COLLECTED PAPERS OF HENEY BEADSHAW. EonDon: C. J. CLAY AND SONS, CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE, AVE MARIA LANE. CAMBRIDGE: DEIGHTON, BELL, AND CO. LEIPZIG : F. A. BROCKHAUS. COLLECTED PAPERS OF HENEY BEAD SHAW, LATE UNIVERSITY LIBRARIAN : COMPRISING i. 'MEMORANDA'; 2. ' COMMUNICATIONS ' READ BEFORE THE CAMBRIDGE ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY ; TOGETHER WITH AN ARTICLE CONTRIBUTED TO THE 'BIBLIOGRAPHER', AND TWO PAPERS NOT PREVIOUSLY PUBLISHED. EDITED FOR THE SYNDICS OF THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. WITH THIRTEEN PLATES. CAMBRIDGE, UNIVERSITY PRESS. 1889. [All Rights reserved.] 10 Cambridge : PRINTED BY C. J. CLAY, M.A. AND SONS, AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. J PREFATORY NOTE. volume consists chiefly, as will be seen, of matter which has already appeared in print. It may perhaps be thought that some of the papers were hardly worth reprinting, either because they were sufficiently accessible before, or because they have done their work. As to the latter point ; most of them are valuable not only for their results, but as specimens of method : and in one subject at least, bibliography, such speci- mens are as much needed as ever. As to their accessibility, it is perhaps true that those who .wanted them have been able to see them. But though the Memoranda were much appre- ciated by a few readers, not many copies were sold, while the illustrations referred to in several of them have long been quite unprocurable. Again, no. XVII of the Cambridge Antiquarian Communications, in which seven of Bradshaw's papers appeared, is rarely to be met with. So there is some reason to hope that in the present form they may have a wider range of usefulness. The plates in this volume are all the work of the Cambridge Scientific Instrument Company, who have bestowed great care upon them with very satisfactory results. I must apologize for the alteration in Plate xiu, which does not now " represent the unbound book as it lies open" but the first leaf and the last leaf separately. F. J. September 19, 1889. TABLE OF CONTENTS. PAGE I. On the Recovery of the long lost Waldensian Manuscripts. 1 II. Two Lists of Books in the University Library ... 16 III. An Early University Statute concerning Hostels . . 55 IV. On two hitherto unknown poems by John Barbour, Author of the Brus . 58 V. A view of the state of the University in Queen Anne's reign (with 1 plate) 69 VI. On the earliest English engravings of the Indulgence known as the 'Image of Pity' (with 1 plate) ... 84 Note on an English Block-printed Broadside . . . 100 VII. The Skeleton of Chaucer's Canterbury Tales . . .102 VIII. The Printer of the Historia S. Albani (with 1 plate) . . 149 IX. An Inventory of the Stuff in the College Chambers (King's College), 1598 164 X. The University Library 181 XI. A Classified Index of the Fifteenth Century Books in the De Meyer Collection sold at Ghent, November, 1869 . 206 XII. On the Engraved Device used by Nicolaus Gotz of Sletzstat, the Cologne Printer, in 1474 (with 2 plates) . . . 237 XIII. On Two Engravings on Copper, by G. M., a wandering Flemish Artist of the xv xvith Century (with 2 plates). 247 Note on three engravings on copper, fastened into the Cambridge copy of the Utrecht Breviary of 1514 (with 3 plates) 254 Note on the engravings fastened into the Lambeth copy of the Salisbury Primer or Horae printed by Wynkyn de Worde (about 1494) 256 XIV. List of the Founts of Type and Woodcut Devices used by Printers in Holland in the Fifteenth Century (with 3 plates) .258 TABLE OF CONTENTS. Vll PAGE XV. On the oldest written remains of the Welsh language . 281 XVI. On the Collection of Portraits belonging to the University before the Civil War 286 XVII. Notes of the Episcopal Visitation of the Archdeaconry of Ely in 1685 297 XVIII. On the ABC as an authorized School-book in the Sixteenth Century 333 XIX. Notice of a Fragment of the Fifteen Oes and other Prayers printed at Westminster by W. Caxton about 1490-91, preserved in the Library of the Baptist College, Bristol. 341 XX. Note upon the Various Spellings of the Name of St Erasmus in the Churchwardens' Accounts of Trinity Church, Cambridge, during the years 1504 to 1530 . 350 XXI. Godfried van der Haghen (G. H.), the Publisher of Tindale's own Last Edition of the New Testament in 1534-35 . 354 XXII. The President's Address at the opening of the fifth annual meeting of the Library Association of the United King- dom, Cambridge, Sept. 5, 1882. With an Appendix . 371 Some account of the organisation of the Cambridge University Library 385 Note on Local Libraries considered as museums of Local Authorship and Printing 404 A word on Size-notation as distinguished from Form- notation 406 XXIII. The Early Collection of Canons commonly known as the Hibernensis : a Letter addressed to Dr F. W. H. Wasserschleben, Privy Councillor, Professor of Law in the University of Giessen 410 XXIV. A Half-Century of Notes on the Day-Book of John Dome, Bookseller in Oxford, A.D. 1520, as edited by F. Madan for the Oxford Historical Society 421 APPENDIX : containing an account of investigations among early Welsh, Breton, and Cornish manuscripts, 1872 77 . 452 Table of the MSS. 483 LIST OF PLATES. 1. Handwriting of Dr John Edwards. From MS. Add. 58, University Library, Cambridge. 2. The Image of Pity printed by Caxton. From the only known copy, in the University Library, Cambridge. 3. Types of the Printer of Historia Sancti Albani. From the Tractatus de succesdonibus ab intestate in the University Library, Cambridge. 4. Engraved Device used by Nicolaus Gotz of Sletzstat. From the Ludolphus Vita Christi in the University Library, Cam- bridge. 5. Types of Nicolaus Gotz. From the Ludolphus Vita Christi in the University Library, Cam- bridge. This specimen shews several Roman capitals, three varieties of the letter h, and other peculiar features of Gotz's printing. 6. Christ in the house at Bethany. From MS. G. 6, St John's College, Cambridge. 7. St Katherine of Sweden. From the Lambeth copy of the Sarum Horae by W. de Worde, c. 1494. 8. The Blessed Virgin with the Infant Jesus. 9. The Nativity of Christ 10. Saint Barbara. 8, 9, 10 are from the Cambridge copy of the Utrecht Breviary of 1514. 1 1. Types of the Printer of Tegheu die strael der minnen. From the Epistelcn ende Ewangelien of June 23, 1484. 12 (a and 6). Types of Govaert van Ghemen, probably at Gouda. From the fragment of Alexandri Galli Opus minus primae partis, at the Hague. 13. Types &c. of Govaert van Gliemeu at Leyden. From the Cambridge copy of Den gheesteliken minnebrief. To the binder. Put Plates 12 a and 126 back to back, without sepa- rating them. ERRATUM, p. 424. For John Hunt read Thomas Hunt. I. ON THE RECOVERY OF THE LONG LOST WALDEN- SIAN MANUSCRIPTS \ IT will be known to all who have interested themselves in the history of the Vaudois, that Morland, the envoy from the Protector Cromwell to the Duke of Savoy on their behalf in 1055, wrote on his return in 1^58 what he calls'a History of the Evangelical Churches in Piedmont, based not only upon previous writers but upon authentic documents which he brought home and deposited in the Public Library of this University. He tells us that it was Abp Ussher who stirred him up to lose no opportunity of securing any old books or papers which could throw light upon the early history and religious opinions of the Vaudois ; and the results of his efforts may be appre- ciated by any one who will read the detailed catalogue of his books and papers which is prefixed to his History. At the close of last century, Mr Nasmith, who was em- ployed to make a fresh Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the Library, and under whose eye every single volume must have passed, stated that the papers were almost all safe, but that the six books or volumes mentioned by Morland had un- accountably disappeared. During the last forty years much has been written on the subject, and infinite trouble has been taken by Dr Maitland, Dr Todd, Dr Gilly, and other writers at home and abroad after them, both to search out any existing remains of the early Vaudois literature, and to account for the 1 A Communication read before the Cambridge Antiquarian Society, March 10, 1862. B. 1 2 ON THE RECOVERY OF [l mysterious disappearance of these treasures from Cambridge. Their loss, it was justly alleged, was the more provoking, because they contained copies of portions of the Bible, of religious treatises, and specimens of poetry, all written in the old Vaudois dialect, and to which Morland assigned very early dates, ranging from the 10th to the 13th century. The copies were so old, says Morland, and the writings probably much older. It was a point of considerable importance that the Cam- bridge manuscripts should be examined ; for not only Morland and his Vaudois friends, but also their advocates in our own time, agreed in maintaining the claim of this community to have held the pure Genevan doctrines long before the time of Calvin. The historians of the 17th century, knowing that in the 13th the followers of Peter Waldo had been separated from the Roman communion, and knowing that their descendants in the 17th held the doctrines of Geneva, were illogical enough to conclude that therefore their ancestors in the 13th had anticipated Calvin's views by three centuries. A long controversy was carried on in the British Magazine about twenty years since. Amongst the good results of this, it elicited from Dr Todd a most minute and careful description of the whole of the Ussher Collection of Waldensian MSS. in the Dublin University Library: and from this it appears that all the books there were written from 1520 to 1530, or at any rate in the 16th century. A volume at Geneva was also described, which was attributed by the librarian there to the 12th century, but which from the writing Dr Todd and other judges assigned without hesitation to the middle or latter half of the 15th. One poem in particular, the Noble Lesson, was the subject of much discussion. Near the beginning occur the two lines which Morland prints and translates thus : Ben ha mil e cent an compli entierament, Que fo scripta lora, Car son al derier temp. There are already a thousand and one hundred years fully accomplished, Since it was written thus, For we are in the last time. The Geneva and Dublin copies both appear to agree with Morland's representation of the Cambridge copy, as far as the l] THE LONG LOST WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS. 3 date goes, and all parties were accordingly at a loss for an explanation of the appearance of a clearly Waldensian poem I >r fore the days of Peter Waldo. It even afforded to the followers of Leger and Morland an additional argument for tin- derivation of the name from Vallenses, or Churches of the Valleys, rather than from the name of the founder of the sect. It will be readily believed, therefore, that it was with some pleasure and some surprise that I laid my hand upon the whole of these volumes a few weeks ago. In the same binding as the rest of the documents three of them with Morland's and the donors' names and the date on the first page, all six with the reference-letters ABCDEF clearly written inside the cover, and all standing on the shelves as near to the " documents " as the difference of size would allow, the only wonder is how they could ever have been lost sight of. The insinuation in the British Magazine that the collection was placed here but a few weeks before Cromwell's death, and that, on that event, these books were removed to some safer stronghold of the Genevan views with the connivance of the Puritan Librarian of the day, I had long since felt to be groundless. Not only was the place then held by the model librarian and devoted loyalist William Moore 1 , of Caius College, but I some time since found a cancelled receipt (dated 1689) for four of these very volumes, in the handwriting of Peter Allix, who seems to have examined them for his Remarks on the Ecclesiastical History of the Ancient Churches of Piedmont, published in 1690. 1 It must be borne in mind that ever cost to the University, as being sup- since the death of William Moore (in posed to know a good deal of the sub- 1059), under whom every part of the jects of the works existing in MS., but library seems to have been thoroughly a knowledge of the history of the in- explored, all the librarians and their dividual volumes was not to be ex- assistants have uniformly, though un- pected from them. These facts afford accountably, declined to make them- the only possible explanation of the selves in any way acquainted with the reputed loss of the Waldensian MSS. manuscripts under their charge. So, as well as others from our library, when fresh catalogues were required, Their history was lost sight of, and both Mr Nasmith and, more recently, they had come to be regarded as the laborious compilers of the printed miscellaneous pieces, apparently in catalogue, were employed at a large Spanish, of no particular importance. 12 4 ON THE RECOVERY OF [l It will be sufficient for the present purpose to give but a brief description of these six diminutive volumes ; for, though undoubtedly the oldest extant relics of Vaudois literature, even when brought down from the 10th, 12th, and 13th centuries (to which Morland ascribes them) to the loth; yet it cannot be doubted that, when they are once brought into due notice, which it is the object of this paper to procure, they will engage the attention of some scholar who is able to use them. To take them in the probable order of age : F is a parchment volume measuring 5| by 4 inches, and written, I should say, at the close of the 14th century. It contains the greater part of the New Testament, and certain chapters of Proverbs and Wisdom, in the following order: St Matthew (beginning gone), no St Mark, of St Luke only i. 1 iii. 6, followed at once by St John, no Romans, 1st (no 2nd) Corinthians, Galatians, Ephesians, Philippians, no Colossians, of 1st Thessalonians only the first few words, and that clearly by mistake, and without heading, no 2nd Thessalonians, 1st and 2nd Timothy, Titus, no Philemon, of Hebrews only ch. xi. fol- lowed at once by Proverbs ch. vi. and Wisdom ch. v. and vi., Acts, James, 1st and 2nd Peter, followed possibly by the Epistles and Revelation of St John, but all after f. 158, 2 Pet. ii. 5, is wanting. There are leaves missing in several places, but in no case (except at the end) so as to prevent our knowing what the contents originally were. B is a parchment volume measuring 4J by 3| inches, and written probably in the first half of the 15th century. It consists of three portions, but the handwriting is uniform. The first portion (ff. 1 124) contains (1) the seven penitential psalms, and (2) the In principio from St John, in Latin ; (3) Glosa Pater noster, partly printed from this by Morland (His- tory, p. 133), (4) Trefenas, (5) Doctor, (6) Penas, (7) Li goy de paradis, (8) La pistola de li amic, and the poems, (9) Novel confort, (10) Lo novel sermon, (11) La nobla leyqon, printed from this by Morland (History, p. 99), (12) Payre eternal, and (13) La barca. The second portion (ff. 125241) consists of a long treatise on the (1) ten commandments, (2) twelve articles of the faith, (3) seven deadly sins, (4) seven gifts of l] THE LONG LOST WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS. 5 the Holy Ghost, (5) theological virtues, (6) cardinal virtues, (7) De li ben de fortuna e de natura e de gratia, (8) De seys cosas que son mot honorivol en aquest mont ; and the remaining nine pages are occupied by two sermons and a paragraph De las abusions. The third portion (ff. 242 271) is imperfect at both ends, but now contains seven sermons. C is on paper, measuring 3f by 2| inches, and written about the middle of the 15th century. It consists of three portions, all in one handwriting. The first (ff. 1 24) contains two sermons (1) De la confession, and (2) De la temor del segnor, the latter printed from this by Morland (History, p. 119). The second (ff. 25 32) contains one sermon ; and the third portion (ff. 33 112, &c.) consists of (1) a sermon headed Tribulations, (2) 7f. that is, a translation of 2 Mace. vii. from the Vulgate, (3) Job, a translation of Job i. ii. iii. and xlii. from the Vulgate, (4) Tobia, a translation of the whole book of Tobit from the Vulgate, (5) La nobla ley$on, which breaks off abruptly at the beginning of the fourteenth verse, the rest of the volume being lost. A is on paper and parchment, measuring 3| by 2-| inches, and written in the latter half of the 15th century. It consists of six different portions, all in one handwriting, except perhaps the last. Part I. (ff. 2 99) contains (1) Genesis, a translation of Gen. i. x. from the Vulgate, (2) a Treatise on the nature of different animals, (3) Lo tracta de li pecca, (4) a sermon De la parolla di dio. Part II. (f. 100) is in Latin, and contains in- structions to the clergy, headed Sequitur de impositione peni- tencie. Part III. (f. 136) is a discourse beginning Alcuns volon ligar la parolla de Dio segont la lor volunta, on the quatre mdnieras de trametament, that is, of God, of God and man, of man alone, and of usurping preachers. Part IV. (f. 172) is a treatise entitled Herman. Part V. (f. 180) is a collection of Latin pieces. Part VI. (f. 232) contains, after three short paragraphs, a small historical passage on the voluntary poverty of the Church, unfortunately imperfect at the end, but of peculiar interest. D is on parchment, measuring 3^ by 2 inches, and written also in the latter half of the 15th century. It is imperfect at 6 ON THE RECOVERY OF [l both ends, but now contains (1) a collection of medical recipes (beginning gone) ; (2) a discourse on tribulations, headed Ayci comenfa sant ysidori; (3) a sermon on the seven deadly sins and their remedies, on the text Donca vos mesquins perque tarqen de ben far, &c. ; (4) a sermon on almsgiving, on the text vos tuit li qual lavora, &c. ; (5) three short pieces beginning Dio bat li ome en .5. modo..., Nota che la son quatre cosas que nos apellan..., Nos vehen esser na .3. perilh en aquisti temp...', (6) several short moral paragraphs; (7) a short Discourse on the twelve joys of paradise, on the text Fop dalegrega e de salu es en li tabernacle de li iust ; (8) a general but brief exposition of Christian doctrine, commencing A tuit li fidel karissimes Christians sia salu en yh u xp* lo nostre redemptor Amen..., and arranged under eight heads, but unfortunately breaking off in the middle of the third. E is on paper, measuring 4J by 3| inches, and consists of four parts, the handwriting not uniform throughout, but agreeing well with the dates 1519, 1521, which are found in the book. Parts I. and II. are parts of a Latin grammar. (1) De interrogationibus, De participiis, De casu genitivo locali, De comparativis, De gerundivis, with some Flores legum on one of the blank leaves at the end ; (2) De verbis, with the transla- tion of the verbs in the Vaudois dialect. In rubric at the beginning is: Anno domini millesimo q :1521: dies :9: mensis Januarii. Part III. contains Latin abstracts of (1) Proverbs, (2) Ecclesiastes, (3) Ecclesiasticus, followed by (4) some sen- tences from St Gregory ; (5) a poem of 24 lines beginning : Tout ce que la terre nourist ; (6) a poem of 282 lines headed : Sequuntur mettra ceneche (or ceueche) and beginning : Commensament de tout ben es Temer diou soubre tout quant es; (7) a piece, contained on one leaf, headed: Sequitur liber Arith- metti\cus\ extratus a Johannono Albi filio mgri Johannis Albi notarii de Fenestrellis sub Anno domini .1519. et die .22. mensis Augusty, and beginning, Per ben entendre lart... Part IV. contains (1) Albertani moralissimi opus de loquendi ac tacendi l] THE LONG LOST WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS. 7 ii' <, do, an abridgment only ; (2) liber primus de aniore et dilectioiie dei et proximi et de fornia vite, ejusdem domini A Ibertani, also an abridgment ; (3) versus morales, beginning : Est caro nostra cinis, modo principium modo finis ; (4) Exortation de bien vivre et bien mourir, in 100 lines, be- ginning : Qui a bien vivre veult entendre; (5) Optima consilia; (6) Sentences headed Philosophus, with translations in verse ; (7) 42 versus morales, beginning : An jorn duy qui se auausse trop, with which the volume concludes. Judging from Dr Gilly's edition of St John, the text and dialect of our New Testament closely resemble the Grenoble, Zurich, and Dublin copies ; and, but for the alleged antiquity of the Grenoble and Zurich copies, the incompleteness of this one might suggest the inference 1 that at this date the entire New Testament was not yet in circulation among the Vaudois. Those parts which were read as Epistles and Gospels in Church would naturally be the first translated, and we find these in MS. B ; and, were this suggestion confirmed, we should have no proof of the existence of a regular translation of the New Testament earlier than the period which produced the Wycliffite versions in our own country. In B the most noticeable pieces are the Tregenas and the Nobla Leyqon. The four tregenas are the four quarters of the year, each containing thirteen Sundays, and the Epistles and 1 An examination of Dr Gilly's fac- are familiar with MSS. may gain a similes rather confirms than weakens fairly correct notion of the relative the suggestion made in the text. To age of different volumes, and yet differ judge from these, the Grenoble MS. from other critics as to the actual age. must bear a very strong resemblance I have very little doubt that most to our F, and the Zurich MS. to our judges, if the four copies were placed C, the former of which I should assign open before them, would range them to the close of the 14th, and the latter (1) Cambridge, (2) Grenoble, (3) Zurich, to the early part of the 15th century. (4) Dublin. Of the Lyons copy I can The truth is that so very few volumes say nothing, as no facsimile is given, bear an actual date, that persona who 8 ON THE RECOVERY OF [l Gospels are headed 1st, 2nd, 3rd... Sunday of the 1st, 2nd... treqena, without any further distinctive name derived from the season. On a minute comparison, however, with the unre- formed Roman, as well as other missals, they appear to be precisely the same, with only such small variations as are found to exist between the uses of different Churches at the same time ; and this is particularly interesting, as so very few relics of the early Vaudois ritual are still in existence. The copy of the Nobla ley$on in this volume is the one which has created all the discussion, by the expression which I have quoted before, ' Ben ha mil e cent an,' &c. It is, therefore, highly satisfactory to notice that the line runs in this copy ; Ben ha mil e * cent an compli entierament, with an erasure before cent, where, by the aid of a glass, the Arabic numeral *4 is visible, of the same shape as those fre- quently used in this volume. The only thing which could be needed to prove the certainty of this reading, is that in MS. C there is the commencement of another copy of this same poem, which, as it is but a short fragment, and has escaped the attention of Leger and Morlaud altogether, I shall give entire. It is written continuously, the divisions being marked by points and coloured initial letters. It runs as follows 1 : COME.yCA I LA NOBLA LEYIJON. | frayres entende ujna nobla leycon. | Sovent deven velhar e|istar ennauracion. Car nos | ven aqw^st mont esser pres | del chauou. Mot curios | deoran es&er de bonas obras | far. Car nos ven aqst mont || a la fin apropiar. Ben ha | mil e .cccc. anz compli en|tierament. Que fo scrita lolra ara sen al derier temps. | Pauc daurian cubitar | car sen al romanent. | Tot | iorn ven las ensegnas | venir a compliment. Acrejysament de mal e amernia'ment de bens. Aycb son | li perilh que lescritura di. | Li auangelin o recoytan | e saint paul atresy. CarJ neun home que viva non | po saber sa fin. Perco||... [The leaves which should follow are wanting.] 1 The divisions mark the ends of italics denote the abbreviations of the the lines on the page in the MS. ; the original. l] THE LONG LOST WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS. 9 There can be no doubt that the Geneva and Dublin copies are both later than our two ; and, however we may explain the omission from them, it is at least the evidence of two earlier against two later copies, and this, added to the great difficulty of giving a reasonable explanation of the lines, seems enough to satisfy the most strenuous advocates of the antiquity of the poem. A is the volume which, at the end of the sermon De la parolla de dio, contains the supposed date of transcription, .1230. The conclusion of the sermon is as follows: Da 4*. endurczis enayci fay aliome la parolla dedio &c. 1530. I can see nothing in the second figure but a badly made 5, though I confess it is difficult to explain the meaning of it. It seems to be in the original ink, and beyond any suspicion of tampering, but the handwriting and figures are clearly not those of the year 1530, nor indeed of 1430; while 1230, as the date of transcription, even apart from palseographical considera- tions, is out of the question. In Part V. the collection of Latin pieces, the Doctor Evangelicus (Wyclif) is cited. And further, in the historical passage at the close of the volume, after speaking of Piero de Vaudia and his excommunication, mention is made of the success of his followers until, two hundred years (dui cent an) after his time, a persecution arose, which continued even to the times of the writer. This brings the date of the composition to the beginning of the 15th century at the earliest. It is true that dui has been partly erased, but even cent an would bring the piece down much later than 1230 ; while it must be allowed that it is somewhat suspicious, that Morland has taken no notice in his catalogue either of this piece or of the fragment of the Nobla lei/con containing the true date, even though his list in many cases deals with the most insignificant details. The passage on the voluntary poverty of the church is as follows 1 : 1 A better acquaintance with the print this piece much more correctly, language would have enabled me to But the primary object of this paper 10 ON THE RECOVERY OF [l [f. 236] Mas a9o que la gleysa de li eyleyt istes en sancta religion regla e orde en sanct regiment, lo segnor ordene en ley meseyme gouernadors e iuies speritals resplandent de celestial sapiencia, e que li maior mostresan a li menor vita de sanctita e eysemple de salu ; Mas li menor dovesan devota obediencia a 11 lor maior sotmettament e reverencia. De li regidor testi- moniia S. Paul en li At de li apostol, dicent : Atende a vos e a tot lo gref al col lo Sant Spei-it pause vos vescos a regir la gleysa de Dio la cal el aquiste cum lo sio sane. Mas el dis enayci a li sotmes : Obede a li vostre derant pausa, e sotmete vos a lor. Ac' Dio pause alcuns en la gleysa prumierament li apostol, li 2. li propheta, li 3. li doctor. E Peyre apostol amonesta tant li derant pausa coma li sotmes : Tuit demostrant humilita entre vos. Car Dio contrasta a li superbi, mas el dona gracia a li humil. Mas el despensa aquesta degneta a li seo karissime quilh Iu9essan de maior sanctita cum veraya pavreta, e fossan liora a maior tribulacion, que enapres ay9o li eyleves de maior gloria, e plus ample honor e enriqueca. Li eyleva de le stercora de terrenals rique^as, e lor done celestials con- solacions. E aquilh que foron plus char amic de lui suffiriron maiors e plus greos repropis. E senca dubi nos cresen lor esser eyleva de maior degneta e gloria. Mas aquesta sancta gleysa ac' al temp de li appostol creyse en moti milhiers e en sant orde per la redonde9a de la terra, e permas per moti temp en verdor de sancta religion; e li regidor de la gleysa per- maseron en pavreta e en humilita, segont las antiquas storias, encerque trey cent an9, 90 es entro a Costantin emperi cessar ; mas, regnant Costantin lebros, un regidor era en la gleysa lo cal era apella Silvestre [f. 237] roman. Aquest istava al mont de seraphio iosta Roma, enayma es legi, per cayson de perse- guecion, e menava vita de pavres cum li seo. Mas Costantin receopu respost en li soyme, enayma e reconta, Anne a Sil- has been to draw the attention of importance here), the reader, if at all scholars to these genuine remains of gifted with an eye for conjectural the Waldenses of the loth century, criticism, will readily correct what, and while I only vouch for accuracy from ignorance of the language, I have of reading where names and numbers mis-read, are concerned (and this is of no small I] THE LONG LOST WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS. 11 , e fo babteia do lui al nom dc y u x', e fo monda de la lebrosia. Mas Costantin vesent se sana al nom de x l de tanta miseriosa enfermeta, pense honrar lui lo cal lavia monda, e liore a lui la corona e la degneta del emperi. Mas el la receop, mas lo compagnon, enayma ay anni recontar, se departic de lui e non consentic en aquestas cosas, mas tenc la via de pavreta. Mas Costantin se departic cum moore^a de romans en las part dautra lo mar, e aqui hedifique Constantinopoli enayma es e apelle ley del sio nom. Donca daquel temp la resiarcha monte en honore e en degneta, e li mal foron multiplica sobre la terra! Nos non cressen alpostot que la gleysa de dio sia departia mac,ament de la via de verita dal tot, mas una partia cagit, e la maior part, enayma es usanca, trabuche en mal. Mas la part permasa permas per moti temp en aquela verita la cal ilh avia receopu. Enayci la sanctita de la gleysa manque poc a poc ; mas enapres 8 cent anc, de Costantin se leve un lo propi nom del cal era Piero, enayma yo auvic, mas el era duna region dicta Vaudia. Mas aquest, enayma dion li nostre derant anador, era ric e savi e bon fortment. Donca o el legent, o auvent de li autre, receop las parollas del evangeli, e vende aquellas cosas las el avia e las departic a li pavre e pres la via de pavreta, e prediche e fe deciples, e intre en la cipta de Roma e desputa derant [f. 238] la resiarcha de la fe e de la religion. Mas en aquel temp era aqui un cardenal de Pulha, lo cal era amic de lui e lauvava la via de lui e la parolla, e amava lui. A la perfin receop respost en la cort que la gleysa romana non poya portar la parolla de lui, ni non volia habandonar la via acomen9a. E dona a si sentencia fo fayt fora la sinagoga. Nent de ment el meseyme predicant en la cipta fey plusors deciples. E facent camiii per las regions da Ytalia fe aiostament enayci que en plusors pare; niutreron moti en la lor conversacion, tant el meseyme cant li sucessor de lui, e foron forment multiplica ; car lo poble auvia lor volentier, emper<;o que la parolla de verita fossa en la boca de lor, e demostresan via de salu. E multipliqueron tant que soven- dierament saiostesan en li lor conselh alcuna ve9 8 cent, alcuna ve9 mil, alcuna ve9 mot poc. Dio obrava merevilhas per lor, enaynia nos aven de plusors li cal parlan volentie verita ; mas 12 ON THE RECOVERY OF [l aquestas obras fructuosas dureron per Iespa9i de (dui) l cent an, enayma es demostra per li velh. A la perfin, levant se lenvidia del satanac, e la maligneta de li fellon, perseguecion non peta es va entre li serf de Dio, e degiteron lor de region en region ; e la crudelleta de lor persevera entro ara contra nos. E cum aquestas cosas seayan enaysi, consideren li temp li cal trapas- seron devant lavenament de X 1 . Car ilh foron umbra e figura daquisti temp, lo cal [f. 239] durare de X 1 entro a la fin del segle. Nos non troben en las scripturas del velh testament que de Abram entro a X 1 la luc.erna de verita e de sanctita sia unca daltot en alcun temp alpostot steynta; mas permaseron totavia o poc o pro en sancta vita. Ni non legen quilh nenguesan unca a defalhir deltot. Enaysi ac' pense que del temp de X' entro ara sia entre nengu enaquel meseyme modo. E enaysi cresen que sia avenir entro a la fin. Que del temp al cal la gleysa fo fon9a entro a la fin del segle, la gleysa de Dio non defalhire enaysi del tot que la non sia totavia alcun de li sant, o en las terras, o en alcunas regions de la terra. Car lo son de lor issic en tota la terra. E la maior part de la gleysa de Dio crec al comenc_ament en las regions dautra lo mar. Dont es desser stima en alcuna maniera que otra lo mar e de aquesta partia del mar la lucerna de li sant sia nengua alpostot auniet per alcun temp. Car li nostre frayre en li temp antic cum ilh aguessan trapassa lo mar per una perseguecion atroberon li frayre en una region ; mas car ilh iiK'.sconoysian lo lengaie daquela region, non pogron aver com- pagnia cum lor ni demostrar ferme9a entre lor, enayma ilh agran fait volentier, e se departiron dentre lor. Entre aquestas cosas pensen la prophecia de Jeremia : Baron de li prever de levetienc meos menistres non perire de la mia facia, lo cal uffra holocaust e embrase sacrafici e aucia vedeo? per tuit li dia. Aquesta promession de Dio es dicta sobre la sancta gleysa. Car li dit de li propheta expiravan a X 1 e a la gleysa. Donca veian calcosas dia, que de X 1 entro a la [f. 240] fin del segle baron non perire, menistre de X 1 , lo cal uffra holocaust e vedeoc, e sacrifici per tuit li dia. Que caique cal son, membre del sobeyran prever per sanctita de vita, uflfron hostias speritals a 1 This word has been partly erased. I] TFTE LONG LOST WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS. 13 Dio sobre lautar de la fe entro en cuey. E se ilh non son moti, emper9o la prophecia non ment; car el non di: Barons non periren, mas : Di baron de li prever non perire de la mia facia, lo cal faa aquestas cosas en aquelas. karissime, con- sidera ; car la luna ja sia 90 quilh sia iusta venir amenc^ de la soa pleneta, mas empe^o totavia es luna. E silh es scu^ia per alcunas tenebras e non apereysa a li olh de Home, emper9o ilh es totavia luna ; en la soa substancia, enayma nos cressen, dautra maniera Dio faria luna per chascun mes. Mas lescrip- tura de que Dio cree aquesta luna del comen9ament. Donca pensen lo dit de David : El fey luna en temp, 90 es en mer- mament e en renovellament. E la luna a figura sovendiera- ment la gleysa, la cal regna alcun ve9 en mote9a de sant en aquest mont ; e alcuua ve9 es iusta a mancament. Donca si la gleysa es casi defalhia, enayma la luna, que se part per lenvidia del septana9 e per la superbia de li fellon e per la negligencia de plusors, e mootas greos tribullacions e perse- guecions, si mays que non cressan ley en alcunas regions del moiit totavia esser, permasa en la pavreta de li sant, e en bona vita e sancta conversacion. Car Salomon parlla per spent de prophecia di9ent : Cant li fellon multipliqueren se levaren, e li iust sere scondren ; e cum ilh seren peri, e li iust multipliqueren. Nos pensen a Here the text breaks off, and ff. 241 243 are wanting to complete the sheet. D contains no indication of a date, as far as I have examined, but the headings of the eight divisions of the Ex- position of Christian Doctrine are worth noticing, though, from the mutilation of the volume, only three chapters now remain. The prologue enumerates these divisions thus : " Donca prumierament nos diren breoment coma la ley del veray Dio e veray home Yh u X 1 per si sola es suficient a la salu de tota la generation humana, E es plus breo e plus comuna e plus legiera a complir, e es ley de perfeita liberta, a la qual non bcsogna aiogner ni mermar alcuna cosa, E non es alcuna cosa de ben la qual non sia suficientment enclusa en aquella meseyma soa ley. Segondariament diren de la sancta fe catholica, la qual se conten en li article e en li sacrament e 14 ON THE RECOVERY OF [l en li comandament de Dio. 3 a ment diren de la vera e de la falsa penitencia e de la vera confession e de la satisfacion. La 4 a diren alctma cosa del vero purgatori e segur e do la falseta e meqonia se me a sobre lui. La 5 a diren de la envo- cacion de li sant e de li herror sobre seme a . La 6 a diren de la auctorita pastoral dona de Dio a li sacerdot de X 1 . La 7 a diren de las clavs apostolicas donas de Yh" X 1 a sant Peyre e a li autre seo veray successor. La 8 a diren de las veras endul- gencias." fol. 81. In Ch. 2, the sacraments are enumerated thus : " Sept son li sacrament de la sancta gleysa. Lo prumier es lo batisme lo qual es dona a nos en remesion de pecca. Lo .2. es la penitencia. Lo .3. es la cumunion del cors e del sane de Xp*. Lo .4. es lo matrimoni ordena de Dio. Lo .5. es loli sant. Lo .6. es lenpusament de las mans. Lo .7. es ordena- ment de preyres e de diaques." fol. 88 b . To sum up then, briefly ; after the most important fact the determination of the true date of the Nobla Leyqon the primary result gained from the recovery of these manuscripts, and a comparison of them with what we already know of others of the kind, is, that, besides the Dublin collection, all of which seem to have been written in the 16th century, we have two miscellaneous volumes at Geneva (MSS. 207 and 209) and four at Cambridge (ABCD), as well as more than one copy of the New Testament, all assignable to the 15th century; and in addition to these, at Cambridge and at Grenoble, one incom- plete and one complete copy of the New Testament, which may be ascribed to the close of the 14th century. It is a small collection, doubtless ; but it is a very precious one, even though not carrying us back to the 10th and 12th centuries, as we were led to expect ; and it is much to be hoped that the authorities at our University Press will soon offer some encouragement towards bringing out a careful edition of at least the most important treatises in the collection. Whatever Cromwell and his friends were politically, it is at least certain tha.t, as a literary body, we owe them a debt which it would take us a long time to repay, and which at present we refuse to acknow- ledge even in our annual commemoration of benefactors. We l] THE LONG LOST WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS. 15 have for two hundred years ignored both the gift and the giver, and it is time that we should begin to make some reparation. [NOTE. Sept. 1862. I have just received the welcome news from Dr Todd, that he intends to republish, in a separate form, the Catalogue of the Ussher Collection of Waldensian MSS., which he furnished to the British Magazine in 1841. The new volume would contain some remarks on the various points connected with the subject, as well as a detailed description of all the Waldensian MSS. now known to exist in Dublin, Cambridge, Geneva, and elsewhere. H.B.] II. Two LISTS OF BOOKS IN THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY l . THE originals of the two lists here printed are contained in a volume in the University Registry. It is a parchment book, in its primitive binding of boards, covered with leather, and let- tered in the back " Registrum Librorum et Scriptorum, 1473." The earliest entry is an inventory of goods belonging to the University, made in the reign of Henry V. This occupies the second quire. The next, in point of time, is the first of these two lists of books, which occupies the third and following quires, and must have been made in or before 1424. The first quire contains the inventory of the Library, and a few other things, made in 1473 ; and the end of the volume contains a list of documents, &c. in the registry, written by Matthew Wren. The Catalogue of 1473 explains itself. It contains an ac- count of the Library as it stood just before Rotherham founded the lesser Library. . It is very interesting on that account, and it may well be compared with the similar list made exactly a century later by Matthew Stokys, in 1573, just before the great additions made by Abp Parker and his friends. I can only find 19 out of the 330 volumes ; but even this small residue, which escaped the violence of the Reformation movement, is enough to maintain the continuity of our Library; and the earlier list carries us still further back. This earlier one is a classified list of books with the donors' names ; and as Richard 1 A Communication read before the Cambridge Antiquarian Society, Nov. 17, 1862. II] TWO LISTS OF BOOKS IN THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY. 17 Holme died at Cambridge in 1424, and as his will (printed by the Surtees Society) contains no notice of these books 1 , it seems reasonable to infer that he gave the books in his lifetime, and that, accordingly, the list was drawn up in or before 1424. One of these books now remaining is a copy of Chaucer's translation of Boethius' De Consolatione Philosophic^, and there are pro- bably very few copies of any of Chaucer's works, of which it can be said, as it may of this, that they have remained in the same house since within so few years of his death. Various additions have been made to this catalogue by different hands, the latest however apparently not later than 1440. I have been at some pains to note these additions by marks which will be readily understood. There are some books still in the Library, given in 1444 by Walter Crome, D.D., which are not contained in this list, and there seems some ground for be- lieving that the Common Library may have been first opened in that year, and that what is here given is an account of the various benefactions made before the Library was ready to receive the books. Until Professor Willis's book comes out, we must be in un- certainty as to the exact dates of the various University build- ings, especially of those on the south side of the quadrangle. But the generally received statement is that the north side was the first part built, containing the Divinity School below, and the Regent House above, and finished in the year 1400 ; that the south side was next built, containing the Philosophy (now the Law) School below and the Common Library above ; and that the west side was commenced next, in 1458 ; and finally that, chiefly by Rotherham's munificence, the east side or front was finished in 1470, or thereabouts. It is known that King Henry VI. granted some land towards the support of a com- mon Library in 1439, and if we assume that this was finished by 1444, we may look upon the numbers mentioned below as referring to the books given after the opening of the Library on the Feast of St Hugh, 1444. Crome gave on that day a volume of St Augustine (now MS. li. 1. 28), which is said to be primus liber donatus in ordine ; another is said to be 1 [See page 53, Additional Remarks.] B. 2 18 TWO LISTS OF BOOKS [ll secundus ; another (now MS. li. 3. 9) given on the same day, is called sextus liber in ordine donatorum; another (now MS. li. 4. 23) is called decimus &c.\ and in another (now MS. li. 4. 39) given 25 June 1452, we find " et est in numero librorum donatorum 93." It is very difficult to procure absolute documentary proof of these matters, but enough has been said to show that it is not at all impossible that to-day may be the actual anniversary of the first public opening of the University Library, and, as such, a suitable opportunity for laying before the Cambridge Anti- quarian Society these two earliest accounts of the collection. It will be easy to perceive the leading features of the Library, in spite of the very brief and deceptive form in which the entries are, for the most part, made ; as in the first list the books are directly classed under heads ; and in the second, though not so classed by name, yet it will be seen that the works are arranged roughly, according to subject, in their respective desks or stalls. It is at any rate clear that the Libri logicales and Libri theologice disputatce were very far from forming an undue or even large proportion of our Common Library in the fifteenth century, as most people have been persuaded to believe by the constant statements of writers of the present and last generation. II] IN THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY. 19 Registrum librorum per varies benefactores comuni librarie vniuersitatis Cantebr' collat'. [fo. 17 a .] In primis vna biblia in cluobus voluminibus cuius prima pars continet Genes' ExocT Leuitic' Numeri Deutronom' Josue Judic' Ruth Regum iiij or Paralipomenon ij 09 Esdras ij Neemias Thobias Judith Hester Job Psalterium et incipit in 2. fo. aut cum \ et in penultimo quorum omnes locutum est Secunda pars continet parabol' salamonis Ecc a sten Cantica canti- corum Sapi a les Ecc ia sticum Ysaiam Jeremiam Lamentacoes Jereme Baruc j Ezechielem Danielem Osee Joel Amos Abdiam Jonam Michean Naum Abachuc Sophoniam Aggeum Zachariam Maca- beorum Malachiam Matheum Marcum Lucam Joh em Ad romanos Ad corintheos Ad galathas Ad ephesios Ad Philippens' Ad colocens' Ad thessalonicens' Ad thimotheum Ad titum Ad philomonem Ad hebreos Actus ap lorum Jacobum Petrum Joh em Apocalipsim Interpre- taciones biblie et incipit in 2. fo. handent semitas et in penultimo vsen festinans et fuit hec biblia ex dono Ric 1 Holm licenciati in vtroque iure (? 301, 302) [1, 2 Item alia biblia in vno volumine cum Interpretacoibus et incipit in 2. fo. suam scripturam et in penultimo seushi sel ms et fuit hec biblia ex dono Aylemer. (167) [3 Item liber concordanciarum biblie et incipit in 2. fo. nee dum erant abissi et in penultimo sepeliuit ex dono Aylemer. (304) [4 Item psalterium cum comuni glosa et incipit in 2. fo. agit hoc modo et in penultimo eius laudate ex dono Magistri Roberti Teye. (? 20 or 201 ) [ 5 Item doctor de lira in tribus voluminibus Primum continet Pen- 22 20 TWO LISTS OF BOOKS [ll tathacon Josue Judic' Ruth Regum iiij or Paralipom' ij 08 Esdre p m Neemie Hester Job Psalterium et incipit in 2. fo. quod inportat et in penultimo homines in cognicoe Secundum volumen continet Parabolas Ecc ia sten Cantica Ysaiam Jeremiam Lamentac' Ezechiel Daniel De susanna De Ydolo nomine beel Osee Joel Amos Abdiam Jonam Micheam Nauin Abachuch Sephoniam Aggeum Zachar' Malachiam Thobiam Barucli Ep lam Jere- mie que facit vj cap lum in baruch Judith Macabeorum ij 08 Sapi e Ecc ia - sticum Esdre 2 m et iucipit in 2. fo. bus sit adherend' et in penultimo notus in sapi a Tercium volumen continet nouum testamentum et questionem deter- minatam a doctore de doctore de lira de probacione per scripturas a Judeis acceptas quod misterium xp 1 predictum a lege et prophetis sit impletuni et responsionem diet' doctor' ad quendam Judeum ne- quiter arguentem ex verb' euangelii s' matheum contra xp m et incipit in 2. fo. cendum esset et in penultimo sn q verba ex dono Ric 1 Holme. (157, 158, 170) [6, 7, 8 Item doctor de lira super Ep las Pauli Jacobi Petri Joh is et Jude Item super Actus Ap lorum et super Apocalipsim et incipit in 2. fo. p nt optari et in penultimo in quantum humanitas ex dono Thome Paxton (163) [9 Item Magister historiarum et incipit in 2. fo. n 1 a d sunt et in penultimo natiuitatem d ni ex dono Aylemer. (159) [10 Item Allegorie historiarum cum sermonibus multis et cum sermone Lincoln' qui incipit Q m cogitacio ho' 8 confitebitur tibi et incipit in 2. fo. feneratores et in penultimo vniuersum debitum ex dono M' Nicholai lue (156) [11 Item liber in que continentur Gregorius in pastoli 9 Omelie eiusdem Idem super cantica Omelie Joh is Crisostomi in inperfco Tractatus de viciis et virtutibus Ep 1 * Aug 1 ad Cirillum de laude Jeronimi Ep a Cirilli ad Aug' de eodem Ep a Aug' ad comitom Aug ns de immor- ta te anime et incipit in 2. fo. fugere terrores II] IN THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY". 21 et in penultimo sit necesse est ex dono d ni Joh is Preston (90) [12 Item Wallensis in quo contirientur Co'loquium Ordinarium vite reli- giose Dietarium Locarium Itinerarium Le'giloquium De vita ph orum Breuiloquiuni De pH et eius partibus Collectiloquium De virtuti- bus De penis Inferni De regul' Francissi De arte recte viuendi et incipit in 2. fo. Sextum de iure et in penultnno debitum ex dono d ni Joh u Preston (128) [13 Item Aug us de ciuitate dei cum tabula eiusdem et cum retractacoibus eiusdem et incipit in 2. fo. Quippe vicerunt et in penultimo h dixisse ex dono Ricardi Holme (102) [14 Item Aug us de mirabilibus sacre scripture Tractatus eiusdem de penis purgatorii Idem de xij abusionibus Testamenta xij patriarcharum s' Lincoln' Sermo Aug' de .x. plagis egipti Aug' de igne purgatorii Idem ad sororem suam viduam de vita xp'ana. Vita sci Thome Can- tuariensis cum Ep l18 eiusdem et incipit in 2. fo. lonis ascondam et in penultimo Thomas Interpretatur ex dono Mag ri Joh is Chirch (264) [15 Item Summa collecconum Wallensis cum floribus Bernardi cum Tabula super flores et incipit in 2. fo. h ere et in penultimo in tabula Est vitanda ex dono M' Jacobi Matissale (I 266) [16 Item Crisostomus in Inperfecto cum tabula et incipit in 2. fo. tabule Ap u luci et in penultimo rimas hereses ex dono Thome Paxton (? 161) [17 Item liber in quo continentur tractatus retho ce s' Thomam de nouo mercato et tractatus de arte predicandi s' Waleys et incipit in 2. fo. penultimam breuem et in penultimo diligit ex dono M' Joh if> Water (111) [18 Item Liber Anselmi in quo continetur Monologion Prosologiori De concordia et predestinacione cum libero arbitrio Tres epistole eiusdem De casu diaboli De conceptu virginali et liber siiiarum s' eundem et iucipit in 2. fo. essentia dici 22 TWO LISTS OF BOOKS et in penultimo que in terris ex clono d ni Joh is Paxtofi (89) [19 Item Holcot. super librum sapi 6 cum tabula et incipit in 2. fo. propositum et in penultimo tabule Nichil ita ex dono M' Will mi Holler' (166) 20 Item Parisiensis de viciis et incipit in 2. fo. libri pro quo xp 8 et in penultimo Inuenietur stulticia ex dono M' Jacobi Matissale (86) [21 Item sermones d ni cales Abbavill' cum Raymund' et incipit in 2. fo. tenetur et in penultimo p rem et m rem ex dono M' Jacobi Matissale (87) [22 Item Legenda scorum cum diuersis tabulis et incipit in 2. fo. flumina ignea et in penultimo tempora 3 a ex dono M' Joh is Water (115) [23 Item liber in quo continetur Tractatus de pn ia Omelie per aduentum moraliza Tractatus M' Ricardi Leycester de diuersis materiis Inno- cencius de miseria condicionis humane Cotacoes ep larum et euange orum per totum annum et incipit in 2. fo. sperauit et in penultimo (naturam*) [*added in the margin] ex dono M' Jacobi Matissale (244) [24 Item Fassiculus morum et incipit in 2. fo. Lest ye ofte et in penultimo tune lapis ex dono M' Will Holler' (? ) [25 Item compendium pauperum et incipit in 2. fo. distincto plura tis et in penultimo tandem ex dono d ni Joh is Preston (276) [26 Item liber in quo continetur Biblia beate Marie Tractatus de gradi- bus ascencionis in deum Aug us de contemplando deum Hugo de arra anime Tractatus qui dicitur Pharetra et tractatus qui incipit Angeli pacis amare flebunt et incipit in 2. fo. micorum suorum demon' et in penultimo inponebant ex dono d ni Joh is Preston (103) [27 Il] IN THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY. 23 Item Sermones d ni cales Januensis et incipit in 2. fo. est habenda et in penultimo in tabula pe ie sunt 3 a ex dono M' Joh is Water (82) [28 Item Sermones Januensis de Scis et incipit in 2. fo. magis inflammant et in penultimo dz fideliter ex dono M' Joh u Water (95) [29 Item Distinccoes Januensis et incipit in 2. fo. creaturas et in penultimo ypocrita ex dono M' Joh is Water (97) [30 Item expo super Ecc ia sticum cum questionibus in fine et incipit in 2. fo. vitandi insidias et in penultimo boni. (257) [31 *Item Glosa super Epistolas pauli et incipit in 2. fo. Rote sic' et in penultimo in glosa buste sunt igne. (1 ) [32 Item Postilla super Genesim Tobiam Judith Ester Job Ecclesiasten sapiencie prouerbiorum incipit in ij. fo. quia in montibus et in penultimo Si dixerimus (150) [33 Item Postilla super libros regum paralipo' Esdre Neemi Josue Judi- cum Machabeorum incipit in ij. fo. gl' .i. lirico et in penultimo n c patrie (? 152) [34 Item Postilla super Exodum et Deutronom' incipit in ij. fo. scribens actus et in vltinio querit augustinus (306) [35 Item Postilla super Ecclesiasticum et Petrus de remediario conuer- sorum incipit in ij. fo. tina et in vltimo multitudine.* (315) [36 **Item postilla super apocalipsim cui 9 2 m . fo. incipit. de agno penulti m (309) 37 Item postilla super parabolas salamonis c 9 2 m . fo. inc' in cruce penulti"' (296) [38 24 TWO LISTS OF BOOKS [ll Item Summa predicantiuta ex dono M. Joh is Thorp cui 9 2 m . fo. inc* nem e' etiam** (109) [39 f Item Greg' in moralibus ex dono M' Thome kyng vicarii de dunmowf (? 79) [40 tfltem Petrus de Aurora metrice super bibliam cui 9 2 m . fo. p 9 prologum sic incipit Sunt viole qui sunt et in penultimo Noster ab excelso ft (f ) [41 tltem Gorham super spalterium c 9 2 m . fo. inci' Construende penulti m Ad glorifica onem (143) [42 Item Gregorius super ezechielem Omelie eiusdem lib' pastoralium lib' dialog' Item de octo vicijs principa bus Item de concordia tes- ti orum sacre scripture Ome e b 1 cesarij ep 1 Monita patris sci basilij Ome e Eusebij Ome e eiusdem de paschate lib' b 1 effrem' Jeronimus de diuersis iiominibus leprarum Ep 13 eiusdem ad virgines Ep la eius- dem ad Celanam coniugem Ep la eiusdem ad eustochium virginem Ep u eiusdem ad eustochium et paulam Augustinus de visitacoe in- lirmorum lib' eiusdem de vita x j ana Sermo eiusdem de Igne pur- gatorio ex dono M' Joh ls holbrok cui 9 2 m . fo. inci 1 Filios suos penulti m tegitur vestimentis (101) [43 Item lincoluiensis de lingua ( A cum alijs) ex dono M' Thome ThurkyU c 9 2 m . fo. inci 4 bonis omnibus penult v Auaricia tandem (125) 44 Item Mag r historiarum ex dono M' Cristofori Kyrkeby c 9 2 m . fo. inci* occupabant penulti m vero Canis qui (169) [45 Item M' historiarum ex douo .X. c 9 2 m . fo. tercie diei penulti m v viique (? 154) [46 Item Notyngham super euangelia ex dono ( A d m ) Joh :s parys capell' ll] IN THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY. 25 c 9 2 m . fo. inci' preniiorum precipit penulti m v Eius coniungitj (96) [47 Doctor de lira in tribus voluminibus ex dono Ep' Dunelmens' .s. Ric' Langley quorum prinium incipit in 2. fo. et secundum sanum in penultimo debellantur 2 m volumen incipit in 2. fo. et ne diuinitas et in pe. derunt ydumei 3 m volumen incipit in 2. fo. in iwuo et in pe. est in cells (297, 229, 298) [48, 49, 50 Item Moralitates Doctoris de lira ex dono eiusdem cui 9 2 m . fo. inci itr est reuersio in pe. mulier viros (311) [51 Item ambrosius super lucam ex dono Mag" Nicholai Wpton et incip* in 2. fo. Si laborem in pen. carnem et ossa. (1^1) [52 Item Scs Thomas Secunda secunde ex dono M ri Rob" alne cui 9 2 m . fo. libri incipit uidet id et in penultimo prqficit aliquis (192) [53 Item Melum contemplatiuorum per Ric m Hani poll ex dono eiusdem cui 9 2 m . fo. incipit caliyine et in penultimo ventoresft (66) [54 Libri Theologie disputate. [fo. 21 a .] In primis Magister sentenciarum et incipit in 2. fo. mande sunt et in penultimo viuit vt vult ex dono Magistri Roberti Teye (275) [1 Item media villa super p m et 2 m sniarum cum tabul' et incipit in 2. fo. per humanam et in penultimo post mortem 26 TWO LISTS OF BOOKS [ll ex dono M' Nich 11 Ive (190) [2 Item Tharantarius super 3 m et 4 m cum tabul' et incipit in 2. fo. Aut ergo et in penultimo post mortem ex dono M' Nicholai Ive (191) [3 Item Thomas contra gentiles cum tabula et incipit in 2. fo. inter omnia et in penultimo sperabat ex dono d ni Joh is Preston (? 269) [4 Item Boneuenturam super 4 m et incipit in 2. fo. ideo oportuit et in penultimo 2 queritur ex dono Magistri Jacobi Matissale (258) [5 Item prima pars summe sci Thome cum quocllibetis egidii de esse et essencia de cognicione angelorum et de inensura angelorum et incipit in 2 fo. ad earn non pertinet et in penultimo quorum est numerus ex dono Magistri Jacobi Matissale (259) [6 Item prima pars summe sci Thome et incipit in 2. fo. doctrina est sci a et in penultimo uni ad modum ex dono M' Jacobi Matissale (271) [7 *Item colibeta sutton incipit in ij. fo. agit set et in penultimo de homine (265) [8 Item Albertus super primum et iij um incipit in ij. fo. et exaltaconem et in penultimo solum bonum (267) [9 Item Albertus super ij dum et quartum incipit in ij. fo. ergo materia et in penultimo sit illo* (261) [10 **Itern prima pars summe sci Thome c 9 2 m fo. inc* enim accipit. &' (268) [11 Item Thomas super .4 m . cui 9 2 m . fo. inc* recipiencium. &' ** (277) [12 jltem doctor bakynsthorp super lib' sn arum ex dono M' Ric' blynnforth II] IN THE UNLVERSITY LIBRARY. 27 in c 9 2. fo. est dare vacuum .i. n 1 inuenitur penultimo v de arte medicine (? 278) [13 Item Altisiodorens' super lib' sn arum ex dono Cristofori Kyrkeby c 9 2 m . fo. inci 1 Flueret Penulti m v Exarcit vinea (253) [14 Item .8. Thomas super 2 m . 2 e . ex dono d ni Joh is parys capell 1 c 9 2 m . fo. inci' habitus virtutum penulti 1 " v vtrum conuenitur^ (193) [15 Libri moralis phi e . [fo. 24 b .] In priniis Egidius super Rethoricam Aristotelis Thomas super libros Ethicorum et polethicorum et incipit in 2. fo. sill 08 et enunciacoes et in penultimo cum dicit ex dono Magistri Hugonis Parys (60) [1 Item Egidius de regi e principum cum tabula et incipit in 2. fo. grosse magis et in penultimo ferra Q' .s, ex dono Thome Paxton (63) [2 Item Boecius de consolacione phi e in latino et Anglico cum exposi- cione Will mi medici et cum tabula et incipit in 2. fo. querimoniam et in penultimo mod' omnibus ex dono Magistri Joh is Croucher (76) [3 Item Boecius de consolacione Phi e et de Trinitate et incipit in 2. fo. tabule Bonum finis omnium et in penultimo ex p ris substancia ex dono d ni Thome Paxton (17) [4 **Item Albertus super inetha cam ex dono M' Joh is Scot c 9 2 m . fo. ( A de cor c libri) inc e probantur in esse** (77) [5 28 TWO LISTS OF BOOKS [ll Libri phi c uaturalis. [fo. 28 b .] In primis Palladius de Agriculture et incipit in 2. fo. dicendum et in penultimo iacentes ex dono Thome Paxton (? 27) [1 Item Textus methe ce et incipit in 2. fo. maxime scire et in penultimo sz non est ex dono Magistri Joh' 8 Wraughby (G9) [2 Item exposicio sci Thome super xij libros Me ce et incipit in 2. fo. a libus prudenciam et in penultimo dubium ex dono Magistri Joh is Wrauby (70) [3 Item Tabula natural' phi" et incipit in 2. fo. anima et in penultimo secundum formam ex dono Magistri Nicholai Ive (3) [4 Item Textus phisicoruni de anima de cognicione de corupcoe de celo et mundo et incipit in 2. fo. si quid' et in penultimo h autem ex dono M' Joh is Wrauby (44) [5 Item Exposicio Magistri Walteri Burlee super octo libros phi orum et incipit in 2. fo. cuiuscumque predi*' et in penultimo fi te requirit ex dono M' Joh' 8 Aylemer (51) [6 Item Textus natural' phi e in quo contineiitur octo libri phi 00 01 de celo et mundo Item libri metheororum De generacione et corup- cione . De anima De sonipno et vigilia De sensu et sensato De memoria et reminissencia De lineis De numero De bona fortuna De longitudine et breuitate vite De Juuentute et senectute De coloribus De motu aiiimaliuni De progressu animalium Item de milo et incipit in 2. fo. resoluta et in penultimo superinfundit ex dono M' Jacobi Matissale (52) [7 II] IN THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY. 29 Item Commentate Aueroys super libros phi" 1 " 1 et incipit in 2. fo. le intelligi le et in penultimo et v liter ex dono M' Jacobi Matissale (46) [8 *Item Antonius super Metha * incipit in ij. fo. vt ens et vnum et in penultimo eius sub a * (65) [9 JItem Burley super lib' de Anima cum alijs tractatibus ex dono M. Job 1 " 8 Smethes quondam vie' de castre c 9 2 m . fo. inci' consideratur penulti m die' ph 8 | (43) [10 JJItem Textus problematum Ar lu cum alijs ex dono M. Rob" alne cui 9 2 m . fo. inci 1 * erit et non vna et in penultimo Item ad perpetuam (56) [11 Item petrus paduwanens' super problemata Ar lis ex dono eiusdem cui 9 2 m . fo. incipit et valentem et in penultimo tosum %% (58) [12 Libri medicinalis phi e . [fo. 33 a .] In primis liber in quo continetur Galienus de complexionibus Galienus de malicia complexionis Job 68 Damascenus de inpressioni- bus in alto quid' tractatus Galienus de simplici medicino Galienus de creticis diebus Galienus de Crisi Galienus de interioribus et incipit in 2. fo. ver tempus et in penultimo minus poterit ex dono M' Job" Tesdale (29) [1 Item liber in quo continentur Galienus super pronostica ypocratis Comentum eiusdem super libro ampho" 1 ypocratis Exposicio super librum regimenti acutorum morborum ypocratis Galienus de ingenio sanitatis et incipit in 2. fo. cognicio et in penultimo cctatibus ex dono M' Job' 8 Tesdal (32) [2 30 TWO LISTS OF BOOKS [ll Item liber in quo continentur tres libri canonis Auicenne cum libro Serapionis et incipit in 2. fo. Accipe stipit' et in penultimo minorat ex virtute ex dono M' Joh is Tesdale (? 36) [3 Item Rasis in Almasorio cum quo sunt diuisiones Rasys Antita- darius Rasys de dolore capitis Rasys de passionibus uictui'arum De passionibus puerorum Idem liber experimentorum cum expo- sicoe difficilium diccionum Rasys in Almasorio et incipit in 2. fo. et virge et in penultimo Allemdia ex dono M' Joh is Tesdale (24) [4 Item liber in quo continentur Galienus de morbo et acti te Ampho- ris 1 damasceni cum commento ysodori solectorium Aueroys Libellus Aueroys de tirriatis Auicenna de viribus cordis et medicinis cordia- libus Cantic' Auicenne cum com* Aueroys liber 4 tus methe orura Egi- dius de vrinis cum commento et incipit in 2. fo. quot sunt et in penultimo sentitur grauedo ex dono M' Joh is Tesdale. (23) [5 Libri logice. [fo. 35 b .] Textus logice in quo continentur liber porfirij predicamentorum peryarmonias .vj. principiorum diuisionum Topicorum Boecij Elenco- rum Topicorum Aristotelis Priorum et Posteriorum et incipit in 2. fo. q d quid est tundendum est ex dono M' Jacobi Matissale (59) [1 Libri Poetrie. [fo. 37".] J Libri Sophisticales. [fo. 39 a .] Item in primis j 9 liber in quo continetur liber consequenciarum Fere- brigg' cum hystebery cum alijs e 9 2 m . fo. inci 1 Capitulum penulti m v tarde alterabiturj (2) [1 II] IN THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY. 31 Libri gramaticales. [fo. 39 b .] Hugucio et incipit in 2. fo. est vel optime et in penultimo duobus vt quis ex dono d ni Thome Paxton (18) [1 | Item vn 9 liber in quo continetur porphirius cum alijs libris veteris logic' et in eoclem libro Prec' in minori cum a ijs c 9 2 m . fo. s c inci 1 Sit spe 8 penulti m v Gradatim pergens (G) [2 Item Prec' in maiori c 9 2 m . fo. inci* Queratur penulti m temperarent (9) [3 Item liber ( A lucanus s.) de bell' romanis c 9 2 m . fo. inci* In se magna penulti m At t' (5) [4 Item Prec' in ma" et minori ex dono Kendale c 9 2 m . fo m . p 9 prohe m inci 1 Significacio penulti m vero Inquisitia verba (? 1) [5 Item petrus hel' in ma ri et minori ex dono eiusdem Kendale c 9 2 m . fo. inci* Substan*" 1 penulti v vitabit lingua mea (8) [6 Westhawe.j Libri Cronicales. [fo. 42 a .] Libri Juris Canonici. [fo. 44 b .] Liber decretorum et incipit in 2. fo. textus Senatus et in penultimo saporis ex dono M' Ricarcli Holme (221) [1 32 TWO LISTS OF BOOKS [ll Item Archidiaconus in Rosario et incipit in 2. fo. enim ponitur et in penultimo l ra plana ex dono M' Ricardi Holme (213) [2 Item Speculum Judiciale et incipit in fo. vnic' .c. vnico et in penultimo ic. Si quis in a ex dono M' Joh is Aylemer ('? 179) [3 Item Reporto m Duranti cum li card' 8 Bartholomei Bryxens' et summa de officio aduocatorum et incipit in 2. fo. vt ex a et in pe quia in rebus ex dono M' Joh i8 Aylemer (1"7) [4 Item decretales cum constitucionibus Innocencij pape .iiij. et consti- tucionibus Nicholai et incipit in 2. fo. rentur peruenire in textu et in penultimo suis que in ecc iam ex dono M' Ricardi Holme (243) [5 Item Joh es in Nouella in duobus voluminibus super decretales p a pars et incipit in 2. fo. Aliquibus vtilibus et in penultimo tune enim Secunda pars incipit in 2. fo. nichil exigat et continet in fine tractatum Joh u de lig no super arbore consanguini tu Item Summa Joh 18 Andree super libro decretalium Item Distinc- coes Joh is Said' super decretalibus Item scripta d ni Thome Paxton et Petri Flandrini super c vt circa de eleccoibus libro .vj. Item tractatum d ni Frederici de Senis super materia permutacois Item formam appellandi in benencia 1 8 secundum stilum curie romane. Item minorica bartholi super regul' et statu fratrum minorum et incipit in vltimo fo. decedens ex do M' Ric 1 Holme (216, 207) [6, 7 Item liber sextus decretalium cum tribus doctoribus et cum dyno super regul' Juris et incipit in 2. fo. vicecancellarium et in penultimo regula optinet ex dono Ric 1 Holme (210) [8 Item Joh 68 in Nouella super sexte et incipit in 2. fo. hie Archid' et in penultimo Marth' quesiuisti II] IN THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY. 33 ex dono Ric 1 Holme (? ) [9 Item liber decretorum et incipit in textu in 2. fo. n 1 quirites et in penultimo prohibeatur ex dono Thome de castro Bernardi (235) [10 Item Decretales et incipit in 2. fo. mento altaris et in penultimo statutum est ex dono eiusdem (230) [1 1 Item Hostiensis in summa et incipit in 2. fo. tres legis et in penultimo re .ui. ex dono Ric 1 Holme (234) [12 Item Joh es in collectaria et incipit in 2. fo. infctam et in penultimo vxorem alterius ex dono Ric 1 Holme (247) [13 Item Decretales et incipit in 2. fo. textus came et in penultimo impendant ex dono M' Joh i8 Thornell (226) [14 Item Joh u in Nouella super decretales in duobus voluminibus P m incipit in 2. fo. rari auctorem et in penultimo firmant' Secunda pars incipit in 2. fo. creare solet et in penultimo in fi, cui sper' ex dono M' Joh i8 Aylemer (217, 225) [15, 16 Item Joh es in Nouella super sexto et incipit in 2. fo. ad partem et in penultimo proidi ex dono eiusdem (224) [17 Item Innocencius super decretales et incipit in 2. fo. de rerum di et in penultimo vt diximus ex dono Ric 1 Holme (245) [18 Item liber Clementinarum et incipit in 2. fo. in textu Fidei et in penultimo in altera dioc' ex dono M' Job 1 ' Aldewyk. (231) [19 B. 3 34 TWO LISTS OF BOOKS [ll JItem Speculum Judiciale c 9 2 m . fo. inci* vacante penulti m vero Et pro r C. del'. (249) [20 Item Glosa Joh ni8 de Antona super consti bus Octoni et Octoboni c 9 2 m . fo. inci' micis mortalibus penulti m suo marc' precedat (1 219) [21 Item vn? doctor super decretalia c 9 2 m . fo m . inci* Reeligere penulti m determinacoem^. C? 248) 22 Archidiaconus in rosario ex dono M" Rob" Alne cui 9 2 m . fo. et euangelica in pe. moraliterQ (223) [23 II] IN THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY. 35 IF Registrum M ri Radulphi Songer et Ric' Cokeram Pro- curatorum Cant' compilatum A d ni Mil mo CCCC" 10 lxx tercio. [fo. P.] IF In primo staulo co' 8 librarie in parte boriali continentur xix cim libri quorum primus est Prescianus cuius 2 m . fo. diffiniunt Libr' Sophestrie fferebrigg cuius 2 m . fo. ca m et Libr' Tabula super veterem lo * 1 " c 2 m . fo. de anima Libr' Memoriale Juniorum c 2 m . fo. In quinta Libr' vo r Lucanus de bellis romanorum c 2 m . fo. In se magna Libr' Purphirius c 2 m . fo. sit species Libr' Ouidius de transformatis c 2 ra . fo. nil renouatis Libr' vocatur Petrus helias in magno et minori c 2 m . fo. substantia Libr' Precianus in ma ri c 2 m . fo. queratur discretis Libr' Pres' de 4 or partibus c. 2 m . fo. huius Libr' Burley super Purphu cum aliis c 2 m . fo. conceptus rei [11 Libr' Claudianus cuius 2 m . fo. cerabies [12 Liber Cornubiens de octo partibus 9uatie cuius 2 m . fo. vbicumque [13 Libr' Exposicoes parcium difficilium prologorum c 2 m . fo. Rego gis [14 Libr' Donatus Cornubiensis c 2 m . fo. abboteca [15 32 (? Gram. 5) [1 (Soph. 1) [2 (Nat. Phil. 4) [3 [* (Gram. 4) [5 (Gram. 2) [6 [7 (Gram. 6) [8 (Gram. 3) [9 [10 36 TWO LISTS OF BOOKS [ll Libr' Januensis in suo Catholicon c 2 m . fo. O in V mutatur [16 Libr' Boicius de consolacone cuius 2 m . fo. bonum finis (Mor. Phil. 4) [17 Libr' Hugucio c 2 m . fo. est vel (Gram. 1) [18 Libr' Elimentarium Papie c 2 m . fo. Inuenimus [19 II In secundo staulo continentur xxj" libri quorum primus est Rasis de almaserio cuius 2 m . fo. necessarij [20 Petrus de crescencijs c 2 m . fo. cuiuslibet generis [21 Constantinus in viaticis c 2 m . fo. morbos [22 Galienus de morbo cuius 2 m . fo. quot sunt (Med. 5) [23 Rasis in almaserio c 2 m . fo. et v'ge (Med. 4) [24 Auerroys in medicinis cuius 2 m . fo. et quia [25 Lilium medicine c 2 m . fo. cum fetore [26 Palladius c 2 m . fo. nee ieiuna (? Nat. Phil. 1) [27 Sentencie tegni galieni cuius 2 m . fo. compositus [28 Galienus in multis libris cuius 2 m . fo. ver tempus (Med. 1 ) [29 Passiones messway cuius 2 m . fo. de luperis [30 Questiones super tegnay c 2 m . fo. primo modo [31 Comentum Galieni c 2 m . fo. cognico (Med. 2) [32 Theorica Constantini c 2 m . fo. discordabant [33 Compendium medicinale cuius 2 m . fo. innaturalem [34 ll] IN THE UNIVERSITY" LIBRARY. 37 Quinque libri auicenne c 2 m . fo. theorica [35 3 M libri canonis auic' cuius 2 m . fo. deracoem (? Med. 3) [36 Egregius arcium liberalium medicine cuius 2 m . fo. depascoi [37 Addiciones mesue c 2 m . fo. virtutera [38 Exposico Johan n cum questionibus c 2 m . fo. cum tenetis [39 Johan n Alexandri c 2 m . fo. sui causas [40 1T In 3 staulo continentur xviij libri quorum primus est Albertus de anima c 2 m . fo. animarum [41 Scharp de anima c 2 m . fo. Intellina monet [42 Burley de anima c 2 m . fo. consideratur (Nat. Phil. 10) [43 Textus phi e naturalis c 2 m . fo. siquidem (Nat. Phil. 5) [44 Textus de animalibus c 2 m . fo. lacimus edenchia [45 Auyreys super phi corum libros c 2 m . fo. le intelli le (Nat. Phil. 8) [46 Ysiderus in ethimologiis c 2 m . fo xpc ipse [47 Dubulton in to a phi a c. 2 m . fo. extra inte m [48 Textus noue logice c 2 m . fo. de vno dicuntur [49 Egidius de regimine principum c 2 m . fo. sciendum est [50 Burley super libros phi corum c 2 m . fo. cujuscumque predi" (Nat. Phil. 6) [51 Textus phi e naturalis c 2 m . fo. resoluta adinuicem (Nat. Phil. 7) [52 Albertus de natura locorum c 2 m . fo. que sunt cause [53 38 TWO LISTS OF BOOKS [ll *0rosius de ornusida mundi c 2 m . fo. ardentem mails [54 Albertus super libros phisicorum cuius 2 m . fo. esse competit [55 Aristotelis naturalia problemata cuius 2 m . fo. erit et non vna (Nat. Phil. 11) [56 Franciscus de remedijs vtriusque fortune c 2 m . fo. nomina [57 Problemata Aristotelis c 2 m . fo. valentem (Nat. Phil. 12) [58 U In 4* staulo continetur xix libri quorum primus est Textus logice c2 m . fo. quod quid (Log. 1) [59 Exposico moral' phi e c 2 m . fo. silogismos (Mor. Phil. 1) [60 Tabula politicorum c 2 m fo. tabilia [61 Ep le senece cuius 2 m . fo. quocienscumque l rds [62 Egidius de regimine principum c 2 m . fo. grosse magis (Mor. Phil. 2) [63 Textus Ethicorum cuius 2 m . fo. oz autem [64 Antonius super metha ca .. cuius 2 m . fo. vt ens (Nat. Phil. 9) [65 Aristotelis de secretis secretorum c 2" 1 . fo. caliginem (Theol. 54) [66 Tryuet super libros Boecij c 2. fo. dorrice [67 Tabularum optimarum c 2 m . fo. esse c am [68 Textus metha ce cuius 2 m . fo. inaxime scire (Nat. Phil. 2) [69 Thomas super metha 08111 c 2 m . fo. animalibus (Nat. Phil. 3) [70 Glosa co is c 2 m . fo. auferat [71 Manupulus cronicorum c 2 m . fo. set comparacoe [72 II] IN THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY. 39 Tonale musicale c 2 m . fo. Inter quot [73 Retho 011 tullij c 2 m . fo. mo cum [74 Alexander super metha " 11 c 2 m . fo. quod voco [75 *Boecius de consolacoe c 2 m . fo. querimoniam (Mor. Phil. 3) [76 Albertus super metha "" c 2 m . fo. probatur in esse. (Mor. Phil. 5) [77 IT In 5* staulo continentur 26 libri quorum primus est Glosa co is super 5 libros Salo u c 2 m . fo. memoriam virtu turn [78 Gregorius in moralibus c 2 m . fo. cibum (Theol. 40) [79 Distincconum Line' cuius 2 m . fo. au' homo [80 Tractatus de donis c 2 m . fo. dicebat [81 Januensis in d ni calibus c 2 m . fo. est habunda (Theol. 28) [82 Hie" 8 de sancto victore c 2 m . fo. set h' in hijs [83 Januensis super opus quadragesimale c 2 m . fo. ad hec [84 Bernardus de diligendo d m c 2 m . fo. testimonis [85 Pariciensis de vicijs c 2m. fo. pro quo (Theol. 21) [86 Raymundus cum sermonibus d ni calibus c 2 m . fo. tenetur (Theol. 22) [87 Lactancius de falsa religione c 2 m . fo. permixta [88 Ancelmus cuius 2 m . fo. essencia (Theol. 19) [89 Sancti gregorij de pastorali cura c 2 m . fo. fugere (Theol. 12) [90 Armachanus de pauperie xp' c 2 m . fo. quam (Crome 2) [91 40 TWO LISTS OF BOOKS [ll Augustinus Ixxxiij. qnum c 2 m . fo. erunt [92 Distiiicconum mauricij c 2 m . fo. abscondit [93 Pariciensis de sacramentis c 2 m . fo. qui [94 Januensis de scis c 2 m . fo. magis (Theol. 29) [95 Notyngham super euangelia c 2 m . fo. premiorum (Theol. 47) [U6 Distinccoes Januensis de ordine predicatoruin c 2 m . fo. creaturas (Theol. 30) [97 Dicta Lincolniensis cum a ys c 2 m . fo. voluntate [98 Isodorus de ortu et obitu sanctorum patrum ad adam vsque ad ste- phanum c 2 m . fo. sacerdos [99 *Originalium Augustini c 2 m . fo. sumus (Crome) [100 Gregorius super ezechieleni c 2 m . fo. tilios (Theol. 43) [101 Augustinus de ciuitate dei c 2 m . fo. quippe (Theol. 14) [102 Beate virginis marie cuius 2 m . fo. inimicorum suorum. (Theol. 27) [103 In 6 to staulo continentur libri xxvj. Recellencis cuius 2 m fo. sp u ale [104 Tryuett super c 2 m . fo. meleche v [105 Parisiensis super scos c 2 m . fo. gradus [106 Odo in sermonibus c 2 m . fo. est [107 Athbery [i.e. Lathbury] super trenos c 2 m . fo. inqt j e [108 Summa predicancium cuius 2 m . fo. nem est (Theol. 39) [109 ll] IN TUB UNIVERSITY LIB11ARY. 41 Repyngdon c 2 m . fo. huius seculi [110 Retho" 1 Tho e cuius 2 m . fo. penultimam (TheoL 18) [111 Ep le pauli cuius 2 m . fo. xp' d r [112 Rabanus de 2 a parte psalterij c 2 m . fo. de glorifica ne [113 Robertus de padway c 2 m . fo. alterius culpe [114 Legenda scorum c 2 m . fo. flumina ignea (Theol. 23) [115 Ep le parisiencis c 2 m . fo. nem [116 Libr' diuersorum sermonum c 2 m . fo. relinquend' [117 Sermones d ni cales c 2 m . fo. sine qua [118 Postille super eziechelem c 2 m . fo. oracoes imperfcas [119 Toiniloquium Wallensi c 2 m . fo. operis coniugal' [120 Pariciens de vicijs cuius 2 m . fo. autoritatibus [121 Postilla iordanis cuius 2 m . fo. statuerunt duos [122 Prima pars Jordanis super euangelia c 2 m . fo. ad !"" [123 *Libr' sermonum Aug 1 c 2 m . fo. no n ille (Crome) [124 Tractatus de lingua c 2 m . fo. monet ap lus (] Theol. 44) [125 Concordancie super concordancias b lle cuius 2 m . fo. bia [126 Libr' sermonum c 2 m . fo. sz [127 Summa Wallencis c 2 m . fo. sextum (Theol. 13) [128 Origenis super genesim c 2 m . fo. non sit. [129 42 TWO LISTS OF BOOKS [ll In 7 mo staulo continentur 24 libri quorum primus est Glosa super leuiticum c 2 m . fo. sanguinem eius [130 Postilla super lucam cuius 2 m . fo. o n ditur [131 Prologus primus in quintum librum doctrinal' ecc e xp 1 c 2 m . fo. asensu [132 Hugo de Vihenna super ysaiam c 2 m . fo. bibliam [133 Augustinus de agone xp'ano et penitencia .c 2 m fo. ducere [134 P a pars dicconarij c 2 m . fo. [135 2 a pars dicconarij c 2 m . fo. prosperitatis [136 Tercia pars dicconarij c 2 m . fo. labitur [137 Quarta pars dicconarij c 2 m . fo. salice [138 Ep u fr* Thome Walden c 2 m . fo. beacor [139 N a glosa super ep las pauli c 2 m . fo. ver [140 Ambrosius super lucam c 2 m . fo. si laborem (Theol. 52) [141 Postilla super Matheum c 2 m . fo. sonat [142 Liber ympnorum c 2 m . fo. construende (Theol. 42) [143 Liber distincconum c 2 m . fo. lassata [144 *Augustinus contra Faustum c 2 m . fo. nr (Crome) [145 *Augustinus de doctrina xp'ana c 2 m . fo. comperi (Crome) [146 Jeronimus super Ezechielem c 2 m . fo. contempni [147 Wallensis super triginta c 2 m . fo. contra quod [148 II] IN THE UNIVERSITY LIBKARY. Waldan c. 2 m . fo. s 1 dicaut Postille super genesim c 2 m . fo. quia Ep le Augustini c 2 m . fo. adrae Postille super li 08 regum c 2 m . fo. *0milie origenis c 2 m . fo. d m . In staulo octauo continentur 17 libri Petrus comestor c 2 m . fo. vbique ergo Augustinus super Tanonicam Johannis c 2 m . fo. feus est Allogorie Historiarum c 2 m . fo. feneratores Postilla super librum psalmorum c 2 m . fo. quod inportat Postille de lira c 2 m . fo. bus Magister Historiarum c 2 m . fo. n 1 aliud Omelie grisostini c 2 m . fo. leticie Grisostiinus super matheuni c 2 m . fo. d sed *Augustinus de verb' d 1 " c 2 m . fo. O quam bonus Pars de lira c 2 m . fo. possunt optari Prima pars biblie c 2 m . fo. non potuerunt *Augustinus de qnibus c. 2 m . fo. rem Holcot super sapi am c 2 m . fo. propositum Biblia c 2 m . fo. suam scripturam 43 [149 (Theol. 33) [150 [151 (? TheoL 34) [152 (Crome) [153 quorum primus est (? Theol. 46) [154 [155 (Theol. 11) [156 (Theol. 6) [157 (Theol. 7) [158 (Theol. 10) [159 [160 (? Theol. 17) [161 (Crome 1) [162 (Theol. 9) [163 [164 (Crome) [165 (Theol. 20) [166 (Theol. 3) [167 44 TWO LISTS OF BOOKS [ll Sermones Repyngdon c 2 m . fo. rnisit [168 Histo a scolastica c 2 m . fo. ocupabant (Theol. 45) [169 Rno Nich 1 de lira c 2 m . fo. cend' (Theol. 8) [170 In primo staulo ex parte austral! continentur 15 li' quorum primus est Porteferium c 2 m . fo. angelo [171 BarthalF super F no c 2 m . fo. edi priuatus [172 Fno c 2 m . fo. velit [173 Fno c 2 m . fo. neque opus [174 F ve c 2 m . fo. et in primis [175 Fno c 2 m . fo. causa [176 Quoddam volumen in cuius princi continentur brocardica b' brix cum alijs c 2 m . fo. vt ex a (Jur. Can. 4) [177 Cynus c 2 m . fo. tune [178 Will mus in speculo c 2 m . fo. vnccoe (? Jur. Can. 3) [179 *Collaccoes c 2 m . fo. na [180 *Gestuin vetus c 2 m . fo. cato [181 *Cynus c 2 m . fo. et in furto [182 *Codex c 2 m . fo. in rca [183 *F in for c 2 m . fo. alterius [184 II] IN THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY. 45 Doctor super F ve c 2 m . fo. puniri [185 In secundo desco continentur 17 libri quorum primus est Johannes de lingnasio c 2 m . fo. n 1 (Jur. Can. 7) [207 Liber decretorum c 2 m . fo. sub eodem [208 Libr* parui voluminis c 2 m . fo. igitur [209 Apparatus d ni digni in 6 to c 2 m . fo. vicecancellarium (Jur. Can. 8) [210 *Liber 6 U8 decretalium c 2 m . fo. et alijs [211 Apparatus innocencij c 2 m . fo. fructibus [212 Rosarium archediaconi c 2 m . fo. enim ponitur (Jur. Can. 2) [213 *Libr' F noui c 2 m . fo. nunciacoem [214 Septulum c 2 m . fo. 2 a petri 2 [215 Prima pars Joh i8 nouelle c 2 m . fo. aliquibus (Jur. Can. 6) [216 2 a pars Joh is nouelle c 2 m . fo. autorem (Jur. Can. 15) [217 Lectura abbatis c 2 m . fo. probiliter [218 Glo a Joh is de Attona super constitu bus c 2 m . fo. duorum (? Jur. Can. 21) [219 Surnma Raymundi c 2 m . fo. ex de [220 *Apparatus decretorum c 2 m . fo. senatus (Jur. Can. 1) [221 Lynwode c 2 m . fo. ice ub [222 Archidiacanus in rosario c 2 m . fo. et euang' (Jur. Can. 23) [223 46 TWO LISTS OF BOOKS [ll In 3 desco continentur 14 li 1 quorum primus est Joh es in nouella super 6 m librum decretalium c 2 m . fo. ad parteui (Jur. Can. 17) [224 Nouella Joh' 8 an super 9 li 08 decretalium c 2 m . fo. creatura solet (Jur. Can. 16) [225 Decretalia c 2 m . fo. si carne (Jur. Can. 14) [226 Ostiensis in lectura c 2 m . fo. temporatum [227 Ostiensis c 2 m . fo. declarat [228 Petrus in salinis c 2 m . fo. magest'o [229 Constitu es N pape c 2 m . mento (Jur. Can. 11) [230 Constitu 68 Clementine c 2 m . fo. fidei (Jur. Can. 19) [231 Petrus de salinis c 2 m . fo. etat' [232 Tabula marciani super decre lia c 2 m . fo. quid abbas [233 Sumrna de titul' decre Uum c 2 m . fo. S 68 leges (Jur. Can. 12) [234 Textus decretorum c 2 m . fo. n 1 q'rites (Jur. Can. 10) [235 Apparatus archidiaconi c 2 m . fo. et l a [236 Innocencius super decretale cuius 2 m . fo. de quibus [237 In quarto desco continentur 14 li' quorum primus est Antiquitatum liber c 2 m . fo. de cetero [238 Johannes in addiccoibus c 2 m . fo. non recipiat [239 Textus decretorum c 2 m . fo. cum illi [240 II] IX THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY. 47 Glo a super clement' c 2 m . fo. gregoriani [241 Tabula iuris c 2 m . fo. abboluco [242 *Consti e8 N c 2 m . fo. tentur (Jur. Can. 5) [243 Tractatus de pni a c 2 m . fo. sperauit (Theol. 24) [244 Innocensius super decre 168 c 2 m . fo. de rerum (Jur. Can. 18) [245 *Racio le diuinorum c 2 m . fo. gum servitur (Salle) [246 Joh 68 gaufridus c 2 m . fo. infra (Jur. Can. 13) [247 c 2 m . fo. negligere (1 Jur. Can. 22) [248 Apparatus d 1 " digni in 6* c 2 m . fo. vacante . (Jur. Can. 20) [249 Liber 6 tu8 decretalium c 2 m fo. nra [250 Apparatus Joh is andree c 2 m . fo. seu olo [251 In 5 to desco continentur 27 li 1 quorum primus est [Fo. 3 b ] Mag r super libros sentenciarum c 2 m . fo. videlicet [252 Magister Will mus Teall c 2 m . fo. fluerat (Theol. disp. 14) [253 Tabula reductorij moral' c 2 m . fo. adquirere [254 Reductorium morale c 2 m . fo sexta [255 Exp super iiij or libros senten*" 1 c 2 m . fo. dies [256 Quedam expo super ecc a sticum c 2 m . fo. vitande (Theol. 31) [257 Bonouentura super 4 m senten arum c 2 m . fo. ideo (Theol. disp. 5) [258 48 TWO LISTS OF BOOKS [II Egidius de mensura angelorum cuius 2 m . fo. adeam Expo super 4 m sentenciarum c 2 m . fo. dux olm Albertus super iiij tum senten arum c 2 m . fo. ergo Tarentasius super 4 m c 2 m . fo. samaritanus Dicta Lincoln!' c 2 m . fo. commisit Legendi b t! thome c 2 m . fo. lonis Sutton c 2 m . fo. agit Colleccoes Wallensis c 2 m . fo. debent Albertus super primum et 3 m sentenciarum c 2 m . fo. et exaltat' Scus Thomas in prima parte summe c 2 m . fo. enim Franciscus de maronis c 2 m . fo. inter omnia Scus Thomas super j m sentenciarum c 2 m . fo. instant Thomas super primum c 2 m . fo. doctrina Bedly super ep las cano * 8 c 2 m . fo. vt prop. Boecius consolacois c 2 m . fo. ma apud Augustinus super septem li 09 qunum c 2 m . fo. tue gratuletur Magister sentenciarum c 2 m . fo. amande Compendium pauperis c 2 m . fo. distincco Summa sci Thome de aliquo c 2 m . fo. recipiencium Bacunthorp c 2 m . fo. vtrum sic (Theol. disp. 6) [259 [260 (Theol. disp. 10) [261 [262 [263 (Theol. 15) [264 (Theol. disp. 8) [265 (? Theol. 16) [266 (Theol. disp. 9) [267 (Theol. disp. 11) [268 (? Theol. disp. 4) [269 [270 (Theol. disp. 7) [271 [272 [273 [274 (Theol. disp. 1) [275 (Theol. 26) [276 (Theol. disp. 12) [277 (? Theol. disp. 13) [278 II] IN THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY. 49 In 6 to desco continentur 21 libri quorum primus est [Fo. 3 a ] Jeronimus in ep li8 c 2 m . fo. ramt' [186 Glo* co i8 c 2 m . fo. filij [187 Josaphus in antiquitatibus c 2 m . fo. deficet' [188 Tabula super summam Thome contra gentiles c 2 m . fo. ad modestam [189 Media villa Nich 1 Ive super primum et 2 m smarum c 2 m . fo. per humanam (Theol. disp. 2) [190 Tarentazius super 3 m . et 4 m . c 2 m . fo. aut' ergo (Theol. disp. 3) [191 Secunda 2 e c 2 m . fo. videt (Theol. 53) [192 Secunda 2 e c 2 m . fo. habitus (Theol. disp. 15) [193 Stephanus cantuariensis super libros regum c 2 m . fo. psalmi [194 Contra adimantum c 2 m . fo. aut [195 Glo a super omnes pauli op 1 * 8 c 2 m . fo. noscere [196 Exposico euangeliorum s' Hildebrand c 2 m . fo. seminat [197 Sermo Augustini quod t r me non sunt excercende c 2 m . fo. pernicosa [198 Glosa super libros biblie c 2 m . fo. iudaici [199 Psalterium cum glo a c 2 m . fo. quia iam [200 Jeronimus super psalterium c 2 m . fo. disrumpamus [201 Glo a iudicum c 2 m . fo. ei caleph [202 Glosa co u super matheum et marcum c 2 m . fo. consilij [203 Floretum c 2 m . fo. i. s' glosam [204 B. 4 50 TWO LISTS OF BOOKS [ll Gesta romanorum c 2 m . fo. custodite [205 De ciuitate xp 1 c 2 m . fo. renouatum [206 In septimo desco continentur 15 cim quorum primus est [Fo. 4 a ] Hugo de Vienna super sapien les c 2 m . fo. sint ergo [279 Gorrani super Joh em c 2 m . fo causal' [280 Prima pars tabule dictorum sci Thome c 2 m . fo. facit [281 2 a pars tabule c 2 m . fo. indesta em [282 3 a pars tabule c 2 m . fo. et idem [283 Hugo de Vienna super apocalipsim c 2 m . fo. sed xp ua [284 Hugo de Vienna super libros trenorum c 2 m . fo. q Jerimias [285 Gorram super lucam c 2 m . fo. vocandus [286 Hugo de Vienna super lucam c 2 m . fo. ta ecce [287 Opus Magistri Will 1 Milington contra peykok c 2 m . fo. actenus obligatur [288 Gorram super matheum c 2 m . fo. imploranda [289 Hugo de Vienna super matheum c 2 m . fo. c 2 m . fo. galathas 4 to [290 Hugo de Vienna super marchum c 2 m . fo. predicatorem [291 Hugo de Vienna super duodecim prophetas c 2 m . fo. vnum [292 Gorram super matheum c 2 m . fo. erat [293 II] IN THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY. 51 In octauo desco continentur 23 libri quorum primus est Origines super ep 1 ^ pauli ad romanos c 2 m . fo. spc [294 Glo a quedam super lucam c 2 m . fo. fabul' [295 Parobole salamonis glo te c 2 m . fo. in cruce (Theol. 38) [296 Prima pars doctoris de lira s' fr em Nich m c 2 m . fo. et secundum (Theol. 48) [297 2 a pars eiusdem c 2 m . fo. in nouo (Theol. 50) [298 3 a pars eiusdem c 2 m . fo. et ne (Theol. 49) [299 Monachus beccensis super parobola salo !s c 2 m fo. odit [300 Prima pars biblie c 2 m . fo. sciant (? Theol. 1) [301 2 a pars biblie c 2 m . fo. apprehendent (? Theol. 2) [302 Petrus Johannes super M* c 2 m . fo. ad p rem [303 Concordancie c 2 m . fo. viij C (Theol. 4) [304 Co' 8 glosa super quinque libros sapien les cum expo ne Hugonis de Vienna c 2 m . fo. patris [305 Postille super exodum cum alijs c 2 m . fo. scribens (TheoL 35) [306 Jeronimus contra Jouinian' cuius 2 m . fo. fiaz [307 Tractatus super Joelem c 2 m . fo. et vt [308 Expo super apocalips c 2 m . fo. agno (Theol. 37) [309 Glo a super matheum c 2 m . fo. et quod [310 Postilla mora 1 ' c2 m . fo. est (Theol. 51) [311 42 52 TWO LISTS OF BOOKS [ll Libri plurimi augustini de mirabilibus noui et veteris testament! c 2 m . fo. carencium [312 Frater Nich us de hanapis de exemplis sacre scripture c 2 m . fo. concilium [313 Tryuet super exodum c 2 m . fo. canan [314 Petrus de remediario conuersorum c 2 m . fo. collatinam (Theol. 36) [315 Job glosatus ex expo eiusdetn c 2 m . fo. sidet [316 In nono desco continentur xiiij cim libri quorum primus est Glo a co is super Pentacon c 2 m . fo. Aug us [317 Glo a co is super libros regum c 2 m . fo. occulati [318 Glo a co is super ep las pauli c 2 m . fo. distaV [319 Glosa co i8 super marcum c 2 m . fo. ad finem [320 Glo a co is super ysaiam c 2 m . fo. hoc A [321 Glosa comunis super parabolas c 2 m . fo. adolescenti [322 Glosa co is super Job c 2 m . fo. vermibus [323 Glo a co u super actus ap lorum c 2 m . fo. Aug us [324 Glosa co is super lucam et Johannem c 2 m . fo. ante deum [325 Glosa comunis super Ezechielem c 2 m . fo. die xl a [326 Glosa co is super sapi 1 " 11 c 2 m . fo. p* [327 Glosa co is super c 2 m . fo. caderanda [328 Glo a co is super Josue et Judic' c 2 m . fo. moyses [329 Il] IN THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY. 53 Floretuni Bartholomei c 2 m . fo. scienciam iungaris. [330 De pertinentibus cruci vniuersitatis. Summa pars crucis cum ymagine crucifixi et ymaginibus see Marie et sancti Job 18 Tabernaculum crucifixi cum ymaginibus Patris et see Marie cum angelo supra capita. Alia pecia magna cum minore in capite cum ymaginibus Mich 18 sancti Nich 1 see Marie et gabrielis et sci Thome deauratis cum duo- decim penaculis maioribus et minoribus. Aliud Tabernaculum paruum cum cristallo pro Sacramento defe- rendo cum vno pyn. Baculus deauratus dimisus in tres pecias deauratas et duas pecias ligneas argenteas in finibus cum vno vice. Item sex angel i deaurati cum alis omnibus extra vna et vnum vice argenteum fractum. Item alia pecia que vocatur Soket pro pede crucifixi. Item duo penacula sine cruce cum alijs duodecim paruis pecijs argenteis et deauratis. Item duo superpelicia cum vno Poket. Qui quidem libri omnes ac singuli cum cruce et eidem pertinencijs per procuratores supradictos eidem M' Johanni Ocley traditi sunt die et anno d nl supradictis. Et a regni regis Edwardi quarti post conquestum Angl' (terciodecimo). ADDITIONAL REMARKS. In the first list Richard Holme gave 16 out of the 76 volumes which form the original entry. His will dated Cam- bridge 18 April was proved 22 May 1424, and has been printed by the Surtees Society, Test. Ebor. Vol. I. p. 405. I omitted at first to notice that he refers for particulars to an inventory of legacies which is now apparently lost ; so that we need not suppose the list to have been compiled so early as 1424, but must look to the entries themselves for a guide to the date. Thomas de Castro Beruardi was probably the Master of Peter- 54 TWO LISTS OF BOOKS IN THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY. [ll house, who was succeeded by John Holbroke in 1418. William Hollere may be the vicar of Halvergate in Norfolk 1415 1426, mentioned by Parkin, Hist, of Norf. Vol. XL p. 105. The earliest additional entries I have marked * ; those by a third hand ** ; those by a fourth f ; those by a fifth ff ; those by a sixth J; and those by a seventh hand . Of the entries marked J the list of Libri grammaticales is subscribed " West- hawe," possibly Thomas Westhaugh, who was elected fellow of Pembroke Hall in 1432, and who may have made the entry. Of the donors of the books marked , John Holbrok was Master of Peterhouse in 1418, and seems to have died in 1431 or 1437. (See Tanner.) Kendale was probably Richard Kendale the grammarian, mentioned as living in 1431. (See Tanner.) Thomas Thurkyll is probably the person who formerly owned MS. IL 3. 9, which afterwards belonged to William Lavender, who sold it in 1432 to Walter Crome, by whose gift it came to the Library in 1444. Of the donors of books marked JJ, Thomas (not Richard) Langley, Bishop of Durham, died in 1439, and the volumes are mentioned in his will, printed by the Surtees Society, Hist. Dunelm. Scriptores tres, App. p. ccxli. Robert Alne died in 1440. His will dated 24 Dec. and proved 26 Dec. 1440, is printed in the Test. Ebor. Vol. n. p. 78. It mentions, besides these books, a copy of Franciscus [Petrarcha] de remediis utriusque fortunes, which Mr John Otryngham, Master of Michaelhouse in Cambridge, was to retain during his life ; and accordingly this book appears (No. 57) in the later list printed above, and not in the earlier. Mr Nicolaus Wpton is probably the well-known writer of the treatise on heraldry. In the second list, the books marked with an asterisk are those which I have identified as still existing in the Library. They are all in the first list, except those given by Walter Crome in 1444 and 1452, and one (No. 246) which came to the library " ex legati M ri Joh" Salle decretorum doctoris nuper socii Aule sancte Trinitatis." There is no date, and the Trinity Hall records throw no light on it, but the book must have been given between 1440 and 1473, and the donor may have been John Salle, Vicar of Happisburgh in Norfolk 1429 1455. III. AN EARLY UNIVERSITY STATUTE CONCERNING HOSTELS *. THE following Statute occurs on the last page of one portion of a miscellaneous volume in the University Library (MS. Mm. 4. 41), none of the contents of which can well be later than the 14th century, while the part in question may probably be as- signed to the reign of Edward the First. The handwriting is the same as that of the treatises immediately preceding it, and it is quite possible that it was copied into this book very soon after the time at which it was first made. A statute concerning Hostels, made in the reign of Edward the First, carries us back to a time in the history of the Uni- versity when Peterhouse was the only College, and nearly all the members lived in these Hospitia. It is therefore less re- markable that we do not find this statute among the Statuta Antiqua in the printed editions; as the old Proctors' books, from which the materials chiefly came for the edition of 1785, seem not to have been drawn up till the end of the 14th century at the earliest, and so represent a time when the Collegiate system had begun to get a firm footing in the University. The Statute on the subject (No. 67) in the printed editions, is materially different from the one here given. Statuta Universitatis Cantebrigise. Si aliquis velit habere aliquam principalitatem alicujus hospitii in dicta universitate, veniat ad dominum hospitii illius 1 A Communication read before the Cambridge Antiquarian Society, May 11, 1863. 56 AN EARLY UNIVERSITY STATUTE [ill iu die Sancti Barnabas apostoli; quia ab illo tempore [11 Jun.] usque ad Nativitatem Beatae Mariae [8 Sept.] possunt offerri cautiones et admitti, et nullo alio tempore anni. Item qui prior est tempore prior est jure ; ita, qui prius offer t cautionem domino domus, stabit cautio ; et ilia cautio debet praeferri coram Cancellario. Item scholaris ille qui dare debet cautionem ipse debet venire domino hospitii in praedicto die vel infra illud tempus, sed quanto citius tanto melius, et in praesentia bedelli vel notarii vel duorum testium et cautionem sibi exponere cum effectu, si velit; ita videlicet cum effectu, vel cautionem fide- jussoriam vel pignoraticiam, id est, vel duos fidejussores vel unum librum vel aliud tale ; et, si non admittatur, ille scholaris debet statim adire Cancellarium et sibi exponere cautionem in praesentia illorum testium et dicere qualiter dominus hospitii te minus juste recusavit in cautione recipienda ; et hoc probato Cancellarius statim te admittet ad illam cautionem et ad illam principalitatem invito domino hospitii. Item ille qui scholaris est et principalis alicujus hospitii non potest cedere nee alicui clerico scholari socio renuntiari juri suo, sed tantum domino hospitii. Item cessiones hujusmodi prohibentur quia fuissent in pree- judicium domini hospitii; quod fieri non debet. Item si aliquis sit principalis alicujus hospitii, et aliquis alius scholaris velit inhabitare tanquam principalis in eodem hospitio, adeat dominum hospitii et exponat sibi cautionem, lit dicitur supra, ita dicens: Domine, si placeat tibi, peto me admitti ad principalitatem hospitii tui in ilia parochia, quando- cunque principalis velit cedere vel renuntiari juri suo, ita quod ego prinio et principaliter et immediate possim sibi succedere, si placeat tibi, salvo jure suo dum principalis fuerit. Si non vult, exponas cautionem Cancellario, ut te admittat ad illam conditionem quod quandocunque non fuerit principalis, quod tu possis esse principalis et sibi succedere in eodem hospitio prae omnibus aliis ; et Cancellarius te admittet invito domino et invito principali. Item si aliquis dominus dicit alicui scholari: Vis tu esse principalis illius hospitii mei ? Scholaris dicit quod sic ; sed Ill] CONCERNING HOSTELS. 57 domiims hospitii dicit quod non vult quod hospitium taxetur aliquo modo ; scholaris dicit quod non curat ; scholaris ingre- ditur tanquam principalis et accipit sibi socios scholares in hospitio suo. Isti scholares hospitii possunt adire Cancellarium et facere hospitium eorum taxari invito principal! et invito domino, non obstante contractu inter dominum et principalem, quia contractus privatorum non potest prsejudicare juri publico. Item nullus potest privare aliquem principalem sua prin- cipalitate nee aliquo modo supplantare, dummodo solvit pen- sionem, nisi dominus hospitii velit inhabitare, vel nisi dominus vendiderit vel hospitium alienaverit. IV. ON TWO HITHERTO UNKNOWN POEMS BY JOHN BARBOUR, Author of the Brus 1 . THE remains of early Scotch literature are so scanty, that I am glad of an opportunity to bring before the notice of our Society two genuine pieces of antiquity, two poems which I have no hesitation in assigning to Master John Barbour Arch- deacon of Aberdeen, the author of the Brus, which have been lying unclaimed in our University fora hundred and fifty years, and which it has been my good fortune to disinter within the last three weeks. As hardly anything of Scotch literature re- mains to us earlier than the middle of the fifteenth century, except the Brus by Barbour, who died in 1395, Wyntown's Chronicle called the Orygynale (about 1420), and the poems of King James the First, who died in 1437; it is a satisfaction to have recovered these two poems of Barbour's, the Siege of Troy and the Lives of Saints. Of the Troy-book only two fragments are forthcoming, comprising about 2200 lines; but the Lives of Saints seem to extend to about 40000 lines. It was on the llth of this month that I took down from the shelf in the University Library a copy of Lydgate's Troy-book. I only knew that it was a Scotch manuscript formerly in the Duke of Lauderdale's collection, which was sold by auction in London in 1692, and that it had been bought with several others from the same library by Bishop Moore, and transferred with the rest of his books to the University by the munificence of King George in 1715. My immediate object was to see how 1 A Communication read before the Cambridge Antiquarian Society, April 30, 1866. IV] ON TWO UNKNOWN POEMS BY JOHN BARBOUR. 59 far Lydgate's southern English had been modified in the pro- cess of transcription by a Scotch scribe. The original volume was mutilated both at beginning and end, and the missing parts had been supplied in writing, from the printed edition of 1555, by one Sir James Murray of Tibbermure, who owned the book in 1612. However, on turning over a few leaves near the end of the original scribe's work, I was struck with a line in larger handwriting (that used throughout the volume for rubrics), running as follows : Her endis the monk and begynnys harbour; and on turning back, I found a similar rubric near the be- ginning : Her endis harbour and begynnys the monk. It was further apparent that the lines before this note at the beginning, as far as they were preserved (about 600), and after the note at the end (about 1500 or 1600), were not Lydgate couplets of verses of five accents, but Romance couplets of verses of four accents. A few lines were enough to show me that the language was anything but southern English ; and I had little doubt that I had stumbled upon some fragments of a large work by the earliest known Scotch poet, of which I did not recollect to have seen any notice. After spending some hours in searching through the various works on Scotch literary history which were to be found in the Library, I wrote to Mr Cosmo Innes to ask for some information about the book, being very slow to believe that it was possible for me to dis- cover anything in such an accessible library as ours, which had escaped the keen and life-long searches of such literary an- tiquaries as Scotland now possesses. Warton mentions another translation of Guido de Colonna's work, besides Lydgate's, as existing at Oxford among the Laud MSS. ; and fortunately that part of the story which he quotes from the Oxford MS., the account of the arrival of Jason and Hercules at Colchos, also exists in the earlier of the fragments in our Troy-book; but though Lydgate's poem, the anonymous one at Oxford, and Barbour's are all translated from the same Latin text, the Historia Trojana of Guido de Colonna, they are all clearly different versions. 60 ON TWO HITHERTO UNKNOWN POEMS [iV It is difficult to understand how these fragments come to occupy the place which they hold in the present MS. The only explanation I can suggest is that the Scotch scribe, wishing to make a copy of Lydgate's Story of the Destruction of Troy, was only able to procure for his purpose a copy mutilated at be- ginning and end ; and that, in transcribing, he supplemented his original by taking the missing portions of the story from the antiquated (and in his eyes less refined) translation made by his own countryman in the previous century. King James seems to have carried back with him into Scotland the knowledge of the English poetry of his day. There is ample evidence of the popularity of Chaucer in Scotland in the latter half of the fifteenth century ; several of his smaller poems are only known to us from Scotch copies of them ; and one indeed is among the earliest productions of the Edinburgh press. It need not then be matter of surprise to us if the great popu- larity of Lydgate in England had spread his fame across the border. I still thought that anonymous copies of Barbour's Siege of Troy might have been preserved either entire or, as here, combined with Lydgate's work, and suggested this to my friends in Scotland ; but at present all that I can say is that they know of no poem of the kind lying unclaimed. While, however, so many libraries remain unexplored, it is very pro- bable that a more complete copy may yet be discovered 1 . It then occurred to me that our Society might very well print these two fragments of the Troy-book, and that, as there were but very few early Scotch manuscripts in the library, a brief description of these might be prefixed to the fragments when printed. The Latin Gospels of Deer, with the Gaelic charters at the beginning (the only Scottish Gaelic charters in existence), are already in the hands of Mr Joseph Robertson for publication, and may soon be expected ; Stewart's Metrical Chronicle, from the Lauderdale Library, has been edited for the Master of the Rolls. The volumes containing the Scottish laws, and the Romance of Lancelot, &c., are already well- known; the volume of Lydgate had just yielded the two fragments of Barbour's poem, which I have noticed; and 1 See note at the end of tliis paper. IV] BY JOHN BARBOUR. Cl almost the only other Scotch manuscript was an anonymous collection of Lives of Saints, which I had long known by sight, and which I have shown to all my Edinburgh friends in the hope of their recognising it as a well-known work, even if not by a known author. Having never obtained any satisfaction on the subject, I set to work to look carefully through it. It must have some definite place in its own class of literature; and for the last few years the necessity has become more and more apparent to me of trying to assign not merely to every composition but to every volume, whether written or printed, its definite place (however roughly defined) in our early litera- ture. It is only by some systematic method of proceeding that we can ever hope to clear away the mass of confusion which exists in our knowledge of our national literature, especially during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. But to give some little account of this volume of Lives of Saints : it consists of nearly 400 leaves, with about 50 lines on a page, so that the series of lives must extend to nearly forty thousand lines. The writing seems to be of the latter half of the fifteenth century, and the binding must be contemporary, one of the few specimens of early binding, which remain in the library. One of the quires is guarded by a slip of parchment containing part of a document beginning : " Jacobus dei gratia rex Scottorum ," enough to show where the book was bound. The unnamed author begins his prologue by saying that, as Cato and the author of the Rose justly say that idle- ness is the root of all evil, "Yarfore sene I ma not wirk " As mynistre of haly kirke "For gret eld and febilnes," he employs himself in translating the lives of many of the saints. After the lives of the Apostles and several others, he closes the first portion of the work with the lives of Saint Nicholas (who, Mr Innes reminds me, is the patron saint of the City of Aberdeen), and Saint Morice or Macharius, the patron saint of the Church of the same place. At the beginning of his life of Saint Morice, he says : 62 ON TWO HITHERTO UNKNOWN POEMS [IV "Bot before vthir I wald fayne " And I had cunnyng set my mayne " Something to say of saint Moryse " Yat in his tyme was ware and wis " And in the erd of sic renown "And als in he wine sa hye patron " Of Abirden in ye cite." There are fifty lives in all, and the second portion contains twenty-three of these ; among them that of Saint Ninian the Apostle of Galloway. Unfortunately two leaves are wanting at the end of this life ; but enough remains to afford us material help in tracing out the author. After the translation of the Latin legend, the writer gives several narratives in illustration. The first of these he begins thus : " Of saint Niniane 3et I 311 tel " A ferly yat in my time befel "In Galoway til a nobil knycht "Yat Sir Fargus Magdonel 1 hycht. " And hardy was of hart and hand "And had the leding of the land " In worshipe and slachtyr bath " One Inglis men to do skath. " * * * This ends thus : "For thi honour be til hewynis kyng "And to saint Niniane honouryng " En al tyme of lyfand men. " Yarto say we al Amen. " Yis wes done but lessing " Quhen Sir Davi bruys wes king." After several further narratives, he begins another (now de- fective at the end) thus : " A lytil tale 3it herd I tel " Yat in to my tyme befel " Of a gudman in Murrefe borne "In Elgyne and his kynde beforne " And eallit wes a faithful man "With al yame yat him knewe yan 1 Query so, or Magdouel? IV] BY JOHN HARBOUR. 63 "And yis mare trastely I say "For I kend hyme weile mony day " John Balormy wes his name "A man of ful gud fame." * * I find one Thomas Balhormy witness to a charter early in the fifteenth century, in the Registrum Moraviense, and other persons of the name appear in that part of the country. After Saint Ninian follow other saints, and the book closes with a life of Saint Katherine. From the brief extract of these few passages you will see that the writer was an ecclesiastic, past work from old age, that he feels specially bound to sing the praises of Saint Machar, the patron of Aberdeen, that the story of the Galloway Knight happened in the author's own time, and during the reign of King David Bruce, who died in 1370 ; and, further, after relat- ing stories of events which happened in Galloway, he mentions, one of an Elgin man, an old friend of his own, as one which he can tell with more confidence of its truth than he can assert of the Galloway stories. When we consider that John Barbour the Archdeacon of Aberdeen, was engaged from 1375 onwards in writing the Brus, and that he lived till 1395, and apparently at Aberdeen, I think there can hardly be a doubt that this poem should also be added to the meagre list of the productions of the father of Scotch poetry. Scotchmen have grieved over the loss of Barbour's poem on the Genealogy of the Stewarts, which is so often referred to by Wyntown, in his Chronicle ; and therefore, though not of course of equal interest with the author's pecu- liarly national poems, they will no doubt be glad to have restored to them two such undoubted pieces as even from a philological point of view must be of considerable value and interest. To myself it is a peculiar satisfaction to think that such treasures as the Gospels of Deer and these two poems have been found in our own University Library ; as it shows that however long and however shamefully it has been neg- lected, there is yet sufficient lying undiscovered to lead the keepers of the library to turn their attention to the books committed to their charge. 64 ON TWO HITHERTO UNKNOWN POEMS [IV P.S. My conjecture has been verified to some extent. I have since had the good fortune to discover in the Douce Col- lection, a copy which furnishes about 1200 additional lines towards the close of the poem. Being at Oxford for some weeks this summer, I was enabled, thanks to the unequalled kindness of Mr Coxe, to explore at my leisure whole depart- ments of the Bodleian Library. I was searching for printed books ; but seeing a MS. of Lydgate's Troy-Book in an ad- joining book-case, I was tempted to take it down, although I knew that all the Bodleian Lydgates had been just recently examined with great care for the committee of the Early English Text Society. It is a Scotch MS. and was probably copied from the Cambridge MS. before ours was so much mutilated. The beginning is Lydgate, the volume closes with the last few lines of Lydgate's poem, and the rubrics about Barbour and the Monk are omitted; so that it is not to be wondered at that even Mr Douce himself should have over- looked it, to say nothing of more recent investigators. [It seems desirable to add here the description (evidently written by Mr Bradshaw) which appears in the ' Corrigenda ' to the Catalogue of MSS. in the University Library at Cambridge. A note in Mr Bradshaw's handwriting records that this description was printed 8 February, 1867.] Kk. v. 30. For the description given, read as follows : A small folio, on paper; the original part is of the xvth century; the supply, which is now collected and placed at the end, is of the early part of the xvnth. It is the volume marked 46 in the sale catalogue of the Duke of Lauderdale's MSS. (printed Lond. 1691-2, 4, and reprinted in the Bannatyne Miscellany, vol. n. p. 149). I. The original volume, consisting of upwards of 326 leaves, of which 1 10, 24, 324 326, and all following, are now wanting, contained THE DESTRUCTION OF TROY, translated from the Latin of Guido de Colonna. IV] BY JOHN BARBOUR. 65 Leaves 11 19 a contain part (defective at the beginning) of a translation in romance couplets, apparently by John Barbour, the author of the Brus. Leaves 19 a 304 b are part of Lydgate's trans- lation (printed Lond. 1513, 1555, folio). Leaves 304 b 323 contain a continuation of the story from Barbour's translation, defective at the end. The beginnings and endings are as follows : Leaf ll a : And Dyomedes byrdes yai ware Callit thare eftre mony a 3 here. Leaf 19 a : That yar was neuer nane hyr lyk No neuer sail be pure no ryk HER ENDIS BARBOUR AND BEGYNNIS )>E MONK Because of certane Interseueracions (ed. 1555, leaf 13 b ) Of dyuerse cercles and reuolucions Leaf 304 b : Inne yis myschief yat I am infall (ed. 1555, leaf 130 b ) Lord god thy grace mot help ws one and all HER ENDIS THE MONK ANDE BYGYNNIS BARBOUK The kyng when yis counsell was done In hys hall pryvely ryght sone Leaf 323 b : He fond a fayre pleyn wher he thought. Some of the missing portions of the latter part of Barbour's translation are to be found in MS. Douce 148, which was probably copied from this MS. before it was so much mutilated. II. The supply, consisting of 82 leaves, is mostly in the hand- writing of Sir James Murray of Tibbermuir. The contents are as follows : 1. Twelve lines, from the beginning of Book 8, Chapter 5, of the Life and Acts of Wallace, beginning (leaf l a ) : The mirrie Day, sprang frome the Orient 2. ' Catologus Librorum Jacobi Murryi ut sequitur.' They are grouped as ' Libri sacri, latini, gallici, vulgares, scripti,' but only occupy one page, Leaf 2 a . 3. 80 lines in rhyming 12- and 14-sy liable couplets, beginning B. 66 ON TWO HITHERTO UNKNOWN POEMS ENGLISHE DYARE. He that his mirth hes lost, quhais confoirt is dismaid Quhais hoip in vaine, quhais faith in scorne, quhais trust is all betrayit ending : Sence in this erth that yar ar none thy accent sounds aricht. Finis. 4. 112 lines in rhyming 12- and 14-sy liable couplets, beginning (*): MURRAYIS DYARE. Thou irksume bed quhairin I tumble to and fra And restles rolls boith wp and doune may witness veill my vae ending : Thyself f rorne being cald onkynd and me thy dogg from Death. Finis. Ameenn . quod Murravius. 5. lines 1 91 of a poem in romance couplets, beginning (ll a ): Listine lordings by the dayis off Arthure Was Britan in greet honoure breaking off (unfinished, not mutilated) : Ane rich Pavillione yar picht ful hie Ewrie pom It is the Romance of Sir Lamuell or Launfal, but different from those in print. 6. Murray's supply to Lydgate's Troy-book, from the edition printed at London in 1555; Title-page (26 a ); R. Braham's Epistle to the reader (27); Lydgate's Prologue (28 a 32 b ); Table of Chapters (33, 34); Beginning of the poem (35 48); end of Lydgate's Book 4 (49, 50); latter part of Lydgate's Book 5 (51 71 a ), ending thus (71-): Itt to support and thus ane end I mak. Finis. Hie explicit Liber 5 US et ultimus. All quhilk befoir it vantet yis 40 zeiris ago now latlie eikit addit and copeit out off ye print ye beginning and end yar off yis holl storie as ye breik beareth be me James Murray with my hand in all hest that for ye present hes ye same of my father Jhone Murry off Tibbermuir most Justlie anno 1612 ye 24 of Maij. 7 9. Three sonnets, in one handwriting, beginning (71 b ): 7. Quhen feirce Achilles att ye sege off Troye BY JOHN BARBOUR. 67 8. Sen so itt is that quho so ever tuik lyffe 9. Leve me o love quhilk rechis bot to dust 10. Four stanzas, beginning (75 a ): Begone sueit Nicht and I sail call the kynd 11. A sonnet, beginning (76 a ) : Heich Architectors wounderous wouttit rounds By Alex. Montgomery. See Mr Laing's edition (Edinb. 1821, 8vo), p. 64. 12. A sonnet, beginning (76 a ): I am the sevint I was the fyft of tuelve This is a charade of which apparently the writer has given the solution in the margin : ' Julian I : Carre.' It is in the same handwriting as the last. 13 22. Ten sonnets, in one handwriting, beginning (77 a ): 13. Leip varlie on be sicker syne to sitt 14. Mestress ze bad me thryse putt on my spurris 15. Quha vald cum speid tall him imploy his pen 16. Cidippe reid and reidding restid sueir 17. First I beleived ye erth suld turne in Assh 18. Owerquhelmed in vais and drouned in deip dispair 19. Mestress quhen last ve twa did part a sundre 20. Lyk as ye litle emet hath hir gall 21. First in ye orient Rayn ye Assiriene Kings 22. Nocht Orientall Indus christall streemes At the end of the last is written 'Vale.' Against N. 21 the writer has put 'Mon.' which may mean that Montgomery is the author; but it is not in the edition of 1821 ; and, on the other hand, Mr David Laing has printed it as by Drummond of Hawthornden ; see Archceologica Scotica, Vol. iv., page 101 (thence included in Mr Cunningham's edition of Drummond). 23. Fifty -eight 4-line stanzas, beginning (79 a ): YE DAY ESTIVALL. O perfyt lycht quhilk sheds away By Alex. Hume. See 'Hymnes, or Sacred Songs,' Edinb. 1599, p. 13, as reprinted by the Bannatyne Club, Edinb. 1832, 4to. 24. Six 8-line stanzas, beginning (80 b ): Cupid q m sail I byt bot the 52 68 POEMS BY JOHN BARBOUR. [IV 25. Four stanzas, here arranged in 5 lines each, beginning (81 a ) : Lyk as the Dum, Solsequium, with cair overcum, Doth sorou quhen ye sone goth out off sicht By Montgomery. Printed several times ; see Mr Laing's ed. p. 169. Below, in the same handwriting, is a couplet beginning : ' Cupid and dead togider...;' then, scribbled: 'Finis quod thomsone with my hand.' 26. Seven stanzas, beginning (81 b ): Quhen I say in my mynd ye lyff of all sorts With the refrain : ' And he playis upon ane bagpyp wpon a grene hillo, Trandillo, trandillo ' &c. 27. Five stanzas, beginning (82 a ) : Displesour with his deadlie dairt By Montgomery. See the edition, p. 227. 28. Two 4-line stanzas, beginning (82 a ): Quhat mey be compared tuix labour and luiff At the end is written by a different (?) hand : ' Johne Thomsone with my hand.' 29. Three 8-line stanzas, beginning (82 b ): Quhat giff a day or a nycht or a zeir On leaf 74 b occur the names 'Kathrin Morton with my hand, 'Marie Moorraye with my hand;' on 76 b 'Capitane James Lyell.' PI ale ; V x^ * ^-JV $ r ;? ^1^^ ! j^^d To face page 69 V. A VIEW OP THE STATE OF THE UNIVERSITY IN QUEEN ANNE'S REIGN*. A MASS of papers formerly belonging to Dr Samuel Knight (the author of the Lives of Colet, Erasmus, &c.) was given to the University Library some years ago by Mr Baumgartner of Milton. Among these is a fragment of a book in quarto, ex- tending from page 102 to page 216, all thoroughly prepared for the press ; but the beginning and end of the volume are altogether wanting. The Library mark is MS. Add. 58. The work is an urgent appeal for the restoration of the Church of England to a state of primitive and apostolic sim- plicity in doctrine and practice. The author is evidently within the pale of the Church, though vehemently opposed not only to the corruptions of his own day, but also to the whole deve- lopment of Church organisation, episcopacy, &c. The fragment which has come down to us affords such a vivid picture of the state of the University during the latter part of Queen Anne's reign, that I regret very much that my attempts to discover more of the work have been so far un- availing. If it should be identified hereafter as already existing in print, I can only say that it seems to be unknown to those of the present generation who have made a study of this por- tion of the history of the University, and I am sure that the members of the Antiquarian Society will not regret that atten- tion is here drawn to it. 1 A Communication read before the Cambridge Antiquarian Society, Decem- ber 3, 1866. 70 A VIEW OF THE STATE OF THE UNIVERSITY [v P.S. I leave the above remarks standing as they were made to the Antiquarian Society when I first discovered the frag- ment ; but I am now (1873) satisfied that it is a portion of a work by a well known Cambridge divine of Queen Anne's time, John Edwards, D.D., sometime Fellow of St John's College. I have been led to the identification by examining the scraps of paper used for the insertion of additional matter. Opposite page 189 the author has used a portion of a letter which runs as follows : London Aprill 19 1714. Rev d S r , I have sent you some more sheets and we shall soon get done for he has promised he will not go off it any more. We are making up your account about your Body of Divinity, haveing had a meeting last week about it, and we shall this. What we desire is that you Opposite page 173 is a fragment of another letter, as follows : Rev d Sir, Having this good opportunity by Mr Purchas of Cambridge, I gladly Opposite page 147 is a portion of a certificate : ...Edwards S.T.B. in actualem possessionem ...S u Petri apud Colcestrenses inductus fuit decinio ...s Maii anno D 1683 per me Johannem Pearson Ecclesise ejusdem Curat'. These pointed to a clergyman named Edwards, already B.D. when inducted into the vicarage of St Peter's, Colchester, in 1683, and in 1714 the author of a recently published Body of Divinity, and residing in Cambridge. From Newcourt's Reper- torium I found that John Edwards, B.D., was presented to the Vicarage of St Peter's Colchester, in 1682; and on turning to the Biographia Britannica, I found a detailed notice, derived v] IN QUEEN ANNE'S REIGN. 71 from an authentic memoir of Dr Edwards, drawn up in great measure by himself. Mr Luard has since satisfied me that the handwriting of the manuscript is identical with Edwards's signa- tures now remaining in the University Registry. Under these circumstances I think there can be no doubt that we are safe in considering Dr John Edwards to be the author of the work here brought to light. Seeing, then, that an account of the writer is to be found in all the biographical dictionaries, I need only give here the barest outline of the facts of his life. Born at Hertford in 1637, the son of Thomas Edwards, the well known Presbyterian di- vine, he entered the University at St John's College, where he obtained a Fellowship in 1659. He proceeded to both degrees in arts and both in divinity. He held at different times a lec- tureship at Trinity Church, Cambridge, and at Bury St Ed- munds. He was for sometime Vicar of St Peter's, Colchester, as stated above. Again, he was Minister of St Sepulchre's Church, Cambridge. During the last five and twenty years of his life he seems to have lived at Cambridge and to have devoted himself entirely to writing books. We are told that he had no private library whatever, but that he used the Public Library freely, and obtained the new books on loan from the booksellers at the rate of so much a volume. His last great work was the Theologia Reformata or Body of Divinity, alluded to in the fragment of a letter from his publisher given above. The first three parts of this came out in two folio volumes in 1713. At his death, in 1716, he is said to have left almost as many works in manuscript as he had published in his life-time. Of these a third volume of his Theologia Reformata was pub- lished in 1726; and, five years later, a volume entitled, 'Re- ' mains of the late Reverend and Learned John Edwards, D.D., 'sometime Fellow of St John's College, in Cambridge. Pre- 'pared for the Press before his Death' (8vo. London, 1731). Thanks to the kindness of Dr Campion I have been able to examine a copy of this volume, belonging to Queens' College Library. It contains five treatises and two sermons. The second treatise bears the title: 'A Discourse of Episcopacy 'wherein this question is resolved, whether in the Primitive 72 A VIEW OF THE STATE OF THE UNIVERSITY [v 'Times there was a Distinct Order of Bishops different from 'that of Presbyters, or whether all Ministers were equal. Which 'will yield a full Answer to all that hath been written in de- ' fence of Modern Episcopacy.' There can be little doubt that this Discourse is the one alluded to on p. 171 of the fragment now in the University Library, where the writer says : ' To 'conclude, the Equality of Ministers in the Church is founded 'on the Writings of the New Testament, and consequently the 'Primacy of Bishops is a swerving from those Sacred Writings. 'But of this I shall distinctly and largely speak in a Just Dis- ' course which the Reader will find annexed to these Papers, 'and therefore at present I dismiss this Theme.' As the author died in 1716, the probability is that the work, which had evi- dently been several years in hand, was passing through the press at the time of the author's death, and that it is owing to this circumstance, that it fell into Dr Knight's hands in its present fragmentary state. I have thought it as well to give a brief summary of the contents of what we have left of the work, with a few extracts, giving in full only that part which relates to the University. It would perhaps not be difficult to put names to all the persons whom the writer has concealed under a very thin dis- guise. Of the five smoking Heads, the 'overgrown Pedagog 'who never mounted a Pulpit,' is, I presume, the Provost of King's College, Dr Roderick, known to our time as the Head- master of Eton whom the College elected Provost in 1689, when they first wrested the nomination to the Provostship out of the hands of the Crown, and were successful in refusing to receive Sir Isaac Newton as the nominee of King William the Third. Dr Edwards, as a zealous preacher, felt keenly the need of this gift in the Church ; and accordingly speaks here with rather more bluntness than courtesy. But Dr Roderick's claim to remembrance certainly does not rest on his sermons. The Fellow of St John's, an archbishop's nephew, the climax of whose offences seems to have been his appearing ' in grey clothes and a crevat', I have not identified. But those who are more conversant with the history of the University, and especially St John's College, will not have much difficulty in v] IN QUEEN ANNE'S REIGN. 73 satisfying themselves about almost all the persons here alluded to. It has a double interest to us from the fact that this picture was drawn at the very time when Ambrose Bonwicke was an undergraduate at the University. The facsimile, which accompanies this paper, was executed for me by Mr F. C. Price 1 , and affords a good specimen of the handwriting of the manuscript. When it was done, I had not discovered the author, and I was anxious to give every facility for identifying the handwriting, which ought not to have been a difficult matter, seeing the mass of correspondence which has come down to us from that period. Now that the author has been traced out, it is perhaps a needless addition ; but I have preferred to leave it, for the benefit of any readers who may be interested in the study of handwriting. The Fragment commences (p. 102) in the middle of some remarks on the service of the Church, and the rites and cere- monies used. The writer inveighs strongly against the use of Organs in Churches, against the reading of the Apocryphal Books (105), the use of Creeds in the service (106), of Sponsors in Baptism (ib.), &c. These are followed by ten considerations, upon which 'it cannot but be thought reasonable to let fall 'some of our Rituals and Ceremonials' (154). He then deals with the arguments from Antiquity, Tradition, and Custom. Next (169) he says: ' The Fourth and Last thing is now to be 'handled, that is, I am to shew that the Primitive Discipline ' and Government of the Church is much defaced among us.' This part touches at the mode of election and appointment, &c., and on the degeneracy of the clergy, and on the covetousness and avarice of prelates, even in dealing with the poorer clergy. 'I might observe' he writes (p. 188) 'how our Religious Mammonists grasp at any thing where Gain is to be had. They 1 [See Prefatory Note. J.] 74 A VIEW OF THE STATE OF THE UNIVERSITY [V fetch even Physic and Surgery under their Jurisdiction. Every poor Schoolmaster is under their lash, yea, and every Midwife. So that a child can't be born into the world, a boy can't be whipt, a fellow's broken pate can't be cured without the Bishops Licence. Without this none can be married at some certain times of the year: but the Bishop and his Court can dispense with these Prohibited Times (as they call them), if you will pay for it. What think you ? Is this according to the Platform of the Apostolic Ages ? The worldliness of some of the rest of the Clergy cannot escape our observation ; for they learn of the Prelates, and rake what they can, and are never satisfied. We have scan- dalous Proofs of this in every Diocese : we have two instances of it of late in this Country. One Clergyman possessed three Benefices, together of the value of three hundred and fifty pounds a year, or more ; and besides these he had two other Benefices and Cures of souls in other places worth above 200 yearly, and a Prebend of 100 yearly value, and a Sinecure of the like value, and a Mastership of a College of above 200 per annum, and a real Estate of his own of 500 per annum, besides about 30000 in mony. The other was Master of a College, Archdeacon, Parson of a rich Living, Prebendary of one Church, and Chancellor of an other, and he had a good Benefice in the same Diocese. Any one of these Preferments was sufficient to maintain any sober and moderate Clergyman, and some of them very plentifully. And yet so it is, they seldom thrive under this Heap of Preferments; but most of them die poor and in debt, and scandalously defraud the living. I forbear mentioning Particular Instances... I know they pretend that they must have great Revenues in order to keeping Hospitality .. J$\\Q pretence of Hospitality is an idle flam... There are other Disorders, and even of a different kind, in some of our Ecclesiasticks, which are not very agreeable with the Primitive Practice of Churchmen : witness the Luxury which many of the Clergy are noted for at this day. A great part of their Revenues is expended in plenty of Red Juice for themselves (yea, they are such Lovers of that liquor that v] IN QUEEN ANNE'S REIGN. 75 they take the Communion in Claret), and an other larg Part is lavishd away in Modish Dresses for their Spouses. They pray and drink, and drink and pray... The younger frie strut up and down in Cockd-up hats and Powderd wigs : insomuch that their friend Dr Hickes calls them a Well-powderd Clergy. When Crape was the mode, nothing would serve them for Gowns and Cassocks but that : and in other Instances 'tis visible that they comply with every Fashion that comes up. Some of them affect to be perfect Beaus, and seem to be the greatest Fops in nature. They have lately got into Girdles or Sashes a la mode de la Campagne, and these displayd and spread Circingles make them look like Drummers or some Petty Officers in an Army... And as to their Wives and Daughters, they dance and sing, they play, they game : a Common Prayer book and a Pack of Cards are their daily diversion. They patch and paint as plentifully as any of their sex. You would verily think that the Close belonging to the Cathedral were a Turkish Seraglio, rather than the Habitation of Christian people. The Aggravation of all this is that these persons whom I have been deciphering are those who should be Examples to others of Mortification and Self denial : nay, that which is sufferable in others, is not so in them.' At the close of this passage (p. 191) the author says : ' Thus 'I have dispatchd two of the Generall Heads which I undertook 'to treat of: there now remains the Third, namely, Directions ' and Advices for recovering of Primitive Christianity.' After giving his Advices under the four heads of Doctrine, Practice, Public Worship, and Ecclesiastical Government, he proceeds to give his Directions under eight heads, as follows (p. 202) : ' In order to the Reformation, which is so desirable in the Church and in Church Affairs, I will make bold to offer some Particular Directions. First, to make way for the changing of the Episcopal Government, let the Revenues of Bishopricks be lessend... Secondly, Lessen the revenues not only of Bishopricks, but of some Benefices, that thereby there may be an Addition made to others... Thirdly, Destroy Non- Residence, and put down Pluralities. . . 76 A VIEW OF THE STATE OF THE UNIVERSITY [v Fourthly, Let Parishes that are too wide, be contracted, and let more Churches be erected to receive the Inhabitants, and more Pastors be set over those Churches... Fifthly, Let the Bishops put a stop to their Ordinations for some time, or admit fewer into Orders than usually heretofore. There seems to be good ground for this, for there are allready above fourty thousand Clergymen in England, but not above ten thousand Benefices in all : and the number of the Clergy are daily increasing... Sixthly, Let those that are to be ordained undergo a stricter Examination than hath been used, yea, than is according to the present Laws.... Seventhly, Let there be frequent Synods and Consultations about Ecclesiastical affairs and correcting Abuses in the Church : and let Learned, Pious, and Sober Laymen be admitted to these Consultations.... Eighthly and lastly, Care must be taken of the Universities, that is, they ought to be Reformd. There is good ground for this, if we reflect on the Deficiency and Failure in their Studies and in their Morality, which are visible among them at this day. First, their Remissness in their Studies is very Notorious and Scandalous. In some of these late years vast numbers of those that have been Candidates for the Degree of Batchelour of Arts have been disappointed of it because of their Insuf- ficiency in Learning, though the Posers and Examiners were very Moderate and Favourable. And when several of them were admitted to the second Posing, yet not a few of them were finally stopt. It will be Amazing to tell what Easy Ques- tions were put to some of them, and yet they were not able to answer them. One of them was askd what was the English of Anno Domini, but the blockhead was not able to tell, but the stupid creature thought it must be anno, annas, annavi. Another was askd how long it was since our Saviour's birth : he said, about a hundred years: an other differd from [him] in his Chronology, for being askd whether Noah or Christ was first in the world, he gave it for the latter. One related to me how dismal and distracting a sight it was to see at the Ex- v] IN QUEEN ANNE'S REIGN. 77 aminer's chamber the postures and actions of the forlorn crea- tures : one was poring on his Accidence, an other on his Gram- mar, an other turning over a Dictionary, to construe a little plain Latin, an other was bid to turn English into Latin, wherein an ordinary School-boy could do much more. Such mean performances as these, and the like, were required of them after they had been resident four years or there about in the Colleges. Thus they neglect the business for which they were sent to the University : they shamefully and scandalously mispend their hours, and render themselves unfit for the De- gree they take (if they can take it) and more unfit for the work of the Ministry they were designd for. Thus we are like to have an Ignorant Clergy, unless greater care be used to reform these Nurseries, and those who preside over the Youth there. For indeed the fault is generally in the Tutours, some of whom neglect their Charg, and particularly they take no care of those that are designd for the Ministry, they read no Divinity Lectures to them, they instruct them not in the Principles of Theology : some of them spend their days in Idle- ness and Sottishness, and are serviceable neither to God nor man. What a parcel of Lazy Drones there is in these places, may be gatherd from one College only, which hath been lately talkd of. Tis observable concerning some of them that though the profits of their Fellowships are inconsiderable, yet when their Course of preaching at St Mary's comes about, they hire one to do that office, and part with two Guineas, when they have not an other in the world. Some venture on the work them- selves, and do it indifferently, and sometimes very scandalously. This generally is observd at Sturbridg fair time, and thereby their sorry performances are Proclaimd, and the report of them carried home by the Citizens. Hence all that do their work very dully in the pulpit are usually called Sturbridg fair Preachers. As for the Heads (as they call them), that is, the Masters of Colleges, their idle and useless way of living is too well known. Though they love to hear of a Public Commencement, because of the Good Cheer they meet with then, yet they tremble at nothing more than the thoughts of Disputing at that time. They shake at the very mentioning of any Public Exercise, 78 A VIEW OF THE STATE OF THE UNIVERSITY [V especially of Preaching, and though it be required of them but once in a douzen years, yet then they hire a preacher, and do their work by a Journyman. It is their lot to be the subject of every Prevaricator and Tripos, and they sit tamely, and hear themselves jeerd, because they are conscious to themselves of their Crimes, and thence bear their Correction with a seem- ing patience ; however, they become contemptible in the eyes of the young men. I am to pass from the Laziness and Uselessness of these people to something that is of a Worse nature, and that is Immorality and Debauchery. Here are not only Dunces but Rakes, and both meet in the same persons, which makes their Character more ignominious and odious, for nothing is more detestable than a Debauched Dunce. They are continually haunting Taverns and Alehouses, though it be expressly against their Statutes to do so. They sit up late in these Public houses, and at midnight or in the morning they stagger to their Colleges, and disturb the neighborhood and rouse them out of their sleep by their clamorous outcries and loud knockings at the Gates, and calling to the Porter to let them in to their freehold, as they term it. If they can't presently be admitted, they climb over College walls, break gates and iron barrs to make their way at night into their chambers. They most dishonestly and unjustly run in debt, to the im- poverishing of several Townsmen. Twenty or thirty pounds on the score at a Tavern is usual ; and sometimes half as much or more for Tobacco, and proportionably for the liquors at Ale houses, Coffee houses, &c. Some of them have feloniously broken into places in the night, and have stolen away what they found there. Yea lately one of Caius's College, a Fellow, and in Sacred orders, stole out of the University Library above a cart-load of books of all sorts, and cut many of them in pieces. Tis too notorious to be conceald that several Uni- versity men have been arraignd for Murder, and have merited the punishment due for it, but methods were used to prevent the execution of it. It would be endless to rehearse the gross Immoralities of the Academics, both the Young ones and their Tutours, and those of advancd years : for some of the disorders v] IN QUEEN ANNE'S REIGN. 79 before mentiond are practise! by them equally and promis- cuously. I might bring upon the Stage the five Smoking Heads, one of whom is an Overgrown Pedagog, who never mounted a Pulpit : an other is his Gizzard, who is taken home to dine with him, and then comes reaking to church with Claret in the afternoon. He hath spent as much mony in Red Juyces as would build an Hospital ; yet it did not give him spirits enough to read his Speech before the Queen at Newmarket. The Square-fac'd Doctor and the wall-eyd Priest, both of them Hot and Hissing like a Tailors goose might be here mentiond, with an other, who is reservd for afterwards. It is observable that among the University men that all most half of them are Hypt (as they call it), that is, disorderd in their brains, sometimes Mopish, sometimes Wild, the two different effects of their Laziness and Debauchery. If there be a Sober and Diligent Tutour, he is affronted, abus'd, injur'd : and when he is so he can find no Redress, but brings on himself a greater Odium, as in the case of Clare Hall. It may be added in the last place that there is no Restraint or Check on these disorders, but Impunity reigns every where, and the most extravagant behaviour is not reform'd. Mr. F., Fellow of Christ's College (now Parson of A. in Hertfordshire) kept a Concubine in town several years, and is at this day grown Old with her. Mr. V., a Fellow of St. John's, lies at rack and manger at a house five or six miles off of Cambridg, without lawfull occasion to detain him there, yea under great suspition of a Vitious Commerce. He is absent from his Benefice and Charg in the Country, and never repairs to his College but when there are Leases to be Seal'd, or a dividend to be receiv'd; yet none remind this man of his duty. Another Fellow of the same College, a Rector of a Parish not far off of Cambridg, a nephew of an Archbishop, runs up and down the Country, is at all hors-matches and cockfightings, appears in Grey clothes and a Crevat. Yet he is not checkd either by the Diocesan or the College, though this behavior is both against Canon and Statute. With the Immorality of these Academics is joynd Pro- phaness and Impiety. I have heard them with these ears swear and curse and damn like Hectors : and nothing is more usual 80 A VIEW OF THE STATE OF THE UNIVERSITY [v with them in their common conversation. And this Prophane Swearing prepares them for that Breach of Oaths of an other nature, which they are guilty of. They solemnly swear to keep the Statutes of the University, and of their particular Colleges, and yet live in a most visible violation of them, them I mean which respect not only their Manners, but their Exercises : but at the end of the year they meet in the Regent-house, and are Absolvd by a Priest without shewing any signs of Repentance. They shew little regard and reverence for the Lords day, for they choose Vicechancellors and Proctors (when the course comes about) on that day, though an Act of Parliament excuses them from Elections or any such Secular business on that day. On all Sundays in the afternoon they go immediately from the Church to the Coffee-houses, as if they thought it were but passing from one place of diversion to an other. Though there was her Majesties Proclamation against prophaning this day, in which persons were particularly forbid to go to Coffee houses, yet the Vicechancellor and Clergy take no notice of it, but act contrary to it. On Trinity Sunday and on John Port. Latin when it falls on a Sunday, the Bachelors of Arts of these re- spective Colleges go and trudg from College to College, to beg three days Non-Term for that week. And can we then expect Reverence to be paid by others to this Solemn Time, when we thus disregard it ourselves ? Whether the Undergraduates and Scholars repair to Church on this day, or stay at home, is little minded by their Tutours : but when they go, every body knows of it, for they talk aloud in the Church, they laugh, they most irreverently behave themselves even in the time of Divine Service. If they meet not with the Desireable Spectacle, they run out of the Church as if they were frighted : and their prac- tise is to ramble up and down from Church to Church through out the town, to gaze on the young women, and (as some of them are wont to confess) to tell how many Patches they wear. I have heard two Reverend Divines talk about their Cats in the Vestry just before they went to their seats in St Mary's. And when they are come thither, they sleep as soundly as if they had taken a good dose of Opium before they came to Church : and this is done in the face of the Youth of their Colleges. v] IN QUEEN ANNE'S REIGN. 81 Many particulars might be mentiond of the Prophane spirit and carriage of these Gownmen. One who was a Fellow of a Col- lege and Preacher in the town, finding himself over-loaded with liquor, employd one of his Pupils, an Undergraduate, and not in Sacred Orders, to read the prayers at a Burial, at which he was not able to perform the Office himself. At Benet College they game and play in their chambers after Supper, and when the Bell rings at nine a clock, they cast knaves who shall go down and read Prayers. I might take notice of a Doctor of Divinity's reprimand to the Parish Clark of St Mary's who used according to the common custom to tell the people that they must sing such or such a Psalm to the praise and glory of God. What (said he) have you to do with the glory of God ? These Great Pretenders to the observation of Holy days baffle their pretences, by their own example, for though by all means they will have Sermons preachd on those days, yet there is but a poor thin Congregation, sometimes not two Doctors at Church. As for Fast-days the Holiness of them is zealously asserted and maintaind by an University man, who in order to the keeping up of Wednesday-Fasts hath this pleasant Conceit 1 : 'Mercury, 'to whom Wednesday is devoted, being the Idol of Gain, it ' would therefore be more especially proper for any one to ob- ' serve this Fast-day who hath occasion to punish and mortify any ' sin of Wrong and Injustice, Covetousness and Immoderate Love ' of the World.' And surely it is as proper for Scholars and Stu- dents, seeing Mercury is the God of Wit and Arts ? This Writer is pleased also to inform us concerning the propriety of Friday- fasts, for this day being in remembrance of the Goddess "Venus, the Mistress of Pleasure, it may put us in mind to abstain from the love of Voluptuousness. Such excellent Notions doth this Author furnish us with. I might observe here that though our Academics cry up Fasting, yet they keep up only the mere Name, for in Lent-time they enlarg their Commons, and gene- rally the greatest Eatings are on Fast-nights. The pure Em- manuelists satisfy their consciences by supping in the College Parlour on friday-nights, whereas it were a great sin to eat their Commons in the Hall. A Chapel is a Holy place, yet in 1 Mr Brome of Christian Fasting, p. 72. B. 6 82 A VIEW OF THE STATE OF THE UNIVERSITY [V some Colleges they read and seal all their Leases there. Here are Declamations on very ill subjects sometimes, and Disputa- tions on Questions not fit to be movd in this place, So in St Mary's Church not only Exercises in Philosophy, Law, and Physic are performd at a Commencement, but Jests and Merriment are permitted, and the most Conformable Clergy clap on their caps or hats in this place : which at an other time is reckond to be Prophaness. Who can forbear laughing at these Vain Shews and Contradictory Pretences ? Shall I here take notice that tis common with University men to talk despicably of Country Parsons ; tis a piece of Wit and Jest to mention the bare Name and yet they are constantly gaping for this Rural Post, and im- patiently expect the Fall of a Fellowship, that they may ap- proach nearer to that Preferment, or even heartily pray for the death of an Old Incumbent, that they may speedily be advancd to his place. I could observe that the Order of Deacons is abused and prophan'd here by those who enter into it, merely to capacitate them for a Fellowship, not in order to the exercise of the Holy Function. And how few are there here that can answer those Questions which are askd them when they are ordaind to that office, especially the first, Whether they are inwardly moved by the Holy Ghost to take upon them that Mini- stration? I have now done, though I could say much more concerning these persons, but I spare them. I think it sufficiently appears from what I have allready ad- vancd that there is some Reason why these Societies should be narrowly inspected and regulated, why these Fountains should be purified. It is certain that they never so wanted a Purgation as at present. If the Founders and Benefactors were alive, they would call for it, and if it were not effected, they would heartily repent of their Bounty. If there be not a Reformation, Parents may as hopefully send their sons to these Seminaries as the Idolatrous Jews offerd their children to Moloch, that is, to be destroyd. Wherfore it is high time that this Cage of Unclean birds be cleansd, lest the foundation of Impiety and Lewdness be laid here by them, which they will never be able to free themselves from in the future part of their lives ; lest Irreligion should be cherishd here to fit them as 'twere for v] IN QUEEN ANNE'S REIGN. 83 higher degrees of it afterwards ; and lest the polluted streams which flow from these impure fountains should be diffused through the whole Church and Nation. This may convince us of the Necessity of reforming the Manners of these men, and particularly in order to carrying on the great Design which I have been propounding, that is, the Restoring of Primitive Purity, and bringing all things in Christianity to a conformity to the Rules and Prescriptions given us by Christ himself and his Apostles.' About two pages after this the manuscript breaks off, in the middle of a sentence (page 216). 62 VI. ON THE EARLIEST ENGLISH ENGRAVINGS OF THE INDULGENCE KNOWN AS THE ' IMAGE or PITY '. 1 THE discovery of one of these Indulgences lately in the University Library has led me to put together a few facts which may be of interest to those who give their attention to the subject of the rise of wood-engraving in England. The facts which are fairly certain about early wood- engraving in this country are few, but yet enough to enable any one to form a basis of comparison, if he will pursue the subject methodically. They are all to be found in connexion with the employment of the wood-engraver by the printer. I will put these facts as briefly and as intelligibly as I can. The first printing-press started in England (A) was that of William Caxton at Westminster (November 18, 1477) 2 . The second (B) was that of Theodoricus Rood de Colonia at Oxford (December 17, 1478). The third (C) was that of the unnamed schoolmaster at Saint Alban's (1480). The fourth (D) was that of John Lettou in the city of London (1480). John Lettou was soon joined by William de Machlinia, who afterwards carried on the business alone. The art of wood-engraving was employed by the printers for (1) initial letters ; (2) borders round the page ; (3) illustra- 1 A Communication read before the facts and to avoid all fruitless specula- Cambridge Antiquarian Society, Feb- tions as to what may have been. Where ruary 25, 1867. I differ in my dates or conclusions from 2 These are the dates of the com- Mr Blades, it is only the result of pletion of the first books known to several years' work upon the subject have been issued from each press. They which his own incomparable monograph answer all practical purposes, and this has alone rendered capable of being method compels us to keep to ascertained satisfactorily studied. VI] THE INDULGENCE KNOWN AS THE 'IMAGE OF PITY.' 85 tions inserted in the text ; and (4) the printer's own monogram or device. 1. Initial letters. A. At Caxton's press simple initials are found in the indulgences of 1480 and 1481, and in the General sentence and the Bedes on the sondaye given at the close of the Four Sermons which form an appendix to the Liber Festialis, printed June 30, 1483. It is only in the Esop however (March 26, 1484) that initials are first found as a regular part of the book, and from that time onwards they are customary. B. At Oxford one letter, G, occurs about sixty times in the Festial of 1486, but everywhere else a blank space is left for the initial. C. At the Saint Alban's press simple initials occur only in the Book of Hawking, Hunting and Coat-armours (1486). D. At this press they do not seem to have been used at all. 2. Borders. A. At Caxton's press they first appear in an edition of the Fifteen Oos and other prayers, which is almost certainly a supplement to an edition of the Primer, or Book of Hours, now lost. The date cannot be put further back than 149091. B. At the Oxford press an elaborate border of four pieces, representing birds and flowers, is found in some (but not in all) copies of the two books printed there in October 1481 and July 1482 ; so that the date may probably be fixed at some- what after July 1482. C. At the Saint Alban's press there is no trace of the use of woodcut borders. D. At William de Machlinia's press, the only instance I have found is in a fragment of a Primer in the University library at Cambridge, where there is a border, or frame of one piece containing flowers and birds 1 , round the first page of the seven penitential psalms, commencing the second of the three constant portions of the Primer. Ames appears to have had 1 [This is an oversight ; there are his edition of Aphthonii Praeexerci- no birds. The border passed to Pynson, tamenta, 1521,8. J.] and may be seen on the title-page of 86 ON THE EARLIEST ENGLISH ENGRAVINGS OF [VI a copy of the whole book, but I have never been able to trace his copy and so can give no better account. The date may be put about 1485. 3. Illustrations inserted in the text. A. The following cuts, or series of cuts, were engraved for works printed at Caxton's press: (1) The Mirror of the world, 1st ed. (1481). A series of diagrams and a series of eleven cuts illustrating the text. (2) The Game of chesse moralised, 2nd ed. (1483). A series of sixteen cuts. (3) Chaucer's Canterbury Tales, 2nd ed. (1483). A series of twenty-three cuts. (4) The Fables of Esop, &c. (March 26, 1484). A fronti- spice representing Esop, and series of 185 cuts. (5) The Golden Legend, 1st ed. (1484). A large cut, for the frontispice, representing heaven, and two series of eighteen large and fifty-two small cuts, the large series including one of the device of the Earl of Arundel to whom the book is dedicated. (6) A series representing the Passion. These were pro- bably engraved for an edition of the Horce in 8vo. now lost, and are only found scattejed in other works. (7) The Speculum vitce Ghristi, 1st ed. (about 1487). A series of cuts illustrating the work ; but there are also some introduced from the Passion-series just mentioned. One, which appears to belong to the Speculum series, is not found there, but occurs in the Twelve profits of Tribulation (ab. 1490-91). (8) The Primer or HorcB in 4to. (ab. 1490-91). No copy of the book is known, but what is probably a supplement, containing the Fifteen Oos and other prayers, gives us the cut of the Crucifixion, which forms one of the series of five, which is found complete in the Horce of 1494, mentioned below. (9) The Service for the Feast of the Transfiguration (about 1490-91). One cut. B. At the Oxford press only two books are known with wood-cut illustrations, in neither case cut for the work : (1) Lyndewode's Provinciale (about 1484-85). (2) Liber Festialis (1486). The cut of the author in the Vl] THE INDULGENCE KNOWN AS THE 'IMAGE OF PITY.' 87 Lyndewode, and the eleven large cuts in the Festial may perhaps have been the commencement of a series engraved for an edition of the Golden Legend which was never executed. They certainly belong to no known book. The five small cuts in the Festial apparently belong to a lost Oxford edition of the Primer or Horos. C. At the Saint Alban's press, the only illustrations in the text are the coats of arms found in the Book of Hawking, Hunting and Coat-armours (1486). D. At the press of John Lettou and Wm. de Machlinia, there is no trace of the use of any such illustrations. 4. Printers devices. A. At Caxton's press, the device, so familiar to most English bibliographers, was used first about Christmas 1489 in the second folio edition of the Sarum Ordinale. At first (as here, in the Dictes of the Philosophers, and in the History of Reynard the Fox) it was used at or close to the beginning of the volume. In Caxton's subsequent books it is always found at the end. C. At the Saint Alban's press, the device with 'Sanctus Albanus' is found only in the English Chronicle (1483) and in the Book of Hawking, Hunting and Coat-armours (1486). At the other two presses, there is no trace of the use of a device at all. In the fount of type introduced about 1490-91, just before the end of Caxton's life (1491), we find the first signs of French influence on the English press. Up to that time, Belgium, Holland, and Cologne are the only sources to which we can trace the origin of the materials employed. The Ox- ford and Saint Alban's presses and that of William de Mach- linia disappear in 1486 ; and Pynson (a Norman) appears first in London in 1493. So that about the year 1490 a break occurs in the history both of printing and engraving in this country, beyond which at present I have no means of going with much certainty. So much for the facts relating to the first period of wood- engraving in England. I must now say something about the particular engravings which have led to these remarks. 88 ON THE EAELIEST ENGLISH ENGRAVINGS OF [VI The Indulgence known in England as the ' Image of pity ' and on the Continent as the 'Mass of St Gregory' was very popular during the latter part of the fifteenth century and the early part of the sixteenth. The story is that, after a mira- culous appearance of Our Lord to St Gregory while celebrating mass, that Pope granted to all such as should, in a state of grace, say particular devotions, a certain indulgence, which was increased by several subsequent Popes and other Bishops. These indulgences are found both on single sheets for distribution and in many of the written and printed copies of the Primer or Book of Hours. The total amount of the indulgence granted varies largely in different localities; but my present object is not to explain these variations, but to draw attention to the mode of treatment of the subject employed by the earliest wood-engravers in this country. Whether the artists were English born or foreigners, it is now impossible to say, as none of these engravings bear a name ; but it is clear that they did not copy foreign woodcuts, but acted under English instructions, and represented the subject according to English taste. In the cuts found in Holland, Belgium, France and Ger- many, there is a certain amount of similarity. St Gregory is kneeling before the altar; Our Lord appears on the altar; and all around the background is filled with the symbols of the Passion scattered about. In many copies of the Primer or Book of Hours written in England, a picture of the 'Imago pietatis ' or ' Arma Crucifixi ' is prefixed to the ' Psalms of the Passion.' St Gregory does not appear; but a half-length figure of Our Lord appearing above a tomb or altar, with the symbols grouped round him. When the custom of illustrating the printed Horce with woodcuts was first adopted in England, about the year 1487, we find the figure of Our Lord represented in the same way, but the symbols of the Passion, with the exception of two or three, are arranged in little square com- partments round the edge, so as to form a frame-work for the picture. I have traced four of these engravings, of different sizes, all engraved within a few years of each other, and all connected with Caxton's workshop at Westminster. They are Vl] THE INDULGENCE KNOWN AS THE 'IMAGE OF PITY.' 89 at present almost wholly unknown, though this indeed can hardly be a matter of surprise. Perhaps the earliest of the four is a small square cut, mea- suring 2 in. by 2 in., which occurs in an edition of the Primer, or Book of Hours, printed by Caxton about 1487. In this the figure of Our Lord is represented standing half out of a tomb or altar, with the hands crossed, and with the crown of thorns on his head, and the cruciform nimbus. By his right arm are the spear and the reed with the sponge, crossed; and by his left, the scourge with three thongs, and a bunch of twigs, also crossed. The other symbols of the Passion are ranged in eleven little compartments round three sides of the centre piece, thus : 45678 3 9 2 10 1 11 Nos. 1 and 11 are each double the height of the others. The contents of the compartments are as follows : 1. The ladder of the cross. 2. The hammer and pincers, crossed. 3. An open left hand, striking. 4. The head of a priest mocking. 5. The cock crowing. 6. The sudarium of St Veronica. 7, 8. Heads of Caiaphas and Pilate. 9. A right hand pulling the hair. 10. The three nails. 11. The pillar with the cords. The following text occupies six lines across the page below the cut, and the two together form a complete page of this tiny volume : To them that before this yma ge of pyte deuoutly say .v. Pf noster, v. Auyes & a credo py- tously beholdyng these armes of xps passyon ar graunted xxxij M, vij G. & lv, yeres of pardon 90 ON THE EARLIEST ENGLISH ENGRAVINGS OF [VI The book is only known from a fragment of four leaves rescued from the binding of a book (together with eight leaves of another edition in the same type 1 and equally unknown) by Mr Maskell, who presented them to the British Museum in 1858. But though the Book is not otherwise known, the same cut was used in a subsequent edition of the Horce, printed by Wynkyn de Worde (Caxton's successor) in 1502, of which a copy exists in the Gough collection in the Bodleian Library. A careful facsimile, made by Mr G. I. F. Tupper, from Mr Maskell's fragment, may be seen in Mr Blades's Life and Typo- graphy of Wm. Caxton, Plate XLVIII. A still smaller cut (the smallest I have seen), measuring 1| in. by 1 T 5 ^ in., occurs in an edition of the Horce without date, but unquestionably printed in Caxton's house at Westminster by Wynkyn de Worde about 1494 2 . In this cut, Our Lord is represented as in the last described, only without the crown of thorns. By his right arm is the spear, and by his left the reed with the sponge. The other symbols are ranged in thirteen compartments round three sides of the centre piece, The contents of the compartments are as follows : 1. The ladder. 2. The three dice. 3. The left foot. 4. The cock crowing. 5. The head of a priest mocking. 6. The head of Herod (?). 7. The sudarium of St Veronica. 1 The type is that used in the first in the Scala perfectionis printed there folio edition of the Sarum Ordinale in 1494 ; and that of the Kalendar is mentioned below, as well as in the that used in the Festial and Four Speculum vitceChristi, and other books, Sennons printed in the same house in all ranging from 1486 or 1487 to 1491. 1492-94. 1 The type of the text is that used VI] THE INDULGENCE KNOWN AS THE 'IMAGE OF PITY. 91 8, 9. Heads of Pilate and Caiaphas. 10. A right hand pulling the hair. 11. The pincers and hammer, crossed. 12. The three nails, crossed. 13. The pillar. The whole cut, including the compartments, is exactly the same size as the centre piece of the one last described. It here occupies the lower inner corner of a page. The text, which is the same as in that described above, is at the side, and forms part of a page printed in the ordinary way. There are two copies of the book in the University Library, and one in the Library at Lambeth Palace 1 . But besides these I have to describe two separate indul- gences, both formerly in our University Library, though the second alone remains there now. The first, which measures 9| in. by 5| in., is printed on a single leaf in folio. The text of the indulgence is not printed with moveable types, but cut in wood like the rest. Our Lord is standing in the tomb, half length, the hands crossed, and showing the wounds bleeding, .and the wound on the right breast ; the head (with the cruciform nimbus) inclined to the right shoulder. Behind the head and shoulders is the cross, and above the head the label with I. N. R. I. Upright on either side are the spear by Our Lord's right arm and the reed with the sponge by his left. Below is the text of the indul- gence ; but in the only known copy this has been cut out, leaving only just enough to identify the first two words (vij hundreth) of the last line. The text was no doubt identical with that in those already described. The frame-work is composed of twenty-eight small square compartments, thus : 1 The copy now at Lambeth is the that it can have been printed later than ' Book of prayers ' described by Fuller, 1495. In Fuller's time it belonged to which has caused much perplexity both our University as part of the Lambeth to Herbert (Typogr. Antiq. i. 235) and Library, which was here from 1647 to to Dr Maitland (List of early printed 1662 ; and the Cambridge library-mark, books at Lambeth, No. 507, and note which the cover still bears, shows that FF). The latter writer places the book it was treated, while here, as among after 1520, but it is quite impossible the chief treasures of the collection. 92 ON THE EARLIEST ENGLISH ENGRAVINGS OF [VI 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 8 16 7 17 6 18 5 19 4 20 3 21 2 22 1 28 27 26 25 24 23 The contents of the compartments, which, it will be seen, are arranged with a certain regard to symmetry, are as follows : 1. The vessel for the vinegar (Mt. 27. 48). 2. The vessel for the wine mingled with myrrh (Mk. 15. 23). 3. Two bunches of twigs, crossed. 4. The pillar with cords, between two scourges. 5. The pincers and hammer, crossed. 6. The lantern (John 18. 3). 7. A left hand, pulling the hair. 8. The cup (Luke 22. 42) l . 9. The pelican in her piety (i.e. feeding her young with her own blood). 10. The head of a priest, mocking. 11. The head of Herod. 12. The sudarium of St Veronica. 13. 14. The heads of Pilate and Caiaphas. 15. The cock, crowing. 16. The basin and ewer (Mt. 27. 24). 17. An open right hand, striking (Mt. 26. 67). 18. The (thirty) pieces of silver. 19. A sword and club, crossed. 20. The seamless coat. 21. The ladder, for the cross. 22. Two staves crossed. 23. The crown of thorns. 1 Rather this, I think, than the cup in a cut in the HOTCB of 1494 above at the last supper, when we compare mentioned, and in one of the windows the frequent representation of the cup in King's College Chapel, where the in pictures of the agony in the garden, motto is ' Pater si vis transfer, Luc. as (to give two among many examples) 22'. VI] THE INDULGENCE KNOWN AS THE 'IMAGE OF PITY.' 93 24. The linen cincture. 25. The three nails of the cross. 26. Judas kissing our Lord. 27. The three dice (John 19. 24). 28. The three pots of spices (Mk. 16. 1). This leaf is bound in at the beginning of a copy of the first folio edition of the Sarum Ordinale, which must have been printed about 1487-88, as the type used by Caxton in the book is only found from about 1487 to 1491, and the book itself was reprinted at Antwerp in 1488. The woodcut may safely be assigned to the same period. The volume formed part of the collection bequeathed to our University Library by Dr Holds worth in 1648; but it was stolen 1 from here in or shortly before 1778, and soon afterwards was 'bought of a man introduced by Dr Nugent' by Wm. Bayntun, Esq., of Gray's Inn, after whose death it came into the possession of King George III., and passed with the rest of the King's library into the British Museum, where it now remains. No other copy, either of the book or of the woodcut here described, is known to exist. I am indebted to Mr G. I. F. Tupper for a pencil tracing of the woodcut. 1 Several very precious books, be- collector. The Cambridge library-mark sides the one here mentioned, were has been partly (and very roughly) missed from the University Library be- rubbed out, and the book, rebound tween 1770 and 1780. One, the unique with ' Charles Combe M.D.' on the copy of the earliest known edition of sides, now forms part of a very choice the Salisbury Breviary (pr. at Venice collection of early Bibles, &c. purchased in 1483), and that on vellum, came into from Dr Combe by the British Museum, the possession of Count Mac Carthy, I have little doubt that it was this same the famous collector of vellum-printed Dr Combe, who appropriated most of books ; and at his death was bought, the precious books which disappeared for about two pounds, for the National from our shelves at that period. It is Library in Paris, where I saw it in but fair to say that those I have men- 1867, the Cambridge library-mark being tioned were, while here, not treated as only in part obliterated. Another, the of any particular value. The Library almost unique copy of the first printed was freely accessible, and these books English translation of the Psalms (the all stood on the open shelves hi the Psalter of Feline, printed at Argentine compartments close to the entrance, for Francis Foxe in 1530) was for some affording very strong temptations to time in the possession of Dr Combe, any unscrupulous collector, the well-known antiquary and coin- 94 ON THE EAKLIEST ENGLISH ENGRAVINGS OF [VI The second cut which I have mentioned is one which I dis- covered quite recently in the University Library, and which has led to the present communication. In this, which measures 5 1 in. by 3f in., Our Lord is represented, as in the last, with his hands crossed, in front of the cross, at the head of which is the usual label. On his head is the crown of thorns. Upright, on either side, are the spear and the reed with the sponge. Below this is the text of the indulgence, as follows : To them that before this ymage of pyte de uowtely say .v. Pr nr v. Aueys & a Credo . py- teously beholdyng these armes of xps passio ar- grauted xxxij.M. vij.C & .lv. yeres of pardon:-: The centre piece and the text below it are surrounded on three sides by the symbols of the Passion, arranged in eighteen compartments, thus : 7 8 9 10 11 6 12 5 13 4 14 3 15 2 16 17 1 18 The whole is enclosed within a simple line. The contents of the compartments are as follows : 1 (in height equal to two of the others). A monk kneeling, with a scroll, the legend of which I have not been able to read. 2. The three dice. 3. A left hand, pulling the hair. 4. The three nails of the cross. 5. The pincers and hammer, crossed. 6. An open right hand, striking. 7. 8. The heads of Caiaphas and Pilate. I r "-.'* . . ~ ' , o . . \ -,-' .-. "** v.. ;! . , U ' / '.', I!!''!- .-v/::- .fvV;? ,;;^it-*r-^*!-<..tvfc^te >8$iM; : -.%^'r^F^ X-'^ - 1 .fet^r ' 4 -%' c . %fe jtevTrpr-.* . |MU ("f! i Hi'ftyVJ '^-i< -wW" \L *- -* ' N *% - f U; ii^M I ';>,;.,-'.,. -\^A- ^ '.^-\/^ In, I t *'.. ' jL-i!;. JU I U.,.-. j^ ; . , ; JL^.- i , , ^[ifl^iS , '. .-' i -. i . - * N\ ! I rifek.i^*S ^' ;rf v --- .-.Vj-^!- \tr-~' '- -' -'- ' -" -:---'; - - , "^ ^ I '"V. V"* - *"-**-t ^ > ' k-*V, *-^ ' :^ l&C^*^**- W$\ ,,..;. ^.^^i.Tif^r.rUv.-; .: : :' ;:j y: V Tcv:;:^t v* -'J^^ ; ^ { ^S^^^^^?^^ : ^[ tr^t; *i^l : -t-vir-i?:^ titvij . >l,> v >^ --<-: '.-\ f A< -" : '..--^ ^;^.? i- -^---i i^P i :':'-*-! ':-rS rr u*H rifirPvd x.: ? y ^ Vl] THE INDULGENCE KNOWN AS THE 'IMAGE OF PITY.' 95 9. The sudarium of St Veronica. 10. The cock, crowing. 11. The head of a priest, mocking. 12. A sword and club, crossed. 13. The lantern. 14. The (thirty) pieces of silver. 15. Two bunches of twigs, crossed. 16. The pillar, with cords. 17. The ladder. 18. The seamless coat. The text of the indulgence is printed in the same type as that of the Ordinale above-mentioned, and the date must there- fore range from 1487 to 1491. But the most singular thing is that what we have in the University Library is not an ordinary impression on a quarter-sheet of paper, but a mere trial on the blank last page of a book with which the indulgence has nothing to do. It seems as if, when the form was ready, some one had dabbed it with some brown sloppy substance, and had then picked up a book accidentally lying near, and had taken off an impression of the form, to see how it would look. The page of the book being quite dry and crisp and of uneven surface, and the stuff used for ink not having the consistency of printer's ink, the impression produced is very far from com- plete. I can only say that the facsimile 1 executed for me by Mr G. I. F. Tupper, gives a more faithful representation of the original than I could have believed possible. The book which has been used for the impression is a copy of the Colloquium peccatoris et Crucified J. C., printed at Antwerp by Mathias van der Goes about 1487, and is one of several pieces bound together in a volume which came to us as part of the Holds- worth collection ; the latest piece being a manuscript of the 'Liber spiritualis gracie,' transcribed at the Charterhouse in London in 1492. No properly printed copy of this indul- gence is known, and as I only discovered this quite recently, it is of course not described in Mr Blades's monograph on Caxton's press. I have perhaps described these cuts more at length than 1 See the lithographed facsimile which accompanies the present communi- cation. [See Prefatory note. J.] 96 ON THE EARLIEST ENGLISH ENGRAVINGS OF [VI may seem necessary; but a careful collection of facts, ap- parently even the most unimportant, sometimes turns out to be of more use than was expected. I will now only add a few words about two other separate cuts, which differ from those before-mentioned in the amount of the indulgence granted. One formerly belonged to Mr Wm. Young Ottley, and is now in the British Museum. The other is in the Minster Library at Lincoln, and still remains in the prayer-book into which it must have been fastened at the time. The first, which measures 4| in. by 2^- in., has been repro- duced in tolerably accurate facsimile by Mr Ottley in his Inquiry concerning the invention of printing (4to. London, 1863), and he has given some account of its history (see page 198 and Plate vn of that work). ' I had the good fortune,' Mr Ottley says, ' to discover this little wood-cut several years ago, stitched on a blank leaf at the beginning of a manuscript book of de- votion, on vellum, which I judged to be of the latter part of the fifteenth century. But it was evident from the numerous needle-holes in the margin, that it had been, in like manner, sewed into at least two other books, previously : besides which, it appears, from the back of the print, that in the first instance it had been folded, and that for a length of time it had been carried about by the devout possessor of it in a small pocket- book. This piece is printed in a brown tint by friction.' Our Lord is represented in the usual way, half-length, with the hands crossed, the wound in the right side bleeding, the head inclined towards the right shoulder, with the usual nim- bus, but without the crown of thorns. Behind him the cross, and over his head the label with the following inscription 1 : :(5;BACfAGYC horajSa On either side of the head are the words I C and X C ; on either side of the body, the words Ecce and homo. Below is the 1 Mr E. M. Thompson, of the in St Mark are (xv. 25, 26): 'Erat British Museum, suggested to me 'hora autem hora tertia : et crucifixerunt eum. 3*' as the reading which Ottley was Et erat titulus causse ejus inscriptus : unable to decipher ; and I have no REX JUD.EOBUM (6 ^acnXei/s TUV 'lov- hesitation in accepting it. The words Satwv).' VI] THE INDULGENCE KNOWN AS THE 'IMAGE OF PITY.' 97 text of the indulgence, consisting of the following two rhyming couplets, occupying six lines : Seynt gregor' with oj^ir' . popes. | & bysshoppes yn feer'. Haue grau- | ted' of pardon xxvj dayes: & xxvj. Mill' | yeer'. To )?eym J?at befor" ]>is fy- \ gur on J?eir' knees. Deuoutly say | .v. pater noster .&. v. Auees. From the character of the letters Mr Ottley was inclined to think it might be as old as the St Christopher of 1423. But this is at best conjecture. There can be little doubt that it is earlier than those I have described, but the writing points to a more northern part of England and to a different family of indulgences. It would be some slight clue to its origin if the little book of devotion were still traceable, show- ing to what part of the country it belonged. Meantime it is safer to suspend our judgment, until further evidence be forthcoming. The other, which I first discovered at Lincoln in 1865, is pasted on to one of the leaves of a manuscript book of devo- tions in such a way that the writing nearly surrounds it, showing that the cut was there before the scribe began his work upon the page. The book formerly belonged to a religious house in Lincolnshire. It will be observed that the amount of the indulgence is the same as in Mr Ottley's Ecce homo. It represents our Lord standing half out of a tomb, his hands crossed, his whole body covered with wounds, his head inclined towards his right shoulder, and with the crown of thorns and the usual nimbus. Behind is the cross, with the label and . I . N . R . I . above his head. By his right arm is the spear, and by his left the reed with the sponge. Above these, in the upper corners of the frame, are the words I H S and X P S. Below, on the face of the altar or tomb, is the text : The pardon for .v. Pf nf .v. aues & a crede is xxvj. M. yeres & xxvj. dayes:- The whole is within a frame-work of three simple lines and B. 7 98 ON THE EARLIEST ENGLISH ENGRAVINGS OF [VI measures 3| in. by 2| in. I have a pencil tracing of it made by myself at the time 1 . It is probable that other cuts of the kind may be found, fastened into prayer-books, or in Printed Primers which I have not seen; but I have here described all the early ones that have come to my knowledge. Indeed the only other early specimens of English wood-engraving of which I can hear any- thing, are (1) the stanzas on the seven virtues, of which a frag- ment, formerly in the Weigel collection, is now in the British Museum 2 , but to which I see no means at present of affixing any date ; and (2) a curious cut of a lion in Ely Cathedral, to which my attention was drawn a short time since by the Rev. D. J. Stewart. It is fixed against one of the pillars in the choir, close to the tomb of Bishop Gray, whose device it represents. As the Bishop died in 1479, the engraving falls naturally almost into the very period in which, as I have shown above, we find the first authenticated specimens of the art in connexion with printed books. With a view of taking stock of our knowledge on this sub- ject, I have often thought of drawing up a technical list of the woodcuts used to illustrate the printed books of the first few generations of the art ; discriminating the single cuts and series according to the works which they were originally designed to illustrate, and tracing their origin, as well as their subsequent history, which sometimes shows the most grotesque application of a cut to a subject very remote from the mind of the original engraver. So far as England is concerned, the first chapter would contain the productions of the decade from 1481 to 1490, which I have roughly sketched out above. The second chapter would contain (1) those used in Caxton's house at Westminster 1 When I first saw this in 1865, I The manuscript in which it occurs was under the impression that it might (A. 6. 15 in the Minster library) is of be earlier than those in the printed the XVth century, so far as the body of Hor I ft 100 EARLY ENGRAVINGS OF THE 'IMAGE OF PITY.' [VI learn a good deal more of the history of the art than we know at present. N.B. Throughout these remarks I have used the term wood-engraving to signify that process which is used in engrav- ing upon wood. I am not in a position to decide whether the material used for most of the engravings mentioned above was wood or soft metal, and for the purpose I have in view the decision is not of primary importance. My chief wish is to contribute towards a systematic arrangement of the actual specimens of engraving which have come down to us. NOTE ON AN ENGLISH BLOCK-PRINTED BROADSIDE *. M. WEIGEL'S interesting fragment, described at p. 53, can- not be considered part of a moral play, or any such production. If any one will glance at the various lists of John Lydgate's works, he will see enough to show him that this is a set of stanzas on the seven theological virtues, written most probably for scrolls to be put above or beneath figures representing these virtues on the wall of a room, or in some such position, as many of Lydgate's verses are known to have been. The Harleian Collection is almost sure to furnish a complete copy of them, as verses on the three divine and four cardinal virtues. They do not appear in the large collections of Lydgate in Trinity College library here. The metre is the ordinary eight-line stanza used by Chaucer in the Monk's Tale, and by Lydgate in many of his pieces. Each stanza consists of two quatrains, in which the second rhyme of the first gives the first rhyme to the second. The two quatrains of each stanza are, in the xylographic fragment, arranged side by side ; in the reprint they are arranged in the ordinary way. It will be seen that though the stanzas are all numbered, yet they are wrongly arranged; but by putting them according to their numbers, 1 Contributed by Mr Bradshaw to Le Bibliophile Illustre, 1 DScembre, 1863. NOTE ON AN ENGLISH BLOCK-PRINTED BROADSIDE. 101 the following order comes out: | Faith, || Hope, ||| Charite, the three divine virtues ; and 1 1 1 Attemperaunce, 1 1 j | Justice, /( Prudence, and /|| Force (or Strength), the four cardinal virtues. The form of the numbers is curious, but easily un- derstood. They were inaccurately given in the description at p. 55 ; for the sloping line is not a broken V at all, but, as may be seen from the facsimile, merely part of a simple method of representing the numbers by a series of lines. The first and last stanzas should have been printed thus : . . . [Faith] . . . her am I sent by our god prouidence. . . . he we mankynde by doctryne euydent. . . . incanc to amende his original offense Wil But by the meanes of christes innocence I fayth shalbrynge him fro captiuyte * * * rudence that gyveth hyni vnto negligence, r lacke of wit falleth into myserye. For lacke of wysedome liuynge in prouertye. Therfore he that wol lerne prouydence. . . . hyni selfe from al adversyte. I am indebted to Mr C. J. Stewart for a sight of M. Weigel's facsimile of the whole fragment; for it is extremely difficult to get a clear idea of such a thing from a verbal description, however good. HENRY BRADSHAW. UNIVERSITY LIBRARY, CAMBRIDGE. VII. THE SKELETON OF CHAUCER'S CANTERBURY TALES 1 . THE following sheets have been printed solely for purposes of collation. Having found between fifty and sixty copies of the Canterbury Tales, and having further noticed that very few of them have the contents in the same order, I have been able, after a minute examination of a good number, so far to break the work up into what I have been led to believe were the fragments as left by the author, that it is now compara- tively easy to describe, on finding any particular manuscript, in what order or disorder the contents are placed. Further than this, I have found it possible to say in very many cases what order any manuscript gives evidence of, however great the disorder may seem to be at first sight. The great majority of manuscripts may be ranged in three classes, which have such clear characteristics that any one, on taking a book into his hand, could readily distinguish to which class his book belongs. Having advanced so far, it struck me at once that by putting down on paper the begin- nings and endings of the divisions and subdivisions of the fragments to which I had reduced the work, and by adding to this any lines or passages in which there was either much known discrepancy in reading, or else some matter which bore upon the general action of the story (such as mention of time of day, place, neighbourhood, &c.), I might then print fifty or sixty copies of this, and use one copy for writing in a collation of each known manuscript, so as to shew its pecu- liarities. I had no doubt that manuscripts of the same family in matter of arrangement would also contain for the most part readings of the same family in the text; and it would 1 Published as Memorandum No. 4, November, 1871. vn] CHAUCER'S CANTERBURY TALES. 103 be a short way of classifying all the known manuscripts for the use of any future editor of the Canterbury Tales. To each Fragment I have prefixed a note to say in what varieties of state the different portions are more generally found, so as to be a ready guide when any manuscript is actually under exami- nation. It is evident from this statement that my purpose in print- ing these sheets is purely temporary ; but it has struck me that by printing a few more copies than were necessary for my immediate object, and circulating them among those who take an interest in the textual criticism of our early literature, and especially of Chaucer, they might see how very far we are as yet from the possibility of a satisfactory edition of Chaucer, and how much it lies in any scholar's power to lend a helping hand. The three classes into which the manuscripts of the Canter- bury Tales may be readily distinguished are as follows : 1. This is the least correct 1 . In Frag. I. the story of Gamelyn is found. In Frag. II. the link at the end is retained and made generally to introduce the Squyere. In Frag. IV. the concluding stanza of the tale (beginning : ' For which here for the wyves love of Bathe') is not found at all ; in the song immediately following, the last three stanzas are transposed so as to end : ' y }ow counseyle ' ; and the link-stanza at the end (' This worthy clerk,' &c.) is not found at all. In Frag. V. the introductory link is wanting, and the link at the end is per- 1 In the editions of 15321721 a manuscripts. This is easily seen by text of this class forms the basis, as tabulating the contents of one of the is shown by the facts that the stanzas early editions according to the system in the song at the end of the Clerk's I have adopted. Tyrwhitt saw the tale are in the wrong order, and that confusion caused by this process, and the modern instances in the Monk's rectified it from the manuscripts ; but tale are in the middle ; but the ori- nothing short of reducing all that ginal editor, William Thynne, added remains of the work to its constituent to this any additional matter which parts and testing these by the actual he thought worthy of insertion from evidence of manuscripts will enable manuscripts of another class, without us to trace out the ground and origin regard to the confusion which he was of all the disarrangements so as to thereby creating a species of confu- prepare the way for a better sottle- sion which is never found in the ment of the text. 104 THE SKELETON OF [VII verted so as to apply (generally) to the Frankeleyn. In Frag. VI. the link at the end is perverted so as to introduce the Merchaunt. In Frag. VIII. the link at the end is found. In Frag. IX. the spurious link introducing the Shipman is found at the end. In Frag. X. the Monk's tale contains the modern instances (Peter of Spain, Peter of Cyprus, Bernabo Visconti and Ugolino) between Zenobia and Nero; and the link is retained at the end of the tale of the Nonnes Prest. 2. This seems the most authentic, if I may use the term, and is that of the MS. used by Mr Tho. Wright, Mr Robert Bell and Mr Morris. In Frag. I. Gamelyn is retained. In Frag. II. the link at the end is generally retained though useless. In Frag. IV. the concluding stanza (For which here, &c.) is found; the last three stanzas of the song are in right order ; but the link stanza is wanting. In Frag. V. the introductory link is in its place, and the link at the end is correct, introducing the Squyere. In Frag. VI. the link at the end is correct, intro- ducing the Frankeleyn. Frag. VIII. occurs in its right place, and sometimes has, sometimes has not, the link at the end. Frag. IX. is without the spurious link at the end introducing the Shipman. In Frag. X. the modern instances in the Monk's tale are in the middle ; and the link at the end of the Nonnes Prest's tale is sometimes found and sometimes not. 3. This is the order adopted by Tyrwhitt from several MSS. It agrees in the main with No. _ 2, but the alterations seem to be all the result of some editorial supervision exer- cised after Chaucer's death, and in most cases the reason for the change is easily ascertained. In Frag. I. Gamelyn is sup- pressed. In Frag. II. the end-link is suppressed. In Frag. IV. the concluding stanza is in its place (For which here, &c.) ; the last three stanzas of the song are in right order (ending : ' wringe and wayle ') ; and the link-stanza at the end generally occurs. In Frag. V. the introductory and concluding links are correct. In Frag. VI. the concluding link is correct. -Frag. VIII. is moved to between X. and XI. and the link at the end is suppressed. Frag. IX. is without the spurious link at the end. In Frag. X. the modern instances in the Monk's tale are removed to the end of the tale ; and the link at the vn] CHAUCER'S CANTERBURY TALES. 105 end of the Nonnes Prest's tale is sometimes suppressed, and sometimes found and applied so as to introduce the Nonne. Various attempts have been made to bring the tales into order of time and place. This however seems now an impos- sibility. The test passages are few and simple, though some of them have hitherto been overlooked. In Frag. I. (in the link between the Millere and the Reve) they are by Depeford and it is halfway pryme ; (the reading passed pryme appears to mean much the same). In Frag. VI. the Squyere will not tarry them 'for it is pryme'. In Frag. II. at the beginning ' it was ten of the clok'. In Frag. X. they are by Rochester (just before the Monk's tale). In Frag. III. (near the begin- ning) they are some little way short of Sittingbourne, and at the end they are 'almost at town', apparently some stopping place, but what is not indicated. In Frag. IV. the words of the Clerk seem to allude to the Wyf s tale. In Frag. V. there is a clear allusion to the Wyfs tale as already told. In Frag. VIII. the Chanon's 3eman saw them ride out of their hostelry ' now in the morwe tyde ' and they were then at Boughton under Blee. In Frag. XL they are at Bob-up-and- down under the Blee (whether Boughton or Harbledown is an equal difficulty), and the Hoste reproaches the Cook with being asleep 'by the morwe', and it is clearly morning from the other circumstances. In Frag. XII. at the beginning it was four in the afternoon and they were near Canterbury. Did the pilgrims sleep on the way ? Do the Somnour's concluding words point to the place where they broke the journey ? There are difficulties enough for the most patient investigator if he chooses to try and solve them. At present this statement is only provisional, but it will serve as a fair guide until the collations are more fully com- pleted. The tests of Fragments IV. V. and VI. are the simplest, especially IV. (the Clerk's tale). I will only add that the present sheets contain a first attempt at orthography. Without orthography it is impossible to teach or to gain a really accurate knowledge of a language. By a minute and careful study of the rhyme, I am convinced that it is possible to see how Chaucer pronounced many thou- 106 THE SKELETON OF CHAUCER'S CANTERBURY TALES. [vil sand words, or at least, what sets of words he pronounced in the same way ; and if starting from that knowledge we proceed to the investigation (in etymology, &c.) of the cause of that agreement we shall get to some sound basis of grammatical knowledge. We all know that to spell correctly requires that our eyes and the eyes of the people with whom we live should be educated by constant reading in a way that no fourteenth century scribe's eyes could possibly be. As many of us are at work now at this very point, it is needless to say more on this head in this place, except that what is printed of Chaucer's here is the result of my present knowledge on the subject, and that I shall be most grateful to any one who will point out what is wrong and why it is so, that we may gradually gain some substantial knowledge which can be taught and applied. HENRY BRADSHAW. CAMBRIDGE, 8 September 1867. NOTE AT THE END OF THE PUBLISHED MEMORANDUM. UNTIL a day or two ago, when the preceding sheets were brought to me from the University Press, I was fully under the impression that they had been cancelled and the type distributed early in 1868. I came to the conclusion that the remarks were too crude even for such a temporary publication as I then contemplated, and I accordingly had a few copies struck off containing nothing but the beginnings and ends of the several Fragments and their component parts. These I thought might perhaps be useful to any person who had opportunities of access to manuscripts of the Canterbury Tales. Four years have witnessed a considerable advance in the study of Chaucer both in this country and elsewhere ; and Mr Furuivall's labours during that period have put far out of date any work that I have ever done upon this subject. Nevertheless, as the sheets are still standing in type, and they represent a certain amount of thought and labour and the views which I held at that time (since, of course, very much modified), I have thought it worth while to have a few copies struck off, rather as a memorial of past work than as an earnest of what is to come. Every day seems to render it less likely that I shall ever put my hand again to any work of the kind, H. B. UNIVERSITY LIBBABY, CAMBRIDGE : November 23, 1871. REFERRED TO IN THE FOLLOWING PAGES. FB. I. 1. General Prologue. 2. The Knyght. 3. Link. 4. TheMillere. 5. Link. 6. The Beve. 7. Link. 8. The Cook. * * 9. Gamelyn. FB. VH. * * * 1. The Frankeleyn. * * * FB. VIII. 1. The Secounde Nonne. 2. The Chanouns 3eman. * * * FB. n. * * * 1. Prologue. 2. The Man of lawe. 3. Link. * * * FB. in. FB. IX. 1. The Doctour of Phisyk. 2. The Pardonere. * * * FB. X. 1. Link. 2. The Wyf of Bathe. 3. Link. 4. TheFrere. 5. Link. 6. The Somnour. FB. IV. * * * 1. Prologue. 2. The Clerk. 3. Link. 1. The Shipman. 2. Link. 3. The Prioresse. 4. Link. 5. Chaucer's Sire Thopace. 6. Link. 7. Chaucer's Melibee. 8. Link. 9. The Monk. 10. Link. 11. The Nonnes Preest. 12. Link. FB. V. 1. Link. 2. The Merchaunt. 3. Link. FB. XI. # 1. Prologue. 2. The Maunciple. FB. VI. * * * 1. The Squyere. * * 2. Link. FB. XII. * * 1. Link. 2. The Person. 108 THE SKELETON OF [VII FRAGMENT I. 1. General Prologue. 2. The KNYGHTES Tale of Palemoun and Arcyte. 3. Link. 4. The MILLEBES Tale of the Oxford Scholar and the Carpenter. 5. Link. 6. The KEVES Tale of the two Cambridge Scholars and the Miller of Trumpington. 7. Link. 8. The COOKS Tale of the unthrifty prentice (un- finished). * * * 9. The COOKS Tale of Gamelyn. * * * THIS Fragment necessarily occupies the first place in every copy of the Canterbury tales, and down to the point where the Cook's tale breaks off abruptly there is no difference worth mentioning to be found in the manuscripts. In a few copies the unfinished Cook's tale is omitted altogether, possibly with the view of giving a greater appearance of completeness to the work. The story of Gamelyn stands by itself; all the links of two or more couplets which are sometimes found to introduce the tale, are, I think, unquestionably spurious, but I do not see any solid ground for rejecting the tale itself. It must stand at the end of this fragment, for it is always associated with this place in the poem ; and none of the copies which contain the tale ever link it on to any other portion, so far as my examination has reached. It is in loose rhyming couplets, but it is not in that alliterative rhythm of which Chaucer speaks with such contempt; though it is on the ground of its alliteration that most critics have rejected it. The gram- matical forms as evidenced by the rhymes are, I believe, absolutely those of Chaucer; at least cam (venit) rhyming with nam% (ceperunt) is the only violation which I have de- tected as yet ; and I am not aware that the parallel forms jing (indef.) and }onge (definite) are both found in Chaucer. vn] CHAUCER'S CANTERBURY TALES. 109 It is in anybody's power to render a good service to students of early English by investigating these questions. The words which occur in rhyme are of course the only forms which are of any use for this purpose. 1. General Prologue, beginning (line 1) Here beginneth the prolog of the Canterburie Tales compiled by Geffrey Chaucer. WHAN that Aprille with his shoures swote The drought of March hath perced to the rote And bathed every veyne in swich licour Of which vertu engendred is the flour Whan Zephirus eke with his swote breth Enspired hath in every holt and heth The tendre croppes and the 3onge sonne Hath in the Ram his halve cours ironne lines 1927 : Befel that in that sesoun on a day In Southwerk at the Tabard as y lay Redy to wenden on my pilgrimage To Canterburie with ful devout corage At nyght was come into that hostelrye Wei nyne and twenty in a compaynye Of sondry folk by aventure ifalle In felawshipe and pilgrymes were they alle That toward Canterburie wolde ryde. line 43: A Knyght 1 ther was and that a worthy man line 79: With him ther was his sone a }ong Squyere 2 line 101: A 3eman 3 hadde he and servauntes no mo line 118: There was also a Nonne a Prioresse* 110 THE SKELETON OF [VII lines 163165 Another Nonne 5 with hire had she "fcerteyn And eke a Prest 6 -f- that was here chapelleyn. A Monk 7 ther was a fayr for the maystrye line 208: A Frere 8 there was a wanton and a merie line 270: A Merchaunt 9 was ther with a forked herd line 285 : A Clerk 10 ther was of Oxenforde also line 309: A Serjaunt" of the lawe war and wys line 331: A Frankeleyn 12 was in his compaynye lines 361363 : An Haberdasshere 13 and a Carpentere 14 A Webbe 15 a Dyere 16 and a Tapisere" Were with us eke clothed in o liveree line 379 : A Cook 18 they hadde with hem for the nones line 388: A Shipman 19 was ther woninge fer by weste line 411 : Ther was also a Doctour of phisyk 20 line 445 : A good Wyf 21 was ther of besyde Bathe lines 477, 478 : A good man was ther of religioun And was a poore Person 22 of a toun + This emendation is my own. It is explanation seems the best, that a quite in the style of the copyists' emen- passage was probably cut out at this dations, where the links intended to point, and that the text was carelessly introduce one speaker are perverted so patched by some one else, so as to as to introduce another; but Tyrwhitt's render the lines almost nonsense. vn] CHAUCER'S CANTERBURY TALES. Ill line 529: With him ther was a Ploughman 28 that was his brother lines 542544: There was also a Reeve 24 and a Millere 28 A Sompnour 26 and a Pardonere 87 also A Maunciple 28 and myself" 9 ther was no mo. line 792797 : This is the poynt to speke it plat and pleyn That eche of 3ow to shorten with 3oure weye In this vyage shal telle tales tweye To Canterburie ward y mene it so And homward he shal tellen othere two Of aventures that whylom han befalle. lines 824833 : . A morwe whan the day began to springe Up ros oure Hoste and was oure aller cok And gadered us togeder in a flok And forth we ryde a litel more than pas Unto the watering of seynt Thomas And there oure Hoste began his hors areste And seyde Lordes herkeneth if )ow leste 3e wite oure forward and y it recorde If even song and morwe song acorde Let see now who shal telle first a tale. The Prologue ends thus (lines 858860): And with that word we ryde forth oure weye And he began with ryght a merie chere His tale anon and seyde as 36 shule here. Here endeth the prolog. 2. The Knyght, beginning (line 1) : Here beginneth the Knyghtes tale. WHYLOM as olde stories tellen us lines 34, 35: There as y lafte y wil a3eyn beginne. THIS duk of whom y made mencioun 112 THE SKELETON OF [VII ending (line 2250): And God save all this fayre compaynye. Here endeth the Knyglites tale. 3. Link, beginning (line 1): Here beginneth the Milleres prolog. WHAN that the Knyght had thus his tale itold ending (line 76): And ek men shule not make ernest of game. Here endeth the Milleres prolog. 4. The Millere, beginning (line 1): Here beginneth the Milleres tale. WHYLOM there was dwellinge in Oxenforde ending (line 666): This tale is don and God save al the rowte. Here endeth the Milleres tale. 5. Link, beginning (line 1): Here beginneth the Reeves prolog. WHAN folk had loughen of this nyce cas lines 51 54: Seye forth thy tale and tarie not the tyme Lo Depeford and it is half way pryme Lo Grenewich there many a shrewe is inne It were al tyme thy tale to beginne. ending (line 66) : But in his owene he can not seen a balk. Here endeth the Reeves prolog. 6. The Reeve, beginning (line 1): Here beginneth the Reeves tale. AT Trompingtoun not fer fro Cantebrigge vn] CHAUCER'S CANTERBURY TALES. 113 ending (line 404) : Thus have y quit the millere in my tale. Here endeth the Reeves tale. 7. Link, beginning (line 1) : Here beginneth the Cookes prolog. THE Cook of London whyl the Reeve spak ending (line 40) : And seyde his tale as 36 shule after here. Here endeth the Cookes prolog. 8. The Cook, beginning (line 1): Here beginneth the Cookes tale. A PRENTIS whylom dwelte in oure citee ending (line 58): A shoppe and swyved for hire sustenaunce. * * * * * * 9. Gamely n, beginning (line 1): Lytheth and listneth and herkeneth aryght ending (line 902): God bringe us to the joye that evere shal be. Amen. 15. 114 THE SKELETON OF [VII FRAGMENT II. * * * 1. Prologue. 2. The MAN OF LAWES Tale of Constaunce. 3. Link. * * * THIS fragment is found in two states. In its earlier state it has at the end twenty-eight lines forming a link to in- troduce another tale, apparently that of the Squyere. As the work went on Chaucer seems to have given a character to the Squyere not quite in harmony with the description here given, and so in the later stage of the work this link is cancelled. The critics have unfortunately looked upon Chaucer's great work as simply a collection of twenty-four tales each preceded by a prologue introducing the next narrator. Until this notion is thoroughly uprooted, the poem must remain an inextricable mass of confusion. On the other hand as soon as we perceive that the author composed the work piece-meal with the in- tention of finally working all his pieces into one harmonious whole, this confusion disappears. Every one allows that this finishing process was never reached by the author, so that it remains for us to make the best of the several fragments as they have come down to us. We must look upon these frag- ments as so many portions of the story of the Canterbury pilgrimage into which the tales are introduced; the so-called prologues then become the main line of the action of the poem; and in each fragment we shall see that the story is taken up at one point and dropped at another without a clear reference to what has gone before or what is to follow. For instance, in this which I have called the second fragment, the beginning contains no allusion whatever to the previous tales, and, so far, it matters not what place it should hold in the collection. Before telling his tale, the Man of lawe says : ' Y vn] CHAUCER'S CANTERBURY TALES. 115 ran ryght now no thrifty tale seyn ;' and as soon as it is finished the Host says : ' This was a thrifty tale for the nones.' He soon after calls out: 'O Jankin be 36 there?' Jankiu is the name of the squyere in the Somnour's tale : ' Now stood the lordes squyere at the horde That carf his mete,' &c., which reminds us of the description in the General Prologue of the Squyere who 'carf before his fader at the table.' The character of the pilgrim who now comes forward and offers to tell a tale accords well in many points with the Squyere, but if the word in line 17 after 'Seyde the' be omitted, there is nothing in the context which necessarily makes this portion of the story an introduction to any one known tale in particular. In one manuscript, where the pieces are so arranged that this second fragment finds itself immediately before Fragment X. (which begins with the Shipmaris tale), the scribe has made the words run 'Seyde the Shipman'...&nd this has led Tyrwhitt and all more recent editors to sever these lines from the Man of lawe's tale, to which they inherently belong, and to prefix them to the Shipman's tale, the editors having always looked upon it as their first duty to provide a prologue for each tale at what- ever cost. In a large number of manuscripts, however, the words are written 'Seyde the Squyere....' and there can be little doubt that, as originally written, it was Chaucer's in- tention to add at this point a tale to be told by the Squyere. Nevertheless it is clear that the Squyere's ' tale half-told ' which we now have was not written as part of this fragment, because before the Man of lawe's tale the fourth part of the day was gone, while the Squyere at the beginning of his tale says ' Y wil not tarien }ow for it is pryme,' and such discre- pancies of time and place are never, to be found in different parts of the same fragment. 1. Prologue, beginning (line 1): Here beginneth the Man of Lawes prolog. OURE Hoste sey wel that the bryghte sonne The ark of his artificial day had ronne 82 116 THE SKELETON OF [VII The ferthe part and half an houre and more And though he were not depe expert in lore He wist it was the eyght and twenty day Of April that is messagere to May And sey wel that the shadwe of every tree Was as in lengthe of the same quantitee That was the body erect that caused it And therfore by the shadwe he took his wit 10 That Phebus which that shon so clere and bryghte Degrees was fyve and forty clombe on hyghte And for that day as in that latitude It was ten of the clok he gan conclude And sodeynly he plyghte his hors abowte Lordinges quod he y warne }ow al this rowte The ferthe partye of this 'day is gon 17 lines 4676 : Y can ryght now no thrifty tale seyn But Chaucer though he can but lewedly On metres and on ryming craftily Hath seyd hem in swich English as he can Of olde tyme as knoweth many a man 50 And if he have not seyd hem leve brother In o book he hath seyd hem in another For he hath told of loveres up and doun Mo than Ovyde made of mencioun In his Epistolis that ben ful olde What shulde I tellen hem sin they be tolde In 3owthe he made of Ceys and Alcion And sithen hath he spoke of everich on Thes noble wyves and thes loveres eke Who so that wil his large volume seke 60 Cleped the Seyntes Legend e of Cupyde There may he see the large woundes wyde Of Lucresse and of Babiloun Thisbee The swerd of Dydo for the false Enee The tree of Phillis for hire Demophoun The pleynt of Deyanyre and Hermioun vir] CHAUCER'S CANTERBURY TALES.. 117 Of Adriane and of Ysiphilee The bareyne yle standinge in the see The dreynt Leandere for his fayre Hero The teres of Eleyne and eke the wo 70 Of Briseyda and of Ladomia The creweltee of thee quene Medea Thy litel children hanginge by the hals For thy Jason that was of love so fals Ypermestre Penelope Alceste 3oure wyfhood he commendeth with the beste. 76 ending (line 98): Began his tale and seyde as 36 shule here. Here endeth the Man of Lawes prolog. 2. The Man of Lawe, beginning (line 1): Here beginneth the Man of Lawes tale. HATEFUL harm condicioun of poverte lines 35, 36 : Me taughte a tale, which that 36 shule here. IN Surrie whylom dwelte a compaynye ending (line 1064): And kepe us alle that ben in this place. Here endeth the Man of Lawes tale. 3. Link, as follows: Here beginneth the [ ] prolog. OURE Hoste upon his stirop stood anon And seyde Goode men herkeneth everich on This was a thrifty tale for the nones Sire parish prest quod he for Goddes bones Telle us a tale as was thy forward 3ore Y see wel that 36 lerned men in lore Conne mochel good by Goddes dignitee The Person him answerde Benedicite 118 THE SKELETON OF [VII What eyleth the man so sinfully to swere Oure Hoste answerde Jankin be 36 there 10 Y smelle a lollere in the wynd quod he Now goode men quod oure Hoste herkeneth to me Abideth for Goddes digne passioun For we shule have a predicacioun This lollere here will prechen us somwhat. Nay by my fader soule that shall he not Seyde the [ ] that shall he not preche He shal no gospel here glose ne teche We leven alle in the grete God quod he He wolde sowen some difficultee 20 Or springen cokkel in oure clene corn And therfor Hoste y warne thee beforn My joly body shall a tale telle And y shall clinken }ow so merie a belle That y shal waken al this compaynye But it shal not ben of philosophye Ne of phisyk ne termes queynte of lawe There is but litel latin in my mawe. 28 Here endeth the [ ] prolog. vn] CHAUCER'S CANTERBURY TALES. 119 FRAGMENT III * * 1. The WIFE OF BATH'S Prologue. 2. The WIFE'S Tale of "What women most desire." 3. Link. 4. The FREBE'S Tale of the Somnour and the Devil. 5. Link. 6. The SOMNOUB'S Tale of the Frere and the bedridden THE allusion to ' wo that is in mariage ' is so constant in Chaucer's works that there is no tale to which this opening can be said pointedly to allude. The tales of the Clerk, the Merchant, the Franklin, or the Manciple would any of them do to precede at the same time there is no necessary con- nexion with any one known tale. The Somnour's remark that he will telle tales two or three of freres or he come to Sidenborne, and his last words: 'My tale is don we ben almost at toun,' would lead me to believe that Chaucer intended this fragment to find its final place in a later portion of the poem, between Fragment X. in which allusion is made to Rochester, and Fragment IX. where Boughton under Blee is mentioned. In any case the fragment beginning with the Wife's Prologue and ending with the Somnour's tale must be kept unbroken in itself. 1. Prologue, beginning (line 1); Here beginneth the Wyf of Bathes prolog. EXPERIENCE though non autoritee Were in this worlde is ryght inough for me To speke of wo that is in mariage lines 846, 847: But if y telle tales two or three Of freres or y come to Sidenborne 120 THE SKELETON OF [VII ending (line 856): 3is dame quod he telle forth and y shal here. Here endeth the Wyf of Bathes prolog. 2. The Wyf of Bathe, beginning (line 1): Here beginneth the Wyf of Bathes tale. IN olde dayes of the kinge Arthour ending (line 408): God sende hem soon verray pestilence. Here endeth the Wyf of Bathes tale. Q. Link; beginning (line 1): Here beginneth the Freres prolog. THIS worthy limitour this noble Frere ending (line 36): Telle forth }oure tale my leve maister dere. Here endeth the Freres prolog. 4. The Frere, beginning (line 1): Here beginneth the Freres tale. WHYLOM there was dwellinge in my contree ending (line 364) : Of his misdede er that the feend him hente. Here endeth the Freres tale. 5. Link, beginning (line 1): Here beginneth the Somnoures prolog. THIS Somnour in his stirop up he stood ending (line 44): My prolog wil y ende in this manere. Here endeth the Somnour es prolog 6. The Somnour, beginning (line 1): Here beginneth the Somnoures tale. LORDINGES there is in Engeland y gesse vn] CHAUCER'S CANTERBURY TALES. 121 lines 535, 536: Now stood the lordes squyere at the horde That carf his mete and herde word by worde ending (lines 585, 586): And Jankin hath iwonne a newe gowne My tale is don we ben almost at towne. Here endeth the Somnoures tale. 122 THE SKELETON OF [vtl FRAGMENT IV. 1. Prologue. 2. The CLEBK OF OXFORD'S Tale of Grisilde. 3. Link. * * * THERE are three things to be noticed in examining manu- scripts which contain this fragment. 1. At the end of the tale just before the Song 'Grisilde is ded &c.' one set of copies ends with Stanza CLIX.: 'It wolde rathere breste atwo than plye,' and another set adds Stanza CLX., beginning: ' For which here for the wyves love of Bathe.' 2. In the song itself, the one set of copies has the last three stanzas in this order: IV. If thou be fayr... v. Ne drede him not... VI. 3e archewyves... ; the other set has these stanzas arranged as I have printed them, so that the last words of the song are : ' And let him care and wepe and wringe and wayle.' 3. In one set of copies the single link-stanza is subjoined to the song : ' This worthy clerk whan ended was his tale ;' in the other set it is omitted. It is curious that this last stanza is not found (so far as I have examined) except in those copies where the Clerk's and Merchant's tales are connected; in other words, except precisely where it is not required. About the song I will only remark that by the present arrangement the first four stanzas are in the plural and the last two in the singular, whereas the other order produces confusion in this point. 1. Prologue, beginning (line 1): Here beginneth the Clerkes prolog. SlRE Clerk of Oxenforde oure hoste seyde vn] CHAUCER'S CANTERBURY TALES. 123 ending (line 56): But this is the tale which that }e shule here. Here endeth the Glerkes prolog. 2. The Clerk of Oxenforde, beginning (line 1) ; Here beginneth the Glerkes tale. THERE is ryght at the west syde of Itayle line 141 : Pars secunda. NOT fer from thilke paleys honourable line 393: Pars tercia. THER fel as it befalleth tymes mo line 554: Pars quarta. IN this estat ther passed ben four 3ere line 729: Pars quinta. AMONG al this after his wikke usage line 883: Pars sexta. FROM Boloyne is this erl of Panik come ending (lines 11061156): Let us than live in vertuous suffraunce. 1106 CLIX. But on word lordinges herkeneth er y go It were ful hard to fynde now on dayes In al a town Grisildes three or two For if that they were putte to swiche assayes The gold of hem hath now so badde alayes With bras that though the coyn be fayr at ye It wolde rathere breste atwo than plye 1113 124 THE SKELETON OF [VII CLX. For which here for the wyves love of Bathe Whos lyf and al hire secte God mayntene In hy maystrye and elles were it skathe Y wil with lusty herte fresshe and grene Sey }ow a song to glade }ow y wene And let us stinte of ernestful matere Herkeneth my song that seyth in this manere. 1120 SONG. GRISILDE is ded and eke hire pacience And bothe at ones iburied in Itayle For which y crye in opene audience No wedded man so hardy be to assayle His wyves pacience in troste to fynde Grisildis for in certeyn he shal fayle. 1126 II. O noble wyves ful of hy prudence Let non humilitee }oure tonge nayle Ne let no clerk han cause or diligence To wryte of }ow a storie of swich mervayle As of Grisildis pacient and kynde Lest Chichevache jow swolwe in hire entrayle. 1132 in. Folweth Ekko that holdeth no silence But evere answereth at the countretayle Beth not bedaffed for 3oure innocence But sharply taketh on }ow the governayle Emprinteth wel this lessoun in }oure mynde For comune profit sith it may avayle. 1138 vn] CHAUCER'S CANTERBURY TALES. 125 IV. (VI.) 3e archewyves stondeth at 3oure defence Sin }e ben stronge as is a gret camayle Ne suffereth not that men 3ow do offence And sklendre wyves feble as in batayle Beth egre as is a tygre 3ond in Ynde Ay clappeth as a mille y 3ow counsayle. 1144 V. Ne drede him not do him no reverence For though thyn husbond armed be in mayle The arwes of thy crabbed eloquence Shule perce his brest and eke- his aventayle In jelousye y rede ek thou him bynde And thou shalt make him couche as doth a quayle. 1150 VI. (IV.) If thou be fayr there folk ben in presence Shewe thou thy visage and thyn apparayle If thou be foul be free of thy dispence . To gete thee frendes ay do thy travayle Be ay of chere as lyght as leef on lynde And let him care and wepe and wringe and wayle. 1156 Here endeth the Glerkes tale. 3. Link, as follows: Here beginneth the [ ] prolog. THIS worthy clerk whan ended was his tale Oure Hoste seyde and swor by Goddes bones Me were levere than a barel ale My wyf at horn had herd this legende ones This is a gentil tale for the nones As to my purpos woste 36 my wille But thing that wil not be let it be stille. 7 126 THE SKELETON OF [VII FRAGMENT V. 1. Link. 2. The MERCHAUNT'S Tale of January and May. 3. Link. THIS Fragment is found in several conditions in the various manuscripts. The tale is either found without any link at beginning or end, or with or without the link at the end, or with or without the link at the beginning. As far as the tale itself bears evidence of its intended position lines 439 441 shew that it was meant to be subse- quent to Fragment III. which contains the Wife of Bath's tale. In the next stage the link at the end was written, un- mistakeably with the view of introducing Fragment VI. Where, however, the Squyeres tale had already found a place following Fragment II., this connexion was lost sight of, and by altering the name in line 23 of the link, and omitting the words ' of love ' in line 24, it was readily used to introduce Fragment VII. instead. This is the case in a large number of copies. In a further stage of the composition Chaucer added a link at the beginning which served to join this Fragment immediately to Fragment IV. In copies where this intro- ductory link is found, the link at the end will generally be found unaltered ; where it is not inserted, this Fragment is usually found after the next one, the concluding link being there altered to suit the occasion. 1. Prologue, as follows: Here beginneth the Merchauntes prolog. WEPING and wayling care and other sorwe Y knowe inough on even and on morwe Quod the merchaunt and so don othere mo That wedded ben y trowe that it be so VII] CHAUCERls CANTERBURY TALES. 127 For wel y wot it fareth so with me Y have a wyf the worste that may be For though the feend to hire icoupled were She wolde him overmacche y dar wel swere 8 What shulde y }ow reherse in special Hire hy malyce she is a shrewe at al There is a longe and large difference Betwixe Grisildis grete pacience And of my wyf the passinge crueltee Were y unbounden al so mote y thee Y wolde nevere eft comen in the snare. We wedded men liven in sorwe and care 16 Assaye it who so wil and he shal fynde That y seye sooth by seynt Thomas of Ynde As for the more part y seye not alle God shilde that it shulde so befalle A good sire Hoste y have iwedded be Thes monethes two and more not pardee And }it y trowe that he that al his lyve Wyfles hath ben though that men wolde him ryve 24 Unto the herte ne couthe in no manere Telle so moche sorwe as y now here Couthe tellen of my wyves cursednesse. Now quod oure Hoste Merchaunt so God )ow blesse Sin 30 so moche knowen of that art Ful hertely telleth us a part. Gladly quod he but of myn owene sore For sory herte y telle may no more. 32 Here endeth the Merchauntes prolog. 2. The Merchaunt, beginning (line 1): Here beginneth the Merchauntes tale. WHYLOM there was dwellinge in Lombardye lines 439441: The wyf of Bathe if 36 han understonde Of mariage which 30 now han in honde Declared hath ful wel in litel space 128 THE SKELETON OF [VII ending (line 1174): God blesse us and his moder seynte Marie. Here endeth the Merchauntes tale. 3. Link, as follows: Here beginneth the [ ] prolog. EY Goddes mercy seyde oure Hoste tho Now swich a wyf y preye God kepe me fro Lo swiche sleyghtes and subtilitees In wemen ben for ay as besy as bees Ben they us sely men for to deceyve And from a sooth evere wole they weyve By this merchauntes tale it proveth wel But douteles as trewe as eny stel 8 Y have a wyf though that she poore be But of hire tonge a labbinge shrewe is she And )it she hath an heep of vyces mo Therof no fors let alle swiche thing go But wite 36 what, in counseyl be it seyd Me reweth sore y am unto hire teyd For and y shulde rekene every vyce Which that she hath iwis y were too nyce 16 And cause why it shulde reported be And told to hire of som of this meynee Of whom it nedeth not for to declare Sin wemen connen oute swich chaffare And ek my wit suffyseth not therto To tellen al therfore my tale is do. [ ] come forth if that }oure wille be And seye a tale [ ] for certes 36 24 Conne theron as moche as eny man Nay sire quod he but swich thing as y can With herty wille for y wil not rebelle A3eyn 3oure lust a tale wil y telle Have me excused if that y speke amis My wille is good and lo my -tale is this. 30 Here endeth the [ ] prolog. vn] CHAUCER'S CANTERBURY TALES. 129 FRAGMENT VI. * * * 1. The SQUTEBES Tale of the Horse of brass (unfinished) * * *. 2. Link. THIS Fragment occurs in two states. The tale (of which no known MSS. give more than the first couplet of Part 3) is found either with or without the link at the end. The link must have been added at a later stage of the composition, as it is wanting in many copies, and where it does occur, it is found in two states. It was evidently written to connect Fragments VI. and VII. together; and in this state it has the word ' Frankeleyn ' in lines 24 and 27. In the other state, the name is altered in line 24, and line 27 is made to end 'Quod the Merchaunt certeyn,' and Fragment V. is made to follow immediately. This link has been unfortunately omitted altogether by the latest editor. In the MS. which he follows (Harl. 7334) there is a gap of a whole quire, extending from some way before the end of the Squyeres Tale to far into that of the Frankeleyn, but it is perfectly clear both from a cal- culation of matter required to fill the missing leaves and also from observation of the family of text which the MS. repre- sents, that the link must have been in the MS. before it was defective. It might easily have been supplied from another good MS. of the same family. MS. Lansdowne 851, from which the rest of the gap has been supplied, does not belong to the same family. ##* 1. The Squyere, beginning (line 1): Here beginneth the Squyeres tale. AT Sarray in the londe of Tartarye B. 9 130 THE SKELETON OF [VII lines 64, 65: There nis no man that may reporten al Y wil not tarien 3ow for it is pryme. lines 338, 339 : Til that wel nygh the day began to springe. Pars secunda. THE norice of digestioun the sleep lines 662664: And there y lafte y wil a}eyn beginne. Pars tercia. APOLLO whirleth up his char so hye Til that the god Mercurius hous the slye ****** Here endeth the Squyeres tale. 2. Link, as follows: Here beginneth the [ ] prolog. IN feyth Squyere thou hast thee wel iquit And gentilly y preyse wel thy wit Quod the [ ] consideringe thy 3owthe So felingly thou spekest sire y alowe thee As to my doom there is non that is here Of eloquence that shal be thy pere If that thou live. God 3ive the good chaunce And in vertu sende thee continuaunce 8 For of thy speking y have gret deyntee Y have a sone and by the Trinitee It were me levere than twenty pound worth londe Though it ryght now were fallen in my honde He were a man of swich discrecioun As that 36 be. fy on possessioun But if a man be vertuous withal Y have my sone snibbed and 3it shal 16 For he to vertu lesteth not to entende But for to playe at dys and to dispende vn] CHAUCER'S CANTERBURY TALES. 131 And lose al that he hath is his usage And he had levere talke with a page Than to commune with eny gentil wyght There he myghte lere gentilesse aryght. Straw for 3oure gentillesse quod oure Hoste What [ ] pardee sire wel thou wost 24 That eche of }ow mot tellen at the leste A tale or two or breken his beheste. That knowe y wel quod the [ ] Y preye }ow have me not in disdeyn Though y to this man speke a word or two. Telle on thy tale with outen wordes mo. Gladly sire Hoste quod he y wil obeye Unto 3oure wille now herkeneth what y seye 32 Y wil }ow not contrarie in no wyse As fer as that my wittes may suffyse Y preye to God that it may plesen }ow That wot y wel that it is good inow. 36 Here endeth the [ ] prolog. 92 132 THE SKELETON OF [VII FRAGMENT VII. * * * 1. The FEANKELETN'S Tale of Dorigen. * * * THIS Fragment consists of nothing but the Frankeleyn's tale, and is often found quite apart from either Fragments VI. or V. Consequently lines 1 56 are in many MSS. marked off (by the introduction to the tale), and treated as the Franke- leynes Prologue. The same thing happens with lines 1 34 of the Knyght, Stanzas 1 5 of the Man of Lawe, Stanzas 1 5 of the Prioresse, and Stanzas 1 12 of the Second Nonnes tale. ****** 1. The Frankeleyn, beginning (line 1): Here beginneth the Frankeleynes tale. THES olde gentil Britouns in here dayes lines 5658: But if 3ow leste my tale shule 36 here. IN Armoryke that called is Breteyne Ther was a knyght that lovede and dide his peyne ending (line 908): Y can no more my tale is at an ende. Here endeth the Frankeleynes tale. vn] CHAUCER'S CANTERBURY TALES. 133 FRAGMENT VIII. 1. The NONNES Tale of the life of Seynte Cecilie. 2. The CHANOUN'B } EM AN, with his Tale of the London Annuelere. * * * THIS Fragment in one set of MSS. is found where it stands here, and in another set between Fragments X. and XI. It was evidently as an afterthought that these pieces were put together and made to form part of the Canterbury Tales. There can be little doubt that the Nonne's Tale is the ' Lyf of seynte Cecilie ' mentioned in the Prologue to the Legende, an earlier poem of Chaucer's, which he has here introduced and given to one of his characters without even taking the trouble to alter the words of the proem in which the poet speaks in his own character. In the episode of the Chanon's 3eman I have numbered the lines throughout, because there is no clear distinction between the introductory matter and the tale. Indeed the tale is of a different nature from the general run of the Canterbury Tales, which are for the most part simply borrowed stories translated and versified. There is some resemblance to this mode of treatment in Fragment III. with the Wyf's long prologue, and the interruptions of the Frere and Somnour after the tales have begun; and again in Fragment IX., where the actual tale told of the three rioters forms but a small portion of the episode of the Pardonere. Where this Fragment is found placed between Fragments X. and XI. I have very little doubt that this transposition is the result of that editorial care which has rearranged the Monk's tale, &c. from a feeling that the mention of Boughton under Blee must of necessity throw this Fragment to a much later place in the Collection. But it has been before shewn how 134 THE SKELETON OF [VII impossible it is so to arrange the several Fragments that the order of time shall be preserved throughout. 1. The Seconde Nonne, beginning (line 1): Here beginneth the Second Nonnes [ ]. THE ministre and the norice unto vyces line 62: And though that y unworthy sone of Eve lines 84, 85: And preye 3ow that 36 wole my werke amende. FIRST wil y 3ow the name of seynte Cecilie ending (line 553) : Men don to Cryst and to his seyntes servyse. Here endeth the Seconde Nonnes Tale. 2. The Chanounes 3eman, beginning (line 1) : Here beginneth the Chanounes lemannes prolog. WHAN ended was the lyf of seynte Cecyle Er we had ridden fully fyve myle At Boughton under Blee us gan atake A man that clothed was in clothes blake And underneth he werede a whyt surplis His hakeney which that was al pomelee gris So swatte that it wonder was to see It semede as he had prikked myles three lines 2936: And whan that he was come he gan to crye God save quod he this joly compaynye Faste have y prikked quod he for 3oure sake Because that y wolde 3ow atake To ryden in this merie compaynye. His 3eman was ek ful of curteysye And seyde Sires now in the morwe tyde Oute of 3oure hostelrye y sey 3ow ryde vn] CHAUCER'S CANTERBURY TALES. 135 lines 70, 71: That al the ground on which we ben rydinge Til that we come to Canterburie toun lines 166, 167: Swich thing as that y knowe y wil declare. WITH this Chanoun y dwelt have sevene 3 ere lines 458, 459: But in this cas herkeneth what y seye. IN London was a prest an annuelere ending (line 928): God sende every trewe man boote of his bale. Here endeth the tale of the Chanounes 1 In the manuscripts of Class I. last three couplets are found, from followed in the old printed editions, which circumstance Tyrwhitt has given the following link is here inserted to them in his text. They are given in introduce the Doctour of phisyk, but the hope that some result may be there can be very little doubt that it obtained from collation : is spurious. Occasionally only the Here beginneth the Doctours prolog. WHAN this 3eman his tale ended hadde Of this fals chanoun which was so badde Oure hoste gan seye trewely and certeyn This prest was begyled soth for to seyn He weninge for to be a philosopher Til he ryght no gold lefte in his cofer And sothly this prest hadde a lither jape This cursed chanoun putte in his hood an ape But al this passe y over as now. Sire doctour of phisyk }it y preye 3ow 10 Telle us a tale of som honest matere. It shal be don if that }e wole it here Seyde this doctour and his tale began anon Now goode men quod he herkeneth everich on. 14 Here endeth the Doctoura prolog. 136 THE SKELETON OF [VII FRAGMENT IX. * * * 1. The DOCTOUB OP PHISYK'S Tale of Appius and Virginia. 2. The PABDONEBE, with his Tale of Death and the three rioters. * * * THERE is nothing whatever in this Fragment from which we can gain any clue to its intended position in the work. I have numbered the lines in the Episode of the Pardonere throughout, because the manuscripts vary in the point at which the prologue ends, and at the end the Pardonere goes off into talk which forms no part of the Tale. The Tale might be considered to end with line 608 before the line cursed sinne ful of cursednesse, but I am not aware of any authority in the manuscripts for making a division at this point. 1. The Doctour of Phisyk, beginning (line 1): Here beginneth the Doctours tale. THERE was as telleth Titus Livius ending (line 286): Forsaketh sinne er sinne 3ow forsake. Here endeth the Doctours tale. 2. The Pardonere, beginning (line 1): Here beginneth the Pardoneres prolog. OURE Hoste gan swere as he were wood lines 42, 43: Upon some honest thing whyl that y drinke. LORDINGES quod he in chirche whan y preche vn] CHAUCER'S CANTERBURY TALES. 137 lines 176, 177: Now holde 3oure pes my tale y wil beginne. IN Flandres whylom was a compaynye ending (line 682): Anon they kisse and ryden forth here weye. Here endeth the Pardoneres tale 1 . 1 In some of the MSS. and in the dace Fragment X, bat they are un- old printed editions, the following six questionably spurious : couplets are added as a link to intro- Now frendes seyde cure hostc so dere How lyketh 3ow by Johan the pardonere He hath unbokeled weel the male He hath us told ryght a thrifty tale As touching of his misgovernaunce Y preye to God jive him good chaunce As 30 han herd of thes ryotoures three Now gentil marinere hertely y preye thee Telle us a good tale and that ryght anon It shal be don by God and by seynt Johan Seyde this Marinere as weel as evere y can And ryght anon his tale he thus began. 138 THE SKELETON OF [VII FRAGMENT X. * * * I. The SHIPMAN'S Tale of the Merchatmt of Seynt Denys. 2. Link. 3. The PRIORESSES Tale of Alma Redemptoris. 4. Link. 5. CHAUCER'S Tale of SIR THOPACE. 6. Link. 7. CHAUCER'S Tale of MELIBEE. 8. Link. 9. The MONK'S Tale of the fall of princes. 10. Link. 11. The NONNES PRIEST'S Tale of Chaunteclere and Pertelote. 12. Link. * * * THERE are two points in this Fragment, in which the variations occur. After the tale of the Nonnes Prest is a link which intro- duces nothing, and in many manuscripts it is accordingly suppressed, as in the case of the link at the end of Fragment II. In some copies where Fragment VIII. is made to follow, the blank in the last line is clumsily filled up by the words ' the Nonne,' and the following three couplets are added : Madame and y durste y wolde 3ow preye To telle a tale in furthering of oure weye Than myghte 36 do unto us gret ese Gladly sire quod she so that y myghte plese 3ow and this worthy compaynye And began here tale ryght thus ful soberly. The rhymes of the last couplet would be alone sufficient to condemn it as spurious, if such evidence were needed. In the Monk's tale the modern instances of Peter of Spain, Peter of Cyprus, Bernabo Visconti, and Ugolino are found either between Zenobia and Nero, or at the end after Cresus. As the variation cannot have been caused by any accidental transposition, the circumstance of finding them at the end in one set of MSS. would seem to shew that it was the result of the same editorial care which cancelled the needless links, on which subject so much has been said already ; while if we consider that the instance of Cresus as originally written stood vi i ] CHAUCER'S CANTERBURY TALES. 139 at the end, then the allusion to the concluding stanza in the words of the Hoste immediately following are perfectly natural and easy to understand. The present Fragment is far the best specimen of the extent of variety which Chaucer gives to the composition and construction of his great work. Starting with the 'riding rhyme ' of the Shipman's tale of the Merchaunt of St Denys, it changes first to the 7 -line stanzas of the Prioresses Legend of the boy martyr, thence to the vulgar Romance stanzas of Sire Thopace, thence to the serious prose 'morality' of Melibee, thence to the heavier 8-line stanzas of the Monk's 'tragedies,' and finally returns to the riding rhyme in the Nun's Priest's fable of Chaunteclere and Pertelote. 1. The Ship man, beginning (line 1): Here beginneth the Shipmannes tale. A MERCHAUNT whylom dwelte at seynt Denys ending (line 434): Taling inough unto oure lyves ende. Here endeth the Shipmannes tale. 2. Link, beginning (line 1): Here beginneth the Prioresses prolog. WEL seyd by corpus bones quod oure Hoste ending (line 18): Gladly quod she and seyde in this manere. Here endeth the Prioresses prolog. 3. The Prioresse, beginning (line 1): Here beginneth the Prioresses tale. LORD oure lord thy name how mervaylous lines 35, 36: Gydeth my song that y shal of }ou seye. THERE was in Asie in a gret citee 140 THE SKELETON OF [VII ending (line 245): For reverence of his moder Marye. Here endeth the Prioresses tale. 4. Link, beginning (line 1): Here beginneth the prolog of Chauceres Rym of Sire Thopace. WHAN seyd was al this miracle every man ending (line 21): Some deynte thing me thinketh by his chere. Here endeth the prolog of Chauceres Rym of Sire Thopace. 5. Sire Thopace, beginning (line 1): Here beginneth Chauceres Rym of Sire Thopace. LISTETH lordinges in good entent ending (line 209): Til on a day Here endeth Chauceres Rym of Sire Thopace. 6. Link, beginning (line 1): Here beginneth the prolog of Chauceres tale of Melibee. No more of this for Goddes dignitee ending (line 48): And let me tellen al my tale y preye. Here endeth the prolog of Chauceres tale of Melibee. 7. Melibee, beginning: Here beginneth Chauceres tale of Melibee. A 30NG man called Melibeus mighty and riche begat upon his wyf... ending : ...cure giltes and bringe us to the blisse that nevere hath ende. Amen. Here endeth Chauceres tale of Melibee. vu] CHAUCER'S CANTERBURY TALES. 141 8. Link, beginning (line 1): Here beginneth the Monkes prolog. WHAN ended was my tale of Melibee line 38: Lo Rochester stondeth here faste by ending (line 102): Have me excused of myne ignoraunce. Here endeth the Monkes prolog. 9. The Monk, beginning (line 1) Here beginneth the Monkes tale. Y WIL bewayle in manere of tragedie line 9: LUCIFER. AT Lucifer though he an angel were line 17: ADAM. Lo Adam in the felde of Damascene line 25: SAMPSOUN. Lo Sampsoun which that was annunciat line 105: HERCULES. OF Hercules the sovereyn conquerour line 153: NABUCHODONOSOR. THE myghty tron the precious tresor line 193: BALTHASAR. His sone which that hyghte Balthasar line 257: ZENOBIA. ZENOBIA of Palmire the quene 142 THE SKELETON OF [VII line 385: PETRO OF SPAYNE. O NOBLE o worthy Petro glorie of Spayne line 401: PETRO KING OF CYPRE. WORTHY Petro king of Cypre also line 409: BERNABO VISCOUNTE. OF Milayn grete Bernabo Viscounte line 417: HUGELIN OF PYSE. OF the erl Hugelin of Pyse the langour lines 472, 473: From poynt to poynt not o word wil he fayle. NERO. AL though that Nero were as vicious line 561 : HOLOFERNES. WAS nevere capitayne under a king line 585: ANTIOCHUS. WHAT nedeth it of king Antiochus line 641 : ALEXANDER. THE storie of Alexandre is so comune line 681: JULIUS CESAR. BY wisdom manhood and by gret labour line 737: CRESUS. THE riche Cresus whylom king of Lyde vn] CHAUCER'S CANTERBURY TALKS. 143 ending line 776 : And covere hire bryghte face with a cloude. Here endeth the Monkes tale. 10. Link, beginning (line 1): Here beginneth the Nonnes Prestes prolog. Ho quod the knyght good sire no more of this ending (line 54): This swete prest this goodly man sire Johan. Here endeth the Nonnes Prestes prolog. 11. The Nonnes Prest, beginning (line 1): Here beginneth the Nonnes Prestes tale. A POORE widwe somdel stope in age ending (line 626): And bringe us alle unto his blisse. Amen. Here endeth the Nonnes Prestes tale. 12. Link, as follows: Here beginneth the wordes of the Hoste. SIRE Nonnes Prest oure Hoste seyde anon Iblessed be thy brech and every ston This was a merie tale of Chaunteclere But by my trewthe if thou were seculere Thou woldest ben a tredefowl aryght For if thou have corage as thou hast myght Thee were nede of hennes as y wene 3e mo than sevene tymes seventene 8 See whiche brawnes hath this gentil prest So gret a nekke and swich a large brest He looketh as a sparhawk with his yen Him nedeth not his colour for to dyen With Brasil ne with greyn of Portingale But sire fayre falle 3ow for 3oure tale. And after that he with ful merie chere \de to [ ] as }e shule here. 16 144 THE SKELETON OF [VII FRAGMENT XI. * * * 1. Prologue. 2. The MAUNCIPLES Tale of Phebus and the Crow. * * * THIS Fragment is devoid of any allusion by which it can be connected with any other, and is accordingly found variously placed in different copies, though in most MSS. the argument from the locality, the ' litel toun which that icleped is Bob-up- and-doun under the Blee in Canterburie weye,' has been suf- ficient to force it into a very late place in the collection. ****** 1. Prologue beginning (line 1): Here beginneth the Maunciples prolog. WITE 36 not where there stant a litel toun Which that icleped is Bob up and doun Under the Blee in Canterburie weye There gan cure Hoste to japen and to pleye lines 1519: Awake thou cook quod he God }ive thee sorwe What eyleth thee to slepe by the morwe Hast thou had fleen al nyght or art thou dronke Or hast thou with som quene al nyght iswonke So that thou myght not holden up thyn hed ending (line 104): Wei sire quod he now herkeneth what y seye. Here endeth the Maunciples prolog. vn] CHAUCER'S CANTERBURY TALES. 145 2. The Maunciple, beginning (line 1): Here beginneth the Mauntiples tale. WHAN Phebus dwelte here in this erthe adoun ending (line 258): Kepe wel thy tonge and thinke upon the crowe. Here endeth the Maundples tale. 10 146 THE SKELETON OF [VII FRAGMENT XII. 1. Link. 2. The PERSON'S Tale of very penaunce, with the con- clusion of the whole work. THERE is no doubt of the position of the present Fragment at the end of the whole work; but there is nothing in the prologue which alludes to any tale in particular, and though Fragment XL precedes in most copies, yet variations are found in some of the MSS. In the edition of 1542 the so- called Ploughman's tale was first printed among the Canter- bury Tales for though printed a few years before in the same size and by the same printer as the previous edition of 1532, it seems to have been purposely excluded. Even in 1542 however it merely formed an Appendix to the tales, and followed Fragment XII. But in the next edition (without date but about 1550) and in all the subsequent editions before Tyrwhitt's time (1561, 1598, 1602, 1687, 1721) it appears foisted in between Fragments XI. and XII. and the first line of Fragment XII. has the blank filled in with the word Ploughman. Link, beginning (line 1): Here beginneth the Persones prolog. BY that the [ ] had his tale iended The sonne fro the south lyne was descended So lowe that it was not to my syghte Degrees nyne and twenty as of hyghte Four of the clok it was tho as y gesse For eleven foot a litel more or lesse vii ] CHAUCER'S CANTERBURY TALKS. 147 My shadwe was at thilke tyme as there Of swiche feet as my lengthe parted were In six feet equal of proporcioun. Therwith the moones exaltacioun In mene Libra alwey gan ascende As we were entringe at the thorpes ende For which on re Hoste as he was wont to gye As in this cas oure joly compaynye Seyde in this wyse Lordinges everich <-n Now lakketh us no tales mo than on Fulfild is my sentence and my decree Y trowe that we han herd of ech degree. Almost fulfilled is myn ordinaunce lin.-s 4G, 47: Y wil 3ow telle a litel tale in prose To knitte up al this feste and make an ende inling (lines 71 74): Telleth quod he your meditaciouu But hasteth }ow the sonne wil adoun Beth fructuous and that in litel space And to do wel God sende }ow his grace. Here endeth the Persones prolog. 2. The Person, beginning: Here begin neth the Persones tale. JERE vj. STATE super vias et videte et interrogate de semitis antiquis que sit via bona et ambulate in ea et inve- nietis refrigerium animabus vestris. OURE swete lord God of hevene that no man wil perislu but wil that we comen alle... ending: ...and the lyf by deth and mortificacioun of siniu- to which lyf he us bringe that boughte us with his precious blood. Amen. Here endeth the Persones tale. Here taketh the makere of thix li<,k hi* / 102 148 THE SKELETON OF CHAUCER'S CANTERBURY TALES. [VII Now preye y to hem alle that herken this litel tretis or rede it that if ther be any thing in it that lyketh hem that therof they thanke oure lord Jhesu Cryst of whom procedeth al wit and al goodnesse and if ther be any thing that displeseth hem y preye hem also that they arette it to the defaut of myn unconninge and not to my wille that wolde fayn have seyd better if y hadde had conninge for oure book seyth Al that is write is write for oure doctryne and that is myn entente. \Vherfore y beseke }ow mekely for the mercy of God that 36 preye for me that Cryst have mercy of me and forgive me myne giltes and namely of myne translaciouns and endytinges of worldly vanitees the which y revoke in my retracciouns as the book of Troilus the book also of Fame the book of the fyve and twenty ladies the book of the Duchesse the book of Seynt Valentynes day of the Parlement of briddes the Tales of Canterburie thilke that sounen unto sinne the book of the Leoun and many another book if they were in my remem- braunce and many a song and many a lecherous lay Cryst of his grete mercy forgive me the sinne. But of the translacioun of Boece of Consolacioun and othere bookes of legendes of seyntes and of omelies and moralitee and devocioun that thanke y oure lord Jhesu Cryst and his blisful moder and alle the seyntes in hevene besekinge hem that they fro hensforth unto my lyves ende sende me grace to bewayle myne giltes and to stodie to the savacioun of my soule and graunte me grace of veray penaunce confessioun and satisfaccioun to don in this present lyf through the benygne grace of him that is king of kinges and prest of alle prestes that boughte us with the precious blode of his herte so that y mot ben on of hem at the laste day of doom that shule be saved qui cum deo patre et spiritu sancto vivit et regnat deus per omnia secula Beculorum. Amen. VIII. THE PRINTER OF THE HISTORIA S. ALBANI'. EVERY one who has spent any time in the study of early printed books must have met with a number of small quarto volumes bearing a great resemblance to each other, and all attributed to various early presses at Cologne. In the Stadt- Bibliothek at Cologne, in the Royal Library at the Hague, in the Bodleian Library at Oxford, not to mention other places, there are large collections of these volumes, by means of which there are opportunities of comparison, without which it is impossible to arrive at any satisfactory results. The bibliographers have divided these books roughly into two sets, and have attributed the one set to Ulric Zel, and the other to Arnold ter Hoernen, or Veldener, or the Brussels press. A good deal more research is needed before the class of books formerly attributed to tcr Hoernen, Veldener, and the Brussels JHVSS can be accurately assigned to their respective printers, though Mr Holtrop has cleared away many of the difficulties; but almost all who have described the class of books com- monly given to Ulric Zel, have followed each other with very little hesitation. Hain sometimes adds, ' Typi Zellianis similes,' but this is the extent of the hesitation. There are many variations in the mode of printing adopted in these books which may help to settle the dates with greater certainty ; but I wish now to draw attention to thirteen volumes which have been almost uniformly attributed to Zel, which yet I cannot believe to be the productions of his press. They are palpably all from the same press; the type is almost 1 Published as Memorandum No. 1, February. 1 150 THE PRINTER OF THK [VIII identical with Zel's ; but the typographical characteristics, the mode of working, &c., are so different from his, that they must for the future be kept separate. If they are examined with this view, I have no doubt that the number will be largely increased, and it is quite possible that some clue may be found to the name of the printer. Until the eye becomes accustomed to the differences be- tween Zel's type and that of the Printer of the Historia sancti Albani 1 , as I shall call him for the present, there are certain points which can be recognised with ease. One is the frequent use of the semicolon (;) at the end of a sentence, while it is never used at all by ZeL Another is the use of the small double hyphen, whereas Zel's hyphens are very peculiar. They are not found at all, I believe, except in what are supposed to be his earliest books; and then they are single strokes and always stand out beyond the end of the line. Again, of Zel's books there are very few in which the lines are not fully spaced out to the end; while the Printer of the Hi- storia sancti Albani, in several of the books described below, exhibits many instances of the peculiarity of even spacing on the recto, and uneven on the verso, of a leaf. This is a matter which was first noticed, I think, by Mr Blades in connexion with Caxton's early books, and he has shown most ably how much aid may be obtained in settling the dates of books by noticing the habits of the printers and their gradual improvements in working. Indeed, where we have no date on the face of the book, the unconscious evidence afforded by the methods of working is of course of the greatest value. In the collations, as there are no printed signatures, I have examined the books by the quires of which they are composed, and have called the quires a, b, c, &c., as if they 1 I have selected this book for the Borluut collection, bound separately), purpose partly because it is the com- and partly because it is almost the monest (copies being, 1. at the Hague, only one which has no risk of being 2. in the British Museum, 3. in the confused with other editions differing Bodleian, 4. in a volume belonging to in type, but resembling each other page Mr Boone, and 5. one formerly in the for page. VIIl] HLSTOKIA S. ALHAM 151 had been so marked by the printer 1 . Where, as sometimes happens, a single leaf is inserted in a quire owing to some miscalculation on the part of the printer, the leaf will be found described by the number of the preceding leaf, only with the addition of an asterisk (6* if inserted after 6, 5* if inserted after 5, &c.), and the first word of the inserted leaf iven, so as to enable the collator to identify it at once. Thus in the Seneca (No. II. below), the expression c(+ 6* ' zenocrates ')* means that the quire c consists of six leaves, besides (+) a leaf inserted after the 6th leaf (hence called 6*), which inserted leaf commences with the word ' zenocrates.' The great advantage of this systematic method of collation over the plan of merely counting the leaves is that every leaf is accurately accounted for, deficiencies are noticed at once (even if only a blank leaf), and it is made clear what pieces are printed together, and what are only bound together. Hitherto every treatise which happens to begin on the recto of a leaf has been assumed to be the commencement of a volume, and scores of books have been ruthlessly cut up in consequence of this erroneous impression. In Zel's famous volume, for instance, containing St Augustine's De vita chri- *t in a i i and De singularitate clericorum, printed in 1467, where til-- first treatise ends and the second begins in the middle of the third quire, all the bibliographers for the last seventy years have, I believe, without exception described them as two separate books; in some cases even different dates (three or more years apart) have been assigned to what must have been worked by one pull of the press. But this is be- yond my present purpose. I shall be most thankful if any one who has access to collections of this kind, will examine and report upon any books that he finds printed by the Printi T of the Hist&ria sancti Albani. Hain's 12257 (Ovidii Liber tn'mn }>ucllurum) described by Dibdin (BS. No. 327) and 1 Signatures have existed as long as the clumsy devices resorted to for books have required binding; they are printing them before the simple method easily traceable for more than 1200 was devised of appropriating a line at years back. The early Strasbourg (and the bottom of the page for their re- somc Italian) books afford examples <>f ception. 152 THE PRINTER OF THE [VIH there bound with No. XII below, I have not seen, but it is almost certainly one which may be added to the number ; but there are most likely many more. To explain the abbreviations used in the notes : SBK means Stadt-Bibliothek zu, Koln, the Town-Library at Cologne, the contents of which are described, so far as our purpose is concerned, in the Katalog printed by the learned Archivist and Librarian, Dr Ennen, in 1865. BRH means Biblioiheca Regia Hagana, the Royal Library at the Hague, the fifteenth century books in which have been described in the Catalogus published in 1856 by the Librarian, Mr J. W. Holtrop, to whom all students in this branch of bibliography owe a debt which they can best repay by following in his steps. What was before the publication of his catalogue a shapeless unknown and unexplored mass, has become under his hands a system in which every book readily finds its place, and in which the very errors themselves afford the clue to their own rectification. BS means the Bibliotheca Spenceriana described by Dr Dibdin, 1814 23. It is not to be expected that we should find thoroughly accurate descriptions of these books in an English work published fifty years ago ; but the great value of the book lies in the fact that it is the catalogue of an existing library, which the liberality of its owner will allow to be examined. I may add that the descriptions here given, so far as they relate to books preserved at Oxford, are only portions of a similar catalogue, which I made in 1866, of about 100 quarto books, all printed (apparently) at Cologne, before the introduction of printed signatiires, and all preserved in the Auctarium of the Bodleian Library. In the summer of that year I was able, through the kindness of Mr Coxe the Librarian, to examine every early printed volume in the Auctarium with the view of finding books printed in England, Holland, or Belgium, or at the early Cologne presses. The result was highly satis- factory; and I do not suppose that many were overlooked. Where I found books described in the Hague catalogue, Mr Holtrop was kind enough to compare notes and verify his VI II] HISTORIA 8. ALBANI. 153 descriptions. Where his catalogue is corrected in any point, the correction is due to his own later investigations, which he is ever ready both to make and to communicate. The books here described are placed roughly according to their typographical characteristics. I have made no attempt to assign a date to any of them ; but it may be fairly pre- sumed that they were all printed before 1475. With reference to the contractions used by the early prin- ters, as there is so little demand in England for bibliography of this kind, our printers cannot be expected to indulge us with the luxury of special types cut to represent every con- traction used, as may be seen in Hain's Repertorium printed at Tubingen. I have therefore adopted the common plan of printing in italics all letters which are represented by a con- traction in the original. The double hyphen of the original is represented by the ordinary modern hyphen. Any attempt to give some of the contractions by clumsy expedients would only disfigure the page without effecting its purpose. I. L. Annsei Seuecae Liber de remediis fortuitorum. No place, no printer's name, no year. 8 leaves in 4. a 8 ; 8 leaves, 27 uneven lines (especially uneven on the ver- sos), no printed signatures, no initial-directors, no hyphens, except on 1*. Leaf r 8" text. ,.'/ examined. Oxford, Bodleian: Auct N. 5. 5 (N* 3); irfect. X..t in SBK. BRH. N 79 part 1 (Zell c. 1470), but wrongly identified with lluin *14'. 154 THE PRINTER OF THE [vill BS. NO 422 part 1 (Zell). The Maiuz public library contains a copy; see Fischer, Lief, iv, p. 103, N" 72 (Zell), and a facsimile of the first three lines on PL 4. Not in Hain (not * 14655). II. L. Annaei Seneca? Liber de quatuor virtutibus. Ejusdem Liber de moribus. Epitaphium ejusdem. Tres orationes (Aeschinis, Demadis, Demosthenis) in senatu Atheniensi de recipiendo Alexandro magno vel armis repellendo. Demosthe- nis Oratio ad Alexandrum. Bernardi Silvestris Epistola super gubernatione rei familiaris. Adagia. Architreuius in laudem civitatis Parisiensis. No place, no printer's name, no year. 21 leaves in 4. Collation, a 8 be ( + 6* 'zenocrates') 6 ; 21 leaves, 27 uneven lines (espe- cially uneven on the versos), no printed signatures, no initial-directors, no hyphens. Leaf l a 6* De quatuor virtutibus; 6 b 10* De moribus; 10" Epita- phium; 10 b ll b Tres orationes: ll b 13" Demosthenes ad Alexandrum; 13 b 16* Bernardus; 16 m 2 1* Adagia; 21 b Architrenius. Beginning (1* li 1): Annei lucij Senece de quatuor virtutibus liber Jncipit ; (li 3 blank) (Q) Vatuor virtutum species multorum sapien EndC2,\*\i 14): Omne bonum si sola bouis fortuna faveret; (li 1527 blank) Copy examined. Oxford, Bodleian : Auct. N. 5. 5 (N 4) ; perfect. Possibly SBK. N 16. 67; but if so, not carefully described. BRH. N 79 part 2 (Zell c. 1470). BS. N 422 part 2 (Zell). British Museum; see Grenville catalogue, p. 654 (Zell perhaps before 1466). From the Heber and Sykes collections. The Mainz public library contains a copy; see Fischer, Lief, iv, p. 99. N 71 (Zell). Not in Hain. III. Historia sancti Albani martyris metricc. Historia ejusdem VIIl] HISTORIA S. ALBANl. 155 No place, no printer's name, no year. 8 leaves in 4". ition. a 8 ; 8 leaves, 27 mostly even lines (more uneven on the ver- sos), no printed signatures, no initial-directors, no hyphens (except once). 1 1' Hist, rnetr.; 1' 8" Hist pros. Bi'iji 'nning (1* li 1) : Martins albani venerabilis eccc legenda. Vtilis erranti. quia fertilis est relegenda. Historia ejusdeni mctrice. (Q) Vem mater genuit fuit hoc sibi soror et vxor. ft super niueni dealbari ; Amen (li 15 blank) Et sic est finita historia sancti albaui martiris (li 17 27 blank) Copies examined. \. Oxford, Bodleian: Auct. N. 5. 5 (N 7); perfect 2. hi the possession of Mr Boone (1866); perfect, and forming N 5 in a volume of tracts given to the library of the convent " Marie laudis ordiuis fratmm sancte crucis projH) opiduru lossense borchloen dyoces' leodiensis" in 147."). Of the other pieces in the volume, N* 1, 2, 4, are by the Printer of Dictys Cretentis; and N" 3, 6, 7, 8, by Ulric ZeL Not in SBK. HKH. N"88(Zellc. 1470). Borluut (l'S.->7) 3014 (Zell). Bound alone. British Museum; see Greuville Catalogue, p. 17 (Zell c. 1470). Not in llain. IV. Tractatus de successionibus ab intestate. Casus breves triuin parti um tractatus successionum. No place, no printer's no year. 16 leaves in 4. C"//n tin. ab 8 ; 16 leaves, 27 mostly even lines (on the rectos, but -"inetiiiies very uneven on the versos), no printed signatures, no initial- directors, with hyphens, with reference-letters in the outer margin. Leaf T 15" Tractatus ; 16 m 16 b Casus breves. (1* li 1): Jncipit tractatus de successio- nibus ab iiit---t.it" : (li 3 blank) K MJUO materia successionum cuiut noti 156 THE PKINTER OF THE [vill End(lG*\i 11): non araplius in stirpes. (li 12 blank) Hie deseruiuttt Autewtice Jtaque Cessauti Post fratres Jn hoc ordine aptissimo (li 15 blank) Nota Mttere .C L L A. significant, vbi in textu isti casus breves poni debent (li 18 27 blank) Copy examined. Cambridge, University Library : AB. 5. 107 1 ; perfect. A facsimile of the first page, photographed by Mr W. Nichols of Cam- bridge, accompanies this paper 2 . Not in SBK. Not in BRH (not 137). Not in Main (not*15110). V. Beati Hieronymi Ordo sive regula vivendi deo. No place, no printer's name, no year. 30 leaves in 4. Collation, a b c 8 d 6 ; 30 leaves, 27 mostly even lines, no printed signa- tures, no initial- directors, with hyphens. Leaf P 30 b text. Beginning (1* li 1): Jncipit prologus in ordiuem viuewdi deo. eximij doctoris Jhieronimi ad Eustochium sacram deo virginem qnain Bethlee cum plurib?^ deo dicatis virginibus in monasterio sub istius ordinis obseruationibus conclusit ; (li 6 blank) (T) Epescens in membris. procliuum corpus End (30 b li 20) : vestris iuuare oracsonibus ; (li 21 blank) Explicit ordo siue regula viuewdi deo. docto ris eximij Jheronimi. ad Eustohium sacraw deo wYginem. quam bethlehem. cum pluri bus. deo dicatis virginibus. in mo?tsterio sub istius ordinis obseruacionibws conclusit (li 27 blank) Copies examined. 1. Oxford, Bodleian ; Auct. N. 5. 5 (N 8); perfect. 1 [Now AB. 12. 59. J.] * [See Prefatory Note. J.] VIII] HISTORIA S. ALBANI. 1 .">7 2. Cambridge, Trinity College : Grylls 6672 '; perfect, but the quires b and c are transposed, and a half-sheet of the Augtigtinus super orationein dominicam by the same printer is bound into the middle of sig. b. Not in SBK. Not in BRH (not N 156). MS. N 1138. Not in Hain (not *S">69). VI. Antonini archiepiscopi Florentini Tractatus de instructione sen directione simplicium confessorum. Sancti Johannis Chry- sostomi Sermo de paenitentia. No place, no printer's name, no year. 144 leaves in 4. Ci,ll,tti->n. abcdefgh iklmnopqrs* ; 144 leaves, 27 sometimes un- even lines, no printed signatures, no initial-directors, with hyphens, l.i-uf r -139 Antoninus ; 139 b 143 b Chrysostomus ; 144 not known. lining (1* li 1): Xdpiunt Rubrice super Tractatuw de instnictione seu directione simplicium confessorum. Et primo De potentate cowfessoris in audiendo confessiones et absoluendo .L End (143 b li 10): domino nostro ihe*u xp5 in secula seculorwm bene- dicto Amen ; (li 12 blank) Explicit scrmo de penitentia Johannis Crisostimi ; (li 1527 blank) Copiet examined. 1. Oxford, Bodleian : Auct. N. 5. 5 (N e 6); wanting leaf 144. 2. In the possession of A. J. Horwood, Esq. 2 ; wanting leaf 144. Not in SBK (not 74 or 75). BRH. N 98 (Zell c. 1470). Possibly either Kloss 275 (Zell 147273), or 276 (Zell 147475), or 277 (Zell 1476 identified with Panzer i. 326. 376). Not in Hain (not *1162). VII. Matthsei de Cracovia Liber de arte moriendL No place, no printer's name, no year. 18 leaves in 4. 1 [Now Gryllu. 3. 371. J.] a [Now in the University Library, Cambridge. J.] 158 THE PRINTER OF THE [VIII Collation. a e b 10 ; 18 leaves, 27 almost wholly even lines, no printed signatures, no initial- directors, with hyphens. Leaf 1' 17 b text j 18 blank. Beginning (1" Hi): Jncipit prologus iu librum de arte morien di magistri mathei de Cracouia sacre the ologie professoris ; (li 4 blank) (C) Vm de presentis exilij miseria mor End (17 b li 6) : mors occupat terminos eius : mori discat ; (li 7 blank) Explicit liber vtilis de arte mori endi Magistri Mathei de Cracouia ; (li 1027 blank) Copy examined. In my possession ; perfect, bought in January 1868, from M. Tross, who obtained it at the Yemeniz sale (299) in 1867. SBK. N 5. 19. Not in BRH. The Public Library at Mainz appears to contain a copy ; see Fischer. Lief, iv, p. 80 (Zell). Hain 5801 (Zell), not seen. VIII. Beati Augustini Sermo super orationem dominicam. Ejus- dem Expositio super symbolum. Ejusdem Alia expositio super symbolum. Ejusdem Sermo de ebrietate cavenda. No place, no printer's name, no year. 8 leaves in 4. Collation, a 8 ; 8 leaves, 27 even lines, no printed signatures, no initial directors, with hyphens. Leaf 1 3 a Sermo ; 3' 5* Expositio ; 5' 6 b Alia exp. : 6 b 8 b Sermo de ebr. cav. Beginning (1* li 1) : Jncipit sermo beati Augustini episcopi. super orationem dominicam ; (li 3 blank) (Q) Voniam domino gubernante. iam estis End (8 b li 27) : per omnia secula seculorum Amen Copies examined. 1. Oxford, Bodleian : Auct. 7Q. 5. 9 (N 1); perfect. 2. Cambridge, Trinity College : C. 4. 80 (X 5); perfect. 3. Two leaves (2 and 7) are bound in the centre of quire b of a copy of vril] HISTOUIA S. ALI1ANI. !.")!> the Hieronymi Ordo trivendi y examined. Oxford, Bodleian : Auct. N. 5. 4 (N* 1); perfect. Not in SBK. Not in BRH. B8. Supplement N* 275 (Zell . Hain 12258 (Zell), not seen. XIII. P. Ovidii Nasonis Libri tres de arte amandi. Ejusdem Libri duo de remedio amoris. Dictamen ordinatum per fratrem Amoldum de Buerik magistrum noviciorum in monasterio de rubea valle in Sonia ordinis sancti Augustini. No place, no printer's name, no year. 70 leaves in 4. 1 [Now in the University Library, Cambridge. J.] B. 11 1(52 THE PRINTER OF THE [VITI Collation. abcdefgh e i; 70 leaves, 24 lines, no printed signatures, no initial- directors. Leaf 1 E 49" De arte amandi ; 50 67* De remedio amoris ; 67" blank ; 68' 70* Buerik; 70 b blank. Beginning (1* li 1): Ouidij Nasouis Sulmonensis de arte amandi liber primus incipit ; (li 3 blank) (S) J quis in hoc artem populo now nouit amawdi End(lQ"\\ 10): Sint pre mewte tibi. dilige stare domi (li 11 blank) Explicit Dictamen Buerik (li 1324 blank) Copy examined. Oxford, Bodleian : Auct. N. 5. 4 (N 2) ; perfect. Not in SBK. Xot in BRH. BS. N 326 (Zell), but leaves 68 70 are not noticed. Arnold Buderik (according to -Val. Andreas) was an Augustinian monk in the Rooden Kloster at Soignies near Brussels, and in the year 1417 became Prior of a newly founded house at Elzinghem near Audenarde. Hain 12215 (Zell), not seen ; and leaves 68 70 not noticed. Brunet rv. 279 (' executee avec des caracteres qui ont beaucoup de rap- port avec ceux de Conrad Winters de Homburg, impriineur a Cologne'); described carefully from the d'Ourches copy. NOTE. THE photographed facsimile taken from the first page of the Tractates de successionibus db intestate is, as nearly as possible, the exact size of the original. The large initial E is inserted by hand in red, and the same rubricator has touched all the capitals throughout with a dash of red. In this page both the semicolon and the double hyphen, which at once charac- terise these books, are easily to be noticed ; and 1 am confident that any one who has before his eyes either this facsimile or any of the volumes de- scribed in the present paper, will readily be able to recognise any books that he may possess by the Printer of the Historia S. Albani, and to sepa- rate them from the Zels in his collection. It is possible that, as M. Brunet seems to suggest, they may be early specimens of the press of Conrad de Homborch ; if so, those who have greater facilities than I have, of studying the early Cologne books, should be able to give us a solution. Plate 3 {! Jtioptt tvactaoid & fttccrfltcu tribue ab jrquo mat eta force flionu c9 ttofl pa vttl e- a fep i ml as e*fib9 ne cefiaia i cpe tuti* ami' ta i texr a ^ glo.no fat mmiu ee 6i(p(a A iibzos legatee a 6 manum ^re put biffiatefit vaifcpirnras afifa fticcedtonu fe ct aUoe ef*6i t crttifva^^o no pacu ne cclTatiu emajcie ^> tapiiau 6itr ftonevtkc iiia matda Ipia^ aliqb sp&iofe collcm ec cofxxtatu no min9 ttt folite poBtu ct fii6aniqu o fc tuuae fx>(Tmt ne forte ipi 6ido^ teptuii a glo* ^Unta tt mrtitu 6ie a vaictatrtcf cittab f>9 matvte t a vnUs a ncaaiefe fubttah.it fhibio cr tquifmoe ^uae ego*ipo0 eofc ta pietcs mftte be laboib; fu^fXKta^ cupiene ^ f>inc qut feqidmt tndatii magno oi label ftu&ut 3pii aci mo 6u p vt fr)ic fBnedtd ^y c aut i oib9 caftb9 fucceffionti oc* 6 o*vtittb9 (lati qsfe*ati qua pte ncaa eft. F)uias tT3ia t ie9 boita* daca.ee plana bi rtm^o: ftgo vt nuonftife et difbitde ptf fea mateia ptia^^^fit ^cc pnoe rtadat9 ptuo p f i ettmemB0^ fqieopmo Specitner 01' types used by ihe Prmier of the histona Sancti Albani at Cologne To face t VIII] HISTORIA S. ALTUNI. 163 INDEX. ADAOIA n. Aeschines, Oratio in senstu A- theniensi n. Albanus (8.), see Historia. Antoninus archiep. FlorentinuR, Tractatus de instructione sea directioiie simpliciuin oonfess- orum ..... vi. Architrenius, in laudem civitatis Parisiensis n. Arnoldus, see Bnderik (A. de). Angastinus (S. Aurelius), Ex- poeitio super symbolam . Tin. Expositio alia super sym- bolum VHI. Sermo de ebrietate cavenda Tin. Sermo super orationem do- minicara .... TIII. Bernardus Hilvestris, Epistola gaper gubernatione rei fami- liaris n. Blesensis, see Petras Bl. Buderik < Arnoldus de) , Dictamen x in. Bucrik, see Bnderik. ChrysostomuR.BeeJohannefiChr. Cracovia (Matthaeus de), Liber de arte moriendi . . . TII. Deraades, Oratio in senatu A- theniensi n. Demosthenes, Oratio ad Alex- andrum. .... 11. Oratio in senatu Atheniensi n. Epitaphium Seneca 11. Hieronymus (B.), Ordo sive re- gula vivendi deo, ad Eusto- chium T. Historia 8. Albani martyris . in. Johannes (S.) Chrysostomus, Sermo de paenitentia . . TI. Libellus de rapt a aniraae Tundali et ejus visione . . . x. Matthteus, see Cracovia (Matth. de). Ovidius Naso (P.), De arte a- mandi libri tres . ... xin. De remedio amoris libri duo xin. De nuncio sagaci . . . xii. - Liber trium puellarum p. 151. Petrus Blesensis, Libellus de amicitia Christiana . . xi. Seneca (L. Annaeus), Liber de moribas n. - Liber de qnatuor virtutibus n. Liber de remediis fortnito- rum I. see Epitaphium. Successiones ab intestate, see Tractatus. Tractatus de succession! bus ab intestato .... IT. TnndaluB, see Libellus. Vegius (Maphseus), Dialogas in- ter Alithiam et Philaliten . ix. 112 IX. AN INVENTORY OF THE STUFF IN THE COLLEGE CHAMBERS (KING'S COLLEGE), 1598 1 . THE reference made by Professor C. C. Babington, in his notice of the musea or studiola at Caius College, to the destruc- tion of the old buildings of King's College, and the consequent loss of all knowledge of their internal arrangements, leads me to recall the attention of the Society to a curious Inventory taken in 1598, which I discovered some years ago bound up with some of the College accounts of the time of Edward IV. and Henry VII. I laid a transcript of it before the Society at the time ; but it throws so much light on the nature and arrangements of College rooms only twenty years before Dr Legge's building was erected at Caius College, that it seems desirable to bring it more prominently forward, especially as the one account materially helps to explain the other. It happens that in our Inventory the names of the occu- pants of the rooms have been added at the side ; a circum- stance which adds much to the value of the document. From the weekly and quarterly accounts I have been able to construct a list of the College much like what now appears in the Cam- bridge Calendar; and a glance at this list will show approxi- mately the value and importance of the different sets of rooms. It will be seen that each room contained accommodation for two fellows or four scholars, and almost all the members of the College were in constant residence. 1 A Communication read before the Cambridge Antiquarian Society, March 9, 1868. IX] COLLEGE CHAMBERS (KING'S COLLEGE), 1598.' 16o The ground-floor rooms are here called by the names by which they were known until the building passed into the hands of the University between forty and fifty years ago ; and the present Provost was able to tell me without much difficulty where the several rooms stood. The two views of the interior of the old court, which are to be seen in Cooper's Memorials of Cambridge, are sufficient to enable us to understand the position of every set of rooms here mentioned. It must only be re- membered that what is here called the gate was not what we know now as the old gateway opposite Clare chapel, but the gate in the passage, commonly called Cow-lane, by which the old court was ordinarily entered on the south side, at the point where the eastern end of the new south Library building adjoins the old south and west sides of the Schools quadrangle. This entrance is seen at the extreme left of the First View of the old court in Cooper's Memorials. The low fellows' chamber next the gate was close to this; then, beyond the staircase turret, came Lions Inn and Tailors Inn ; then, in the corner next the present Clare gateway (of course not visible in the engraving), the Tolbooth', further, between this last and the great gateway, Horsekeepers Inn and Colliers Inn, Beyond the great gateway were Barbers Inn and Cobblers Inn ; and beyond this last, the north side of the court with the Hall and other buildings, as represented in the Second View in Cooper's Memorials. The treasury was immediately over the great gateway. The first middle chamber occupied the space over the passage called Cow-lane and the ' low fellows chamber next the gate ' ; the second middle chamber over Lions Inn, and so on with the others. The first middle chamber, next the Uni- versity Library, was, on the erection of Gibbs's building in 1728, used as a Combination-room for the fellows. This short statement seems necessary by way of expla- nation. The Inventory itself contains a statement of other things besides the contents of the rooms inhabited by the fellows and scholars of the College ; but I have not thought it necessary to print these portions here. Such pensioners as there were, whether commensales ad mensam sociorum or scho- larium, seem to have lived on the south side of the chapel, 166 AN INVENTORY OF THE STUFF IN THE [IX but there is no mention of them in this volume. The book itself is the last article in a volume called ' Bursars Accounts, vol. 5,' extending from 1482 to 1491, and seems to have found its way here by mistake. These accounts were bound during the bursarship of Edward Beth am, who was afterwards a Fellow of Eton, and is known in the University as one of the principal benefactors to the Botanic Garden ; but since his time the book seems to have escaped all notice. Mr Tredway Ds Saunders Mr Monk Newton ANNO DOMINI 1598 AN INVENTARYE OF THE STUFF IN THE COLLEDGE CHAMBERS The first midle Chamber Inprimis a Trundle bed corded Item vij Iron casements Item vj wood leaves for the windowes Item a leade with a pype to washe in Item a standing bedstead with turned posts Item a lock & kay & a ring & a bolt on the Chamber dore Item ij shelves by the bed syde The seconde midle Chamber Inprimis vij Iron casements Item vj woodden leaves for the wyndowes Item a presse for books in the vpper studdye with 4 shelves Item a locke a handle & 2 bolts on the vtter Chamber dore Item a halfe head bedsteade of walnuttree varnished vpon layd in woorke Item a round table & vj playne Joyned stooles Item a foote pase before the Chimney M, Oostwicke I.;ili.-.i t. ; . tt' Mr Lynn Mi ii.. ' ' Aldem 1598 Mr King Ds Marshe 1598 [Mr Faldoe Ds Griffin in 1600] Mr Osbaston 1598 The seconde vpper Chamber Inprimis a standing bedstead with head & tester of wood with a trundle bed bothe corded Item a long table vpon a frame & ij (broken) formes one of them broken Item a presse with ij leaves & ij payre of hangells Item iiij Iron Casements and ij of wood Item vj leaves for the windowes Item a portall with a latche Item a leade & a cocke to wasshe with Item ij studyes locks & kayes Item a lofte with a dore Item on the Chamber dore a locke & kay, a ring & ij bolts of Iron Item iij newe wyndowes of Joyned oke whereof one hathe a presse in yt The third vpper Chamber Inprimis a trundle bedstead corded Item iij woodden Casements and ij Iron double Casements Item iiij woodden Leaves for the wyndowes Item a lead to wasshe with a cocke Item a studdye in the Chamber with lock & kay Item a woodden Casement in y e studdie Item iij shelves & ij desks Item a locke & kay and a handell on the Chamber dore Item a portall Dore to the vpper studdye The fourthe vpper Chamber Inprimis a trundle beddsteade Item a studdye in y e southewest corner of y e Chamber 1XJ COLLEGE CHAMBERS (KING'S COLLEGE), 1598. 171 Item the halfe charge both of a portall & of a fayre waynscott table, and vj" viij d towards the hangings by the deathe of S r Dorrell Item a fayre Joyned forme of oke & a settell of oke Item iiij double Casements of woodd in y e Chamber Item one Casemente of woodd in y e east studdye Item iiij leaves for the wyndowes in the Chamber Item a presse with 2 locks & 2 kayes Item a lead with a cock to wasshe in Item a fayre Double locke on the Chamber Dore with one Kaye Item an other Double lock with a Kay for the Dore on the southewest studdye Mr Clarke Ds Slater 1598 The fyveth vpper Chamber Inprimis a table of oke & a long settell to y e same covered with seeling, which seeling is not y* Colledges. Item a trundle bed of oke corded of 4 s price Item iiij doble casements of wood & iiij leaves for y e windowes Item a lead with a spoute to wasshe with Item a forme, and a locke & kaye to the Chamber dore Item a standing bed brought out of M r Fosters Chamber 1585 Mr Raven D Goade iii 1598 The sixt vpper Chamber Inprimis the seeling vnder the windowes Item a ioyned waynscott portall with hangells a latche and a bolt Item iiij Iron casements Item a studdye Desked rounde with iij shelves covered with greene clothe Item a locke & kay to the Chamber dore Item a gallarye with a long shelve for books 172 AN INVENTORY OF THE STUFF IN THE [IX Mr Sheafe Da Bust 1598 The seventhe vpper Chamber Inpriinis a square table with turned feete Item a settell with a waynscott back Item a standing bedsteade & a trundle bedd corded Item a locke & kay on the Chamber dore Item ij Joyned formes to y 6 table Item ij newe stoole windowes on the west syde of the Chamber whereof one in the studdye on the west syde by the Chiumeye Mr Warde DB Paske 1598 The eight vpper Chamber Inpriinis iiij glased windowes Item the gallarye at xxxiijs iiijd Item a backsyde of a portall Item ij formes ioyned woork Item a fayre waynscott syde table Item a truckell bedd steade Item a locke & kay to the Chamber Item a litle dore to the Leadds aboue Dr Shepard Da Taylor The Chamber over the pantree Inprimis a table with a frame a forme & a benche Item a studdye in the Chamber ouer y e hall porche Those things that Mr Turswell left in this Chamber & gave to the Coll' Inprimis a portall of waynscott with latche & catche in the Chamber dore at x 8 Item ij Andiorons a fyar pan and a payre of tongues iij 8 iiij d Item a Cisterne of lead with cock & spoute v s Item the glasse in the Chamber with iij Iron casements viij 8 In the gallarye belowe Item a waynscott dore with hangells & a double locke & a kay belonging to y* IX] COLLEGE CHAMBERS (KING'S COLLEGE), 1598. 173 Item a portall of waynscott with latche catche locke & kay entering into the lowe gallarye Item a glasse windowe Item a paynted clothe in this gall' Item a standing bedsteade the vpper Chamber Item a dore at the stayre foote with a Double locke & kay Item a payre of stayres into the Chamber Item a gyrt windowe into the Courte with an Iron casement glased Item Item a portall with locke & kay latche & catche & ij hangells Item a windowe towards the west with ij Iron Casments wholly glased Item a gyrt windo[w to] wards the Northe with ij Iron Casments well glased Item a presse of waynscott Item a Dore into y e leads with a bolt Item a standing bedstead in the vpper Chamber with a waynscott testerne Item the Colehowse belowe in lewe of the Cole- howse with 2 Iron casements Ds Wayver Ds Collins 1598 Ds Ceilings Ju Ds Outred 1598 The Chamber over the old buttree Inprimis ij corded bedsteads Item a drawing windowe Item a studdye xx 8 Item a benche of oke Item ij loyned formes of oke Item a square table of oke vpon a frame in place of the table with ij tressells Item a portall of oke Item 2 casments of Iron & the glasse windowe Item a studdye entering into the Chamber The Chamber over the Treasurye Inprimis a bedstead 174 AN INVENTORY OF THE STUFF IN THE [IX Ds Samford Ds Parr 1598 Ds Griffin Johnson 1598 [Barlow Wyvill ju'] Ds Milton Warberton 1598 [Hieron Wilson?] Ds Howgrave D Woodd 1598 [Wyvell sen' Slater] Item a table a benche & a forme in the Chamber Item parte of the nether gallary at xv s Item a standing bed in the vpper gallary corded Item an vpper gallarye The lowe Fellowes Chamber next y e gates Inprimis a standing bedstead with a trundle beddstead Item the southe studdy free Item the other studdye x s Item iij wyndowes glased with v double casements of wood & leaves for the windowes Item a portal & ij formes Item a table vpon a. frame The first Scholers Chamber next the gate called Lyons Inn Inprimis 4 bedsteads corded Item a table with ij formes Item a studdye & a presse Item vj leaves to the windowes Taylors Inn The 2 Scholers Chamber Inprimis 4 bedsteads corded Item a benche & a forme with a table on a frame Item a lettyse in the windowe Item v leaves for the windowes Item a studdye at vij" without furniture Item a portall The Tolebothe The third Scholers Chamber Inprimis 4 bedsteads corded Item a table & 2 formes Item a studdy at xij 8 Item an other studdye at xxiiij" IX] COLLEGE CHAMBERS (KING'S COLLEGE), 1698. 17o Da Montague Bradberye 1598 [Hynde Kellett] Da Woodyere Taylor 1598 [Browne] D Hynd Tayler 1598 [Woodhall Smithson] Item 4 leaves for the windowes Item an old presse of bords converted into the raysing of 3 studdyes Item a portall Horskepers Inn The fourthe Schollers Chamber Inprimis 4 bedstedds whereof 2 corded Item a table a bench & a portall Item a studdye at vi 8 viij d Item an other at xiiij 8 Item ij leaves for the windowes Colliers Inn The 5th Schollers Chamber Inprimis iij bedsteades Item in a ioyned table ij 8 Item a forme & a benche Item the old studdye at xj 8 Item ij leaves for the wyndowes Item a lettyse to the great windowe The 6th Sch' Chamber Barbers Inn Inprimis iiij bedsteads corded Item a ioyned table with a frame, a forme & a benche Item a presse Item leaves to the wyndowes v Item the studdye at ij 8 vj d Item in the same studdye a glasse wyndowe with a casment D Archbold D Gouge 1598 [Bickerstaffe Bateman] The Coblers Inn The 7th Schollers Chamber Inprimis 4 bedsteads a forme & 4 leaves for the wyndowes 176 AN INVENTORY OF THE STUFF IN THE [IX Ds Langley Ds Porter 1598 [Saywell] The blockhowse The 8th Schol' Chamber behinde the hall Inprimis 3 bedsteads & a table with a frame Item a forme & a benche Item the lesser studdye Item 2 Casements of wood Item a loeke & kay to the Chamber dore The Newe Parlor Inprimis a fayre long table of waynscott with iij formes therunto belonging of waynscott Item a Courte Cubborde of waynscott Item the parlor all seeled with waynscott Item ij long Curten rodds with ij greene say Curtens for the wyndowes Item a plate Candlestick Item Iron Casements As there are numerous alterations in the MS. made during the years 1600 1605, which it would be extremely difficult, if not impossible, to represent intelligibly in print, I have done my best to give the Inventory as originally drawn up in 1598. There are but three fellows whose names are not found here, William Faldoe, Richard Cooke, and Thomas Griffin. On the other hand two names occur, Mr Sharpe and Ds Samford, both of whom ceased to be fellows on the 18th of August 1598. Faldoe and Griffin may have been occupying these rooms at Christmas, 1598 ; at any rate they appear in 1600 as joint occupants of one room which had changed hands during the interval ; and the Commons books shew that they were in residence. Cooke was absent on leave, being a master at Eton; and this will account for the fact that the uppermost room at the corner next Clare is the only fellow's room which has but one occupant, Mr Osbaston. The old court seems thus to have been made to afford the precise amount of accommodation that was necessary for the seventy members of the foundation. IX] COLLEGE CHAMBERS (KING'S COLLEGE), 1598. 177 The following is a list of the College as it stood at Christ- mas 1598. The statutable regulations about diverting fellows to particular studies were rigorously observed in Provost Goade's time, and the Students in Divinity (S.D.), in Law (S.C.L.), in Medicine (S.M.), and in Astronomy (Stud. Astr.) have been pointed out from the entries in the books of protocols in the College archives. Perhaps the most remarkable thing is that the oldest fellow then on the list was admitted from Eton eight years subsequent to the election of Dr Goade as Provost, and only one and twenty years earlier than the youngest member of the College. The extreme youthfulness of the whole of such a large body of Fellows is a fact which it is very difficult for us to realise in the present day, while it accounts for a good deal of the schoolmaster and schoolboy state of things which is so notice- able in the records of the proceedings of that period. As there would be a certain amount of blank space on the page, I have added the date of admission of each Fellow and Scholar, and his age at his election at Eton, in all cases ob- tained from the College registers, as the names and dates in the printed Registrum Regale are very inaccurate. The asterisk prefixed to any one's name signifies that he was in priest's orders at Christmas, 1598. KING'S COLLEGE. CHRISTMAS 1598. Provost. Admitted from Eton *Goade, Roger, M.A., D.D., admitted March 19, 1569 ... Sept. 1,1 555(1 7) Senior Fellows. *Monk, Thomas, M.A., B.D., Vice-Provost (19) Aug. 28, 1577 *Banister, Henry, M.A., B.D., Dean of Divinity and Librarian (19) Aug. 27, 1579 B. 12 178 AN INVENTORY OF THE STUFF IN THE [iX Admitted from Eton *Sutton, Richard, M.A., S.D., Bursar and Catechist (18) 1 4 ^ *Clarke, Thomas, M.A., B.D. (18) J Sheppard, William, M.A., M.D., Dean of Arts and Phi- losophy Lecturer (16) Sept. 1, 1582 Chace, William, M.A., S.M. (18) ....\ *King, Geoffrey, M.A., S.D. (16) j Aug. 24, K Tredway, Humfrey, M.A., S.D. (16) ! Am? 17 1584 Lysle, William, M.A., S.C.L. (16) J J Morrison, Thomas, M. A., S.C.L. Bursar (20) *Gostwicke, Roger, M.A., S.D., Dean of Arts and Philo- snphy Lecturer (18) Aug. 24, 1586 Lancaster, Thomas, M.A., S.D. (18) Newton, Fogg, M.A., S.D., Bursar (18) Fellows. Raven, Miles, M. A., Stud. Astr., Greek Lecturer (18) ... Mar. 29, 1587 Biddell, Abraham, M.A., S.D. (19) .\ Osbaston, Robert, M.A., S.D. (17) J Aug. 28, II Ward, Robert, M.A., S.D. (17) \ *Rame, Thomas, M.A., S.D. (18) j- Aug. 24, 1, Lancaster, Richard, M.A., S.D. (17) 1 Marshe, Nicholas, M. A., S.D. (18) I Sept. 6, 1589 Lynn, Edward, M. A., S.D. (18) J *Hieron, Samuel, M.A., S.D. (18) > Faldoe, William, M.A., S.D. (17) \ Aug. 24, 1590 Sheafe, Herman, M.A., S.D. (18) J Goade, Matthew, B. A. (16) > Saunders. Robert, B.A. (18) I Aug. 26, 1591 Collins, Samuel, B.A. (15) J Goade, Thomas, B.A., Junior Lecturer (16) Aldem, John, B.A., Junior Lecturer (18) Weaver, Thomas, B.A. , Junior Lecturer (18) Taylor, Thomas, B.A. (16) Sept. 1, 1592 Griffin, John, B.A. (17) Langley, Thomas, B.A. (16) Outred, William, B.A. (17) J *Cooke, Richard, B.A. (17) Sept. 30, 1592 Bust, Matthew, B.A. (17) 1 Woodyer, William, B.A. (18) Howgrave, Henry, B.A. (16) Slater, William, B.A. (17) Parr, Elnathan, B.A. (16) . Sept 17, 1593 n, U.A. (18) Howgrave, Henry, B.A. (16) > Aug. 24, 1593 Slater, William, B.A. (17) IX] COLLEGE CHAMBERS (KING'S COLLEGE), 1598. 179 Admitted from Eton Hynde, Edward, B.A. (17) Collins, Daniel, B.A. (15) Paske, William, B.A. (17) Milton, John, B.A. (16) >. Aug. 24, 1694 Porter, Thomas, B.A. (17) Griffin, Thomas, B.A. (17) Montagu, Richard, B.A. (16) j Junior Fellow*. Archbold, John (15) Fenn, Thomas (17) Bradbury, Thomas (17) Wood, Gerard (17) r Au S- 25 > u Gouge, William (16) Taylor, William (16) Scholars. Warberton, William (17) Aug. 24, 1596 Johnson, Arthur (19) Taylor, Caleb (18) , Bickerstaffe, James (18) Woodhall, Edmund (17) J- Aug. 29, 1597 Smithson, John (18) , Wy veil, Francis (17) Hynde, Edmund (17) Sept. 19, 1597 Hieron, Thomas (16) Slater, John (17) Bateman, Richard (16) Barlow, William (15) Kellett, Edward (15) J. Aug. 25, 1598 Browne, Thomas (15) Wyvell, William (15) Wilson, Edmund (15) Saywell, Thomas (16) Hill, William Aiisham, William Locke, Thomas Fellow- Commoners. Fisher Ansham, Gideon Leventhorpe, John Marshall Scholar-Commoners. | Dawborne 122 ISO AN INVENTORY ETC. [IX Conducts and Clerks. * Williamson, Henry, M.A. *Siddall, Adam, M.A. *Murrey, William, B.A. Wilkinson, Robert, B.A. Hammond, Thomas, Master of t/te Choristers Tibbold, John Button, Richard Rowse, Edward Pomfrett, John Power, John, Notary Public, Bur- sars' Clerk and Registrar Choristers. Ewsden Throgmorton Lancaster Cacott Feasor Mosse Weaver Pryme Crosfeild Hogkins Smythe Weale Daye Bromsall Burnett Burton Benefices in the patronage of the College, with the names of the bents and the date of their presentation. Cambr. Kingston, R William Smyth, M.A., D.D. July Devon Sampford Courtenay, R. Michael Cosworth Dorset Stower Preaux, R John Turner, M.A Apr. Essex Dunton Waylett, R William Kettell, M.A Sept. Hants Fordingbridge, V William Henson, M.A. , B.D. Nov. Monkston, R. Adam Robins, M.A Mar. Ringwood, V Osmond Lakes, M.A., B.D. Dec. Lane. Prescot, V Thomas Meade, M.A Dec. Line. Willoughton, V Henry Greene July Norf. Coltishall, R. ) } Nicholas Aylande, B.A. Suff. Warw. Wilts Horsted, R. Lessingham, R Francis Spooner, B.A. .. Toft Monks, R. Mar. July Toft Monks, R. ) Haddiscogh, R. } Phihp Ansham, M.A Nov. West Wrotham, R Robert Coony, M.A., B.D. Sept Finborough Parva,V.... Wootton Waven, V. ...John Mascall, B.A Aug. Broad Chalke, V John Archer, M.A July Incum- 8, 1596 23, 1585 17, 1593 3, 1579 29, 1582 13, 1579 5, 1583 15, 1562 31, 1564 9, 1582 22, 1592 . 1, 1579 18, 1580 19, 1575 X. THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY*. [A REPRINT of the slight sketch of the history of the University Library contributed to the Cambridge University Gazette 2 in February and March, 1869, has been so often asked for, that I have obtained leave to reproduce it. It is not what I should write now ; but, seeing that it has been quoted and referred to by more than one writer, there is a certain convenience in having a verbatim reprint of what is extremely trouble- some to consult, and almost impossible to procure, in its original condition. Where there are any positive errors in fact, I have made the necessary correction in a foot-note enclosed within brackets ; otherwise I have made no alterations. The account of the several rooms, in which the Library was contained in the early periods of its history, is, I am aware, more or less inaccurate ; but I must leave this to be set right when Mr J. W. Clark has brought out Professor Willis's exhaustive work on our University and College buildings. It must be borne in mind that the papers here reprinted are not the result of any research made at the time or for the purpose, but merely notes embodying a few of the facts picked up in the course of twelve years' work at the Library by one who loved to know something of the personal history of any volume which might come into his hands. Since that time the present Registrary, Dr Luard, has rendered an invaluable service, first, by collecting and arranging in volumes all the papers existing in the University Registry which concern the Library, and secondly, by printing a Calendar of them in a handy volume. This unpretending work of his will serve as a solid and necessary basis for any future historian of the Library. But even this only brings out into more vivid distinctness the melancholy scantiness of our materials for anything which could be dignified with the title of ' Annals of the Cambridge University Library.' HENRY BRADSIIAW.] CAMBRIDGE, October 7, 1881. 1 Papers contributed to the Cam- - The papers appeared on succes- bridge University Gazette in February sive Wednesdays in the Lent Term, and March, 1869 : reprinted and pub- February 3, 10, 17, 24, and March 3, lished as Memorandum No. 6, No- 10, 17, 18G9. vember, 1881. 182 THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY. [x INTRODUCTORY. IT is enough to make a Cambridge man envious, who is curious about the former history of the University, to look through Mr Macray's recently published Annals of the Bod- leian Library, where the author has extracted from the abundant materials under his hands an almost unbroken series of anecdotes of varied points of interest, all illustrating, more strongly than has ever been shewn before, the fact that the Library has been, as indeed it should be, the centre of the literary activity of the University. Since the book came out, the question has been often asked, "Why cannot we have a similar account of our own Library ? " But the questioners hardly reflect that the so-called practical nature of our institu- tions has been sufficient to prevent the possibility of any thought being given except to the immediate wants of the hour. Books are wanted for working purposes, and the wants are supplied as far and as readily as possible ; while any regard for the Library, except as a place from which we can carry off the books we want to use, is looked upon by our highest authorities as a matter of merely antiquarian curiosity, and one therefore to be steadily though quietly discouraged. In consequence of this, the history of our Library is a blank for whole centuries together ; a handful of stray papers, a few mutilated old catalogues, the account books (very incomplete) for the last fifteen years, and one or two very meagre entry books (also imperfect) stretching back to about 1780 these are all that the University Library contains of the history of the last two hundred years analogous to the rich store of corre- spondence and entry books of donations, purchases, &c , from which Mr Macray has drawn the materials for his Annals. One reason for the dearth of materials in the Library for its own history is to be found in the circumstance that the X] THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY. 183 Library is really scattered over the whole country. The perfect freedom of access to all parts of the building, and the equal freedom of carrying books away (every man being so far his own librarian), these both help to account for that absence of concentration which alone gives the character of steady permanence which is such a marked feature of the other great libraries of the country. The absolute necessity of going to Oxford or to the British Museum if any one wants to examine a book preserved in either of those libraries, compels the authorities to provide for the convenience of the numerous persons who are always to be found at work there, and to set apart compartments fit for quiet study, such as but few ever feel the need of in this place. Nevertheless, the advantages of the unrestricted use of our University Library are so great and so keenly appreciated by many of those who share the privilege, that it is not pleasant to look forward to the time when the very extent of the Library will necessitate at least a partial limitation in this respect, and so force us gradually to assimilate our habits to those of our neighbours. It will, perhaps, be of interest to some persons to have a slight sketch of the history of the Library, as far as our very scanty materials will allow; though the medley of books inside the walls is even more striking than the marvellous mixture of brick and stone in various styles which goes to form our block of University buildings, of which the Library forms so large a part. What is by courtesy called the arrangement of the books is sufficient to perplex the student whose time is precious, and who finds divinity, chemistry, poetry, and natural history all running into one another as if they were kindred subjects ; but it is still more bewildering to any one who strives to trace the gradual development of the Library from an examination of the cases in which the books are placed. We have often heard of the principal benefactors to the Bodleian Library having been induced to bequeath their own libraries to the University of Oxford from seeing the careful way in which the bequest of their predecessors had been housed and kept together. The coincidence at Cambridge is too striking to be accidental, where we find that 184 ,THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY. [x only two such bequests 1 are on record, Dr Holdsworth's of more than ten thousand volumes in 1649", and Bp Racket's of about a thousand in 1670; and that these are so scattered about the Library, that it requires a familiarity with the bindings of books, such as few persons care to possess, to tell from what quarter any book was obtained. All special col- lectors are, no doubt, apt to exaggerate the importance of having their collections kept together after their death, though it is perhaps a pardonable way of attempting to force a feeling of gratitude where otherwise their names would very soon be forgotten. It is probable that by drawing attention to the fact that none of the great collectors of the last two hundred years have thought fit to leave their books to our University Library, we may be pointing to a lesson which our successors may profit by, even though we are too indifferent to pay any attention to it ourselves. It was in the latter part of the fourteenth century that the University first stirred itself to have public buildings of its own, and as a divinity school with a chapel above for divine service and University business was its first thought, so the common library was the next want provided for. It is interesting to note that this movement took place at a time when England was just beginning to possess a native litera- ture. The books that remain to us of an earlier date are insulated remains connected with particular parts of the country; but in the reign of Richard II. we find an English Bible provided by Wyclif and his followers, an English Prayer Book for the laity, the cyclopedia of arts and sciences of Glanvil, and the ancient and modern universal history of Higden, both put into English by Trevisa, while the less solid though more enduring writings of Chaucer, Gower, and the 1 The late Dr Lee, of Hartwell, in- ment spoken of above, of which the duced Burckhardt, the traveller, to history of the Bodleian and most leave his Arabic Manuscripts to the College Libraries in both Universities University Library, in case he died in affords such numerous instances, the East; and 300 volumes now in 2 [The bequest of Henry Lucas in the Library are the result of this be- 1664 should have been added here, quest. But this apparent exception making three instead of two ; see be- offers no illustration of the induce- low, page 198.] X] THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY. 185 author of Piers Ploughman, serve to increase the list and to shew that English readers were then to be found. The north side of the quadrangle,' containing the divinity school and the chapel, was furnished shortly before 1400, and steps were taken to build the west side in 1458, the south side, containing the Philosophy (now Law) School and the Common Library above, being already completed. IL 14241473. THERE are no certain data to shew the precise period at which the Library was begun and finished ; but from an early list of books preserved in the Registry 1 , and a petition from the University to the King in 1438, it is evident that the Common Library had come into existence during the earlier years of the fifteenth century. Several volumes now remain- ing, the gift of Dr Walter Crome, seem to point to the feast of St Hugh, the 17th of November, 1444, as having been in some measure an opening day of the new Library. This was possibly the time when the room (now the first room on entering the Library) was finished and ready for use ; while the existence of the list mentioned above, certainly drawn up before 1437, and not containing any of the books given by Crome in 1444 and subsequent years, would seem to point to the fact that a collection of books had been growing up in the University before the appointment of any definite room to contain it. Some of the books still remain, in spite of the general clearance of rubbish (as old books were then con- sidered) which took place in the reign of Edward VI., a clearance which has left the Oxford Library without a single volume to connect its earlier with its later history, and has spared very few even of our College and Cathedral Libraries. The gem of our original Library is a copy of Chaucer's 1 [The earliest gift in this list which of King's Hall, in 1424. Some of his we can date with any certainty is the books still remain.] bequest of Dr Richard Holme, Warden 186 THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY. [x translation of his favourite Boethius, which must have been given to the University during the generation immediately succeeding Chaucer's death. It well deserves to be looked upon as the patriarch of the place, and the donor, Mr John Croucher, to have a place in our recollection as the founder of our English Library. The next landmark we come upon is an inventory of books and other precious things belonging to the University, handed over by the out-going proctors, Ralph Songer and Richard Cockeram, in 1473. The list is interesting in more ways than one; it shews the state of the place with the additions since Crome's time, and yet before the great ac- cession which took place a few years later by means of Rotherham's benefaction ; and again affords a means of comparison with another list made precisely a century later, in 1573, when the wreck of the Library caused by the Re- formation led Archbishop Parker to try, by gifts from himself and his friends, to render the collection more worthy of the University. But a still more interesting point in the list of 1473 is that it shews us the books arranged in classes, with stalls on the north side looking into the quadrangle, and desks on the south looking out towards the then rising chapel of King's College ; and we are able to form some judgment of the relative importance of the different studies of the place from noticing the classes allotted to each subject. Our historians are very fond of telling us that the libraries of the later middle ages were choked with the writings of the schoolmen, that the Bible and the earlier fathers of the Church had been supplanted by Petrus Lombardus and his commentators. A glance at the arrangement of the Univer- sity Library in 1473 will shew how false this assumption is, and a cursory examination of the history of most of our libraries will shew that the great bulk of the scholastic writers were added to our collections by the benefactors of the seventeenth century, when facts shew that these subjects were very deeply studied, though it is not always convenient for those writers to remember it who seek to depreciate as contemptible everything that was studied before the Reforma- X] THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY. 187 tion. The last four classes on each side of the room were devoted to Theology, represented by the Bible text and the leading commentators, St Augustine, St Jerome, the Glossa Ordinaria, Cardinal Hugo, Nicholas de Lyra, and others. One class only, next to the preceding, was set apart for Theologia disputata, the Master of the Sentences and his expositors. The next three on the same side were devoted to Canon Law ; and the remaining class on the same side to Civil Law. On the north side, after the four classes allotted to Theology, Moral Philosophy, Natural Philosophy, and Medicine had each one stall, and the remaining one was given to Logic and Grammar, including besides such books as Ovid's Metamorphoses, Lucan, and Claudian. The two lists mentioned above, both of which have been printed in full in the Cambridge Antiquarian Society's Com- munications 1 , afford more ground for remark than anything later which we possess ; so that they have led to fuller observations on the earliest portions of our history than may perhaps seem necessary or desirable. But after this period there is a great gap in our materials, and we are able to run more rapidly over much of the later history of the Library, merely pointing out the leading benefactors and the most prominent changes in the arrangement of the place. Ill 14731500. THE fourth side of the quadrangle was built about 1475, chiefly by Bishop Rotherham, one of the original members of King's College, and afterwards successively Bishop of Rochester (1468) and Lincoln (1471), and Archbishop of York (1480-1500). He was Chancellor of the University for several years at intervals between 1469 and 1485, and is said to have given at least two hundred volumes to the Library. Some of these are still remaining, and on one or two his name is still traceable, and the date 1484, but the University records of 1 [See pages 16 54 of this volume. J.] 188 THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY. [x that time are in a very unsatisfactory condition, and it is impossible to make any definite statement of what Rotherham actually did for the place. Two points, however, are notice- able in connexion with his gift. Being the only part of the University buildings which bore on its face the record of the princely spirit of liberality of the donor, our authorities a century ago displayed in the most characteristic manner the mode of treating the memory of benefactors which has been alluded to above. The building was pulled down, and the Gothic front, with the Bishop's arms, &c., upon it, was sold off as rubbish, and now forms the entrance to the stables at Madingley Hall. After this it is needless to add that the new building contained no record of its replacing an older one, and all notice of Rotherham is obliterated from the library 1 . The second point is instructive in another way; the part of this latest building, which is devoted to books, formed a lesser library (Bibliotheca minor), and in it were kept apparently Rotherham's benefaction, and other books of a choicer sort. Here long afterwards the Lambeth Library was housed, and after the restoration of that collection to Archbishop Sheldon, the manuscripts and other special books were here kept in cases; so that from Rotherham 's time to the middle of the last century, the East-room (as it is now called) seems to have retained more or less the character of a smaller or select library, which it would have been well to keep up ; and certainly the want of it creates much difficulty and uneasiness at the present time. At the Bodleian, the plan of having an Auctarium or additional room, where the choicest books from all the collections should be kept together under more especial care, was only adopted towards the close of the last century, 1 A similar fate seems likely to at- two sovereigns were the two principal tend Rotherham's successors. It has benefactors to the University Library been proposed to remove the two and Senate-House at the time. There Georges from the Senate-House, in is much to be said on the fit place for order to find room for a statue of the putting memorials of the leading be- late Prince Consort. But it should be nefactors and the most distinguished remembered that these statues are not members of the University respec- put there as a tribute to the reigning tively, but this is not the occasion to House of Hanover, but because these say it. X] THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY. 189 shortly after Cambridge had abolished almost all restriction of access to the whole library, in spite of the numerous instances of theft which had then lately been brought to light. The revival of Rotherham's plan of a lesser library, in case of any new accession of space for books, might possibly be found to be a means of keeping the more valuable portion of the library, such books for instance as could not possibly be replaced, under a little more careful supervision than has been at all practicable for many years past ; while it would not be in any way an en- croachment upon the liberty at present enjoyed with respect to the large class of books in more general request. IV. 15001600. WE have seen a vigorous effort to provide a library for the University made simultaneously with the rapid spread of the art of printing in the fifteenth century. But the effort was too early to be lasting, and through the greater part of the sixteenth century we find but few traces even of the existence of the library. Bishop Tunstall, shortly before his translation to Durham in 1529-30, sent several books to Cambridge, all bearing his autograph inscription at the beginning : " Cuthe- bertus Londoniensis episcopus studiosis dono dedit." Among them are the Complutensian Bible, and several Greek books from the Aldine and other early presses, as well as some manuscripts, the earliest Greek books that the University possessed. It will be remembered that some few years before this Croke had begun lecturing in Greek, and had induced a foreign printer to set up a press here ; but the interest in these things soon flagged; the teachers ceased, and the press was idle for sixty years longer. The stir of the year 1534 caused a slight sign of activity; the old chests were ordered to be emptied, and the cautions contained in them to be converted into money; any old and useless books among them to be sold, any that seemed useful to be put into the library. In 1541 we find Cheke borrowing a manuscript of Tzetzes' Scholia 190 THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY. [x on Hesiod that they may be printed ; and the Cologne book- seller John Birchman's dedication to Bishop Tunstall (June, 1542) shews that the Bishop's gifts were being turned to some account on the Continent if not in Cambridge. The Univer- sity's side of the transaction is not so creditable. No pains seem to have been taken to recover the book so lent ; at least no subsequent catalogues present any traces of it. In 1547, the commencement of Edward's reign, a clean sweep was made of the old common library, and for the next forty years it was used as a second Divinity school, now wanted for the Regius Professor. The hatred of the old learning seems to have been for a time so intense, that few things having the semblance of antiquity about them were spared. The fact that in the King's own copy of the new edition of the Greek Testament (ed. Steph. Paris, 1550) we find large fragments of an early manuscript of Horace and Persius used for binder's waste, is a fair illustration of the respect in which the different kinds of learning were then held. On the accession of Elizabeth a fresh interest was felt in the library, and the Vice-Chancellor was actually moved to have the windows mended, and a new lock put to the door ; but with this effort the feeling again subsided, and the entire amount laid out upon the library during the first fifteen years of this reign was 1. 6s. 8d. In 1574, however, all this was changed ; and it is to Dr Andrew Perne, the learned Master of Peterhouse, that we may fairly look as the principal agent in the restoration of the library at this period. Known to have been on terms of intimacy with Parker, and celebrated as one of the most learned and studious men of his time, and a principal benefactor of his college, it is mortifying to think that all traces of such a man and of his benefactions should have been so completely effaced from the library. At the beginning of 1574 Dr Perne writes from Lambeth to the registrary to ask for a list of the books in the library, as he hopes the Archbishop will do something for it. It is from a copy of this list now in the registry, and from a somewhat similar list published about the same time by Dr Caius in his Historia, that we learn the fact that the library now contained X] THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY. 191 scarcely 180' volumes, or little more than half what it had had just a century before. The Archbishop sent down a hundred volumes all carefully picked, and among them 25 thick volumes made up from some of the choicest manuscripts in his own library. Bishop Pilkington, of Durham, and Bishop Home, of Winchester, immediately followed the Archbishop's example, as so did also the Lord Keeper, Sir Nicholas Bacon, whose large book-plate (possibly one of the earliest instances of such things) may still be seen in a few of his books which retain their original binding. Other benefactions continued to come in, and Dr Perne, now Vice-Chancellor, must sometimes have looked back with wonder upon the year of his proctorship (1547), when the old common library had been cleared of its contents as useless lumber. In July, 1577, we find for the first time a member of the University appointed librarian, at an annual stipend of 10. The person chosen was William James 1 , a Peterhouse man, educated under Perne, and probably chosen by him. From some cause however, James ceased to be librarian at Mid- summer, 1581, and a new arrangement was made. A tax was imposed upon degrees, and Richard Moody, the school- keeper, was then made keeper of the library at a salary of five marks a year. Next year a stringent set of rules was drawn up for the working of the library and the conduct of the keeper, rules most excellent and careful in themselves, but reminding one only too forcibly of the numerous orders made in much more recent times and now buried in minute- books, all having this in common, that they were framed with the best intentions, but by persons who seem to have thought that such orders were a living power and could work them- selves. Certain it is that the articles of 1582 have not left much impression upon the library, and the lists, which might 1 James matriculated at Peterhouse are all in his handwriting from 1577 in 1562, and incepted in arts in 1568. to 1581. His connexion with the He is probably identical with the Wil- College and the University Library is liam James who succeeded Matthew not noticed in the Athente Canta- Stokys in 1577 as Registrar of King's brigienses. College. The College accounts, &e., 192 THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY. [x have preserved to us the memory of our benefactors, have long since disappeared. The same year the University received, besides a good many volumes from Bishop Barnes, of Durham, three books from Theodore Beza, then Rector of the University of Geneva. The manuscript which has since borne his name still remains, after a lapse of nearly three centuries, the greatest treasure of the library ; but the other two books, the rare Constantinople polyglot Pentateuchs in the Hebrew character, were some years later sent up to Lord Burghley by the Vice- Chancellor, and never found their way back again. At this point we find two fresh instances of Dr Feme's anxiety for the library. In the Vice-Chancellor's accounts for 1584-5, is a payment " for a carte to bring certayne written bookis from Peter howse to the schooles, gyven by Mr Dr Perne to the librarye," and also " for twoe that did helpe to lade and vnlade the same." Perne died in 1589, and by his will left to the library "all the old doctors and historians in written hand in parchment or paper that he had at Cambridge or Ely." (See Ath. Cant. ii. 47.) These two gifts, from the very terms in which they are described, must have been something very considerable ; and it is not unlikely that about 100 volumes of MSS , which certainly came to the library be- tween 1575 and 1600, but which have hitherto lain unclaimed, are to be put down to Perne's munificence 1 . Among them is an eighth-century copy of the Latin Gospels, which of itself would deserve a special commemoration. Between these two last dates, in 1586, the books had accumulated to such an extent that Rotherham's library must have been quite unable to hold them. A grace was passed to restore the Regius Divinity School (the original Common 1 A considerable number of the that they must have left Norwich be- volumes in question belonged before fore 1575 ; and it is not improbable the Reformation to the Cathedral that an examination of the chapter Library at Norwich. Perne was a accounts would bring to light a notice Norfolk man, and we know that he of the sale of the books to Perne ; and was at Norwich in 1573 (Ath. Cant. ii. the chapter would thus have one more 46). From the fact that some of the reason to be grateful to their notorious Norwich books found their way to Dean, George Gardiner. Archbishop Parker's shelves, it is clear X] THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY. 193 Library) to its former use, and the room was again adapted to the use of the library at a cost of more than 125. In 1591 Dr Lorkin died and left his medical books to the University ; and in 1598 Lord Lumley sent a number of duplicates from his library, many of which had belonged to Archbishop Cranmer and have his autograph " Thomas Cantuarien " at the beginning. Lord Burghley is also said to have given books, but there seems at present no possibility of identifying them. This period closes in 1600 with the publication of the Ecloga of Thomas James, Bodley's first librarian. It is a list of all the manuscripts in the University and College Libraries, and in default of documents of our own, it is interesting to learn here the progress which had been made in our collection of manuscripts between 1573 and 1600. It at this time con- tained 260 volumes, and the chief source of dissatisfaction is that for the greater part of them we can only conjecture to whom we are indebted. It is quite possible that further search, especially at Peterhouse, might bring to light some documents which would shew more clearly the position which Perne is entitled to hold in our recollection as the restorer of the library in the sixteenth century ; and on this ground alone it is not lost labour to bring forward such facts as we have been able to collect. V. 16001660. THE reign of James the First is an entire blank in the library. A volume of the King's own works, with a letter signed by the King, and two volumes of Bacon's * given by 1 Some few years ago these volumes were put into an ordinary book-case in of Bacon in their embroidered velvet the chief thoroughfare of the library, bindings, and with the author's letters in order to make the collection of to the University fastened in at the Bacon's works appear as large as pos- beginning, were taken out of the com- sible. It was a simple-minded way partment where they had long been of drawing public attention to the kept under some sort of custody, and munificence of Basil Montagu, who B. 13 194- THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY. [X himself, are the only matters to be noticed during the first quarter of the seventeenth century. It is perhaps to this period, certainly to the former half of this century, that we may attribute that rebinding of all the manuscripts which has destroyed every trace of their former history, even to the names of the donors. But soon after the accession of Charles the First a revival took place. We learn from contemporary correspondence that the Duke of Buckingham, then Chancellor of the University, had an idea of building a new library for the University, at a cost of seven thousand pounds. This plan was frustrated by his assassination in 1628 ; but his name stands out as one of the leading benefactors of the library, as having founded our oriental collection, just as Bishop Tunstall's name is connected with the foundation of our Greek collection precisely a century earlier. It seems to have been- at the suggestion of Archbishop Ussher that the Duke of Buckingham purchased in Holland the oriental manuscripts from the library of Erpenius, who had died in 1625. The purchase had not been fully carried out when the Duke died ; but his intention was carried into effect by his widow, and the books were received by the University in 1632. To this day the people of Leyden cannot understand how the transaction was managed ; they say that a large instalment of the purchase money had already been paid by the corporation, but yet that by some means the manuscripts were never delivered, and that they have reason to believe that some of them are at Cambridge, and some perhaps elsewhere in England. True it is that they are all here, and we know whose liberality we have to thank for them ; indeed, among them are some of the most valuable books which the library now possesses. The appointment of Abraham Wheelock 1 , to the post of had presented to the library the large terference of some member of the collection of Bacon's works, formed Senate, which led to the books being for him at Mr Pickering's expense, replaced in the compartment from which were the basis of the set. In a which they had been taken, very short time, however, one of the 1 As it has not been thought worth autograph letters of Bacon disappear- while to include Wheelock's predeces- ed, and the other would probably have sors in the list of Custodies BibliotJieca; soon followed but for the kindly in- printed hi the Graduati, it may be as X] THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY. 195 librarian in 1629 seems to have had a good effect. He com- bined the offices of Reader in Arabic and Anglo-Saxon. Not however that this prevented his attention to his duties as Librarian; the Parker and Erpenius collections gave material for his lectures, and the library seems to have been well used and well cared for during his tenure of office. There are traces of his hand almost throughout the collection as it existed in his day ; and we certainly know more of the library and have more materials still preserved there for its history from what remains to us of Wheelock's time and that of his immediate successor, William Moore, than we have of any subsequent period down to the last twenty years. About 1640 another proposal was made to build a new library, after a plan designed by Dr Cosiii, then Master of Peterhouse, and a subscription was set on foot. But though this project was set aside on the outbreak of the civil war, the interest felt in the library was by no means allowed to flag. In 1645-6 we find the University taking advantage of the abolition of episcopacy to petition Parliament that Archbishop Bancroft's library might be transferred from Lambeth to Cambridge in accordance with the provisions of his will. A year later the petition was granted, and the books which had been added to the library at Lambeth since Bancroft's death were included in the grant. Precisely a year later, 24th March, 1647-8, the Commons passed resolutions to spend 2000 on the University Library and 500 on the purchase of a collection of Hebrew books which had formerly belonged to an Italian Rabbi, Isaac Pragi. The former resolution did not take effect, but the latter was entrusted to Selden and Lightfoot to carry out, and the books were brought down and soon made available well to put their names on record, as 1583. Henry Frogg. far as they appear in the audit books, 1587. John Matthew. subject to revision from the actual 1593. Mr Duckett. vouchers, which it is very troublesome 1623. Mr Brooke. to examine. The office was establish- 1629. Mr Wheelock. ed by Grace of the Senate, 10th July, [This omission has been rectified in 1577 ; the edition of the Gradriati issued by 1577. Mr James. Dr Luard since these notes were 1581. Kichard Moody. written.] 13-2 196 THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY. [X for use. This was the foundation of our Hebrew library. Another small addition was made about twenty years later ; they occupied one bookcase ; and they are the solitary instance of a collection retaining its character as such, and remaining intact without any change of notation from that time to the present 1 . The Pragi books are almost all uniformly bound, and many of them bear the thumb-marks of successive gene- rations of Cambridge Hebraists, to whom these quaint red bindings and red lettered edges are many of them very familiar. It is, perhaps, owing to this vote of the Commons that Selden is mentioned in our Commemoration service as a benefactor to the library. A body so loyal to the Crown as the University shewed itself after the Restoration, was, of course, bound altogether to ignore any act of munificence displayed towards it by the Parliament during the Civil War ; though they did not feel bound to disgorge all the good things they had become possessed of thereby. Certainly there are no traces of Selden's benefactions in any other form. There is great difficulty in understanding how the different rooms were arranged at this time, owing to the fluctuation in the names given to the different parts. A grace was passed to allow the Greek school to be used for the Lambeth books. This must mean the upper room on the west side, or what we now call the second room, which did not become permanently part of the library till the reign of George the Second. It is possible that a great part of the library was put there, though the choicest books were certainly placed in Rotherham's library. Again, Sir John Wollaston is said (Cooper's Memorials, iii. 69) to have defrayed the cost of fittings for the reception of the Lambeth books ; but these fittings are clearly the cases now existing in the first room, the original communis libraria. The new style of book-cases may have enabled the room to hold many more volumes than the old desks and stalls would ; but there is no trace, in the marking of the books, of more than two rooms having been used, the first room and the east room. 1 [Since the above was written, this arranged, for greater convenience, in class also has been broken up, and a different part of the Library.] the books have been completely re- X] THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY. 197 In 1649 Dr Holdsworth, Master of Emmanuel, died, and left his whole library to the University; but as his will did not take effect till 1663, it will be more convenient to speak of it under that date. Numberless small benefactions poured in, both by gift and bequest, and are entered in the register. Wheelock died in 1653 and left some books ; and William Moore of Caius, who died in 1659, carried on the good work of his predecessor. It was in his time, in 1658, that the remarkable collection of Waldensian books and papers were given to the library by Morland, Cromwell's envoy to the Duke of Savoy. His connection with Cromwell is probably the reason why his gift is so completely ignored in all our records and commemorations, while much more insignificant benefactors have been duly held up for veneration. The still more remarkable fact that for more than a century the librarians themselves uniformly denied the existence of the most important part of the collection, is well known, and is only one example in a thousand of the disregard of such treasures which the whole history of the -library brings to light. Moore's memory, though no commonwealth sympathies could be a blot upon his character, has met with a curiously similar fate. Though a " fellow of his College, a principal benefactor to its library, and well known to all the literary men of his time, his fellowship, his college, and even his degree are all ignored in the list of librarians in the printed Graduati, where he appears simply as " Gul. Moore." In the list of the large collection of manuscripts given to his own College, printed in the Oxford catalogue of 1697, he is misnamed John Moore ; while in the modern catalogue of the Caius manuscripts, compiled by one who ought to have known better, his name is most unaccountably passed over altogether in silence. VI. 16601715. THE fruits of the thoroughly good management of the library during Wheelock's and Moore's tenure of office shewed 198 THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY. [X themselves very soon. In 1662 Archbishop Juxon put in a claim to have Bancroft's library returned to Lambeth ; and the University readily took means to restore the collection to its rightful owner. It must have been a considerable blow to those interested in the welfare of the library to see twelve thousand volumes cleared out of the place, and the shelves left bare. But they were not destined to remain so long. It has been mentioned that Dr Holdsworth, Master of Emmanuel College, died in 1649 and left his library to the University. There had been some dispute on the matter between the College and the University, and the books, which appear to have been in London, remained untouched until after the Restoration. In fact, the same chests and casks which took the Bancroft books back to Lambeth did double duty and brought the Holdsworth books down here. These last of them- selves almost equalled in number the books whose places they came to fill ; and when Mr Lucas died in 1664 and left 1 his own whole library to the University, amounting to more than four thousand volumes, the loss of the other collection was more than compensated, and the two new ones together made upwards of fifteen thousand volumes. Holdsworth's was very rich in divinity, especially in those early pamphlets of 'the Reformation period, so many of which our historians search for in vain elsewhere. The Lucas collection, formed by a cultivated layman, contained but few duplicates of the other, and enriched the library with history both English and foreign, and voyages and travels, besides a fair amount of foreign literature. This great increase, coming upon the library when it had been almost emptied of books, rendered it necessary to rearrange and recatalogue the whole ; and, the east room or little library being kept for the manuscripts, the whole of the rest of the collection was incorporated into one and arranged 1 It was said above that the only ment only gains force, as the gift was two bequests of libraries on record, no doubt the result of the good were those of Holdsworth and Hacket. management and care for the library What led to the statement was an im- which was patent to every one. There pression that Lucas gave his books in is still no instance later than Hacket. his lifetime. In any case, the argu- X] THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY. 199 iii the Old Library. This arrangement then made (about 16G7) has existed till the present day; for though the books have since the end of last century been turned out of their shelves and stowed away anyhow on plain deal shelving put round the several rooms under the ceiling, yet the books have never been re-classed in those shelves, from a feeling probably that few reasonable persons could ever want to consult such super- annuated literature. The little library, however, was not to remain long an archive for manuscripts only. In 1666 Mr Rustat gave a sum of 1000 to the University to be laid out in land, so as to produce a certain income for providing the library with books. This was the first actual endowment of the library ; and his munificence here has been as fruitful in its results as it has been elsewhere. Indeed it is more than sufficient to justify what is said of him on his monument in Jesus College Chapel, that the more he laid out in charity during the year, the more he had in hand at the close. The thousand pounds thus given two hundred years ago now produce almost as much annually ; that is to say, between three and four hundred a year for the library, beside a house and comfortable income for a member of the Senate to enjoy in Norfolk. The latter arrangement may, perhaps, seem to some persons not in strict keeping with the intention of the donor, but where the Uni- versity profits by the liberality of the gift, we have every reason to be grateful. Mr Rustat made a stipulation that the books bought with his money should be kept together for the use of students, and should not leave the library ; and that a continued record of his donation should be preserved in a book for every one to see. The books were, perhaps, for a long time kept in the little library and in some measure together, though of this we have no definite record; but the method of keeping up the donor's memory in a visible form was too radically contrary to the habits of the University, and there is no sign of such a book ever having been thought of. In 1670 Bishop Hacket died and left his whole library to the University, with a request that the duplicates should be sold and other books procured with the money. This collection, 200 THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY. [X amounting to about a thousand volumes, was also placed in the little library, which for the next fifty years seems to have been the receptacle for all additions of whatever kind. So at least we are led to judge from the marks to be found in the books belonging to that period; but we have from this point no further records. The labour of cataloguing and arranging these three bequests must have taxed the energies of the librarians to the uttermost, and for eighty years there are hardly any records of work done now remaining. It is probable that a search through the accounts at the Registry would throw a good deal of light upon this period ; but as yet this has never been done. It is the more strange that the library itself should be so bare of records during this time, as it was in some respects the most important in the history of the place. For forty years we know of nothing worth mentioning. But in 1709 Mr Worts died and left his estate at Landbeach to the University, directing that the income should go to certain specified University purposes, and that any balance that there might be should be applied for the use of the library. This is the second endowment of the library; for it must be remembered that hitherto the only fund which the University had possessed for library purposes was the still slender income arising from Mr Rustat's gift in 1666. More than a century elapsed, however, before the Worts estate became practically available as an endowment of the library, or rather perhaps before it was remembered that the surplus ought to be devoted to this purpose ; and the result is that, while the income from this source now amounts to about a thousand a year, a considerable portion of this is derived simply from the interest of unspent balances allowed to accumulate, because there was not sufficient literary life in the University to call for the proper appropriation of the money. It was only about fifty years ago that this fund became a regular source of income to the library. But a very few years after the death of Mr Worts, another event happened, which had a much more speedy influence upon the library. It was in 1715 that George the First, it is said to have been at the suggestion of Lord Townshend, bought X] THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY. 201 and presented to the University the magnificent library of the Bishop of Ely, John Moore, who had died a few months before. This collection was in itself more than double the whole of the then existing University Library; and it was the means of altering the whole face of the University buildings. The old Senate House (now the catalogue room) and the adjoining school were to be given up to the library, so that all the four sides of the upper floor of the schools quadrangle should be appropriated to books; and the present Senate House was built in consequence. The King himself, and his successor, George the Second, and many others, came forward very libe- rally to supply the funds with which to carry on the great works rendered necessary by the King's gift of this magnificent library. A new office, that of principal librarian, was created, as became the dignity of the place, and all sorts of learned men were chartered to do the work necessary to render the books available for use as speedily as possible, but, from one cause or other, the work flagged, and it was upwards of five and thirty years before the new library was rendered ready for use ; and during that time the pillage was so unlimited, that the only wonder is that we have any valuable books left. There are no inventories of Bishop Moore's library preserved, not even of the manuscripts, so that it is impossible to say what ought to be there and what treasures we might have had ; but it is sufficiently disheartening to find traces of books which we happen to know were here during that period, but which are now irrecoverably lost. VII. 17151853. DURING the period just spoken of, between 1715 and 1750, when the library came to life again, there are certain donations which claim a more special mention at our hands. The Rev. George Lewis, Archdeacon of Meath, left a bookcase containing a small but valuable collection of Persian manuscripts, brought, 202 THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY. [X it is believed, from India. In the cabinet are several other eastern curiosities, which are faithfully preserved in much the same state as he left them. Fortunately a catalogue was printed at once, so that it has been possible from time to time to verify the contents. But there are no instructions to the librarian as to what may or may not be done with them, and the library contains no record 1 even of the year in which the collection came to the University. In 1740, Baker died and left the University volumes 24 to 42 of his manuscript collections. It is needless here to say what a mine of information, especially on University subjects, these books contain ; the incessant demand for them is the best testimony they can have ; and now that Mr Mayor's loving care has produced a thoroughly good calendar of their contents, their usefulness has increased tenfold. Until quite lately these books never formed part of the MS. collection in the library. They were always kept apart and never included in any cata- logue of the MSS. even when they were all rearranged in 1750. Possibly they were looked upon as too useful to be kept under lock and key. When the Royal Library was arranged, the MSS. were left till the last, and the final settlement seems not to have taken place till 1752. The two rooms added to the library, the present catalogue room, and the present second room, were devoted to this collection, and the little square required to join the second room to the first was bought from King's College, and a small square room, with a dome over it, was built in between what had hitherto been the three end walls of the' two University buildings and that of King's College. By this arrangement there was communication all round the square of the library floor. Great care seems to have been taken with the arrangement of the printed books in the Royal Library, the common French system having been adopted : Theology, Law, Science and Arts, History, and Miscellaneous Literature. The one compartment 1 [There is no written record ; but a Dr Luard mentions that a grace for brass plate on the book-case itself returning thanks to the donor was gives 1726, as the date of the gift. passed May 2, 1727.] X] THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY. 203 left over (viz. Dd, at the south end of the second room) and the square under the dome were allotted to the manuscripts. By this time the energies of those employed seem entirely to have failed ; for nothing could be more disgraceful than the way the manuscripts were literally shovelled into their places. No regard was paid to subject, none to the collection from which they came, none even to the size of the volumes ; they were all put upon the shelves just as they happened to have been brought into the room, and so stuffed away. When this was done, a catalogue was made which certainly does some credit to the compiler, though the Oriental manuscripts fared but badly ; such descriptions as " Thin, perhaps Turkish," or " Liber nauti- lus," being allowed to pass without comment. Had there been any inventory received of Bishop Moore's books, or even made when they came, we should have been spared a good deal of the disgrace which has fallen upon us from persons outside our walls. This, however, was a secondary consideration. The build- ings were at this time more thought of than the books kept in them. The dignified appearance of the new Senate House made the University discontented with the humble appearance of Rotherham's building, which formed the east front of the schools; so in 1755 this was doomed, and a more suitable building, the present east room, was built on the site. It will be remembered that this room contained Racket's Library, the books bought with the Rustat money, and all modern additions. The Copyright Act was not very fruitful at this time; small parcels apparently came down from Stationers' Hall twice a year, and the growth of the collection was very slow. This want of life re-acted upon the officials, and nothing is recorded during the rest of the eighteenth century, except the purchase of a number of manuscripts in 1785 at Dr Askew's sale, and an inspection of the library in 1772, at which a large number of rare books were reported to be missing. The latest previous inspection had been in 1748, when 902 volumes were reported as missing from the old library alone. Some few of these were no doubt sold at the "Sale of Duplicates from the Royal Library" in 1742; but the larger portion of them were cer- tainly not duplicates, and the loss was the result of that whole- 204 THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY. [X sale pillage spoken of before. It is very singular that the very same year that the inspection shewed such serious losses to have happened from unrestricted access, the University should have made fresh orders (the basis of those now in use), permit- ting more fully this same freedom of access. The Cicero de Officiis printed in 1465 on vellum, a Salisbury Breviary printed in 1483 on vellum (the only known copy of the first edition), the Salisbury Directorium Sacerdotum printed by Caxton (the only known copy), are three instances out of many scores of such books which might be mentioned as purloined during the latter half of the eighteenth century, simply from this total disregard of all care for the preservation of the books. Even manuscripts were lent out on ordinary tickets; and it was seemingly only owing to the strong remonstrances of Mr Kerrich, the Principal Librarian of the day, that a grace was passed in 1809, requiring that no manuscript whatever should be borrowed, except with the permission of the Senate, and on a bond given for the same to the Librarian. " We have the ticket, but we cannot get the book back," Mr Kerrich says, and to this day the book in question has never been returned. It is needless and it is difficult to say much of the history of the library during the past fifty years. About fifty years ago the Copyright Act began to take effect, and a much larger and gradually increasing quantity of books has been yearly added to the library. About that time the Worts Trustees awoke to the responsibilities of their trust, and the want of space became so pressing in consequence of this renewed activity that steps were soon taken to secure additional room. The old quadrangle of King's College was bought for twelve thousand pounds, as soon as the college had ceased to use the building, in 1829 ; and since 1826 a tax of eighteenpence a quarter had been levied upon members of the University for the further support of the library. What was really needed was an organising head to direct and give a unity to all these movements for increase, and to turn the additional room to a proper account when granted by the University. It is the want of this which has rendered the library that chaos which is so often and so justly complained of, and which it will require X] THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY. 205 stronger hands than the University is likely to have for some time in any way to remedy satisfactorily. A little more than thirty years ago a grand plan was conceived of erecting a large quadrangle on the site of the old buildings. One side was really built, what is now known as Cockerell's building; but instead of mapping out the building for various definite classes of books, the spare room was seized at once, one of the rooms temporarily emptied into this, and the emptied room at once employed to hold the Fitzwilliam Collection. This want of organisation had the effect of destroying any arrangements that might have been contemplated for both of the rooms in question. Soon after this, in 1853, the Syndicate was re constituted on a new basis ; instead of consisting of all the officials of the University, it was to consist of sixteen picked men, distinguished and active in different branches of literature, who might be a material assistance in directing the choice of books to be added to the library, and in giving advice and directions as to the general administration of the place. The idea was excellent ; the fresh activity of the new body was considerable ; the only misfortune was that it was new wine put into old bottles. No care at all was taken to increase the strength of the real executive of the library ; and for many years this fermentation only resulted in a constant fluctuation of places made and unmade, and orders made and unmade or else left to lie neglected in the records of the proceedings of the Syndicate. It must be many years before the evils of this state of things can be got rid of from the place, with much greater energy and organising power than the University now has at its disposal. Let us only hope that the undoubtedly good elements in the new constitution will bear fruit. more effectually than the bad; and that the larger the library grows, the larger may be the circle of those who find it an indispensable and at the same time an increasingly available source of supply for their literary needs. HENRY BRADSHAW. XI. A CLASSIFIED INDEX OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY BOOKS IN THE DE MEYER COLLECTION SOLD AT GHENT, NOVEMBER 1869 1 . IT very rarely happens that a sale catalogue is drawn up with such care and knowledge as regards early printed books as to render the formation of such an index as the present in any way possible, unless after a careful verification by the books themselves. Indeed Ghent is almost the only place where there seems to be any attempt to give the attention to this subject which nevertheless is rendered all the more necessary from the very high prices which almost any good specimens of early printing are sure to bring. The auction catalogues issued by the first houses in England and France are a standing disgrace to the two countries so far as this class of books is concerned ; and yet there are no signs of any change for the better. The present index was drawn up at first simply for my own convenience. It is now at the service of any persons who take an interest in the subject. Having been for some time specially occupied with the early typography of Holland and Belgium, the sale of a library, like that of the late M. De Meyer, containing a number of extremely interesting specimens of books of this class, was sufficient inducement to me to print a brief index to the fifteenth-century books in the catalogue, before going over to Ghent for the purpose of verifying the results of the work. It will be seen at once that, owing to the liberality of our Cambridge authorities combined with the discretion of my old and valued friend Mr Boone, to whom I entrusted my commissions, our museum of early printing at Cambridge has obtained from this collection some additions which are well worth possessing. 1 Published as Memorandum No. 2, April, 1870. XI] A CLASSIFIED INDEX ETC. 207 The books are arranged strictly according to their respective countries, towns, and presses; and, the year of the earliest dated production of each country, town, or press, being affixed, it is hoped that the arrangement will at once afford its own explanation. The numbers prefixed to each title are the numbers in the sale cata- logue ; and a cross list is given containing the corresponding numbers of the sale catalogue and of this index. Where we have a copy of the book in our museum of early printing in the Uni- versity Library at Cambridge, I have said so. Where a book is described in Mr Holtrop's Catalogue of the fifteenth-century books in the Royal Library at the Hague (Hagae Comitum, 1856, 8vo.), I have given the reference (BRH). Where there is a facsimile of any book to be seen in the same writer's Monumens Typographiquas des Pays-Bas (La Haye, 1868, 4to.), I have referred to the plate (MT); only it must be remembered that reference has been made to the final order of the plates, and not to that in which they were issued. Such constant reference is made to these two books, that this index will be of little use to any one who does not possess them both. In the case of books printed by Gerard Leeu at Gouda or at Antwerp, I have given the reference to Mr P. Van der Meersch's list published in the Bulletin du Bibliophile Beige for 1847 (VDM). For books printed, or supposed to have been printed, by Thierry Martens, I have referred to Mr A. F. Van Iseghem's Biographie (VI). And, lastly, in the case of the few books found here, printed at Audenarde or Ghent, I have referred to Mr Ferd. Vander- haeghen's exhaustive Bibliographic Gantoise (VDH). There are a few points in which I have taken leave to differ from the accomplished scholar to whom the compilation of the sale catalogue was entrusted. In consequence of this, I have thought it worth while to append a few notes, partly to justify what may well seem to be presumption on my part, and partly from an earnest desire to stir up those who are willing to study such subjects to a further prosecution of them upon a sounder basis than has hitherto been attempted, and to shew that if only a rational method of pursuing such researches be once adopted, results may be expected which will fully compensate for the long and patient work by which alone they can be obtained. I little thought, when these pages were sent to the press, that death would deprive me of one of the greatest pleasures which I anticipated from printing them. It is not for me to speak of that 208 FIFTEENTH CENTURY BOOKS ETC. [XI combination of gentleness and modesty with deep research, which characterised everything whicli came from Mr Holtrop's pen, so far as I ever had the privilege of knowing him. Those who knew him while he lived will readily understand the keen pleasure with which I looked forward to bringing him this year the firstfruits of my attempts to follow in his footsteps, and to becoming personally acquainted with one whom I had so long known only by cor- respondence. My desire in these studies was to be a willing pupil of his ; my pleasure, to prove to him that his work was the solid foundation on which others could stand to pursue the same en- quiries to still further and clearer results. H. B. UNIVERSITY LIBRARY, CAMBRIDGE, April 5, 1870. A CLASSIFIED INDEX OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTUKY BOOKS in tfte l&t Pleger collection. GERMANY (1454). COLOGNE (1466). Ulr Zell (UQQ): 110 ab Joh. Nider, Manuale confessorum et Dispositorium moriendi. Ab. 1470. 4. [i At Cambridge (this copy). 229 Adrian! Carthus. Liber de remediis utriusque fortunae. Ab. 1470. 4. [2 At Cambridge. 5 Petri Comestoris Historia Scholastica. Ab. 1473. Folio. [3 At Cambridge (this copy). Arn ter Hoernen (1470): 1 10 C Formula vivendi canonicorum. Ab. 1472. 4. [4 At Cambridge (this copy). Certainly not so late as 1477. Printer of the Dialogi decem (1473) : 93 Flores B. Augustini Ab. 1473. Folio. [5 At Cambridge. Not printed by Veldener. See Note A. Conr Winters de ffomborch (1476): 490 Fasciculus temporum. 1476. Large folio. [6 At Cambridge (this copy). 123 Joh. Nider, Sennones totius anni. Ult. Aug. 1480. Folio. [7 At Cambridge (this copy). Unknown 'Printer : 32 Guil. de Gouda Tractatus de expositione missae. 4. [8 At Cambridge (this copy). Certainly not printed at Deventer. B. 14 210 FIFTEENTH CENTURY BOOKS [XI BASLE (1468). Leonh Ysenhut (1489) : 27 "Walfart oder bylgrung der seligen Jungfrowen Marie. 1489. 8. [9 At Cambridge (this copy) Leaf 1, wanting in this copy, is not blank, but contains the title, &c. See Hain 9327. UNKNOWN PLACE (? NUREMBERG). Unknown Printer : . 73 b Horologium devotionis. 8. [10 See below, n 13. 73 C De vita et beneficiis J. C. 8. [11 See below, n 13. 73 d Ger de Zutphania, Tractatus de spiritualibus ascensionibus. 8. [12 See below, n 13. UNKNOWN PLACE (? in ALSACE). Unknown Printer ; 73 a Horae secundum usum ecclesiae Romanae. 8. [13 This volume is now in the library of the Duo d' Arenberg. ITALY (1465). ROME (1467). Fran de Cinquinis (1479) : 109 Antonini archiep. Florentini Summula confessionis. 4. [14 At Cambridge (this copy). VENICE (1469). Vindel de Spira (1470) : 472 Fran Philelphi Epistolae. Ab. 1472. Folio. [15 At Cambridge (this copy). Erh Ratdolt de Augusta (1478) : 349 Fran Mataratius de componendis versibus. 7 Cal. Dec. 1468 (i.e. 1478). 4. [ 16 XI] IN THE DE MEYER COLLECTION. 211 FRANCE (1470). PARIS (1470). Pet Caesaris and Joh Stoll (1473) : 534 Valerius Maximus. 1475. Folio. [17 At Cambridge (this copy). Guido Mercator (1483) : 120 S. Bonaventurae Sermones de morte. 1494. 4. [18 LYONS (1473). Joh Schuab alias Cleyn ( ) : 124 S. Vincentii Sermones de tempore, de oratione douiinica, fcc. 1499. 2 vols. 4. [19 Hain *7013. HOLLAND (147173). UTRECHT (1473). Joh Veldener, late of Louvain (1478): 17 Epistelen en Ewangelien. 30 Jul. 1479. Ed. A. 4. [20 BRH 50. MT 39. At Cambridge (this copy). 491 Fasciculus temporum. 14 Feb. 1480. Folio. [21 BRH 51. MT 39, 40. At Cambridge. 7(1479): 145 a Otten van Passau, Boeck des gulden throens. 30 Mar. 1480. Folio. [22 BRH 46. MT 42, 43, 44. At Cambridge. DEVENTER (1477). Hie Pa/roed de Colonia (1477), before 1486 : 100 Speculum exemplorum. 2 Mai. 1481. Folio. [23 BRH 266. At Cambridge (this copy). 90 S. Augustini Confessiones. 1483. 4. [24 BRH 269. MT 64. At Cambridge (this copy). Ric Paffroed de Colonia, after 1487 : 31 a Guil de Gouda, Tractatus de expositione missae. 20 Feb. 1490. 40 [25 BRH 286. At Cambridge (this copy). 142 212 FIFTEENTH CENTURY BOOKS [xl 3 l b Colloquium peccatoris et crucifixi &c. 18 Nov. 1491. 4. [26 BKH 294. At Cambridge (this copy). Jac de Breda (1486) : 21 Guillermi Postilla super Epistolas et Evangelia. 21 Jul. 1491. 40. [27 Not in BEH. 348 Maphei Vegii Vita Divi Antonii. Ab. 1491. 4. [28 BKH 355. At Cambridge. 99 Quatuor novissima. 6 Dec. 1494. 4. [29 BBH 370. At Cambridge (this copy). 101 b Stella clericorum. 17 Jan. 1498. 4. [30 BEH 387. At Cambridge (this copy). 327 Gemma vocabulorum. 30 Mar. 1498. 4. [31 BEH 388. At Cambridge (this copy). GOUDA (1477). Ger Leeu (1477): 509 Passionael, somerstuc. 1 Apr. 1480. Folio. [32 BEH 412, vol. 2. MT 68. VDM 18. At Cambridge (this copy). 507 S. Hieronymus, Vaderboeck. 3 Dec. 1480. Folio. [33 BEH 416. VDM 22. At Cambridge (this copy). 101 a S. Bonaventurae Soliloquium. Early in 1484. 4. [34 BEH 169. Not in VDM. VI 13, but unquestionably not by Th. Martens. At Cambridge (this copy). See Note B. Printer of the Teghen die strael der minnen (1484) : 19 Epistelen eft Evangelien. 23 Jun. 1484. 4. [35 Not in BEH. VDM 42 (this copy). At Cambridge (this copy). See NoteC. DELFT (1477). Jac Jacobszoen van der Meer and Maur Temantszoen van Mid- delborch (1477) : 3 Bible in duytsche. 10 Jan. 1477. 5 Parts, Folio. [36 BEH 425. MT 81. At Cambridge. 107 Summe le roy. 24 Apr. 1478. 4. [37 BEH 427. MT81. At Cambridge (this copy). Jac Jacobszoen vander Meer (1480) : 10 Die duytsche Souter. 12 Feb. 1480. 8. [38 BEH 429. MT 82. At Cambridge (this copy). XI] IN THE DE MEYER COLLECTION. 213 18 Epistelen efi Ewangelien. 1481. 4. [39 BEH 433. MT 82. 20 Epistelen efi Ewangelien. 1484. 4. [40 Not in BBH. Chr Snellaert (1488) : 101 d Formula vivendi canonicorum. Apr. 1496. 4. [41 BBH 474. At Cambridge (this copy). There is a slight mistake here in the sale catalogue. What is marked 101 d is really the Quatuor no- vissima printed at Deventer by Jac. de Breda in 1502 followed by the Formula vivendi canonicorum printed at Delft by Ch. Snellaert in April 1496. Hen Eckert van Homberch (1498) : 508 S. Hieronymus, Vaderboeck. 1498. Folio. [42 BBH 464. At Cambridge (this copy). ZWOLLE (1479). Pet van Os (1479) : 121 S. Bonaventurae Sermones. 1479. Folio. [43 BBH 479. MT 89. At Cambridge. See Note D. 94 S. Bernaerd Sermonen, Winterstuc. 24 Dec. 1484. Folio. [44 BBH 487, vol. i. At Cambridge (this copy). 146 Der Bien boeck. 15 Jan. 1488. Folio. [45 BBH 492. At Cambridge (this copy). 438 Esopus grecus per Laur Vallam translatus. Ab. 1495. 4. [46 BBH 486. At Cambridge (this copy). Not by Ger Leeu. See Note D. 26 Ludolphus, Leven ons heeren J. C. 15 Mar. 1499. Folio. [47 BBH 506. At Cambridge. HAARLEM (1483). Jac Bellaert (1483): 106 Summe le roy of des conincs summe. 31 Mai. 1484. 4. [48 BBH 14. At Cambridge. 957 Bartholomeus Engelsman, Boeck van den proprieteijten der dinghen. 24 Dec. 1485. Folio. [49 BBH 18. MT 35. At Cambridge. BELGIUM (1473). ALOST (1473). Th Martens (2 d Press, 1487) : 115 Horologium aeternae sapientiae. Ab. 1486-7. 4. [50 BBH 57. VI 20. At Cambridge. 214 FIFTEENTH CENTURY BOOKS [XI 116 Another copy. [51 255 Juliani Pomerii Praenosticata. Ab. 1486-7. 4. [52 Not in BEH. VI 18. At Cambridge. 210 Formula vivendi canonicorum. 4. [53 Not in BBH. VI 17. At Cambridge (this copy). 138 Pectorale dominicae passionis. 4. [54 BBH 144. VI 15. At Cambridge (this copy). 122 Sermones super Salve regina. 9 Jul. 1487. 4. [55 BBH 59. VI 24. At Cambridge. 114 Angeli de Clavasio Summa Angelica de casibus conscientiae. 4 Jul. 1490. Folio. [56 BBH 60. MT46. VI 27. At Cambridge. LOUVAIN (1474). Joh de West/alia, late of Alost (1474): 237 Regimen sanitatis Salernitanum. Ab. 1480. 4. [57 Not in BBH, not 586. At Cambridge (this copy). 217 Antidotarius animae. Ab. 1483-4. Folio. [58 BBH 113. At Cambridge. Joh Veldener, late of Kuilenburg (1484-85) : 137 Alphabetum divini amoris. 8. [59 BEH 590. MT 47. At Cambridge (this copy). See Note E. 234 Herbarius. Ab. 1484-85. Ed. A. 4. [60 Not in BKH, not 539. At Cambridge (this copy). See Note E. Egid van der fleerstraten (1486) : 8 Joh Beetz super decem praeceptis decalogi. 19 Apr. 1486. Ed. A. Folio. [61 BBH 137. MT 55. At Cambridge (this copy). Lud de Ravescot (1488) : 103 Petri de Rivo Opus responsivum, 1488. (1488.) Folio. [62 BBH 132. MT 57, 58. At Cambridge. BRUSSELS (1476). Fratres communis vitae (1476) : 172 Aegidii Carlerii Sporta fragmentorum, 1478; et Sportula frag- mentorum, 1479. Folio. [63 BBH 242. 22 Joh de S. Laurentio Postillae Evangeliorum. 4 Non. Oct. 1480. Folio. [64 BKH 245. At Cambridge. XI] IN THE DE MEYER COLLECTION. 215 95 Petri Blesensis Epistolae. Ab. 1480. Folio. [65 BBH 250. At Cambridge (this copy). 118 S. Bernard! Sermones. In prof esto Pentecostes 1481. Folio. [66 BRH 252. At Cambridge (this copy). AUDENARDE (1480). Am Caeswris (1480) : 1 25 Hermanni de Petra de Scutdorpe Sermones. 1480. Folio. [67 BBH 515. MT 95. VDH p. 8. ANTWERP (1482). Matth van der Goes (1482) : 102 Stella clericorum. Ab. 1486. 4. [68 Not in BBH, not 157. At Cambridge (this copy). 238 Kanuti Regimen contra pestilentiam. Ab. 1486. 4. [69 Not in BBH. 230 Alberti magni Liber secretorum, etc. Ab. 1486-87. 4. [70 BBH 160. At Cambridge (this copy). 133 De imitatione Christi. Ab. 1486-87. 4. [71 BBH 162. Ger Leeu, late of Gouda (1484) : 334 Albertanus Causidicus Brixiensis de arte loquendi et tacendi. Jun. 1485. 4. [72 Not in BBH. VDM 55. 328 Gemmula vocabulorum. 23 Aug. 1486. 4. [73 BBH 173. ? VDM 66. 173 R. Samuelis Redargutio contra Judaeorum errores. 15 Kal. Nov. 1486. 4. [74 BRH 595. VDM 65. At Cambridge (this copy). 24 Ludolphus, Leven ons heren J. C. 3 Nov. 1487. Folio. [75 BBH 178. MT 98, 106. VDM 77. At Cambridge. 169 Van de gheestelike kintscheyt ihesu ghemoraliseert. 16 Feb. 1488. 8. [76 BBH 182. VDM 84. At Cambridge (this copy). 216 Auctoritates Aristotelis, &c. 1 Jul. 1488. 4. [77 Not in BBH. VDM 90. 145 b (Fragment of a leaf of) Historic van Grisildis. Ab. 1487. 4. [78 Not in BBH. Not in VDM. 216 FIFTEENTH CENTURY BOOKS, ETC. [XI 218 Albertus Magnus de virtutibus animae. 14 Mar. 1489. 4. [79 BBH 189. VDM 99. At Cambridge. 437 Dialogus creaturarum. 14 Apr. 1491. 4. [80 BBH 197. VDM 112. At Cambridge (this copy). 516 b Die historic, ghetiden en exempelen van sint Annen. Ab. 1492. 8. [81 Not in BBH. VDM 115 or 142? At Cambridge (this copy). Not printed by the Collacie Breeders at Gouda. See Note F. Class Leeu (1487) : 25 Ludolphus, Leven ons heeren J. C. anderwerven gheprint. 20 Nov. 1488. Folio. [82 BRH 211. MT 106. At Cambridge (this copy). Th Martens, late of Alost (1493) : 98 Mich Francisci de Insulis Quodlibetica decisio. 1496. Ed. A. 4. Pr. on vellum. [83 BBH 146. VI 31. At Cambridge (on paper). See Note G. Adr van Liesvelt (1494): 517 Die historic, ghetiden en exempelen van sint Annen. 1 Sept. 1496. 8. [84 BBH 226. At Cambridge (this copy). GHENT (1483). Am Caesaris, late of Audenarde (1483): 143 Guillermi Alverni Rhetorica divina. 11 Kal. Sept. 1483. 4. [85 BBH 535. MT 113. VDH 1. 215 Boecius, Vijf bouken de consolatione philosophic. 3 Mai. 1485. Large folio. [86 BBH 536 or 641. MT 113, 114. VDH 3. At Cambridge. NOTES. NOTE A. THE PRINTER OP THE Flores B. Augustini. I CAN see no ground for attributing this to Veldener's press. This and the Dialogi decem variorum auctorum which is dated 1473, are clearly from the same press, and Mr Holtrop seems to have attributed them to Veldener's Cologne press, on the authority of Dr Kloss and others; see BRH. Part 2, Nos. 118, 119. In the Monumens Typographiques, having ascertained from Mr Van Even's researches, that Veldener matriculated at Louvain in 1473, Mr Holtrop gives facsimiles of these two works as the earliest specimens of Veldener's Louvain press. But the type is not at all identical with that of the Consolatio peccatorum which has the letter to Veldener (dated 7 August 1474) prefixed, and which may be looked upon as the earliest known production of his press at Louvain or anywhere. It is very evident that Veldener had some typographical relations with Arnold ter Hoernen, Nic. Goetz of Sletzstat, and perhaps other Cologne printers, but until all these little known Cologne books have been really studied with method, it is very unsafe to attribute this or that book to any particular printer, unless in the case of absolute identity of type with some acknow- ledged production of the printer to whom it is attributed. Had there been any acknowledged production of Veldener's in precisely this type known to exist, Mr Holtrop would without fail have given us a facsimile of it in his Monumens. NOTE B. THE PRINTER OP THE S. Bonaventurae Soliloquium. Mr Holtrop has conclusively shewn in his Etude bibliographique concerning Thierry Martens, that the group of books of which the present volume is one were not printed by Thierry Martens at all, but by Gerard Leeu, with the type first used by him at Gouda at the close of 1483, and transferred with his other stock to Antwerp in the summer of 1484. It becomes then necessary to enquire what points may be taken as characteristics by which we may distinguish 218 FIFTEENTH CENTURY BOOKS [XI Leeu's Antwerp and Gouda books from each other. In the Cata- logus Mr Holtrop dates the present volume c. 1485 86 ; but I do not see on what grounds. I can find none of Leeu's Antwerp books (from September 1484 onwards) with a blank leaf at the beginning instead of a title-page ; while in all his Gouda books I can find none that have any trace of a title-page except the exceptional volume Van Marien rosen cransken (BRH. 420). On this ground I do not hesitate to class all the dateless books in this type, with blank title- pages, 33 lines to a page, and with signatures printed to the sheet, not to the leaf, (a 1, a 3, b 1, b 3 etc.) as printed by Ger. Leeu at Gouda during the first half of 1484. NOTE C. THE PRINTER OF THE Teghen die strael der minnen. When at Ghent on the day before the sale began, I omitted to examine this volume as carefully as I had intended to do. But when Mr Boone succeeded in rescuing the volume for me from the hands of a Paris bookseller who had bought it at the sale, and it came into my possession, my surprise was only equalled by the pleasure of the unexpected discovery which followed. I had been anxious to get the book because, believing it to be Gerard Leeu's, I knew that his latest known book printed at Gouda was dated 19 June 1484, while his earliest Antwerp book was dated 18 Sep- tember 1484; and any Gouda book even a few days later than his latest known book would be a satisfactory acquisition. However on examining the type, it was clearly not Leeu's at all, and at first it seemed quite strange to me, until after a few minutes it occurred to me to compare it with Mr Holtrop's facsimile of one of his few remaining unsolved difficulties, a volume called Teghen die strael der minnen, of which he says that the idiom shews it to have been printed in Holland rather than in Belgium, while the type is unlike any that he has seen elsewhere. Examination shewed that the type of the two books was identical, and the printer's habits (punctua- tion, mode of printing signatures, etc.) were also the same in both. Accordingly, as the type may be easily recognised by any one from Mr Holtrop's facsimile published in his Monumens Typographiques, I call the printer until further information is found, the Printer of the " Teghen die strael der minnen" But the existence of the present volume has a further interest. XI] IN THE DE MEYER COLLECTION. 219 Until a few years ago it was only known that Gerard Leeu printed at Goucla from 1477 till the summer of 1484, and that the Fratres Collationum printed there from 1496 onwards; and further that there was preserved in the library at Liibeck a dateless book (which however bore marks of being a production of the xvth century) printed at Gouda by one Govaert van Ghemen. One or two school- books were set down in the catalogues with the date Gouda 1486 etc., but they were not forthcoming, and modern bibliographers had come to deny their very existence. A few years ago I communicated to Mr Holtrop the fact that our library at Cambridge possessed a book entitled " Opusculum quintupertitum grammaticale," printed in two sizes of type, with woodcut initials, and with a full imprint, shewing the book to have been printed at Gouda by Gotfridus de Os 13 November 1486. Very soon afterwards Mr Holtrop discovered an imperfect copy of the same book at Cologne, and this at once enabled him to attribute several until then unclaimed books to the same printer, from the identity of the types. The number has been since increased, and now includes several productions of a remarkable nature, volumes of poetry and romances full of spirited woodcuts, all tending to place Gotfridus de Os or Govaert van Ghemen (for there can be little doubt of their identity) in the first rank of master printers. From the great variety of types which it is necessary to attribute to him, I have but little doubt that the Teghen die strael der minnen and our Epistelen en Evangelien are also from his press, though I cannot as yet place them under his name, because I cannot yet point to any type, initial-letter, or wood- cut, which is common to both sets of books. The most interesting point at present is that the fact of the volume of Epistelen en Evangelien being dated 23 June 1484, proves conclusively that this printer did not succeed Gerard Leeu at Gouda on the removal of the latter to Antwerp, but that he must have had a press at work at Gouda before Leeu left. The woodcuts are those which belonged to Leeu, but this only shews the friendly relations which existed between the two printers, and Leeu must still have been residing at Gouda when this book was finished. There is another point too, which has not, I believe, been hitherto noticed, which may lead us to believe that Gotfr. de Os was in Gouda in 1484. Two of the books from his press bear the remarkable device of an elephant and castle with the arms of Gouda and the letters G. D. The woodcuts are different in the two books, 220 FIFTEENTH CENTURY BOOKS [XI but the device is practically the same in both '. Mr Holtrop has brought to light an interesting passage from the Chronicle of Hol- land, shewing that an elephant was led about through several towns in Holland in the year 1484 to the no small gain of its owners. Mr Holtrop adduces this fact merely to shew why the elephants in our printer's device and in the Haarlem Bartholomews printed in 1485 are so much more like real elephants than that in the Dialogus creaturarum of 1480 (also printed at Gouda) and the still earlier woodcuts of the Speculum humanae salvationis. But it seems to me quite possible that if Govaert van Ghemen was printing in Gouda in 1484, he may have been struck with the howdah on the elephant's back and the identity of the word in sound with the name of the town, and so may from this cause have been led to adopt the elephant and castle as his device. But no doubt, if the subject is pursued in Holland with anything like the zeal and discernment of the present authorities at the Hague, other books will some day be found, which will afford a solution of most of these difficulties. There is a special reason which I must mention, why the history of this press should have a particular interest to one engaged in forming a museum of early printing in an English library. It has not, I believe, been ever noticed that part of the printing materials of Govaert van Ghemen passed over to England about the time that he seems to have removed to Copenhagen. Caxton died in 1491 and was succeeded in his business by Wynkyn de Worde (Wijnand or Wijnkijn van Woerden) ; and some of the large type, the wood- cut of the master and scholars, and many of the woodcut initials used by Govaert van Ghemen (all figured in the Monumens Typo- graphiques) are to be seen in many of W. de Worde's early books ; indeed the woodcut initials are what specially serve at once to distinguish W. de Worde's earliest from Caxton's latest books. NOTE D. PRINTING AT ZWOLLE. Scant justice has been rendered to Zwolle in the Monumens 1 It is in what looks to an un- into the incunabula typographica of educated eye like stones on the ground his country will some day be pub- in one of these, that the practised eye lished. They cannot fail to throw of Mr J. H. Hessels has detected the some fresh light on the vexed question words G. v. Os. It is to be hoped of the origin of printing, that Mr Hessels' minute researches Xl] IN THE DE MEYER COLLECTION. 221 Typoyraphiques ; and the whole article needs re-writing, and the account of the types used at the press there re-stated with greater accuracy and somewhat more research. Known to be a very early seat of the engraver's art, and to be the place where the blocks of the original Biblia pauperum re-appear on the revival of wood- engraving in Holland, and so not at all impossibly the very place at which this the earliest of the block-books was produced, Zwolle deserves to have its typographical history studied with more care. The method of arranging these early books under the countries, towns and presses at which they were produced is the only one which can really advance our knowledge of the subject. This is comparatively easy with dated books, though there is no safeguard against the misleading nature of an erroneous date. But the study is of little use unless the bibliographer will be content to make such an accurate and methodical study of the types used and habits of printing observable at different presses, as to enable him to observe and be guided by these characteristics in settling the date of a book which bears no date on the surface. We do not want the opinion or dictum of any bibliographer however experienced ; we desire that the types and habits of each printer should be made a special subject of study, and those points brought forward which shew changes or advance from year to year, or, where practicable, from month to month. When this is done, we have to say of any dateless or falsely dated book that it contains such and such characteristics, and we therefore place it at such a point of time, the time we name being merely another expression for the characteristics we notice in the book. In fact each press must be looked upon as a genus, and each book as a species, and our business is to trace the more or less close connexion of the different members of the family according to the characters which they present to our observation. The study of palaeotypography has been hitherto mainly such a dilettante matter, that people have shrunk from going into such details, though when once studied as a branch of natural history, it is as fruitful in interesting results as most subjects. The Librarians at the Hague have done very good service, and the Catalogue of 1856 is far the most valuable contribution to this class of literature which we have, so far as extent is concerned ; but they are apparently still very far from recognising the natural history method, if I may so call it, as the only one which can be productive of really valuable results. It is because the case of Zwolle is a good illustration of what I mean, 222 FIFTEENTH CENTURY BOOKS [XI that I have written these remarks as introductory to a specimen of the kind of classification which I wish to see adopted. If I say anything which may seem to disparage the labours of Mr Holtrop and Mr Campbell, they will know that I do not undervalue them, seeing that except Mr Blades's monograph of Caxton's press, the Hague Catalogue and Menu-metis Typographiques are the only books existing in any literature, so far as I know, which render the study of palaeotypography in any way possible upon a proper basis. Germany, Italy, France and Spain are at present perfectly imprac- ticable fields of work, and are I fear likely to remain so for some time to come. The following sketch is an extract from an analysis of the Manumens Typographiques des Pays-Bas so far as it relates to Zwolle. Having subscribed for two copies of the work, I cut up one of them into the whole number of separate facsimiles of which the book was composed ; and then with these materials and the examination of actual books, wherever they came within my reach, and with the aid, in the case of a few presses, of correspondence with Mr Holtrop, the way became clearer towards grouping the several books according to their types. At Zwolle eleven different founts of type occur between 1479 and 1500; and these enable us to mark four clear groups of books easily distinguished, while on more minute grounds they are separable into twelve classes. Of the four groups the first consists of books printed in types peculiar to the place, types of four different sizes (nos. 1 to 4), but with a strong family likeness to each other (1479 1483). In the second group (1484 1492) the predominant type (no. 5) is that used at Gouda by Gerard Leeu from 1477 to 1482, and from that point discontinued by him. The chief type (no. 8) in the third group (1493 to 1497-8) is very like the large type taken by Gerard Leeu from Gouda to Antwerp in 1484, and is something between that and the type used at Gouda by Govaert van Ghemen, and after him by the Deventer printers. The fourth group (1497-8 to 1500) is distinguished by the type (no. 11) known by the name of Henrick die Lettersnider. The twelve classes I have distinguished as A to M, and the characteristics which I have taken sufficiently indicate the meaning of the groups. One mistake in the imprint of the Psalterium, a mistake which is constantly occurring, has caused a great deal of confusion ; and from the date being read 6 Nov. 1480 instead of Nov. 1486, the whole history of the types has Xl] IN THE DE MEYER COLLECTION. 223 been obscured. It ought to have been observed that the book has a printed title-page, which first occurs late in 1484; that it has a device which only came in in 1484 ; that the type is that dis- continued by Gerard Leeu after 1482; and the woodcut of Christ under the press is a copy from one of Gerard Leeu's set of 66 cuts which make their first appearance in 1482; so that it could not have been printed in 1480. Put this book to its right place, and anyone can see that Types 1, 2, 3, and 4, though differing in size, are palpably cut by the same artist ; indeed, some of the letters are almost identical. Therefore as the name of Peter van Os occurs in connexion with Types 3 and 4, I feel at liberty to class them all under his name. When the lost productions of Joh. de Vollenhoe are found it will be time enough to investigate the nature of the types used by him. About the latest books, I have but few materials to work upon, as we have only two books at Cambridge later than 1495. I can find no trace of the old two devices being used after 1495, while in the Bartholomew Coloniensis Canones of 1500 the so-called device of Tyman van Os is used with the name however of Peter van Os (Petrus Ossensis). From my classification it will be seen that there are no types at this period proper to Tyman van Os, nor any book with his name that can fairly be included in the xvth century ; so, except the one which bears his name, I have attributed them to the father. But there will be other occasions of going more deeply into this question than is suit- able at the present moment. ZWOLLE (1479). IJoh. de Vollenhoe (1479). Mentioned by Prosper Marchand as the printer of an edition of Petri Hispani Tractatus in 1479, but no copy is now known to exist, nor any other productions of his press. Peter van Os of Breda (1479). Class A. Types 1, 2 ; no printed signatures ; no device ; no title- page. 1479. 1. S. Bonaventurae Sermones. With place, no printer's name, 1479. Folio. MT. 89c : Text and imprint, Type 2. 224 FIFTEENTH CENTURY BOOKS [XI 2. Vocabularius ' Ex quo.' With place, no printer's name, Dec. 1479. 4to. MT. 88b : Text and imprint, Type 1. 3. S. Bonaventurae Centiloquium. With place, no printer's name, no year (1479). 4to. MT. 89a : Imprint, Type 2. 4. Modus contitendi. No place, no printer's name, no year (1479). 4to. MT. 88a : Text, Type 1. 5. Theod. de Hercksen Speculum juvenum. No place, no printer's name, no year '(1479). 4to. MT. 89b : Text, Type 2. Class B. Type 2 ; printed signatures ; no device ; no title-page. 1480. 6. Fr. Hugonis de Prato Sermones dominicales. With place, no printer's name, 1480. Folio. MT. 89d : Imprint, Type 2. Class C. Types 3, 4; printed signatures; no device; no title- page. (71481-1483). 7. Caroli Viruli Epistolae quas Correctoria vocant. With place, with printer's name, no year (1 1481-1483). 4to. MT. 90d : Text and imprint, Type 3. 8. Joh. de Garlandia Cornutus etc. No place, no printer's name, no year (? 1481-1483). 4to. MT. 90e : Text, Type 3 ; Commentary, Type 4. Class D. Type 5; printed signatures; devices 1, 2*; no title- page. Early in 1484. 9. Die gesten van Romen. With place, with printer's name, May 1484. Folio. MT. 92a : Device 2*. Class E. Type 5; printed signatures; devices 1, 2 a ; printed title-page. Late in 1484. BKH. 487, vol. 1, S. Bernardus Sermonen, Winterstuck (printed 24 Dec. 1484), has all these characteristics, but no facsimile is given. Class F. Type 5 ; printed signatures ; devices 1, 2 b ; printed title- page. 1485-1489. 10. Der sielen troest. With place, with printer's name, 21 July 1485. Folio. XI] IN THE DE MEYER COLLECTION. 22-") MT. 93a : woodcut (but this cut is borrowed from the Gesten van Romen, and, as such, is the cut formerly belonging to Ger. Leen at Gouda, and used by him in his edition of that work). MT. 92b : Device 2 b . 11. Psalterium ; Augustinus de laude et virtute psalmorum. With place, with printer's name, Nov. 1486. 4to. MT. 90a 1 : Text, Type 5 ; Device 1. MT. 90a2 : Imprint, Type 5; Woodcut (copied from one in Gerard Leeu's series of 66 cuts of 1482). 12. Dat Sterfboeck. With place, with printer's name, 1488. Folio. MT. 93b: Woodcut (a Dutch copy from the original Latin Ar* moriendi). MT. 92d : Woodcut initials A, B, D, E, G, H, M, N, T. Class O. Types 5, 6; printed signatures; devices 1, 2 b ; printed title-page. 1490. 13. Passionael mitten Martirologio, Winter-stuck. With place, with printer's name, Nov. 1 490. Folio. MT. 92c : Woodcut initial H. The title of this book is in Type fi, and the text in Type 5, but no facsimile of the type is given. Class H. Types 5, 6, 7 ; printed signatures ; devices 1, 2 b ; printed title-page. 1491 (-1492 ?). 14. Psalterium Virginis Mariae. No date (1491). 8vo. MT. 90c : First line of text, Type 5 ; rest of text, and heading, Type 7. (I had placed this here conjecturally, because I had never seen the book, and no account of it is given in the MT. except as being without date ; so that until further information was obtained, it was necessary to put it last among the books in which Type 5 occurs, and that type disappears after 1492. Since then, however, the arrangement is confirmed by the dis- covery that the Exercitia utilissima pro Jiorix solvendis is also in Types 5 and 7, and is dated 30 April 14yl.) Class I. Types 6, 8 ; printed signatures ; devices 1, 2 b ; printed title-page. 1493. 15. Epistelen ende Ewangelien mitten Sermonen. With place, with printer's name, 27 March 1493. 4to. MT. 90b : Text and imprint, Type 8. Class K. Types 6, 8, 9, 10; printed signatures; devices 1, 2 b ; printed title-page. 1494-1497 (? 1498). 16. Rosetum exercitiorum spiritualium. No place, no printer's name, 1494. Folio. B. 15 FIFTEENTH CENTURY BOOKS [XI MT. 91a 1 : Title, lines 1, 2, woodcut ; line 3, Type 8. MT. 91a 2 : Woodcut (Half a block of the original Canticum Can- ticorum). MT. 50*0 : Text, line 1, Type 9 : lines 24, Type 10. MT. 91a 3 : Head-line and imprint, Type 8 ; Text, Type 9. 17. Baptistae Mantuani Secundae Parthenices opus. With place, no printer's name, 1497. 4to. MT. 94a 1 : Title, line 1, Type 6 ; lines 25, Type 8. MT. 94a 2 : Text, Type 9 ; Imprint, Type 8. 18. Liber faceti. No place, no printer's name, no year (1 1497). 4to. MT. 94b: Title, line 1, Type 6; lines 2, 3, Type 8; Woodcut (copied from that used by Jacobus de Breda at Deventer). Class L. Types 9, 10, 11 ; printed signatures ; ? device ; printed title-page. 1499. BBH 506, Ludolphus, Leven ons heereu J. C. (printed 15 March 1499), is in Type 11, and without any device ; but no facsimile is given in the MT. of any book as printed by Peter van Os after 1494. Class M. Types 9, 10, 11 ; printed signatures ; device 3 ; printed title-page. 1500. Bartholomei Coloniensis Canones (printed by ' Petru's Ossensis' in 1500) is in Types 10 and 11, with device 3 ; but no facsimile is given in the MT. Tyman Petersoen van Os (1 xv. century). Class A. At Zwolle ; Types of Peter van Os 9, 11 ; Device of Peter van Os 3 ; printed signatures ; printed title-page. 1. Aristoteles de moribus ad Eudemium. With place, with printer's name, no year. 4to. MT. 94c : Text, Type 9 of P. van Os ; Head-line and imprint, Type 11 of P. van Os ; Device 3 of P. van Os. Class B. At Zutphen ; bis own device ; his own type. 1518. 2. Die costelike scat der geesteliker rijckdom. Zutphen, with printer's name, 1518. MT. 94d 1 : Imprint. MT. 94d 2 : Device. As the Esopus grecus is printed wholly in Type 8, which did not come into use till 1493, it is clearly erroneous to date it "about 1484," as is done in the Hague Catalogue, or to attribute it to Gerard Leeu, as is done in the present sale catalogue. By dating XI] IN THE DE MEYER COLLECTION. 227 it "about 1495" I mean that according to our present knowledge, it may have been printed any time between 1493 and 1497. NOTE E. THE PRINTER OP THE Herbarius. DID VELDENER RETURN FROM KUILENBURG TO LOUVAIN? In the Sale Catalogue the Herbarius is erroneously attributed to the press of Mathias van der Goes at Antwerp about 1482 ; and the title there given to it, Herbarius of Kruidboeck in dietsche, is some- what misleading, seeing that the Dutch translation is always known as the Herbarius of Kruidboeck in dietsche, while this is the original latin with merely the Dutch name of each plant added to the latin name in the heading. Two sizes of type are used in the book, a smaller for the text and a larger for the headings. They are evidently meant to go together, and must be the work of the same artist, as almost all the capitals have a very close resemblance in the two alphabets. They are found together, so far as I know, only in the following books : 1. Mat/teoli Perusini Tractatus de memoria ; in quarto, 6 leaves, no printed signatures, the first leaf blank. 2. Tractatus de aegritudinibus infantium ; in quarto, only known from four leaves which I discovered a few years ago in the binding of a book at Cambridge. 3. The present Herbarius in latino, ed. A.; in quarto, 174 leaves, with printed signatures only in the second part or last two quires of the book, the first leaf blank. 4. Herbarius in latino, ed. B. ; a page-for-page reprint of ed. A., only that the first leaf is not blank but contains a printed title-page with Veldener's device No. 2 b . Both editions of the latin Herbarius are proved to be subsequent to the edition of the Kruidboeck in dietsche which is dated 1484, from the fact of a fracture in the cut of the Acetosa which is found in both the latin editions, while in the Dutch edition it is entire ; and the Kruidboeck dated 1484 is presumed to be subsequent to the latin edition printed at Mentz in the same year, because in the Dutch edition the cuts are simply reverse copies of those in the Mentz edition. The large type is not found, I believe, in any book from any other press. Accordingly, from the title-page of no. 4 in the above 152 228 FIFTEENTH CENTURY BOOKS [XI list, it is necessary to attribute all these books to Veldeuer, until they are proved to have been printed by some one else. The smaller type is found elsewhere. It appears, 8 June 1486, in a book printed at Louvain by Egidius van der Heerstraten (Earth. Cepollae Vero- nensis Cautelae, BRH. 139), and afterwards there till 1488. It appears, 4 Oct. 1486, in a book printed at Delft (De spiritu Gwi- donis, BRH 468), and afterwards there till 1491. It appears, 21 June 1487, in a book printed at Antwerp by Mathias van der Goes (Semnones quattuor novissimorum, BRH 1 65) ; and from the mode of printing this last book, it is clear that several books which issued from the press of M. van der Goes in the same type must have preceded this one, though all of them would be subsequent to 1484 \ Now it may be asked how we are to distinguish from one another books issued from these four presses, when they have no printer's name in the imprint. The answer is, that we must study the known characteristics of the several presses, and place the books according to those characteristics. For instance : I. In the Delft books this type is always used in combination with one or other of the well-known large types belonging to that press, as in the De spiritu Gwidonis where it is used with one, and in the Obitus B. Hieronymi and the two editions of the Quattuor novissima of Dionysius Carthusianus where it is used with another. (See the facsimiles in the Mon. Typ.} Besides this, in the Delft books the signatures run by leaves (a i, a ij, a iij, a iiij, b i, b ij, b iij, b iiij, and so on) which at once serves to distinguish them from all the other books in this type. II. Of the Antwerp books, many are in the smaller type alone, but in several it is found combined with a larger type which Math, van der Goes also procured from Veldener, the large black type which occurs in the headings of Veldener's Dutch edition of the Kruulboeck dated 1484. It is also found in combination with another large type which passed to Goes's successor, Godfr. Back, 1 In 1482 and early in 1483 M. his are known under the dates of 1485 van der Goes used the type which had and 1486; but in 1487 we find him, been used at Delft from 1477 to 1479 as is said above, using the smaller and was thenceforward disused there. type of the Herbarius in latino. All In 1484 we find him using a worn this has been worked out and ex- type of the East Flanders kind, the plained in the Monument Typographi- original owner of which has not yet ques by Mr Holtrop. been traced. I believe no books of XI] IN THE DE MEYER COLLECTION. 229 and was much used by several printers during the last ten or twelve years of the XVth century. (See the facsimiles in the M&n. Typ.) Some of these books too have the device of M. van der Goes, and all the later ones have woodcut initials; but the quartos may be easily distinguished from the Delft books by the signatures, which here run by sheets (a, a 3, b, b 3, and so on) instead of by leaves, not to mention the use of arabic numerals in the one and roman in the other. III. Of the books printed in this type at Louvain by Egidius van der Heerstraten almost all have his name ; but in other respects he never combines this type with any of a larger size; his signatures run like those in the Antwerp books, only they are for the most part some way below the text and not close under it ; and the page has generally a different aspect from the others. IV. As distinguished from all these, Yeldener's books in this type are almost all destitute of signatures, a very exceptional point at this date. Only in the second portion of the Herbarius in latino, which occupies the last three quires of the volume, they run not to the leaves (as in ordinary books), not to the sheets (as in the Ant- werp books and many others), but to the quire. The first quire begins with a blank page and therefore has no signature, and the second and third quires are simply signed on their first pages, 6 and c. From all these circumstances, I am led to attribute the Herbarius in latino, and the group of books in which it stands, to Veldener's press about 1484-85. At this point, however, another question presents itself. Where was this press? Was it at Kuilenburg as in 1483, or had Veldener removed to another place ? What points have we to guide us in forming a judgment? It will not take long to state the grounds which have convinced me that Veldener re- turned to Louvain in 1484, and there printed the group of latin books which have led to this discussion. The rare circumstance of finding the Herbarius in latino and Veldener's edition of the Alphabetum divini amoris in the same collection, has led me to what I believe to be the solution of the question. A slight sketch of the history of Veldener's various presses and types will be sufficient to explain the matter. Veldener was matriculated in the University of Louvain, in the faculty of medicine, 30 July 1473. There are nine kinds of type which can be identified with his presses. I have stated above (see 230 FIFTEENTH CENTURY BOOKS [XI Note A) that there is no apparent authority for attributing the Dialogl decem of 1473 and the books which go with this, to Vel- dener, so that I omit all consideration of this type. Type 1 appears in an edition of the Consolatio peccatorum of Jacobus de Theramo to which a letter is prefixed, addressed Jo- hanni Veldener artis impressoriae magistro, and dated 7 Aug. 1474. This type bears a strong resemblance to that of the Cologne printer, Nic. Goetz of Sletzstat. It was superseded by Type 3. Types 2 and 3 first appear, Type 2 in the rubrics and Type 3 in the text of the Lectura super institutionihus of Angelus de Gam- biglionibus de Aretio, printed at Louvain in 1475. Type 2 is of the West Flanders kind, and bears a strong resemblance to the type used by Caxton in the Quatre derrenieres chases before he left Flanders, and taken by him to England in 1477. In body they are precisely the same, and in most of the letters they are to all appearance identical. This type does not appear again in Vel- dener's books, being unsuited for the latin works which he printed while at Louvain. Type 3 is of the Cologne school and strongly resembles Arnold ter Hoernen's ordinary character, especially the capital letters. It superseded Type 1, and remained in use with Veldener till 1477, only with a number of the capitals of Type 1 mixed with it. Afterwards it appears with Conrad Braem at Louvain in 1481, and at Leyden with Heynricus Heynrici in 1483 and 1484. Type 4 first appears in the Fasciculus temporum printed at Lou- vain 4 Kal. Jan. 1476 secundum stilum romanae curiae (that is 29 Dec. 1475, as the year according to that reckoning began with Christ- mas). This is also of the Cologne school, being almost identical in form with Type 3, only considerably smaller. It is occasionally found used by Veldener at Utrecht, but only as a supplementary type and when needed for a special purpose. It passed afterwards into the possession of the Louvain printer, Ludovicus de Ravescot. So far Veldener's books are all in latin, for which the Cologne types are most suited. In 1478 he is found at Utrecht, and as all the books which he printed in Holland, whether at Utrecht or at Kuilenburg, appear to be in the vernacular, a different type was needed. Type 5 is used from 1478 to 1484 for the text of all the Dutch books printed by Veldener at Utrecht and Kuilenburg. It belongs to the West Flanders family, and bears a very strong resemblance XI] IN THE DE MEYER COLLECTION. 231 to that used at Bruges by Job. Briton, who claims to have ori- ginated this character. Type 5 passed from Veldener into the possession of the anonymous Louvain printer of the Physiognomia of Michael Scotus. Type 6 is used for the headings of the Kruidboeck in dietscJie printed, apparently at Kuilenburg, in 1484. It closely resembles the blacker type used at Bruges by Joh. Briton, only Veldener's is rather the larger of the two. It passed afterwards into the posses- sion of Matth. van der Goes the Antwerp printer. Types 7 and 8 are used, Type 7 for the headings and Type 8 for the text of the Herbarius in latino, which is necessarily subsequent in date to the Kruidboeck of 1484. Enough has been said about these types in the earlier part of this note. They both appear to be German in origin. Type 7 has points of resemblance to the corresponding type in the Mentz Herbarius. I have not investi- gated the relations of Type 8. Type 9 alone remains. All the others have a necessary sequence which enables us to number them according to the date of their coming into use. Type 9 is found in the Alphabetum divini amoris without date but professing to have been printed in universitate Lovaniensi. The type is not Dutch or Flemish in origin ; and if we may judge from the other books printed in the Low Countries in which this or very similar type is found, it is impossible to believe that the Alphabetum divini amoris was printed at Louvain before Veldener's removal to Utrecht in 1478. The course of this type has a considerable resemblance to that of Type 8 given above. One almost identical, only rather larger, was the first type used by Egid. van der Heerstraten at Louvain, 9 April 1486. Another similar type, identical in body but rather rounder, was used at Gouda by Gotfr. de Os, 13 Nov. 1486. Another, of the same family, was used by Thierry Martens when he started his second press at Alost in 1487. Among the earliest of his books printed there at this time is an edition of this same Alphabetum divini amoris dated 6 Febr. 1487 and containing the same number of leaves and lines to a page as Veldener's edition. These facts alone would lead one to consider whether Veldener may not have returned from Kuilenburg to Louvain. His books fall so naturally into three groups : a set of latin books printed at Louvain from 1474 to 1477; a set of Dutch books printed at Utrecht and Kuilenburg from 1478 to 1484; and a set of latin 232 FIFTEENTH CENTURY BOOKS [XI books having certain remarkable features of their typography in common, and one of them bearing the imprint of Lou vain. The type of this last is not the same as the types of the others, but I felt that an examination of the books side by side would not im- probably shew characteristics in common; and this conjecture lias been amply verified. The Herbarius is in quarto, the Alphabetum divini aiturris in octavo. The signatures at once attracted my attention. In the quarto, as mentioned above, where they occur at all, they are found only on the first page of the quire. In the octavo the sheets are simply signed on the first page of each, a, b, c, d, e, f. This however is not uncommon in octavo books, and would be an unsafe ground of inference. But when I took the AlpJtabetum divini amoris to pieces, and unfolded the quarter-sheets, I at once found that the length and breadth of the two octavo pages of the Alphabetum when spread out, precisely corresponded to the breadth and length of the full quarto page of the Herbarius, so that the same ' form ' would answer for both. On comparing the two with the Tractatus de aegritudinibus infantium I found the same correspondence ; and the whole series of circumstances thus led me to accept as a conclusion what had been up to that time a mere supposition. It is perhaps possible that further researches on the part of Mr van Evan, the learned archivist of Louvain, may lead to the discovery of some traces of Veldener's second residence at Louvain at this period. The very fact that three printers, Egidius van der Heerstrateu, Ludovicus de Ravescot, and the anonymous printer of the Physiognomia of Michael Scotus, all started about the same time at Louvain with type almost if not quite identical- 'with that possessed by Veldener in 1484, would seem to afford strong presumptive evidence that it was from Louvain that the dispersion of Veldener's printing stock took place. Whatever impression is finally left on our minds concerning Veldener's places of residence, the above investigation brings out one fact which may be mentioned here before closing this note; that Veldener was no doubt a type-founder, as he says himself, but that his designs for types were not original, being all borrowed from one side or from the other, sometimes from Cologne and sometimes from Bruges. This will be recognised by some, perhaps, as the clue to another difficulty of long standing, which this however is not the place to discuss. XI] IN THE DE MEYEU COLLECTION. 233 NOTE F. GERARD LEEU'S EDITION OP THE Historic van Sint Annen. A needless amount of confusion has been caused, concerning these two volumes, by a former bookbinder. No. 516 is, as described in the sale catalogue, a copy of Die historic ende mira- kelen S. Anna, overgheset by broeder W outer Bor, apparently printed at Antwerp by Hen. Eckert van Hombergh after 1500. No. 517 is, as described in the sale catalogue, a copy of Die historic die ghetiden ende die exempelen van Sint Annen, printed at Antwerp by Adr. van Liesveldt in 1496. The centre portion of the latter volume (no. 517) containing the Ghetiden or Hours of Saint Anne, seems to have been taken out by the original owner, and its place supplied by the corresponding portion of an earlier edition printed at Antwerp by Ger. Leeu about 1492. Leeu's edition is in much larger type than Liesveldt's, and was therefore no doubt found better adapted for devotional purposes. Unfortunately, when the two volumes (nos. 516 and 517) were given to a modern binder to rebind, the Liesveldt volume (no. 517) was bound up in the utmost disorder, and the portion of Leeu's edition was removed altogether and bound up between two consecutive leaves of a totally different book (no. 516), the History of Saint Anne by Wouter Bor! By good luck, both books eventually came into my possession, and after a careful dissection of both of them the confusion was removed. The result is that no. 81 in the present Index is a copy of Leeu's edition containing the Ghetiden but wanting the Historic and the Exempelen, and no. 84 is a copy of Liesveldt's edition containing the Historic and the Exempelen but wanting the Ghetiden. It should be said that Leeu's edition is printed in the type which he used from June 1491 till his death in 1493, and which is found from 1496 onwards in possession of the Collacie Breeders at Gouda. There are various points by which it is possible to distinguish Leeu's books from those of the Collacie Breeders when printed in the same type ; but there is no need to discuss these just at present. A comparison of the present fragment with nos. 115 and 142 in M. Van der Meersch's list of Leeu's books would probably shew that it belongs to one of those editions. 234 FIFTEENTH CENTURY BOOKS [XI NOTE G. THE TWO ISSUES OF THE Quodlibetica decisio OF MICHAEL DE INSULIS PRINTED BY THIERRY MARTENS. There are two copies of this Quodlibetica decisio in the Univer- sity Library at Cambridge, which it is necessary to call Ed. A. and Ed. B. for this reason. Ed. A. is the one described by Mr A. F. van Iseghem and in all the bibliographical books which I have examined. In this the body of the book (exclusive of the Office) ends on the recto of leaf 46, and the verso is occupied by the device of Antwerp Castle which had been from 1486 to 1493 the device of Gerard Leeu the Antwerp printer. In Ed. B. leaf 46 has been cancelled, and its place supplied by a fresh leaf, the recto of which is occupied by the same matter as in the other issue, only set up afresh by the printer ; but the verso has, instead of the printer's device, a long apology on the part of the author for the haste with which the work has been put together, stating that it was com- pleted on the 15th of June 1494. I cannot say how far this cancel throws light upon the date at which the book was printed. In any case the fact of the blank impression of the arms of Spain upon the last leaf, as mentioned in the sale catalogue, is most interesting to notice, and may lead to further observations. XI] IN THE DE MEYER COLLECTION. 235 TABLE of the numbers in the Sale Catalogue with the corresponding numbers of this Index. SALE CAT. INDEX. SALE CAT. INDEX. SALE CAT. INDEX. 3 36 lOlb 30 173 74 5 3 lOld 41 210 53 8 61 102 68 215 86 10 38 103 62 216 77 17 20 106 48 217 58 18 39 107 37 218 79 19 35 109 14 229 2 20 40 llOa 1 230 70 21 27 llOb 1 234 60 22 64 llOc 4 237 57 24 75 114 56 238 69 25 82 115 50 255 52 26 47 116 51 327 31 27 9 118 66 328 73 31a 25 120 18 334 72 31b 26 121 43 348 28 32 8 122 55 349 16 73a 13 123 7 437 80 73b 10 124 19 438 46 73c 11 125 67 472 15 73d 12 133 71 490 6 90 24 137 59 491 21 93 5 138 54 507 33 94 44 143 85 508 42 95 65 145a 22 509 32 98 83 145b 78 516b 81 99 29 146 45 517 84 100 23 169 76 534 17 lOla 34 172 63 957 49 236 CONTENTS. PAGE Preface 206 Index of the De Meyer xvth century books 209 NOTE A. The Printer of the Flores B. Augustini 217 NOTE B. The Printer of the S. Bonaventurae Soliloquium . . . NOTE C. The Printer of the Teghen die strael der minnen .... 218 NOTE D. Printing at Zwolle . . . 220 NOTE E. The Printer of the Herbarius. Did Veldener return from Kui- lenburg to Louvain? . . . . " . . . . 227 NOTE F. Gerard Leeu's edition of the Historie van Sint Annen . . . 233 NOTE G. The two issues of the Quodlibetica decisio of Michael de Insulis printed by Thierry Martens 234 Table of corresponding numbers 235 XII. ON THE ENGRAVED DEVICE USED BY Nico- LAUS GOTZ OF SLETZSTAT, THE COLOGNE PRIN- TER, IN 1474 1 . A GOOD deal of attention has been paid of late years to a kind of engraving which was practised largely in Germany in the fifteenth century, but which soon afterwards fell into disuse. These dotted or rather punctured prints (Oravures cribUes or Schrotbldtter), which were formerly looked upon as woodcuts, are now acknowledged to be specimens of goldsmith's work of a kind which had existed for many generations as ornamental work, but which only came to be used for printing from when the other methods of engraving on wood and copper had been invented for that purpose. After examining such recent works 2 1 A Communication read before tbe Cambridge Antiquarian Society, No- vember 21, 1870. 4 Those 1 have examined are the following : 1. Copies phot og raphiques dex plus rares gravures criblees, estampes, gra- vures en bois etc. du xv. et xvi. siecle qui se trouvent dans la collection royale d'entampes a Munic. Publiees par Robert Brulliot. Munic, 1856. 10 lirraisonx, Folio. Of these photo- graphs, seven are from gravures cri- blees; among them the St Christopher and the Woman of Samaria, alluded to below. 2. Le Pfintre-Graveur. Par. J. D. Passavant. Tome 1. Leipsic, 1860, 8vo. 3. Hiitoire de I'uriyine el den pro- gres de la gravure dams les Pays-Bus et en Allemagne jusqu'a la fin dit quiii- zieme siecle. Par Jules Renourier. Bruxelles, 1860, 8vo. It is singular that, though the author mentions the cuts used by Gotz in the text of his edition of the Fasciculus temporum, yet the device seems to have escaped his notice. 4. Documents iconographiques et typographiques de la bibliothequs royale de Belgique. 1* aerie (les bois), 2' livraison. Gravure cribtee, Impres- sions negatives. Par M. H. Hymans. Bruxelles, 1864, Folio. 5. Die Anfange der Druckerkunst in Bild und Schrift. An deren frii- hesten Erzeugnitmeii in der WeigeVsclien i-rli'iiiti'rt von T. O. Weigcl 238 ON THE ENGRAVED DEVICE USED BY [XII as I have been able to find on the subject, one thing which strikes me forcibly about these prints is, that very few data seem yet to have been discovered to show where any of them were executed. One, discovered at Mainz in 1800 and now preserved at Paris, bears the date 1454 1 . Another, now at Munich, contains the arms of Cologne. Others are found in two or three little books, of which the letter-press is in type of the same family as (though not identical in size with) that used in two of the three editions of the Letters of Indulgence of Paulinus Chappe, printed in 1454 (at Mainz ?), and also in the books printed at Bamberg by Albert Pfister in 1461 and 1462. In the case of one or two picture-indulgences there is enough engraved text to show, by the dialect used, in what part of Germany they were produced ; but this is all. Under these circumstances I think it as well to put on record any new fact which adds to our scanty knowledge of the subject. Some years ago I laid before the Society a copy of a work consisting of two Kalendars (Cisianus and ordinary) and an astronomical treatise by an otherwise unknown writer, Lazarus Beham of Sulzbach, the whole printed at Cologne by Nicolaus Gotz of Sletzstat in 1477, and remarkable for containing two diagrams engraved on copper. These are I believe much the earliest illustrations of the kind found in any book printed in Germany, and, as such, deserve more attention than they have hitherto received 8 . A few weeks ago I purchased from Messrs. Sotheran & Co. a copy of the Repertorium juris of Joannes und Dr Ad. Zestermann. Bd. 2. more like a modern 7 than a modern Leipzig, 1866, Folio. This work con- 5, but not at all like the 7 used at the tains a description of Mr Weigel's own same period. The misreading is all collection, of which Nos. 322 400 are the more unfortunate, that it seems Schrotblatter ; but though the book to throw a doubt upon what is un- abounds with facsimiles, only one is questionable, and to make it appeal- given of this kind of print. as if the reading 1454 originated in a 1 This date, on the print of St Ber- wish to make the print older than it nardinus at Paris, has been read by is in fact. some 1474 ; but the fact is, that the 2 See some account of this book in 5 used in Germany and the Low a note at the end of this paper. Countries at that time was very much XIl] NICOLAUS GOTZ OF SLETZSTAT. 239 Mills, printed at Cologne in 1475 by this same printer, Nicolaus Gotz of Sletzstat, and containing his engraved device, which I had never before seen. This device has been mentioned by several writers 1 , but from their remarks, or from the absence of their remarks, I had always assumed it to be an ordinary woodcut. I was as much surprised, therefore, as pleased, on receiving the book, to find that the device was not a woodcut at all, but one of those dotted or punctured engravings (gra- vures criblees) which I have been speaking about. As Gotz's employment of engravings on copper to illustrate one of his books had added much to the interest I had long felt in the productions of his press (from the fact of its connexion with our own first printer, Caxton, as well as with certain Belgian presses connected with both), it may be supposed that this fresh discovery was not likely to diminish that interest. Renouvier (Histoire, p. 27) has pointed out the important fact mentioned above, that in the only engraving of this kind which gives any certain clue to the place of its production the one now at Munich representing Our Lord and the woman of Samaria the arms of Cologne appear on the well ; as may be seen in the photograph given in Brulliot's Copies photo- graphiques. But in the case of Gotz's device we have not only the place (Cologne), but the year (1474), and the name of the printer, who made use of the plate even if he did not engrave it himself. His neighbour Koelhoff, the Cologne printer, we know was a goldsmith ; and there are several other instances of the occupations of goldsmith and printer being combined in one person, at a time when most printers were their own type-founders; so that, whether engraved by Gotz 1 I was not aware, at the time, that the type and failed to recognise whose Dibdin had given a facsimile of this the device was, tends to show how very device in his Supplement to the rare Gotz's books are. But his fac- ttibliotheca Spenceriana (London, 1822, simile does not by any means fairly 8vo.), p. 47, in the description of one represent the engraving of the ori- of the editions of the Latin Bible, ginal ; though even in the copy there printed by Gotz, with his device, but is enough to show to almost any one without his name. The fact that even that it is not an ordinary woodcut, then Dibdin was unacquainted with 24-0 ON THE ENGRAVED DEVICE USED BY [XII himself or not, there is nothing to lead us to doubt that it was executed at Cologne. We learn from Dr Ennen's preface to his Katalog der Irikunabeln in der Stadt-Bibliothek zu Koln, that Nicolaus Gotz was matriculated at the University of Cologne in the faculty of law, in 1470 ; and that he had left Cologne before 1481, as appears from documents in the Cologne archives. His first dated book is the Vita Christi of Ludolphus, April 30, 1474 ; his last is the Latin Bible of May 9, 1480 1 . His type does not appear at Cologne after 1480 ; but there are many books in the same type which bear evident marks of having preceded the Vita Christi, and which may therefore safely be placed between 1470 and 1474. Still, so far as we know, the Vita Christi of April 30, 1474, is the first, and the Fasciculus temporum of 1478 is the last book of his, in which his name and engraved device have been yet found. Unfortunately his books are rarely to be met with, and there is no work which contains any approach to a complete list of them, much less any account of the various points of interest connected with them. The device itself, when complete, measures 2| in. by If in., and consists of an upright coat of arms (a chevron between three scallop shells) surmounted by a helmet with the usual mantlings, upon which is the crest (a man, half-length, and holding what looks like a sword with both hands) ; and above and on each side of the crest is the motto, the same which appears with slight variations in most of Gotz's books : on one side, 'sola spes mea,' and on the other, 'inte (or uite) virgis gra.' At the foot is the name ' Nicolaus gotz de sletzstat.' I 1 The copies of the second volume rendering would have required vij of this Bible at the Hague and at instead of vij. Take the date as it Cologne are described by Mr Holtrop stands 'M CCCC lxxx [1480] vij. id' and Dr Ennen ; and I have myself maij' [May 9], and it harmonises per- exaujined the perfect copy in Jesus fectly with the fact which Dr Ennen College library hi this University. elsewhere adduces from the city re- The date runs thus: 'Anno M CCCC cords, that Gotz had left Cologne by lxxx. vij. id' maij.' Mr Holtrop and 1481 ; and the difficulty about his Dr Ennen both take this to mean ' the types being found at Cologne in 1487 ides of May, 1487, not seeing that this thus vanishes at once. Plate 4 tat et tllo frui f t }^U8 ab prem wbijt cclefte tegttu fubtjt cot HKU a me twuit pft tern fitrai abijc J a n$ obimf foru t fufpU(6e; ^; mcciti oim bttfiracotii rst grc oim aifttfiat?? :ac rmebacois otm pao turn oef tigeeri q; oim pucgab^tum nee no m ueiflaoncmcmmsmbianrie TC* To '.ice aim * XII] NICOLAUS QOTZ OF SLETZSTAT. 241 have not been able to see a perfect copy of the Ludolphus. Of the Fasciculus temporum of 1474 there is a copy in the British Museum. In this the device is perfect. In the Repertorium juris of 1475, and I presume in all subsequent impressions, the line at the foot, containing the printer's name, has disappeared. The device stands close against the type, but there is .no trace of any rivets or nails by which the plate has been fastened into its place in the form 1 . The earliest prints of this kind are, in the opinion of Passavant (Le Peintre- Graveur, tome 1), those in which, like the Munich St Christopher (see the photograph given by Brulliot), almost all the effect is produced by dots or punctures of different sizes and more or less thickly spread, resembling embroidery work with pearls. The next stage seems to be that in which the various effects of light and shade are pro- duced by a combination of dots (in the earlier specimens, dots of different sizes) and fine linea In the latest specimens the dots have ceased to form any part of the life (so to speak) of the treatment, and are used only to relieve a purely black ground ; and so the practice is eventually reserved for the dotted grounds of the initial letters so common in the first half of the sixteenth century. In Gotz's device the combina- tion of dots and fine lines is very apparent ; and it would seem to occupy a position about midway between the earlier and later modes. I may as well mention here that we have in the University Library two editions of the Horologium devotionis printed at Cologne, one probably between 1485 and 1495 and the other between 1496 and 1506, which serve to illustrate this point, though I have not seen any notice of these volumes as con- taining prints of this description. Both editions are illustrated partly by gravures cribUes and partly by ordinary cuts. The first is by Ulric Zell apud Lijskirchen and is in 16mo. The 1 I have a facsimile which has been Museum, marked 581. i. 1. I shall be executed for me by the Autotype very happy to give a copy to any one Company, from the copy of the Fasci- interested in the subject who will give cuhts temporum of 1474 (formerly be- himself the trouble to ask for it. [See longing to Dr Kloss) in the British Prefatory note. J.] B. 16 242 ON THE ENGRAVED DEVICE USED BY [XII second is by Joh. Landen infra sedecim domos and is in 8vo. The gravures criblees are the same in both editions, though all of them are not used in the earlier one. For some reason the illustrations from the ninth to the nineteenth hours are ordi- nary cuts in the Lijskirchen edition ; but those which are found in Landen's edition for those hours, are beyond a doubt parts of the same series as the rest. Now in almost all these the dots are simply used to relieve the black ground where necessary ; and it is only in one or two, such as that of Pilate washing his hands, that there is any trace of that combination of dots and fine lines which marks the earlier prints of this kind. I may notice in passing, that in the Lijskirchen edition in 16mo the prints occupy a full page and are intact; whereas in Landen's edition in 8vo, where the print occupies only part of the page, the rivets are only too distinctly visible at top and bottom or at opposite corners, where the plate has been fixed into the form which holds the type. It is satisfactory to be able to see the two editions side by side, and so to be able to observe the different modes of printing the plates both at work. I gather from Mr Weigel's description that in his own copies of the Passion (Nos. 338, 339) these rivets or nails have been used, even though there is no text on the same page. That it is so also in the case of the two little printed books at Munich, which are illustrated with gravures criblees, is evident from the facsimile which Dibdin has given of one in his Biblio- graphical and Antiquarian Tour, Vol. I. (London, 1824, 8vo), p. 124. It is much to be wished that more facts should be ascer- tained about the home of these curious prints. It is clear from what has been said that they are found both used by printers to illustrate their books, and as single sheets uncon- nected with books, so far as the printing is concerned, but pasted in for devotional purposes. Where they form part of the book we have the type to help us ; but in the other cases, which are far the most numerous, what should be considered is, not so much where the book was printed as who its former owners were, as these are the people who inserted them. What is called the Mazarine Crucifixion was found in a copy of the XII] NICOLAUS GOTZ OF SLETZSTAT. 243 42-line Bible of 1456, and is therefore assumed to have been printed at Mainz. It would have been more to the purpose to tell us to what monastic library the book belonged in the fifteenth century ; a fact which in a large number of cases is easily ascertained. All these facts are only an aid to finding what we want to know ; but they should not be neglected as they too often are. 162 244 ON THE ENGRAVED DEVICE USED BY [XII NOTE ON A BOOK PRINTED AT COLOGNE BY GOTZ IN 1477, WITH TWO ILLUSTRATIONS ENGRAVED ON COPPER. I am glad of this opportunity of putting on record a notice of this volume, as my remarks on the subject were not printed among the Society's communications in 1866; and still more because, though much has been said about it, no one seems hitherto to have discovered either the name of the author, or the place where it was printed. The book consists of 72 leaves in small quarto, without any imprint ; but it is printed in the type used only, so far as we know, by Nicolaus Gotz at Cologne, between 1474 and 1480. It is divided into three main portions: (1) ' Kalendarius cum Cysiano,' 26 leaves (1 26), in 3 quires of 8, 8, and 10 leaves respectively; (2) ' Alius Kallendarius volgarisatus per festa idus nonas et Kallendas,' 28 leaves (27 54), in 4 quires of 6, 8, 4, and 10 leaves respectively ; (3) ' Eyn buch von der astronomien,' 18 leaves (55 72), in 2 quires of 8 and 10 leaves respectively. A full table of contents of the whole volume is printed on the first page, and occupies 33 lines, of which the commencement is given by Hain (Rep. I>ib1. No. *9728). The first and third portions seem in some measure independent works; the second is based chiefly on the Kalendar and calculations of Regiomoutanus. In the first portion the Radices planetarum are calcu- lated for the years 1477 to 1536, and they are described in the table of contents as 'practicatas Anno domini 1477.' Then follows the 'Tabula augis omnium planitarum anno Christi 1477,' and with this an Exemplum beginning: 'Item ich wil wissen den miteln louff saturnus vff den. xij. tag aprilli in dem .1478. iar...'. I think this makes it clear that the book was printed in 1477, and not the year before. In the second portion, opposite the months of the Kalendar, are the tables of new and full moon calculated for three 19-year cycles, beginning 1475, 1494, and 1513. In the Canon, or directions about these, occur the words, ' Ich warn dich furbas das alle solche rechnung gericht ist uff die hoch lobsame stat Nuremberg.' The compiler is here simply quoting Regiomontanus. In the Tauel der Sunnen and Tauel des Mondes the tables run from 1475 to 1534. The eclipses are calculated from 1476 to 1527. Leaves 45 and 46 are pasted together, and, 45 b and 46* being blank, 45* is occupied by a diagram engraved on copper, without any text, and 46 b by another diagram similarly engraved, consisting of a graduated circle with days of the month, signs of the zodiac, &c., and two revolving circles also graduated and engraved in the same way, and fixed on to the paper XIl] NICOLAUS GOTZ OF SLETZSTAT. 245 with knotted thread and a little square of parchment. The plate measures about six inches each way, and above the circle are the words (engraved) : INSTRVMENTVM VERI MOTVS LVNB and below (engraved) : ADDE INDEM SCHALT IAR AN SANCT MATHIAS SALTV DIE ZWO SCHIBEN FVRBAS VF XIII GRAD RVCKEN Both pages have a very smudged appearance where the impression has been taken from the plate. The matter and diagrams correspond with those found in the Latin and Italian editions of Regiomontanus, printed at Venice by Erh. Ratdolt iu 1476. The third portion begins, ' Hie fahet an ejn buch von der astrono- mien...,' and treats first of the twelve signs of the zodiac, and then of the seven planets. The first part the compiler concludes thus : ' vnd dis ist gheseit von den zwelf zeichen vff das aller curczt, als ich lazarus beham von sulczbach practicus in quadruuio es hab gezoge/i vsz dem alcapicio vnd centoloquium vnd quadripetite vsz ptholomeus vnd halli abragel sun vnd ander mer &c.' The part about the planets concludes thus : ' vn dis sy gesseit vow den vij plaweteft vff das aller kurst.' The rest of the page is occupied with some remarks on the cauda draconis, and with this the volume ends. The last page is blank. I have not been able to learn anything more of the author, Lazarus Beham of Sulzbach, than we read here. But it is singular that neither the Munich authorities, nor Hain, nor Weigel, nor Libri, by all of whom this very volume has successively been examined, should have discovered the author's name. This copy belonged in early times to the Collegium S. Petri Junioru Argentinae, as appears by an entry on the first page. It subsequently found its way into the Royal library at Munich, and bears the stamp (now partly obliterated) at each end, ' Bibliotheca Regia Monacensis.' While there it was described by Hain, though not with his usual accuracy, as the figura astronomica mobilis, which he describes as occupying leaf 45, is really the two diagrams on 45* and 46 b described above ; and he further speaks only of woodcut illustrations, which those representing the eclipses no doubt are. In 1858 it formed part of a collection of duplicates from the Munich library, sold by Butsch at Augsburg, on which occasion it was bought by Mr T. 0. Weigel, of Leipzig, for the moderate sum of 45 florins. It had been stamped, before leaving Munich, with the mark ' Duplum Bibliothecae R. Monac.' which is now almost entirely obliterated. Mr Weigel was not a man to make light of such a purchase, and it appeared almost immediately after in his Catalogue mensiiel de livres anciens, rares et curieux qui se trouvent chez T. O. Weigel a Leipzig, No. 9, under the number 3166, as Kalendarii duo (Latine et Germanice) c.Jig. aere et lign. inc. S. I. et a. (1476.) i-4. rel. en &., and priced at 160 thalers, or ,24! A note describes it as 'd'une haute importance pour 246 ON THE ENGRAVED DEVICE USED BY NICOLAUS GOTZ. [xil 1'histoire do la gravuro.,.11 contient deux gravures en taille douce, qui prouvent quo le Monte santo di Dio par A. Bettini, publie a Florence, en 1477, n'etait pas le premier livre dans lequel se trouvent des gravures, et quo cette invention n'appartient pas aux Italiens, mais aux Alleniands. Lo livre est de toute rarete, il ne se trouve nul part une notice d'une autre exemplaire.' All is fair in war, it is said, and no doubt in trade also. We may suppose that the note was written, the Munich marks obliterated, and the price fixed, by some subordinate ; but it is difficult to understand how such a tissue of irrelevant statements (to use the gentlest expression) can have been allowed to appear by a man like Mr Weigel, whose known acquaintance with the subject might be trusted to lead, rather than mislead, the unwary purchaser. The note however did its work, and the book was immediately bought by M. Libri, and in the following June (1859), it appeared in the sale catalogue of a portion of his library (sold in London by Messrs Sotheby & Co.), with a long note attached, in which all the statements in Mr WeigePs Catalogue were repeated, with expansion. But the bidding did not answer M. Libri's expectations, not reaching nearly half the sum that he had given for the book, and it was bought in by the owner for 11. Soon after this a notice appeared in the Beilage zu No. 295 des Dretdner Journal* (Dec. 23, 1859), from the pen of Dr Graesse, in which that writer abuses M. Libri literally like a pickpocket, and charges him with ignorance, theft, and falsification. If these engravings had really been on copper, he says, how could they have escaped Main's notice ? How could the book have brought so small a sum at the Munich sale ? In fact M. Libri must have stuck the plates in himself and palmed them off as a genuine part of the book, &c., &c. Dr Graesse allows that he had never seen the book himself, but it is a pity that the omniscience which he elsewhere claims for himself (see the note in his Tresor des livres rare*, tome 1, page 553, on Bruuet's Manuel du libraire,) did not come to his aid and make him aware that all the enormities which he charges to M. Libri's account in regard to this book, were in reality due to the description of it published by his own countryman and neighbour Mr Weigel. In 1865 the book reappeared in London at the sale of another portion of M. Libri's library (by Messrs Puttick and Simpson), and this time it was allowed to go to Mr F. S. Ellis for the reduced sum of 7. 12s. 6d. It remained with him unexamined until January 1866, when, on passing through London, I happened to see it. I at once recognised it as an un- claimed production of one of my favourite printers ; and I made it my own without delay. Some years afterwards I presented it to the University Library, with other books of the same kind, and there I hope it will now remain. Plate b. bat ct mfup quartet illo? q ab vtbcnb) fpccta cufujwmcbant Jn rion cafce in if : (Vqbantue fedqbam vt leti niodcnt? afpicctct q; vuii tern obcrant aln Vt modenti plagttct quern ipuici.tr biicpcrilt ^uct? c at di (ocijs buobj attx)ml p mcbiii Vt6 * \>bt e& cofuHo ujbat fingulis ab oftia ^ fotes cof lucbbj c (pricws fua

nut q6 be lattotiib? n6 I cgit \Ffi non fofum tu miqs tvputatus cs 5 et minl hnquicv )n i)inbili9 c bne paricncia tua iDoc ab Iram ^ aimfu hut p pnnpcs ttibtctu vt cnfti s m & niarctuE focietatc (atconu. *ct a Vulgadb? vi beret m crimimto 609 pticif a(Tc ct fie ipt \ri detent mftc mwtr ciiis ^oiKifTc ^ic er tuftiac ctiam fubttccftottibobtcmuitts lods btpu tatuc iufti at tiiiqs #p8 aiit pmifit ^oc ftc^i \>t olirnbccct 9? pto peccatDttbtid tcllct pah i^i^ $> c^a ^>cb illc aim miquis beputatus d r m mo?tc v t micjuos iuft iftatc t m cclurtcc done* qui cum fa focma tei eflfet <$p tec bo; mines ^>ottio feftus eft vt bomimb? p tntcm batet fiiios ti fied Nee txha*jDctuttt igiftie nune aia mca * vibe amatol tuum c* h>nri Specimen ol t^pe^ used "by N.Gotj from the :udolphus of 1*74 To face paqe 246 XIII. ON Two ENGRAVINGS ON COPPER, BY G. M., A WANDERING FLEMISH ARTIST OF THE XV XVlTH CENTURY 1 . AMONG the little-known engravers on copper in the Low Countries at the close of the fifteenth century, one who signs himself G. M. is certainly one of the least known. The earlier writers make no mention of him. Passavant (Le Peintre-Graveur, tome 2, page 291) mentions but one piece of his, a ' Mass of St Gregory,' of which an impression is pre- served at Lie'ge. I have recently found two more; one in a manuscript 1 in St John's College library, the other in a printed book 3 in the library at Lambeth Palace. These two are dated from different places, the one from Mechlin, and the other from Dendermonde. I have thought it worth while to make a note of them for the Society, partly because they afford an interesting instance of the work of a wandering artist who has attracted little attention ; but - 1 am chiefly anxious to do 1 A Communication read before the my remarks on the House at Bethany, Cambridge Antiquarian Society, No- by G. M., in the present paper; and vember 21, 1870. I have taken the liberty of subjoining 2 This MS. first came to my know- a description of the other three en- ledge early in 1868 ; and I then read gravings in the form of a note. (See (March 9, 1868) before the Society Note A at the end of this communica- some remarks both upon the House of tion.) Bethany which it contains, and upon 3 This book bears marks of having three other little (early Dutch) en- once contained eighteen of these de- gravings on copper, which I found votional pictures fastened into it. fastened into a Utrecht Breviary (See Note B at the end of this com- (16ino. Paris Antwerp, 1514), in the munication.) University Library. I have included ON TWO ENGRAVINGS ON COPPER [xill so because it is most desirable that engravers of this date should not be suffered to remain unknown merely from the /act that the few specimens which time has spared of their work happen to lie buried among the treasures of what are, comparatively speaking, private libraries. 1. Christ in the house at Bethany. This is printed on a quarto page of paper measuring 7 in. by 5 in. The plate itself measures 5 in. in height, by 3 in. in breadth at the top and 3 jj at the bottom. The interior of the house is represented as seen from the outside. At the top is the roof with its dormer windows, beneath which is the parapet with three extinguisher turrets cut short below. Between the first and second, and the second and third of these are the words : Castellum marthe bethania Gr M In the interior, on the left-hand side, are a crowd of dis- ciples, men and women, standing, of whom ten are visible, while there are signs of more in the background. Next to these, in the centre, are seen on a raised high-backed seat, behind which are two windows, the Blessed Virgin and our Lord, at whose feet, on the right, in front, is seated Mary Magdalene, with a book open on her knee, and behind her, half-kneeling, her sister Martha, to whom our Lord is speaking (Luke x. 41, 42). Thus far the figures are all seen between the two slender columns which support the front archway. On the right-hand side, behind Martha, and seen through the side archway, is a servant, with apron on and sleeves tucked up, engaged in hanging a kitchen-pot upon a large hook over the fire. On the floor at her feet is the word marcella On the floor in front of the dais, between Mary Magdalene and the feet of the only two disciples 1 who stand in advance of the dais, are the words 1 To such of us as are familiar only that Cedonius was the man born with the Gospel narrative, a glance at blind, whose eyes our Lord opened the Golden I^end, or some such (John ix.); and that Martilla (here work, will be necessary, to explain called Marcella) was the servant of 248. XIIl] UY A FLEMISH ARTIST, G. M. 249 Lazarus In the lower right-hand corner a piece of the ground outside the house is visible, with grass and plants growing. Every figure has a nimbus, all quite plain, except that our Lord's is distinguished by the usual cross. On a line along the foot of the whole plate are the words Ex bethnia pwpe mechlinia^ traditwr pressa which may, I suppose, be paraphrased thus : ' This picture as here printed may be procured from the House of Bethany near Mechlin.' In the Documents iconographiqnes et typographiques de la biblioth&que royale de Belgique, l e serie (les bois), 2 e livraison, pp. 17, 18, M. Hymans gives a description of two engravings in the possession of M. Aug. de Bruyne, of Mechlin, of the first of which M. de Bruyne has the original plate. The second is almost a duplicate of ours, and one must be a copy of the other. M. Hymans adduces them as specimens of work where the principal part is engraved in relief, as if the material were wood, while the ordinary process of engraving on copper has only been brought into requisition to produce the fine details. There is no work of this kind in our G M engraving ; and there are other points of difference in detail. Besides the absence of signature, the names ' Marcella ' and ' Cedonius ' are apparently absent, and in the line at the foot M. de Bruyne's has 'be- thania' and ' mechliniam,' where ours has 'bethnia' and 'mechlinia.' I am not in a position to say which is the ori- ginal and which is the copy. What M. Hymans says is as follows : 'Elle represente 1'iuterieur de la maison de Marthe et de Marie. Le Christ y est assis a c6t6 do la Vierge, sur uu si6ge eleve et semble pre- Martha, who at the dispersion accom- house of Jairns (Matt. ix. 20), so Mar- panied her mistress to Marseilles to- tilla is identified in the legend with gether with Mary Magdalene, Lazarus, the woman who lifted up her voice Cedonius, and Maximinus, one of the and said, ' Blessed is the womb that seventy disciples to whose care Peter bare thee, and the paps which them had entrusted Mary Magdalene. As hast sucked ' (Luke xi. 27). The acts Martha is said to have been the woman of Martha are said to have been writ- who was healed on the way to the ten by Martilla. 250 >N TWO ENGRAVINGS ON COPPER [XIII chcr; autour d'eux sont groupes plusieurs personnages, hommes et femmes, au nombrc desquels on voit Lazare, dont le nora est inscrit sur une bande- role deposee a ses pieds. Dans le fond on voit Marthe s'occupant des Boins du menage et suspendant un chaudron sous la cheminee, tandis que Marie, un livre ouvert sur les genoux, 6coute les paroles du Christ. Do minces colonnes supportent un toit crenele, flanque de tourellcs et sur Icquel on lit les mots Castellum Marthe bethania. Knflji, au bas de la planche se lisent, en une seule ligne, les mots : Ex bethania p[ro]pe mechliniam tradit[wr] pressa. Lc convent de Bethanie dont il est question dans cette legeude, le premier couvent de femmes de la seigneurie de Malines, fut fonde en 1421, sous le litre de N.-D. en Bethanie (Onze Lieve Vrouw in Bethanien}. Sans vouloir affirmer que la plauche nieme ait ete executee au couvent, nous n'en devons pas moins la considerer comme imprimee dans son enceinte et distribute sans doute, comme la precedente, aux confreres de quelque association religieuse.' I have no materials at hand to verify the other points of interest which are suggested by the present position of our engraving. It has been inserted, from a very early period, so as to face the first page of the Psalter in the MS. (G. 6) where I found it ; and the impression has suffered to some extent from the strength of the ink on the opposite page. This MS. is a complete Psalterium arranged for church use ; followed by the Cursus JB. Virginis, the Litany, and Vigiliae mortuorum, with the miscellaneous devotions usually found in the volumes of Horae. Among these last are some prayers for which in- dulgences are granted by Pope Pius II. (f!464) and Louis de Bourbon, Bp. of Liege (fl4ci2). A Liege Breviary (which we do not possess) would show at once whether the Invitatories, and the Psalms with their Anthems, are those of the Ordi- narius ecclesiae Leodiensis. Prefixed is a Kalendar, containing besides a very few festivals (among which are Sts George, Ser- vatius, Lambert, Remigius, Dionysius, Hubert, Leonard, Martin, Katherine, Nicholas, and Lucy), 206 entries of names evidently more or less closely connected with some sisterhood in the diocese of Li^ge, and 15 of them close relations of the owner, who must have been a lady of the family of van Heestert. Willem and Odielie van Heestert, her father and mother, Ghisebrecht and Gheertruyt, her grandfather and grandmother, XIII] BY A FLEMISH ARTIST, G. M. 251 besides uncles, aunts, brothers, sisters, brothers-in-law, and sisters-in-law, all find places here ; among them her aunt ' Onse werde mater Sust'er Lysbeth van Heestert, ons lieue moye', ought to afford a clue by which some Lie'ge antiquary might identify the house. The only names familiar to me are the Bishop ' Here Lodewijck van Borboen, onse groet here van Ludick' (Aug. 29), and 'Meester Jan Laet van Borchloen' (Oct. 15), whose Prognostications for 1476, 1477, 1478, and 1481, are known, though perhaps less so than those of his successor, Jaspar Laet van Borchleon, from 1485 onwards. I should describe the MS. as of the latter part of the XVth century, and the binding I should place without much hesi- tation in the last decade of the same century. In a later generation the book belonged to one ' Suster Anna Puettaerst/ who, from one or two entries which she has made in the Kalendar, seems to have been related to the original owner. The next trace of ownership is the title written on the fly-leaf, 'A Primer and Psalter with Dutch Rubrickes,' in the familiar handwriting of William Crashawe, of St John's College, whose books were bought by Henry Wriothesley, Earl of Southampton, who died in 1624. The 'Tho: C. S.' inside the cover shows that it was given to St John's College by his successor, Thomas, Earl of Southampton. From an entry I lately noted in reading through the Univer- sity accounts for 1614 15, when Dr Samuel Ward was Vice- Chancellor, it seems probable that the Crashawe collection had some chance of being purchased for the University Library. The entry is as follows : Item pro itinere Statiouariorum London' in examinanda bi- bliotheca Magistri Crashawe xx 1 . Had this been the result, St John's College would have re- mained without what is now the largest and most precious portion of its MSS. They have certainly been better cared for than they would have been if they had gone to the larger collection; and the engraving I have here described would probably have disappeared in company with Occleve's portrait of Chaucer and other precious things which used to lie exposed 252 ON TWO ENGRAVINGS ON COPPER [XIII to the common chance of pillage on the open shelves of the University Library in the eighteenth century. 2. St Katherine of Sweden crowned by angels. This is printed on an octavo page of paper measuring 6 in. by 4>% in. The plate itself measures 4 in. in height by 3 in. in breadth. In the centre' is St Katherine, half turned towards the left, holding in her right hand a lily and in her left a pastoral staff. On her left is a fawn 1 on its hind legs, with its fore feet resting one on the Saint's dress, the other against the pastoral staff. Above are two angels, one on each side, holding a crown which they are going to place on St Katherine's head. Near her head, above the lily which she holds in her right hand, is the Dove. The Saint is standing in a garden, in which flowers are growing; at her back is an embattled wall, behind and above which, through arches, are seen the buildings of a town. The garden is seen through a rounded arch supported by slender columns. At the foot runs a line with the following inscription : S' katherina de swetia filia S' birgitte. A border surrounds the picture on three sides. On the right and left and partly at the foot, it is filled with separate flowers and fruit; a treatment which marks, I believe, the very close of the XVth, or the beginning of the XVIth century. The main part of the border at the foot is occupied by a riband bearing the inscription : 6 M Ex tene ramunda The whole bears a strong resemblance, so far as treatment 1 This alludes to a story told in her putaverat, mansuetissime reclinavit. life. When her husband ' more nobi- Cumque a viro et aliis bestiam inse- lium quamdam damam cum canibus quentibus esset prtedicta domina Ca- venaretur, contigit ipsam dominam tharina requisita, ostendit earn sub Catharinam fortuito per viam ejusdem pallio latitantem, supplicans humiliter luci pro negotiis suis vehiculo trans- pro eadem, ut captivum suum (signi- vehi, ad quam fera cursu concito lassa ficando bestiam) donaret libertati. prse canibus, omni feritate postposita, Quo faciliter annuente, silvas bestia tanquam ad singulare presidium con- petiit.' See the Vita S. Catharines fugiens, caput suum in sinu mulieris Suecica auctore Ulphone, Cap. i. Sect, pudicie, qua in se bestiales motus am- 3, in the Acta SS. Mart. iii. 506 c. Plate 7 XIII] BY A FLEMISH ARTIST, O. M. 253 and arrangement, to the bordered woodcuts of the Flemish devotional books of the close of the XVth century. The words ' Ex teneramunda,' ' From Dendermonde,' cor- respond of course to the ' Ex bethania prope mechliniam ' of the other engraving ; and the probability is that the travelling artist was employed by some religious house at Dendermonde, most likely a house of Brigittine nuns, to execute an engraving of Saint Katherine of Sweden, the daughter of the foundress of their order, which could be distributed in the same way as the 'House of Bethany' at the Bethany near Mechlin. The impression I have described is one of a number of devotional pictures fastened into a copy of the Primer or Horae, printed on vellum at Westminster by W. de Worde, about 1494, now preserved in the library at Lambeth Palace. It is the same volume which is noticed by Fuller as being (as it was in his time with the rest of the Lambeth library) in our University Library. It is also noticed by Dr Maitland in his account of the early printed books at Lambeth ; but neither of these writers mention the inserted cuts. This particular engraving is fastened to the upper margin of leaf 65 a , on which occurs the prayer 'To the propre angell', beginning ' O sancte angele...'. These details are perhaps tedious ; but we know so very little of the circumstances of the execution of these early devotional pictures, that I hope it may not be considered as labour thrown away. I have some autotype facsimiles of both the engravings described above ; and any one interested in the subject is welcome to have a copy, if he will ask for it 1 . I owe my best thanks both to the authorities of St John's College, and to the Archbishop of Canterbury, as well to his librarian, Mr S. W. Kershaw, of St John's College, through whose kind offices with his Grace, I have been able to examine the Lam- beth Primer at my leisure. 1 [See Prefatory note. J.] 254 EARLY ENGRAVINGS ON COPPER [XIII NOTE A. On three engravings on copper, fastened into the Cambridge copy of the Utrecht Breviary of 1514. Among the books in Bishop Moore's library, given to the University by King George in 1715, is a copy of the Pars hyemalis of a Breciarium ecclesiae Trajectensis, printed in 16mo at Paris, for Henr. Eckert van Homberch, the Antwerp bookseller, in 1514. From an entry on the title- page it must have belonged when new to the Hieronymites or Fratres communis vitae of Hulsberg ; a fact which is confirmed by the existence, at the end of the volume, of a MS. supplement containing the Breviary office for the Commemoration of St Jerome, in a handwriting which can- not be much later than the printing of the volume. The boards of the present binding are modern, but the original sewing has not been meddled with. It is necessary to be thus far particular, because, failing all exact knowledge of the time and place at which these engravings were executed, it will afford some clue to their origin if we register such facts as we can ascertain concerning their early (even if not their original) ownership. Now the Mons Glorion Hieronymi, as the Convent of Hulsberg is here called, was close to Heerde in the Duchy of Gueldres, and within a few miles of Zwolle. This last fact serves at once to bring the cut within the circle of a very notable school of engraving, and affords a hint which may perhaps be fruitful of results in the hands of some one who is able and willing to pursue further the enquiry thus opened. This is one instance out of a thousand of the necessity of the method which I cannot too often or too strongly urge upon those who take up the study of these things. If we want to get external evidence of the place and time at which dateless books were printed or cuts engraved, we must make every effort to ascer- tain and register every traceable mark of original ownership. It is of course secondary evidence, and to be used with caution ; but its value cannot well be over-estimated. The three little engravings on copper which I found in this book may be described as follows : 1. The Blessed Virgin with the Infant Jesus. Signature, W. and a graver (see Bartsch, vi 56, and Passavant, ii. 280). This is printed on a page in 8vo. measuring 4 in. by 3| in. ; the plate itself measuring 4^ in. by 2i in. The mother is represented half length, under a rich gothic canopy, her arms resting on the ledge in front and supporting the child on her right arm ; her right breast exposed, and her head inclined towards her left shoulder. The child holds an apple in his left hand, resting against his left knee ; his right hand lifted towards his left shoulder, his head resting against his mother's right breast. At the top, on each side of the centre arch of the canopy in front, is the signature, on the left side "W, on the right the graver. This cut is inserted (by the original binder, and therefore necessarily not Plate 8. The Blessed Virgin with the Infant Jesus. To face page 254. Plate 10. Saint Barbara. To face page 255. XIII] IN AN UTRECHT BREVIARY OF 1514. 255 long after the publication of the book in 1514) so as to face leaf 19* of the Temporale, which contains the service for Christmas Day. It is perhaps identical with the one cited by Passavant (ii. 280, No. 34) from Heineken. 2. The Nativity of Christ. Signature W. Z. (unknown to Bartsch and Passavant). This is printed on a page in 16mo, but hardly any margin has been left. The plate itself is a circular cut measuring 2^ in. in diameter, with a five-sided projection at the top (each side measuring $$ in.) marked with a plain ring, as if the whole cut were intended to be mounted on a disc of ivory or wood, and this projecting part pierced to hold a string by which the medallion might be suspended round the neck. The cut represents the interior of the outhouse at Bethlehem. In front lies the infant Jesus ; at his feet, on the left, the Blessed Virgin (with nimbus) kneeling, her hands crossed on her breast ; at the child's head, St Joseph (without nimbus), also kneeling, and holding a candle in his right hand; between them two little angels kneeling. Behind, on the right, are seen the heads of an ox and an ass at the manger, above which is a small window. In the centre of the back-ground is a large ruined window, through which are seen the buildings of the town. Through the great arched entrance on the left is seen the open country ; a shepherd sitting on a bank, his right hand, holding his crook, resting on the ground, while his left hand is raised as he looks up to the angel who appears over head with a scroll. On two squares of the pavement in the foreground, in front of the mother and child, is the signature W.Z. This cut has been pasted on to the reverse of the cut last described, so as to face leaf 18 b of the Temporal*, which contains the service for Christmas Eve. Both this and the prece- ding cut have been somewhat disfigured by the paste used to fasten them together back to back. 3. Saint Barbara. No signature (I do not see it noticed in Bartsch or Passavant). This is printed on a page in 32mo, measuring 3 in. by 2 in. ; the plate itself measuring 2^ in. by 1 j 5 in. The Saint (with plain nimbus) is standing, half turned towards the left, and holds up an open book with both hands ; her right hand, under the book, holds a palm branch. Behind her, nearly half concealed, is a round tower. In the lower part one transomed two-lighted window is visible, and another partly so. In the upper part, above the first battlements, two windows are seen. Above the second battlements is a dwarf spire. This cut has been pasted in sideways on a vacant space at the foot of the last page of that portion of the Breviary which contains the Psalter and Commune Sanctorum, so as to face the beginning of the Proprium Sanctorum, there being no room for its in- sertion four leaves further on, where the service for St Barbara's day occurs. I have autotype facsimiles of all these three cuts, which are freely at the service of any one who wishes for specimens. [See Prefatory note. J.] 256 EARLY ENGRAVINGS ON COPPER [XIII NOTE B. On the engravings fastened into the Lambeth copy of the Salis- bury Primer or florae printed by Wynkyn de Worde (about 1494). Among the books in Archbishop Bancroft's collection, which forms the nucleus of the Lambeth Library, is a copy of the Salisbury Primer or Home printed in quarto with the type used at Westminster by Wynkyn de Worde in 1494. The back is gone, but in other respects the original binding, with its clasps, is intact, executed probably in W. de W^orde's shop. The sides have each four little panels surrounded by the text ' Sit . nomen . domini . benedictum.ex.hoc.nunc.et.usq?<0.in.seculum.' There is no trace of any earlier ownership than that of our University Library, to which it belonged during the Common weal th period (1647 1662). The word pape is erased in the kalendar, but St Thomas of Canterbury remains ; a fact which shows that the book was withdrawn from sight between 1534 and 1538. The devotional pictures fastened into it must have been inserted much earlier in the XVIth century. The book, as I have said, bears marks of having contained eighteen of these inserted pictures, fastened to the upper margins of the following leaves : 14% 18% 40% 42% 46 a , 48% 51", 54", 55% 63 a , 65% 68% 69", 138% 149% 150% 157% and 158 b . When I first saw the book at Lambeth, only three were still in existence, Nos. 10 (63 a ), 11 (65 a ), and 14 (138'). 10. Saint Bernard. Woodcut. No signature. This is printed on a page in 16mo, measuring 4j in. by 3J in. ; the cut itself measuring 2^ in. by 2 in. It represents an interior; on the right, in the foreground, St Ber- nard kneeling, turned towards the left, his hands clasped, his abbatial staff on the floor by his right side. Beyond, in the centre, the Blessed Virgin appears out of a sort of frame under a canopy, holding the child Jesus on her right arm; her left hand upon her left breast, from which the milk issues in a stream towards the saint. The usual legend (' Monstra te esse matrem') is not here. Outside, on the right, are seen various buildings. The print is inserted on leaf 63% over the Oratio sancti Bernardini con- fettoris ordinis minorum, beginning '0 bone Jhesu, dulcis Jhesu....' 11. Saint Catherine of Sweden. On copper. Signature ' G M Ex teneramunda.' This is the second of the two engravings which I have described in the text of the present communication. 14. The Image of Pity. Woodcut. No signature. This is printed on a page in 8vo., measuring 4* in. by 3| in., the cut itself measuring 2^in. by 1$ in., within a separable border, the outside of which measures 4 3 ^ in. by 3 in. The border contains separate (not interlaced) flowers, fruit, and insecte, with a bird in the centre at the foot. The centre-piece represents a tomb, on the face of which are three heads, the centre one a full face, the others side-faces. Out of the tomb appears our Lord, standing, his hands crossed and tied; on his head the crown of thorns and the cruciform XIII] IN A SALISBURY PRIMER (ABOUT 1494). 257 nimbus. All round are the symbols of the Passion, loose, as in the Dutch prints, not in compartments, as in Caxton's treatment of the subject. Im- mediately behind our Lord are the spear and the reed with the sponge, crosswise; behind these, the cross itself. On the left, beginning from below, the pincers and hammer, a mitred head, the bunch of hyssop hanging from the left limb of the cross. On the right, beginning from below, a sword, a hand grasping hair, the head of Judas, hanged, with the bag round his neck, and, hanging from the right limb of the cross, a scourge ; on the extreme right, a pillar, surmounted by a cock. Ranged along the top of the cross, beginning from the left, are the three pots of spices, one of the nails, the label (over the centre) INRI, the two other nails, three dice; above all, on left and right respectively, the sun and moon. This is in- serted on leaf 138* over the Oratio sancti Gregorii, beginning 'Dominator domino deus omnipotens qui es trinitus...,' which itself has prefixed to it in the text a little woodcut (measuring If in. by If in.) of the Mass of St Gregory. XIV. LIST OF THE FOUNTS OF TYPE AND WOODCUT DEVICES USED BY PRINTERS IN HOLLAND IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY \ THE following pages contain a list of all the different founts of type and woodcut devices used during the fifteenth century by the Dutch printers, which are described and figured in Mr Holtrop's Monuments typographiquea des Pays-Bas au xv e siecle, together with one or two which are either accidentally omitted there, or have come to light since the publication of that remarkable work. I use the term Dutch printers with reference to those who practised the art in the northern portion of the Low Countries which now forms the kingdom of the Netherlands. The printers of Belgium, in the modern acceptation of that term, will form the subject of a similar list. The towns are placed in chronological order, the earliest book which has any date attached to it being taken as the guide. Under the towns the presses are arranged in the same way ; and under each press the several founts of type find their place according to the date of their first use, so far as it has been ascertained. The same arrangement holds with the printers' devices. Sometimes two or more towns, as Deventer, Delft, and Gouda, come under the same year ; and here precedence is given to Deventer, because only the year 1477 is known, while the other two are placed under 10 Jan. 1477 and 24 May 1477 respectively. When there is a distinct break in any printer's career, and it is clear that he starts afresh with a new fount or founts of type, and that .the old types disappear, as in the case of Ger. Leeu at Gouda, and Peter van Os at Zwolle, I have used the terms First press and Second press to signify that the types of the one do not pass to the other. At De- venter, for instance, Paffroed starts in 1477 with one type, and adds 1 Published as Memorandum No. 3, June, 1871. XIV] EARLY DUTCH FOUNTS OF TYPE &C. 250 a second in 1479. With these two he goes on till 1485. At this point Paffroed breaks off, and Jacobus de Breda starts in 1486 with the two founts of type which Paffroed had been using. With these Jac. de Breda goes on until 1487, when his press ceases, and these two founts of type disappear altogether. In August 1488 Paffroed begins again with an entirely fresh set of types; and in August 1489 Jac. de Breda begins again also with fresh types. Under these circumstances, to make the investigation of the books easier, and their sequence clearer, I have gone so far as to put the first press of Jac. de Breda immediately after the first press of Ric. Paffroed ; because there is no trace until August 1489 of two presses being at work at Deventer simultaneously. The same terms (First, Second, &c.) are also used where a printer moves from one town to another, Veldener's first press being at Lou vain (1474), his second at Utrecht (1478), his third at Kuilenburg (1483), and so on. As the series of facsimiles in the Monuments typographiques is almost exhaustive, I have everywhere referred to a plate in that work, in order to shew clearly and at once what type is meant in each case by Type 1, Type 2, etc. If this list be accepted as a fairly accurate one, my principal object in drawing it up will have been gained. In making a catalogue, for instance, of all the specimens of these presses which are to be found in the libraries at Cambridge, the additional words, 'Type 2,' or 'Types 2 (text) and 3 (commentary)' would convey at a glance the very information which is most needed, and would allow the description to be compressed into a smaller space than would otherwise be needed. It would in many cases also supersede the necessity of any reference to the facsimiles. Suppose we have any five books in a particular type, and there are five books at the Hague in the same type, the chances are great that one at least of the five will be common to the two collections, and we can at once identify all the nine as from the same press. The real books are then of more service than any facsimiles, and we become possessed of more data for studying the history of the type. Further, as the list furnishes as far as possible the date at which each type began to be used at each press, a large number of purely conjectural dates would disappear from our catalogues, and instead of speculating as to what the date of a book may possibly be, that date would be assigned which best serves to connect the book with some well- defined characteristics of other books which bear a positive date, 172 260 FOUNTS OF TYPE AND WOODCUT DEVICES [XIV and the reason for assigning a date to a book would be self-evident, instead of being (as now) left to the conjecture of the reader of the catalogue. If this practice were to be adopted in the long wished-for Typo- graphical Antiquities of Holland and Belgium, and two or three words were to be added to each description to say which founts of type were used in each book, naming them numerically as I have done here, or with the greater accuracy which Mr Campbell, the present Librarian of the Royal Library at the Hague, alone can furnish, it is not too much to say that the value of such a work would be increased tenfold. In some cases of course it would be impossible to add these points of distinction, because the books have not been examined with that view, and are now perhaps not easily accessible. But if only such as were of easy access in the Royal Library were so noted, the great gain of having so much firm standing ground for future investigation would more than com- pensate for the labour which would have to be bestowed upon it. It may be said that mere specimens of woodcut printing, as the Biblia pauperum, and other such books, having nothing typo- graphical about them, should not have been included in a list of founts of type like the present. Where however they are actual books, I have admitted them into my list, while excluding all single woodcut sheets, pictures, &c. The latter belong rather to a history of engraving, or to a list of woodcuts, whether single or in series, such as I sometimes hope to publish ; but when once the art of wood-engraving is applied to the illustration of books, the very mode of working the plates so as to form a book, even though no type be used, will sometimes aid materially in solving questions concerning printed books which would otherwise be quite hopeless. It is perhaps necessary to add a few words in explanation of the course I have followed in placing the Biblia pauperum, the Speculum humanae salvationis, and the whole class of books which have been attributed to a press at Haarlem. The method I have adopted prevents me from accepting any testimony at all except such printed or written documentary evidence as is found in the volumes themselves, or failing this, such evidence as is afforded by an unmistakeable family likeness between two or more founts of type. Having no documentary evidence as to where the Biblia pau- perum was executed, I am bound to leave it standing where I first XIV] USED BY EARLY DUTCH PRINTERS. 261 find trace of it, that is, at Zwolle, where the original blocks appear, cut into several pieces, in a book printed in 1488. The fact of the working of the book being by single sheets and not by quires of two or more sheets, at once serves to connect it with the original Canticum Canticorum and with the original Ars moriendi, which are worked in this way. The connexion of all three works with Zwolle is evident, as has been shewn by Mr Holtrop, from the fact that the blocks of the Biblia pauperum appear there in 1488; that a block of the Canticum Canticorum appears in the Rosetum exer- citiorum spiritualium printed there in 1494; and that the closest reproduction of the original Ars moriendi is to be found in the Sterfboeck also printed at Zwolle in 1488. I may here mention another point serving to connect the latter two books with one another. In Trinity College Library in Dublin I found in No- vember 1869 an imperfect copy of the Ars moriendi, patched here and there with shreds of another copy of the same work and of a copy of the Canticum Canticorum, a fact which points to waste sheets of these two works having been in the same binder's office, and that probably not far from their original home. Surely in one copy or another of one of these works we may hope to find some manuscript note which will afford some clue to the real date of execution. Meantime however the books must remain where they are. If we keep hard facts before our eyes, and discourage frivolous speculation, we are all the better prepared to catch the true signi- ficance of any fresh fact, the moment it is presented to us. The same method applies to the Speculum and its kindred books, only here we have been more fortunate. I am compelled to leave the Speculum at Utrecht until I know anything positive to the contrary, because it is at Utrecht that the cuts first appear, cut up into pieces, in a book printed by Veldener at that place in 1481. Without further information it would have been necessary to place the printer of the Speculum last among the Utrecht presses and to affix as his date (before 1481). But there is such an unmistakeably close resemblance between seven several founts of type of which Mr Holtrop has given facsimiles in his Monuments, that it is impossible not to investigate a little further. The types of the Yliada and of the Ludovicus de Koma being found in the same volume, there can be no doubt that they belonged to the same press. In comparing the Donatuses in the Ludovicus type with those in the Yliada type, the working of the former (uneven edges, 262 FOUNTS OF TYPE AND WOODCUT DEVICES [XIV fee.) claims priority over the working of the latter, so far as we can judge by the ordinary laws of investigating such matters. Further, Mr Holtrop notices that some capitals of the Ludovicus type are identical with some used in the Facetiae morales which serves to connect these two. Again, the type of the Facetiae morales bears such a close resemblance to that of the stray sheet in what is called the mixed Dutch edition of the Speculum, that these two again must be connected. Lastly, it is but natural to believe that the stray sheet in the Dutch Speculum should have been printed at the same press as the rest of the book, however difficult it may be to assign the true cause of the printer's using a different type for this sheet. Here then we have a distinct sequence of types from that of the Speculum to that of the Yliada, and I have numbered them accordingly. As the Speculum compels us to place them at Utrecht, and before 1481, so the Yliada enables us to throw back the date of execution at least to 1471 74. Mr Holtrop mentions that the Hague copy of the Tractatus de salute corporis et animae and Yliada was bought by a certain Abbat Conrad for the library of his house ; and as the Abbat in question was Abbat only from 1471 to 1474, the book cannot have been printed later than 1471 74 ; and this is at present the only date which we can use for our purposes. It is a singular circumstance that this one fact should compel us to place the printer of the Speculum at the head of the Dutch printers, though it only just allows him to take precedence of Ketelaer and Leempt. Can no evidence be produced from any of the copies of any of these books now remaining, which will throw additional light on this point? If the Dutch antiquaries interested in these matters would but bestow upon the investigation of downright facts a tithe of the energy which they have devoted to speculation upon possibilities for more than a century past, our knowledge would be in a very different state at present. It is to be hoped that Dr Van der Linde's lucid statement of facts lately published may produce some fruit ; though it is hardly reasonable to suppose that the accumu- lated cobwebs of three hundred years can be swept away in a day. Many specimens of early printing have been recovered from the bindings of other books; and these sometimes afford a very valuable evidence as to their history. Such fragments in the binder's hands are either sheets of books which have been used up and thrown away, and may be called binder's waste; or else they are spoiled XIV] USED BY EARLY DUTCH PRINTERS. 263 sheets or unused proofs from a printer's office, and may be called printer's uxtste. In early times the printers were frequently their own binders ; many instances can be found to confirm Mr Holtrop's interesting notice of Veldener' being his own bookbinder. It be- comes therefore a matter of considerable importance to use all endeavours to ascertain where the volume was bound which con- tains any such fragments. If a fragment is found printed only on one side it has hitherto been described as " a remarkably interesting specimen of anopisthographic typography, probably executed in the infancy of the art, &c., e'. Type 2 ( ). PL 77 a 3, Historic Godevaerts van Boloen. Device 1 ( ). PL 75 a 2, Le Chevalier delibere. Device 2 ( ). PL 77 a 3, Historic Godevaerts van Boloen. B. 18 274 FOUNTS OF TYPE AND WOODCUT DEVICES [XIV 7. Govaert van Ghemen, First press (before 24 March 1490) : Type 1 ( ). PI. 73, Lantsloet ende Sandrijn. Device. None known at this period. 8. Printer of the Opus minus primae partis ( ) : Type 1 ( ). See facsimile (text) at the end of the present List, from the only known fragment, at the Hague. Type 2 ( ). See facsimile (commentary) at the end of the present List, from the only known fragment, at the Hague. Device. None known. 9. Printer of the Blaffert (1489) : Type 1 (1489). PI. 79 b 1, Blaffert (text). Type 2(1489). PI. 79 b 3, Blaffert ( Van nobels ffaerlem Del/). Device. None known. 10. Collacie-Broeders (10 June 1496) : Type 1 (Press 9, Type 1). PI. 80 a 3, Leven van Liedwy (text and imprint). Type 2 (Press 9, Type 2). PI. 80 d, Breviarium Trajectense (imprint). Type 3 (10 June 1496). PI. 80 a 1 (line 1), Leven van Liedwy (title, line 1, liedwi). Type 4 (3 Oct. 1496). PL 80 b 2, Devote ghetiden van den leven ende der passien J.C. Device 1 (3 Oct. 1496). PL 83 b 2, Devote ghetiden van den leven ende der passien J.C. ST. MAARTENSDIJK IN ZEELAND (Nov. 1478). 1. Pieter Werrecoren (Nov. 1478) : Type 1 (Nov. 1478). PL 86, Der Zielen troest. Device. None known. NIJMEGEN (23 Aug. 1479). 1. Printer of the Epistola Engelberti Cultificis (23 Aug. 1479) : Type 1 (23 Aug. 1479). PL 87 a 4, Epistola de symonia vitanda. Device. None known. XIV] USED BY EARLY DUTCH PRINTERS. 27n ZWOLLE (22 Dec. 1479). 1. Pet. van Os of Breda, First pi-ess (22 Dec. 1479) : Type 1 (22 Dec. 1479). PI. 88 a, Modus confitendi. Type 2 (1479). PL 89 c, S. Bonaventurae Sermones. Type 3 (before 26 May 1484). PI. 90 d, Caroli Viruli Epistolae. Type 4 (before 26 May 1484). PL 90 e (commentary), Joh. de Garlandia Cornutus cum commento (commentary). Device. None known at this period. 2. Pet. van Os of Breda, Second press (26 May 1484) : Type 5 (26 May 1484). PL 90 a, Psalterium of 1486. Type 6 (19 Nov. 1490). PL 94 a 1 (line 1), Baptistae Mantuani Secundae Parthenices opus (title, line 1). Type 7 (30 Apr. 1491). PL 90 c (text, except line 1), Rosarium B.V. Mariae (text}. Type 8 (27 March 1493). PL 90 b, Epistelen en Ewangelien. Type 9 (1494). PL 91 a 3 (text), Rosetum exercitiorum spiritualium (text). Type 10 (1494). PL 50* c (lines 24), Rosetum exercitiorum spiritualium. Type 11 (1499). See PL 94 e (imprint), Aristoteles de moribus ad Eudemium (imprint), for this type as used by Tyman van Os ; but no specimen is given among the facsimiles of the types of Peter van Os. Device 1 (26 May 1484). PL 90 a, Psalterium of 1486. Device 2 a (26 May 1484). PL 92 a, Gesten van Romen. Device 2 b (21 July 1485). PL 92 b, Der Sielen troest. Device 3 (1500). See PL 94 e, Aristoteles de moribus ad Eudemium, for this device as used by Tyman van Os ; but no specimen is given among the facsimiles of the devices used by P. van Os. 3. Printer of the Biblia Pauperum (before 1488) : No type. Woodcut printing. PL 3, Biblia pauperum. 182 276 FOUNTS OF TYPE AND WOODCUT DEVICES [XIV HASSELT IN OVERIJSSEL (1480). 1. Peregrinus Bermentlo, First press (1480) : Type 1 (1480). PI. 96, Gesta Romanorum. Device. None known at this period. 2. Peregrinus Bermentlo, Second press (1488) : Type 2 ( ). PL 97, Volmaecte clargie. Type 3 (1488). PL 98 a, Die passie ende dat liden ons heeren J.C. Type 4 (2 Jan. 1490). PL 99 (imprint], S. Jheronimus Boeck. Device 1 (2 Jan. 1490). PL 99, S. Jheronimus Boeck. LEIDEN (1483). 1. Heynricus Heynrici (1483) : Type 1 (1483). PL 112 a, Epistelen en Ewangelien. Device 1 (4 June 1484). PL 112b, Tho. de Aquino Trac tatus de humanitate Christi. 2. Govaert van Ghemen, from Gouda, Second press (before 24 March 1490) : Type 1 (brought from Gouda). See facsimile at the end of the present List, from the Cambridge copy. Device 1 (before 24 March 1490). See facsimile at the end of the present List, from the Cambridge copy. 3. Cornells Kers (12 Apr. 1494) : Type 1 (12 Apr. 1494). PL 112 c, Seer minnelycke woerden die O.L Heere Jhesus hadde met sijne moeder Maria. Device. None known. 4. Hugo Janszoen van Woerden, First press (10 Dec. 1494) : Type 1 (10 Dec. 1494). PL 112 d, Ghetiden van onser liever Vrouwen. Device. None known at this period. 5. Hugo Janszoen van Woerden, Second press (1498) : Type 2 (1498). PL 112 e, Oefeninghe van den leven ons heren J.C. Device 1 (1500). PL 112 f 2, Dat leven O.L. Vrouwen. XI V] USED BY EARLY DUTCH PRINTERS. 277 KUILENBURG (6 March 1483). 1. Joh. Veldener,from Utrecht, Third press (6 March 1483): Type 5 (brought from Utrecht). PL 115. 2, Spieghel onser behoudenisse. Type 6 (1484). PI. 116. 1 a, Kruidboeck in dietsche (large type). Device 1 b (brought from Utrecht). PI. 115. 2, Spieghel onser behoudenisse. Device 2 b (1484). See PL 116. 2 b (border) among the Kuilenburg facsimiles, though this particular book belongs to Veldener's fourth press, after his return to Louvain. HAARLEM (10 Dec. 1483). 1. Jac. Bellaert (10 Dec. 1483) : Type 1 (10 Dec. 1483). PL 34 a, Dat lijden ende die passie ons heeren J.C. Device 1 (10 Dec. 1483). PL 34 c (centre cut), Jac. de Theramo der Sonderen troest. Device 2 (15 Febr. 1484). PL 35 b 2 (centre cut), Jac. de Theramo der Sonderen troest (the mark in the right-hand window), 2. Joh. Andreae (1 March i486) : Type 1 (1 March 1486). PL 36 a, Formula noviciorum. Device 1 (31 May 1486). PL 36 b 5, Hen. de Hassia Tractatus de consolatione theologiae. 's HERTOGENBOSCH (1484). 1. Ger Leempt de Novimagio (1484) : Type 1 (1484). PL 59 c, Dat boeck van Tondalus vysioen. Type 2 (1487). PL 117 a 2, Proverbia seriosa (text). Type 3 ( ). PL 117 b (heading), Liber de vita religio- sorum (heading). Device. None known. 278 FOUNTS OF TYPE AND WOODCUT DEVICES [XIV SCHOONHOVEN (28 Febr. 1495). I. Canons of St Michael's in den Hem (28 Febr. 1495) : Type 1 (28 Febr. 1495). PL 118 a, Breviarium Trajectense. Device. None known. SCHIEDAM (1498). 1. Printer oft/te Vita Lydwinae (1498) : Type 1 (1498). PL 119 a, Vita Lydwinae. Device 1 (1498). PL 119 a 1 (lower cut), Vita Lydwinae. UNKNOWN PLACES. 1. Printer of the BRH 651 (MMW) Dutch Mandaville (Qu. Ger. Leeu, at Gouda before 1477 1) : Type 1. PL 121, Mandaville. Device. None known. 2. Printer of the, Enschede Abecedarian ( ) : Type 1. PL 12, Abecedarium. Device. None known. 3. Printer of the MMW Liber Alexandri (Qu. Ger. Leempt before 1479?): Type 1. PL 126 a, Liber Alexandri Magni. Device. None known. 4. Printer of the Deventer woodcut Donatus ( ) : No type. Woodcut printing in printer's ink. PL 10 a, Donatus. Device. None known. 5. Printer of the BRH 12 Donatus fragments (Qu. G. de Os at Gouda before 1484?): Type 1 ( ). PL 33 a, Donatus fragments, BRH 12. Device. None known. 6. Printer of the Komst van Keyser Frederyck te Trier (not before I486) : Type 1 (not before 1486). PL 119 c, Komst van Keyser Frederyck tc Trier. XI V] USED BY EARLY DUTCH PRINTERS. 279 Type 2 ( ). PL 119 b, Die jeeste van Julius Caesar. Device. None known. 1. Printer oftfte ERH 555 Freeska Landriucht ( ) : Type 1 ( ). PL 124, Freeska Landriucht. Device. None known. 8. Printer of the ERH 648 (MMW) Dialogi, Orationes et Tractatus ( ): Type 1. PL 127, Dialogi, Orationes et Tractatus. Device. None known. Qu. if printed in Holland at all ? 9. Printer of the ERH 650 (MMW) Ant. Haneron de Epistolis ( ): Type 1. PL 128, Ant. Haneron de epistolis brevibus edendis. Device. None known. Qu. if printed in Holland at all ? 10. Printer of the MMW Folio Doctrinale ( ) : Type 1. PL 129, Doctrinale Alexandra Galli, fragments in the Meerman-Westreenen Museum. Qu. if printed in Holland at all ? 280 FOUNTS OF TYPE AND WOODCUT DEVICES. [XIV NOTE RELATING TO THE FACSIMILES WHICH ACCOMPANY THIS LIST. 1. Epistelen ende ewangelien. Printed at Gouda, by the Printer of the Teghen die strael der minnen, 23 June 1484. Quarto. A facsimile is here given of the page which contains the imprint, in order that others may have the opportunity of identifying the type with that of the Teghen die strael der minnen, which Mr Holtrop has figured in his Monuments typographiques, PL 33 b, as the production of an un- known press. The copy in the University Library at Cambridge, from which the facsimile is taken, formed part of the De Meyer collection, which was sold at Ghent in November 1869. 2. Alexandri Galli Opus minus primae partis, cum commento. Printed probably at Gouda, by Gotfridus de Os or Govaert van Ghemen, about 1486-1489. Quarto. The facsimile here given is of the two outer pages of the half-sheet which is the only remaining fragment of the volume now known to exist. The type of the text and the woodcut initial, are known from the other Gouda books of this date ; but the type of the commentary is only found here. It closely resembles Gerard Leeu's Type 5, but it is nevertheless different. It is somewhat curious that no facsimile of it should appear in the Monuments typographiques, because it is mentioned by Mr Holtrop in his text, and the fragment belongs to the Royal Library at the Hague. It is owing to the kindness of Mr Campbell, the present Librarian, that I have been enabled to examine it at my leisure. 3. Den gheesteliken minnebrief die Jhesus cristus coninck der glorien eeyndt tot synre bruyt der minnender zielen. Printed at Leyden, by Govaert van Ghemen, probably about 1488. Octavo. The existence of this press was altogether unknown when Mr Holtrop published his Monuments. A copy was discovered in the Meulman collec- tion, and at that sale passed into the Royal Library at the Hague. A brief notice of the book was sent by Mr Holtrop to M. Paul Deschamps, and will be found in the Supplement to his Dictionnaire de Geographic (Supplement au Manuel de Brunet), p. 1450. Another copy since dis- covered is now in the University Library at Cambridge. The device is interesting, because it appears that the device of the Colkcie-Broeders used at Gouda in 1496 is precisely a reverse copy of this, only that the arms of Leyden have been exchanged for those of Gouda. The facsimile represents the unbound book, as it lies open, shewing the first and last pages, with the title and illustrative woodcut on one, and the imprint and device on the other. Plate 11. tt ft DS arm &oe riep fy Men twfeltf to t bFe3 uaaabeoe Ue oa Btu (euen DOC feiD* t)i D$ ft ee Gutftacr gijtutfiftfyaDDt efi&at tji&a* tin$ bet be ftoer&e ptt&tfce oand otf erw tjmf elwt gob* G u so D bao be bettou fllitfifteuen a(Co oat l)t) Bliemeent liaDDtuotr ftmtonoe: ^ietom laet ons DicujHe ttr bm&fiflf tp bmpi flODe 5 otc 0l)imtte-op nat tot mog^e came tta ou ham mt ewiflfte (ttten ^at moet cms gonne Die ua wote fottt ou fte^e gietft liter satn wt Die epittelett ea oie euggelfttt itttttt (onnennaecljCen ftrraoem uanton tfx* ^celett taer eu oanoen Ijeplia^m (5 fqn B^ j^ee tet aoiiDt m tjoHar Jirtt f aer ona fcrett ^ : ftp finite \w& bap ttttf auwtt l3jet bt^mt&fetafeloa pmt |er(tni ConrtettDacli irtoen atiuertt eptftd euangef mm tu ft traoen t des moen(aaa()e$ epfffel euanfielitt fit) ^es imaagfKs euattaelium u pttn t wttde fonmoacl} utui anttent ep tOel euartae Jinm enoe (ermpeo u To follow page Plate wre plane t te lapra lippff tttr&bfc unis etia pais matimaptmte patebit 'pofli't aliqa Dicer e alcpocr tuu ooctzinale c multfi k.3Dcopueri no paiebuc intelligcrc/ao J?oc rcfpoOct JfcraS licctpueijtjfe noporcrilt inteIligereiftaOocDina/0ico^ ftcro res er jjceprores oebet intdligcre ct c,cplanare fen oeclar^ c t.s ^acDocrririafingua Iafcaimatcrna/ettcn6crit inrdiigeoi iniVj| calb iji oiccrttpmucapirulu rit ococchacioibp noini Ijfns? coSne rfrinet (jetnoclita fto^ttt g)icir f?tf coclira nota rrrmctfeDe pfinr .iIocfl ^uimu if ' ittcionibp fiij5Dicti3.i fc6m capir u!u tzit De^crooclitu nibp vajiomo ocdinabilibp ibi l?cc tibi ftgnabis - tq5 ^oDu^i 2)icit co!!acioi.c6pacio rziphcie go 9 'fubt>itM i ifigit'iflie f.l?tfooditt3H5pcf tocurcaplmctu co^acioie ibi Ijucgoibp cms COpaCl018tDll2UCSPlDpun . \ uitj5 fit atf icuto qe oo)c for mna notabo culo* qneq^vopfit OedinaDa l?oce quajtii capliTi ait nerib 9 noini. ibi 3nq>twpoto it j* . ** ' f W * J *^_ ^. - - - * ^ ^ AAA fL*^fc /SA /^T*^- ^ **St *^ t*^ r pa.qe 280. e Op? miu? pdmegti* ipzoptua i.i.qiie Oar ^iiis LUIS fcnuj cdnatae hbcrtati ponefccuuDfl fi$ ittfcda Oedtacoe iftastwcoeef -.TIP wtc cp ?f t>ediri?5 fee tiaciocs in nf 5 fingu ff ir PI pm pff eiis/ //e.ccmp&fcfar/Tt magiftcr I i! aut fua gtiiitiuuo eum fup t&bfc ioq?oianow2 r Dcdi.biir.i igtofintjii i riri tofurifcanicmi 2E)icit J p qnfcrus nl pr i eiw riic gfa fujxibM* l^abcb/i/aeicecia/ t>c Iri/ocpr prfaam/&teiJ3 ptfponoci t fia et ite: ^5 ejuoo fit in er tj^mm? b>p;nuf wtiic e 9 ptaair paj.uno b )cbitC2cfce i>vinu gtSbuf'ptni/fhicwl fluOii/Dcp^ptip^ C 2? qn nf fit in cr tik ^3?io tno (c er odciitcr qb5 n5 adciit ut i.i feqt 1 ic : 6t ec fitir muta "I ^-.- r*t Flat v e ja S n @ < * jr^ 25! Jj 1 ta w S M ^ + ^ s as H JS^ O 9 is o i j* S / C* i O III. ' .: pa.qe 280. XV. ON THE OLDEST WRITTEN REMAINS OF THE WELSH LANGUAGE'. IN bringing this subject before the Society there need be no fear of my obtruding any crude philological speculations upon your attention ; but it seems to me due to the members of the Antiquarian Society that I should bring first before them the facts of what is certainly one of the most satisfactory discoveries which it has been my lot to make in hunting through the various libraries in the University during the past fifteen years. Rather more than a year ago I heard that Mr Whitley Stokes was likely to be soon returning from India for a short stay. Seeing that he is far the most distinguished Celtic scholar that we have, I thought it might be practicable to find some traces of one or other of the branches of the Celtic stock of languages, some scraps possibly of old Irish, which had as yet escaped the researches of antiquaries and philologists, and which I could offer as a welcome to one who has done so much to elucidate the scanty fragments of these early lite- ratures which have come down to us. For this purpose I proposed to myself to make a deliberate raid upon the library of Archbishop Parker at Corpus Christi College. Having gone through Nasmith's Catalogue and taken notes of all the manuscripts described as being of an early date, 'venerandae antiquitatis,' 'litteris antiquioribus Saxonicis,' &c., &c., my wishes were met by Mr Lewis, the Librarian, with his usual courtesy. On going to the Library, and- taking down, one after another, the books of which I had taken a note, it was not long before 1 A Communication read before the Cambridge Antiquarian Society, No- vember 20, 1871. 282 ON THE OLDEST WRITTEN REMAINS [XV I came upon a copy of Martianus Capella, one of the most favourite writers of the early middle ages. Here, among the crowd of Latin glosses, it was easy to distinguish a few words, not of Irish, which I at first thought I might find, but of unmistakeable Old Welsh, written in a handwriting apparently as early as any remains of the Welsh language known to be in existence, and exhibiting forms familiar enough to students of Zeuss's Grammatica Celtica, but presenting an appearance to the eye very different from that of modern Welsh. A subsequent careful examination of the book has enabled me to extract about 140 glosses, or vernacular explanations of hard or singular words ; and it is possible that a second reading of the manuscript, upon which I am now engaged, may yield a few more. To some persons the interest of a discover} 7 of this kind may be difficult to appreciate ; but a very few words will I think be sufficient to point out the nature of the value which such glosses possess, even for the historical antiquary; and it is on this ground only that I have been bold enough to bring the subject before our Society. The mass of Welsh literature which we possess goes back only to the twelfth century. The oldest of the ' Four Ancient Books of Wales,' so ably edited by Mr William Skene, is the Black Book of Caermarthen ; and this cannot be placed earlier than the latter half of the twelfth century. Now there is a considerable mass of poetry attributed to British bards of the sixth century ; but the advocates of the antiquity of these poems have had many difficulties to contend with, besides that of bridging over the gap of six centuries, in which no manuscripts of these poems are forthcoming. One well known writer has even been rash enough to assert that the very rhythm in which some of the poems are written can only have been borrowed from the Norman writers of the thirteenth century ; an assertion which at once met with well merited castigation at the hands of Dr Guest. Under these circumstances it is desirable to col- lect every sample of the language in its earlier state which can anywhere be found, and which we can be sure was written as we now have it before the twelfth century. Every word is of XV] OF THE WELSH LANGUAGE. 283 value as helping to show the changes through which the lan- guage passed during that period; and though it would be a fruitless as well as a wholly unscholarlike occupation, to at- tempt to rewrite the poems in a supposed dialect and ortho- graphy of the sixth century, yet a careful study of what remains may enable us to advance a few steps towards seeing in what way poems of a very early date may agree with, and must differ from, the texts as we now have them. Of all that remains to us of Old Welsh, except the proper names and a few words scattered through early manuscripts of Latin Chronicles, &c., the sources may be counted on the fingers of one hand ; so far as has been hitherto known. They are these : (1) The Gospel of St Chad at Lichfield, containing some documents in mixed Latin and Welsh, written on the margins of the volume, said to be late vmth or early ixth century. This MS. was described, and the entries printed, by Wanley in his Catalogus (Fol. Oxon. 1705). (2) A MS. at Oxford (Auct. F. 4. 32) containing a fragment of Eutychius de conjugationibus Latinis, a fragment of Ovid's Art of Love, some Excerpta de mensuris calculi, the Runic alphabet of Nemnivus, and other pieces, with a number of Welsh glosses on a few of the pages, said to be late vmth or early ixth century. The MS. was described by Wanley, and the glosses, &c. printed, with a commentary, by Zeuss in his Grammatica Celtica. (3) One leaf at Luxemburg, containing a number of Welsh glosses on Latin words, said to be of the same date as the pre- ceding. Discovered by Mone in 1851, and printed, with a com- mentary, by Zeuss. (4) Another MS. at Oxford (Bodl. 572) containing some Welsh glosses on a Latin text, said to be of the xth or Xlth century. The MS. was described by Wanley, and the glosses printed, with a commentary, by Zeuss. The whole text, with the glosses, has been printed by Mr Stokes in the Transactions of the Philological Society for 1861 (8vo. London, 1862). (5) A MS. of Juvencus (Ff. 4. 42) in the University Library here, said to be of the eighth or ninth century, containing 284 ON THE OLDEST WRITTEN REMAINS [XV a number of Welsh glosses, besides two Welsh and four Latin poems in a handwriting which cannot well be later 'than the latter half of the ninth century. The MS. was used by Lhuyd in his Arcliceologia (Fol. Oxon. 1707); and all the Welsh in it has been printed, with a commentary, by Mr Stokes, in the Transactions of the Philological Society for 1861 (8vo. London, 1862), art. xxn. This MS. is of course far the most valuable relic yet discovered, for the literature as dis- tinguished from the language, because the Welsh poems are in precisely the rhythm of those triplets which, according to the reckless assertion of Mr Thomas Wright, cannot possibly have been written earlier than the thirteenth century. Some years ago I was enabled, from the Latin poems which are found at the end of the volume, to fix the date of the w T riting with toler- able certainty to the middle or latter half of the ninth cen- tury. More recently I have had the satisfaction of seeing this confirmed by Mr Thomas Wright himself, on the occasion of his last visit to the University Library; arid it is the more satisfactory, because he did so on ground where he is unques- tionably a good judge; and, moreover, he was perfectly uncon- scious of the bearing which his remarks had upon the question. On the last page of the book there is a strange Latin rhythm, a kind of Sequence, written as prose on the spaces left vacant by the Latin poems written by the scribe of the Welsh triplets. This Sequence is in the Hiberno-Saxon character, easily dated by any one at all conversant with Anglo-Saxon documents. Mr Wright, without a moment's hesitation, described it as good Anglo-Saxon writing of the tenth century. I asked no more questions. I knew he was familiar with such writing, and it was sufficient evidence that the writing which necessarily pre- ceded this on the same page, could not very well have been written in the thirteenth century. I need hardly say here that the grammatical forms in the poems in the Juvencus MS. are such as could not have been written in the thirteenth century. Such as they are, the poems are extremely difficult to understand, and they are a crux to our very best Celtic scholars. The glosses, on the other hand, for the most part, help to explain themselves, because, from their very XV] OF THE WELSH LANGUAGE. 285 nature, they usually accompany their exact Latin equivalents. And hence it is evident that every additional word discovered in the shape of a gloss is so much clear gain, because it affords a sound basis for a knowledge of the grammar and orthography of the language as it was in that early period. The Irish mis- sionaries were so abundant on the Continent in early times, that the traces of their language are to be found scattered all over Europe. But with the Welsh it was far otherwise ; and having been driven into a corner instead of being scattered abroad, the remains of their early language and literature are now as rare as they are precious. It is, therefore, a source of particular satisfaction to me that the discovery of these fresh remains, the glosses on the Martianus Capella, which are ap- parently as early as any yet known, should have been made within the precincts of our own University, which has already yielded so many treasures of this kind in quite recent times. [Since this was in type, I have been reminded that some other work on the same subject, which never went beyond a ' revise,' is really an appendix to this paper. It seems to be full of interest ; and as Mr Bradshaw pro- mised more than once to let it appear among the Communications of the Cambridge Antiquarian Society, I have decided to print it in an Appendix to the present volume. It must of course be taken as it is, and should not be criticized as if it had received his final corrections : but his reason for suppressing it was, as far as I know, entirely that he thought there was too much about himself. J.J XVI. ON THE COLLECTION OF PORTRAITS BELONG- ING TO THE UNIVERSITY BEFORE THE CIVIL WAR 1 . EIGHT portraits are perhaps scarcely enough to deserve the name of a collection. But, as the pictures, which have been stowed away since the alterations in the Library building some years ago, have been recently hung again upon the entrance staircase, it seems a favourable opportunity to collect together the scattered notes which I have from time to time extracted from the University registers ; and as a recent examination of the original packets of vouchers has brought to light the name of a portrait-painter of whose work no specimen has, I believe, been hitherto recognised, I am anxious to lay the facts before the Society. My extracts are taken (A) from the Grace-books, (B) from the Inventories of University property, (C) from the Audit- books of the Vice-Chancellor's and Proctors' accounts, and, where the Audit-books seemed to imply the existence of further details, I have searched (D) the vouchers them- selves, which are preserved in the Registry, with a few gaps, from 1558 to the present time. The extracts are so small, that I shall proceed to give them all, as they stand, without fear of extending this communication to an undue length ; and I shall append to each extract such remarks as the occa- sion may seem to demand. A. From the Grace-Books. The following memorandum, in the handwriting of Mat- 1 A Communication read before the Cambridge Antiquarian Society, June 3, 1872. XVl] PORTRAITS BELONGING TO THE UNIVERSITY. 287 thew Stokys, occurs on a vacant leaf near the end of the Liber Gratiarum A (15421588), leaf 326 a : 'Memorandum quod anno domini 1580 et regni regine Elizabeths 22* niense vero Junii...M r Johannes parker dedit effigiein patris sui Matthei Cantuariensis archiepiscopi. Item M r Edvvardus grant dedit effigiem dominse Margarete comitisse Richemundie et Darbie matris Regis Henrici septimi, ut etiam efBgiem D. Robert! comitis leicestrie.' The first to come was also the first to go. I can find no trace of the portrait of Archbishop Parker having been in the possession of the University after the close of the xvith century. At the same time it is difficult to believe that any picture, still less a portrait of one who had been such a father to the University as Parker had always shown himself to be, could have been silently stolen from the walls of any public room in the University. The following suggestion is offered merely as a possible explanation of its disappearance. Some years ago, when Mr C. H. Cooper was preparing his edition of Le Keux's Memorials of Cambridge, we went very carefully over the Library in search of any heraldic decorations which might point out a date or contain an allusion of any kind. In what is now the ' Catalogue Room ' of the Library, but, until the building of the present Senate-House, was the place where the University business was transacted, there is an ornamental plaster ceiling, belonging evidently to the close of the xvith or beginning of the xviith century. Among all the ornaments we could only discover one coat of arms (2 chevronels, and a canton charged with a bird) ; and this we identified without difficulty as belonging to Dr Jegon, Master of Corpus Christi College, in whose Vice-Chancellorship the ceiling was in all probability put up. Can it be that Dr Jegon may have taken the portrait of his predecessor (Archbishop Parker had been Master of Corpus) into his own lodge for greater security during the alterations ? If so, it is quite conceivable that, when the alterations had been finally completed, Dr Jegon had ceased to be Master, and that in this way the portrait of the Archbishop never found its way back to the University buildings. There are, I believe, 288 ON THE COLLECTION OF PORTRAITS BELONGING [XVI three portraits of Parker in his own College. Now it is proverbially difficult to find any register of the pedigree of pictures, and I dare say the present Master and Fellows of Corpus Christi College are as little able to say how they became possessed of these, as the University is to say how it lost its own. My suggestion about the alterations in the Regent House and their date will be sure to meet with either confirmation or disproof, when Professor Willis's long-expected Architectural History of the University makes its appearance ; and I hope the Master and Fellows of Corpus Christi College will not take amiss the remarks I have made about a possible act of unconscious appropriation on the part of one of their predecessors. The portrait of the Lady Margaret is a small painting on panel, measuring 20 in. by 15f in., in a plain frame now painted black, though one can still read through the paint the following inscription in gold letters: MARGARETA MATER HENRICI vn (head) COMITISSA RICHMONDI.E ET DERBI.E (right side) FVNDATRIX COLLEGIORVM D IOANNIS ET CHRI CANTABRIGI^E (left side) OBIIT ANNO DNI 1509 3 KAL IVLII (foot). She has a half open book in her hands, bound in red; and the words visible, 'spalme' in the head-line, and ' ...deus secundum ' and ' ...tuam ' below, show it to be meant either for a psalter open at the ' Miserere mei deus,' or for a supposed copy of Bishop Fisher's work on the seven penitential psalms, which was first printed four years before the Lady Margaret's death. It is in bad condition at present ; but it bears no marks, in my eyes, of being a contemporary likeness. Indeed, but for the memorandum of its having been presented by Mr Edward Grant in 1580, I should have been more inclined to class it with several others, such as those of Bancroft, Abbot, and Buckingham, which give the impression of being copies made to order during the Commonwealth period, when there was a great spirit of activity in the University, and when it seems to have been thought desirable to have before the eyes the likenesses of those who had been our most notable benefactors. In looking at the Catalogue of the National Portrait Exhibi- tion of 1866, and the accompanying volume of photographs, XVI] TO THE UNIVERSITY ISKFOltE THE CIVIL WAR. 281) this portrait is seen to resemble most closely the one num- bered 47, which belongs to St John's College, Cambridge. The following is the brief and incomplete description given in the Catalogue : ' Half-length, face three-quarter to r. ; black robe and dress of a widow according to her rank ; a white "barbe" above the chin, and white head-dress... Panel, 22 x 17 in.' The size is almost identical and the attitude and details of half-opened book, &c., are precisely alike in the two. The portrait, on the other hand, of Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, who was High Steward of the University from 1563 to 1588, has much more the appearance of being an original likeness. It is on panel, and measures 20 in. by 15 in., and is in the common black frame, seen round so many portraits of that day in the University. He is represented with his head covered, and wearing the jewel and collar of the order of the Garter. It was exhibited in London at the National Portrait Exhibition in 1866 (no. 262), and a photograph was taken of it at the time, as of all the others in the same exhibition. It is described in the catalogue thus: 'Bust, dark beard and moustache, black hat, jewelled band, dark dress, small ruff; collar of K.G. It is so dark as hardly to show in the photograph '. The donor, Edward Grant, was a well-known man in his day, as head-master of Westminster School. There is an inter- esting notice of him in the Athenae Cantabrigienses, from which we learn, among other things, that he matriculated at St John's College in February 1563-4, and that he was a member of the college at the time of Queen Elizabeth's visit to Cambridge in August 1564. He was appointed head-master of Westminster in 1572, and canon of the same church in 1577. He became Doctor in Divinity here in 1580, at which time our memoran- dum shows that he gave the two portraits to the University. He had given books to St John's College in the preceding year. Dudley had become High Steward of the University in June 1563, a little before Grant's matriculation, and he accompanied the Queen to Cambridge in 1564. Whether there had been any relations between the two men at that early period I B. 19 290 ON THE COLLECTION OF PORTRAITS BELONGING [XVI cannot say. But in 1581 we find Grant dedicating his Lexicon Graeco-Latinum (4to. London, 1581) to Leicester; and in this he subscribes himself ' Honori tuo, a Sacris, omni obseruantia addictissimus,' words which imply that he was his chaplain. Grant died August 4, 1601, and was buried in Westminster Abbey. His connexion with St John's College is of course enough to account for his presenting to the University a por- trait of the Lady Margaret, the foundress of the one body and a primary benefactor of the other. B. From the Inventories. The following entries occur in a book containing the ' Arti- cles for the office of keeping the Universitie Librarie, made A 1582,' after which comes 'A Table of the Books in the Universitie Librarie,' which again is succeeded by a list of ' Diuers other Parcells, thyngs, and furniture belonginge to the Universitie.' The book was probably drawn up soon after the Articles were sanctioned ' ; and it contains a few additions from the hand of Matthew Stokys, whose writing disappears alto- gether from the University books in 1588. The Inventory now forms part of a bound volume of ' Library Catalogues,' marked 31. 1, in the Registry. Among the 'Diners other Parcells' occurs the following entry : 'In the Consistorie, and charge of M r Matthew Stokys Reg". * * * * 9. The Ladie Margarets Countesse of Rich, physiognomic. 10. The Lord Matthew Archbysshopp his physionomie. 11. The Lord Roberts Erie of Leycester his physionomie. * * # * [22. The phisionomye of my Lorde Tresnrer.]' Of the entries numbered 9, 10, 11, which are in the original 1 An entry in the Vice-Chancellor's stuffe, books, &c. of thuniuersitie, xxij d , accounts for 1582-83 (D r Bell V.C.) and to Jo. Frickley wryting the same, perhaps relates to this very book: vs.' The handwriting is certainly 1 Item 6 Julij [1583] ... for a paper booke Frickley's, judging from such vouchers in vellam wherein is written all the of his as I ha,ve examined. XVl] TO THE UNIVERSITY BEFORE THE CIVIL WAli. 291 handwriting, nothing need be said, as the pictures are the same three which appeared in the memorandum of 1580 in the Grace-Book. The one numbered 22 I have enclosed in brack- ets as being an addition made by Matthew Stokys. ' My Lorde Tresurer ' is of course William Cecil, Lord Burghley, who became Lord High Treasurer in 1572, and who was Chancellor of the University from February 1558-9 until his death, August 4, 1598. Nothing could be more natural than to find a portrait of Cecil in the possession of the University ; but I have in vain searched the accounts of the years during which it must have come here, for any trace, either of the gift or of expenses connected with it, further than the bare entry which is given above. This entry, however, puts it beyond question that the picture came some time during the years 1583-1588. The portrait itself is on panel, measuring 28 in. by 2 2 in., in a plain black frame like those already described. Burghley is represented half-length, with his head covered, wearing the jewel of the order of the Garter attached to a common chain, the Treasurer's staff in his right hand. In the upper right hand corner (of the picture) are the Cecil arms with the motto COR . VNVM . VIA. . VNA beneath. The general effect much resembles the larger picture belonging to the Marquis of Exeter, which is described and photographed in the Catalogue of the National Portrait Exhibition of 1866 and its accompanying series of photographs, entitled ' Galleries and Bays/ &c. (obi. 4to. London, 1867), no. 246. C. From the Audit Books. The following entries are all that I have been able to find relating in any way to portraits belonging to the Univer- sity. . 1. Vice-Chancellor's accounts, 158889 (Dr Nevill V. C.): Item for bringinge of the Queenes picture which M r Sckinner gave vnto the Vniuersitie ij'. 2. Vice-Chancellor's accounts, 159192 (Dr Some V. C.): Item for cariage of a lettre to M r Vincent Skinner about the Vniuersity stewardship xij*. 19-2 202 ON THE COLLECTION OF PORTRAITS BELONGING [XVI 3. Vice- Chancellor's accounts, 160203 (Dr W. Smith, V. C.): Item for our Chancellors Picture the case and caridge xxxv". 4. Vice-Chancellor's accounts, 161112 (Dr Gnche, V. C.): Item for the kingis picture *)' 5. Vice-Chancellor's accounts, 161213 (Dr Carey, V. C.): Item solut' pro pictura Principis Carroli in domo Regentium xiij 1 '. vj'. viij d . Item pro portitore eiusdem x'. Item pro le Curteine, stringes and rodd xv . The picture of Queen Elizabeth, mentioned in the first of the above extracts, is on canvas, measuring 24 in. by 20 in., and is enclosed in a simple black frame. It was exhibited in London at the National Portrait Exhibition in 1 866 (No. 363), and the following description was added in the catalogue : 'Bust; yellow wig, jewelled head-ornaments and gauze falling veil, small ruff.' A photograph of it was taken at the same time. The donor, Mr Vincent Skinner, does not appear to have been a member of the University ; but he was evidently in the service of Lord Burghley, and his son Sir Robert Cecil. His name frequently appears in the University accounts about this time : ' 2 pair of gloves for Mr Vincent Skinner,' ' 5 pair of gloves for Mr Vincent Skinner,' &c. The second entry given above seems to show that he was a person of some importance ; and ' the stewardship ' of course is the office of High Steward of the University to which Sir Robert Cecil was appointed about Christmas 1591. On Essex's disgrace, Sir Robert Cecil succeeded as Chan- cellor of the University in February 1600-1 ; and the younger Cecil is therefore ' our Chancellor,' whose picture came down to Cambridge two years later. The amount, thirty-five shillings, renders it somewhat uncertain how far the cost of the picture fell upon the University. My searches have been unavailing in tracing any other allusion to it in the University accounts. It is painted on panel, measuring 31 in. by 25 in., and is framed like the rest of these early pictures. He is represented half- length, his head bare, his left hand covering the jewel on his breast ; his right hand resting on a table upon two white bound books, to which seems to be attached a seal in a red case, embroidered with the Royal arms and garter. Behind these on XVI] TO THE UNIVERSITY BEFORE THE CIVIL WAR. 293 the table is a hand-bell. Above iu the left hand corner of the picture is the motto ' SERO SED SERIO.' It bears a strong resemblance, both in general treatment, and in the details, to two which found a place at the National Portrait Exhibition of 1866, one belonging to the Marquis of Salisbury (No. 259), and the other to the Earl of Derby (No. 294). The entry in the accounts for 1611-12, 'Item for the King's picture, xj 8 ,' can only refer to the full-length portrait of King James which now stands on the wall immediately facing the entrance-door. It is painted on canvas, measuring 80 in. by 42 in., and is in a carved frame, gilt, which seems to belong to the time. His head is covered, and he wears the collar and jewel of the Garter. The University account books throw no light upon it beyond the brief note I have transcribed ; so that we are left wholly in the dark as to what fact the payment of eleven shillings represents. It is possible that an examina- tion of the accounts of the royal household may afford an explanation, and perhaps also the name of the artist who executed it. It might well be from the same hand as the Prince Charles. The last extract I have made, from the accounts of 1612-13, explains itself, and I will say all I have to say upon it, after quoting the actual receipt of the painter. D. From the Vouchers. The original packets of bills and receipts submitted to the auditors of the University accounts every year are preserved in chests in the Registry, and go back to the year 1558. Think- ing it might be possible to find a receipt from the painter himself for the portrait of Prince Charles which the University procured at its own cost for the Regent House, I obtained Mr Luard's leave and aid to search these precious little bundles of papers. The picture had been attributed to Mytens and others, by writers who never thought of going to the account books of the University for information ; so I was all eagerness and curiosity to find the result. On going through the bundle for 1612-13, I came upon the following receipt: 294 ON THE COLLECTION OF PORTRAITS BELONGING [XVI 'x'die Julij. 1613. Receaued by me Robert Peake, of M r Doctor Carew, vize Chancellowr of the vniuersitie of Cambridge, the some of Thirtene Pounds, sixe xiij 11 . vj'. viij d . shillings and eight pence, and is in full satisfacc/on for Prince Charles his picture I saie receaued the sum of Subscribed in the presence of James : Hodgson ; William. .-. Keble.' ROBART PEAK I confess to having experienced a slight disappointment on reading this document. I was in hopes of finding possibly the signature of some well-known painter ; and here was a man of whose very name I had never heard. It was some slight com- fort to reflect that, whatever its value as a work of art, a question on which I do not pretend to give an opinion, the picture must always have an interest for members of the University. The visit of Prince Charles, which it commemo- rates, took place on the 3rd and 4th of March, 1612-13, and the Prince received the degree of Master of Arts on the occa- sion. The picture (which is painted on canvas, measuring 61 in. by 34 in., and is in a carved gilt, frame, similar to the one of King James mentioned above) represents the Prince full length, wearing the jewel of the Garter with a ribbon, the garter below his left knee, his head uncovered, and his white hat with jewelled band on the table at his side, on which his right hand rests. Above, pinned to the curtain, is an unfolded piece of paper, on which the following lines and statement are written : CAROLE, TE MVS^E NAM TV DIGNATVS VTRVMQ: CEPIMVS HOSPITIO, PINXIMVS, OBSEQVIO Academiam inuisens A Regni Paterni Angliae 10, die Martij 4, cooptatus est in ordinem Magistrorum, admissusq : hoc in Senatu, per Valentinum Carey Procancellarium. The second line of the couplet is as terse an expression of University loyalty as even King James can have desired. XVI] TO THE UNIVERSITY BEFORE THE CIVIL WAR. 295 On turning, however, to Walpole's Anecdotes of painting in England (ed. Wornum, 8vo. London, 1849, vol. 1, p. 220), I found that Peak was far from being wholly unknown, though neither Walpole nor his editors have succeeded in identifying any specimen of his work. Walpole's notice is so short, that I may perhaps be forgiven for giving it almost in full. 'ROBERT I'KAKK. The earliest mention of him that appears is in the books of the Lord Harrington, treasurer of the chambers, No. 78, 79, being accounts of monies received and paid by him: Item, paid to Robert Peake, picture-maker, by warrant from the council October 4, 1612, for three several pictures made by him at the commandment of the Duke of York his officers, and given away and disposed of by the duke's grace, twenty pounds. . It does not appear whether these pictures were in oil or water-colours ; I should rather suppose portraits in miniature of (King Charles I. then) Duke of York; but that Peak painted in oil is ascertained by Peacham, in his Book of Limning, where he expressly celebrates his good friend Mr Peake, and Mr Marquis for oil-colours. * * * Peake was originally a picture-seller by Hollwrn-bridge, and had the honour of being Faithorn's master, and, what perhaps he thought a greater honour, was knighted at Oxford, March 28, 1645. The disorders of the times confounding all professions, and no pro- fession being more bound in gratitude to take up arms in defence of King Charles, Sir Robert Peake entered into the service, and was made a lieutenant-colonel, and had a command in Basing-house when it was besieged, where he persuaded his disciple Faithorn to enlist under him, as the latter in his dedication of the Art of Graving to Sir Robert expressly tells him, and where Peake himself was taken prisoner. He was buried in the church of St Stephen, London.' Dallaway, Walpole's editor, quotes the following words from Peacham's Treatise on Drawing and Limning, alluded to above: 'Nor must I be ungratefully unmindful of my own countrymen, who have been and are able to equal the best, if occasion served, as old M r Hilliard, M r Isaac Oliver, inferior to none in Christendom for the counte- nance in small, my good friend M r Peake and M r Marquis for oyll colours, and many more unknown to me.' Failing a known good name, it is perhaps the next best thing to have found that our Prince Charles is the production of one whose work is unknown ; because once having an au- 21)6 PORTRAITS BELONGING TO THE UNIVERSITY. [XVI thenticated picture by an artist who is known to have been employed 1 , it becomes practicable for the student of art to give his attention to the characteristic features of the work of this one known picture, and by this process to go far towards iden- tifying other portraits, hitherto unclaimed, as coming from the same hand. When the University was asked some years ago to lend certain pictures for the purposes of the National Portrait Exhibition in London, this picture was selected among others, and a Grace of the Senate was obtained for the purpose. For one reason or another, possibly because of the overwhelming number of portraits of Charles placed at the disposal of the Committee, all those mentioned in the Grace were taken, ex- cept this one. Had it then been known that this portrait was an authentic sample of an otherwise unrecognised artist, how- ever second-rate, I feel sure it would have found a place in an exhibition, the main object of which was instruction, and the existence of which, even for a few months, did more to dispel ignorance, to correct mistakes (which side by side comparison alone could correct), and to put the knowledge of English por- traits on a sound basis, than any number of books on the sub- ject could possibly have done. Thus closes my short list. This is not the opportunity for making any remarks about the later additions to the collection ; though it were much to be wished that some one interested in the subject and competent to do the work, would supply the University with a more respectable description of these pictures than anything which we now have to show. 1 It is remarkable enough that the been in his employ only a few months entry quoted by Walpole from the before the picture was executed for the Prince's accounts, shows Peak to have University. XVII. NOTES OF THE EPISCOPAL VISITATION OF THE ARCHDEACONRY OF ELY IN 1685 1 . THE notes which are here laid before the Society are the me- moranda of the Episcopal Visitation of the Archdeaconry of Ely in 1685, taken at the time, partly in the handwriting of the Chancellor of the diocese, and partly, I presume, in that of his clerk. They were afterwards worked up into the form in which they appear in the Bishop's register. But as such autograph notes do not often come to light, and as Episcopal registers are not generally very easy of access, I have asked the owner to allow me to lay them before our Society as affording a view of the state of a group of town and country churches as they appeared just a quarter of a century after the Restoration. The picture is such as will scandalise almost any one of the rising generation, though there are yet many of the ' older inhabitants ' who can recollect a state of things if not as bad, yet not very much better, in many of our village churches. The papers belong to Mr John Taylor, of Northampton, who has devoted so much time and labour to the illustration of the history and literature of his own county. Mr Taylor tells me that he found them among a mass of waste paper which was offered for sale by a person at Market Harborough, not long tigo. After the matter had been worked up into the official entries in the Bishop's register, the memoranda of the time must have been left among loose papers ' of no account,' and so eventually turned out as waste. I have not yet been able to ascertain who the Chancellor was at this time ; whoever he was, he. wrote a good scholarlike hand. Some of the sheets are no doubt wanting. There are four- 1 A Communication read before the 21, 1875. The MS. is now in the Cambridge Antiquarian Society, May British Museum. 298 NOTES OF THE EPISCOPAL VISITATION [XVII teen of them, all loose and disconnected. I have therefore sorted them into two packets according to the two handwritings ; one of which contains the parishes which I have numbered I xni, and the other XIV LXVII. For further arrangement, I have placed the separate sheets in order according to the dates occurring in them, beginning with the earliest. Sheets 5 and 6 have each lost a half. By means of the following alphabetical list of the parishes visited, it will be easy to find any particular one. LIST OF PAKISHES MENTIONED IN THE FOLLOWING NOTES. Abington magna 18 Chettisham 10 Melburn 22 Abington parva 19 Childerly 28 Meldreth 60 Babraham 17 Comberton 44 Newton 13 Balsham 16 Cottenham 35 Oakington 59 Barton 56 Coveney 12 Orwell 62 Bassingborn 23 Croyden 63 Over 33 Boxworth 27 Doddington 7 Pampesford 24 Cambridge : Downham 9 Eampton 34 All Hallows 45 Dry Drayton 29 Sarston 25 St Andrews 47 Elsworth 37 Great Shelford 31 Bennet 65 Gamlingay 42 Stapleford 26 St Buttolf 50 Grandchester 54 Long Stow 39 bt Clements 49 Little Grandsden 38 Sutton 4 St Edwards 52 Haddenham 3 Tadlow 64 St Giles 67 Harleton 55 Toft 43 Great St Maries 53 East Hatley 40 Trumpington 32 Little St Maries 51 Hungry Hatley 41 Wentworth 2 St Peters 66 Hildersham 20 Whaddon 61 St Sepulchres 48 Histon 58 Wicham 11 Trinity 46 Impington 57 Wichford 1 Castle camps 15 Lollworth 30 Wilberton 8 Shudi camps 14 Maddingly 21 Willingham 36 Chatteris 6 Meepole 5 [Sheet 1, leaf 1] I. WICHFORD. Aug. 18. Vicar. Mr Bambridge. Value. 60 per an. Patron. Dr Gower in right of the Deane and Chapter of Ely. 0. The Chchyard to be well fenct and clear'd from Weeds and Bushes. n j rnL 1 Church Order. Ihe j _,. to be painted, plasterd, whited. Order. The Font to bee kept Cleane, with a Plugg and Cover. And Baptisme not to bee performd with a Bason. Order. The Vicaridge house to bee Repaird, or rather Rebuilt, for the pittifull old Cottage is Irreparable. XVII] OF THE ARCHDEACONRY OF ELY IN 1685. 299 NB. This parish is very Comformable. All come well to Church and Sacraments. Above 100 Communicants. (Lady Walker and Colonel Phil. Herbert are the onely persons of Quality that have an Interest of estates in this Parish. Quaere. Is not the Schoolemaster a Fanatick ? I was told that Hee is one. Then lett him bee prohibited 1 .) [1. 1] II. WENTWORTH. Aug. 18. Rector. Mr Appleford. Value. 60 per an. Patron. Deane and Chapter of Ely. The Chancell is newly Repair'd in part. The Chancell to bee finisht, plasterd, whited. The Church w ch is in a most ruinous condition Order. to bee forthwith Repaird. The Churchyard to be fenct better, for tis miserably unpall'd, and freed from Weedes. The Rectory house is tolerably well. N.B. No sort of Dissenter in the parish. Ab* 20 familys. AD* 30 Communicants. The Incumbent appears Diligent in Catechizing. [2. 1] III. HADDENHAM. Aug. 18. 85. Curate. Mr Patrick. Value. 50 per an. Once neere 100. Spoyld by Divid- ing y 8 F[ ]. Impropriator. Archdeacon. Impropriation very considerable. About 1000 persons ought to Communicate. Not above 30 or 40 Actually doe Communicate. Men of better note in the parish are these Mr March, a Justice of Peace. Mr John Towers. Mr Thomas Towers. 1 These two paragraphs seem to certain about it, as they are written refer to this parish ; but I am not on the other half of the sheet. HOG NOTES OF THE EPISCOPAL VISITATION [XV11 Mr limply n. Mr Bland. The Curate appeares Carefull and do's constantly Catechize, Order. A sylver Patin for the Bread instead of a Trencher vf^ now they use. Order. A Napkin to be bought to Cover y e Bread. Order. The Pale to bee removd out of the Font and a plug to bee putt in : The Font to bee kept cleane. Order. One of the pillars is much broaken. Divers places in the church are dangerously crackt. The steeple is like to fall. Lett all these things bee mended out of hand. Recommend the speciall Care of this Important place to the Archdeacon. ( Plaster'd Order. The Church and Chancell to bee \ , . , I Whited. [2. -2] IV. SUTTON. Aug. 19. 85. Vicar. Mr Gregory. Value. 60 per an. 1 Deane and chapter of Ely. Parson. ( Tenant. Captain Story. Value of y e Parsonage 100 per an. 0. The Church to bee speedily and thoroughly repair'd, for it is in a Lamentable Case, and is a most noble structure. Order. The Chancell to be also repaird, for that is in worse Condition than even y e Church is. The very Walls of the Chancell like to fall. Recommend it effectually to y e Deane and Chapter that they require of their Tenant to mend all in y e Chancell. Order. The Churchyard to be better fenct. (On opposite side) (Order. That ye Schoole bee no longer Taught in y e Church). NB. There is in this Parish a Schoole endowd w th 20 per an. The schoolem r (Mr Poole) is putt in by the Deane and chapter. No Papist in this Parish, But six familys of Quakers. The Vicaridge house is most lamentable and Decrepitt, never Tolerable, never a Chamber in it. XVH] OF THE ARCHDEACONRY OF ELY IN 1685. .301 Order. The Church to bee kept cleane for y c future, it lyes most sordidly for the present. Order. The Font to be cleansd and kept coverd, and that there bee no Christning w th a Bason. (On opposite page) (Order. A chest w th three locks and the Register to be kept there.) Order. That a silver Patin bee provided for y* Communion Bread. Order. A Booke of Homilys, Canons, Table of Matrimony. The vicar seemes to Discharge his Trust Well. [3. 1] V. MEEPOLE. Aug. 19. Rector. Mr Gregory of Sutton. Value. Parson. Patron. The Church a very small one. Order. The Chancell to be Repaird, for tis in a ruinous condition. Order. The Carpett for the Communion-Table to bee pro- vided (that w ch they use being a sordid one). Order. The floore of ye Chancell to be mended ; tis sunk downe at pres 4 . Order. The Font to be made cleane and kept so. Tis useless now for want of a plugg and hold's no Water. Mr Fortry (the present Highsheriff) the onely Gentleman in y* place. Mr Whinne ) ,, ~ , v Y well affected Yeomen. Mr Carter j Mr Hutton, The Schoolemaster Licensed and teaches our Chatechisme. One female Quaker in the parish. Order. The Church to be Swept and made decent. Then the Churchwardens to see that y e Clerke do keep it so. Order. Homilys. Canons. Table. Bible and two Com- mon-prayer bookes to be wellbound. Order. A Chest w th three Locks and the parish Register to bee kept there Lockt upp. 802 NOTES OF THE EPISCOPAL VISITATION [XVII [:}. 2] VI. CHATTERIS. Aug. 19. Vicar. Mr Strong. Value. 40 per an. Impropriator. Mr Heately. Value. 150 per an. Mr Caryl, a Gentleman ha's a fine Seat hard by. The parish abound's w th Quakers. 0. The Chancell to be repaird. The Leadworke w ch is faulty to be mended. The floore to be well pavd. The Windowes mended. Order. The Font to be cleansd, and a plugg and a decent Cover provided. The Church to be kept alwayes cleane. All the holes stopt that no Vermine or Birds may gett in. A booke of Homily s, Canons, Table. The Bible and all the Church-bookes to be well bound. The Chest to have three Locks. The Register to be laid upp there. [3. 2] VII. DODDINGTON. Aug. 20. Rector. Dr Nalson. Value. Neere 400 per an. Patron. S r Sewster Peyton. The Chch and Chancell needs much Repairing. Order. That it be done speedily and effectually. 20 per an. Fabrick Land. S r Leoline Walden) n . o-o, > Gentlemen y l have Interest there. S r Sewster Peyton j [4. 1] VIII. WILBERTON. Aug. 27. Curate. Mr Smith. Value. Patron. Archdeacon. Tenant to the Archdeacon, S r Will. Wren. Ab l 100 Communicants. Every thing heere very Decent. The Chancell and Church in good repaire. Prayers heere uppon Wednesdays and Fridayes. A Townehouse Worth ab* 4 per an. for the poore. XVII] OF THE ARCHDEACONRY OF ELY IN 1G85. 303 [4. 1] IX. DOWN HAM. Aug. 30. Rector. Mr John Saywell. Value. 140 per an. Patron. Bp of Ely. Parsonage house and Outhouses in good repair. The parish a very Orderly One. Two or Three Stubborne Quakers. Two or Three Children Unbaptiz'd, borne of a Jew, his name Washingden. Constant Catechizing and keeping Holydayes. [4.1,2] X. CHETTISHAM. Sept. 5. A Chappell of ease to S e Mary's. Curate. Mr Bentham. Value. 20 per an. Patron. Deane and Chapter. This Chappell is ruinous, and nasty. Turn'd into a Dove house. Order. That the Holes w re the Birds come in bee stopt. That all be Cleansd and kept Cleane. That all be Repaird and Whited. Order. That a Bible bee gotten, for yet there is none. (a Book of Homilys "j Book of Canons I be bought. Table of Degrees] Ab* 18 or 20 Communicants in this [ .] No Dissenter. Order. The Font to be Washt, & kept cleane w th j Order. The Westend of the Chappell, w ch is Dangerously crackt, to bee Secur'd. [4. 2] XI. WICHAM. Sept. 6. Vicar. Mr Jaxon. Value. About 80 per an. Patron. Deane and Chapter. Tenant for the Gr. Tith Mrs Dillingham. Not one Dissenter heere. 192 Communicants. Steeple much Crackt, But already mended. Vicaridge house in good repair. 304 NOTKS OF THE EPISCOPAL VISITATION [XVII [4. 2] XII. COVENEY. Sept. 6. Rector. Mr Gottbed. Value 60 per an. Patron. Mr Drake. A wicked Modus spoyles this Living. The parish being twelve miles Compass, the value w d be great but for y e composi- tion. Out of this 60 he pays the Curate of Maney a Chappcll of ease. Order. The Font to be cleansd, to have a plugg and Cover, and christnings to be no more w th a Bason. Order. The pavem fc of the Chch to be mended w re it is broaken. Order. That Mr Gottbed do pave the Chancell, as he promises to doe. Order. A new Communion-Carpett. Ab e 50 Communicants. Never any Dissenter heere. One Mrs Halyburton, a papist lives at Maney w th Mr Widdrington. [5. 1J XIII. NEWTON. Sept. 17, 1685. Vicar. late Curate to Dr Harrison. Patron. Dr Harrison in right of the Deane and Chapter of Ely. Value. {paving y e floore moyst and greene. pointing and Tyling Whiting. The Clarke want's a Common-prayer-booke. This is Torne and spoyld. [Hood There Wants a \ ( Canons. There wants a Table of Degrees of Kindred. The Font is foule and want's a plugg, and a better Cover. There Wants a Patin, and they use a Trencher instead. XVII] OF THE ARCHDEACONRY OF ELY IN 1685. 305 There want Locks uppou the Chest. The Register is not kept as it ought under Three Locks and keys. The Lead worke neere the porch is bad and it raine's in. Both Church and Chancell want Slatting. The Churchyard is Weedy and ill fenct in some places. There are in all ab* 30 familys in the parish. The Vicaridge-house is a pittifull Cottage. Mr Swann, the onely man of Condition in the parish, who is Tenant to the Deane and Chapter. 1 [6. 2] XIV. SHUDICAMPS. Sept. y e 9 th . Mr Wignell. Vicar. 0. D. P. a Venerable hum[ .] Value. 25 per Annum. m . ~ (Parsons. Value 60 per Annum. Trin. Coll. \ J {Patrons. The Chancell in a wretched condition y e g[ .] Noe Patin, noe Book of Homilies, Cannons, noe Cha[ .] Noe Carpet layd on, noe Linnen for the Altar. Noe Bible but of an old Edition 100 years agoe. The Common Prayer-book torn and defective. The Seats in y e Chancell spoyld, y e Dore broak. The Register to be kept under 3 Locks. Mr Salmon Tenant to Mr Simon Sterne. The Body of the Church wants paving and Plaistring y e Seats are broaken. The Church-porch unpaved. The Font wants a Plugg. A Town-house. The Vicaridge-house in a falling lamentable Condition. About 30 Families. Mr Mr R l Bridge. Mr Yates. Mr Willings. 1 With Newton ends what I have maining sheets are in the handwriting above assumed to be in the Chancel- which I have assumed to . be that of lor's own handwriting. All the re- his clerk. B. 20 306 NOTES OF THE EPISCOPAL VISITATION [XVII Lady Allington. Mr Turner. \ estates here. Well. [6. 2] XV. [CASTLE CA]MPS. Sept. y e 9 th . ***** [ ]d plaistred both whole and tite. y e Font well. [ ] kept, a Hood and Patin wanting. [ ]ooks spoiled and torn. The Bible to be new bound. Noe Book of Homilies. Noe School Here. The Parsonage house Very well. About 50 Families and about a 140 Communicants. Noe Dissenters tho many Sluggards. Mr Scott of Bennet Coll. Mr of the Castle. [6. 2] XVI. BALSHAM. Sept. y e 9 th . Rector. Dr Templar. Value. 300 per Annum. Patron. Charter-house. The Church very fair, y e Body of it wants mending. The Chancell Seats and Canopy broaken. Some paving wanting. The Stepp to y e Altar is very high, y e Bails to be restored. The Clerks book torn. A Book of Homilies and Table of Marriages wanting. 4 Excom'. 2 Quakers. 2 Anabaptists. About 250 Communicants. 16 Presented for neglect. The Parsonage-house very well. 1 Good Scool-Dame constant at .Church. Another a Fanatick never comes. Mr Linsey Gent. [7. 1] XVII. BABRAHAM. Vicar. Mr Barker. Held by Sequestrat'. Value. About 25 per Annum. Some Land belonging to it. XVII] OF THE ARCHDEACONRY OF ELY IN 1685. 307 Impropriator. S r Lavin' Bennett. Patron. L d Keeper for the King. The Bible wants binding only. The Register to be kept better. A Book of Cannons to be bought. The Chancell wants little only y e Seats a little boarding and 2 small lights want glazing. The Seats in the Church want much boarding. The Font in the Church wants a Plugg and a Cover. Some paving wanting in y e Church. The Church-Porch ill crackt and wants painting and paving. The Church-Yard ore-grown w th weeds. Noe Dissenter of any kind. About 20 Famylies. Gent : S r Levin' Bennet. Mr Joselyn. [7. 1] XVIII. ABINGTON MAGNA. Vicar. Mr Boughton. Held by Sequestration. Patron. Mr Bennet. Value. Not full 20 per Annum. Impropriator. Mr Bennet. The Chancell-floaring is all green for it stands upon springs and besides it wants paving much and seat -boarding. The Windows all broak to be mended. Order. 2 new Common Prayer-books. A new Carpet, new Cover for y 6 Font and a Book of Homilies, and the setting up y e Seats as farr as they will goe. The whole Church pittifull and thatcht and that extream ill great Holes in it at w ch y 6 Pidgeons come in, once a Hand- some Church now a Dismall one. Turn y e Desk, the Church wants paving. Noe Vicaridge House a poor one burnt down 25 year agoe. About 45 Families. Noe Dissenter except 2 Quakers, One Excom' for not paying Tithes these 2 Abingtons served morn and Afternoon interchangeably. A noble from Clarehall given by Mr Boughton half to y e poor half to y e Church. 202 308 NOTES OF THE EPISCOPAL VISITATION [XVII [7. 1] XIX. ABINGTON PARVA. Sept. y e 18 th . Vicar. Mr Boughton. Patron. B p of Ely. Value. About 20 per Annum held by Institution. Impropriator. Mrs Dalton. The Chancell windows are broaken. Green Raggs are hung in a pue. Chancell and Church want whiting. The Church wants tyling pointing. The tiles to be removed. Sentences obliterated to be restored. Chancell to be paved where wanting. The Brick-work in y e Porch to be mended. A Book of Cannons to be bought and a Patin now wanting. Noe Dissenter, about 20 Families and none Excomunicate but Winter Flood. The Vicaridge house Well, a Noble from Clarehall, 12 Acres of Land. Gent'. Mr Bennet, comes to Church here but lives in tother Abingdon. [7. 1] XX. HILDERSHAM. Sept. y e 18 th . Rector. Mr Smith. Patron. Mr Smith Himselfe. Value. About 100 per Annum. Lady Colson Lady of the Manner. A Side-Chappell much dilapidated but now repairing. The Pavement wants some mending. Some Seats want boarding. The Chancell and Church want whiting and some plastering. A Patin wanting. The Hood to be new lined. The Rayls to be sett up. A Patin wanting. The Vestry to be cleard of Tyles and filth and to be repaird. The Register to be kept under 3 Locks. A Terrier to be brought in to y e Registers Office. 24 Families. Noe Alehouse. XVII] OF THE ARCHDEACONRY OF ELY IN 1685. 309 Noe Separatist. All come well to Church. Constant Catechizing and Holy-days. The Bible to be bound. 0. A new Common Prayerbook to be bought. Charity a noble from Clare-Hall. Parsonage house and garden very well. A good House. [7. 2] XXI. MADDINGLY. Sept. 26 th . Vicar. Mr Value 50 per annum. Patron. The Font foul and noe Plugg. Some Seats want boarding. Two Heaps of Lime and Stone in Corners to be removed. New boards for the Beare now in peices. The Church and Chancell to be whited. 3 Locks to be sett upon the Chest for y e better keeping of the Register. Some underpinning and plastering wanting in the Chancell. The 2 Porches want Tyling. The Chancell wants pointing and some tyling. The Sentences to be renewd. Two new Prayer-books wanting. A new book of Homilies and Cannons wanting. Constant Catechizing and keeping Holy-days. 6 or 7 per annum given to y 6 Church. " The Vicaridge house new built. [7. 2] XXII. MELBURN. Oct. y e 12 th Vicar. Mr Day. Value about 40 per Annum. Patron. } ^ . _, _ \ Dean and Chapt r of Ely. Parson, j Tenant. S r Ben Ailoff. The Chancell- Walls decayd for want of Plastering. The Chancell floar very bad. The Chancell window very faulty and stopt up. The Chancell Seats broaken. 310 NOTES OF THE EPISCOPAL VISITATION [XVII The Ministers and Clerks Common Prayer-book want binding. The Font nasty an ill Plugg and a worse Cover. The Church needs much paving. The Chest to have 3 Locks and the Register to be kept there. The Seats in the Church want boarding. Homilies and Cannons wanting. The Church-porch w th huge deep Pitts in it to bee new floard. The Min r p r tends constant Catechizing. About 70 Families. about 12 Families Holdcraft' Disciples. One Metcalf an Anabaptist Excom'. The Vicaridge House w th ye Out-houses reasonably good and well in Repairs. [7. 2] XXIII. BASSINGBORN. Oct. 12 th . Vicar. Mr Searles 1 . Patron. \ Dean and Chap' of Westminster value 400 per Parson. ) Annum. Tenant. Mr Pigott. Value of the Vicaridge 80 per Annum. A fair Church. The Chancell leaded and all well. Noe Patin, the Seats unbearded, the Chest wants three Locks y 6 Register to be kept there. The Steeple crackt much and dangerously. The Church wants Soaring, whiting. The Font foul, noe Plugg. Sentences obliterated to be restored. Scoolm 1 Mr Tingay School unlicensed. Noe Free School. Families 150, Noe Dissenters many Sluggards. [8. 1] XXIV. PAMPESFORD. Sept. y e 18 th . Vicar. Mr Bowtell of Kings. Value about 20 per Annum. 1 [This name may be Scarlet. J.] XVII] OF THE ARCHDEACONRY OF ELY IN 1685. 311 Patron. \ , ,. \ Mr Tyrrell. Impropnator. } The Chancell and Church want a little pointing and whiting. The Lime and Tyles to be removed out of the Church. The Font foul and wants a Plugg. The Church better then most. Homilies, Cannons, Table of Degrees to be provided. The Clerks book torn, a better to be bought. The Rayls to be restored to y 6 Altar. The Register to be lockt up as it ought. About 30 Families. Not one Dissenter of any kind. Constant Catechizing. Holy-days well kept. Most come to y 6 Holy Sacram 4 . Noe Gentleman. The Parish very poor. 10 or 12 per annum given to y e repairing of the Church. Vicaridge very pittifull part of it burnt 10 or 12 year agoe. [8. 1] XXY. SARSTON. Sept. 18 th . Vicar. Mr Haslop of Kings, Mr Haslop. Value. 15 per Annum y 6 Saffron lost w ch impoverishes it. Patron. j Mr Greenhalgh of Harston guardian for his Impropriator. J nephew a minor. The Great Tithes about 100 per Annum. Hood, Homilies, Cannons, Table of Marriage, all wanting and a Patin ; Y e Min r non Resident not Constant Catechizing nor Holy-days. The Bible to be bound. A new Common Prayerbook to be bought. The Church walls want Plastering within and w th out. The Chancell a dungeon the Windows stopt up w th pease- straw. The Chancell wants Seat-boarding, paving, glazing, Plaster- ing, Whiting. The Rails to be restored from y e Belfry to y e Altar, and the Altar steps to be raised as heretofore. The Dore so broaken y* Hoggs may creep under it. 312 NOTES OF THE EPISCOPAL VISITATION [XVII An old Vestry open to y e Air. The Font nasty and noe Plugg. The Church-yard weedy and full of Elders, the Walls thereof want coping, the Hoggs have rooted up the Graves. Vicaridge-house turnd to an Ale-house and a sign upon y e Dore, it rents for 5 per Annum, 2 s 6 d from y e Vicaridge house to y e poor. 50 a year in Charity to y e Church and poor. About 60 Families. Noe Dissenters but Esqr Huddleston. [8. 1] XXVI. STAPLEFORD. Sept. y e 18 th . Vicar. Mr Beaumont. Value. 60 per Annum. Saffron lost. Patron. Dr Beumont for y e Dean and Chapt. of Ely. Tenant. Mr Wakefield. Undertenant. Mr Peters. The Church half thatcht and half tyled, the very thatch rotten. The Sentences obliterated. The Seats in the Church want boarding, they are much broaken. The Church- Wall leans, needs Buttresses on y e other side y e Sparrs coming down. The Church-porch wants pointing. The Body of the Church to be paved, the font has noe plugg and a bad Cover. The Church-yard full of Weeds and ill fenced. The Bench behind the Altar to be pulld down. The Chancell windows broaken. the Saints Bell now crackt to be new cast. The Church very foul, full of heaps of tyle and dust. Noe Dissenter of any sort about 60 Families. A Common Prayer-book to be provided for y e Clerk. The poor-mans Box w th out a Cover. A hood wanting. The Register to be well kept, Homilies Cannons Table of Degrees to be provided. 3 Town-Houses for y 6 Poor. Catechizing and Holy-days observed. XVII] OF THE ARCHDEACONRY OF ELY IN 1685. 313 [8. 2] XXVII. BOXWORTH. Sept. y e 19 th . Rector. Mr Smith of S* Johns. Patron. Mr Cutts. Value about 140 per Annum. Noe Cover nor plugg to y e Font but a Bason. The Seats in the Church want paving, boarding, Soaring. The Clerk has noe Book. The Desk to be turned. The Register to be well kept. The Church and Chancell need whiting. In one place of the Church it rains in. A Table of Degrees, a Hood, a Terrier wanting. The Parsonage-house found very ruinous but much repaird and more doing apace. Noe poor in this Parish. About 20 Families, noe Dissenters, a Regular Parish only Servants come not to y e Sacram*. None Excom'. Noe Gent'. Childerly Parish come hither to Church. Constant Catechizing and keeping Holy days. [8. 2] XXVHI. CHILDERLY. 2 Rectories swallowd up, and 2 Parishes depopulated. Rector. Mr Smith of Boxworth. Value. 3 per Annum. A pretty Chappell there. Scarce any Inhabitant there. [8. 2] XXIX. DRY-DRAYTON. Sept. y e 19 th . Rector. Dr Peachill. Value. 100 per Annum. Patron. Mr. Weld. Town Stock 4 mark per Annum. The Church-porch untiled. The Church-yard not well fenced. The town-plough to be removed out of the Church. Some Seats in the Church unboarded. Some of the Pavem* Sunk. The font foul without a Plugg. The Chest stands open, y e Register not well kept. Noe Patin, noe Cannons, y" Bible defective. 314 NOTES OF THE EPISCOPAL VISITATION [XVII Stones and Timber to be removed out of the Chancell. The Chancell wants paving and seat-boarding. A wretched Carpet. The Chancell and Church want whiting. The Chancell Crackt, leaning it requires Buttresses or much repairing. About 60 Families, 2 or 3 Dissenters, Holdcrafts Disciples. One old Excommunicate Person Mr Will : Gifford. Mr Weld a suspected Papist, the Chief Gent'. The Parsonage-House pulld down about 8 or 10 years ago, by leave from my Predecessour. It was a fine new House and only pulld down for Mr Welds prospect. The Stable and Out-houses pulld down, and y e place whereon they stood paled round, and laid to Mr Welds house. Order, a Terrier to be brought in for y e Ground. [9. 1] XXX. LOLLWORTH. Sept. y e 19 th . Rector. Mr Dey. Value. 60 per Annum. , r \ Mr Edwards of Huntingdon. L d of the Mannor. } The Church- Yard wants fencing and weeding. The Church-Seats want boarding and Soaring. The Font is foul and wants a Plugg and Cover. The Church and Chancell want Plastering, whiting. The Chancell Pavem* is sunk. The Carpet not laid on. Noe Homilies, noe Hood, noe booke of Cannons. The Chest wants 3 Locks y e Register to be kept there. The Altar to be fastned. The Belfry full of Heaps of dust. It rains in upon the Readers Pew. A Terrier to be renewd. The Parsonage house mean some part of it ruinous, yet 300 layd out upon House and Outhouse but some few years since by the Present Incumbent. Somew* given for y 6 repair of a Causey to y e Church. 7 or 8 Acres of Land given to y* Church and poor, but now embezild. About 7 or 8 Communicants. Town stock 2 Cows, but now imbezilled. One Dissenter of Holcrafts, but Shees Excommunicate. XVII] OF THE ARCHDEACONRY OF ELY IN 1685. 315 Some suspected of Fornication. But 13 Families. Six of them Cottagers. Noe (rent*. [9. 1] XXXI. GREAT SHELFORD. Sept 20 th . The Vicar. Mr Crompton held by Sequestration. Patron. Y e Bp. of Ely. Value. 20 mark per annum. Coll. Turner of Saffron-Walden tenant to Jesus Coll. The Parsonage worth 200 per annum, 70 or 80 per annum lost in the Saffron. Scarce anything mended here this 40 years. The Church Seats want boarding. The Font well. The Church and Chancell want whiting. The Vestry all ruinous. The Register to be better kept. A good Vicaridge House. Tenn pounds per Annum to y e Poor. 2 or 3 Dissenters Excomm'. Gent', Mr Baron and his nephew. The Chancell roof the Leadwork , Q . V all rotten. The Stonework The Timber A good Vicaridge House. Constant Catechizing and keeping Holy days. [9. 2] XXXII. TRUMPINGTON. Sept. 22 d . Dr Linnet Vicar. Value of Mr Thorndikes Augment : 70 per annum. The Vicar stands to reparations. The Lease worth 140 per Annum. The Vicar pays 70 per Annum to y e Coll. The Bible wants many Chapters. The Register to be kept in y* Chest under 3 Locks. The Side-Chappell wants paving. Some Seats want Boarding. Noe Booke of Homilies. 316 NOTES OF THE EPISCOPAL VISITATION [XVII The Church- Yard ill fenced. The Vicaridge-house in good plight. About 70 Families, but one Stiff dissenter. The Town-house 3 Tenem te or Cottages. Constant Catechizing and keeping Holydays. Gent' Mr Whitlock. Mr Thompson. Mr Jo. Baron. [9. 2] XXXIII. OVER. Aug. 7 th . Mr King. Vicar. Mr King. Patron. Trin. Coll. Mr Kirby Impropriator. The Church needs adorning. Noe Patin. The People lazy, heedless, noe Conventicles. Noe Gent', all Farmers. Noe House for y e Vicar. [9. 2] XXXIV. HAMPTON. Aug. 7 th . Rector. Mr Value. 80. Patron. S r Will. Leman of North-Hall. The Church Thacht Dilapidated and very nasty. The Chancell w ch formerly had been seild, now much decayd in y e roof and y 6 timber rotten. The Windows all over-broaken, the Pidgeons horribly as well as Owls bedaub y e Church. The pavement very bad foully * and to be mended. One Dissenter, a Quaker. All Farmers. about 60 Souls. Goodwife Smith a Whigg Scool-Dame. [9.2] XXXV. COTTENHAM. Rector. Dr Fitzwilliams. Patron. B p of Ely. Value. The Table to be rayld in, the Church to be whited. 1 per Annum kept from the Church. Goody Purver a Whigg Unlicensed Scool-Dame. 1 [The word seems to be 'faulty'. J.] XVII] OF THE ARCHDEACONRY OF ELY IN 1685. 317 [9. 2] XXXVI. WlLLINGHAM. Mr Southwold an Unlicensed Scoolmaster, the Scool worth 9 per Annum 1 . [10.1] XXXVII. ELSWORTH. Rector. Mr Dickens. Value. 150 per annum. Patron. Mr Desbrow Hee L d of y e Mannor The Church and Chancell want whiting. The Church-Seats want boarding. The Dore decrepit. The font foul. The town-plough to be removed. The Chancell Seats want boarding. Constant keeping Holy-days. About 50 Families. Noe Dissenters, 2 Sermons on Sundays. Good House and Outhouses all in pretty good repair. [10. 1] XXXVIII. LITTLE GRANDSDEN. Sept. 24 th . Rector. Mr Jessop. Value. 120 per annum. Patron. B*> of Ely. S r R* Cotton L d of the Mannor. The Church wants paving, boarding. The Font nasty and wants a Plugg. Noe Patin, Hood, Homilies, Cannons or Table of Degrees, he gives the Bread upon a Napkin. The Chancell- Windows stopt up. The Chancell wants paving, whiting. Severall Cracks in the Chancell to be mended. Communions but twice a year none at Whitsontide. The Church-Yard not at all fenced. None unbaptized. The House very firm and good, the Outhouses well. Noe Gent'. 4 per annum to y* poor and Church. 1 [At bottom, upside down, evidently a false start, " Milton, Mr Bernard". J.] 318 NOTES OF THE EPISCOPAL VISITATION [XVII [10. 1] XXXIX. LONG-STOW. Sept. 25 th . Rector. Mr Cross. Value. About 70 per Annum. Patron. Mrs Simmons. The Church a Pidgeon-house the Parish plough in it. The West end crackt. Some Seats want boarding. The Font stopt up w th Gait, noe Plugg and an ill Cover. The Church-doar all broken, a new One to be made. The Leadwork good. The Chancell soe clutterd up w th a great Monum 1 that it leaves noe Room for y 6 Comunion Table. Order y e removing of it into y* side Chappell. The Chancell in a wofull Case the Windows and Dore broaken. The Surplice Communion-plate and Clerks Bible and Common-Prayer-booke stolen and y e Chest broak. The Broaken Pulpit to be mended, the Chancell Seats alsoe. A Book of Homilies, a Book of Cannons to be bought. A monum 4 for S r Ralf Bovey to be removed. A new Strong house built by the Minester. [10. 1] XL. EAST-HATLEY. Sept. 24 th . Rector. Mr Veivar. Value. Patron. S r George Downing. Monstrous seats built in the Church, and a dore stopt up w th out Leave. The Old Font used to make stepps to y e Stable. A Bell broaken, one of 3 remaining. The Way to y 6 Church stopt up. An ill Pulpit. A broaken Chalice. Noe Cover. Noe Flagon. Noe Patin. Noe Hearse cloath, neither Homilies nor Cannons, noe Creed U** Prayer or 10 Command'. The Register to be kept as it ought, and a Chest w th 3 Locks to be provided. A Terrier to be forthw th made and delivred in to y e Regis- ters Office. The house very mean and wants thatching. XVIl] OF THE ARCHDEACONRY OF ELY IN 1685. 319 [10. 2] XLI. HUNGRY-HATLEY. Sept. 25 th . Rector. Mr. Thorey. Value. 80. Patron. S r R l Cotton. A Composition here between y e Minester and the Encloser. The Font is foul, noe Lead, and y 6 Cover rotten. The Chancell wants paving. S r R e Cotton has promised to adorn and beutify it. The Chest has 3 Locks, order the Register to be kept there. Catechizing and keeping Holydays. Noe Dissenter. 12 Families and about 30 Communicants. The Parsonage house firm and Fine. Order A Terrier to be brought into the Office. [10. 2] XUI. GAMLINGAY. Sept. 25 th . Parson. Mr Slaughter. Vicar, endowd Mr Osborn. Patron. BP of Ely. The Leadwork well, but y 6 Church slovenly. The Font foul noe Plugg, they use a Bason, forbid it for y 6 future. The Church-Seats want boarding. The Vestry wants a floor. They want a Book of Cannons. The Chancell wants paving and whiting. The Altar-Rayls now standing at y e West-end to be re- stored to y 6 Altar. The Vicaridge-house most wretched. The Parsonage house much Dilapidated. The Scoolmaster teaches without a Licence and is Ex- communicate. Above a 100 Families. About 30 or 40 unbaptized followers of Cummin y 6 Tinker. [10. 2] XUII. TOFT. Sept 25 th . Rector. Mr Boulton of X* Coll. Value. 80 per Annum. 320 NOTES OF THE EPISCOPAL VISITATION [XVIT Patron. X e Coll. Curate. Mr Holdsworth. About 30 Families, noe Gent'. The Church wants pointing, it rains in as alsoe into a side chappell soe that the walls are rotted, y e side Chappell on y 6 other side most foul and nasty. The Church Seats want paving much and boarding, The Partition Seats between y e Chancell and y e Isle broak down soe that all lies open. Noe Hood, Homilies, Canons nor table of Degrees, noe Book for y 6 Clerke. Noe Patin, noe Register belongs to y 6 Parish, qu. in whose keeping and order a new Chest w th 3 Locks for it. The Font nasty, noe Plugg and a rotten Cover. Mortar made in the Church, heaps of Brick, Stones, Dust all over it. A great Crack in the Chancell plastering and whiting much wanting y 6 Chancell all fould w th Pidgeons, y* Church a Dove- house. The Dore in y 6 Chancell rotten. Noe Catechizing, no Holidays, not 30 th of Jan ', 5 th of Novem r , 29 th of May. A very Dangerous Crack in the Steeple. Many great Cracks in y Chancell quite thoro y 6 walls lean extreamly noe way but to sequester y e Living. The Porch wants tyling. The Church-yard very full of Weeds and Elders. The Parsonage house well built but extremely neglected y* Sparrs on y 8 one side broaken. Huge Cracks, all wants underpinning, very good outhouses, Brew house, Bake-house, Barn, Stable. The fence to y* House falln down, another Fence to y e Courty* 1 taken away. [10. 2] XLIV. COMBERTON. Sept. 25. Vicar. Dr Lewes. Value. 34 per Annum. Curate. Mr Doughty of Emanuel. Parson. B p of Ely. Patron. Jesus Coll. XVI I] OF THE ARCHDEACONRY OF ELY IN 1685. 321 Tenant to y e B p , S r Edward Nevill Sergeant. Under Tennant, Dan. Battle who pays 70 per Annum. The Vicaridge-house very mean. The Church tho very handsome and seems Firm wants boarding or paving in y 6 seats. A new Bible and a book for y* Clerk wanting. Noe Patin, Homilies, Canons, nor Hood, y* Chest wants 3 Locks for y e better keeping of y e Register. The Chancell wants whiting, tiling, pointing. A Heap of Stones and Lime scuttles and rubbish elswhere to be removed out of the Church. The Font wants a Plugg. About 50 Families, noe Dissenter. The Parsonage House very Ordinary but in tolerable repairs and y* out-houses new built since burning. [11. 1] XLV. ALL-HALLOWS, Sept. 26 th . CAMBRIDGE. Vicar. Mr Wakefeild of Jesus Coll. Patron. Jes: Coll: Value. About 20 per Annum all benevolence. A poor mean Vicaridge house Dilapidated. The Church very handsome and neatly adornd they intend an Organ. The Chancell Seats want boarding the Windows want mending. The Bible is Defective and wants binding. The Chalice Cover is broaken. A Table of Degrees wanting. The Font wants a Plugg they use a Bason. The Church foul w 011 is y* Clerks fault. Some Dissenters, several Quakers, one Muggletonian. but 3 Sacram u yearly. Constant Catechizing and keeping Holy-days but not in y' Afternoon. [11. 1] XLVI. TRINITY CHURCH. Sept. 26. Vicar. Mr Thomkinson. Value. Scarce 20 per Annum all benevolence. B. 21 322 NOTES OF THE EPISCOPAL VISITATION [XVII Patron. B p of Ely held without Institution. The Church very well they promise whiting. Vicaridge house very well and lets for 30 per Annum. The Tanner (a Dissenter) hangs Skinns on y 6 Church walls. A heap of Dung laid in y e Ch : Yard and carried out thence the Stable dore opening into it, the Ch: Yard is made a thoroughfare. A Table of Degrees wanting. The Register to be kept under 3 Locks. One unbaptized. Many Dissenters. One Margaret Love a Dissenting School-Dame. [11. 1] XL VII. S T ANDREWS, CAMBRIDGE, Vicar. Mr Corey of Bennet. Value. About 40 per Annum. Patron. Dean and Ch : of Ely. Monstrous huge Seats, noe hearse-Cloath, noe Patin. Noe Vicaridge-house, noe Prayers on Wednesdays nor Fri- days not constant Holy-days. Some not many Dissenters. Not constant Catechizing. None known unbaptized. The Register to be better kept. [11. 1] XLVIII. ROUND CHURCH, S T SEPULCHERS, CAM- BRIDGE. Vicar. Mr Barker of Magdalen Coll. Value. About 20 per Annum Benevolence. Patron. The Parish. The Minister has noe Licence. The Church is very well. The Bible wants y e last Chapter. The Church and Chancell to be whited. The Sentences obliterated to be restored. Lumber and dirt to be removed out of the Church. The Chest to have 3 Locks, and the Register to be kept there. None known to be unbaptized. XVII] OF THE ARCHDEACONRY OF ELY IN 1685. 323 Some Excommunicate Dissenters. Constant Catechizing and keeping of Holy-days. The Church once a Synagouge it has cost much repairing. [11. 1] XLIX. S T CLEMENTS CAMBRIDGE. Sept. 26 th . Vicar. Mr Linford unlicenced, uninstituted. Patron. Jesus Coll. Value. Benevolence. The Font wants a Plugg. A new Table. The Register to be better kept. The Chancell falln. Seats to be removed and the Altar w th Rails to be restored. Severall Excommunicated. [11. 2] L. S BUTTOLF, CAMBRIDGE. Vicar. Mr Cook of Queens. Value. 20 per Annum. Patron. Queens Coll. The Font is foul. They are to repair y e Chancell wherein there is a great Crack. The Church-Warden promises whiting they have laid out much money. A Patin (of Silver it may be) to be bought. [11. 2] LI. LITTLE ST MARIES. Oct. f 6 th . All very well. Mr Bickerton, Vicar. Constant Preaching, Catechizing, Holy-days. [11. 2] LII. ST EDWARDS CHURCH IN CAMBRIDGE. Oct. y e 6 th . Vicar. Mr Tindall. Value. 20 per Annum. Patron. Trin. Hall. A very Dark Church it needs whiting and plastering. The Font foul they use a Bason. 212 .324 NOTES OF THE EPISCOPAL VISITATION [XVII The Windows broaken extremely. Some Seats want mending. A Hears cloath wanting. The Steeple to be new Cased. A Great Crack over y e Kings Arms. A Book of Cannons wanting. The Church-wall wants Coping, the Stones are thrown down. y e Register to be better kept. Constant Catechizing. Prayers twice a Weeke. [11. 2] LIII. GREAT ST MARIES. Curate. Mr Scot of Trinity. Value. 28 per Annum. Patron. Trin. Coll. The Font without a Plugg. The Rayls to be restored. The Church ill paved, the floar in many places sunk. The Register to be kept under 3 Locks and Keys. Order y e Minester to have Prayers on Wednesdays and Frydays. Noe Constant Catechizing. 3 or 4 Dissenters Excommunicated very obstinate Hold- crafts disciples. 8 or 9 will not come to Church. [12. 1] LIV. GRANDCHESTER. Sept. 27 th . Sunday. Vicar. Mr Shorting, Conduct of Kings Coll. Value. About 50 per Annum. Patron. C. C. C. A good new built Vicaridge House. A good hansom e Church and in good order. The minister resides. Both Church and Chancell want pointing. 0. A good Font but with an ill Cover and noe plugg. 0. A Table of Degrees. 0. The Seats want boarding. XVIl] OF THE ARCHDEACONRY OF ELY IN 1085. 325 The Chest ought to have 3 Locks for y* keeping of y* Register. A Patin to be bought. Noe Gentleman. Never a Dissenter. 7 per Annum to repair y* Church. [12. 1] LV. HARLETON. Sept. 27 th . Rector. Dr Cook. Value. 100 per Annum. Patron. Jesus Coll. Chest and Chancell fine and firm. The Seats want some boarding. Some paving to be Orderd, and some Wainscoating in y e Chancell Seats. About 30 Families about 70 or 80 Comunicants. 0. One one Excommunicate Woman. The Curate ought to have a Licence. [12. 1] LVI. BARTON. Vicar. Mr Witty. Value. 40 per Annum. Patron. B p of Ely. Impropriator. Kings Coll. The Church made a Dovehouse a heap of Lime in the Church porch. The windows at both ends much broaken. The Font foul, noe Hole in it, a load of rushes by it, they use a Bason or rather a black nasty Dish. Noe Patin, noe book for y 6 clerk. The seats to be new boarded in Church and Chancell. The altar now broaken to be remended, the rayles to be refitted and set up again. The Chancell door broaken. Noe Constant Catechizing noe keeping Holy-Days. A heap of Dirt behind the Altar, y* Church and Chancell to be whited. One Quaker. Some unbaptized. Vicaridge house mean but pretty strong. 326 NOTES OF THE EPISCOPAL VISITATION [XVII [12. 1] LVII. IMPINGTON. Vicar. Mr Lloyd. Value. About 50. Parson and \ Dean and Oh : of Ely who have given Impropriators. j about 40 per Annum Augmentation. Tenant. Mr Pepys. f tiling Church and ) whiting ~, ii r want ( . , . Chancel! J pointing [ Plaistring Heaps of Stones in y e Belfry to be removed. That noe bason be used in Baptism. The Church Seats to be mended. The Font foul an ill cover and noe plugg. A great Logg in the Chancell to be removed. That they provide Homilies Canons, Table of Degrees. That they provide a Chest w tb 3 Locks and y e Register to be kept there. That y 6 Altar stand Altarwise. Seldome Catechizing. Noe keeping Holydays. The Elder-Trees to be cutt down in y 6 Ch : yard. About 25 Houses. Noe Vicaridge House. Mr Recorder Pepys Gent. S r Tho: Willis has y e Royalty for X* Coll : [12. 2] LVIII. HISTON. Sept. 28. Vicar. Mr Ashley. Resident. Value. 60 or 70 per Annum. Patron. S r Tho : Willis. Impi'opriator. Mr Robert Willis. The paving in y e Alley now bad and sunk to be well laid and mended. A Chimney in the Church to be pulld down. The Church- Windows to be mended and secured from v 6 Birds getting in. The Windows now want glazing. XVII] OF THE ARCHDEACONRY OF ELY IN 1685. 327 The West and North-Doors of the Church want mending. There ought to be 3 Locks to y e Chest. The Chancell wants Tyling, pointing, paving, plaistering, Whiting. The Rails now in the side Chappell to be restored to y 6 Altar. A new Booke for y e Clerk. The Bible to be new Bound. A Herse cloath to be bought. Ivy and Elder in y 6 Ch : Yard to be cut down. 3 Female Dissenters. 1 Excommunicate. Some Lands given to Charity. The Vicaridge House well. About 80 Families. [12. 2] LIX. OAKINGTON. Sept. 28. Vicar. Mr Palmer of Queens. Value. 40 per Annum. Patron. } ~ ~ } Queens Coll : farson. } Mr Fortry Tenant for y e great Tythes to Q. ColL The Church lies in great neglect like a Barn or Dovehouse. The Kings Arms and y e 10 Commandm 1 * taken down, f Tyling Church and ) pointing ~ 11 f want 1 Chancell plaistering [Whiting A very Fine East window in the Chancell. The Chancell wants mending in y e outside. A pitifull Carpet. Mr Palmer O. D. P. absent, sick. The place served by strangers, a great mischeife to it. The Clerke comes up behind y 6 Altar. The North-door in y 6 Church now very rotten to be repaird. A sad Pulpit. The Font nasty. Heaps of Lime to be removd. Homilies and Cannons to be provided. The walls want much plaistring and the Seats mending. The Leadwork on y e North Isle wants mending. A poor mean Vicaridge house but firm and much laid out upon it. 328 NOTES OF THE EPISCOPAL VISITATION [XVII Q. a Register. Q. any unbaptized. A Stranger comes every Lds Day soe that there can be noe Catechizing or Holy-days. This y* most scandalous Parish and worst in y e Diocese for y* people are most vile. A Fanatick Schoolmaster Rob 1 . Richardson. 3 or 4 Quakers and their Families. Severall Excommunicated. Mr Stutfeild. ) \ Gentl. Mr [13. 1] LX. MELDRETH. Oct. 4 th . CAMBRIDGSHIRE. Sequestrator. Mr Todd. Value. 15 or 20 per Annum. Parson and ) Church of Ely. Mr Hagger Tenant. Patron. \ Value, 140. Mr Sedgwick L d of the Mannor. The Reading Desk stands strangely in y e midst of the Church and noe Ledge to it. The Church a Dovehouse. The Windows unglazed. A Window stopt up by Mr Pikes monument. Another narrow window stopt up. The Sealing in the Chancell full of great Holes. A Vestry stopt up. A whole Vestry w th served for a Buttress pulld down. Seats broaken miserably. The Chancell in a sad pickle. The Graves uncoverd. The Gravestones lye about y e Church and great heapes of other stones and dust. About 60 Families. A poor pittifull house w ch y* Clerk lives in y e Vicaridge house. The font foul, pavem* very faulty. Sacram te twice per Annum. Noe Hood, noe Homilies or Cannons. Many unbaptized Dissenters Mr Holcrafts Disciples. Noe Gentleman. Mr Stacey an Attorney there. XVIl] OF THE ARCHDEACONRY OF ELY IN 1685. 329 [13. 1] LXI. WH ADDON. Oct. y e 4 th . Vicar. Mr Lion. Value. 50 per Annum. Patron and \ r u f Air , h Church of Windsor. Jrarson. } Parsonage 160 per Annum. Tenant Mr Tempest. rru -P 4. TIT ( Cover and The Font Wants \ , I Plu gg- There want Inscriptions. Lumber to be removed. Some Seats want boarding. Three Locks to be made to y e Chest. the Register to be kept there. The Loft to be mended. Some pavem* of South and North Isles to be supplied. A very good Vicaridge. about 32 Families. about 2 Dissenters. Gent. S r Henry Pickering. [13. 1, 2] LXIL ORWELL. Oct. y e 7 th . Rector. Dr Chamberlain. Vicar. Mr Martin put in by the Rector. Patron. Trinity Coll. Value. Of the Parsonage 100, of the Vicarage 40. School taught in the Church. The Font much prophaned. Seats much broaken. Pavem* very faulty. A Fine Chancell. 0. Rayls. There wants three Locks. The Bible now all torn to be bound. The Register to be kept there under 3 Locks. The Chancell Seats want mending. The Chancell wants Plaistering. About 60 Families. Many Dissenters, about 30 Holdcraft and Oddyes Disciples most of them Excommunicate. The Pavement extreme faulty sunk uneven. 12 per Annum given to repair the Church and to y e poor. It rains in in many places. Homilies Cannons and Table of Marriage wanting. NOTES OF THE EPISCOPAL VISITATION [XVII The Vicaridge house falln down about 20 years. The Parsonage house well. Constant Catechizing except in exigencies. Noe Conventicle. Noe Gentleman. [13. 2] LXIII. CROYDEN. Oct. y e 7 th . Vicar. Mr Taylor, Resident. Value. 40. Patron. Mr Slingsby. Parson. S r George Downing. A Strange S fc Antholins Seat. They make their mortar in the Chancell. The Church open to y e Air for tis now tiling. The Chancell new paved. S r George Downings Vault w th out Leave. About 20 Families. The Font abominable w th a Clout in it. A great Crack near to y e Belfry. The Wings or Side-Chappells all in ruins and want paving. Catechizing and Holy-Days. The Seats want boarding. One Common Prayer-book to be bound. A Trenchar for the Bread. 0. Homilies, Canons, Table. Register. Vicaridge house repaird. Chest wants Locks. 0. Church-yard. [13. 2] LXIV. TADLOW. October y e 7 th . Vicar. Mr Veivar. Value. It goes into the Lease, but is about 30 per Annum. Patron. S r George Downing. A poor small church. About 10 Families. The Town Depopulated. A pittifull torn Bible. Noe Dissenter. Mr Veivar fails often. One Prayer book wanting. Homilies, Canons. A Chest with 3 Locks, Register to be kept there. The Windows broaken. Noe Seats in y e Chancell. Sentences Obliterated. The Church wants tyling, pointing, Whiteing. XVII] OF THE ARCHDEACONRY OF ELY IN 1685. 331 The Chancell newly repaird, Whited. A Foul nasty Font without Plugg or Cover. Heaps of Filth and Dirt. The Church Yard lies weedy and ill fenced. [14. 1] LXV. BENNET CHURCH IN CAMBRIDGE. Oct. y e 8 th . Vicar. Mr Garret of Bennet. Value. 22. Parson. p . , B.Coll: Patron. The Chancell extreme fine. The Bible to be bound. The Ch : needs some plaistring. The Bible to be bound. One book to be bought. Cannons wanting. Constant Catechizing. The Church Yard used to dry Cloaths and Skinns. Noe Dissenters many Idle. The Arch-Deacon keeps his Court here. [14. 1] LXVI. S T PETERS. Oct. y 6 9 th . Vicar. Mr Millington. Value. Not 10 per Annum. Held by Sequestration. The Bible unbound and imperfect. A Book for y e Clerk wanting. A better Carpet to be provided. 0. Table. Church and Chancell need boarding in the Seats Plaistring and whiting. The Register to be lockt up. Severall Dissenters Independents. Seats by the Altar to be removed. Noe house. None Excommunicate. A Scool-Dame a Fanatick. 8 6*. 8d. per Annum to y e Fabrick. Noe Patin. Constant Catechizing and keeps Holy-Days. [14. 1] LXVII. S T GILES CHURCH IN CAMBRIDGE. Oct. y e 9 th . Vicar. Mr Millington by Sequestration. Value. 8 15s. Patron. Y e B 1 * of Elv. 332 NOTES OF THE EPISCOPAL VISITATION. [XVII Tenant to y e B p S r John Rouse who must repair y* Chancell. Value. 80 per Annum a great penny-worth. Church and Chancell to be new whited. Sentences for the Chancell. A new Bible or the old new bound. A Carpet to be like y* pulpit Cloath. A Book of Homilies and Canons to be provided. S r John Rouse to be sent to to seat y e Chaucell w th Deal. A Book of y e new Edition wanting for y 6 Clerk. The font foul. A Hearse Cloath wanting. A Chest w th 3 Locks for y* Register. The Seats want boarding. Some Dissenters Anabaptists. Some Children unchristned. Catechizing and Holydays. XVIII. ON THE A B C AS AN AUTHORISED ScHOOL- BOOK IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 1 . A DISCUSSION has been carried on for some years past con- cerning the nature of a book spoken of in the early part of Queen Elizabeth's reign as the ABC. By the foundation charter of a flourishing school near London the boys are to be taught the Grammar and the ABC. No doubt is felt about the meaning of the word Grammar ; but opinions have been much divided as to the nature of the ABC, some holding that a mere spelling book is meant, others insisting that the book is an elementary religious book containing the rudiments of Christian doctrine as taught by the Church of England and in a measure pub- lished by public authority. On the solution of this nice question the future history of the school was to turn. If it could be shown that the ABC was an elementary religious book issued by public authority, it was supposed that the Endowed School Commissioners would not have power to secularise the founda- tion and divert its endowments to any other purpose than that of " education in accordance with the principles of the Church of England." The question interested me very much from a bibliographi- cal point of view ; and, in consequence of a communication from one of the Governors of the school, I was induced to see what the accessible facts really were, and to send my friend the results of my investigation. It has occurred to me since, that the facts so collected might have an interest for some of the 1 A Communication read before the Cambridge Antiquarian Society, May 24, 1875. :34 ON THE ABC AS AN AUTHORISED SCHOOL-BOOK [XVIII members of our Society. My letter, docked of its beginning and end, was as follows : KING'S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE, January 15, 1874. Let me give you as briefly as I can the results of my re- searches into the history of the ABC ; two points concerning which now stand out with perfect clearness : (1) It was an elementary book for children, containing the Alphabet and the Lord's Prayer, with other elementary religious matters necessary for a child to know. (2) It was published by public authority, and was subject to modification from time to time according to the temper of the times, just precisely as the Prayer-Book was. Four early editions of the ABC are at present known, and there are traces of four others, ranging from about 1538 to about 1640. These are amply sufficient to illustrate the state- ments made above with respect to the general idea of the work, and its modification from time to time by public authority. A few facts put chronologically will help to a clearer view of the case. 1534. The Roman supremacy over the Church of England abolished by King Henry VIII. 1536. The printed English Bible first published in England. 1538. The Epistles and Gospels in the Communion ser- vice first printed separately in English and used in the service. 1544. The Litany in English first printed for public use in the Church service. 1545. The Primer (or Layman's prayer-book) as reformed by King Henry VIII first published. 1547. King Henry VIII died at the end of January, and King Edward VI came to the throne. 1548. Part of the Communion service first printed and used in English, in March. XVIII] IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 335 1548. Queen Catherine died, in October. 1549. The English Prayer-Book first printed and used in Church, at Easter. 1552. The English Prayer-Book considerably revised, it is said under Bucer's influence, and printed. 1553. March 25. Letters Patent to John Day for the exclusive right of printing the English Catechism and the ABC. 1553. July. King Edward VI died and Queen Mary suc- ceeded to the throne. 1554. The Stationers' Company incorporated. 1558. Nov. Queen Mary died and Queen Elizabeth suc- ceeded to the throne. 1559. The English Prayer-Book again revised. I will now say something of those editions of the ABC of which copies are known still to exist. I. London Printed by Thomas Petit, without date, but about 1538. 8vo. The earliest edition of the ABC I have been able to find is one printed by Thomas Petit, in London, and of which the only known copy is preserved among Abp Bancroft's books at Em- manuel College, Cambridge 1 . This is in Latin and English. The essence of the ABC in older times was the Alphabet, the Lord's Prayer, and the Ave Maria. It seems not to have been until 1536 that the Creed and the Commandments were brought into prominence as matters of elementary teaching. Petit's edition of the ABC gives the Pater noster, the Ave Maria, and the Credo, both in Latin and in English ; but the Commandments are not brought prominently forward at all. The Graces before and after meals are almost precisely those given in the Sarum Manual (or Book of occasional offices) in use in the unreformed English Church for centuries. Again we find here the parts of the service requisite to enable a child to serve at mass, as it is commonly called, or, as it is here ex- pressed, to help a priest to sing (mass). Thomas Petit printed 1 I have an exact transcript of this book. ON THE ABC AS AX AUTHOiUSKl) SCHOOL-BOOK [XVIII in London from 1536 till a little into King Edward's reign ; but, all things considered, I am satisfied that the present edition must have been printed about 1538. II. London, Printed by William Powell, without date, but pro- bably in 1547. 8vo. The next edition is one printed in London by William Powell, of which the only known copy is preserved among Mr Grenville's books in the British Museum. This book has a semblance of public authority, though Powell was not the King's Printer, yet from the title it is clear that all others were to be set aside and this revised edition alone used. In what does this revision consist ? First, the instructions for serving at mass are wholly omitted This is of some importance in tracing the sequence of the editions. Secondly, the Command- ments are here given in full, instead of being merely in the form of memorial verses as in Petit's edition. (3) Whatever could be taken from the Reformed Primer of 1545, here appears, agreeing with that. (4) The great variety of Graces before and after meals is here very much cut down and simplified. (5) A very brief Catechism is here added (with the elements of the Christian religion) which had no place in the earlier book. At the same time it must be noticed that this edition occupies a middle place between the earlier and later books, the cate- chisms being singularly colourless, avoiding any strong expression of reformed doctrine, thus pointing without fail to the very commencement of King Edward's reign, when the authorities were feeling their way, and were unwilling to give offence to either party. The printer, William Powell, commenced busi- ness early in 1547, at the beginning of King Edward's reign, and went on into Queen Elizabeth's reign. The prayer is some- times for the King, and sometimes for the King, the Queen, and the Church. This can only point to a time when King Edward was on the throne, and the Queen Dowager (Catherine Parr) was still living. The date of this edition must therefore be 1547 or the beginning of 1548; and, from all considerations, it was most probably issued early in 1547. XVIIl] IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 337 III. London, Printed by John Day, without date, but between March and July 1553. 8vo. The next edition of which we have a copy is the one printed in London by John Day under the authority of King Edward's Letters Patent dated March 25, 1553. Of this edition the only known copy is preserved in the library of Saint Cuthbert's Col- lege, Ushaw ; but of this copy unfortunately only half (leaves 1, 4, 5, 8) has come down to us 1 . Still enough remains to illus- trate the points insisted on above, namely, the general idea of the book, and its modification by public authority. The Re- formed doctrines had made great progress between the begin- ning and the end of King Edward's reign. These changes had found their way into the Prayer-Book published in 1552 ; and the effect of the change is seen in comparing Powell's and Day's editions of the ABC. The Lord's Prayer and the Creed correspond to the text in the Prayer-Book. The Ave Maria has disappeared altogether. The Commandments are exactly as in the Communion Service in the Prayer-Book, the petitions (Lord, have mercy upon us, &c.) being given after each. The Graces at meals are altogether altered. The old Catholic type of Grace has entirely disappeared, and a modern invention of the time supplies its place. Of the missing leaves, the con- tents of 2 and 3 are easily determined ; and as for leaves 6 and 7, I have little doubt that after the Graces, which would end with the first few lines of leaf 6, there followed a very short catechism, such as in Powell's edition, which was followed in its turn by the very brief Graces with which Powell's edition and this of Day's both conclude. The types used in the book, and its general appearance, correspond exactly to those of the Catechism printed at the same time by Day, and which has the date 1553 and the King's Letters Patent printed at the beginning. A copy of the Catechism is in the University Library, Cambridge. 1 I have an exact transcript of all that remains of this copy. B. 22 338 ON THE ABC AS AN AUTHORISED SCHOOL-BOOK [XVIII IV. Dublin, Printed for the Stationers' Company, 1631. 8vo. The latest edition known is an Irish version of the book made under the care of William Bedell, Bishop of Kilmore, and printed in Dublin in 1631. Two copies of this are pre- served, one in the British Museum, and one among Abp San- croft's books at Emmanuel College, Cambridge. I merely men- tion this to show that the book preserved its identity through a hundred years, and continued to be published by authority. In fact, the whole history of the Irish vernacular press illus- trates and confirms this view in a remarkable manner. The first book published in Ireland in the Irish language was the Alphabet with the Church Catechism and Articles, in 1571. The next was the New Testament in 1602. The third was the Prayer-Book in 1608. The fourth was the ABC in 1631, fol- lowed by a second edition, of which no trace now remains, but which must have been printed before 1641. The only other Irish book known at all to have issued from this press is a mo- dified reprint of this very ABC with the addition of Perkins's Six Principles of Christian Doctrine, which came out under the Commonwealth in 1652. So that, whichever way we turn, we find the ABC taking its place as a book of elementary religious instruction, by the side of the Bible and Prayer-Books and other Church books issued by authority. I must now say a few words about those editions, alluded to above, of which copies have not yet been discovered. I. London, Printed by Richard Lant. Herbert, in his edition of Ames's Typographical Antiquities, page 590, mentions this edition thus: "The A. B.C. with the ' Pater-noster, Aue, Crede, and Ten Commaundementtes in En- " glysshe, newly translated and set forth at the Kynges most "gracyous commaundement. It begins with five different Alpha- "bets, and Gloria Patri; then, the Pater-noster, &c. Grace "before meat, and after." What he says of its being printed only on one side of the paper merely implies that what he saw was a proof-sheet, probably used for binder's waste ; but he does XVIIl] IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 339 not tell us to whom it belonged. We know of Lant's printing from 1542 to 1562, that is from sometime before the death of King Henry VIII. to sometime after the accession of Queen Elizabeth. From the words newly translated on the title, and from the existence of the Ave Maria in the text, I should be inclined to place this edition of the ABC between Petit 's and Powell's editions. Herbert adds the words 'Licenced by the Company'; but as the Stationers' Company was not incorpo- rated till Queen Mary's reign, and this cannot have been printed in her reign, the Licence must refer to an edition put forth at the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's reign, of which unfortu- nately not the slightest trace otherwise has come down to us. The Stationers' Registers will probably give the exact date of the Licence for this edition. II. London, Printed by Richard Jones, 1588. Herbert, in his edition of Ames's Typographical Antiquities, page 1046, has this entry among books printed by Richard Jones, under the year 1588: ' The A. B.C. for children, newly deuised with syllables, the Lordes praier, our Belief, and the ten Commandements! In a foot-note he adds : ' This was allowed ' him again in 1590, on this proviso, that there shalbe no ad- ' ditions made to the same hereafter. But it was cancelled by 'order of a Court holden 15 May, 1605.' Here we find the ABC retaining its identity as in all the other cases, and also allusions to the insertion of unauthorised additions, showing that the book even in 1590 retained its character of an autho- rised school-book. I am afraid I have fairly exhausted your patience, and that of any persons to whom you may communicate these remarks ; but I am glad to have had an opportunity of carrying through an investigation which has never apparently occupied any one's attention hitherto, and which nevertheless has a great many points of interest in connexion with the history and literature both of the English Church and of English education. * * # 222 340 ON THE ABC AS AN AUTHORISED SCHOOL-BOOK. [XVIII Note. Within a few weeks after my reading the above communication to the Society, I received from Dr Reeves, the Dean of Armagh, a copy of the ABC with the Assembly's Shorter Catechism, printed at Glasgow in 1852. So that where I have said that it retained its character for a hundred years, I might with equal justice have said three hundred. The details in this recent edition are of course in harmony with the doc- trine of the Established Church of Scotland ; but the old lines are all followed ; the skeleton is the same ; and the ABC of 1852 is the lineal descendant of the book issued in the reign of Henry the Eighth. XIX. NOTICE OF A FRAGMENT OF THE FIFTEEN OES AND OTHER PRAYERS PRINTED AT WESTMINSTER BY W. CAXTON ABOUT 1490-91, PRESERVED IN THE LIBRARY OF THE BAPTIST COLLEGE, BRISTOL 1 . AMONG Dr Gifford's Books in the Library of the Baptist College at Bristol is a copy of the second edition of Caxton's translation of the Mirror of the World, printed by him at Westminster probably in the year 1490. But that the book was re-backed while in Dr Gifford's possession, the binding is very much in its original condition, wooden bevelled boards pierced by the ends of three stout bands fastened in by pegs of wood, and covered with dark brown leather, marked by double lines so as to form on each side a large panel, which again is crossed by diagonal double lines, each space thus left in the panel being ornamented with a lozenge-shaped device, being on the one side a sprig of flowers and on the other a fabulous animal. Whatever paper may have originally lined the board at the beginning of the volume, has long since disappeared ; the only thing which now occupies the space is the College book-plate. At the end the board was lined with a sheet of printed matter, which after having suffered from various rough attempts to lift it from the cover, I have lately soaked off without any difficulty, by the desire of the Rev. Dr Gotch, the present Principal of the College, to whose kindness I am indebted for the opportunity of examining the book at my leisure. 1 Published as Memorandum No. 5, November, 1877. 342 NOTICE OF A FRAGMENT [XIX This fragment of printed matter consists of the chief part of a cancelled copy of the inner sheet (leaves 3, 4, 5, 6) of the first quire (sign, a) of the Fifteen Oes and other prayers, printed at Westminster by William Caxton about 1490-91. Each quire consists of two quarto sheets, one inside the other, so that the whole signature contains eight leaves or sixteen pages. The book when complete consists of 22 leaves, and evidently was printed as a supplement or appendix to a quarto edition of the Salisbury Primer or Horae now lost, and the two were incorporated into one volume in the reprint executed by W. de Worde within a very short time of Caxton's death. The only copy of the Fifteen Oes and other prayers, except the Bristol fragment, is one in the British Museum, which was purchased in 1851. It has been well described by Mr Blades in his Life and Typography of William Caxton, and it has been completely reproduced in photo-lithography by Mr Stephen Ayling. The Bristol fragment affords so much interesting evidence of the way in which the compositors of that day worked, and illus- trates so many points in connexion with early printing in England, that I have thought it worth while to put down a few notes on the subject. It has been assumed by many writers that the whole of one quire at least would always be in type at the same time ; and they have calculated upon this basis the amount of type which a printer would possess at any one period. Now, so far from this holding true in Caxton's case, even at the end of his career, this book proves clearly that in a quarto book printed in 2-sheet quires (that is, with eight leaves to the signature) the outer and inner sheets of each quire were set up successively, the inner sheet after the outer sheet had been wholly worked off and the type distributed into its boxes. If any one will take Mr Ayling's photo-lithographed reproduction of the British Museum copy of the Fifteen Oes, he will easily understand what I mean. Round each page are four border-pieces of different widths. Of each of these there are eight different kinds ; four of which are used for the four pages which are imposed on the one side of the quarto sheet, and four others which are used on the four pages which occupy the other side of the XIX] OF THE FIFTEEN OES. 343 quarto sheet. So that the eight pieces of each kind, which are found on the eight pages of the outer sheet of a 2-sheet quire, will all be found used again on the eight pages of the inner sheet of the same quire. This book further shows us that, assuming that one com- positor was employed on the outer four pages (1, 4, 5, 8) of a sheet, and another on the inner four pages (2, 3, 6, 7), the pressman would, when the compositor of the outer side was ready with his work, print off the required number of copies of these four pages, and then allow the type and border-pieces, used for these four pages, to be distributed, in order that the same compositor might proceed to use them for setting up his side of the next sheet, whatever it might be. Again, when the compositor of the inner side of the same sheet was ready with his work, the pressman would 'perfect' the sheets, already printed on one side, by laying them on the form and so passing them through the press ; after which the type and border-pieces of this form also would be distributed, and this compositor would proceed to use them for his side of the next sheet, that is to say, whichever side his fellow-compositor was not engaged upon. Now every one who has come into contact with the details of printing, must be aware that wrong 'perfecting' is one of the most fruitful sources of printer's waste. If the press- man happened to lay the half-printed sheet the wrong way upon the form which contains the other side of the sheet, the necessary result would be that the pages of a quarto sheet would read 1, 6, 7, 4, 5, 2, 3, 8, instead of 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, and the sheet so mis-printed would be for all practical purposes wasted. This is what has happened to the Bristol sheet of the Fifteen Oes, and it was consequently soon relegated to the bookbinder's department (for in Caxton's time printers were for the most part their own bookbinders), and it was there used for lining the boards of the first book which happened to want binding. But the above facts are illustrated and confirmed in a remarkable manner by an examination of the Bristol fragment itself. The most cursory comparison with the British Museum copy, or with Mr Ayling's photo-lithographed reproduction of it, 344 NOTICE OF A FRAGMENT [XIX shows that while the inner four pages of the Bristol sheet are precisely identical in composition with the British Museum copy, the composition of the outer four pages is entirely different. The following explanation of this peculiarity seems to me the only one possible. The mistake in ' perfecting ' must have been discovered after the type of the outer side (sign, a 3 a , 4 b , 5 a , 6 b ) had been distributed and the compositor had gone on to the outer sheet of signature b, but while the inner side (sign, a 3 b , 4 a , 5 b , 6 a ) was still standing in type, though after a number of copies had been printed off. The result is that the inner side was at once used again 1 , and the required number of copies worked on fresh sheets of paper; whereas the outer side had to be set up again completely by the compositor, and, when ready, was of course taken off on the blank side of the newly printed copies of the inner four pages. This statement of details may perhaps be hardly intelligible to the ordinary reader, while it may be looked upon as a series of truisms by any one conversant with printing; but I have not scrupled to give them, because experience tells me that few even of those most conversant with modern printing can be trusted to form an accurate opinion of the very rudimentary methods which most of the early printers employed. It would hardly be believed that Caxton had been more than fifteen years at work before he arrived at the point of printing four pages at once ; yet all experience shows that it was so. A case of precisely the same mode of working attracted my attention some years ago in the Lambeth copy of the Primer or Horae printed in Caxton's house by Wynkyn de Worde, and probably the first edition which incorporated with the Salisbury Primer the English Fifteen Oes and other prayers, which form the volume of which the Bristol fragment is a sheet. The 1 I ought to mention that there is is the right way up. This merely one variation noticeable between the shows that just before printing off the Bristol and British Museum copies of new batch of the inner side of the the inner side of the sheet, though in sheet from the still standing type, it other respects they are identical. The was noticed that this border-piece was outer border-piece on sign, a 3 b is in upside down, and this having been the Bristol fragment upside down, rectified the copies were struck off. while in the British Museum copy it XIX] OF THE FIFTEEN OES. 345 Primer I speak of must have been printed by W. de Worde, about 1494. Dr Maitland in his List of some of the early printed books,.. at Lambeth (London, 1843, 8vo.) has a note (p. 394) on this volume, in which he mentions incidentally that in one of the ' two lytell prayers which kynge herry the syxte made,' the words run ' prout tibi placet ' in the Lambeth copy. Now we have two copies of this Primer at Cambridge (G. 3. 61 and G. 4. 4 in the University Library, both from the Moore Collection of 1715), and though I had always thought, having only seen them apart, that they were identical with the one at Lambeth, yet an examination of our copies at once showed that the reading in the prayer was 'prout tibi placeret.' I borrowed the book from Lambeth by the kind offices of my friend Mr S. W. Kershaw, and I was then still more puzzled, on going through the two books page by page, to find that they were absolutely identical in composition. When however I came to the outer side of the outer sheet of the quire signed f, I found the two were entirely different ; but a little obser- vation led me to the conclusion that, as the page was originally set up, the reading had been 'prout tibi placeret,' and that, after the type of the outer side of the sheet had been distributed, but while the inner side was still standing in type, the printer or editor had thought it better to correct the word ' placeret ' to ' placet.' Accordingly a fresh batch of copies was printed of the inner side (sign, f l b , 2*, 7 b , 8 a ), and this sheet was then ' perfected ' by a re-composition of the four outer pages (sign, f 1*, 2 b , 7 a , 8 b ); everything else in the book remaining the same. Having thus gone through this process in the case of the Lambeth volume seven years ago, it can easily be understood that, when the Bristol fragment came into my hands, I was prepared for the case at once, and saw in a very few minutes the real nature of the fragment, and how it came to be used as lining for the boards of a book printed in Caxton's office. But this is not all that an examination of the Bristol frag- ment brings to light. Both sides are disfigured by a con- siderable amount of printer's ink, a 'set-off' from wet pages which have themselves not been preserved to us. Those on the outer side, at least pages a 4 b and 5*, contain a 'set-off' 346 NOTICE OF A FRAGMENT [XIX from a form of four octavo pages in the type of the Book of good manners; and the length of the lines, the 17 lines to a page, and the traces of red printing, leave little doubt on my mind that they belong to a waste sheet of the octavo Primer or Horae with red printing, which is at present only known from the fragment (sign, d 1, 2, 3, 4) found by Mr Maskell in the binding of a book, and given by him to the British Museum in 1858. From this we may infer that in all probability the octavo Primer and the Fifteen Oes were passing through the press about the same time. Mr Blades and myself had come independently to the conclusion, that both books belong to the last year of Caxton's life (1490-91); so that this fragment affords an additional mite of evidence. The inner side of the Bristol fragment is, however, still more interesting; as it gives us a 'set-off' of two quarto 22-line pages in the type of the Book of good manners, and enclosed within woodcut borders. It is much blurred, and I have not yet been able to make out many words, even with the aid of a looking-glass and a strong magnifying glass. 22 lines of this type correspond very nearly to 21 lines of the type of the Fifteen Oes ; and it is very natural that we should find traces of another book enclosed in the same woodcut borders. I can only say at present that no book in this type and with woodcut borders has come to light as yet; though so many specimens of Caxton's press have been discovered in the last few years, that I do not in the least despair of coming upon more satis- factory traces of this book than we can expect to obtain from the blurred 'set-off' by means of which alone the fact of its existence has been revealed to us. After all that has been said, it cannot be any matter of wonder that the fragments used for lining the boards of old books should have an interest for those who make a study of the methods and habits of our early printers with a view to the solution of some of many difficulties still remaining unsettled in the history of printing. I have for many years tried to draw the attention of librarians and others to the evidence which may be gleaned from a careful study of these fragments; and if done systematically and intelligently, it XIX] OF THE FIFTEEN OES. 347 ceases to be mere antiquarian pottering or aimless waste of time. I have elsewhere drawn attention to the distinction to be observed between what may be called respectively binders waste and printers waste. When speaking of fragments of books as binder's waste, I mean books which have been in circulation and have been thrown away as useless. The value of such fragments is principally in themselves. They may or may not be of interest. But by printer's waste I mean such pieces as this Bristol fragment ; waste, proof, or cancelled sheets in the printer's office, which, in the early days when printers were their own bookbinders, would be used by the bookbinder for lining the boards, or the centres of quires, of books bound in the same office where they were printed. In this way such fragments have a value beyond themselves ; as they enable us to infer almost with certainty that such books are specimens of the binding executed in the office of the printer who printed them ; and thus, once seeing the style adopted and the actual designs used, we are able to recognise the same binder's work, even when there are none of these waste sheets to lead us to the same conclusion. I will mention a few of the instances which have come under my notice ; but it is a new field of enquiry altogether, and I am only now beginning to work at it systematically. 1 . In the binding of the Bristol copy of the second edition of the Mirror of the world, printed by Caxton, probably in 1490, we find a cancelled sheet of the Fifteen Oes printed at the same press about 1490-91 ; the fragment which has led to the present remarks. I am led therefore to the conclusion that the binding itself was executed in Caxton's office. I have had the two sides of the book photographed, and I hope they may be the beginning of a collection which will some day see the light, and so increase our knowledge in that direction. 2. The Bedford copy of the Royal book has (or had, when I saw it first in 1863) the boards lined with unused (and there- fore, after date, waste) copies of one of Caxton's two editions of the Indulgence of Johannes de Gigliis issued in 1480. The binding is therefore probably Caxton's own. 348 NOTICE OF A FRAGMENT [XIX 3. A fragment of a copy of another of Caxton's editions of the last named Indulgence, was discovered by Mr Blades, with a mass of other specimens of printer's waste from Caxton's office, in the binding of a copy of Chaucer's Boethius in the Grammar School library at St Alban's. There can be no doubt that this book was bound in Caxton's workshop. 4. In Jesus College library I lately found a copy of the Latin Bible, printed at Cologne by Nicolaus Gotz in 1480, in unmistakeable English binding, and with the centre of every quire lined with fragments of unused copies of two editions of an Indulgence issued by John Kendale in 1480 and printed in the type used in London by John Lettou in 1480 and 1481. On going over to Oxford soon after, I at once recognised in the Auctarium a book printed by Lettou, on the binding of which the very same tooling was used; and I have no doubt that both books were bound by him. 5. In a copy of the Dives and Pauper printed in London by Pynson in 1493, now in the Bodleian Library, I long ago noticed that the old boards were lined at one end with an unused fragment of a Grammar printed by Pynson himself about the same time ; while the other board was lined with an unused fragment of a copy of the Servitium de Visitations B.M. V., printed by W. de Machlinia in the type used by him in Holborn. 6. In the Minster library at Lincoln I found a copy of the Expositio Hymnorum and Expositio Sequentiarum, printed abroad, but containing at the end of each part a supplementary quire printed by Pynson. The book is in English binding, and the fly-leaves are portions of an octavo Primer or Horae printed in the type used by W. de Machlinia when living by Flete- bridge. These last two books convey, to any one who works intelligently at these things, a fact which has hitherto not even been suspected, though nothing could be more natural. As Pynson is thus shown to have inherited W. de Machlinia's waste, there can be little doubt that, on leaving his master Caxton, he took up W. de Machlinia's press and carried on the business himself. W. de Machlinia was our first law printer, and though, on his disappearance after 1486, Caxton and his XIX] OF THE FIFTEEN OES. 349 successor W. de Worde were employed for a time to print the statutes, yet the law printing soon fell into Pynson's hands, where it remained as long as his press continued to work. 7. Some years ago I obtained from Mr F. S. Ellis a pad of leaves which had served for the board of a small octavo volume, which had evidently been bound by John Byddell while living at the Sun in Fleet street, in which house he succeeded W. de Worde. The fragments were every one, where traceable, pieces of Sun-printed books, ranging from the Four Sons of Aymon, printed there by W. de Worde in 1504, and hitherto only known to exist from Copland's colophon in his reprint of 1554, down to an otherwise wholly unknown edition of Adam Bel and Glim of the Clough, printed there by John Byddell in 1536. These are only a very few of the many instances I have come upon in my own work ; and that, as I have said, is only in its first stage. When applied to foreign early printing, it is evident that if only Dutchmen or Germans could be persuaded to work patiently and methodically upon some such lines, the results would be infinitely more satisfactory and more fruitful than the baseless and frivolous speculations which disfigure even the best books at present written on the subject. But I have said enough. I cannot regret the happy acci- dent which led the Bristol book to find its way to Cambridge after the Caxton Celebration exhibition at South Kensington this summer. Neither can I sufficiently thank the Rev. Dr Gotch, the Principal of the Baptist College at Bristol, for the ready kindness with which he has allowed me the free use of the volume for more than two months. KING'S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE, November 13, 1877. XX. NOTE UPON THE VARIOUS SPELLINGS OF THE NAME OF ST ERASMUS IN THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS OF TRINITY CHURCH, CAMBRIDGE, DURING THE YEARS 1504 TO 1530 \ THE first volume of the Trinity Parish Churchwardens' accounts extends from 1504-05 to 1530-31. After this no accounts are entered till 1557-58, and this with two portions of 1558-59 and 1562-63, which were never properly entered, conclude the volume. The Light of Saint Erasmus occurs in every account from 1504-05 to 1529-30 inclusive; but except elections of wardens of the Light, and receipts of money from them, or a note of the stock of wax in their keeping, the only entries which mention the name are these : 1507-08 : Item paied to a Glasier for mendyng of the Glase wyndowes and for takyng down of two wyndowes on the south syde next Seynt Tro- somus vj'. 1513-14 : Item payed to the glasyer for settyng \p the pane of Glasse next Seynt Herasme iiij'. 1518-19 (among the Receipts): Et de Thoma Johnson et Thoma Robynson Gardianis luminis sancti Jherasime vj'. viij' 1 . in factura vnius le beme 2 coram eodem ymagine j beme. 1 Appended to a Communication ciety, November 17, 1879, by the Rev. upon the past History of the Church J. Barton, M.A., Vicar of the Parish, of Holy Trinity, Cambridge, read be- 2 The beme here referred to seems fore the Cambridge Antiquarian So- to have formed the super-altar. In XX] VARIOUS SPELLINGS OF THE NAME OF ST ERASMUS. 351 This last entry may be compared with the following entry in the accounts of 1526-27 : Item payed to M r D' Manfeld for a pece of tymber of xviij foot seint Georges beame iij'. ix*. All the accounts mention a Light of St George, and in 1506-07 there is a separate account of receipts and payments connected with setting up the image of St George. From the entry in 1507-08 it seems probable that the altar of St Erasmus stood against the east wall of the south transept at the end furthest from the nave. This may be enough to render it unlikely that the effigy discovered in the correspond- ing portion of the North transept is that of St Erasmus, even apart from other considerations. But that there was an altar of St Erasmus in the church is, I think, beyond all possible question. The clergy were no doubt many of them ignorant in Henry the Seventh's reign. But it is impossible to conceive that people should even then have confounded a Saint with a place of pilgrimage, as has been suggested. From one cause or another a great devotion to St Erasmus was developed towards the end of the fifteenth century. In a little printed Dutch prayer-book of 1484, in the University Library, there is a written supplement of devotions to St Erasmus. Again in Caxton's Golden Legend, which he finished so far as the text was concerned in 1483, there is no mention of St Erasmus ; but in the re-issue printed about 1489, the legend of St Erasmus is added to fill up the vacant space at the end, and occupies the last place in all the subsequent editions. These are only two instances out of many, but they are enough. As for the spelling of the name, it is undoubtedly much corrupted. But this is the case with other names, and cannot excite surprise. It occurs 33 times in English and 31 times in Bp Alnwick's Novum Registrant EC- again " tree cereos super trabem al- clesiae Lincolniensis the Treasurer is taris." So the Light of St Erasmus directed to provide on certain festivals would be super trabem, on the beam, " sezdecim cereos super trabem secus which would be secus altare, behind altare," on others "unum cereum su- the altar, and yet coram yniagine, burn- per trabem altaris," and on others ing before the image of the Saint. 352 NOTE UPON THE VARIOUS SPELLINGS [xx Latin, and the following statement of the entries, written in order, only separating the English from the Latin, may be of use, beyond the immediate purpose of this notice, by serving to show what sort of corruptions were prevalent. These are the sixty-four entries in the accounts, so far as the name of the saint is concerned : ENGLISH. 1504-05 Sent Resemos leght (1) Sent Tresymos leght (2) 1505-06 Sent Thressymos leght (3) 1506-07 Seynt Tresemos leght (4) 1507-08 Seint Trosomus (5) Seint Trasesomus lyte (6) 1508-09 Sent Tresemos leght (7) Seynt Rasumus light (8) of Seynt Rasamus (9) Saynt Rasemus light (10) Seynt Rasemes light (11) 1509-10 Seynt Rosamour Ii3t (12) 1510-11 Seynt Rasomour Ii3t (14) 1511-12 Seynt Herasnie light (17) 1513-14 Seynt Herasme (20) 1514-15 Seint Herasime lyght (24) 1515-16 Saint Herasme (26) 1517-18 Seint Rasyme light (28) Sancte Jherasime (31) 1519-20 Seint Jheresme light (37) of Seint Jherame (38) 1520-21 Seynt Rasamus light (40) of Seynt Jherane (41) 1521-22 Seynt Erasmus ligh (43) 1522-23 Seynt Erasemyes light (45) 1523-24 Seynt Rosamours light (47) 1524-25 Seynt Roseamours light (49) Seynt Errassme light (50) 1525-26 Seynt Erasmours lyght (52) 1526-27 Seynt Erasmurs lyght (54) 1527-28 Seint Erasmus lyght (56) Scancte Erasymus lyght (58) 1529-30 Scancte Erasymus lyght (62) In the earliest entries, which are in the handwriting of Harry Cresswell, one of the Churchwardens, the first syllable of the name is dropped and the t of the word Saint attracted, as LATIN. 1509-10 Sancti Heresemi (13) 1511-12 Sc'i Herasami (15) Sc'i Herasimi (16) 1512-13 Sc'i Herazame (18) Sc'i Herazame (19) 151:5-14 Sc'i Herasme (21) Sc'i Herasnie (22) Sc'i Herasme (23) 1514-15 Sc'i Herasime (25) 1515-16 Sc'i Herasseme (27) 1517-18 Sc'i Jherasime (29) Sc'i Jherasime (30) Sc'i Jheraseme (32) 1518-19 Sc'i Jherasime (33) Sc'i Jherasime (34) Sc'i Jherasime (35) Sc'i Jherasime (36) 1519-20 Jhereseme (39) 1520-21 Jhereseme (42) 1521-22 Sc'i Erasimi (44) 1522-23 Sc'i Erasemi (46) 1523-24 Sc'i Erasmi (48) 1 524-25 Sc'i Erassimi (5 1 ) 1525-26 Sc'i Erasimi (53) 1526-27 Sc'i Erasmi (55) 1527-28 Sc'i Erasemi (57) 1528-29 Sc'i Erazami (59) Sc'i Erazami (60) Sc'i Erasmi (61) 1529-30 Sc'i Erasmi (63) Sc'i Erasmi (64) XX] OF THE NAME OF ST ERASMUS. 353 we are told is the case with the word tawdry, derived from Saint Awdrey. Later on, we find the first syllable, but it is aspirated, as is too common now. Still further on, the aspirate is turned into an I or J, as we hear many people say years for ears. The a of the second syllable becomes either thinned into e or broadened into o. The s, which even we sound as z, we sometimes find written z. The sm is very commonly separated by a vowel sound, as we often hear now in such words as schis'm. Finally the us at the end of the word is sometimes found -urs or even -ours. But it is of course a silent r ; and the greatest offender in this way, Edward Heynes, who was Bursars' clerk of King's College, himself writes it with perfect correctness when he writes the word in Latin. The forms in Jhe- are almost exclu- sively in the handwriting of John Thirleby who was town-clerk of Cambridge, and father of Thomas Thirleby who was Bishop of Ely. But enough, and perhaps more than enough, has been said to throw some light upon the altar of St Erasmus. No doubt the whole volume of accounts will soon be accessible in an easily legible form. B. 23 XXI. GODFRIED VAN DER HAGHEN (G. H.), THE PUBLISHER OF TIN DALE'S OWN LAST EDITION OF THE NEW TESTAMENT IN 15 34-3 5 1 . [The following notes were made two years ago, but, for want of some congenial medium of publication such as that at last afforded by the BIBLIOGRAPHER, were never communicated to any one. I mentioned the bare facts to Mr Fry and to Mr Stevens at the time ; but no notice of them has hitherto, so far as I know, appeared in print. H. B.] I HOPE that my indefatigable friends, Mr Francis Fry and Mr Henry Stevens, will not take it amiss if an outsider, who has made no study of Antwerp printing during the Tindale period, comes forward with a suggestion as to the G.H., whose mark appears on the text-title of the original edition of Tindale's final revision of his English version of the New Testament, printed in 1534-35. It seems to me that it only needs to be stated to be accepted ; and I can but wonder that those who have given minute attention to the subject should have been driven to hazarding unsatisfactory conjectures, when the facts were patent before them. Mr Fry has recently published (4to. London, 1878), an invaluable work called A Bibliographical Description of the Editions of the New Testament, Tyndales Version in English,... illustrated with seventy-three plates. It is simply a storehouse of facts upon the subject ; and it is here that we have for the first time a clear statement of Tindale's work upon the New Testament, unclouded by the confusion caused by the want of knowledge from which previous writers suffered. The sequence of the editions, certainly issued before Tindale's death in 1536, now stands out plainly for any one to see. 1 From the Bibliographer, No. I., December, 1881. XXI] GODFRIED VAN DER HAGHEN. 355 Let me here say one word as to the spelling of Tindale's name. It is not perhaps a matter of any grave importance ; yet, if there be any approach to consistency observable in the man's own habit of spelling his own name, in a time when the greatest inconstancy prevailed, it is at least more respectful to him, to adopt his own fashion. In his miscellaneous works, the original editions (which alone have to be considered) display a slight fluctuation between "Tindale" and " Tyndale," though "Tindale" predominates. But in his editions of the New Testament, which more certainly passed through the press under his own eye, the name is uniformly " Tindale." In the uncompleted quarto edition (No. 1 of my list below, 1525) the name does not occur ; and in the first complete edition (No. 2, 1525 or 1526), we know that his name did not appear. But in his own second complete edition (No. 4, Nov. 1534), we find " Willyam Tindale " on the general title, followed by " W. T. vnto the Reader," and " Willyam Tindale yet once more to the Christen Reader." Again, in his own third and last complete edition (No. 5, 1534-35) we find "Willyam Tindale" on the general title, followed by " Willyam Tindale vnto the Christen Reader." Further, in the only autograph letter of his as yet discovered, which has been given in facsimile by Mr Fry, from the original in the Brussels archives, the signature is " W Tin- dal s ," or as we should write it, without the mark of abbreviation, " W. Tindalus." It is a Latin letter written in the winter of 1535-36. With these facts before me, I am content to reject the casual spelling adopted by Mr Fry and most writers on the subject, and to revert to what I feel justified in considering Tindale's own habitual mode of writing his own name ; and I hope that others will follow my example. I have said that, thanks to Mr Fry's labours, the sequence of the early editions of Tindale's version of the New Testament, issued during his lifetime, stands out clearly. It may be put briefly thus : 1. 4to. Printed at Cologne, by Peter Quentell, in 1525. Only ten sheets had been printed, when the work was forcibly interrupted, and all further progress in the edition seems to have been stopped. One copy, wanting the first leaf (with the 232 356 GODFRIED VAN DER HAGHEN. [XXI title) and the last two sheets, is preserved, in the Grenville collection in the British Museum. It has been reproduced in facsimile, with an introduction, by Mr Edward Arber. 2. 8vo. Printed at Worms, by Peter Schoeffer, in 1525 or 1526. This is Tindale's first complete edition. A copy, wanting only the first leaf (with the title), is preserved at the Baptist College, Bristol ; and another, very imperfect, is in St Paul's Cathedral library. The Bristol copy has been reproduced in facsimile, with an introduction, by Mr Fry. 3. 16mo. Printed at Antwerp, by the widow of Chr. End- hoven, August, 1534. This is a freely altered reprint of Tindale's book (No. 2), by George Joye. One copy is preserved, in the Grenville collection in the British Museum. 4. 8vo. Printed at Antwerp, by Marten Emperowr [Martin de Keyser, Martinus Caesar], the text-title dated 1534, the general title November, 1534. Joye's edition (No. 3) was published before the printing of this commenced. Many copies of this (Tindale's own complete second edition) are preserved, at the British Museum, Oxford, Cambridge, and elsewhere. 5. 8vo. Printed at Antwerp, by an as yet unknown printer, for G. H. [Godfried van der Haghen, Godefridus Dumaeus], the text-title dated 1534, the general title 1535. Copies more or less imperfect are preserved in the British Museum, in the Bodleian Library, and in the Earl of Pembroke's collection at Wilton, all wanting the general title and preliminary matter. Mr Fry is the happy possessor of a copy containing the general title and a good part of the preliminary matter belonging to it. His work has made it perfectly clear that in this book we have Tindale's own third complete edition of his English version of the New Testament. 6. 8vo. Place and printer as yet unknown, the text-title dated 1535, the general title not as yet discovered. This is a reprint of the preceding edition, and is chiefly noted for the very peculiar spelling found in it. An imperfect copy is in the British Museum ; one more perfect is in the University Library, Cambridge ; and a third is at Exeter College, Oxford. None of these, however, contain any of the proper preliminary matter, or the general title. XXI] GODFRIED VAN DEll HAGHEN. 357 From this list it will be seen that our knowledge concerning the printing and publication of the first four books is fairly com- plete, but that the printer of No. 5 is unknown to us, and the publisher as yet only recognisable by his trade- mark ; while of No. 6 printer and publisher are alike unknown to us. Of the printer of No. 5 I have nothing to say. My object at present is to offer a suggestion as to its publisher, whose trade-mark bears the initial G. H. In Mr Fry's Bibliographical Description, page 13, he quotes Mr Henry Stevens as writing thus : " Mat- thew's New Testament has recently been proved by Mr Francis Fry, of Bristol, to be a reprint of Tyndale's last revision, the edition of 1534-5, with the combined initials of Tyndale and Van Meteren on the (2nd) title-page. Mr Francis Fry, under his No. 4, calls this edition G. H., but has hitherto been unable to explain the monogram. Our suggestion is that the G. H. means the translator, GUILLAUME HYTCHINS, the assumed name of William Tyndale ; the other letters being the initials of the printer and proprietor I. V. M., that is Jacob van Meteren." Mr Fry adds : " I had made much search to discover the mean- ing of this monogram, but in vain. Mr Stevens' suggestion probably is correct." But Mr Stevens and Mr Fry have both of them done far too much valuable work to allow their names to be connected with a suggestion which only shows a complete misconception of the essential nature of the old trade-marks. A merchant's device may bear his initial, or not ; but the notion of combining the mark of one man with the initial of another wholly independent person is an absurdity. I believe, too, that I should not be far wrong in saying that the initial which a man uses in his trade- mark is the initial of his name or names in the vernacular, and not in Latin or any foreign language which he may be led to use in the imprint of a book, because the book is in that language. My own suggestions are offered here chiefly as a sample of the way in which bibliographical problems of this kind may be simply and satisfactorily worked out ; so I will at once proceed to my story. An accident led me, a short time ago (May 2nd, 1879), to refer to Dr Boehmer's Bibliotheca Wiffeniana ; and, on opening the book, my eye lighted upon an entry (page 88) of the title of 358 GODFKIED VAN DER HAGHEN. [XXI the " Pro Carolo V. Iraperatore Apologetic! libri duo" of Alfonso de Valdds, published in 1527, at Antwerp, "apud Godfr. Du- maeum." After noting the Serrure and Le Tellier copies of this rare work, Dr Boehmer suggests that an imperfect book in Mr Wiffen's library may be a copy of the edition issued by Dumoeus. He describes it as defective at beginning and end, but as having at the beginning of Book ii. a merchant's mark with the initial G. H. Had Dr Boehmer not been at the pains to reproduce this trade-mark and initial in his text, my atten- tion would never have been arrested. As it was, I instantly re- cognised in it the very device which Mr Fry's laborious inves- tigations and numerous facsimiles had made familiar to us all as the trade-mark of Tindal's unknown publisher in 1534-35. I use the term publisher, rather than printer, because, assuming (as I did at that time on insufficient data) that the New Testa- ment of 1534-35 was printed by the well-known Antwerp printer, Martin de Keyser, who had already printed Tindale's previous edition of November 1534, I had long ago concluded that the unknown G. H. was the publisher, or undertaker of the cost, of the edition of 1534-35, and not the actual printer of it. In Dr Boehmer's words there is nothing to show whether the concurrence of the name and initial presented the same conclu- sion to his mind which they did to mine, or whether he made the remark at random, on the assumption that a book might easily bear the name " Godfridus Dumaeus" and the trade-mark of " G. H." without being in any way noticeable on that account. In any case he draws no attention to the point, and I may con- clude, therefore, that it did not strike him as a fact of any par- ticular interest. For my own part, the moment I read his note, my instinct told me that I was on the track to discover the unknown G. H. 1 he possible alternatives, if Dr Boehmer's suggestion were true, were these : Either G. H. and Godfridus Dumaeus were the same person, or they were not; and the following results would become clear : 1. If they were not the same person, there were again two alternatives ; either one would be the printer, and the other the publisher, of the book ; or one would have succeeded to the XXI] GODFRIED VAN DER HAGHEN. 359 business of the other, and so Dumaeus would have become the legitimate inheritor of the trade-mark of G. H., just as W. de Worde did of Caxton's at Westminster, and Redman of Pyuson's in London. 2. If they were the same person, then G. H. would be the initial of the original Dutch name of a man who in Latin styled himself, after the fashion of the day, Godfridus Dumaeus. I believe this to be, as I have said before, the universal law of trade-mark initials ; and an instance happened to be very familiar at the moment, in the case of Tindale's own printer of a few months before, all of whose devices bear the initial M. K., for his Dutch name, Martin de Keyser, which he uses in the imprints of his Dutch books, though he habitually calls himself Martin us Caesar, Martin Lempereur, and Marten Emperowr, in those of his Latin, French, and English books respectively. But, as a matter of fact, long before all these alternatives and sub-alternatives had time to present themselves to my mind, I had arrived at the conclusion that Dumceus, a name till then unknown to me, but evidently nothing more than a deri- vative of dumus, a thicket, could only represent the well -known Dutch name, Van der Haghen, and that Godfried van der Haghen was the single name which would at once afford G. H. as its trade-mark initial, and Godfridus Dumaeus as its Latin equivalent, to be used in the imprint of a Latin book. The first biographical dictionary that came to hand settled the point at once, by telling me of a Dutch Dominican friar of the sixteenth century, who called himself in literature Joannes Dumaeus, while his native name was Jan van der Haghen. I felt it desirable, however, to confirm the conjecture started by Dr Boehmer's remark, and to see with my own eyes a book in which the name of Dumaeus or its equivalent stood on the same title-page with the G. H. device. This wish was very soon gratified. Shortly afterwards, Dr Westcott (to whom, from his interest in the history of Tindale's work upon the New Testament, I had at once mentioned my idea) sent me, from the Cathedral library at Peterborough, a small octavo volume containing Lily and Erasmus' Libellus de octo Orationis Partium Constructions, printed at Antwerp in May, 1529. It has at the end the early 360 GODFRIED VAN DER HAGHEN. [XXI separate device of Martin de Keyser, with the initial ' M. K.,' the motto ' Sola fides sufficit,' and the date ' 1525,' all in the cut, but without any imprint. At the beginning is the title, with the imprint, ' Godfridus Dumaeus excudebat,' all within a border of four pieces, of which the lower one, forming the sill, contains the trade-mark and initial G. H., and is identical with that used on the text-title of Tindale's New Testament of 1534-5, as reproduced by Mr Fry. Here, then, was a further step reached in the investigation. The device, at the end, of the well-known Antwerp printer, Martin de Keyser, showed that the book was printed by him. The imprint and border of the title-page therefore showed conclusively that G. H., or Godfridus Dumaeus, was the publisher of the book. The next point was to ascertain whether an examination of the received history of the Antwerp press would bring to light any connexion or association in work between Godfried van der Haghen or Godfridus Dumas us and Martin de Keyser, or any one else engaged in the book trade at Antwerp. It is very necessary to trace out these business connexions, because it is only thus that we can get a true view of the nature of each man's proper line of business. If we find, where two names are associated in the production of one book, the one man's name connected with such phrases as sumptibiis, impensis, etc., while the other uses of himself the word imprimebat, etc., we get a clue, which, taken as a guide in further investigation, fre- quently proves conclusively that the one man was a printer by trade, and perhaps occasionally a bookseller; while the other was a bookseller by trade, and never appears as a printer. Now the second portion of Panzer's Annales Typographici contains the best account of Antwerp printing from 1501 to 1536, which is at my disposal. Panzer gives seven books as bearing the name of Godefridus Dumaeus. But of these seven, five bear also the imprint of Martinus Caesar, whose name is connected with twenty-six books in the same list. Now a bare reading of the titles of these is enough to show, not merely that the two men worked in concert, but that the one was the printer, and the other the publisher, or undertaker of the cost, of those books, to which their names are both attached. Indeed, it is worth XXI] GODFRIED VAN DER HAGHEN. 361 notice that of all the books given by Panzer as printed by Mar- tinus Caesar, in which he is associated with any one else as publisher or undertaker of the cost, that publisher is Godefridus Dumaeus ; and of all the books given by Panzer as issued by Godefridus Dumaeus, in which he is associated with any one else as printer, that printer is Martinus Caesar. In trying to show what I believe to be the simplest mode of solving a bibliographical problem, I can but point out the method which I adopted in this particular case. For this purpose I must give here the wording of the imprints of these books, as they stand in Panzer's list of books printed at Antwerp (Ann. Typ., vol. vi., p. 12 and onwards). I will then add a few notes upon these entries, derived from such books as we happen to have in our University Library. The brief title of each work will further enable any one to look for copies in any library which may be within his reach. The references are to Panzer's numbers. 94. Apud Godofr. Dumceum. 1527. 8vo. (Latin.) 105. Apud Martinum Ccesarem. Nov. 1528. 12mo. (Latin.) 106. Per Martinum Ccesarem. 1528. 8vo. (Latin.) 107. Typis et impensis Martini Lempereur. 1528. 4 vols. 8vo. (French.) 122. Apud Martinum Ccesarem. Jan. 1529. 8vo. (Latin.) 123. Godfridus Dumceus excudebat. Mai. 1529. 8vo. (Latin.) 127. 1529. 8vo. (Latin.) 138. Martinus Ccesar excudebat impensis honesti viri Gode- fridi Dumcei. Nov. 12, 1530. 8vo. (Latin.) 139. Par Martin Lempereur. 1530. Folio. (French.) 146. Apud Martinum Ccesarem impensis Godefridi Dumcei. 1531. 8vo. (Latin.) 147. Impress, per Martinum Ccesaris impensis honesti viri Godefridi Dumcei. April 24, 1531. 8vo. (Latin.) 148. Martinus Ccesar excudebat. Jun. 6. 1531. 8vo. (Latin.) 149. Apud Martinum Ccesarem. 1531. 8vo. (Latin.) 151. By Martin de Keyser. 1531. 8vo. (Dutch.) 152. Typis Martini Lempereur. 1531. 8vo. (French) 364. Apud Martinum Ccesarem. Apr. 1532. 8vo. (Latin.) 362 GODFRIED VAN DER HAGHEN. [XXI 165. Apud Martinum Ccesarem. 1532. 12mo. (Latin.) 166. Typis Martini Lempereur. 1532. 12mo. (French.) 178. Apud Martinum Ccesarem. 1533. 8vo. (Latin.) 179. Apud Martinum Coesarem. 1533. 8vo. (Latin.) 191. Excudebat Martinus Ccesar sumptu et opera Godefridi Dumcei. Febr. 1534. Folio. (Latin.) 192. Par Martin Lempereur. 1534. Folio. (French.) 193. By Marten Emperowr. 1534. 8vo. (English.) 212. Apud Martinum Ccesarem. Aug. 1535. 8vo. (Latin.) 213. 1535. Impensis Godofr. Dumv&i Martinus Ccesar im- primebat. 8vo. (Latin.) 214. Martinus Caesar excudebat. 1535. 8vo. (Latin.) 215. Apud Martinum Ccesarem. 1535. 12mo. (Latin.) 216. By Martin de Keyser. 1535. 8vo. (Dutch.) 226. Excudebat Martinus Ccesar. 1536. 8vo. (Latin.) I have given these imprints simply thus, in order that they may strike the eye more readily. I must now make a few remarks on them in order. No. 94 is the book by Alfonso de Valde's, which is noticed by Dr Boehmer. In the description of the copies with the above imprint there is no mention of any border or device. In Mr Wiffen's copy the subordinate title is described as having the border and device of G. H., while the general title, which would contain the imprint, is wanting. They must therefore be incompletely described copies either of the same edition of the book, or of different editions of it issued by the same publisher. No. 105 is a Greek version of the Roman Horce with a Latin title-page. It is really in 16mo., not 12mo., so that the title-page is too small to allow of any known border device. The Cambridge copy, moreover, wants the last two leaves, on one of which would probably be found the separate 1525 device mentioned above. No. 106 is Flores Senecos. No. 107 is a French Bible. No. 122 is Petrus Mosellanus, Tabula de schematibus. No. 123 is the Lily and Erasmus, the Peterborough copy of which I have noticed above as containing the separate 1525 device of Martin de Keyser at the end, and the imprint with the border-device of G. H. at the beginning. XXl] GODFR1ED VAN DER HAGHEN. 363 No. 127, to which Panzer assigns no printer's name, is an edition of Horace, of which we have a copy in our University library. It is printed in two parts ; 1. Odes and Epodes ; 2. Satires and Epistles. Part 1 has on the title " Apud Mar- tinum Ccesarem," and at the end his separate device containing " M K," " 1525," and the motto " Sola fides sufficit." The motto has been carefully inked out. Part 2 has on the title " Apud Martinutn Ccesarem" and at the end the imprint, " Antuerpiae : Martinus Ccesar imprimebat, sumptu et opera honesti viri Godefredi Dumcei. An. M.D.XXIX. Mense Maio." On the next leaf is the separate 1525 device, with the motto carefully inked out as in Part 1. There are no woodcut borders in either part. Bound with this Horace is a copy of Juvenal and Persius, also printed in two parts, in small octavo. On the title of the Juvenal is "Apud Martinum Ccesarem. An. M.D.XXIX. Mense Maio ;" and at the end the separate 1525 device, as in the Horace, with the objectionable motto inked out. The Persius bears on the title " Apud Godefredum Dumceum. An. M.D.XXIX. Mense luhio." At the end there is no imprint, and no room for any device. These two also are without any woodcut borders. In matters of type and arrangement the Horace and the Juvenal and Persius are identical. No. 138 is Theodorici Cortfioevii Bellum discors Sophies et Philautice. I have not seen it. No. 139 is a French Bible in folio. The title is within a border of four pieces, of which the outer one contains the device of M. K. The imprint is followed by the printer's new and less dangerous motto, " Spes mea Jesus." A copy is in our University Library. No. 146 is Erasmus's Enchiridion militis Christiani. No. 147 is Herm. Bodii Unio dissidentium. No. 148 is an Oratio of Hen. Cornelius Agrippa. No. 149 is described as Paup. sulvent. forma apud Hyper as Flandrorum. No. 151 is a Dutch New Testament. No. 152 is a French New Testament. No. 164 is Erasmi Declarations. No. 165 is Psalmorum Interpretatio Jo. Campensis. No. 166 is a French New Testament. No. 178 is Gulielmi Gnaphei Acolastus. No. 179 is Galeacii Capella) de 364 GODFRIED VAN DER HAGHEN. [XXI rebus nvper in Italia gestis libri octo. I have not seen any of these. No. 191 bears the title Biblia. Breves in eadem Annotationes. Panzer gives the date February 1534, but our Cambridge copy has Jan. 1534, both on the title and at the end, where the imprint runs Excudebat Martinus Ccesar pro honesto viro Gode- frido Dumceo. Jan. 1534. The book is a Latin Bible with notes, in folio ; and the title is within the same border of four pieces (with the M. K. device in the outer piece), as the French Bible mentioned above, No. 139. The title to the index is within the same border, and bears the imprint, Per Martinum Ccesarem. 1534. No. 192 is a French Bible in folio, which I have not seen. No. 193 is Tindale's own second complete edition of the New Testament in English, No. 4 in my list given above. The title which commences the text has the imprint as above, with the date "Anno M.D.xxxiiij.," all within a border of four pieces, of which the lower one, forming the sill, contains the trade- mark and initial (M. K.) of Martin de Keyser, the printer of the book. The general title contains the date "...fynesshed in the yere of oure Lorde God. A. M.D. & xxxiiij. in the moneth of Nouember," and is within a border of four pieces, very similar to that round the text-title, but different, and having a blank shield in the sill. Next to this comes Tindale's own third complete edition of the English New Testament, No. 5 in my list given above. It is in small octavo, like the rest. The text-title bears the im- print "Anno M.D.xxxiiii.," and is within a border of four pieces, with the G. H. device in the sill, as in the Lily and Erasmus (No. 123 above), described from the Peterborough copy. The general title, prefixed to the preliminary matter, bears the im- print, " Prynted in the yere of oure Lorde God M.D. & xxxv.," and is within a border of four pieces, with a blank shield in the sill. The border-pieces are, I believe, identical with those sur- rounding the general title of the edition of November 1534 (No. 193 above), in spite of certain apparent and perplexing points of difference. No. 212 is Joannis Coleti ceditio. No. 213 is a reprint of XXI] GODFRIED VAN DER HAGHEN. 365 the Lily and Erasmus (No. 123 above), only that here the full imprint is to be seen, showing precisely the relations of the printer and the publisher to each other. No. 214 is Jo. Lud. Vivis De communione rerum. No. 215 is Precationes Biblicce. No. 216 is a Dutch New Testament. No. 226 is an edition of Prudentius. I have not seen any of these books. Panzer's Annales typographic^ only come down to the year 1536. On turning, for information concerning the next few years, to his predecessor Maittaire, I found that both names, Martinus Caesar and Godefridus Dumseus, had disappeared at once. In 1537 I find no trace of either; but as the succeeding years show evidence that both of them had successors in business, I must continue my list. My references are to the pages of the volume of Maittaire's Annales typographies, which deals with this period. 278. Apud viduam Martini Lempereur, 1538. 12ino. A French New Testament. 309. Excudebat vidua Martini Ccesaris impensis Joannis Coccii. Ult. Feb. 1539. 8vo. G. Lilii De generibus nominum, etc. 310. Apud Antonium Ooinum. 1540. Folio. This is described by Maittaire as Biblia Latina. We have at Cambridge an edition of the Biblia. Breves in eadem Annotationes (a reprint of the one noticed above, under Panzer's No. 191), which bears on the title, and at the end Excudendum curabat Antonius Goinus Anno MDXL. There are no borders or device, but the types and initials seem to be those of Martin de Keyser ; and, if my suggestion below should be verified, no doubt Antonius Goinus succeeded the widow of Martin de Keyser. This may be the book intended by Maittaire. 312. Impensis Antonii Dumcei. 1540. 4to. The book is De Melancholia ex Galeni, Rufi...voluminibus collectanea... Matthia Theodoro Melanelio interprete. We have at Cambridge another book by the same translator, a version of Galen's Utrum conceptus in utero sit animal. At the end is the imprint, " Antverpise Impendio Antonii Du/mcei excusum, Anno Christiano MDXL. Mens. Sept." There is no border or device ; but the book is in quarto, and I have not 366 GODFRIED VAN DER HAGHEN'. [XXI seen as yet any separate or border-device suitable for books of this size. 319. Imprim. Antonio Dumceo JEgidius Copenius. 1540. 8vo. This is the incomplete way in which Maittaire notices the imprint of the Didascalus autore Jacobo Zovitio apud Brcedanos ludimagistro. 322. Per Antonium de la Haye. 1541. Folio. This is no doubt Maittaire 's inaccurate Latin rendering of ODC of the imprints to be found in the French Bible of Jan. 12, 1541, of which we fortunately have a copy at Cambridge. At the end, after giving the exact date, we read, " En Anuers par Antoine des Gois. Spes mea Jesus." At the beginning, on the title, is " En Anuers, pour Antoine de la Haye, demourant au Pan de nostre Dame. An. M.D. xli." The types, cuts, borders, and border- device, are all those of Martin de Keyser, as used in 1534, in the Latin Bible noticed above under Panzer's No. 191 ; and the two years privilege granted to him Nov. 21, 1533, is here reprinted. It seems therefore fair to infer, from this book: (1) That in " par Antoine des Gois," a phrase strictly used of a printer, we may trace the " Antouius Goinus " of 1540 ; and that he was the successor of the " Vidua Martini Csesaris " of 1538 and 1539, and thus the legitimate inheritor of the trade- mark of Martin de Keyser, as a printer ; and, (2) That in " pour Antoine de la Haye," a phrase strictly used of a publisher or undertaker of the cost of a book, we may see the French name of the "Antonius Dumseus," at whose impendio or impensis, as a publisher, certain books were printed at Antwerp in 1540; and that he was the successor in this business of Godefridus Dumaeus or Godfried van der Haghen, who published so many of the books printed by Martin de Keyser. But, whether all these inferences be accepted or not, two facts result, I think, clearly from Maittaire's and Panzer's lists, as verified where possible by actual copies : First, we have three several devices, with the initial M. K., belonging to an Antwerp printer, whose name appears as Martin de Keyser when the book is in his native language, as XXI] GODFRIED VAN DER HAGIIKX. 307 Martinus Caesar or Caesaris when the book is in Latin, as Martin Lempereur when in French, and lastly as Marten Emperowr when in English. Secondly, we have a border device, with the initial G. H., belonging to an Antwerp bookseller, who appears as Godefridus Dumaeus when the book is in Latin (as all his books mentioned by Panzer are) ; while one who is to all appearance his successor is called Antonius Dumams in Latin, and Antoine de la Haye in French books. Judging from the fashion which we know to have been adopted by Martin de Keyser, and many other printers and literati of that day, I cannot but believe that both the Dumsei, Godefridus and Antonius, would appear with the name Van der Haghen, if we could but trace any Dutch books produced by or for either of them. Of my authorities, Panzer is eighty and Maittaire a hundred and fifty years old; so that a very moderate search in the present day would assuredly be rewarded by our finding more than one Dutch book of the kind. After all that has been said, it will perhaps be assumed that I am prepared to maintain that Tindale's New Testament of 1534-35 was printed for Godfried van der Haghen (G. H., Godefridus Dumaeus) by Martin de Keyser. But although I have brought forward a considerable amount of evidence to show the business connexion existing between the two men, yet Mr Fry's facsimiles, so far from leading me to assert that the book was actually printed by Keyser, rather tend to make me doubt the fact altogether. I have made no comparison of the originals, and Mr Fry's copies, being lithographed hand- tracings, are no doubt more or less unserviceable for purposes of minute comparison. But if they are even moderately faithful copies, it is impossible to accept the results, which he offers, of his comparison of certain cuts in the editions of M. K., November 1534, and G. H., 1534-35. Mr Fry says (page 59), speaking of the edition of G. H., 1534-35: 'It corresponds with the edition by Emperowr in the following particulars. The border of the first title of this edition is identical with both the titles in 1534. The woodcuts of the four Evangelists, the seven-line capitals A B F P T S. . . are also identical.' He proceeds to say 368 GODFRIED VAN DER HAGHEN. [XXI that nothing can be inferred as to the printer of a book from the identity of materials used. Now, in the first place, the borders of the two titles of the edition of M. K., 1534, so far from being themselves identical, as Mr Fry states, are wholly different, though showing a general resemblance in design. It is only necessary to look at Mr Fry's plate 3, to see differences in all the four pieces of the border, apart from the fact that the sill of the text-title contains the device of Martin de Keyser, while the sill of the general title contains a blank shield. In the edition of G. H., 1534-35, the border of the text-title consists of four pieces, of which the sill contains the device of G. H. ; while the border of the general title appears to be identical with that of the general title of the preceding edition (Nov. 1534), and only differing in the presence or absence of certain perplexing breaks in the outer margin. Judging from this title-page alone, there would be no inconsistency, so far, in looking upon Martin de Keyser as the printer, and Godfried van der Haghen as the publisher, of the volume. Mr Fry proceeds, however, to say that the woodcuts of the four Evangelists (he might have added, of the Pentecost at the beginning of the Acts), and the seven-line initials A B F P S T, are identical. But on comparing his plate 4 (M. K. 1534) with his plates 6, 7, 8 (G. H. 1534-35), it is true that the identity of design is evident ; but (if his tracings are at all to be trusted) the total difference of execution in minute details is equally patent. It is difficult to believe that the same printer would have duplicate letters and cuts so closely resembling one another, unless they were such as to be wanted for use more than once on the same side of a sheet, which of course cannot be said of these. That at least is my experience of the cases where such duplicates are found. A careful comparison of the numberless Dutch, French, and English New Testaments and other small octavos which issued from the various Antwerp presses about this period, made by one who has an eye trained to observe these minute details of printing, would, I feel certain, reveal this unknown printer. It must be borne in mind too that it was a dangerous thing at this time to avow sympathy with a man like Tindale. XXI] GODFRIED VAN DER HAGHEN. 369 Martin de Keyser may have lost courage after printing the edition of November 1534. His bold motto "Sola fides sufficit," which he used (so far as I know) only from 1525 to 1529, evidently gave offence to some, as we may infer from the careful way in which it has been inked out in the Cambridge copy of the Horace and Juvenal of 1529. In 1530 he adopted the less compromising motto of " Spes mea Jesus," which was continued by his successor. Little is known of Tindale's own history during the two years which preceded his martyrdom in April, 1536 ; and as Martin de Keyser and Godfried van der Haghen both disappear in this very year, we can well believe that they must both have become aware of the perilous nature of their undertakings ; and we cannot be surprised at the suppression of the name of the actual printer of such a book as the New Testament of 1534-35. But, whoever may turn out to have printed the book, I cannot think that we need any longer hesitate to look upon Godfried van der Haghen as its publisher; and, this point being settled, the way stands open for a fresh investigation of the productions of the several Antwerp presses at which it may possibly have been printed. If Panzer, the one true naturalist among general biblio- graphers, had more followers in the present day, our knowledge of these matters would advance very much more rapidly than it does. Put a book, about which you are anxious to learn something, among its fellows, that is, among the productions of the same and neighbouring presses, look at its surroundings for a few minutes, and your questions will solve themselves. You will be saved from all inducement to rash speculation. The facts will speak for themselves before you even have time to hazard a foolish conjecture. An examination of the actual books in Panzer's list alone would be sure to bring out many interesting points; and if my friend M. Ferdinand vander Haeghen will examine, with this view, some of the precious stores under his charge in the University Library at Ghent, I feel sure that his bibliographical instinct and well-trained eye could not fail to solve all these difficulties in a very short space of time. I have myself made no investigations worth mentioning, B. 24 370 GODFRIED VAN DER HAGHEN. [XXI and at this moment I have neither leisure nor materials for pursuing the subject. I was struck by an entry of Dr Boehmer's in his catalogue. I took down Panzer and Maittaire, wrote out the several entries of the kindred books, and looked at the half- dozen volumes on the list which our University Library affords. Certain conclusions were at once forced upon me. The book from Peterborough put the matter in a still clearer light, by just giving me that evidence at first hand, without which it is so difficult to feel anything like conviction. I mention these things merely to show that what is wanted for the solution of a bibliographical problem is not ingenuity of speculation, but simply honest and patient observation of facts allowed to speak for themselves. When will our leading bibliographers adopt this method in practice, and cease merely praising it in others ? [XoTE. Page 365. I may add two books which give earlier dates for Martin Keyser's widow aud Antoine des Gois than those quoted from Maittaire. Catalogi duo operum Erasmi ... Antwerpiae apud viduam Martini Caesaris, expensis loannis Coccij circiter Calen. Augu. anno MDXXXVII. 8. Commentaria Viti Amerbachii in Ciceronis tres libros de Officiis. Antwerpiae excudendum curabat Antouius Goinus, Anno M.D.XXXIX. 8. Page 366. In 1884 the Vergauwen Catalogue (Part 2) enabled him to verify his conjecture. No. 27 is a Eusebius in Dutch ' Gheprent in... 1534 Tantwerpen by my Govaert van der haghen.' F. Mr E. Gordon Duff informs me that in the Registers of St Luke's Gild at Antwerp, edited by Messrs Rombauts and Van Lerius, 'Govaert (van der Hagheu), in de Pant, prynttere', occurs under the year 1533. He also gives me the description of a book (which may possibly be the same as that in the Vergauwen catalogue): Die Historic die men heet Ecclesiastica, gheprent MD ende xxxiin Tantwerpen in onser Liever Vrouwen Pant by iny Govaert Van der Haghen. 4. J.] XXII. THE PRESIDENT'S ADDRESS AT THE OPENING OF THE FIFTH ANNUAL MEETING OF THE Ll- BRARY ASSOCIATION OF THE UNITED KINGDOM, CAMBRIDGE, SEPT. 5, 1882. WITH AN AP- PENDIX'. [THE details of the working of the University Library promised in the concluding paragraph of the following address were brought before the members of the Association when they visited the library on Friday after- noon, September 8, at the close of the meeting. They are here thrown into an appendix in a slightly fuller form. Two notes are added, on questions intimately connected with the pro- ceedings of the Cambridge meeting. One forms the introduction to a paper relating to local libraries considered as museums of local author- ship and printing, which was to have been brought forward in connexion with Mr W. H. K. Wright's paper on local bibliography. The other is a contribution to the vexed question of size-notation, which formed the subject of a report presented to the Cambridge meeting by a Committee appointed a year ago. H. B.] 'What can the Library Association gain by visiting Cam- bridge ? ' is a question which, if asked once, has been put to me fifty times and more during the past year. Now, while giving the Association a hearty welcome to Cambridge, as hearty a welcome (I can honestly say) as they have received, or are likely to receive, in any town in the kingdom, I feel bound, at the outset of our proceedings, to give some answer to this question ; not so much, however, to satisfy the somewhat cynical, though perhaps legitimate, curiosity of those who ask, as to afford a clue to the stranger who comes among us, eager 1 Published as Memorandum No. 7, October, 1882. 242 372 ADDRESS TO THE LIBRARIANS. [XXII to gain experience in the limited time at his disposal, yet apt to lose his way for want of the necessary guidance. There are three definitions which I must in the first place ask you to accept, seeing that much of what I shall have to say depends upon a clear understanding of these points. What is a library? What is a Librarian? What is the Library Association to which we all belong ? My definitions are these : (1) A Library is a collection of books brought together for the use of those who wish to read them ; these readers falling for the most part into the two very distinct classes of readers of books and writers of books. (2) A Librarian is one who earns his living by attending to the wants of those for whose use the library under his charge exists ; his primary duty being, in the widest possible sense of the phrase, to save the time of those who seek his services. (3) The Library Association is an organised collection of librarians and others interested in the administration of libraries, who come together at intervals for the purpose of comparing notes and interchanging experience, with the view of effecting a general improvement in the machinery by which the work of a library is carried on. We are, beyond a doubt, a purely professional body. So far as our profession is concerned, we are neither the producers nor the consumers of books, neither writers nor readers ; we are the middlemen, to whom all who read to any purpose, and all who write, are bound sooner or later to come for help. If any one not personally concerned with the administration of a library joins our Association, we attribute the fact to the known charm which books and their belongings never fail to exercise over certain minds; we welcome him gladly, and we express a charitable hope that in the thick of professional discussion he may find something to repay him for his venture. Of the Library, and of the Librarian I am bound to say something, although my chief anxiety is to draw your attention to certain details of library work, in which Cambridge ought to afford to many of you points of comparison which are well worth studying. I say this without any hesitation, without any fear of being thought to exaggerate the importance of what is done XXIl] ADDRESS TO THE LIBRARIANS. 373 here; because I am convinced that in every library, however insignificant in extent, good ideas will be started and practical suggestions worked out, which the most experienced librarian will do well to take note of, and perhaps to adopt. No library is too small to afford scope for such ideas; no librarian is so great that he can afford to neglect such suggestions. But something has to be said about the Library. In what I have said already as to the two distinct classes of people who use a library, readers of books and writers of books, it will be understood that all are readers, though all are not (happily for us) writers of books. Libraries may be said to go through several successive stages, though the higher stages are frequently never reached or even contemplated. The most elementary kind exists only for readers. It is represented by the lower class of circulating library, and by the simplest form of branch, in places where central free libraries exist. It must not be thought that I am depreciating the value of this elementary institution. It corre- sponds to the boys' library of our schools and (though you will perhaps be surprised to hear me say so) to the whole of our University and College libraries here, as they existed in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Their object was exclusively practical ; they were collections of books brought together simply for the use of those who wanted to read, and had not the means to buy books for themselves. Education makes people want to read, and the libraries exist to supply this want. A higher stage is reached when the funds at the disposal of a library come to be in part devoted to the acquisition of books which form the necessary working materials of those who are engaged in writing books, but cannot afford to buy all the books which they need for their work. What is useful in this way to one person will almost certainly be useful to another, and thus it becomes worth while to incur some outlay with this object and so to make the libraries available for study as well as simply for reading what are called readable books. The character, the higher stamp, thus given to a library, soon pro- duces results. We know that 'to every one that hath shall be given, and he shall have abundance.' When even small re- 374 ADDRESS TO THE LIBRARIANS. [XXII sources are well husbanded and made useful for a higher class of work by good management, donations flow in ; and men who have spent half a life-time and half a fortune upon the forma- tion of a library will leave or even give their books to a place where they feel confidence that good use will be made of them. This is the process by which all our great libraries have been formed. I have no reason to fear contradiction if I say that in every library of note in the kingdom down to the last fifty or sixty years the bought books formed but a very minute portion of the whole collection in comparison with those which were given or bequeathed. Every library formed by one man and left to the more or less public library of an institution, must needs contain many books for which no immediate use can be found among the habitual frequenters of the place. It is at this point, therefore, that the antiquarian element first appears, an element which I may safely say was as heartily despised by our forefathers before the Reformation as it is despised, not to say detested, by many excellent people in the present day. Any one who has ex- amined the inventories of early libraries before the Reformation will be familiar with the note of 'old and useless books' (libri vetusti et inutiles) applied to early copies of the Gospels, early volumes of Anglo-Saxon literature, and other such, which from their purely practical point of view were treated as so much rubbish, fit only for the waste -paper basket, while to us, unless animated by the spirit of a recent writer in the Quarterly Review, the same volumes are justly looked upon as priceless and unique remnants of a literature which would otherwise be wholly lost to us. This antiquarian element may fairly be said to have come into existence after the Reformation. We all remember the interesting paper which our excellent Treasurer gave us last year on the necessity of ridding our libraries of obsolete books, and from his point of view and that of the library which he represents, I think he was undoubtedly right. Each library must be governed according to its particular con- stitution, or, as I should say, the treatment which each library requires must depend upon the stage of development which it has reached. It was precisely this line which the advocates of XXIl] ADDRESS TO THE LIBRARIANS. 375 the Reforming movement followed in the reign of Edward the Sixth, when they made an almost clean sweep of all the monu- ments of the old learning which they found, or sometimes mistakenly thought they found, in our University and College libraries. We must not suppose that they hated books, that they hated learning ; but they did not and could not see that any good result was likely to arise from having the shelves of their libraries filled with what they considered certainly poison- ous, and (as they hoped) henceforth obsolete, books. Even with Archbishop Parker, who outlived this movement nearly thirty years, and may truly be looked upon as the first of the long line of modern book-collectors, we often find an apologetic tone, which sounds strangely in our ears, when he puts a note into a volume, explaining to posterity that it is desirable to preserve specimens of such and such books, however undesirable or useless they may be considered from the customary point of view. But I must return to my point. When the antiquarian element becomes developed in a library, a higher stage still is reached. By this I mean, what I must be allowed to consider a higher stage in the character and in the usefulness of a library. To any one engaged in historical research upon any subject it soon becomes manifest that this destruction of obsolete books which our forefathers encouraged, led to the result, which we their successors now find so extremely inconvenient, that many books which alone contain certain pieces of much desired in- formation, have come down to us in single copies, or at best in copies preserved in some half-dozen widely scattered libra- ries, where for want of a printed catalogue they are for the present as good as lost. Hence arises a new demand. The library which, in the lower stages which I have noticed already, contained nothing but common books to serve the purpose of its habitual frequenters, becomes gradually more and more, as its contents are better known, an object of pilgrimage to students living at a distance sometimes, as we know, of many thousand miles, solely for the purpose of examining these books, of which the library in question is the only known repository. Thus it is that by the existence of this antiquarian element in its com- position, whether of old printed books or manuscripts, the 376 ADDRESS TO THE LIBRARIANS. [XXII library acquires a prestige which in its earlier stages it could never have possessed ; and the appreciation of this prestige is apt to make its importance more keenly felt among those on the spot, who had never before been awakened to a sense of the treasures of which they were the guardians. This leads me to the last stage in the development of a library of which I need take any account. The very existence of treasures which it is seen can never be replaced, leads naturally to the formation of a reserved portion of the library, where the most precious things are brought together as into a museum ; and it is eventually found that they are deserving of a study of quite a different kind. They become, like specimens in any other museum, the object of more or less scientific investigation, while they are none the less avail- able for the purely literary purpose for which they may need to be consulted. If their home be the central library of any town or district, this museum will rapidly absorb all local antiquities in the way of books and other specimens of printing, and these again will demand their own special study. But as I shall have to say something on this head in connexion with Mr Wright's paper on Local Bibliography 1 , there is no need for me to enlarge upon the subject here, and I am content to pass on. About the Librarian I need not say much, as you will to- morrow have the benefit of hearing from Mr Tedder his views, and I hope his experience, on librarianship as a profession. When I define a librarian as 'one who earns his living by attending to the wants of those for whose use the library under his charge exists,' you will perhaps be inclined to ask in what respect my librarian or his assistant differs from a bookseller or bookseller's assistant. The only substantial difference which I see consists in this : that the bookseller caters for the reader or writer of books, in order to make what living he can ; while the librarian caters for the same people, in order to make such living as the trustees of his library assign to him. In saying this I do not consider that I either degrade the one occupation 1 See Appendix, No. II. Note on local libraries considered as museums of local authorship and printing. XXll] ADDRESS TO THE LIBRARIANS. 377 or exalt the other. Everything depends, and must depend, upon the individual man. If you have been able to follow my sketch of the various stages in the development of a library, you will easily follow my meaning here when I say that the librarian follows precisely the same stages. By the bookseller I mean not the publisher proper, whose dealings with his author must always be more or less purely commercial, but the bookseller who collects and sells books new and old, who knows the books themselves and not merely their value in the market, who caters for the real student rather than for the rich collector, the class of which old William Pickering, C. J. Stewart, and others whom I could mention are such splendid types. In the lowest grade of library, neither bookseller nor librarian will have much to raise them to any high state of culture. But for both men, when brought into contact with writers of good books or even with students who are content not to write, the very fact that they are helping these men to find the books they want, compels them, if they are in any way worth their salt, to enter into their wants and gain some acquaintance with the varied subjects which they are studying. It is this constant intercourse between the genuine student and the man who supplies his wants, which forms such a humanising training to the librarian and the book- seller alike, when it is not primarily the market value of the book which is wanted (however necessary this knowledge may be), but the intrinsic value and quality and contents of the book. The librarian under these circumstances is one whose life is wholly devoted to the service of his fellow-men, and the more it is so, the more, most assuredly, will he find himself appreciated. When I say that his primary duty is to save the time of those who frequent his library, I of course use these words in their very broadest sense. It will consist in procuring the right books, in procuring them and making them ready for use with as little delay as possible, in having them well and rationally catalogued, and easily to be found in their places. Our friends in Cambridge have had so much experience of our shortcomings in many of these points, while we see how important the minutes are, which a stranger has to waste while his wants are being supplied, that I have been forced into the adoption 378 ADDRESS TO THE LIBRARIANS. [XXII of this formula as best expressing the primary duties of any one entrusted with the direction of a library. But I must leave these suggestions, and hasten to give you that slight guide to what you may expect to find here, which I promised at the beginning. As I have assumed that the object of these meetings of the Library Association is to enable our members to visit different libraries and to compare notes and interchange ex- perience with their fellow-librarians, I am bound to tell you (1) something of what Cambridge libraries are, and (2) to direct your attention to certain points which you will, in my opinion, find worth your consideration. It will perhaps be a matter of surprise to some to learn that, putting aside all such more or less private institutions as the Union Society and other similar bodies which possess some of them very useful collections of books, there are twenty-nine libraries in Cambridge which deserve more or less considera- tion. Of these the Town claims two and the University twenty-seven. About the Central Free Library at the Guildhall, and the Barnwell Branch Library, you will have no difficulty in gaining on the spot information better and more direct than I can give. Though of comparatively recent date, like all the Free Libraries, it has already reached what I have called both the antiquarian and the museum stage of development, and every- thing points to continued advance under the direction of my friend Mr Pink, who has watched over it throughout its infancy and subsequent growth. As, next to this place where we are at this moment, the Free Library may be said to form the head-quarters of the Association in Cambridge, it would be waste of your time for me to do more than give it the place of honour in my list. In dealing with the University I must make a distinction between the University properly so called and the Colleges. I hope that a very brief sketch will serve in some measure to enable those who are unacquainted with Cambridge to form something like an accurate notion of what must be to every stranger a most complicated system. The English Universities XXII] ADDRESS TO THE LIBRARIANS. 379 come to the surface of history in the early part of the thirteenth century. Just as the Chancellor in most cathedral churches had the privilege of unlimited control over all the schools of his district, so the Chancellor of the University had exclusive rights of jurisdiction over the scholars who frequented the schools of the University, and the power of protecting them in all matters concerning their lodging in the town. Before the end of the thirteenth century we find the first college estab- lished, a College being strictly speaking an endowed lodging- house for University students, which saved those who were fortunate enough to obtain house-room within its walls, from any extortion on the part of the lodginghouse-keepers in the town. Six more of these Colleges were established by the middle of the fourteenth century, six more in the course of the fifteenth, and others since, mostly on the ruins of older decayed foundations. These Colleges are places where students have always carried on their studies during their University course, each having its own chapel and hall, its own library, &c., while the University has of course independently its own schools, museums, libraries, &c., which the occupants of the Colleges use and frequent as members of the University. I will take the seven associated libraries first, and then say something of those of the several Colleges. The greatest library of all, that long known as the PUBLIC LIBRARY of the University, though now more generally called the UNIVERSITY LIBRARY, ranks as third of the most prominent libraries in the kingdom, though of all the more public collec- tions it is, I believe, far the most ancient. The University buildings go back to the close of the fourteenth century, and we still possess books which have formed part of our library since the first quarter of the fifteenth century. We are always assumed by the world to be somewhat slow in our steps at Cambridge, and many of us can recollect the vivid language in which we were told here a few weeks ago by Mr Matthew Arnold that Oxford had always been the home of great move- ments, while Cambridge had to content itself with being the home of great men. It is quite possible that the characteristic 380 ADDRESS TO THE LIBRARIANS. [XXII energy of the movement in Oxford against the old learning, and the comparative sluggishness of our own university, may be in part the cause of the fact that, while we still have a number of links to witness the continuity of our own library, the destruction at Oxford was so thoroughgoing that no vestige has been preserved, and Sir Thomas Bodley must be looked upon as the actual creator rather than the restorer of the library which bears his name. Drastic remedies were, we know, applied even to our own library in the reign of Edward the Sixth ; but by a sort of nemesis the very man who as Proctor declared the vote of the Senate by which our library was doomed to pillage was the very man who in after years became the leading spirit in the restoration of the library to more than its previous magnificence. It is to this Dr Andrew Perne, Master of Peterhouse, the friend of Archbishop Parker and other leading men of Queen Elizabeth's time, that we really owe not only the complete restoration of our library but also the first permanent endowment of a librarian. I need not trouble you with details of the noble libraries of Holdsworth, Lucas, Hacket and Moore, which came to us during the sixty years succeeding the Restoration of the monarchy, nor with more than the mention of what was more fruitful than all these, the national gift of the Copyright Act during the same period, an Act which has provided us, at an infinitesimal cost, with a perpetual supply of what may truly be called the very bread of our life, the staple food of our own national literature. Details of our principal endowments you can easily find in the commonest guide-books, and 1 have no intention of giving you orally information which you will do better to read at leisure for yourselves. Some of my friends, even in Cambridge, will be surprised to hear me speak of seven associated libraries in connexion with the University. But when I speculate upon the probable con- tents of Mr Bowker's paper on the work of the librarians of our own century in preparation for our successors of the Twentieth, I find a pleasure in drawing out lines which my successors will I hope one day fill up in a way really worthy of the University. There are several departments of University study which are at present provided with special collections, in each of which it XXII] ADDRESS TO THE LIBRARIANS. 381 pleases me to see the nucleus of a special branch library for the freest possible use of those who are studying these several sub- jects. One of the most admirable features of the Bodleian Library, to my mind, is the way in which the private library of a specialist like Gough or Malone, has become, when bequeathed to Oxford, the germ of a still more precious collection in which the University has constituted itself the man's heir and con- tinued his collection. So with us, I look upon the small library attached by gift to the Divinity School and now preserved there, the old library of the Modern History School and the more recent Political Economy collection of Professor Pryme, together with the equally special libraries of the Antiquarian and Philo- logical Societies, all four now temporarily housed in the New Museums, as capable, one and all, of a wide development for the use of special students, after the model of the recently or- ganised Philosophical Library. This last, owing to the liberality of the Philosophical Society and the untiring zeal of Mr J. W. Clark, has now been thrown open as a scientific library free to all who are engaged in those branches of study which display to the utmost the vitality of Cambridge work. Only let the others be worked on the same principle and in the same spirit, and we may yet see a group of libraries all working harmoniously, with the University Library as a centre and feeder of the rest. I have omitted only one belonging to the University which cannot be included in the same category as those just men- tioned, though it may perfectly be worked in the same spirit ; I mean the Fitzwilliam Museum. Here the library of necessity falls into a subordinate position, being overshadowed by the more precious collection of pictures and engravings. Lord Fitz- william's is a good specimen of a nobleman's library of the beginning of the present century. Much is here of course to illustrate his own special collections, though this is far from being the exclusive character of the library; and constant additions are being made to render it useful, especially to the student of art and archeology. The more recent addition of Colonel Leake's library is an instance of that special develop- ment which I have alluded to before as such a hopeful course of action. 382 ADDRESS TO THE LIBRARIANS. [XXII I have left but little space for the College libraries, and the pressure of the day's coming work urges me to be brief. I will just enumerate the seventeen Colleges, that you may form some idea of what remains to be done. Peterhouse, our only thirteenth-century College, is one of the few which preserved its books nearly intact through the storm of the sixteenth century. Of the fourteenth-century Colleges, Clare, Trinity, Pembroke, Gonville and Caius, Trinity Hall, and Corpus Christi, much might be said, but I cannot say it. Clare has some priceless books but is as yet little explored. For Trinity College you will have an exhaustive paper from our Vice-President, Mr Sinker, so I will not attempt to anticipate his remarks. Pem- broke has lately built a new library, and has taken a fresh start ; a collection which embodies the whole library of Bishop An- drewes cannot well be devoid of interest. Gonville and Caius College, as you will see under Mr Bensly's guidance, contains many most precious things, and like Peterhouse preserved itself from destruction in the sixteenth century. Trinity Hall library is a great curiosity in itself, as containing a rare example of the manner in which libraries were arranged more than three hundred years ago. I hope much that Mr Clark will be able to give you some interesting details about it when you visit it. Corpus Christi College, as you know, is famous for the library of Archbishop Parker. Mr Lewis will spare no pains to introduce you to the principal treasures of the collection, which is quite unrivalled in England. Of the fifteenth-century colleges, Magdalene, King's, Christ's, Queens', St Catharine's, and Jesus College, all offer various attractions, though almost exclusively from an antiquarian point of view. Magdalene, the immediate successor of Buckingham College, which was founded for the Benedictines in 1428, has an interesting old library of its own, though the Pepysian of course throws the older collection into the shade. The library of Samuel Pepys is housed in a small room containing his own little carved book-cases, all the three thousand volumes to which he limited himself being kept in precisely the order in which he left them. The small size of the room renders it XXII] ADDRESS TO THE LIBRARIANS. 383 impossible for many people to be there at one time ; but thanks to the kindness of the Master and of Prof. Newton, you will have as good an opportunity of seeing it and its contents as can be managed. King's College library, having a small endow- ment of its own, has never been allowed to fall either into decay or disuse ; its most precious portion is the library of Jacob Bryant, the well-known scholar of the latter half of the eighteenth century. For those who love to look at samples of early Italian printing in choice Harleian bindings, the Bryant collection offers a rare feast. The remaining four Colleges I have mentioned are all interesting in their way, Jesus College, especially, offering an example of an old library with its stalls, of which the original contents are indicated by the subjects in stained glass placed by the founder in the several windows. Coming down to the colleges of the sixteenth century, St John's affords an excellent specimen of the library of its date (1624), and Prof. Mayor will gladly show you both the room and its principal treasures. It is literally full of interesting matter. As St John's occupies the ground of the old Hospital of St John the Evangelist and Jesus College that of the decayed nunnery of St Rhadegund, so Emmanuel and Sidney stand on the site of the Dominican and Franciscan Convents. Emmanuel library is very rich in old books, and bears a distinctive character of its own, from having inherited the whole of Archbishop Sancroft's printed library. Dr Pearson will kindly show you many of the treasures there under his charge. Sidney-Sussex College, be- sides having an old library of great value, has a special and more modern collection, the Taylor library, instituted for the use of students of mathematics and natural science, one of those special libraries which are so warmly appreciated by students at the present day. Downing, the most modern of our recognised Colleges, has also its library, but it is the only one of which I can say nothing from personal experience of its contents. You must look upon all these as, for the most part, re- positories of old and precious books, which when they come to be better known, will assuredly yield rich fruit to the enquirer. Being made up chiefly of gifts, they have all long since reached 384 ADDRESS TO THE LIBRARIANS. [XXII what I have called the antiquarian stage of development, while in the greater number almost all provision for the supply of new books has been allowed to fall into abeyance. Many however are beginning to show signs of renewed life, and are being made useful for present studies. I could have wished to draw your attention here to some details of the working of our own University Library, which I should like you to consider and take note of, especially so far as they concern the process through which books pass from the time of their arrival in the library till they are made ready for use, and their titles are entered in the catalogue. Even though they may be thought to concern only our very largest libraries, yet I should like to place them on record in the Proceedings of the Association. But I have detained you too long already, and it would be more 'suitable every way, if such of you as feel an interest in the subject, would come into the library while you are here, and see and judge for yourselves the practical working of the process, which you could compare at your leisure with the account of it which I have drawn up 1 . If you would thus come and make yourselves acquainted with some of our working details, I should have little scruple in maintaining that the visit of the Library Association to Cambridge is quite as likely to be fruitful in the matter of professional work as it will undoubtedly be in that friendly intercourse, which nothing but such associations as ours can bring about. 1 See Appendix, No. I. Some account of the organisation of the Cambridge University Library. APPENDIX. I. SOME ACCOUNT OF THE ORGANISATION OF THE CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY. THERE are some details of the working of our University Library which I gladly take this opportunity of bringing before the Association, because they are more easily made clear on the spot than in an opening address. I am particularly anxious that you should not leave Cambridge without learning some- thing of the organisation of our greatest library, and you will then, I hope, carry away a few hints which may be of service, when you go home and begin to digest what you have heard from others in the course of our annual gathering. In the first place, you will be surprised to see the unusual openness of the library. Our watchword is ' Liberty and Dis- cretion.' We say to those who use our library: 'The rule is (1) liberty for you to go freely about the whole library, examining what books you choose and borrowing what books you like ; and (2) discretion on our part, exercised in putting such extremely moderate restrictions upon your freedom, that the safety of the more precious books is regarded, and the presence of the books most constantly needed for reference is secured, without undue interference with your access to the shelves or your borrowing from the library.' So far as practicable, we keep books of a kind together, not adopting any minute system of classification, which with our building and the means at our disposal would be almost hopeless, but yet placing the books in such a way that any frequenter of the library soon finds out the compartments where the older books on his favourite subject are to be found, and also where the newest accessions of the kind are being placed. In this way he has opportunities of becoming personally acquainted with numberless books after a manner that even the most minutely B. 25 386 ADDRESS TO THE LIBRARIANS. [XXII classified catalogue would fail to provide for him. It must not be thought that I am disparaging the classified form of a cata- logue ; my wish is here merely to point out to you the very rough method which has grown up amongst us here of satisfying an undoubted want, which has not been as yet dealt with in Cambridge by any more literary process. The several gradations of freedom and restriction in use here, are these : Four classes of books are kept in locked compartments and must be asked for when wanted ; and of these, in consideration of this denial of free access to the shelves, we feel bound in honour to provide printed catalogues : 1. Manuscripts; 2. Adver- saria, or printed books enriched with manuscript notes of learned men; 3. Select books of various kinds, notable either for their antiquity or some other kindred point of interest ; and 4. Books printed in the fifteenth century. Of the first and second classes the catalogues have already been in good part published ; of the other two classes catalogues are expected, and are in preparation. I must not stop now, to give you any details of our mode of keeping, describing, and dealing with these four important classes of books. Costly illustrated books and privately printed books are also kept under certain light restrictions, and can only be borrowed by permission. They are kept in particular cases by themselves, and they are collated before leaving the library and again on their return. A large number of books of reference scattered through the library are labelled ' Not to be taken out,' and these cannot be borrowed for any length of time without special leave of the managing Syndicate. But, in order to make them as free as possible for general use, these books can always be bor- rowed by leave of the librarian, from the closing hour on one day till the opening on the next, or next working, day. By this simple rule every one has free use of them during the day, and any one who specially wants them is not deprived of them in the evening. All other books can be borrowed with perfect freedom ; and it is almost needless to point out that this is the only way XXII] APPENDIX. 387 in which, in a place like this, the great mass of modern litera- ture can possibly be made of use. People can come to a library like ours to work, but they cannot possibly come here to read what are called readable books. The Copyright Act would be little more than an expensive burden to us, if we could not make the books so collected of real service to those who wish to read them ; while the very openness of the library tends to make many books known, which under other circumstances would never be seen. Once known, copies of them are bought, and author and reader are alike benefited. Our rules for borrowing are of the most rough-and-ready description. They have remained the same, for the most part, since 1748. Each member of the Senate, that is to say, every one possessed of the full franchise of the University, is allowed to borrow ten volumes at a time. He writes on a simple printed form the briefest title or word sufficient to identify the book, with its library-mark, and adds his name and degree and the date. The book or books are shown at the door, and the door- keeper receives the ticket and files it. On whatever day the book is borrowed, it must be returned, under a small penalty, at the next of the four ordinary quarter-days, Lady Day, Mid- summer, Michaelmas, and Christmas (strictly speaking, March 25, June 24, September 14, and December 21). For a fortnight in September, and for two days after the other quarter-days, the library is closed to enable the staff to make the place straight after the return of the books. While out, the borrower is responsible for the safety of the book, and it is free to go, if need be, to America and back, provided the simple rules for returning it at the next quarter-day be observed. A printed catalogue is a luxury which our University has never possessed. It is a singular fact that the last man who left us his whole library was Bishop Hacket, in 1670; and the last great gift, so great as to give a new character to the whole place, was King George's gift of Bishop Moore's library in 1715. None of the great collectors of modern times have thought fit to deposit their treasures with us ; and hence it is, perhaps, that our library has never acquired that unfailing tradition of a 252 388 ADDRESS TO THE LIBRARIANS. [XXII learned staff which the accession of such gifts from time to time naturally develops, and of which Bodley's library affords so notable an example. For a century after the King's gift in 1715, the University was content with a manuscript catalogue of the so-called Royal library (Bishop Moore's), and an inter- leaved Bodleian catalogue containing our old library and all more recent accessions. From 1815 the Copyright Act began to take effect much more fully than before, and a new vigour was exhibited in the purchase of foreign books. Hence a new catalogue was needed, and in 1819 a written catalogue was compiled, from the two then in use, by the library-keeper of the day, Mr Bowtell ; and this is still the only one in use for by far the greater part of our older books. In 1853, the University had just had the benefit of a Royal commission of enquiry, and the general stir through all parts of the body corporate, which then began and has been going on without intermission ever since, could not fail to affect the Uni- versity -Library. One of the first evidences of change was a re- organisation of the managing committee or Syndicate brought about in that year. Instead of an exclusively official body com- prising all the leading officers of the University, the new policy inaugurated in 1853 has made it consist of sixteen members, four going off every year, and each holding his place for four years only at one time, and incapable of immediate re-election, thus plunging at once to the other extreme, in forbidding the existence of any single permanent member of the body. The fresh blood thus infused into the management of the Library soon made itself felt. A new catalogue was at once started, on the model of that of the British Museum, the titles being written with a manifold writer on slips pasted into a volume. The chief peculiarity of this new catalogue, as introduced here, was the adoption of a method of size-notation by inches (8 x 5, 6 x 4, &c.), of which I must take some other opportunity of saying what has to be said 1 . After some years, the ever-increasing difficulty of providing 1 See Appendix, No. III. A word on size-notation as distinguished from form-notation. XXIl] APPENDIX. 389 for insertions led to the plan now adopted here, of using not bound paper books, but quires (at first of paper and more recently of linen) strung into a cover, so as to allow their easy removal from one volume to another. This is a method which you must see for yourselves to understand. It affords certain facilities for intercalation, and it has been adopted in several libraries from ours; but, after all said and done, it must be allowed that the problem has yet to be solved, how to provide for the intercalation of fresh accessions of titles in a catalogue in book form, with the least unnecessary waste of time occupied in transference of titles from one page to another. In October 1861, Mr Hobson, of S.t John's College, then Principal Library Assistant, a man of an eminently practical turn of mind, introduced in a modified form the American method of printing the titles of all accessions ; a plan which has been followed with great satisfaction from that time onwards. By this system the titles were printed on the two inner pages of an open sheet of demy folio size (the size of the library catalogue volumes), with two columns on a page, the whole sheet contain- ing sixty titles or thereabouts,, needing only to be cut up and pasted into the volume of the catalogue. The printed titles were therefore just half the width of the written slips, and the gain to the eye and the economy of room were allowed on all hands to be very great. The method of size-notation by inches (8 x 5, 6 x 4, &c.), in use from 1854 to 1861, was given up, and the more common-place form-notation of Fol. 4to. 8vo. &c., with all its uncertainties and inaccuracies, came back again. The library-marks (press-marks) were printed, as on the written titles, at the left-hand end, with upright lines separating the compartment, shelf, and volume numbers 1 . It was obviously 1 The British Museum authorities, cupies the corresponding position at in printing their accession-titles, have the end of the same line, instead of been fully alive to the waste which being in the centre, as with us at would be caused by retaining the press- present. If the same method were mark in the old place at the left-hand adopted in our case, we should again end. They have consequently placed save a whole column in every page, as it above, immediately over the leading we did at first by the introduction of word of the heading, so that the con- printing. Our catalogue, by having secutive number of the title-slip oc- three columns in a page, would be 390 ADDRESS TO THE LIBRARIANS. [XXII necessary to adopt some very simple and unobtrusive method of marking each slip, in order that another copy might readily be found when wanted. For this purpose Mr Hobson placed above the centre of the title the last two figures of the year, followed after a point by the consecutive number of the title thus: 61. 1, 61. 2, 61. 285, 61. 286, &c. Unless printed in the most unobtrusive form, this number was sure to be taken by some readers for the class-mark (or press-mark as it is called elsewhere); and even now this is sometimes found to be the case. This mode of printing the titles went on without alteration of any kind for about ten years, being confined for the most part to the titles of new accessions, except to some extent during the three years of Prof. Mayor's tenure of office as librarian (1864 1867), when an enormous increase of life and vigour, inspired by his energy, found its way into every branch of the work of the library. During the fifteen years of my own tenure of office as librarian, I have made it one main object to devise some orderly method by which our books should go through their several stages of preparation for use ; and to see how our system of printing the titles could best be made to help materially towards this end. The details of this process I am particularly anxious to put briefly before you, -and I am sanguine enough to hope that more than one among you may find here a few hints which will be worth consideration. What I have to say on this point will interest chiefly those librarians who print their titles; but an exposition of the method employed here may possibly be of interest to a larger circle. Books which have by our present practice to be catalogued in print, fall necessarily into one or other of the following four classes : (A) Books already in the library, entered in the old written catalogue, and having now to be re-catalogued in print ; correspondingly reduced in bulk, and consult, as presenting a larger number thereby become more convenient to of titles to the eye at the same time. XXII] APPENDIX. 391 (B) Books bought from various booksellers, being mostly new foreign publications ; (C) Books claimed under the Copyright Act and received from our agent in London ; and (D) Donations and other miscellaneous accessions from various quarters. Leaving class A for the present, it will appear that all these books go through certain well-defined stages before they reach their final place on the shelves and become ready for circulation. I will speak first of the new accessions comprised under the above headings B, C, and D, tracing their course severally through the four successive stages of I. The Work-room, II. The Labelling-room, III. The Revising-room, and IV. The Exhibition, to which they are all subjected im- mediately before being put into circulation. I. THE WORK-ROOM. (B) Books bought from various booksellers, being mostly new foreign publications, are received by one of the assistants and identified with the entry on the invoice sent with them. They are of three kinds : (1) Complete books, (2) Books in progress, whether issued in complete volumes or in parts, and (3) Periodical publications. (1) The complete books are stamped, and then catalogued on single slips. If in a substantial binding, they are ready for placing at once; if in paper covers, as in the case of most foreign books, they are sent to the binder, and when received back they are ready for placing. Until a place is found for them on the shelves, they remain in the work-room of the assistant under whose charge they are, the title-slips remaining in a box, where he can readily refer to them and give information whether any book, not yet in circulation, has been received. 392 ADDRESS TO THE LIBRARIANS. [XXII (2) Books in progress are stamped, and then registered on slips kept in a separate box, the date of the receipt of each part or volume being noted on the slip, which is removed from the box only when the book is fully complete. If not at once ready for binding, the parts are kept in a store-room. If ready, the books are bound, and when bound they are ready for placing. (3) Periodical publications are stamped, and then entered in a Periodical register, where the receipt of each number is entered with the date. The unbound parts are kept in a store- room until ready for binding, and when bound they are ready for placing, as before. (C) Books claimed under the Copyright Act are of course much more numerous and varied than any other class, and require more subdivision. They are received from our London agent by one of the assistants and identified with the entries on the invoice sent with them. After identification they are first sifted into two classes: (a) Those intended for the General Library, and (6) Those intended for what, for want of a better name, I must call the Lower Library, a term which I use to denote the books which it is necessary to preserve, though they are not in demand in at all the same way as the others. It must be understood that the sifting process is not guided by any spirit of censorship, but by practical experience of the wants of the place. If a book has been wrongly sifted out, it will be seen hereafter that it can at once and without any difficulty be trans- ferred to the General Library. (a) Those intended for the General Library are given into the charge of several different assistants. They fall into these six classes: (1) Complete books ; (2) Books in progress, whether issued in complete volumes or in parts ; (3) Periodical publications ; (4) Pamphlets ; (5) Music; and XXIl] APPENDIX. 393 (6) Maps. (1) Complete English books are almost always bound, and so ready at once for placing, as soon as they have been stamped, and title-slips written for them. (2) Books in progress are stamped and registered, as in the case of the corresponding class of bought books. (3) Periodical publications are stamped and registered, just as in the case of bought books. (4) Pamphlets are stamped and have titles written for them, and are then kept in a store-room, where they can be found when wanted. In order to prevent indefinite accumulation, the following method is in use. As soon as possible after the close of each year, all the pamphlets received under the Copyright Act during the preceding year are brought out of the store-room, and sorted by one of the under-librarians into volumes accord- ing to subject, some if necessary being bound separately; the object being that every single publication of the kind should be cleared out of the store-room year by year, the pamphlets themselves being looked upon somewhat as magazine articles not fortunate enough to find a home in some such recognised repository. Thus the pamphlets of any one year come to form a series intelligible in itself. When the volumes are bound, they are ready for placing in the usual manner, each in the class to which it naturally belongs. The library suffered so much for many years from the haphazard accumulation of pamphlets waiting for some congenial fellows, and consequently lost to practical use, that this plan was adopted in 1872 and has been found to answer extremely well. (5) Music is stamped and catalogued on slips in the same way as other things. That which can be bound is made ready for placing, and the rest is kept in the store-room, the titles being readily to be found in the slip-boxes. (6) Maps are kept in a special map-room under the care of one of the assistants, by whom they are stamped and catalogued, and then sorted into cases. (6) Books, &c. intended for the Lower Library are given 394 ADDRESS TO THE LIBRARIANS. [XXII into the charge of one of the assistants. They fall into these three classes : (1) Complete works ; Works in progress ; and Periodical publications. Complete works are stamped and catalogued on slips in the usual way. (2, 3) Works in progress and periodical publications are stamped and registered in the usual way, and stored until the completion of a volume, which is then tied up neatly, or bound, as the case may seem to require. (D) Donations and other miscellaneous accessions follow the same course as the other kinds of books. They are identified, registered, acknowledged, stamped, and catalogued on slips, remaining in the work-room until ready to be placed on the shelves. So far I have described the preliminary part of the work- room stage in the history of the new accessions, until, being in some substantial form of binding, the books are ready for placing on the shelves for the purpose of being prepared for circulation. Through the rest of this, and through the three succeeding stages, all the different classes follow the same treatment, so far as they belong to the General Library, while the Lower Library requires a slightly different treatment of its own, which will be noticed further on. In all the above classes (B, C, D) we have now reached the point at which the books are in their several work-rooms, and are ready to be placed. The next process is as follows. The assistant, having sorted the books out in groups, takes each group round to the different compartments, and finds shelves where they may occupy a suitable place, taking a note of each. On returning to his work-room he enters the title briefly (little more than a single line is generally sufficient) in the shelf-cata- logue 1 (or class-catalogue as we call it in Cambridge). He then 1 Every class (or compartment) in too strongly insist upon the fact that the whole library has its own shelf this shelf- catalogue is really the cata- catalogue of this kind; and I cannot logue or inventory of the library par XXII] APPENDIX. 395 writes the library-mark (compartment, shelf, and volume num- ber) on the title-page of the book and on the title-slip which he made on first receiving the book ; writing in addition any further slips of cross-reference or directions for secondary entry 1 excellence, to which the General Alpha- betical Catalogue forms the best Index which we are capable of making. It is by this shelf-catalogue that we inspect the library periodically and note our accessions and our losses. It is this which we put into any one's hands, who is anxious to learn rapidly what books we have on a particular subject, so far as we have been able to keep such books together. From time immemorial we have had a readable catalogue of this kind, and any attempt, such as has been sometimes suggested, to alter or destroy its character, would be distinctly a disaster to the place. As the shelf-catalogue is a local in- ventory, so an alphabetical catalogue is in reality an alphabetical index to a library; and the moment that we can grasp the fact that this is so, and that this latter should follow the laws of a first-rate index, the requirements of such a work stand out clearly, and certain cataloguing theories at once fall to the ground as out of place. Many sets of cataloguing rules seem to aim at giving some theoretically ac- curate form of entry, while the primary aim of a good index is universally allowed to be, to consider the reader and help him to find whatever he wants with the least possible delay. Some alphabetical catalogues, as some indexes, will give greater variety of help than others; but the index-prin- ciple remains the same. 1 A few words are necessary in ex- planation of these terms, as they are employed in our library. By a cross-reference I mean a re- ference made from one entry to an- other, in order to avoid needless repe- tition. Its most reasonable and legiti- mate use with us is confined to re- ferences from one form of a name or title to another, or from an editor, whose editions of a work are numerous, to the author whose work he brings out. Thus: 'Disraeli (Benjamin). See Beaconsfield (Benjamin Disraeli, Earl of).' This means that all books bearing the author's name Disraeli on the title-page, must be looked for under the title of Beaconsfield. Again, the phrase ' Coke upon Littleton ' means 'Sir Thomas Litilton's Tenures with the commentary of Sir Edward Coke.' The main entry will be under ' Litilton (Sir Thomas) ' ; and, instead of giving as many cross-references under ' Coke (Sir Edward) ' as there are editions of the work, we should give a general cross-reference thus: 'Coke (Sir Ed- ward). See Litilton (Sir Thomas). Tenures. With the commentary of Sir Edward Coke,' reserving the enu- meration of the editions for the main entry. By a secondary entry I mean some- thing quite different from a cross- reference. We have for some years past adopted from the Boston Public Library an admirable method of secon- dary entry, which their card system enables them to use very largely. Un- fortunately, the small size of our printed slip-titles renders it more difficult of general application with us; but considerations of economy and convenience must soon lead to its adoption on a much wider scale. The method is simply this: When- ever a book is considered likely to be 396 ADDRESS TO THE LIBRARIANS. [XXII which our cataloguing rules and his own judgment may require. The slip or slips are then laid in the volume, and the volume itself is ready for labelling. Whatever volumes are so prepared by each of the assistants during any week up to midday on Friday, are sent down, as soon as done, from the several work- rooms to the labelling-room, and they then enter upon the second stage of the procedure, which I am trying to describe. II. THE LABELLING-ROOM. It is clear that the number of volumes prepared and placed during any one week is liable to vary from nothing up to a very considerable number, according to the time which the several assistants, whose duty it is to catalogue and place the books, have been able to devote to this work during the week. But, whatever the number may be, the volumes are labelled without delay, and the rule is absolute, that on the following Monday morning the labelling-room has to be completely and entirely cleared out, and the books themselves, with a tally of the number of volumes labelled and their class (B, C, or D, as above), are immediately taken to the revising-room, and the third stage is then entered upon. III. THE REVISING-ROOM. It is now clear that whatever is catalogued and placed during any week (up to Friday at noon) is labelled and goes to the revising-room on the following Monday morning. Here the three several classes of books (bought, copyright, and donations, &c.), with their written slips lying in them, are separately ar- ranged on shelves, each class in its own library order (A, B, C ..., Aa, Bb, Cc..., I, II, III..., 1, 2, 3..., LA, LB, LC..., MA, MB, MC..., &c.), ready for revision. During this week, looked for under any heading or head- these headings. The expense of print- ings other than the principal one pro- ing a mass of additional entries is thus vided by our rules for cataloguing, we saved altogether, by a process which take one or more additional copies of enables us ungrudgingly to consult the the printed title- slip, and write neatly convenience of the reader, for whose along the top such secondary headings use and benefit (it must always be as seem to be needed, and the slips remembered) the catalogue primarily are then entered in the catalogue under exists. XXIl] APPENDIX. 397 from Monday to Saturday, the under-librarians are required to make the final revision of these titles for the press, one taking one series (bought or foreign books), the other another (as copyright or English, and donations or miscellaneous). As soon as these titles are revised, the whole of each series being still kept in due library order, with the cross-references following the main entries, each series of slip-titles is marked with consecutive numbers, following on from the last number of the corresponding series revised in the preceding week, the numbers beginning afresh with each year. These titles are then sent to the press, and the books themselves remain for the present undisturbed on the shelves of the revising-room. As often as may be, a sheet containing about 60 titles comes back in proof from the press, being an instalment of the stock of titles which have been sent week by week to the press. This sheet is read (by the under-librarian to whose series it belongs) and revised, re-read and returned for press ; and after a day or two twelve copies are returned printed off for use, and bearing at the foot the date of printing, and the first and last numbers of the titles contained on the sheet. With this we reach the fourth stage in the progress of the books. IV. THE EXHIBITION. The number of sheets finally returned from the press during any one week will evidently vary indefinitely from nothing up to whatever the press has been enabled to print off. On the following Monday morning, whatever sheets have been so re- turned during the preceding week are given out to the paster to cut up and insert in the general alphabetical catalogue of the library; and the books in the revising-room, whose titles are contained on those sheets, are removed to a particular table, where they remain on exhibition until the following Friday at noon. By this time the titles have all been inserted in their places in the catalogue, and the printing numbers have been entered on the back of the title-page of each book. As soon as the clock strikes twelve on Friday, the exhibited books are removed from the table, and are taken at once to their respective places in the library, each member of the staff carrying off those 398 ADDRESS TO THE LIBRARIANS. [XXII books which belong to the particular room, of the contents of which the librarian has given him the special charge 1 . When once the books have reached their places, but not until then, they are considered to be in circulation, and they may be bor- rowed from the library in the usual way. It will I think be allowed that, with the most ordinary care, the whole process, including the four stages here described, may be said almost to work itself, so organically regular and straight- forward is its action. If a book is hard to catalogue or place, it does not go down to the labelling-room so soon as it might otherwise do ; and if a sheet is delayed at the press,, it does but come back a week later than it might have done. But it will obviously be the interest of the printers not to delay needlessly over their sheets, and it will be equally the desire of the cata- loguer to keep down the number of uncatalogued or unplaced books under his charge, by placing them and sending them on to the labelling-room as fast as he can, consistently always with the due care required for cataloguing them ; and meantime any unavoidable delay of this kind is not such as can possibly cause any dislocation of the machinery here described. The printed sheets of titles are by this time available as weekly bulletins of the accessions to the library so far as put into circulation, and might be regularly issued to the public as such, each sheet bearing at the foot its own date, which is of necessity that of the week immediately preceding the one on which the books are placed upon the shelves for use. Though this plan has never yet been adopted with us, it seems evident that no time could possibly be half so suitable for the issue of any such bulletin as the very week in which the books contained in it are actually exhibited and put into circulation. It has indeed been suggested that the date of accession would form a better point to take for the issue of such a bulletin than the date of 1 Not a day passes without the re- staff, who thus feels more especially turn of books, and these are restored responsible for the orderly condition of to their places on the following morn- his particular room ; and in case of ing. It is found to be of considerable questions arising he is thereby better practical utility to give the rooms in able to give information respecting its charge each to one member of the contents. XXII] APPENDIX. 399 circulation. But a moment's consideration will show that this cannot really be so. In the early part of the work-room stage of a book there are liable to be various elements of uncertainty. Will it certainly be kept ? How will it finally be catalogued ? When will it actually be ready for use ? And how is the reader to be informed on all these points about it ? On the other hand, the issue of the bulletin at the time of circulation would assure the reader of three very important facts : that the book was certainly in the library ; that he had before him the precise form in which the book was finally catalogued ; and that it was actually on the shelves ready for him to apply for it and use it. As in this library we exhibit our books freely and publicly, the bulletin I have suggested is perhaps less urgently required ; but in larger and less open libraries, such as the British Museum, where any such exhibition would of course be wholly impracti- cable, the gain would surely be enormous, if, by some such simple mechanism as I have sketched out, the weekly accessions, so far as made ready for use, could be put before the world in the form of a 'British Museum Gazette.' The publication of such a gazette would entail no undue pressure to hasten on certain branches of the work. Seeing that the books can only be looked upon as fully ready for circulation, when their titles are finally printed off, the weekly gazette would merely have to record what was actually brought to completion in any one week. Any attempt to put it into alphabetical order would dislocate the system, besides having no permanent value ; and the week's issue would never really be so long but that most readers would be glad to look through the whole. Further than this, the very order of the titles, the main entries being immediately followed by the cross-references, would help more effectually than any other system that could well be devised, to familiarise the ordinary reader with the practical working of the rules adopted for cataloguing. I must say a word at this point about the method in use here of numbering the title-slips for library purposes. I have said before that in 1861 Mr Hobson devised the plan of dis- tinguishing each slip by an unobtrusive number, consisting of the last two figures of the year, followed by a point and a conse- 400 ADDRESS TO THE LIBRARIANS. [XXII cutive number (82. 1, 82. 2, 82. 3, and so on), thus, by beginning a fresh series with each year, avoiding the difficulty of an in- terminable series of numbers while affording a convenient piece of information at the same time 1 . So long as the printed titles were almost wholly confined to new accessions, and the task of final revision for the press was not more than the librarian himself could manage, week by week, there was no need to modify this method of numeration. About ten years ago, however, it became desirable to divide the work of revision ; and, this being so, it would have been very inconvenient to mix the two revisers' work, making the one wait for the other. Accordingly, unobtrusiveness being the necessary law of the case, it was a matter of no difficulty to make three different series, one for bought (mostly foreign) books, one for copyright English books, and one for donations and miscellaneous books, which form the three classes (B, C, D) of new accessions described above. A very slight variety of punctuation was sufficient to effect the desired object, and the single point (82. 1, 82. 2, &c.) was reserved for copyright English books, a double point or colon (82 : 1, 82 : 2, &c.) for bought foreign books, and a triple point (82... 1, 82... 2, &c.) for the third class of donations and miscellaneous accessions. As with the printers a full-point, a double point or colon, and a triple point, are each of them single types, the matter was still more simplified. Further, each series thus represented to some extent different revisers, and in every case three different cataloguers 2 . 1 This device has been overlooked at which will, I fear, when coupled with the British Museum, in the recently its consecutive number (C. 25897, cd B e 4 ; 28 leaves (532). 292 [The notes here printed as an Appendix were intended to be a continua- tion of the paper 'on the oldest written remains of the Welsh language', No. XV in the present volume. Mr Bradshaw has left several copies of a revise in pages, dated 1877; and on these he made a few corrections at least as late as 1882. The footnote on page 463 and some other additions (which are marked where they occur) were found in manuscript. Incom- plete as the paper undoubtedly is, I feel sure that it will be read with interest as an example of the way in which Mr Bradshaw worked, and especially as throwing light upon the conclusions formulated in the letter to Dr Wasserschleben (No. XXIII in this volume) pages 415 419. There still remains a fragment (amounting to nearly 60 folio pages of MS.) of his more detailed work upon the same subject begun in April, 1885, which, it is to be hoped, will soon be printed. J.J APPENDIX : CONTAINING AN ACCOUNT OF INVESTIGATIONS AMONG EARLY WELSH, BRETON, AND CORNISH MANU- SCRIPTS, 1872-77. I HAVE left the preceding remarks, as they were read to the Society. Some time elapsed after I had made my attack upon the Parker collection and discovered my treasure (August 25, 1870), before I was able to begin (October 21, 1871) a systematic examination of it. But when Mr Stokes came to Cambridge in January, 1872, he was well pleased to be able, with my transcript in his hand to spare him needless waste of time, to go through the MS. line by line with his own eyes ; a search which enabled him to make more than one addition to the number of the glosses which I had already found in the MS. His leisure hours on his voyage back to India were spent in writing a commentary on these results. This he printed on his arrival in India, and it has since been reprinted both in the Archceologia Cambrensis (-tth Series, Vol. iv), and in the Beitraye zur vergleichenden Sprachforschung (Vol. vu, p. 385). I should mention that I was at first inclined to think that the Martianus Capella glosses might be of the vinth century ; they resemble most closely those of the Liber Cummonei and of the B-hand in the Juvencus, both noticed below. What they brought to my mind at the first glance, was the writing of the early glosses on the Lorica of Gildas in the Book of Cerne (University Library MS. LL 1. 10), which I then believed to belong to the vinth century. Further experience has shown 454 PRELIMINARY REMARKS. me that this last MS. cannot safely be assigned to an earlier date than the ixth century. Some of the Martianus Capella glosses may be later than others, but for the bulk of them I am still of my first opinion that they are 'apparently as early as any remains of the Welsh language known to be in existence.' Meantime, the experience I had gone through in working with Zeuss's Grammatica Celtica had forced me to consider certain matters. It was quite clear that in examining the MSS. which form the basis of his operations, Zeuss had mis- read some things, and had been forced to leave others unread. This had also been the case with other philologists, from Lhuyd's time downwards. I felt it would be a clear gain to the philologists, and so indirectly to others also, if the whole range of these MSS. could be submitted to a careful exami- nation from a palseographical point of view ; that there might be some tolerable certainty as to what actual words were under discussion, and what date and mutual relationship might safely be assigned to the various MSS. So I set myself to work with such very limited leisure as was at my disposal ; and the inves- tigation has been so much more fruitful of results than I could possibly have expected, that I have little scruple in adding to this paper some account of how I pursued the investigations, and what store of facts I have succeeded in harvesting, in the hopes that some one else may feel stirred to adopt a similar method in gathering together the fragmentary remains of other early literatures. I have said above that the earliest book in Welsh was written in the latter part of the Xlith century. The earliest in Irish was written at the close of the xith century. The earliest in Anglo-Saxon (several still exist) go back to the last decade of the ixth century. It surely would not be an endless task to gather together for each of these languages all the fragments, whether sentences, words, or even names, which we can be certain were actually written down before these dates. The copy of Juvencus marked Ff. 4. 42 in our own Uni- versity Library has been an object of study to me for the last eighteen years, and I have worked at it at intervals with such THE CAMBRIDGE JUVENCUS. 455 minuteness that I may fairly say that the various handwritings which appear in it are as familiar to me as those of the closest friends. In the autumn of 1871, just after reading this paper to the Society, I again subjected it to a thorough examination, and having settled in a self-evident manner 1 the necessary se- quence of the various hands, I copied out my results in order. The original scribe of the MS. with his subscription in Welsh may be called A. The writer of seven glosses on the third and fourth leaves of the book, will be B. The writer of the Latin verses addressed to Fethgna and of the two little poems in triplets, of which so much has been said and written, C. The writer of the singular Latin rhythm, which reminds one of the strange Latin mixed up with some of the Welsh poems in the Book of Taliessin, will be D. E will be the writer of some Latin grammatical matter on the preliminary leaf, which has a little Welsh mixed with it, as well as of some glosses in the earlier part of the volume (leaves 2 a 6 b , and 15 a ). F con- tributes eight glosses and a few strange Hesperic words (leaves 24 a 53 a ), written in very clumsy roughly formed letters. G does not appear till the seventh leaf, but continues to the end, and contributes over 120 Welsh glosses. The little poems in handwriting C, and the glosses in the other various hands, were published with a commentary (without however any attempt to throw them into separate groups) by Mr Whitley Stokes, in the Transactions of the Philological Society for 1861, and in the Beitrdge zur vergl. Sprachforschung, Vol. iv, p. 385. Early in 1872 an appeal to Mr Coxe met with a ready response ; and he most generously recommended the Curators to the Bodleian Library to authorise him to lend me the priceless MS. in the Auctarium marked F. 4. 32, the Codex Oxoniensis prior of Zeuss, and familiar to most visitors to that Library from the picture of Our Lord and St Dunstan, which occupies the first page. Working night after night at this MS. for some two months, I necessarily gained a considerable familiarity with 1 Where one writer cannot write his little doubt of the sequence. When gloss precisely where it ought to stand this happens over and over again there because one of his predecessors has can be no doubt, preoccupied the ground, there can be 456 THE BODLEIAN LIBER COMMONS I. its contents ; and the several pieces of which it had been made up, and the several handwritings apparent in each, revealed themselves without much difficulty. The volume contains four wholly separate pieces, each consisting only of one quire. We learn from .Mr Macray's Annals, that it was given to the Bodleian Library in 1601 by Thomas Allen, whose signature appears on the first page. It was at Glastonbury when Leland visited the place in the first half of the xvith century. It was also there when the library was catalogued in the latter half of the xmth century. The second piece in the volume is an Anglo-Saxon homily, which must have been added in the Xlth century. There is also additional matter in all the other pieces in English writing of the same century. But the first, third, and fourth pieces are unquestionably of British origin ; and the drawing on the first page renders it almost certain that the volume, as it then stood, passed out of British into Saxon hands in the xth century during St Dunstan's life-time, when the old animosity had given way to a much more friendly feeling between the two races. The first is the Eutychius ; the third is the Liber Commonei (to give it a short name) ; and the fourth is the Ovid. The Liber Commonei, which is apparently the nucleus of the whole volume, is a medley containing the Excerpta de mensuris calculi and other excerpta of various kinds for prac- tical use (amongst these a copy of the 19-year cycle 817 835), as well as the alphabet of Nemniuus, and extracts from Scrip- ture (partly in Greek and Latin with the Greek in Greek cha- racters, partly in Latin and Greek with the Greek in Latin characters), all written by the scribe for one Commoneus, who was at once his father and his teacher. There are perhaps traces of the father's writing among the corrections. There are a few Welsh glosses, and several notes in mixed Latin and Welsh, bringing to mind the bilingual character of the early Irish Chronicles. The old Hiberno-Saxon character of the writing fully prepares one to accept as a fact, what is almost certainly shown by the presence of the single 19-year cycle, that the book was written about 820. It therefore becomes a standard by which to measure everything else. The nearest THE BODLEIAN OVID AND EUTYCHIUS. 457 approach to the writing elsewhere is that of the text (A) of the Juvencus, and that of the deed of gift (B) of the Gospel of Teliau now at Lichfield. The Ovid (De arte amandi liber primiis), at the end of the volume, is in a later Hiberno-Saxon hand much resembling the Gospel of Deer, and still more closely a much later MS. of St Augustine de Trinitate noticed below and written apparently in the monastery of St Paternus in Cardiganshire. Most of the glosses are of the time of the original writing; some few seem later; but nothing can well have been added after the book passed into Saxon hands in the latter half of the xth century. The Eutychius (de conjugationibus verborum), at the begin- ning of the volume, presents a totally different appearance. There is no trace of the Hiberno-Saxon character in the writing, which resembles the Caroline minuscule found in French MSS. of the ixth or ix-xth century. This of course struck me at once; and very soon, on working upon the glosses (which are in the same handwriting), I noticed that, in several cases, where Zeuss gives parallel forms as existing on one side in Welsh, and on the other in Cornish and Breton, the Eutychius, which was undoubtedly continental in style of writing, and the Luxemburg fragment, which I had never seen, but assumed to be so from its present home, agreed together in presenting the Cornish and Breton forms as against all the other known early MSS., which presented the Welsh forms 1 . I drew the attention of my philo- logical friends to this point ; but as Zeuss had accepted them both as Welsh without hesitation, and as nothing of really Old Cornish or Old Breton was known to test them by, judgment has hitherto been suspended, and I remained content to work on, waiting for further light. As might have been expected, new words came to light, glosses were put to their right words, and doubtful readings were cleared up in these books in the course of such a close examination. These results have been for the most part pub- lished, and commented on by Mr Stokes. Before the volume went back to Oxford, I had several pages photographed, eight of the Liber Commonei, three of the Ovid, and four of the Eutychius; 1 [See note, p. 488. J.] 458 THE GOSPEL OF TELIAU. and these have served to keep the characteristics of the several handwritings well in nay mind. In the Eutychius one of the photographs brought out clearly some erased words, which I had in vain tried to read with a strong magnifying glass. Shortly after this, in June 1872, I went to Lichfield in the hope of getting some more accurate information, than was then to be had in print, about the contents of the Gospel of Teliau, now commonly known as the Book of St Chad 1 . Its contents had been described with fair accuracy by Wanley in his Catalogus ; and his reading of the entries had been reproduced, with the addition of an extremely unsatisfactory lithographic facsimile of some of them, by Mr Rees in his addition of the Liber Landavensis (8vo. Llandovery, 1840). Unfortunately neither Zeuss nor Stokes had had the opportunity of consulting the MS. ; so that its contents had been practically neglected in recent times. The Dean and Chapter, thanks to the kind offices of one of their number, Mr Lonsdale, whose hospitable welcome both then and afterwards I cannot easily forget, readily allowed me to carry this treasure away to Cambridge for three months, in order that I might have time to get the same leisurely and intimate acquaintance with its contents that I had already got with those manuscripts which I have noticed above. Before I had had the book many minutes in my hands I discovered at the top of the blackened page which has for more than a thousand years formed the first page of the volume, the signature of one ' + fynsige presul', which in- stantly afforded me the desired solution of the difficulties which had presented themselves to previous investigators con- cerning the transfer of the book from Llandaff to Lichfield. On the one hand, the ' Textus euangelii sancti Cedde ' in a handwriting of the xinth century proves that the book be- longed to St Chad's Church at Lichfield at that period. The 1 "While at Llandaff the book was sancti Cedde' merely implies in the known as Evangelium Sancti Teliaui, same way that the book belongs to the which merely means that it belonged Cathedral Church of Lichfield. A to the Cathedral Church of Llandaff. whole legend has arisen from misun- The xnrth century entry on what is derstanding this simple and ordinary now the first page, 'Textus euangelii entry. THE GOSPEL OF TELIAU. 459 Anglo-Saxon entry about the clearance of God wine from the charge brought against him by Bishop Leofgar shows that it was at Lichfield about 1020. The entries of Anglo-Saxon names on the last page of St Matthew in a handwriting which cannot well be earlier than the beginning of the Xlth century, show that the book was in Saxon hands then. The signature I have noticed above ' + pynsige presul ' would lead one to believe that it was in the hands of one who can hardly be any other than Wynsige, Bishop of Lichfield in the latter half of the xth century, whose signatures to charters are found ranging from 964 to 973. On the other hand, every other remaining entry in the book is purely Welsh, from the deed of gift by which the book was presented to the Church of Teliau (now known as Llandaff), to the charters, boundaries, and signatures, which are scattered through the book. Here then is another case of a Welsh book passing out of British into Saxon hands in the latter part of the xth century, when, as I have said above, the intercourse between the two nations was on such a much more friendly footing than it had previously been. In this way the Welsh history of the book and its various entries is made very much clearer for us. For the text of the Gospel, it is impossible to fix a date until the whole body of Hiberno- Saxon MSS. in this large character have been more thoroughly investigated, and the results made known. I may perhaps suggest that the use of Finit rather than Explicit at the end of St Matthew points rather to a Celtic (Irish or Welsh) than to an Anglo-Saxon origin. The arrange- ment of the quires would also have afforded some clue to the school of writing to which it belonged: but, most unfortu- nately, the book was some years ago put into the hands of ' the first London binder of the day,' Mr F. Bedford, who at once (after his manner) cut the book up into a series of single leaves, ruthlessly removing any portions of leaves which might perhaps not look pretty, but which had a story to tell nevertheless to any one conversant with such matters ; so that all evidence of origin from this source has been recklessly destroyed. Calling then the handwriting of the text A, that of the record of the gift of the book by Gelhi son of Arihtiud, may 460 THE GOSPEL OF TELIAtT. be called B. This closely resembles the character of the Liber Gommonei, and may therefore fairly be assigned to the early part of the ixth century. Next come two charters of Ris in a handwriting C; and the manumission of Bleidiud, written by Sulgen, the scolasticus, whose letter will be D. These two hands resemble one another much; they are both of a well- formed Hiberno-Saxon character. In C one of the witnesses called Nobis is among the clerici, and follows Saturnguid, who is also a clericus. In D both are witnesses, but Nobis has become Episcopus Teiliau, and therefore takes precedence of Saturnguid, who is called Sacerdos Teiliau, Whether this Nobis is identical with the Nobis, Bishop of Llandaff, in the Liber Landavensis, with the Nobis episcopus who reigned in Miniu according to the Annals in the Harleian Historia Britonum (Harl. MS. 3859), and with the Nobis episcopus, who is de- scribed in the so-called Asser as the writer's propinquus, and all of whom belong to the middle of the ixth century, has yet to be proved. The handwritings of the documents in the Gospel-book at Lichfield may be reasonably attributed to that date. I am inclined to place next, under the letter E, a short note of a gift by one Mormarh, entered at the end of St Mark. To a scribe F I should attribute a boundary which is entered at the foot of the last two pages of St Mark. Under G I should place a document entered at the end of St Matthew, immediately under the original deed of gift, and beginning 'Surexit tutbulc films liuit...' in mixed Welsh and Latin. These last three seem all to belong to the xth century. Besides all these, I should group together under H a large number of signatures, chiefly running in pairs, which are scattered through- out the volume, and of which the dates may fairly be said to range all through the century and a half during which the book remained at Llandaff. I must mention one, because it affords a curious piece of evidence of the early mutilation of the volume. The manumission of Bleidiud (handwriting D) is written on the margin of the page containing the symbol- picture of St Luke which was meant to face the illuminated commencement of his Gospel. Between these two pages now stands a leaf containing, on the recto, a drawing in four com- THE GOSPEL OF TELIAU. 461 partments, with the symbols of the four Evangelists, and on the verso the marvellous interlaced cross which has been more than once reproduced in facsimile. Now this leaf was evi- dently intended to be the first leaf of the whole volume. The cross would occupy the recto and form the outside ; the symbols of the four Evangelists would occupy the verso, and so face the 'Liber generationis...' which, with the rest of the genealogy, is in this school of MSS. treated as a prologue to the whole four Gospels, while St Matthew is made to begin with an illuminated initial and border, facing a symbol-picture of the Evangelist, with the words 'Christi autem generatio...' When the fourth leaf (forming the second half of the outer sheet of the preliminary quire and containing the end of the genealogy or prologue on the recto, and the picture of St Matthew on the verso) was lost, the first leaf of course became loose, and was afterwards fastened in, inside out, at the commencement of St Luke. That this took place at a very early time we have almost certain evidence in the fact that the signature of Saturnbiu cam ibiau, one of the witnesses to the manumission of Bleidiud, occurs on this very inserted misplaced leaf, op- posite to the document which he attests. Before returning the book I had fourteen of its pages photographed. The notice of this volume may seem out of all proportion to the amount of matter which it contributes to our purpose. But though the amount of Welsh words here found is scanty, the book is of very great value from the opportunity it affords for the study of various handwritings which yet can only range through a century and a half. As a starting point for fresh investigations it is a matter of necessity to get a thorough familiarity with the habits of writing found in a few such manuscripts. It is only when any one has made a daily study of such books for many months together, and has become (so to say) thoroughly soaked with their characteristics, that he can hope to gain that instinct which is of such infinite value afterwards, when fresh books come under his eye, and re- semblances and relationships of handwriting and style are forced upon him in a way which could never result from a more casual and less intimate acquaintance. 462 THE LUXEMBURG HISPERICA FAMINA. Just at this time (in the summer of 1872) Mr Rhys pub- lished in the Revue Celtique (tome 1, p. 346) his account of the Folium I/uxemburgense, which Mone had discovered in 1851, used as the fly-leaf at the end of a MS. in the library at Luxemburg. Mr Rhys based his account upon a careful re-examination of the MS. made on the spot, and upon a litho- graphic facsimile of the whole sheet of two leaves which had been published in the xivth volume of the Memoires of the Historical Section of the Luxemburg Institute. He was thus able to supplement and correct Zeuss in many points ; and he added a careful commentary of his own. This lithographed facsimile Mr Rhys was good enough to lend to me, and it opened up altogether a fresh line of investigation. The phrase Glossae collectae, which I had suggested to Mr Rhys for the Luxemburg Glosses, I had learnt from the Parker MS. of Martianus Capella. At the end of the text in that MS. follows a piece headed ' Incipiunt glossae collectae,' which I found to be simply a collection of glossed words from another copy. The writer having access to a second glossed copy was naturally anxious (dictionaries being scarce and almost unknown in those days) to get the benefit of it. He had no room to in- corporate them into his own copy which was already fully glossed ; so he goes straight through his neighbour's copy and takes down in order all the words which have any glosses, and writes their glosses over them or after them. This would of course be very useful to any one who had a copy of the book by him, and was reading it through steadily; but it is easy to see what a hopeless maze it must appear to any one who lights upon the book without any clue to what is intended. Now the lithograph showed the fragment to be a sheet of which the two leaves were not consecutive ; and, with the clue afforded by the Martianus Capella, it was probable that the sheet formed part of a quire near the end of a volume, and that the semi-rhythmical matter contained on one of the leaves formed the latter part of a text, and that the glossae collectae had been written in by the scribe at the end of his volume. What therefore Mr Rhys calls leaf 1 should be leaf 2, and vice versa. It took some little time to master the rhythm of the lines occu- THE VATICAN HISPERICA FAMINA. 4-63 pying the first leaf, and to see that each line formed a sentence, and that a sort of assonance was effected by an adjective and substantive, one of which might be said to form the middle of the line, while the other came at the end. But I had never seen any such production before, and I was very much dis- satisfied at not being able to find a name for the work. Some time afterwards, in looking through Migne's Patro- logia for some treatise de ponderibus et mensuris, which might lead to a better understanding of the Excerpta de mensuris calculi in the Oxford Liber Commonei, I stumbled, among the Opera spuria at the end of Bede's works, upon a piece entitled ' Hisperica Famina ' reprinted from Mai's fifth volume of Auctores Classici from Vatican manuscripts. I hoped here to have found the solution of all my difficulties. Here was a long piece entirely written in this assonant rhythm 1 , though printed by Mai as prose. It came from one of Queen Christina's Manuscripts, obtained from Petavius, and therefore probably written in France and perhaps in Brittany. I instantly copied out Mai's transcript, which came to something over 600 lines ; and though neither the leaf of text nor the words in the Glossae collectae of the Luxemburg MS. were to be found in 1 A short quotation will give a description of snnrise and its effects, better idea of the rhythm of the work in which the following lines (138 144) than any explanation. Chapter 2 (Lex occur: diei) of the Vatican text begins with a Cibonea: pliadum non exomicant fulgora: merseum solifluus: emit naevum tractus; densos phetoneum: extricat sudos incendium; roscida: aret rubigine stillicidia; nee olivatus frondea: olivat nimbus robora; faenosas: dividuat imber uvas; micras uvicomus: apricat lacunas rogus. I have here only so far departed from than it otherwise would be. Glotsae Mai's edition as to print the matter in collectae belonging to such a text may lines, and to insert a colon, or middle well distract a man who expects to point, after the adjective which forms find continuous matter ; and Mr Rhys the assonance with the substantive at must be forgiven for speaking of the the end of the line. It will be seen text of the Luxemburg fragment as a that each line forms a sentence; and kind of rhythmic twaddle about a- this clue once obtained, the whole tronomy and the prophet in the lion's work becomes far less unintelligible den'. [MS. note.] 464 THE CORPUS CHRISTI DE TRINITATE. the Vatican text, yet no doubt was left on my mind that they proceeded from the same school, if not from the very same author. The large amount of text thus recovered, and the frequent occurrence of the same Hesperic words made it very much easier to give a meaning to them than had been at all possible before 1 . This was still occupying my attention, when something led me (Feb. 10, 1874) to follow up a suggestion made by Mr Had- dan with reference to the Parker copy of St Augustine De Trinitate (Corpus Christi College, MS. 199), written by Jo- hannes, the son of Sulgen and brother of Ricemarch, who were both Bishops of St David's in the latter part of the xith century. The long poem (at the end of the volume) printed by Mr Haddan (Councils, i. 663) contains one or two Hesperic words, explained at once by the Hisperica Famina; but I 1 I did not then realise the full force implied in the phrase 'one of Queen Christina's manuscripts obtain- ed from Petavius.' I merely meant that manuscripts obtained in France would be more likely to come from Brittany than from Wales. The dis- covery of the mass of Old Breton glosses in the Orleans copy of the Collectio Canonum coming upon the knowledge of the other glossed copies of the same work, all noticed below, led me to note the history of the library of Fleury on the Loire, as traced by Septier in his Catalogue of the Orleans MSS. When the mo- nastery was sacked by the Calvinists in the sixteenth century, the bulk of the Manuscripts fell into the hands of the Orleans lawyer, Pierre Daniel, who was connected with the abbey. On his death his collection was bought and divided between them, by two citizens of Orleans, Jacques Bongars and Paul Petau. Bongars' MSS. went to the Elector Palatine's library, from which they were transferred to the Vatican, where they remained until restored to Heidelberg in quite recent times. The MSS. of Paul Petau were inherited by his son Alexander, who sold them to Queen Christina, from whom they passed to Pope Alexander VIII., who deposited them in the Va- tican. Such as remained at Fleury were either lent on long loan to St Germains, and may be now looked for in Paris, or were transferred at the revolution to the Public Library at Orleans. Now that we have learnt that various manuscripts, which from their containing vernacular glosses must have been written in Brittany before the xnth century, found their way to Corbie, Fecamp, Fleury, and other great monasteries after the decay of learning in Celtic Brittany, it is easy to see how the Vatican Hisperica Famina may probably have come from Fleury, and have found its way thither from Brittany in company with the Fleury copy of the Collectio Canonum now at Orleans, and perhaps many other manuscripts which are only now unknown because they have not been looked for. [MS. note.] THE LAMENT OF RICEMARCH. 465 was still more anxious to see for myself what Mr Haddan calls 'a few words in old Welsh ' (Councils, i. 667). At the begin- ning are some introductory verses, and all through the volume there are invocations at the top of the pages, mostly where a fresh book begins. Sometimes they are addressed to God, once to St David, and once to St Paternus, to aid and encourage the scribe in continuing his work. These mostly have JO. (the scribe's name) prefixed. But in one case is a Welsh quatrain (without the JO.), docked by the binder of part of its last line, but much resembling some lines in the Gododin, though not identical. Except the two poems in the Juvencus MS., it is the only scrap of verse written down before the xnth century, as yet discovered, and so is most precious ; especially as we can date it almost to a certainty, seeing it must have been written down some time between 1080 and 1090. It is in this scrap that the letter y first appears in Welsh, a letter which forms such a prominent feature in all later Welsh writing. I sent the quatrain at once to the Rev. D. Silvan Evans, and it has been printed in the Archceologia Cambrensis (ivth Series, Vol. 5) ; but no one seems to have ventured upon a satisfactory version of it. One step leads to another, and this work upon Sulgen and his sons led me to go up to London and examine the Cotton MS. Faustina C. I in the British Museum, to which Professor Westwood long ago drew attention as containing some verses by Bicemarch, Bishop of St David's and brother of the Johannes just mentioned. The volume contains three pieces put together by Sir Robert Cotton; but the middle piece is a copy of the Somnium Scipionis with a brief Chronology from Bede at the end, and this Lament of Ricemarch at the beginning. I could trace no vernacular glosses among the crowd of notes upon the text ; indeed the Latin learning of Sulgen 's sons may be sup- posed to have passed beyond the stage which needs such help ; but the handwriting of the MS. is in itself a study, from the sample it affords of a Celtic hand in process of being modified strongly by Anglo-Norman influences, while yet retaining many of its Celtic or Hiberno-Saxon characteristics. The Lament itself I have had copied in autotype ; and I hope to print it B. 30 466 THE HISTOItIA BRITONUM. with other Latin texts of Celtic origin. It affords such a melancholy picture of the state of the country just after the Norman invasion, that I feel sure Mr Haddan would have printed it, if the MS. had not been overlooked. An examination made at the same time into the Harleian Historia Britonum (Harl. MS. 3859) brought a number of most interesting points to light. It is an acknowledged fact, that the Historia Britonum went through several recensions from the latter part of the Vllth to the latter part of the xth cen- tury ; and that one of these bears the name of Nemniuus (or Nennius), and another that of Marcus Anachoreta, &c. But even in spite of Mr Skene's excellent anatomy of the work in the third chapter of his ' Four Ancient Books of Wales,' much remains to be done before the various accretions to the original nucleus of the History can be put upon their proper footing. The Harleian MS. is not of the xth century at all ; but is, I should say, an Anglo-Norman transcript made at the close of the xith century from a copy written in Wales in the xth cen- tury. For the additional matter not found elsewhere, and for the large number of native words and proper names, it is simply invaluable, in spite of, and indeed partly owing to, the igno- rance exhibited by the scribe where Welsh words are concerned. The genealogies are a perfect storehouse of names in their old forms; and when once Welsh scholars have grasped the fact that the great turning point in Welsh authorities is to be found in the Historia Britonum of Geoffrey of Monmouth, and in the Liber Landavensis, both of which first saw the light in the third decade of the xnth century, one of the most fruitful ages of inventive genius which the world has seen ; then these earlier fragments will be gathered together and studied with more reverence, and will not be mixed up with later and worth- less productions of periods when little but imagination was left to draw upon for historical facts and family history. The so-called Annales Cambrice, which form an integral part of the Historia Britonum in the Harleian MS., appear to me to be beyond a doubt a transcript (probably a copy of a transcript) of one of those books, of which we have a specimen in our University Library (MS. Kk. 5. 32), consisting of a set of 28 LUXEMBURG. 467 19-year cycles, each one occupying a page, and the whole making up a great or 532-year cycle. The events are recorded in brief on one or other margin, as the year fell into one or another great cycle; so that one little book would extend to 1064 years without any difficulty. In transcribing such a book into a continuous form, so as not to keep a 19-year cycle to a page, the copyist has numbered the years by tens instead of by nineteens. From this point of view it ceases to be an arbitrary selection of years, and certain discrepancies and difficulties be- come open to a more rational solution. But this is not the place to go into such questions. I copied out the whole of the Annales and the Welsh Genealogies, which also are not ap- pended to, but form an integral portion of, this recension of the Historia; but the whole volume ought to be photographed. In connexion with this, the problem of what is known as Asser's Life of Alfred came up. The whole question has to be patiently investigated ; and the seven remaining leaves of the burnt Cotton MS. Otho A. xn have to be made to yield up what evidence they are capable of giving. Wherever any ver- nacular words occur, they are of such unmistakeable purity, that it is an absolute impossibility that the work can be a forgery of the xnth century, as some have wished to make out. The gleanings, in the matter of Old Welsh words or points of history, are scanty: I have them all copied out and indexed. But they are enough to stir up any one to devote more well- directed efforts towards solving the problem, than have as yet been made. So far my investigations into remains of the language and literature of Wales proper had been fruitful of many unex- pected results ; but there did not seem to be much chance of bringing to a decision the question which had remained stand- ing over as to the Continental origin of two at least of the manuscripts noticed above. But at Easter 1875 I took the opportunity of returning from the north of Italy by way of Luxemburg, in order that I might see the fragment there with my own eyes, and also ascertain from what book Mone had detached it. This the Librarian, M. Schoetter, who gave me every facility which my hurried visit allowed, told me was a 30-2 468 A NEW FRAGMENT OF IIISFEIilCA FAMINA. hopeless task, as no record had been kept, and it was now im- possible to find out. However, the good luck which has more than once attended me in such searches, where trained instinct has been the chief guide, did not fail me here ; and the very first volume which I took down from the shelves, proved to be the very one whose binding had supplied the precious frag- ments. It was a ixth or ixth-xth century copy of St Augus- tine on the Psalter, formerly belonging, as did the bulk of the Luxemburg manuscripts, to the monastery of Echternach or Epternach, founded by St Wilbrord at the end of the vilth century. The waste leaf from the other end of the same volume I found, to my surprise and delight, to be another sheet from the same MS. of Hisperica Famina, not reading on, but nevertheless clearly preceding the sheet printed by Mr Rhys. The two are now together called MS. 89. It was worth going to see with one's own eyes, to have obtained such eminently satisfactory results. When I returned to Cambridge, I asked leave to borrow the fragments, and the Librarian, with kindness which I cannot sufficiently acknowledge, at once sent the MS., and allowed me to retain it as long as I liked. Before return- ing it, I had every page photographed. The new sheet con- firmed what the one already known had led me to suspect. So far as the manuscript itself goes, it is an ignorant un-Celtic transcript of a mutilated or mis-bound original 1 . So far as the 1 These are hard words, but not at the Luxemburg fragment must have all exaggerated. I now see (what I formed part of a volume which was did not see at first) that the Vatican used at a very early period as waste copy of the Hisperica Famina pro- for the binder at Epternach, as being bably came from Fleury and so event- useless and unintelligible. It was pos- ually from Brittany ; and an examina- sibly transcribed there, from a copy tion of the MS. would most likely con- obtained from its Celtic home, by one firm many of the conjectural emenda- who knew little of what he was copy- tions I have made upon the basis of the ing. Not only are there mistakes and ' hurried transcript ' published by Mai, alterations in the glosses, which could who does not seem to have noticed the hardly have been made by one who assonant rhythm which reveals the knew the language; but in the con- ccnstruction and so goes far to explain tinuous text I notice, even in the three the difficulties of a text which without remaining leaves, two instances of a this clue would be hopeless to the last Breton gloss incorporated by the copy- degree. The MS. itself is probably ist into the text of the line above. In fairly correct, as such things go. But one of these cases he writes (49, 50): THREE TEXTS <>F ///.v/'AY.'/'M fj.1//.V.i. 469 literature is concerned, it enables us to recover traces of three wholly different Hesperic renderings of a common original. In the Vatican text we have apparently the whole, disconnected as it sometimes seems to be, but falling easily into thirteen chap- ters. In the text preserved in the Luxemburg fragment we have portions of different chapters (1, 2, 3, 11, 12), going over the same ground, only in different language ; while in the Glossae collectae it is not difficult to perceive that we are still on the same ground (Chapter 1), only that the Glosses are taken from a text which differs yet again from the other two. This is not the place for going into details on this matter. If I can ever see the Vatican MS., I hope to print all the texts together. But the free use of these Hesperic words, which are Ob hoc egregium : rotulanti crepi- tundo consultum luson ; Ut fulgescente : huius congelaminis di- uiduauerit tramitem ; where the first line necessarily ends with 'consultum,' and 'luson' was evi- dently, in the copy hefore the scribe, a gloss over the word 'tramitem,' i.e. the tracks ' congelaminis ' of the con- gregation. In the other case (134 136) we find : Ac tempestiua: reprimit occeani di- uortia ; glas ne tellatum : procellosis fluctibus operiat tolum ; et glaucum mundiano : artauit limbum tolo; where in the same way 'glas' must have stood as a gloss over ' glaucum ' in the copy before him. The whole piece is written as prose, the beginning of a line being denoted by a capital letter following a mark of punctuation. In another place the line occurs (124 125): Que sermocinoso faminum uero nau- siam choorti which appeared to be beyond all re- medy, till the Vatican version, though wholly different in wording, led me to the happy conjecture that in the copy before the scribe a gap of several leaves must have occurred (either from mutilation or mis-binding) between ' faminum ' at the end of one leaf and the incomplete word ' uero ' at the be- ginning of another. The first three words are clearly the beginning of the last verse of Chapter 3 (De caelo), which would run something like this : Quae. sermocinoso: faminum [expli- care non famulor turno ;] i.e. ' which I do not trouble myself now to explain with any eloquent dis- play of words.' The last three words must be the end of the last line of Chapter 11 (De oratorio), which would possibly stand somehow thus : [Ne huic fulgenti : suscitajuero nau- siam choorti; i.e. ' that I may not excite disgust in this brilliant assembly.' But besides these glaring instances, there are num- berless cases in the few remaining leaves, which show that the scribe had very little notion of what his original meant. I fear most readers of the Vatican text would readily make al- lowance for his shortcomings. 470 MS. BODL. 572. found scattered by twos and threes in other Celtic documents, makes these Hisperica Famina a centre round which a number of difficult questions gather themselves, and to which they ought to aid some day in framing a solution. Having exhausted nearly all available sources of Old Welsh, a re-reading of Mr Stokes's paper in the Revue Celtique (tome 1, p. 332) on the manumissions written on the margins of the Gospel of Petroc, and their value as a contribution to the study of Old Cornish writing, led me to go over to Oxford (March 3, 1876), to see, and if possible to borrow, the MS. marked Bodl. 572, the Codex Oxoniensis posterior of Zeuss, which I had always believed to be rather Cornish than Welsh. Again Mr Coxe's kindness allowed me to obtain the use of the MS. for several months. A first look at it before I brought it away enabled me to distinguish its six several component parts or fasciculi. The first four are British in origin; the fifth and sixth are purely French. The sixth is an extremely curious Latin sermon, full of interesting matter, and containing many strange words. The fifth is a Penitential, strongly resembling that of Cummeanus, printed by Wasserschleben in his Bussordnungen (8vo. Halle, 1851), only with great variations in order, and some additional matter. Both these portions appear to be of the ixth century. The fourth fasciculus is the one used by Zeuss, and printed in full by Stokes in the Transactions of the Philological Society for 1861. It is a fragment with erased matter at both ends. The handwriting is most perplexing. It looks so thoroughly continental, and yet the glosses have some of them the distinc- tive Saxon letters. In any case it must belong to the Cornish- Breton rather than to the Welsh family. The third piece is a copy of two treatises of St Augustine, made by one Bledian notarius ; it is in Hiberno-Saxon writing with some foreign admixtures. At the end are some xith cen- tury entries made after the whole Codex had passed into Saxon hands, and which ought not to be considered Cornish at all. The second fasciculus contains an Expositio Missae, and a Liber Thobiae in different hands, but written together. Both are Celtic ; the handwriting of the latter is a singular com- pound of Hiberno-Saxon strongly modified with continental BODLEIAN HIBERNEN8IS: CORPUS AMALARIUS. 471 forms. It contains three Glosses 1 which escaped Zeuss, of which one attracted my particular notice as bearing marks of being what I should call Cornish-Breton as distinguished from Welsh, and again Cornish as distinguished from Breton. The first piece in the volume is the imperfect Missa of St Germanus the lumen et columna Cornubiae, which has been printed more than once. I suppose it is Cornwall not Cor- nouaille, both of which bore the name Cornubia at this period. I was just prepared to carry off my treasure from Oxford when Professor Stubbs brought me up a volume from the Hatton collection (MS. Hatton 42), which had belonged before the Reformation to Glastonbury Abbey, and which had only lately attracted his attention. It was a copy of the Collectio Canonum Hibernensium, so mis-called from the fact, that a number of Irish canons are cited in the collection, and it was fated to lead me again into an entirely fresh field of investi- gation. The first thing that struck me in it, and which I remarked on the instant to Professor Stubbs, was the striking resemblance presented by a clumsy handwriting, of which a good deal appeared in corrections and additional matter throughout the book, to one of the hands in the Cambridge Juvencus. This led me at once to turn over the leaves on the chance of finding some glosses. The whole book is in continental hand- writing, and almost immediately I came upon some thoroughly Breton names, Matguoret and Winniau (Uuinniauus), and half a dozen glosses, in what I felt sure must be Old-Breton. Fur- ther on I found the scribe writing down some Hesperic words as a 'probatio pennae' in the margin. When I returned to Cam- bridge I looked up the Juvencus handwriting which the Hatton MS. had called to my mind, and I found that it was that iden- tical clumsy hand which I have above called F, and which has written down the Hesperic words in the margin of the Juvencus, and whose glosses differ from all the others in that volume as presenting, at least in one remarkable case, characteristic Cor- nish or Breton forms as distinguished from Welsh. If this be a mere accident, it is at least no wonder that I was struck by the . 1 I learn from Mr Stokes that these the book, by Mr Peter, of Bala, who glosses were noticed, before I borrowed communicated them to Mr Stokes. 47:2 GOSPEL OF PETROC: Zf/7>'/ A'.V/ .Vx/>. fact ; as it was solely the recollected resemblance of this hand- writing which led me to look for glosses. The very next week, having accidentally noticed that the affected use of the word scrutari for the simple legere, used by Bledian the Cornish scribe of part of MS. Bodl. 572, occurred also in the subscription to an Amalarius in the Parker collec- tion at Corpus Christi College, written in the xth century for some brethren of St Winwaloe, I was induced to ask permission to look at the book. I found that it was written in 952 (not 902, as stated in Nasmith's Catalogue), and in continental handwriting. My search for vernacular glosses was rewarded in a very few minutes by finding some six or seven, certainly in some British dialect. Where could its original home have been, if not the monastery of St Winwaloe at Landevennech in Brittany ? From faint indications, it seems to have belonged before the Reformation to Christ Church, Canterbury. I then went to the British Museum and looked at the Gospel of Petroc, to see and learn what undoubted Cornish writing was like, that I might have some basis of comparison in investigating the four Cornish portions of MS. Bodl. 572, which I had just brought from Oxford. A purely French MS., so far as the text is concerned, the manumissions are most in- teresting. Mr Haddan (Councils, i. 682) has shown that they must needs range from about 940 to about 1020; just the time (be it observed) when this continental hand was coming into this country. A photograph copy of them all would enable one to trace its growth almost to a nicety ; to study in one the writing of the Anglo-Saxon scribe, in another the Saxonising Cornish scribe, and so to bring out results which would be of much value for other and widely different subjects. Sooner or later this must be done. Meantime I had procured Wasserschleben's edition of the Collectio Canonum (8vo. Giessen, 1874). Here I learnt that the citation from Winniau (Uuinniauus) which I had observed in the Hatton MS., was from a Penitential of his, of which copies were known to exist at St Gallen and at Vienna, and that it had been printed by Wasserschleben in his Bussordnungen (8vo. Halle, 1851). On turning to this book I found the same PARIS MSS. OF THE HlBKl;\l-:.\*ls style of language, the same Finit for Explicit, the same scru- tari for legere, &c., and it seemed to connect itself at once with the Gollectio Canonum and my newly found Brittany books in more ways than one. It seemed much more natural to look upon the name Winniau as akin to the Ran Winiau of the Redon Cartulary, and the Sancte Guiniaue of the Breton litany printed by Haddan (Councils, ii. 82), especially when taken in connexion with the terminations of names like Teliau, Ebiau, Peipiau, &c., occurring constantly in the British documents, than to treat it as a mis- written Irish name Finianus. The whole aspect of the Canons, and of the MSS. said to contain them seemed to show a continental rather than an Irish origin. The glosses quoted by Wasserschleben, one from each of three MSS., as Irish, appeared to me clearly British and not Irish at all. Accordingly, finding that two of these MSS. were in Paris, I could not rest until I had verified the fact for myself. At Easter I went over to Paris. The Biblioth&que Nationale was closed, but through the kindness of M. Gaidoz I had the good fortune to meet M. d'Arbois de Jubainville, the prince of French Celtic scholars, who happened to be in Paris for a few days. With M. d'Arbois for my guide, M. Leopold Delisle opened to us the treasures of the Department of Manu- scripts, and most kindly allowed us to examine at our leisure, at his house, the two manuscripts which I was so eager to see. One of them (Lat. 12021) a ixth or ix-xth century MS. of the Gollectio Canonum, and other kindred matter, came from Corbie in Picardy, and yielded about a dozen of what I have now no hesitation in calling Old-Breton glosses. The other MS. (Lat. 3182) came from Fe'camp, on the coast of Normandy. It is in an Xlth century handwriting, and is unique in preserving to us extracts from the Books of David and Gildas, as well as decisions of British Synods now other- wise lost, besides the Gollectio Canonum, and other synodical matters. A search through this yielded but three glosses, enough, however, to show that it too had come from Brittany 1 . 1 Mr Haddan throws out a sugges- where he seems to have lost hold of tion (Councils, i. 145) that this volume this clue, which would have guided contains British documents which had him to other conclusions than those been preserved in Brittany ; but else- he has adopted. 474 QUlMPER: RENNES. The Godofredus sacerdos, who gave the book Sanctce Trinitati, is of course the donor of the book to the Abbey of the Holy Trinity at Fe'camp. All these results seem to me to point to a time when there were schools of learning in Brittany, such as we read of in the lives of the Breton Saints, and that after the decay and extinction of these, many of their books passed into the hands of others who knew how to treat them with the reverence which they deserved. From Paris I went on to Quimper (April 24, 1876) to see the xith century copy of Gurdestin's life of St Winwaloe, which commonly goes by the name of the Cartulary of Lande- vennech, from the fact of a few charters having been inserted at the end of the volume. Here M. Le Men, the archivist, and M. Derennes, the librarian, were all kindness. My hasty visit at least enabled me to see what a MS. looked like, which had been written in the house where I supposed the Cam- bridge Amalarius to have been copied a hundred years before. The signatures to the quires being in Greek numerals brought to mind the 0INI0 AHQ FPA0IAC AMHN at the end of the Amalarius ; while the drawing of a document of the year 954 there entered with all the details of indiction, epact, concur- rentes, fourteenth day of paschal moon, &c., &c., resembled most minutely that of the deed of gift entered in 952 at the end of the Amalarius. From Quimper I went to Rennes (April 26, 1876); for, though but a few hours remained at my disposal before starting for England, I was very unwilling to close my first visit to Brit- tany without having at least seen and done reverence to the famous Cartulary of Redon, about which I had formed notions which no second-hand information could either destroy or confirm. The book is now in the possession of the Cardinal Archbishop of Rennes, so that it can only be seen as a matter of favour. However, the practical kindness of the Abbe" Houet at once put me on the right track, and in spite of my coming wholly unprovided with recommendation or introduction of any kind, M. Combes, the Grand Vicaire, who has an apartment in the palace, courteously obtained leave for me from His Eminence, THE COTTON MS. OF THE ////;//, A/ .V,v/,s. 475 to examine the Cartulary at my leisure in his apartment. M. de Courson's edition, so more than admirable in every other respect, fails only in the text itself of the Cartulary ; and I was therefore doubly anxious to see it. It had seemed to me to fall into two divisions, the one containing the charters of the ixth and quite early xth centuries, the other containing those of the xith and xnth centuries. The second portion seemed to have a commencement of its own ; and it gave me the impression that there might be two books of different dates bound together. I now see that this is a mistake. A further and closer examination may modify what I now say, but my impression is that the earlier portion is written straight off and transcribed from the Kartarium vetustum, which is alluded to in some of the later documents ; and that the latter part was commenced about the same time as the transcription of the other, but continued with much less regularity. In fact the older part, which is the priceless part from every point of view, whether historical, topographical, or linguistic, may be taken to be an early or mid-xith century copy of a Cartulary, written almost at the beginning of the xth century, when Breton was still spoken in that district. This double transcription would at once account for the mistakes which are found to occur in the numbers, which any one accustomed to read ixth century documents, in which Roman numerals are largely used, will readily pardon. I took down an accurate copy of the boundary of Ran Riantcar, and found that in the edition (p. 112) several Breton words had been actually omitted by an oversight. The facsimile too of the first six lines of the MS. shows three mistakes in the printed text (ut for ut ei, est for est hoc, et for ac) ; a very discouraging revelation. But the MS. itself deserves going through, line by line, with the most intelligent and affectionate care which can be devoted to it. Once at home in England, I made all haste to examine the Cotton MS. (Otho E. xm) of the Collectio Canonum. Until I was in Paris, I had unaccountably overlooked the fact that Wasserschleben had drawn attention to an Irish gloss as exist- ing on one of the pages of this MS. also. Though in the 476 ORIGIN OP THE HIBJ'.HXF.XSIS. xmth or xivth century belonging to St Augustine's Monastery at Canterbury, it presented the same x-xith century con- tinental handwriting which had become so familiar to my eyes of late. Burnt all round the edges in 1731, and. now marvel- lously restored, the leaves are entirely out of order for want of some printed text by which they could be arranged. But there are the usual component parts; the Collectio Canon urn, agreeing in the main with the recension found in the Hatton MS. 42, and Wasserschleben's Roman MS.; the Pauca Colo- mella (otherwise called Excerpta ex libris Romanorum et Francorum) ; the Canones Adomnani ; besides other things not commonly occurring. A cursory examination brought to light eighteen or twenty Old-Breton glosses, one of which had pardonably been mistaken for Irish by Wasserschleben's cor- respondent. It may seem strange that the linguistic value of a MS. used and cited so frequently by everybody from the time of Ussher and Ware downwards, should have remained all this time unknown in the British Museum. But the truth is that the people who use what others have found are always far more numerous than those who go deliberately into a library on a voyage of discovery. Now that I had found four MSS. of this one work, all con- taining evidences of Breton origin, it was time to reconsider the whole question of the fons et origo of this collection of Canons. The Arbedoc and Haelhucar of the earlier of the Paris copies betray their Breton origin by their names. The Libri Roma- norum et Francorum of the Excerpta added in the copies which are connected with Brittany seem to have been not Italian and French books, but books borrowed from any place in Romania, or Francia, as all the districts were called by the Bretons which lay on the other side of the Limes Britannorum. The very phrase Synodus Hibernensis, occurring so constantly, is one which comes naturally enough from a foreigner; whereas a native Irishman heads such a decision with Sapientes dicunt, or Sapientes nostri dicunt. Again who was the Hucarus Levita ex ultimis Cormigalliae finibus, who made extracts from the Collectio Canonum, and its appended Excerpta ex libris Roma- norum et Francorum ? Was he from the insular Cornwall, or THE DUBLIN WELSH PSALTER. 477 from the district of Cornouaille in Brittany ? It is singular that the search for a few seemingly insignificant glosses should be the means of opening up questions which concern such a much wider field than the philologist cares to deal with. But so it is ; and I trust that further investigations may yet bring many things to light which are now as. little suspected as these were a few years ago. In seeing this paper through the press after so many delays, I could not resist the temptation to make a short journey to Ireland, to see the only remaining MS. of distinctively Old- Welsh origin which I had knowingly omitted to examine, namely, the Psalter in Trinity College, Dublin, which I then believed to have been written for Ricemarch by his brother Johannes, the scribe of the Cambridge MS. of St Augustine de Trinitate. This I accordingly did in January 1877, and that with unmixed satisfaction. Though of little importance from a linguistic point of view (written in the school of Sulgen, it could hardly be expected to contain any vernacular glosses), it turns out to be one of the most precious monuments of the early Welsh Church yet discovered. In taking a fresh copy of the verses at the end, I noticed for the first time that the writing of the book was ascribed to one Ithael, and the painting of the initial letters alone to Johannes, Ricemarch's brother, who must then have been quite young, as the work was clearly executed during the 19-year cycle 1064 1082, and he did not die till 1136. The handwritings of Ithael (in the Psalter) and Johannes (in the St Augustine), members of the same school, possess that very close resemblance that we all know the St Alban's hands of the xmth century bore to one another ; while the fact of the actual difference, how- ever slight (see West wood's facsimiles of both in the Palceo- yraphia sacra pictoria), was a certain relief to me, as it afforded me the solution of a difficulty which I had already felt in the fact of the name being written Ricemarch in the Psalter, while it was Rycy march in the St Augustine 1 . (The 1 The name Ricemarch offers a good and then corrupted in later times. In instance of the way in which Old- the Psalter (written for him by Itbad, Welsh names have been first mis-read 1064 1082) he is Ricemarch, with the 478 A BRITISH MARTYROLOGIUM. verses at the end may however be in the handwriting of Ricemarch himself.) On turning however to the body of the book my surprise knew no bounds when I saw that preced- ing the Psalter was a precious copy of the Martyrologium Hieronymianum, the only document of this nature belonging to any British church, which time has spared, and yet most unaccountably overlooked and ignored by all writers on the subject. It contains several entries of Celtic Saints, Irish as well as British, which might, under the skilful hands of Dean Reeves, our master in all such learning, doubtless be made to accent on the penultima : ' Ergo mihi nostra qua dicor gente Rieemarch.' In the complaint (prefixed to the Som- nium Scipionis) he is the same: 'Haec ego Eicemarch defleo mestus.' In the St Augustine (written for him hy his brother Johannes, 10801090) he is Rycymarch, with the same accent : ' Eycymarch sapiens, Arthgen, Daniel que Johannes.' In the xii-xmth cen- tury copies of his life of St David, he is apparently still Ricemarch or Rice- marchus. In the AnnaJes Cambriae of 1286 (Eolls ed. MS. B) he is Regewarc, and his namesake of 1166 Rigewarc (the c and m here for the first tune modified). In the Annales Cambriae of 1288 (Eolls ed. MS. C) he is Ryke- warch (the m alone modified); his namesake of 1166 is not mentioned in this copy. It is not seemingly until we come to the copy of the Brut in the Bed Book of Hergest (xvth cen- tury) that we find the form RichmarcJi or Rithmarch, in which the central and accented syllable cem has been crushed out of existence. The e is dropped altogether; the c is thrown back to the preceding syllable, then mis-read as a t, and then aspirated; while the aspirated m is thrown for- ward to the following syllable and then restored to its unaspirated state, its new circumstances not allowing of such modification. But for the mis- reading of t for c, this wisest of Welsh- men would probably have come down to our times under the name of Rhy- gyfarch, instead of the corrupt form under which he is now universally known, Rhyddmarch. It is time to draw attention to such points, when even respectable writers allow themselves to speak of the old forms of names as incorrect and corrupt ways of writing the names as now current. A little patient investigation of this kind into the course of modification and cor- ruption to which words and names have been subjected during the last thousand years, would form a very wholesome element of training, and would sweep away many cobwebs from the Welsh antiquary's path. When a British Winniau compiles a Peniten- tial, why enquire which of the many Irish Finians is possibly the author of it ? When the name Artbeu occurs on a sculptured stone, why waste time and paper in speculating as to which of the many people named Artgen it may belong to, when it cannot by any possibility refer to any of them ; both being legitimate names, and all three of their elements (Art or Artli, gen, beu or bin) being found frequently in composition, as may be seen without trouble by turning over a few pages of the Cartulary of Eedon or the Liber Landavetisis ? THE LEABIIAR NA HUIDIIRT. 479 yield much satisfactory fruit, and perhaps to show, with greater or less probability, where it was in Ireland, whether at Kells, or elsewhere, that the father Sulgen amassed that learning of which his son speaks in such glowing terms. The MS. was once in the possession of Bishop Bedell ; and it was, no doubt, the happy accident of his having lent it to Archbishop Ussher, shortly before the outbreak of the civil war, in 1641, that alone saved it from the destruction which befell almost the whole of Bedell's library. During the few days that I had counted upon for pure holiday, I used every available hour that the library authorities could give me, and I made a copy of the entire Martyrology, and collated it again with my copy, so as to be ready for further work upon it. During an hour or two snatched from this work, I was fortunate enough to have the guidance of Miss Stokes to the Royal Irish Academy, where I saw for the first time the patri- arch of Irish books, the Leabhar na huidhri, written at the close of the xith century, and containing on one of its leaves a fragment of the Irish version of the Historia Britonum, of great value and interest even for my purposes, for the evidence of the xith century Latin text which it necessarily represents, and also for the orthography of the British names which occur in the frag- ment. Miss Stokes has succeeded in bringing out into clear daylight that the xth and xith centuries, so far from being periods of decay and destruction, as they were once represented to be, were in reality, in spite of the troubles with the North- men, a golden period for metal-work and its allied arts. We know from the notices of Sulgen alone, what a reputation for learning Ireland had in the middle of the xith century. We may perhaps yet find that, even through the similar ravages of the Northmen in Brittany, schools were kept alive through these centuries, of which the books I have described give almost unmistakeable evidence, and of which we may still come upon traces which have as yet escaped notice. [Indeed this very point, which Miss Stokes has brought out with such force in relation to Ireland, coupled with the existence of so many Breton books which we cannot put to a higher date than these same xth and xith centuries, naturally leads up to the sug- 480 DECAY OF CELTIC LEARNING IN BRITTANY. gestion that the decay of Celtic Brittany was not so much owing to the ravages of the Northmen in these centuries as to the strong wave of revived monasticism in the Xllth century. The wave which swept over Scotland and replaced the old Columban houses by Cistercians and Augustinians, may with equal effect have swept out the marks of Celtic learning in Brittany as else- where. There was a new learning in the xnth century as in the xvith ; and it would be equally an ecclesiastical revolution which transferred these books from Brittany to Corbie and Fecamp in the xnth century, and which again transferred the Glaston- bury and Canterbury books to Oxford, Cambridge, and London, and the Corbie and Fe'camp books to Paris at the later period 1 .] There are not many manuscripts now, so far as I know, which I have not examined with my own eyes. Of these the most important are the Vatican Historia Britonum and Hispe- rica Famina. Of the copies of the Collectio Canonum which I have not seen, those at Lyons 2 and at Orleans seem the most likely to show connexion with the four Brittany copies I have mentioned above. The Bodleian authorities have kindly lent me the Hatton MS. ; and now I see both this and the Cotton copy contain the somewhat fuller recension of the work which Wasserschleben only notes as existing in the Roman MS. It seems almost a pity that his edition, which (but for the absence of an index) is the perfect model of what an edition should be, could not have been carried out on somewhat different lines. Now that the origin of the collection is in a fair way to be cleared up, the St Gallen MS. is certainly not the one which deserves best to be chosen for the standard of text. While the collection was considered Irish in origin, no doubt a MS. found in an Irish monastery was the obvious copy to use. For the same reason now, one of the Brittany copies would stand first. But when all the copies have been more fully examined, the time will perhaps have come for a fresh edition. The broad results of all these investigations are plain enough. We can no longer complain that our authorities are to be 1 [The text within brackets is from not exist and never had existed. See a MS. note. J.] p. 414. J.] - [This MS. Mr Bradshaw found did CHRONOLOGICAL CONCLUSIONS. 481 counted on the fingers of one hand ; for, though but little new has come to light which adds much to our knowledge of actual Welsh origines, yet I feel satisfied that a distinct advance has been made in the separation of Welsh from Cornish and Breton books. Political changes have much to do with the modification of a language ; and it has become easy now to define the Old- Welsh period as lasting from the results of the break-up of the British nation at the close of the vnth century to the results of the Norman Conquest at the close of the xith, in other words from 700 to 1100. Before that date we have no written books. Our knowledge of the Old-British vocabulary is to be gleaned exclusively from later copies of the authors of the time. Those of this period I have sought for and examined with what diligence I could give. The result is, that no written remains of Welsh can be attributed with any show of reason to an earlier date than the second decade of the ixth century, while for Cornish and Breton writing we cannot confidently go higher than the close of the ixth or the beginning of the xth century. After 1100 the languages change materially. For Welsh, no one can open the Black Book of Caermarthen or even the Liber Landavensis, without being struck directly by the difference presented to the eye. The fate of two single words is enough to show at once on which side of the boundary line any document is to be placed. The loss of the final consonant in the article ir (i or y), and the loss of the initial consonant in the preposition di (i or y}, is, so far as I can see, an unfailing test. There is not a single trace of either in the whole range of Old-Welsh written remains. If the students of inscriptions can only be brought to bear this in mind, they will perhaps save themselves from many needless pitfalls. To sum up, then, this prolix and egotistical narrative, I will only add a tabular statement of the manuscripts I have exa- mined. Far too much has been said about myself; but I can honestly say that it has been said solely in the hope that, by seeing actually how I came to find one thing after another, others may be induced to start on similar exploring expeditions for themselves. The field is open to all; and a well-trained instinct is sure to find its own reward. B. 31 482 HIBERNENSIS AT ORLEANS. (MS. note, Easter, 1877). One part of this suggestion has been unexpectedly verified while the above paragraph was actually passing through the press. Finding that I had six free days before the beginning of the work of the term, I could not resist the temptation to go over to France, taking a brief run down the Loire to Orleans, Blois, and Tours, and returning to Paris by Le Mans and Chartres. I was anxious to get a sight, even for a few minutes, of the copies of the Collectio Canonum at Orleans and Chartres. I told my friend who was with me, Mr Reginald Heygate, that I expected, from the casual notice I had seen of their contents, that the Orleans copy would be in a handwriting something like the Oxford MS. now in my rooms at Cambridge, and that it would probably contain a few Breton glosses ; but that the Chartres copy would be almost certainly in a commonplace French hand without a trace of a gloss of any kind, and that the only Breton author quoted (Winniau) would probably have his name wrongly spelt. Both remarks were verified, one of them to an extent I had not dared to expect. At Orleans we made our way direct to the Library, which was fortunately open, and in three minutes my eyes were delighted with the sight of an absolutely perfect copy of the Collectio Canonum, the handwriting strongly resembling that of the other copies, followed by the usual Excerpta ex libris Romania et Francorum and the Canones Adamnani, with an unmistakeable Breton scribe's name (Junobrus) at the end, and literally scores of Breton glosses forcing themselves upon one's notice. I sat down and went straight through half the book in an hour or two, during which time I extracted over 170 glosses, many even at first glance of very great interest, and, even so far, exceeding in number those which were to be found in all the other Breton MSS. I had found, all put together. I could not wait, but determined to borrow the book, or go back and work at it on the first possible opportunity. At Chartres, on the way back, I had but ten minutes, and the Library was closed. But, fortunately for me, M. de Mianville, the librarian, was within, and he most kindly gave me the MS. HIBERNENSIS AT CHARTRES. 483 at once. Precisely as I had said, good common-place French Caroline minuscule writing of the xith century. I turned over every leaf, but there was no vestige of a gloss. I turned to the Title De furto to look for the citation from the Penitential of Winniau, and, as I had foretold, his name was written Vinnianus, as might have been expected from a French or Irish monk, who knew nothing of his neighbour's language. It is not often perhaps that such a hasty run, with such very precarious grounds for expecting good results, has been so amply and happily rewarded. TABULAR STATEMENT OF MANUSCRIPTS, Showing the different handwritings and their approximate dates. I. WELSH. 1. Liber Commonei. Oxford, Bodleian Library, Auct. F. 4. 32 (no. 3 in the volume). This contains the Runic alphabet of Nemniu, various Excerpta de niensuris calculi, Groeco-Latin Excerpta from the Bible, a 19-year cycle for 817 835, &c. From Glastonbury ixth cent. 2. Gospel of Teliau (commonly known as the 'Book of St Chad'). Lichfield Cathedral Library. From Llan- daff in the xth century. [A. Text (probably Irish) vni ixth cent.] B. Deed of gift, Latin with Welsh names, ixth cent C. Two charters of Ris, mixed Latin and Welsh, ixth cent D. Manumission of Bleidiud, Latin with Welsh names ixth cent E. Grant of Mormarh, mixed Latin and Welsh, xth cent F. Boundaries of Mainaur med diminih, mixed Latin and Welsh Xth cent 312 484 TABLE OF MANUSCRIPTS: WELSH. G. Entry beginning 'Surexit tutbulc...,' mixed Latin and Welsh xth cent. H. Various signatures, Welsh names, ix xth cent. [J. Signature of ' Wynsige presul ' xth cent. K. Entry of Latin and Saxon names, X xith cent. L. Purgation of Godwine, Anglo-Saxon. . .xith cent.] 3. Juvencus. Cambridge, University Library, MS. Ff. 4. 42. Several handwritings. A. Text, Latin with Welsh subscription, IX th cent. B. 7 Welsh glosses (leaves 3 a 4 a ) ixth cent. C. Poems, 4 Latin and 2 Welsh ixth cent. D. Rhythm beginning ' Arbe terna...', Latin, xth cent. E. 2 paragraphs, mixed Latin and Welsh (leaf l a ) and 13 Welsh glosses (leaves 2 a G b , 15 a ). xth cent. [F. 8 Cornish or Breton glosses (leaves 24 a 42 b ), in a handwriting resembling the F-hand in the Hatton MS. of the Collectia Canonum (see below) xth cent.] G. All the other Welsh glosses (leaves 8 b 54 b ), x xith cent. 4. Martianus Capella. Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS. 153. A. Text, and most of the glosses ixth cent. B. A few glosses xth cent. 5. Ovid, de arte amandi. Oxford, Bodleian Library, Auct. F. 4. 32 (no. 4 in the volume). From Glastonbury. A. Text, and most of the glosses IX xth cent. B. A few glosses xth cent. 6. Martyrology and Psalter of Ricemarch. Dublin, Trinity College, MS. A. 4. 20. A. Text (Latin), written by Ithael, containing a few Celtic names xith cent. B. Initial letters by Johannes, son of Sulgen, Xith cent. TABLE OF MSS.: \VKLSll; CORNISH. i>v~> C. Verses beginning ' Filius Isai...', perhaps in the handwriting of Ricemarch himself; Latin with Welsh names xith cent. 7. St Augustine, De Trinitate. Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS. 199. Written by Johannes, son of Sulgen, with verses (Latin) about himself and his family, and a Welsh quatrain. From St David's xith cent. 8. Cicero, Somnium Scipionis. British Museum, Cot- ton MS. Faustina C. I. (no. 2 in the volume). Text with Chronology (from Bede) at the end, and Lament of Ricem- arch at the beginning, Latin, with one Welsh name. xith cent. Transcripts : 9. Asser, Vita Aelfredi. British Museum, Cotton MS. Otho A. XII. Now a fragment, which may be supplemented from the transcript made for Abp. Parker before it was burnt. Latin, with Welsh words and names. From St Augustine's, Canterbury xith cent. 10. Historia Britonum. British Museum, MS. Harl. 3859 (no. 3 in the volume). Transcript of a St David's MS. of the xth century, in Anglo-Norman handwriting, includ- ing Welsh annals and genealogies, Latin, with many Welsh names and words xith cent. 1 1 . Leabhar na huidhri. Dublin, Royal Irish Academy. One leaf of this contains a fragment of the Irish version of the Historia Britonum, with many British names in it. xith cent. II. CORNISH AND BRETON. [N.B. I have not separated these, because of the dif- ficulty of doing so ; but where a book is decidedly one or the other, I have noted it as such 1 .] 1 [All are in fact marked in pencil with a B or C and consecutive numbers: so I have arranged them accordingly. J.] 486 TABLE OF MANUSCRIPTS: CORNISH. A. Cornish : 1. Gospel of Petroc (commonly called the Bodmin Gospels). British Museum, MS. Add. 9381. [A. Text (Latin). French handwriting IX xth cent.] B. Manumissions in various hands, extending from ab. 940 to ab. 1020, some Cornish writing, some Anglo-Saxon; Latin or Anglo-Saxon, with many Cornish names x xith cent. 2. Liber de beneficiis, de raris fabulis, &c. Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS. Bodl. 572 (no. 4 in the volume). A. Text (Latin) with Cornish glosses xth cent. [B. Entries made after the book passed into Saxon hands Xith cent.] 3. St Augustine, de orando deo, de igne purgatorio. Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS. Bodl. 572 (no. 3 in the volume). A. Text (Latin) with scribe's Cornish name. Hi- berno-Saxon writing xth cent. [B. Entries made after the book had passed into Saxon hands xith cent.] 4. Expositio Missae, Liber Thobiae. Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS. Bodl. 572 (no. 2 in the volume). A. Expositio Missae (Latin) xth cent. B. Liber Thobiae (Latin), with 3 Cornish glosses. xth cent. 5. Missa S. Germani. Oxford, Bodleian Library. MS. Bodl. 572 (no. 1 in the volume). Latin text, with some British names xth cent. B. Breton : 1. Amalarius, de divinis officiis. Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS. 192. Latin text, with a few Breton glosses, written in 952. From Christ Church, Canter- bury xth cent. TABLE OF MSS. : BRETON. 4S7 2. Eutychius, de conjugationibus verborum. Oxford, Bodleian Library, Auct. F. 4. 32 (no. 1 in the volume). From Glastonbury. A. Text (Latin) with Breton glosses... ix xthcent. [B. Drawing of Christ, with inscription along the rod in Hiberno-Saxon letters xth cent. C. Verses over figure of St Dunstan in modified (English Caroline minuscule?) letters, xth cent.] 3. Collectio Canonum, &c. Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS. Hatton 42. From Glastonbury. A. Text of Coll. Can. (leaves 8 a 24 B ), ix xth cent. B. Text of Coll. Can. (leaves 24 b end), ix xth cent. C. Breton glosses on Coll. Can ix xth cent. D. Text of Statutes of General Councils... xth cent. E. Text of Capitulare of Charles the Great, xth cent. F. Additions throughout, with Hesperic words, in a handwriting resembling the F-hand of the Juvencus (see above) xth cent. [G. Text of Coll. Can. (first quire, supply). X xith cent.] 4. Juvencus. See under Welsh MSS., no. 3, F-hand- writing, Cornish or Breton glosses xth cent. 5. Collectio Canonum, &c. Paris, Bibliotheque Natio- nalc, MS. Lat. 12021. Latin, with vernacular glosses, and Breton names. From Corbie IX xth cent. 6. Collectio Canonum. Orleans. [See pp. 412, 414, 482. J.] 7. Collectio Canonum, &c. Paris, Bibliotheque Na- tionale, MS. Lat. 3182. Text (Latin) with 3 Breton glosses and some names. From Fe'camp xith cent. 8. Collectio Canonum, &c. British Museum, Cotton MS. Otho E. XIII. Text (Latin) with Breton glosses and some names. From St Augustine's, Canterbury... X xith cent. 9. Gurdestin's Life of St Winwaloe of Landevennech (commonly called the Cartulary of Landevennech). Quim- per, Bibliotheque comrnunale. 488 TABLE OF MANUSCRIPTS: BRETON. A. Text, Latin, with many Breton names and a few Breton phrases xith cent. B. Additional matter, charters, &c. Latin, with Breton names and words XI xnth cent. 10. Historia Britonum. Vatican. Transcripts : 11. Hisperica Famina. Luxembourg, Bibliotheque Royale Grand-Ducale, MS. 89. Fragments of the text (Latin, with a few Breton glosses), with Glossae collectae (Latin and Breton). From Epternach ix xth cent. 12. Hisperica Famina. Vatican. 13. Cartulary of St Saviour's, Redon. Rennes, Biblio- theque de 1'Archeveche. A. Text (Latin) of older charters, with masses of Breton names, many Breton words, and a few boundaries in mixed Latin and Breton. xith cent. B. Text of later charters, Latin, with a few Breton names xi xnth cent. 14. Litany at Reims. (MS. note apparently referring to page 457.) The mere copying out afresh and indexing the glosses forced this upon my notice, in cases like the adjective termination -aul or -ol, and the preposition di or do. Wherever they occur in the undoubtedly Welsh MSS. they are -aul and di. On the other hand, in the Eutychius and the Luxemburg fragment they are uniformly -ol and do ; and this is constantly confirmed by all the newly discovered glosses in the books connected with Brittany and Cornwall. The Orleans MS. sometimes goes further and has dutimen and muntul, where the others have dodimenn and montol, which latter is menntaul in the Martianus Cape) la. INDEX. 315 INDEX. ABC as an authorized school-book in the sixteenth century, 333-340 ,, its religious character, 334, 338 various editions of it described, 335-340 Abington Magna, visitation of, 1685, 307 Abington Parva, visitation of, 1685, 308 Aldewyk, John, benefactor to the Uni- versity Library, 33 Allix, Peter, History of the Churches of Piedmont, 1690, 3 Almanacks (ciclus), 430 Alne, Bobert, benefactor to the Uni- versity Library (t!440), 25, 29, 34, 54 Antholin, St Antholin's seat, 330 Arabic MSS., Burckhardt's bequest to the University Library, 184 note Asser's Life of Alfred, its antiquity, 467 Augustine, Saint, of Canterbury, 427 Augustinian Friars used the Roman breviary, 428 Aylemer, John, benefactor to the Uni- versity Library, 20, 28, 32, 33 Babraham, visitation of, 1685, 306 Bacon, Sir Francis, presents copies of his works to the University Library, 193 Bacon, Sir Nicholas, Lord Keeper, his book-plate, 191 Balhonny, Thomas, a witness, in the Registrum Moraviense, 63 Balormy, John, mentioned in the Lives of Saints, 63 Balsham, visitation of, 1685, 306 Baptism, use of basons and pails for, forbidden, 298-331 passim Barbour, John, On two hitherto un- known poems by him, 58-68 Barnes, Richard, Bp of Durham, bene- factor to the University Library, 192 Barton, visitation of, 1685, 325 Bassingborn, visitation of, 1685, 310 Baumgartner, Mr, of Milton, his do- nation to the University Library, ()'.' Beam, on which candles were placed at the altar, 350 note Bedell, Bp, his library almost all de- stroyed, 479 Beham, Lazarus, of Sulzbach, author of an astronomical treatise, 245 Beza, Theodore, benefactor to the Uni- versity Library, 192 Bible 'of 100 years ago' used in a church in 1685, 305 Binders, modern, mischief done by them, 459 Binding, Scotch, of the fifteenth cen- tury, 61 Blyunforth, Richard, benefactor to the University Library, 26 Bodleian Library : Annals by Macray, 182, 456 Benefactors, 183 Annihilation of previous library un- der Edward VI. , 185, 380 Auctarium, for the care of the choicest books, 188 Tradition of continuing private col- lections received by bequest, 381 Tradition of a learned staff, 388 Books, dates of the earliest, in Welsh, Irish, Anglo-Saxon, 454 Books, how to distinguish and de- scribe their sizes and forms, 406-9 with no printed signatures, how to collate them, 150, 151 Book-plate of Sir Nicholas Bacon, 191 Booksellers, early, in Oxford. See Dome, Hunt Borboen (Bourbon), Lodewijck van. Bishop of Liege (+1482), 250, 251 Boxworth, visitation of, 1685, 313 Breton. See Celtic Languages and Literatures : Old Breton British Museum Library, method of printing catalogue, 389, 401 492 INDEX. British Museum Library, suggested improvements, 400 ,, ,, ,, desirability of a weekly "Ga- zette," 399 Brittany. See Celtic Languages and Literature Bruce, King David, 62, 63 Bryant, Jacob, his library at King's College, Cambridge, 383 Buckingham, George Villiers, Duke of, Chancellor of the University of Cambridge, his liberality to the University Library, 194 Buckingham College, the predecessor of Magdalene College, 382 Burckhardt's bequest of Arabic MSS. to the University Library, 184 note Cambridge, visitation of churches in, 1685, 321-4, 331-2 customs, 80 and Oxford contrasted, 379, 380 See Hostels See Library, Cambridge University See King's College, Cambridge See Portraits Canones. Collectio Canonum Hiber- nensis : Dr Wasserschleben's edition, 410, 413 The Lyons MS. a myth, 414 Existing MSS., 414-15, 471-3, 475, 482, 487 Their continental character, 415, 418, 471, 473, 476, 480 Two recensions, 416, 480 Compiled at the opening of the eighth century by 'Ruben et Cucuimini a[bbas?] ex Dairinis', 417 Suggested identification of Gildas cited in it, 417 Celtic institutions in Brittany suc- cumbed to religious revival, 418 Castle Camps, visitation of, 1685, 306 Celtic Languages and Literatures : Old-Breton : Scantiness of hitherto discovered remains, 412 Recovery (and separation from Welsh and Irish) of numerous glosses, 412, 456, 473, 476, 482, 488 Names (Winniau, &c.), 471, 473 Glvssae collectae, their origin, 461 Signs of schools of learning in Brittany, 474 Use of Greek characters for sig- natures, colophons &c., 474 Decay of Celtic learning due to revived monasticism in the twelfth century, 480 Celtic Languages, &c. continued. Old-Cornish : The manumissions in the Gospel of Petroc, 470, 472 Cornubia ; Cornwall or Cornou- aille? 471, 476 Cornish MSS. in the Bodleian, 470, 486 Irish : The Leabhar na huidhri, 479, 485 Glosses wrongly called Irish, 473, 476 Old-Welsh : Chronological definition of the name : criterions, 481 Glosses in the Corpus Martia- nus Capella (9th century), 282, 453 Catalogue of existing sources, 283- 4 ; corrected and enlarged, 483-5 Importance of scientific method, 478 note Poems in the Cambridge Juvencus, evidence of their date, 284 Value of glosses in a little known language, 285 Rarity of Welsh remains as com- pared with Irish, accounted for, 285 Erroneous attribution of Breton remains, 412 Glosses in the Liber Commonei, 456 Use of Finit for Explicit Celtic rather than Saxon, 459, 473 Gospel of Teliau, its value as a means of dating various hand- writings, 461 The Dublin Psalter and Martyr- ology, 477 Corruptions of the name Ricem- arch, 477 note Quatrain in the Corpus Christi St Augustine, 465 The Lament of Ricemarch, 465 The Historia Britonum, a store- house -of names, 466, 485 Asser's Life of Alfred, its an- tiquity, 467 Celtic Latin (Hesperic), 455, 462-3, 465, &c. ,, ,, scrutari for legere, 472, 473 See Hisperica Famina ,, Martyrology at Dublin, 478 Chad, Book of St, explanation of the name, 458 note Chatteris, visitation of, 1685, 302 Chaucer : The Skeleton of the Canterbury Tales, 102-148 INDKX. Chaucer, continued Classification of MSS. of the Tales, 103, 104 (122) (129), 133, 135, 138 Questions of time and place in the Tales, 105, 114, 115, 119, 134, 144 Orthography, 105, 106 Rhyme, 108, 109, 138 Manner of composition, 114 Plowman's Tale, when included among the Tales, 146 His Boethius, MS. in the University Library, given by John Croucher, 17, 186 His popularity in Scotland before 1500, 60 Chettisham, visitation of, 1685, 303 Childerly, visitation of, 1685, 313 Chirch, John, benefactor to the Uni- versity Library, 21 Church of England, its state in Queen Anne's reign, 73 foil. in 1685, 292-332 Claret used for the Communion, 74, 75 (Clichtoveus) de vera nobilitate, 437-8 Cokeram, Richard, proctor in 1473, 35, 186 Collation of books which have no printed signatures, 150, 151 College libraries described, 382-3 College chambers, their arrangement and furniture in 1598, 164-176 Colleges, their rise in the thirteenth century, 379 Colonna, Guido de, Historia Trojana, 59,64 Comberton, visitation of, 1685, 320 Contractions in early printed books, how to represent them, 153 Cornish. See Celtic Languages and Literatures: old Cornish Cottenham, visitation of, 1685, 316 Coveney, visitation of, 1685, 304 Crashawe, William, his books bought by Henry Wriothesley, Earl of Southampton, 251 presented by his successor, Tho- mas, to St John's College, Cam- bridge, 251 ,, ,, probably had some chance of being purchased for the University Library, 251 Croke, Richard, Public Orator (1522), his activity, 189 Crome, Walter, benefactor to the University Library (1444), 17, 54, 185 Croucher, John, benefactor to the University Library, 27 Croyden, visitation of, 1685, 330 Cummin the Tinker ', his followers, 31'J Darmstadt, Dr Walther's Guide to the Library, 99 Deer, Gospel of, 60, 63 Dendermonde, early engraving on copper executed there, 253 Diurnale sold in Oxford in 1620, 430-1 Doddington, visitation of, 1685, 302 Dome, John, Bookseller in Oxford, notes on some books sold by him in the year 1520, 427-442 Downham, visitation of, 1685, 303 Dry Drayton, visitation of, 1685, 313 East-Hatley, visitation of, 1685, 318 Edwards, John, D.D., author of a view of the state of the University in Queen Anne's reign, 70-72 his handwriting, 71 and Plate I. Elsworth, visitation of, 1685, 317 Ely, curious specimen of wood-engrav- ing in the Cathedral, 98 ,, notes of the Episcopal Visitation of the archdeaconry of, 1685, 297- 332 Emmanuel College in Queen Anne's time, 81 England, dawn of a native literature under Richard H., 184 state of bibliography in, 206, 409 Engraving on copper: First use for diagrams in a German book, 1476, 238, 244 G. M., a little known Flemish artist (xvth xvith century), 247-253 Christ in the house at Bethany (by G. M.), 248-9 and Plate VI. St Eatherine of Sweden crowned by angels (by G. M.), 252-3, 256 and Plate VII. The Blessed Virgin with the Infant Jesus (signed W. and a graver), 254 and Plate VIII. The Nativity of Christ (signed W. Z.), 255 and Plate IX. Saint Barbara (no signature), 255 and Plate X . Erasmus, St, various spellings of the name, 352 ,, his Light in Trinity Church, Cam- bridge, 350 rise of his cultua at the end of the fifteenth century, 351, 429 appears in the second edition of Caxton's Golden Legend, 351 his Life sold by John Dome at Oxford in 1520, 429 Erpenius, his oriental MSS. purchased by the Duke of Buckingham for the Cambridge University Library, 194 494 INDEX. Fleury, monastery of, subsequent history of the library, 464 Furniture in college rooms (1598), 164-176 Gamlingay, visitation of, 1685, 319 Gardiner, George, Dean of Norwich, 192 note George I. and II., their statues in the Senate-House, why placed there, 188 note Glastonbury, books from the library there now in the Bodleian, 456, 471, 487 Gospel of Deer, 60, 63 Petroc, 470, 472 Teliau ('Book of St Chad'), 458- 461 ,, of the eighth century in Cambridge University Library, 192 Graces, before and after meals, 335-7 Graesse, Dr, his assumption of om- niscience, 246 Grandsden. See Little Grandsden Grant, Edward, head-master of West- minster School &c., 289, 290 ,, ,, gave two portraits to the Uni- versity of Cambridge, 289 Grantchester, visitation of, 1685, 324 Gravures crib!6es, 237-239, 241 ,, date of the Paris 'St Bernardinus', 238 note device of the Cologne printer, Nicholas Gotz, 239 &c. and Plate IV. ,, the Munich 'Christ and the woman of Samaria' also connected with Cologne, 239 used to illustrate books, 241 ,, how used, 242 Great Shelford, visitation of, 1685, 315 Greek characters used for signatures &c. in early Celtic MSS., 474 Haddenham, visitation of, 1685, 299 Harleton, visitation of, 1685, 325 Hatley. See East-Hatley, Hungry- Hatley Heestert, van, Calendar with entries relating to the family of (Liege), 250 Hibernensis. See Canones Hildersham, visitation of, 1685, 308 Hisperica Famina, 462-4 &c. various texts, 469 ,, specimen to shew rhythm and structure, 463 note ,, suggested emendations, 468 note Histon, visitation of, 1685, 326 Historia Britonum, successive recen- sions, 466 of Geoffrey of Monmouth; element of imagination, 466 Holbrok, John, Master of Peterhouse (1418), benefactor to the University Library, 24, 54 Holdcraft, his followers, 310, 314, 324, 328, 329 Holler, William, benefactor to the University Library, 22 vicar of Halvergate, Norfolk, 54 Holme, Eichard, Warden of King's Hall, benefactor to the University Library (f!424), 17, 19, 20, 21, 31, 32, 33, 53 Holtrop, Mr J. W., Librarian at the Hague, 152, 208 Horae (English use), 85, 86, 88, 89, 90, 342, 345, 346, 348 lost Oxford edition, 87 Home, Kobert, Bp of Winchester, bene- factor to the University Library, 191 Hostels, early University Statute con- cerning, 55-7 Hungry -Hatley, visitation of, 1685, 319 Hunt, John, notes on books offered for sale by him in Oxford in 1483, 424 &c. Impington, visitation of, 1685, 326 Indulgence known as the Image of Pity, On the earliest English en- gravings of it, 84-100 difference between English and foreign illustrations of it, 88, 257 printed by Caxton (1487-91), 95 and Plate II. Innes, Cosmo, 59 Interlude of St John, mentioned by Bale, 434 of the World and the Child (Mundus et Infans), 437 Ipswich, Our Lady of, 437 Irish vernacular press, early, its character, 338 Ive, Nicholas, benefactor to the Uni- versity Library, 20, 26, 28 James I., copy of his works given to the Cambridge University Library, 193 James, William, first University Libra- rian (1577), 191 Johannes de Bassoliis, variously called Doctor ornatissimus or Doctor ordi- natissimus, 435 John Port Latin, custom among B.A.'s of St John's College on his day, 80 Kendale [? Richard the grammarian], benefactor to the University Library, 31,54 INDEX. 495 King's College, Cambridge : Inventory of the Stuff in the College Chambers, 1598, 164-180 Be-constracted 'Calendar' for the year 1598, 177-180 Topography of the old court, 165 Diversion of Fellows to particular studies, 177 Youthfulness of the Fellows in 1598, 177 Registrum Regale, its inaccuracy, 177 Knight, Samuel, papers belonging to him given to the University Library, 69 Kyng, Thomas, Vicar of Dunmow, benefactor to the University Library, 24 Kyrkeby, Christopher, benefactor to the University Library, 24, 27 Laet van Borchleon, Jan, author of Prognostications, 251 Landevennech, Cartulary of, see Winwaloe, Saint, his Life Langley, Richard (i.e. Thomas), Bishop of Durham (fl439), benefactor to the University Library, 25, 54 Lauderdale collection, the, 58, 60, 64 Lavender, William, sells a book to Walter Crome (1432), 54 Libraries of the later middle ages, the character of their contents often misrepresented, 186 ,, their arrangement as seen at Jesus College and Trinity Hall, 383 Libraries, local, as museums of local authorship and printing, 404-5 Library Association, President's Ad- dress, 1882, 371-384 Definition of the terms Library, Li- brarian, &c., 372 Stages in the development of a li- brary, 373 Good management attracts dona- tions, 374 Value of libri vetutti et inutile*, 374, 418 Destructive intolerance at the Re- formation, 190, 375 The antiquarian clement, ib. The reserved portion of a library, 376 Character of a Librarian, ib. Booksellers of the better sort, ib. See also Library (Cambridge Uni- versity) Library, Cambridge University : VaudoisMSS., 1-15, 197 Two lists of MSS., c. 1424 and 1473, 1654 Library (Cambridge University) contd. Probable date of opening, Nov. 17, 1444, 17, 1&5 Continuity from then to the present day, 379 Land granted by Henry VI., 17 Character and arrangement of the library in the xvth century, 18 186 Thefts in the xviiith century, 93, 189, 201, 204, 251 (see also 78) Scantiness of materials for its his- tory, 182 Peculiar system of working, 183 Consequent scarcity of bequests, 184, 387 Burckhardt's bequest of Arabic MSS. , 184 note ' Bibliotheca minor ' for containing the choicer books, 188 Desirability of such a plan, 189, 376 Destruction of the Library at the Reformation, 190, 380 Restoration, largely due to Dr An- drew Perne (1574), 100, 380 Parker, Abp, his efforts to improve the collection, 186, l'.)l Librarian appointed (July 1577), 101 Date of alteration of what is now the Catalogue Room, 287 Rules made for the working of the Library, 191 Rules inoperative, 191 Theodore Beza presents the Codtx Bezae 7 Name of Jesus, Feast of the, note on its appearance in service-books of English use, 433 Nennius (Nemniu), 466 Newton, visitation of, 1685, 304 Nicholas, Saint, patron saint of City of Aberdeen, 61 Ninian, Saint, the Apostle of Galloway, 62 Nobis, various persons of the name in the ninth century, 460 Norwich Cathedral Library, alienation of books before 1575, 192 note Oakington, visitation of, 1685, 327 Ocley, John, 53 'Oddy's disciples,' 329 Ordinale (Sarum) printed by Caxton (1487-88), 93 Orwell, visitation of, 1685, 329 Otryngham, John, Master of Michael- house, 54 Over, visitation of, 1685, 316 Oxford. See Bodleian, Dome, Hunt Pampesford, visitation of, 1685, 310 Panzer the one true naturalist among bibliographers, 369 Parys, Hugh, benefactor to the Uni- versity Library, 27 Parys, John, Capellanus, ' benefactor to the University Library, 24, 27 Parker, Archbishop, his library at Corpus Christi College, 382 ,, benefactions to the University Library, 186, 191 Patches, 75, 80 Paxton, Thomas, benefactor to the University Library, 20, 21, 22, 27, 28, 31 Peake, Kobert, painter (1612, knighted 1645), 294-5 Pepys, Samuel, his library at Magdalene College, 382 Perne, Dr Andrew, restores the Uni- versity Library (1574), 190, 193, 380 further benefactions, 192 Pilkington, James, Bp of Durham, benefactor to the University Library, 191 Portland, Duchess of, her copy of the 'Book of Cookery' now at Longleat, 430 Portraits belonging to the University of Cambridge before the Civil War, 286-296 Portrait of Archbishop Parker, 287 ,, suggestion to account for its disappearance, 287 Margaret, Countess of Richmond and Derby, 287, 288 Portraits, Ac. continued Portrait of Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, 287, 289 William Cecil, Lord Burleigh, 291 Queen Elizabeth, 291-2 Sir Robert Cecil, 292 King James, 293 Prince Charles by Robert Peake, 293-6 Preston, John, benefactor to the Uni- versity Library, 21, 22, 26 Primer. See Horae Printing. See Typography Proctors' books, none apparently be- fore the end of the 14th century, 55 Rampton, visitation of, 1685, 316 Redon, Cartulary of, description of it, 474-5 Reformation in England, dated list of some important landmarks, 334 See Tindale Reformers, their hatred of the old learning, 190, 375 Ricemarch, Bp of St David's, his Lament, 465 Psalter written for him by Ithael, 477 corruptions of the name, 477 note Rock, St, popularity of his cultus in England, 439 Roderick, Charles, D.D., Provost of King's, 1689, 72 Romania or Francia, meaning of the names among Bretons, 476 Rotherham, Abp, benefactor to the University Library (1470), 17, 186, 187 ,, ,, the east side of the Library bnilt by him, 188 destroyed in 1755, 188, 203 Rustat, Tobias, his donation to the Cambridge University Library, 199 ,, his general munificence, 199 'Saints bell,' 312 Salle, John, of Trinity Hall, 64 Salle, John, vicar of Happisburgh (1429-55), 54 Bancroft, Archbishop, his library at Emmanuel College, 383 Sarston, visitation of, 1685, 311 Scot, John, benefactor to the University Library, 27 Scotch literature, scantiness of early remains, 68 Selden, John, commemorated w * benefactor to the Cambridge Uni- versity Library, 1% Shelford. See Great Shrlford Shudicamps, visitation of, 1686, 805 498 INDEX. Signatures in books, their great anti- quity, 151 note Size-notation of books, 389, 403, 406-9 Skinner, Vincent, gives a portrait to the University of Cambridge, 292 Smethes, John, late vicar of 'castre,' benefactor to the University Library, 29 Songer, Ralph, proctor in 1473, 35, 186 Stapleford, visitation of, 1685, 312 Stow. See Long Stow ' Sturbridge fair preachers,' 77 Sulgen, Bp of St David's, and his sons Johannes and Bicemarch, 464, 477, 479 Sunday, Queen Anne's Proclamation against profaning it, 80 Button, visitation of, 1685, 300 Tadlow, visitation of, 1685, 330 Taylor library at Sidney Sussex College, 383 Tenth century, improved relations be- tween Welsh and Saxons in the, 459 and eleventh centuries, by no means a period of decay and destruction, 479 Tesdale, John, benefactor to the Uni- versity Library, '29, 30 Testament, New. See Tindale, William Teye, Robert, benefactor to the Uni- versity Library, 19, 25 Thomas de castro Bernard! (? Master of Peterhouse, fl418), benefactor to the University Library, 33, 54 (Thomas) Wallensis confused with (Jacobus Perez de) Valencia, 441 Thornell, John, benefactor to the Uni- versity Library, 33 Thorp, John, benefactor to the Uni- versity Library, 24 Thurkyll, Thomas, benefactor to the University Library, 24, 54 Tindale, William, note on the publisher of his own last edition of the New Testament, 354-370 on the spelling of his name, 355 list of editions of his version, 355-6 who was G. H., whose mark is in one of them ? 357 inadmissible conjectures, 357 nature of trade-marks, 357 G. H.'s mark used by Godfridus Dumaeus, 358 alternative explanations and fur- ther researches, 358-366 G. H. is Godfried van der Haghen (Godfridus Dumaeus), 359 Tindale, William, continued ,, intimate connexion between G. van der Haghen and Martin de Keyser, 360-365 ,, ,, ,, continued by their successors, 365-6 but Martin de Keyser probably not the printer of this edition, 367-8 ,, dangerous position of sympathizers with Tindale, 369 Todd, Dr, work on Vaudois MSS., 1, 2, 15 Toft, visitation of, 1685, 319 Town -houses for the poor, 302, 305, 312, 316 Town-plough, to be removed out of the church, 313, 317 Town-stock, 314 Trade-marks, notd on the nature of them, 357 Trinity Sunday, Custom among B.A.'s of Trinity College, 80 Troy, The Sieqe of, a poem by John Barbour, 58-60, 64-5 Troy-book, the, by Lydgate, 58, 64 ,, other translations, 59 Trumpington, visitation of, 1685, 315 Tunstall, Bp, benefactor to the Uni- versity Library, 189 Tyndale, William. See Tindale, William Typography and printers, early. English : Caxton, William, 84-90 passim, 93 ,, fragment of an edition of the Fifteen Oes, 341-349 description of a binding done in his shop, 341, 347 ,, mode of printing, small quan- tity set up at one time, 342 an instance of wrong ' per- fecting,' 343 ,, consequent re-setting of the outer side of a sheet, 344 ,, ,, illustrated by an instance from another book, 345 ,, a ' set-off,' and the evidence it affords, 345-6 ghost of an unknown ' Caxton,' 346 Lettou, John, 84, 441 ,, books bound by him, 348 Machlinia, William de, 84, 85, 87, 348 first English law printer, 348 ,, evidence that Pynson succeeded him in business, 348 Pynson, Richard, 87, 99, 348 Wynkyn de Worde, 90, 91, 99, 220, 344 INDEX. Typography