of the land 
 is itself repudiated ? In what market of the * world is 
 that government trusted which is swayed by revolutionary 
 factions, intent only upon the gratification of ambition or the 
 indulgence of partisan resentment ? Had the efforts of Con- 
 gress been properly directed, the industry and trade of the 
 whole country would long since have felt the grateful influ- 
 ence, and the public credit been strengthened. 
 
 It has long been the pride of the people of Connecticut that 
 within their borders the first experiment was made to govern 
 man by a written Constitution. It is not strange that they 
 have been quick to observe those signs which betoken danger 
 to their chosen Government. They are a law-abiding and 
 freedom-loving people ; but, so long as their own history is 
 remembered, they cannot forget that force, oppression, mili- 
 tary authority, are not the proper instruments to bind a Na. 
 tion together — that no Government can endure that has not 
 its foundations laid in tlie affections of the people. 
 
 Trusting in the intelligence of the American people, let us 
 indulge the hope that, from our experience of danger, we may 
 learn to secure our future safety, — and that when calmer 
 times succeed, the true principles of our republican system 
 may he re-established by means of a legally constituted Con- 
 vention, and that the foundations of the Union shall be re-laid 
 upon the enduring principles of civil liberty and the equal 
 rights of the States, with the limited powers of the_ Federal
 
 11 
 
 Government and the indissolubility of the Union so clearly 
 defined that our continuance as a people — one and indivisi- 
 ble — may be perpetual. 
 
 The paramount importance which the events of the past 
 few years has given to subjects affecting the federal relations 
 of our State, is my justification for dwelling thus at length 
 upon them at the present time. To those matters which are 
 especially committed to our local legislation, I now beg leave 
 to call your attention. 
 
 FINANCIAL CONDITION. 
 
 From the detailed reports of the Treasurer and Comptroller, 
 which wilt be laid before you, it will be seen that the financial 
 condition of the State, at the close of the fiscal year endinu- 
 March 31st, 1867, is quite satisfactory. At the commence- 
 ment of the year the funded debt of the State amounted to ten 
 millions four hundred thousand dollars, ($10,400,000,) with 
 a Sinking Fund of one million two hundred and eleven thou- 
 sand seven hundred and sixty-seven dollars and thirty-five 
 cents, (§1,211,767.35.) The debt of four hundred thousand 
 dollars, which was due a year ago from the State to tlie Sink- 
 ing F'lnd, has been provided for by the purchase of State 
 bonds to that amount, which have been placed to the credit of 
 the Fund. A further purchase of State bonds has been made 
 to the amount of one hundred and seventy-one thousand six 
 hundred dollars, which are now in the hands of the Treasurer, 
 and, as they are no longer needed for the purposes contem- 
 plated by the law authorizing their issue, I would recommend 
 that the Treasurer and Comptroller be directed to cancel and 
 destroy the same. 
 
 The Sinking Fund has been increased during tlie last year 
 seventy-four thousand dollars, which amount has been invest- 
 ed in State bonds, making the whole amount of the Fund, at 
 the close of the fiscal year, one million two hundred and 
 eighty-four thousand three hundred and seven dollars and 
 thirty-five cents, ($1,284,307.35.) The funded debt has been 
 reduced the past year five hundred and seventy-one thousand
 
 12 
 
 six luinclrccl dollars, leaving the total amount, at the present 
 time, nine millions eight hundred and twenty-eight thousand 
 four hundred dollars, ($9,828,400.) If against this we place 
 the amount of the Sinking Fund, and the market value of the 
 Bank stock owned hy the State, ($383,500,) together with 
 the cash on hand at the close of the fiscal year, (amounting 
 to $499,115.09.) it will leave the total liabilities of the State, 
 over and above its assets, seven millions six hundred and 
 sixty-one thousand four hundred and seventy-seven dollars 
 and fifty-six cents, ($7,661,477.56.) 
 
 The State tax of three and a half mills on the dollar, real- 
 ized the last year a revenue of one million fifteen thousand 
 forty-five dollars and ninety-eight cents, ($1,015,045,98.) 
 while the receipts from other sources amounted to*eight hun- 
 dred and ninety-four thousand twenty-nine dollars and fifteen 
 cents, ($894,029.15.) Of the total amount of expenditures, 
 reaching one million eight hundred and six thousand nine hun- 
 dred and ninety-three dollars and eight cents, ($1,806,993.08,) 
 six hundred and three thousand sixty-nine dollars and fifty 
 cents, ($603,069.50,) was paid in interest on State bonds, and 
 six hundred and forty-five thousand six hundred dollars? 
 ($645,600,) in the purchase of State bonds. 
 
 The balance in the treasury on the first day of April, 1867, 
 to the credit of the civil list, was four lumdred thousand four 
 hundred and eighty-three dollars and ten cents, ($400,483.10,) 
 against two hundred and ninety-four thousand four hundred 
 and one dollars and five certs, ($294,401.05,) in 1866; while 
 the balance on the general list, standing to the credit of all 
 accounts, was four hundred and ninety-nine thousand one 
 hundred and fifteen dollars and nine cents, ($499,115.09,) 
 against three hundred and fifty-three thousand six hundred 
 and forty-four dollars, and thirty-nine cents, ($353,644.39,) 
 at the close of the previous fiscal year. 
 
 Tliere has been a marked increase in the taxable property 
 of the State during the past year, the grand list of 1866 ex- 
 ceeding that of the previous year by thirteen millions nine 
 hundred and twenty-six thousand six hundred and sixty-four 
 dollars, ($13,926,664.) The grand list of 1865 was, in round
 
 13 
 
 numbers, two hundred and seventy-six millions of dollars, 
 and, with this increased valuation, amounted in 1866 to some- 
 thing over two hundred and ninety millions, including the 
 taxable polls. 
 
 In view of the large amount of our public debt, I am con- 
 strained to urge upon your consideration the importance of 
 observing the most rigid economy in each and every branch 
 of the public expenditure, that the credit of the State may 
 be preserved, the burdens of taxation lightened, the interest 
 of the laboring classes subserved, and the time hastened when 
 Connecticut shall once more be placed in the proud position, 
 which it l>as so long been her historic boast to occupy, of a 
 State free^rom debt. 
 
 THE SCHOOL FUND. 
 
 The amount of the capital of the School Fund, according 
 to the last biennial examination, made in September, 1866, 
 was two millions forty- three thousand eight hundred and 
 thirty-five dollars and forty-seven cents (12,043,835.47). 
 A considerable portion of the fund heretofore loaned in the 
 States of Ohio, New York and Massachusetts, has been col- 
 locted and reloaned in this State, under the discretionary 
 power given the Commissioner by the last General Assembly, 
 to call in such foreign loans for reinvestment at home. The 
 whole amount of the principal received into the treasury 
 during the year and reloaned in this State, was one hundred 
 and twenty-four thousand twenty-one dollars and forty-two 
 cents (8124,021.42). The amount paid, on the orders of the 
 Comptroller, for the benefit of the several school districts in 
 the State, and for salaries and expenses during the year, was 
 one hundred and thirty-five thousand three iiundred and 
 seventy-five dollars and sixty three cents (8135,375.63), with 
 a surplus remaining of fifteen thousand seven hundred and 
 fifteen dollars, subject to future orders. 
 
 The whole number of children entitled to the benefit of 
 the fund by the last returns, was one hundred and twenty 
 thousand eight hundred and twenty-four, and a per capita 
 dividend was declared of one dollar and ten cents for each
 
 14 
 
 scholar enunij^rated. For the expenses of managhig the 
 School Fund, and its present condition as compared with pre- 
 vious biennial statements, together with the disposition made 
 of the Agricultural College fund, I would refer you to the 
 report of the Commissioner, which will be submitted for j-our 
 inspection. The School Fund is a sacred trust, around which 
 every conceiveble safeguard should be tlifown, and it should 
 be so managed as to admit of no possible dimunition of the 
 principal, whatever may be the annual income derived there- 
 from. 
 
 WAE CLAIMS. 
 
 Upon the war claims of the State which were outstanding 
 a year ago, amounting to seventy-five thousand eight hundred 
 and five dollars and ninety-five cents ($75,805.95) there has 
 been paid by the General Government $6,750.20, and a fur- 
 ther sum of about twenty thousand dollars will, in the opinion 
 of my predecessor, be allowed and paid. The remainder has 
 been rejected under rules which are supposed to apply to all 
 the States alike. It is not impossible that some of the rules 
 under which these and other claims have been rejected may 
 be changed or relaxed, in which case a further sum may be 
 obtained at some future day. 
 
 BANKS. 
 
 There are eight Banks only remaining in the State, exclu- 
 sive of those organized under the National Banking Act, 
 whose aggregate capital on the 1st of April last was $1,970,- 
 500, with a circulation amounting to only $111,747. The 
 whole number of National Banks is eighty-two, with an ag- 
 gregate capital of $24,496,600, making the total amount of 
 banking capital in the State, $26,467,100. 
 
 The condition of the Savings Banks in the State, fifty-three 
 in number, shows favorably with the report of last year, the 
 gain in deposits amounting to $3,861,876.55. The whole 
 amount of deposits in these Banks on the 1st day of January, 
 1867, was $31,180,390.14, while the market value of their 
 assets amounted to $33,150,865.34.
 
 15 
 
 RATE OP INTEREST. 
 
 The Legislatures of Massachusetts and Rhode Island hav- 
 ing recently changed the laws of their States relating to in- 
 terest, so as to admit of a higher rate than six per cent., 
 ■where the amount is specified by contract, and the legal rate 
 of interest in New York being seven per cent., it is a question 
 proper for your consideration whether our laws should not be 
 so modified as to conform to our monetary surroundings, and 
 thereby prevent the diversion of capital from the State. 
 
 RAILROADS. 
 
 The condition and management of the railroads in the 
 State, appear to be generally satisfactory. The number of . 
 passengers carried on the several roads during the year is 
 considerably in excess of that given in the report of the Com- 
 missioners for the year previous, while there has been a cor- 
 responding increase in the net earnings of the roads. The 
 number of casualties is especially small as compared with the 
 number of passengers carried, and most if not all the roads, 
 liave been managed with a much greater regard to the secur- 
 ity of life and the general comfort of passengers than form- 
 erly. The commissioners will recommend in their report 
 some slight modifications in the laws relating to these impor- 
 tant thoroughfares of the State, which will undoubtedly re- 
 ceive your proper consideration. 
 
 HUMANE INSTITUTIONS. 
 
 Our Institutions for the relief of the suffering and unfortu- 
 nate, continue to hold a warm place in the affections of our 
 people. They are ably conducted, and have pursued their 
 beneficent work during the past year with gratifying results. 
 The oldest of these, the American Asylum, for the education 
 of the Deaf and Dumb, at Hartford, has just completed its 
 fiftieth year. Seventeen hundred of these " Children of Si- 
 lence" have received the benefit of its instructions, of which 
 number two hundred and thirty were from Connecticut, and 
 one hundred and ninety-five were aided by the State. It has
 
 16 
 
 at present two hundred and twenty-four pupils, forty-four of 
 whom are from this State. 
 
 The whole number of patients in the Retreat for the In- 
 sane, who have received during the year aid from the State, 
 is two hundred and thirty-nine. Of these, one hundred and 
 two have been discharged, leaving the number on the 1st day 
 of April, 1867, one hundred and thirty-seven. A report, show- 
 ing the condition of this Institution, and furnishing valuable 
 facts for your information, will be laid before you. 
 
 GENERAL HOSPITAL FOR THE INSANE. 
 
 Acting on the report of the Commission created in 1865, 
 the last General Assembly provided for the establishment of 
 a General Hospital for the Insane of the State, and appointed 
 a Board of Trustees with authority to select a suitable loca- 
 tion for such an institution. This duty the Trustees have 
 discharged, and Middletown has been fixed upon as the place 
 of location. An appropriation of thirty-five thousand dollars 
 was made to carry into execution the provisions of the act, 
 and workmen are now engaged in the erection of a suitable 
 edifice for the accommodation of two hundred patients. An 
 additional appropriation will be asked for the efficient prose- 
 cution of the work, and, in view of the pressing demand for 
 such an institution, I would recommend that the needed ap- 
 propriation be made. 
 
 REFORM SCHOOL. 
 
 From personal observation I am satisfied that the State Re- 
 form School is an economical and well managed institution. 
 The report of the Trustees shows it to be in a flourisliing con- 
 dition, and free from debt. The present number of inmates 
 is two hundred and sixty-four, which is fully equal to its 
 capacity of accommodation. The fact that there has not been 
 a death among the pupils during the past year, shows that 
 the sanitary management of the school is in the highest de- 
 gree efficient. This institution is accomplishing an impor- 
 tant work, and should receive all needed encouragement and 
 aid from the State. A small appropriation will be required
 
 17 
 
 for repairs and improvements in the buildings, and I would 
 recommend that the same be granted. 
 
 The last General Assembly appointed three Commissioners 
 to inquire into the expediency of establishing an Industrial 
 Institution for young vagrant and vicious girls, similar iu 
 character to the Meriden school for boys. This Commission 
 will report in favor of establishing such an institution, and I 
 have no doubt the subject will receive from you the consider- 
 ation due to its very great importance. 
 
 Reports will be laid before you showing the present condition 
 of the Connecticut School for Imbeciles, the Soldiers' Orphan 
 Home, Fitch's Home for Soldiers, and the State Hospitals at 
 Hartford and New Haven. All of these institutions appear 
 to be well managed, and no doubt merit a continuation of the 
 support they have received from the State. 
 
 STATE PRISON. 
 
 In the discipline and management of the State Prison, 
 there continues to be a high degree of efficiency. The whole 
 number of convicts in confinement on the 31st of March, 
 1867, was two hundred and seven. The financial condition 
 of the Prison is most satisfactory. The gross amount of the 
 earnings of the prisoners for the past year has been $23,324.- 
 69, and the total expenses $22,245.84, showing a net gain of 
 $1,078.85, after expending some five luuidrcd dollars in re- 
 pairs and improvements about tlie Prison. 
 
 VITAL STATISTICS. 
 
 From the carefully arranged report of the State Librarian, 
 it will be seen that there has been a large increase of births 
 in the State over the registration of the previous year ; and 
 what especially indicates a healthy growth in our population, 
 the number of births is greatly in excess of the deaths. The 
 number of marriages is also remarkable, being considerably 
 greater than ever reported in one year before. The year 
 1866 appears to have been one of remarkable general health 
 throughout the State. The information embodied in these 
 reports of the Librarian is highly valuable, and will be eagerly 
 
 9
 
 18 
 
 sought after by those interested in the vital statistics of the 
 State. 
 
 EDUCATION. 
 
 The subject of public education, important at all times to 
 the welfare of tlie State, is continuing to receive tlio attention 
 due to the magnitude of its interest. The Board created by 
 the law of 18U5 has taken the general supervision of tlie pub- 
 lic schools, and it is believed that tlie cause of education has 
 been favorably advanced under its management. The report 
 of the Secretary of the Board, will exhibit in detail the condi- 
 tion of these important State institutions, so long the pride 
 and boast of our people. It is hardly necessary lor me to add 
 that tliey should continue to receive the fostering care of the 
 Legislature. 
 
 MILITIA. 
 
 The present militia law of the State appears to meet the 
 general expectations of its friends. The wliolo number of 
 men organized into companies and duly armed and equipped 
 under the law, is four thousand one hundred and forty-one, 
 among whom a higldy creditable proficiency has been attained 
 in drill and soldierly deportment. As the law now stands, it 
 authorizes the formation of sixty infantry companies. The 
 ^present number is forty-one, which would seem to be fully 
 adequate to the requirements of the State. The report of the 
 Adjutant General will show the organization of the force in 
 detail, and present the facts necessary to a correct understand- 
 ing of this important branch of the public service. 
 
 MINORS IN FACTORIES. 
 
 The practice prevalent in factories of employing minors in 
 violation of law, is so universally admitted to l)e injurious to 
 their physical and mental development, that I submit to the 
 wisdom of the General Assembly whether it is not practicahlc 
 to provide by further enactment for the due enforcement of 
 the existing statute to protect children of tender years i'roni 
 such oppressive labor as deprives them of the advantages of a 
 common school education.
 
 19 
 
 ' THE JUDICIARY. 
 
 I renew the recommendation of my predecessor that provis- 
 ion be made to remedy the over-crowded condition of the 
 court dockets in tlie larger counties. In the counties of New 
 Haven and Hartford especially, the business of the courts is 
 badly in arrears. No greater benefit can be conferred upon 
 the people of the State generally, than to afford them the 
 means of a speedy and consequently less expensive ad- 
 ministration of justice ; and while I am too distrustful of my 
 own judgment on the subject to indicate at present just what 
 is necessary to remedy the evil, I shall gladly co-operate in 
 any plan of legislation which may upon inquiry be found ade- 
 quate to the purpose. 
 
 THE HOURS OF LABOR. 
 
 Upon the prodnets of labor depend the material prosperity 
 and happiness of the people ; and any legislation tending to 
 ameliorate the burdens of labor can but promote the general 
 welfare of the commonwealth. The policy of the State to 
 provide by statute a standard for a legal day's labor, where no 
 specific contract intervenes, is well settled. I therefore rec- 
 ommend that the forty-ninth section of Chapter IV., of the 
 General Statutes, concerning domestic relations, be so amonc^ 
 ed as to make eight hours of labor done and performed in any 
 one day by any one person in any meciianical or manufacturing, 
 establishment, a lawful day's work, unless otherwise agreed 
 by the parties. 
 
 WAGES OF LABOR. 
 
 Under the present law of foreign attachment in this State 
 any debt due for personal services, not exceeding ten dollars, 
 is exempted from attachment. In my judgment this sum 
 should be increased ; and I recommend this subject to j-our 
 favorable consideration. 
 
 POLL TAX. 
 
 Recognizing the principle that taxes should be assessed 
 upon projierty and not upon persons, I recommend that so 
 much of Chapter I. Title 04, of the General Statutes entitled
 
 20 
 
 "An Act for the Assessment and Collection of Taxes," as 
 relates to the assessment of the poll tax, be repealed. 
 
 COERCION OF VOTERS. 
 
 There is no subject which should demand a more constant 
 scrutiny, or have greater safeguards and protection thrown 
 around it, than the constitutional right of the citizen to the 
 elective franchise. It is a riglit held sacred in all free gov- 
 ernments, as upon its unrestrained and independent exercise 
 depend the stability and permanence of all free institutions. 
 It is believed that a most reprehensible practice has grown up 
 in certain portions of the State, whereby the undue weight 
 and influence of employers, or threats and intimidation from 
 them, perform, in effect, the office of a bribe upon voters. 
 This is an evil too intolerant in its spirit, and too pernicious 
 in its character and influence, to be permitted to exist, imder 
 any pretext or color of authority whatever, in a free repre- 
 sentative government. A contract for labor carries with it 
 no consideration, pecuniary or otherwise, impairing the right 
 of an elector to vote according to the strict letter of his oath, 
 " without respect to persons, or favor of- any man." Tliere 
 has been a growing complaint against this practice in the last 
 few years, and I would recommend to your consideration the 
 ^passage of a law which shall effectually reach and remedy the 
 evil, and thereby protect the laboring man in the enjoyment 
 * of this paramount right of tlie citizen. 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 Relying upon the Infinite Power which controls the destiny 
 of States and of individuals, for wisdom and guidance, let us 
 so perform our duties that our labors shall receive the appro- 
 bation of those who have placed in our keeping the honor 
 and welfare of the State. 
 
 JAMES E. ENGLISH. 
 
 Hartford, May 1, 1867.
 
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