A TEXT-BOOK OF SOCIOLOGY f&&& A TEXT-BOOK OF SOCIOLOGY BY JAMES QUAYLE DEALEY, Ph.D. PROFESSOR OF SOCIAL AND POLITICAL SCIENCE IN BROWN UNIVERSITY AND LESTER FRANK WARD, LL.D. OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION AT WASHINGTON, D.C. Nefo Iforfe THE MACMILLAN COMPANY LONDON: MACMILLAN & CO., Ltd. 1909 All rights reserved Copyright, 1905, By THE MACMILLAN COMPANY. Set up and electrotyped. Published July, 1905. July, 1907 ; September, 1909. Reprinted NnrfaooD tyusa J. S. Cushing Co. — Berwick & Smith Co. Norwood, Mass., U.S.A. t 1 30 g PREFACE This work is the outcome of a demand for a short text-book that would contain in essence a clear and concise statement of the field of sociology, its scien- tific basis, its principles as far as these are at present known, and its purposes. In the preparation of this book emphasis has been placed on three points : first, on the social forces as the dynamic agent working unconsciously toward natural individual ends and consciously toward collec- tive achievement under the direction of the intellect; ~j second, on the importance of material achievement as the basis of psychical development, and on the h- necessity of systematic general instruction in the fundamental principles of knowledge as a basis for £3 right social life ; and third, on the arrangement of <*> the material so as to facilitate its use for purposes of reading clubs and classes. The work is based fundamentally on Pure soci- ology, but is in no respect a mere condensation of it. Using the material of this larger and more complete work as a basis, and supplementing it by numerous references to Dr. Ward's other sociologi- cal writings, an attempt has been made to prepare a sort of handbook containing in epitome the essen- tial elements of a system of sociology. 4<>Q^{f VI Preface It is, of course, fully admitted that other writers looking at the subject from a different standpoint may reach conclusions somewhat unlike those here advanced, but each contribution toward sociological theorizing has its own special value, and adds to the sum total of scientific knowledge. Obviously the real justification for such elementary text-books in sociology must be found in the desire to present, in simple and popular form, those sci- entific principles that must ultimately be used as guides for collective activity. Action based on accu- rate knowledge is the keystone to social attainment. Special acknowledgment is made to Professor George Grafton Wilson of Brown University for many kindly and valuable suggestions. J. Q. DEALEY. LESTER F. WARD. February 15, 1905. CONTENTS (The number preceding each topic is that of the paragraph in the text) PAGE Preface . v Bibliography xix INTRODUCTION CHAPTER I THE SCIENCE OF SOCIOLOGY I. Man unsocial by nature. 2. Human and animal societies contrasted. 3. Pure and applied sociology. 4. Mathe- matical sociology. 5. Meaning of the term science. 6. So- ciology a science. 7. The progress of science. 8. Progress of sociology X CHAPTER II CLASSIFICATION OF THE SCIENCES 9. Serial classification. 10. Comte's classification. II. The true order of study. 12. Synoptical classification. 13. Filia- tion. 14. Basal sciences for sociology .... 7 15. Sytnpodial development : 16. In botany. 17. In evolution. 18. In human history. 19. Anthropologic sympodes. 20. National decadence . II CHAPTER III DATA OF SOCIOLOGY 21. Classification of data. 22. The general sciences. 23. The requirement of a general education. 24. The special social sciences. 25. Sociology and economics. 26. Relations to vii viii Contents other sciences. 27. Purpose of sociological study. 28. Im- portance of sociology ....... 16 CHAPTER IV METHODOLOGY 29. Importance of method. 30. Logical sequence of ideas. 31. Science as a domain of laws. 32. Generalization : 33. In anthropology. 34. In great primary wants and passions. 35. Law in history. 36. The laiv of parsimony : 37. Shown in the pursuit of interests .... 24 CHAPTER V THE SUBJECT-MATTE J? OF SOCIOLOGY 38. Human achievement. 39. The natural history of man. 40. History of culture. 41. Distinction between organic and social evolution. 42. What is civilization ? 43. Utili- zation of force and matter. 44. Material wealth. 45. In- ventions as achievements. 46. Tools of the mind. 47. The industrial arts. 48. Protective achievements. 49. Human institutions as achievements. 50. Social continuity : 51. In historic races only. 52. Achievement through knowledge. 53. Genius. 54. Pessimism. 55. The love of achievement. 56. The immortality of deeds 32 PART I ORIGIN AND CLASSIFICATION OF THE SOCIAL FORCES CHAPTER VI CREATIVE SYNTHESIS 57. Definition. 58. Creation. 59. Social ideals. 60. The poetic idea. 61. Poesis. 62. Genesis. 63. Each science a crea- tive synthesis. 64. Sociology also. 65. The social mind a synthesis. 66. Synthetic creations of nature. 67. Cosmic creations. 68. Products and properties. 69. Development sympodial. 70. Filiation of the sciences .... 48 Contents ix CHAPTER VII THE DYNAMIC AGENT I. The Feelings PAGE 71. Two prime agents in society. 72. Cosmic forces. 73. Social force. 74. Psychic forces. 75. Psychological basis of sociology. 76. The feelings subjective. 77. Appetition. 78. Desire. 79. Philosophy of desire. 80. Original de- sires. 81. Derivative desires. 82. Biological origin of the subjective faculties 60 II. The Conative Faculty 83. Energy of nature. 84. Mind force. 85. Desire a force. 86. The emotions as forces 69 III. The Soul 87. Meaning of the term. 88. Its function . . 71 IV. The Will 89. Meaning of the term. 90. Optimism and pessimism. 91. Meliorism 73 CHAPTER VIII CLASSIFICATION OF THE SOCIAL FORCES 92. Basis of classification. 93. Choice of terms. 94. Classifica- tion. 95. Meaning of terms. 96. Relationships among the social forces. 97. Paradoxes. 98. Relative value of feeling and function. 99. Enjoyment as an end. 100. Fear of natural phenomena. 101. Utilization of social forces . 76 PART II NATURE OF THE SOCIAL FORCES CHAPTER IX THE ONTOGENETIC FORCES 102. The struggle for subsistence ...... 86 x Contents I. Exploitation PAGE 103. Cannibalism. 104. Slavery. 105. Labor. 106. Forced labor. 107. Labor under the lash. 108. The ruling classes 87 II. Property 109. Communal. 1 10. Origin of individual property. III. Rights in property. 112. Property as wealth. 113. Pursuit of wealth the mainspring of activity ..... 92 III. Production 114. Slave production. 115. Machinofacture. 116. Importance of production 95 IV. Social Distribution 117. The surplus. 118. The Ricardian law. 119. Causes of social distribution 97 V. Consumption 120. Animal consumption. 121. Palatableness of food. 122. Pro- tective wants. 1 23. Influence of comfort on development. 124. Physical importance of ample nutrition. 125. Nutri- tion essential to mental superiority IOO CHAPTER X THE PHYLOGENETIC FORCES 126. Two theories of sex relationship 106 127. I. The Androcentric Theory . . . 107 II. The Gyn^ecocentric Theory 128. Female sex primary. 129. Biological development of the male. 130. Gynsecocracy. 131. Androcracy. 132. An- dreclexis. 133. Subjugation of woman .... 107 III. Classification of the Phylogenetic Forces 134. Classification 112 (1) Natural Love : 135. Definition. 136. Purity of natural love. 137. Regulation. 138. Celibacy. 139. Natural love a social necessity . 113 Contents xi (2) Romantic Love: 140. Worth of social feelings. 141. Development of emotional centers. 142. Beginnings of romantic love. 143. Am- pheclexis. 144. Natura naturans. 145. Function of romantic love. 146. Its influence on social organization . 116 (3) Conjugal Love : 147. Essential quality of conjugal love. 148. Monogamy neces- sary. 149. Equality of the sexes essential. 150. Morality of monogamy. 151. Social influence of conjugal love . 123 (4) Maternal Love : 152. Meaning of the term. 153. Maternal love a conservative principle. 154. Its coming importance . . . .127 (5) Consanguineal Love : 155. Love of kindred. 156. Its social influence . . . 130 CHAPTER XI THE SOCIOGENETIC FORCES 157. Classification 132 I. The Moral Forces 158. Two kinds 133 (1) Race Morality : 159. Based on race preservation. 160. Race morality as custom. 161. Essential nature of race morality .... 133 (2) Lndividual Morality : 162. Altruism. 163. Sympathy. 164. Distinction between al- truism and sympathy 136 (3) Ethical Dualism : 165. Altruism a relative term. 166. Broadening of altruism. 167. Humanitarianism. 168. Philozoism. 169. Love of nature. 170. Ethical monism 138 II. The Esthetic Forces 171. Three stages of development. 172. Imitation and imagi- nation. 173. Art. 174. Symmetry in art. 175. Modern idea of art. 176. Art a socializing agency. 177. Art as an end in itself. 178. Social value of art ... 142 xii Contents III. The Intellectual Forces PACK 179. Intellectual feeling. 180. (1) Acquirement of knowledege. 181. (2) Discovery of truth : 182. Interest in the discov- ery of truth. 183. Generalization. 184. (3) Impartation of information. 185. The savage mind. 186. The leisure class. 187. Democracy. 188. Place of religion in intel- lectual development. 189. Kidd's Social evolution. 190. Religion and science ...... 148 PART III ACTION OF THE SOCIAL FORCES IN THE SPONTANEOUS DEVELOPMENT OF SOCIETY CHAPTER XII SOCIAL STATICS 191. Social mechanics. 192. Classification. 193. The dynamic agent 159 I. The Principle of Synergy 194. Definition. 195. Cosmic dualism. 196. Effects of cosmic dualism in the social world. 197. True nature of synergy. 198. Illustrated by artificial structures. 199. Synergy in the formation of organic structures. 200. Structure and function contrasted. 201. Structure and function statical. 202. Social structures. 203. Struggle for structure . .161 II. The Social Order 204. Definition. 205. Human institutions. 206. Primary and secondary institutions : 207. Marriage. 208. Religion. 209. Law. 210. Morality. 211. Political institutions. 212. Language. 213. The nature of social structures . 169 CHAPTER XIII SOCIAL STATICS {Continued) III. Social Assimilation 214. Original heterogeneity. 215. Causes of heterogeneity. 216. Imitation and invention. 217. Expansion. 218. So- Contents xiii PAGE cial differentiation. 219. The horde. 220. The golden age. 221. Its duration. 222. Social integration. 223. Pro- cess of integration. 224. The struggle of races. 225. Con- quest and subjugation 176 IV. Social Karyokinesis 226. The stages in amalgamation : 227.(1) Caste. 228. (2) Ine- quality. 229. (3) Law. 230. (4) The juridical state. 231. (5) Formation of a people: 232. Interest unites. 233. Other influences. 234. Social chemistry. 235. (6) The nation 185 V. Compound Assimilation 236. Compound races. 237. The lower races .... 193 238. VI. Pacific Assimilation . . . 197 CHAPTER XIV SOCIAL DYNAMICS 239. Definition. 240. Dynamic movements. 241. Social progress. 242. Social stagnation. 243. Social degeneration. 244. So- cial instability 199 DYNAMIC PRINCIPLES 245. Definition of these principles 208 I. Difference of Potential 246. Definition. 247. The principle of sex. 248. Asexual re- production. 249. Crossing of strains. 250. Effect of uniform environment. 251. Mingling of cultures. 252. Progress as the result. 253. "Dynamic density." 254. In- fluence of war on human progress. 255. Western civiliza- tion. 256. Theory of dominant races .... 208 CHAPTER XV DYNAMIC PRINCIPLES {Continued) II. Innovation 257. Fortuitous variation. 258. Social innovation. 259. Inno- vation through the leisure class. 260. " Instinct of work- manship." 261. Final criterion of a dynamic action . 217 xiv Contents III. Conation PAGE 262. Explanation of the term. 263. Transformation of the en- vironment. 264. Social progress not desired. 265. Effort the dynamic principle. 266. Dynamic effects are social. 267. Matter dynamic ....... 222 PART IV ORIGIN AND NATURE OF THE TELIC AGENT CHAPTER XVI THE DIRECTIVE AGENT Introduction 268. Social progress. 269. The pessimistic attitude. 270. The error of pessimism 228 I. The Objective Faculties 271. Classification of sensations. 272. Indifferent sensation. 273. Sensation. 274. Steps in the mental process . . 230 II. Control of the Dynamic Agent 275. The two agencies of society. 276. The genetic and the telic methods contrasted. 277. The two classes of social phenomena 233 III. The Final Cause 278. The efficient cause. 279. The final cause. 280. Telesis. 281. Thought utilizing force 235 IV. The Method of Mind 282. Prodigality of nature. 283. Telic economy. 284. Impor- tance of the directive agent 238 CHAPTER XVII THE GENESIS OF MIND 285. The intellect. 286. (1) Indifferent sensation. 287. (2) Tenia tion and intuition. 288. (3) Intuitive perception . 241 Contents xv (4) Intuitive Reason : 289. What is meant by animal reason. 290. Illustrations of in- tuitive reasoning 245 ( 5 ) Indirectio n : 291. Meaning of the term. 292. The ruse 246 (6) Moral Indirection : 293. Principal forms of deception : 294. Against animals. 295. Against inferior human beings. 296. In various kinds of occupations. 297. In national and social life. 298. The intent and the end 248 CHAPTER XVIII THE GENESIS OF MIND {Continued) (7) Material Indirection : 299. Ingenuity. 300. Invention 253 (8) Inventive Genius : 301. The characteristic of genius. 302. Instruction in invention. 303. (9) Creative genius ....... 256 (10) Philosophic Genius: 304. In origin advantageous. 305. The emancipation of the in- tellect. 306. Beginnings of philosophy. 307. Phenomena of mind. 308. The study of the cosmos. 309. Its results. 310. Observation. 311. The scientific spirit. 312. The philosophic spirit. 313. Scientific genius. 314. The non- advantageous faculties 258 PART V ACTION OF THE TELIC AGENT IN SOCIAL ACHIEVEMENT CHAPTER XIX SOCIAL ACHIEVEMENT THROUGH THE CONQUEST OF NATURE Introduction 315. Individual telesis. 316. The intermediate step. 317. Social or collective telesis. 318. The study of society made scientific .......... 267 xvi Contents I. Human Invention PACK 319. Empirical art. 320. Primitive invention. 321. Man's ca- pacity for conquest. 322. Modification of the natural. 323. Pre-Hellenic and Greek art. 324. Westward move- ment of thought. 325. In mediaeval period. 326. The modern era. 327. Eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. 328. Power of invention . . . . . . . 271 II. Scientific Discovery 329. Invention and discovery. 330. The mission of science. 331. The stage of empiricism. 332. The Greek period. 333. Mediaeval period. 334. Discoveries of the eighteenth century. 335. The problem of life. 336. The truths of biology. 337. " Origin of species." 338. The law of evolution 279 CHAPTER XX SOCIALIZATION OF ACHIEVEMENT 339. Human achievement. 340. Socialization .... 288 I. Social Regulation 341. Classification. 342. Development of social regulation. 343. Legal regulation. 344. The juridical state. 345. Im- portance of the state ....... 290 II. Collective Achievement 346. Conquest of man by society. 347. Necessity of collective regulation. 348. Growth of collectivism. 349. Collectiv- ism and individualism 295 III. Social Invention 350. Backwardness of social science. 35 1 . Analysis of an inven- tion. 352. Social invention defined. 353. "Attractive legislation." 354. Social distribution. 355. The social increment 299 Contents xvii IV. Social Appropriation FACE 356. Knowledge as achievement. 357. Social heredity. 358. Duty of society. 359. The most useful knowledge. 360. Need of a scientific system. 361. The fundamental principle. 362. Hindrances to civilization. 363. Public education. 364. Socialization uf educatiun ..... 303 Index 3" BIBLIOGRAPHY (References to these works in the following pages will be by titles only.) The entire field of sociology is so vast that every bibliography must for practical purposes confine itself to a definite area. The following list includes works that especially supplement the subject-matter of this book. The list is by no means complete, but it is hoped that the selection made will prove suggestive to librarians and useful to the student for purposes of reference. A few titles of well-nigh indispensable foreign works are given, but these as far as possible in translation. An excellent classified bibliography of similar books and articles may be found in Gid- dings's Principles of sociology, pp. 423-442. A list of Dr. Ward's more important articles on sociological subjects is added. American journal of sociology. Published bimonthly, first number July, 1895. University of Chicago. The annals of the American academy of political and social science. Published bimonthly, first number July, 1890. Philadelphia. These both contain many thoughtful and helpful discussions of current social theory and practice. Adams, Brooks. The law of civilization and decay. 1895. New York. Bachofen, Johann facob. Das Mutterrecht. 1861. Stuttgart. Bagehot, Walter. Physics and politics. New edition. 1902. Appleton. New York. xix xx Bibliography Balfour, Arthur J. The foundations of belief. 1895. London and New York. Bluntschli, Johann Caspar. The theory of the state. 1892. Macmillan. New York. Comte, Auguste. Cours de philosophic positive. Six volumes. Troisieme edition. 1869. Paris. The positive philosophy of Auguste Comte. Translated and con- densed by Harriet Martineau. Two volumes, 1853. Three volumes, 1896. Macmillan. New York and London. Systeme de politique positive. Four volumes. 1851-1854. Paris. Positive polity. Translated by Professor E. S. Beesley, London. Four volumes. 1875-1877. Longmans. Cooley, Charles H or ton. Human nature and the social order. 1902. Scribner. Cornish, Francis War re. Chivalry. 1 901. Macmillan. Crozier, John Beatlie. Civilization and progress. Third edition. 1892. London. History of intellectual development; on the lines of modern evolution. Vols. I and III. 1897. 1901- London. Durkheim, Emile. De la division du travail social. 1893. Paris. Les regies de la methode sociologique. 1895. Paris. Ellis, Havelock. Man and woman. Third edition. 1902. London. Ely, Richard T. Evolution of industrial society. 1903. Macmillan. Espinas, Alfred. Des societes animales. Deuxieme edition. 1878. Paris. Fairbanks, Arthur. Introduction to sociology. Third edition. 1901. Scribner. Fouillee, Alfred. La science sociale contemporaine. Deuxieme edition. 1895. Paris. Fust el de Coulanges. The ancient city. Translated by Willard Small. 1896. Lee and Shepard. London. Gallon, Francis. Hereditary genius. New edition. 1892. London. Bibliography xxi Geddes and Thomson. Evolution of sex. Revised edition, igoi. Scribner. Giddings, Franklin H. Principles of sociology. Third edition. 1896. Macmillan. Elements of sociology. 1898. Macmillan. Inductive sociology. 1901. Macmillan. Article on modern sociology. International Monthly. Vol. II. November, 1900. Pages 536-554. Gilman, Mrs. Charlotte Stetson. Women and economics. Second edition. 1899. Small. Greef, Guillaiime de. Les lois sociologiques. Deuxieme edition. 1896. Paris. Introduction a la sociologie. Two volumes. 1 886-1 889. Bru- xelles et Paris. This is being continued in a series of articles in the American journal of sociology, which began January, 1903. Gumplowicz, Ludwig. Der Rassenkampf. 1883. Innsbruck. Grundriss der Sociologie. 1905. 2 Aufl. Wien. English trans- lation by F. W. Moore. 1899. Annals. Philadelphia. See also article, An Austrian appreciation of Lester F. Ward. American journal of sociology. March, 1905. Haeckel, Ernst. Anthropogenic 1874. Leipzig. And review of the same by Lester F. Ward, under title of Haeckel's Genesis of man. Pages 64. 1879. Stern and Co. Philadelphia. Headley, F. W. Problems of evolution. 1901. Crowell. Howard, George E. A history of matrimonial institutions. Three volumes. 1904. Chicago. James, William. The principles of psychology. Two volumes. 1890. Holt. New York. Keller, Albert Galloway. Homeric society. A sociological study of the Iliad and Odyssey. 1902. New York. Kidd, Benjamin. Social evolution. New edition. 1898. Macmillan. Le Bon, Gustave. The crowd; a study of the popular mind. New edition. 1903. Macmillan. The psychology of peoples. 1898. New York. xxii Bibliography Letourneau, Charles. La sociologie d'apres l'ethnographie. Troisieme edition. 1892. Paris. Sociology based on ethnology. Translated by H. M. Trollope. 1881. London. Property; its origin and development. New edition. 1901. Scribner. Lilienfeld, Paul von. Zur Vertheidigung der organischen Methode in der Sociologie. 1898. Berlin. Loria, Achille. The economic foundations of society. Translated by Lindley M. Keasbey. 1899. Scribner. Mackenzie, John Stuart. Introduction to social philosophy. Second revised edition. 1895. Macmillan. Mason, Otis Tufton. Woman's share in primitive culture. 1894. Appleton. New York. Morgan, Lewis Henry. Ancient society. 1877. New York. Morrison, G. S. The new epoch, as developed by the manufacture of power. 1903. Houghton. Nietzsche, Frederick. A genealogy of morals. 1896. Philadelphia. Novicow, Jacques. Les luttes entre societes humaines. 1893. Paris. Patten, Simon Nelson. The theory of social forces. Supplement to the Annals. Jan- uary, 1896. Philadelphia. Ratzenhofer, Gustav. Die sociologische Erkenntnis. 1898. Leipzig. Ross, Edward Alsworth. Social control; a survey of the foundations of order. 1901. Macmillan. Moot points in sociology. A series of eight articles. American journal of sociology. May, 1903-September, 1904. Sch'dffle, Albert Eberhard Friedrich. Bau und Leben des socialen Korpers. Two volumes. New edition. 1896. Tubingen. Bibliography xxiii Schopenhauer, Arthur. Die Welt als Wille und Vorstellung. Fourth edition. 1873. Two volumes. Leipzig. The world as will and idea. Translated by R. B. Haldane and J. Kemp. 1891. Three volumes. London. Simmel, G. Uber sociale Differenzierung. 1890. Leipzig. The sociology of conflict : series of three articles. American journal of sociology. January-May, 1904. Simons, Sarah E. Social decadence. Annals. Vol. XVIII. September, 1901. Pages 251-274. Social assimilation : series of five articles. American journal of sociology. May, 1901-January, 1902. (Last article includes a lengthy bibliography.) Small, Albion W. The significance of sociology for ethics. 1902. University of Chicago. The methodology of the social problem. 1898. University of Chicago. The scope of sociology : series of nine articles. American jour- nal of sociology. January, 1900-July, 1904. Comments in criticism of Pure sociology. See under Ward, Lester F. Spencer, Herbert. Social statics and The man versus the state. In one volume. The study of sociology. The principles of sociology. Three volumes. Education; intellectual, moral, and physical. All by Appleton. New York. Review of Spencer's Autobiography by Lester F. Ward. Science. June 10, 1904. Pages 873-879. Stuckenberg, John H. W. Sociology. Two volumes. 1903. Putnam. Introduction to the study of sociology. 1898. Armstrong. Tarde, Gabriel. Laws of imitation. Translated by E. C. Parsons. 1903. Holt. Social laws. Translated by H. C. Warren. 1899. Macmillan. L'opposition universelle. 1897. Paris. Le logique sociale. 1894. Paris. Les transformations du droit. Quatrieme edition. 1903. Paris. xxiv Bibliography Veblen, Thorstein B. Theory of the leisure class; an economic study in the evolution of institutions. 1899. Macmillan. And review by Lester F. Ward. American journal of sociology. Vol. V. May, 1900. The theory of business enterprise. 1904. Scribner. New York. Wallace, Alfred Russel. Progress of the century. 1 901. Harper. The wonderful century; its successes and its failures. 1898. New York. Ward, Lester F. Dynamic sociology. Two volumes. 1883. Appleton. Psychic factors of civilization. 1893. Ginn. Outlines of sociology. 1898. Macmillan. Pure sociology. 1903. Macmillan. And Comments in criticism by Albion \V. Small. American journal of sociology. Vol. VIII. March, 1903. Vol. IX. November, 1903, and January-March, 1904. Westermarck, Edward. The history of human marriage. 1891. London; New York. White, Andrew D. A history of the warfare of science with theology in Christendom. Two volumes. 1896. New York. Willoughby, W. W. The nature of the state. New edition. 1903. Macmillan. Social justice; a critical essay. 1900. Macmillan. Wilson, George G. The place of social philosophy. Journal of social science. No. XXXII. November, 1894. Pages 139-143. Winship, Albert Edward. Jukes-Edwards; a study in education and heredity. 1900. Har- risburg, Pennsylvania. SELECTED ARTICLES ON SOCIOLOGICAL TOPICS By Lester F. Ward Our better halves. The forum. Vol. VI. November, 1888. Pages 266-275. Genius and woman's intuition. The forum. Vol. IX. June, 1890. Pages 401-408. Bibliography xxv The exemption of women from labor. The monist. Vol. IV. April, 1894. Pages 385-395. What shall the public schools teach ? The forum. Vol. V. July, 1888. Pages 574-583. The essential nature of religion. International journal of ethics. Vol. VIII. January 1898. Pages 169-192. Ethical aspects of social science. International journal of ethics. Vol. VI. July, 1896. Pages 441-456. Broadening the way to success. The forum. Vol. II. December, 1886. Pages 340-350. Some social and economic paradoxes. American anthropologist. Vol. II. April, 1889. Pages 1 19-132. The psychologic basis of social economics. Proc. A. A. A. S. XLI. 1892. Pages 301-321. Condensed in Annals American academy of political and social science. Vol. III. January, 1893. Pages 464-482. Static and dynamic sociology. Political science quarterly. Vol. X. No. 2. June, 1895. Pages 203-220. Moral and material progress contrasted. Trans. Anthropological Society. Vol. III. 1885. Washington. Pages 121-136. Utilitarian economics. American journal of sociology. Vol. III. January, 1898. Pages 520-536. The transmission of culture. The forum. Vol. XI. May, 1891. Pages 312-319. Weismann's concessions. Popular science monthly. Vol. XLV. June, 1894. Pages 175-184. The natural storage of energy. The monist. Vol. V. January, 1895. Pages 247-263. Status of the mind problem. Special Papers, No. I, Anthropological Society. 1894. Washington. Pages 18. Social differentiation and social integration. American journal of sociology. Vol. VIII. May, 1903. Pages 721-745. Sociology at the Paris Exposition of 1900. Report commissioner of education. Chapter XXVIII. 1899-1900. Contemporary sociology. American journal of sociology. Vol. VII. January, March, May, 1902. Reprinted as brochure. Chicago. Pages 70. Herbert Spencer's Sociology. Independent. March 31, 1904. Pages 730-734- Evolution of social structures. A merican journal of sociology. Vol. X. March, 1905. Pages 589-605. INTRODUCTION CHAPTER I THE SCIENCE OF SOCIOLOGY i. Man unsocial by nature. 2. Human and animal societies con- trasted. 3. Pure and applied sociology. 4. Mathematical sociology. 5. Meaning of the term science. 6. Sociology a science. 7. The progress of science. 8. Progress of sociology. 1. Man is not naturally a social being ; human Man society is purely a product of his reason and arose by J^ 00 ^ 1 by insensible degrees, pari passu with the development of his brain. In other words, human association is the result of the perceived advantage which it yields, and came into existence only in proportion as that advantage was perceived by the only faculty capable of perceiving it, the intellect. 2. For these reasons human society is generically Human distinct from all animal societies. 1 It is essentially rational and artificial, while animal association is contrasted, essentially instinctive and natural. The adaptation in the former is incomplete, while in the latter it is practically complete. Hence the same principles do not apply to human and animal sociology. The latter is essentially a biological study ; and while psycho- logical considerations are potent in both, those that belong to animal sociology relate exclusively to feel- 1 Espinas, Des societes animates. B I and animal societies 1 The Science of Sociology ing, while those that belong to human sociology relate chiefly to the intellect. The science of sociology, therefore, is the study of human association, including whatever conduces to it or modifies it. In calling sociology a science it is not claimed that it has as yet been established as a science. But it is maintained that it is in process of establishment, and this by the same method by which all other sciences are established. Pure and 3- It is but natural that those who regard sociology applied as a sc i ence should divide the science, as other sciences sociology. are divided, into the two natural departments, pure and applied. The terms pure and applied may be used in sociology in the same sense as in other sciences. Pure science is theoretical ; applied science, practical. The first seeks to establish the principles of the science ; the second points out their actual or possible applications, and deals with artificial means of acceler- ating the natural and spontaneous processes of nature. The method of pure science is research, and its object is knowledge. In pure sociology the essential nature of society is the object pursued. But nothing can be said to be known until the antecedent conditions are known, out of which it has sprung. By pure soci- ology, then, is meant a treatment of the phenomena and laws of society as it is, an explanation of the processes by which social phenomena take place, a search for the antecedent conditions by which the observed facts have been brought into existence, reaching back as far as the state of human knowledge will permit into the psychologic, biologic, and cosmic causes of the existing social state of man. Pure soci- Pure Sociology 3 ology has no concern with what society ought to be, or with any social ideals. It confines itself strictly with the present and the past, allowing the future to take care of itself. It totally ignores the purpose of the science, and aims at truth wholly for its own sake. 4. Sociology regarded as an exact science is some- Mathemati- times called pure sociology. In this sense it is usually cal soclol °gy- attempted to reduce its laws to mathematical prin- ciples, to deduce equations and draw curves express- ing those laws. The application of mathematics to sociology is at best precarious, not because the laws of social phenomena are not exact, but because of the multitude and complicated interrelations of the facts. Except for certain minds that are mathematically con- stituted there is very little advantage in mathematical treatment. It instantly repels the non-mathematical, and, moreover, the proportion of mathematical minds is very small. Usually a rigidly logical treatment of a subject is quite sufficient even where mathematics might have been used, and when the latter adds nothing to the conception, its use is simply pedantic, 5. The word science has been variously defined. Meaning of Etymologically it signifies, of course, simply knowl- theterm edge. But it is admitted that there may be knowledge that is not science, and the most common definition of science is " methodized knowledge." More exactly, science is properly confined to a study of the laws of phenomena, using that expression in the broadest sense. All phenomena take place according to inva- riable laws whose manifestations are numerous and manifold. A mere knowledge of these manifestations is not science. Knowledge only becomes scientific 4 The Science of Sociology when the uniform principle becomes known which will explain all the manifestations. This principle is the law. But we can go a step farther back. A law is only a generalization from facts, i.e., from phe- nomena, but these do not take place without a cause. The uniformity which makes such a generalization possible is in the cause. But a cause can be nothing else than a force acting upon the material basis of phenomena. As all force is persistent, the phenomena it causes will necessarily be uniform under the same conditions, and will change in the same way under like changes in the conditions. Sociology a 6. Every science, in order to be such, must be a science. domain of force. Until a group of facts and phe- nomena reaches the stage at which these can be generalized into laws, which, in turn, are merely the expressions of the uniform working of its underlying forces, it cannot be appropriately denominated a science. The mere accumulation of facts, therefore, does not constitute a science, but a successful classifi- cation of the facts recognizes the law underlying them and is, in so far, scientific. If, then, sociology is a science, it must agree with all others in this respect, and all knowledge that is not systematized according to this principle must be ruled out of the science of society. The progress 7. The progress of science is no even, straight- o science. forward march. It is in the highest degree irregular and fitful. And yet there is a certain method in it. It is the work of a vast army of workers, each work- ing more or less independently. Whatever the field may be, the general method of all earnest scientific The Progress of Science 5 research is the same. Every investigator chooses some special line and pushes his researches forward along that line as far as his facilities and his powers will permit. If he is a master, he soon exhausts the resources and appliances of the libraries and laborato- ries and proceeds to construct a technique of his own for his special purposes. He observes and experi- ments and records the results. Whenever important results are reached, he publishes them. He not only publishes the results, but he describes his methods. He tells the world not only what he has found, but how he found it. If the results thus announced are at all novel or startling, others working along similar lines immediately take them up, criticise them, and make every effort to disprove them. Part of the results claimed by the first investigator will be disproved or shown to bear a different interpreta- tion from that given them. Part of them will prob- ably stand the fire and after repeated verification be admitted by all. These represent the permanent advance made in that particular science. But nothing is established until it has passed through this ordeal of general criticism and repeated verification from the most adverse points of view. 1 8. Such is the apparently desultory and haphazard, Progress of but really methodical, way in which all science ad- soclol °gy- vances. True, it is not at all economical, but ex- tremely wasteful in energy and effort. It is a typical method of nature as distinguished from the telic method, or method of foresight and intelligence, but 1 Note in Bibliography such names as De Greef, Fouillee, Lilienfeld, Schafne, etc., and see article by Giddings. 6 The Science of Sociology it accomplishes its purpose and has given us all the established truth we possess. The progress of discov- ery, of science, and of knowledge and truth in the world generally, follows this same method, whatever depart- ment we may examine. The effect of it is to give the impression during the early stages in the history of any science, that all is chaos, and that no real prog- ress is being made. Every one is making claims for his own results and denying those of all others, so that the mere looker-on and the public at large are led to doubt that anything is being accomplished. Just at present sociology is in that initial stage in which a great army of really honest and earnest workers is wholly without organization. Nearly every one has a single thought which he believes to embrace, when seen as he sees it, the whole field of sociology and he is elaborating that idea to the utmost. Now it is clear that he will make much more of that idea than any one else could make. He will get all the truth out of it that it contains. It is true that he will carry it too far and weight it down with implications that it will not bear ; but these are, like the errors of all scientific investigators, subject to criticism and ultimate rejection, the real truth taking their place. REFERENCES TO WARD'S OTHER WORKS Dynarnic sociology. Introduction to volume I. Topics in Index, volume II : Animals ; Anti-social tendencies ; Association ; Science ; Sociability ; Sociology. Psychic factors. Index : Sociology. Pure sociology. Preface and chapters I, II. Articles. " Contemporary sociology." " Sociology at the Paris Exposition." CHAPTER II CLASSIFICATION OF THE SCIENCES g. Serial classification. 10. Comte's classification. n„ The true order of study. 12. Synoptical classification. 13. Filiation. 14. Basal sciences for sociology. 15. Sympodial develop?nent : 16. In botany. 17. In evolution. 18. In human history, ig. Anthropologic sympodes. 20. National deca- dence. 9. Philosophers of all ages have been at work serial ciassi- upon the problem of a logical and natural clas- catlon - sification of the sciences. In selecting from among them all that of Comte as best adapted to the subject of social science, there is no thought of condemning all others or even making odious comparisons. There is always more than one entirely correct way of classifying the phenomena of any great field. But from the sociological standpoint the most im- portant thing to determine is the natural or serial order in which the sciences stand — not how they can be made to stand, but how they must stand, irre- spective of the wishes of any one. But any classifi- cation of the sciences must recognize the necessity of the broadest generalization, and must not attempt to work into the general plan any of the sciences of the lower orders. The generalization must go on until all the strictly coordinate groups of the highest 7 8 Classification of the Sciences order are found, and then these must be arranged in their true and only natural order. This Comte accomplished by taking as the criterion of the posi- tion of each the degree of what he called positivity, which is simply the degree to which the phenomena can be exactly determined. This, as may be readily seen, is also a measure of their relative complexity, since the exactness of a science is in inverse propor- tion to its complexity. The degree of exactness or positivity is, moreover, that to which it can be sub- jected to mathematical demonstration, and therefore mathematics, which is not itself a concrete science, is the general gauge by which the position of every science is to be determined. Comte's 10. Generalizing thus, Comte found that there classification. were fi ve g re at groups of phenomena of equal classi- ficatory value but of successively decreasing posi- tivity. To these he gave the names astronomy, physics, chemistry, biology, and sociology. A glance at these suffices to show that they conform to the conditions outlined and that they must stand in this order. When carefully scanned, nearly every proper science can be assigned its natural place in this scheme. Psychology, perhaps, should be added to the number of these great coordinate sciences and placed, as Spencer has done, between biology and sociology. Not that Comte ignored it, but in the mighty sweep of his logic he made it a part of biol- ogy, calling it "transcendental biology." 1 This system is a natural system, in the sense that the order is the order of nature and that the several 1 See Comte and Spencer in Bibliography. Genetic Classification 9 sciences are genetically affiliated upon one another in this order. That is, each of the five great natural groups rests upon the one immediately below it and grows out of it, as it were. 11. From this it necessarily results that this is the The true true order in which they should be studied, since the ort jf r of study of each furnishes the mind with the proper data for understanding the next higher. In fact, none of the more complex and less exact sciences can be properly understood until after all the simpler and more exact ones below it have first been acquired. The student, therefore, who advances in this order is approaching the goal of his ambition by two distinct routes which converge at the desired stage. He is laying the foundation for the understanding of the more complex sciences by acquainting himself with the simpler ones upon which they successively rest, and he is at the same time mounting upward in the scale of generalization from the specific and generic to the ordinal or higher groups in a systematic classi- fication. The natural arrangement of the great coor- dinate groups is serial and genetic. The term hierarcJiy, applied to it by Comte, is inappropriate, since there is no subordination, but simply degrees of generality and complexity. There is genetic affilia- tion without subordination. The more complex and less exact sciences may be regarded as the children of the more simple and exact ones, but between parent and offspring there is no difference of rank. 12. In contrast with this, the other classification, synoptical which may be called logical or synoptical, is a true classification. hierarchy. It will be easier to comprehend if we liken io Classification of the Sciences it to the system of ranking that prevails in an army. The two kinds of classification are entirely different in principle, and the last-named occurs independently in each of the great serial groups. Filiation. 13. Now what concerns the sociologist is primarily the serial order of phenomena. The several groups of phenomena constituting a natural "hierarchy" of the sciences, not only stand in the relation of diminishing generality with increasing complexity, but they stand in the relation of parent to offspring, i.e., of filiation. The more complex sciences grow out of the simpler ones by a process of differentiation. The more gen- eral phenomena of the simpler sciences are elaborated into more complex forms. They are the raw material which is worked up into more finished products, much as pig iron is worked up into tools, machinery, cutlery, and watchsprings. The simpler sciences contain all that is in the more complex, but it is more homoge- neous; and the process of evolution, as we know, is a passage from the homogeneous to the heterogeneous. A serial classification is based on this principle of natural differentiation and the resulting filiation. It might be called toco logical. 1 This filiation of the sciences is also an order of mutual dependence. This dependence is specially marked between any one science in the series and the one immediately below it, but in a broader sense all the higher sci- ences are dependent upon all the lower ones. For the sociologist it is specially important to recognize the dependence of social science on physical science, using these terms in their commonly accepted senses. 1 Greek, t6kos, son. The Filiation of Sciences 1 1 14. Social science becomes much more thorough, Basal intelligible, interesting, and useful when based on scien cesfor ° sociology. physical science. There is no one of the more gen- eral sciences that does not throw light on sociology. Any one who looks for them can find " analogies " all through. There are almost as many parallels between social and chemical processes as there are between social and biological. By extended comparisons in all fields we find that the operations of nature are the same in all departments. We not only discover one great law of evolution applicable to all the fields cov- ered by the several sciences of the series, but we can learn something more about the true method of evo- lution by observing how it takes place in each of these fields. 15. As an example of the aid that the higher Sympodiai sciences and the philosophy of science in general develo P ment may derive from some of the more special fields of research, the branch known as paleobotany may be cited. For, an acquaintance with the extinct plant life of the globe throws much light on the conception of the development of life in all its forms and also on the nature of evolution itself, cosmic, organic, and social. 16. The science of botany in its wide and proper in botany, sense — the natural history of plants, including their geological history — teaches that the prevailing con- ception of organic evolution is radically incorrect in one of its essential aspects. It shows that plant de- velopment at least, and inferentially animal develop- ment also, is sympodiai. In explanation, it may be said that the vegetable kingdom presents two clearly marked modes of branching, known respec- u^ 12 Classification of the Sciences tively as monopodial and sympodial. In monopodial branching the stem or main trunk gives off at intervals subordinate stems called branches, containing a com- paratively small number of the fibrovascular bundles of the main stem, which thus continues to diminish in size by the loss of its bundles until all are thus given off and the stem terminates in a slender twig. In sym- podial branching, on the other hand, the main stem or trunk rises to a certain height and then gives off a branch into which the majority of the fibrovascular bundles enter, so that the branch virtually becomes the trunk, and the real trunk or ascending portion is re- duced to a mere twig, or may ultimately fail of support altogether and disappear through atrophy. This large branch at length in turn gives off a secondary branch, containing as before the bulk of the bundles, and the first branch is sacrificed in the same manner as was the original stem or trunk; and this process is re- peated throughout the life of the tree or plant. As might be naturally expected, the resulting series of branches of different orders is zigzag, and in most sympodial herbs this is manifest in the plant. It is somewhat so in vines like the grape-vine, but in trees, like the linden, the forces of heliotropism and general upward growth serve to right up these several origi- nally inclined sympodes, the abortive stems of ante- cedent stages vanish entirely, and the trunk becomes as erect and symmetrical as those of its monopodial companions of the forest. There are other distinc- tions which may be found set forth in the books, but these are the only ones that concern us here, in evolution. 17. Now the monopodial type of branching is, of Sympodial Development 13 course, the one that everybody is familiar with, and this is the type that is alone considered when we speak of the arborescent character of organic development. Its inadequacy in explaining the actual phenomena presented by organic nature has been strongly felt, and a more satisfactory explanation demanded. This demand is satisfied by the theory that evolution is sym- podial. Everywhere and always the course of evolution in the plant world has been the same ; the original phy- lum has at some point reached its maximum develop- ment and given off a sympode that has carried the process of evolution on until it should in turn give birth to a new sympode, which repeats the same his- tory, and so on indefinitely. Each successive sym- pode possesses attributes which enable it better to resist the environment ; it therefore constitutes a form of development or structural advance. Thus the entire process is one of true evolution, and has culminated in the great class of dicotyledonous ex- ogenous plants which now dominate the vegetable kingdom. 18. If we rise to the plane of human history, we in human shall find a similar parallel here. We may look upon hlstor y* human races as so many trunks and branches of what may be called the sociological tree. The vast and bewildering multiplicity in the races of men is the result of ages of race development, and it has taken place in a manner very similar to that in which the races of plants and animals have developed. Its origin is lost in the obscurity of ages of unrecorded history ; but when at last the light of tradition and written podes. 14 Classification of the Sciences annals opens upon the human races, we find them en- gaged in a great struggle. Out of this struggle new races have sprung. These in turn have struggled with other races, and out of these still other races have slowly emerged, until at last, down toward our own times and within the general line of the historic races, the great leading nationalities — French, Eng- lish, German, Slavic — have been evolved. Anthropo- 19. Now every one of these races of men, from the „°51 syr advanced nationalities last named back to the barbaric tribes that arose from the blending of hostile hordes, is simply an anthropologic sympode, strictly analo- gous to the biologic sympodes already described. When we concentrate our attention upon those latter aspects of this movement which we are fairly well acquainted with, we find a most remarkable parallel- ism between the phenomena which we popularly characterize as the rise and fall of nations or empires, and the rise and fall of the great types of life during the progress of geologic history. As we look back in imagination over the vast stretches of the past, we can see the earth peopled, as it were, by these vege- table forms, different in every epoch ; and an image presents itself to the mind of the gradual rise, ultimate mastery or hegemony, and final culmination of each of the great types of vegetation, followed by its de- cline contemporaneously with the rise of the type that is to succeed it. This rhythmic march of evo- lution has been going on throughout the entire history of the planet, and the path of geologic history is strewn with the ruins of fallen vegetable empires, just as that of human history is strewn Rise and Fall of Races 15 with the wrecks of political empires and decadent races. 20. Races and nations become overgrown and dis- National appear. Peoples become overspecialized and fall decadence - 1 an easy prey to the more vigorous surrounding ones, and a high state of civilization is always precarious. Races and peoples are always giving off their most highly vitalized elements and being transplanted to new soil, leaving the parent country to decline or be swallowed up. The plot of the JEneid, though it be a myth, at least illustrates this truth. Troy was swallowed up by Greece, but not until it had been transplanted to Rome. Italy was the vanguard of civilization to the sixteenth century, when she trans- ferred her scepter to Spain, which held it during the seventeenth, and in turn transferred it to France. It passed to England in the nineteenth, and bids fair to cross the Atlantic before the close of the twentieth. Race and national degeneration or decadence means nothing more than this pushing out of the vigorous branches or sympodes at the expense of the parent trunks. Some see in colonization the phenomenon of social reproduction. This is at least a half-truth. Colonization often means regeneration ; it means race development ; it means social evolution. REFERENCES TO WARD'S OTHER WORKS Dynamic sociology. Chapters I and II, on Comte and Spencer. Topics in Index, in volume II : Classification of the sciences; Filiation of the sciences ; Hierarchy ; Sciences, classification of. Outlines of sociology. Chapters I-V inclusive. Pure sociology. Chapter V, pp. 65-79. 1 Brooks Adams, The law of civilization and decay. CHAPTER III DATA OF SOCIOLOGY i 21. Classification of data. 22. The general sciences. 23. The re- quirement of a general education. 24. The special social sciences. 25. Sociology and economics. 26. Relations to other sciences. 27. Purpose of sociological study. 28. Importance of sociology. Classification 21. We now turn to the last and highest of the of data. sciences, sociology, and what has been said is calcu- lated to prepare us to understand the true scope of that science. The leading distinction between mod- ern and ancient philosophy is that the former proceeds from facts, while the latter proceeded from assump- tions. Every science is at the same time a philosophy. The greater part of all that is valuable in any science is the result of reasoning from facts. The more complex a science is, the greater the number of facts required to reason from, and the more difficult the task of drawing correct conclusions from the facts. When we come to sociology, the number of details is so immense that it is no wonder many declare them wholly unmanageable. The only prospect of success lies in a classification of the materials. This classifi- cation of sociological data amounts in the end to the classification of all the subsciences that range them- selves under the general science of sociology. 1 Small, Scope of sociology. 16 Generalized Knowledge 17 22. We should begin with the most general and The general proceed analytically toward the more and more sciences - special. In fact, it will be well to begin entirely out- side of sociology proper and consider first the depend- ence of sociology upon the other less complex and more general sciences. These simpler sciences may themselves be regarded as constituting a part of the data of sociology. Some knowledge of them is es- sential to any adequate comprehension of the full scope and meaning of sociology. It may have a dis- couraging sound to say that in order to be properly prepared for the study of sociology one must first be acquainted with mathematics, astronomy, physics, chemistry, biology, and psychology, but when it is clearly understood what is meant by this it loses much of its formidableness. For it has never been maintained that it is necessary to become a specialist in all, or even in any of these sciences. It is only es- sential to have a firm grasp of the leading principles of all of them and of their relations one to another. It would be far better to devote time to this aspect of each of them than to mastering the details, as is so largely done in the present system of education. A certain amount of detail is of course necessary to fur- nish a full conception of what any science is and means, but it need go no farther than this. 23. This extraordinary tax upon the sociologist is, The require- therefore, after all. little more than the requirement mentofa ' L general that the sociological student shall first of all acquire education. a good general education. It does not so much prescribe the quantity of his learning as the direction it should be made to take. It says that his education social sciences. 1 8 Data of Sociology should be mainly scientific, that his study of the sciences should be so ordered as to give him a clear idea of their natural relations and dependencies, that they should be taken up so far as possible in the order of their decreasing generality and increas- ing complexity, and that they be pursued in this direction so as to include at least the science upon which the chosen specialty directly rests. In the case of sociology, this is of course to cover the entire range of the sciences, but in reality, this is nothing more than any well-organized curriculum necessarily involves. The special 24. The primary data of sociology, then, are seen to consist of this general preliminary scientific educa- tion, this firm grasp of the broad cosmical principles that underlie and govern all departments of natural phenomena. The more specific data of sociology con- sist in the facts contributed by the various branches or sciences that fall directly under it, in the rela- tion already described in the second chapter, of true hierarchical subordination. Much has been said of late about the so-called " special social sciences " and their relation to sociol- ogy. Some regard sociology as consisting entirely of these sciences and as having no existence apart from them. Others distinguish sociology from the special social sciences, but in different ways. The latter are sometimes identified with " social science," and this is treated as distinct from sociology. There is less variety of opinion relative to the nature of the special social sciences than there is relative to what sociology is if distinguished from these. The special The Special Social Sciences 19 social sciences are numerous, and, in many cases, there is room for differences of opinion as to what constitutes such sciences, but the following are the principal ones about which there is little dispute : ethnography, ethnology, technology, archaeology, demography ; history, economics, jurisprudence, pol- itics, ethics — all taken in a scientific sense, and each with its natural subdivisions. No one of these, nor all of them together, can be said to form sociol- ogy, but sociology is the synthesis of them all. It is impossible to perform this synthesis without a clear conception of the elements entering into it. These, therefore, constitute the data for the process. The special social sciences, then, are not themselves the sci- ence of sociology, but they constitute data of sociology. 1 25. In marking out clearly the sphere of sociology, Sociology the greatest difficulty is that of distinguishing it from and J ° ° economics, political economy or economics. Although modern economics is broad in its scope and rests to a great extent upon the observed facts of human life and action, it yet concerns itself chiefly with the problems arising in connection with the production of wealth. Comte's conception of sociology is of course widely different, as he makes it one of the great coordinate groups of his so-called hierarchy, and as such to embrace everything that pertains to man as a social being. Economics therefore belongs within the great field of sociology, and care should be taken that there be no confusion or overlapping, and that nothing that clearly belongs to economics should be treated as sociology. 1 Wilson, The place of social philosophy. 20 Data of Sociology Relations to other sciences. Purpose of sociological study. 26. In distinguishing sociology from the special so- cial sciences, economics has been taken as an example because it seems to be most prone to overflow into the broader field. But there are many other sciences or branches of learning that occupy practically the same relative position. It is here that history stands, while ethnology, ethnography, and demography, with other attendant branches of anthropology,' bear so strongly upon the great science of man in the social state that it is difficult to prevent them from forcing their way into it. 1 We may regard sociology as one of the great natural families of cosmical phenomena, un- der which we may range the next most general depart- ments as so many genera, each with its appropriate species. That is, the classification of the social sciences may be made strictly synoptical. Thus understood, sociology is freed from the unnecessary embarrassment of having hanging about it in more or less disorder a burden of complicated details which make it next to impossible to secure due attention to the fundamental principles of so vast a science. These details are classified and assigned each to its proper place (genus or species), and the field is cleared for the calm contemplation of the central problem of determining the facts, the law, and the principles of human association. 27. Now all this vast array of phenomena mani- fested by man in his manifold relations with the material world constitutes the data of sociology, and something must be known about it before any one is capable of entering into the consideration of those 1 Letourneau, Sociology based on ethnography. Importance of Sociology 21 higher laws involved in human association, which, on final analysis, are simply generalizations from the facts of lower orders. It is true that in the course of acquiring a sound general education every one necessarily learns something about most of these things, but this is insufficient to constitute an ade- quate preparation for the study of sociology. This knowledge needs to be systematized and specialized, and directed to the definite end. The student needs to know just what he is pursuing it for. There is no more vicious educational practice, and scarcely any more common one, than that of keeping the student in the dark as to the end and purpose of his work. It breeds indifference, discouragement, and despair. Therefore, while it might be fruitless to attempt to teach the principles of sociology before the student were put in possession of the facts from which those principles are derived, it is of the utmost importance to inform him, as early as he is likely to understand, that there is a great general science of society toward which all this is leading, and con- stantly to keep him imbued with the idea of an ulti- mate utility beyond the mere satisfaction of the desire to know facts. 28. It is safe then to assert that there are elements importance for a science of society, and that when these elements ° soclolo sy are detected, collated, and reduced to law, such a science will be established ; and it is further beyond question that, when the true science of society shall be established and accepted as other sciences are ac- cepted, its influence on the interests of man and the destiny of the race will be as much greater than that 22 Data of Sociology of the simpler sciences as sociology is nearer to man and more intimately bound up with all that concerns his welfare. Sociology therefore should be studied first for the sake of information relating to the laws of human association and cooperative action, and finally for the purpose of determining in what ways and to what extent social phenomena may, with a knowledge of their laws, be modified and directed toward social ideals. The supreme purpose is the betterment of society. If knowledge be had, action will take care of itself, though an important part of the knowledge is that action is its object. 1 The sociological student, clearly perceiving the chaotic condition of both the industrial and the politi- cal world, and recognizing that most of the evils of society result from a lack of scientific knowledge on the part of so-called practical men, claims the right and feels the obligation to state the facts, to define social laws and principles, and to indicate their sig- nificance and their necessary bearing upon social affairs and movements. The study of sociology, there- fore, is calculated to enlighten the individual pur- poses of men and to harmonize them with the good of society. It will tend to unify action, to combine the innumerable streams of individual effort, and to pour their contents into one great river of social welfare. We see, then, the high place which sociology, properly defined, should hold among the sciences, and how clear and incisive are the boundaries which mark it off from all other branches of learning. It 1 Mackenzie, Introduction to social philosophy. The Study of Sociology 23 is the cap-sheaf and crown of any true system of classification of the sciences, and it is also the last and highest landing on the great staircase of education. REFERENCES TO WARD'S OTHER WORKS Dynamic sociology. Topics in Index, volume II : Phenomena, classification of; Sociologists. Outlines of sociology. Chapters VI and IX. CHAPTER IV 1 METHODOLOGY 29. Importance of method. 30. Logical sequence of ideas. 31. Sci- ence as a domain of laws. 32. Generalization : 33. In anthropol- ogy- 34- ^ n g r eat primary wants and passions. 35. Law in history. 36. The law of parsimony : 37. Shown in the pursuit of interests. Importance of method. Logical sequence of ideas. 29. It is the function of methodology in social sci- ence to classify social phenomena in such a manner that the groups may be brought under uniform laws and treated by exact methods. Sociology then be- comes an exact science. Human history presents a chaos. The only science that can convert this chaos into a definite social universe is sociology, and this can only be done by the use of an appropriate method, by using the data furnished by all the special social sciences, including the great scientific trunks of psy- chology, biology, and cosmology, and by generalizing and coordinating facts and groups of facts until unity is attained. 30. The basis of method is logic, and the basis of logic is the law of causation. The object of method is clearness, and what is logical is usually clear. At least, the same subject, however abstruse or inher- ently difficult, will be clearer of comprehension if 1 Small, Methodology. Durkheim, Les regies de la methode sociolo- gique. 24 Need of Logical Sequence 25 logically presented than if incoherently presented. This principle lies at the foundation of style. That which renders a style easy is the strict logical se- quence of ideas. What is true of style is true of other things. It is especially true of education, and it is probable that something like double the progress could be made by pupils and students of all grades, if an exact logical method could be adopted in the order of studies, so that every new study would naturally grow out of the one that had preceded it. For every large subject is complex and embraces a great number of component subjects, and most of these can be arranged in a series of logically con- nected ideas or facts. A treatise on any science is easy or hard in proportion as this is done. The need of method increases with the complexity of a science. Sociology, as the most complex of all the sciences, has the greatest need of it. 31. A true science is a field of phenomena occurring Science as a in regular order as the effects of natural causes, such J^ am ° that a knowledge of the causes renders it possible to predict the effects. The causes are always the natural forces. The order in which the phenomena occur con- stitutes the laws that govern the science. These laws must be studied until they are understood the same as the laws of gravitation, heat, and light in physics have been studied. In sociology there is a disposition to deny that there are any such laws, forces, or causes. The favorite standpoint of all who dispute the title of sociology to rank as a science is that of mathe- matics. The laws of astronomy, of physics, and to a large extent of chemistry, can be reduced to mathe- tion. 16 Methodology matical notation. The assumption is that anything that cannot be so reduced cannot be a science. It does not always follow that because the phenomena embraced by a science are subject to uniform laws they can always be reduced to mathematical for- mulas. Only a comparatively small part of physics is of a character to require mathematical treatment. It is still less so in chemistry. Uniform laws or processes are the essentials of a science. Their mathematical expression is not essential. The soci- ologist, therefore, need only inquire whether society is a domain of uniform laws. That it should not seem to be is natural enough to superficial observers. 1 Generaiiza- 32. The principle which underlies the proposition that sociology is a true science is that in the complex sciences the quality of exactness is only perceptible in their Jiigher generalizations. The method in sociology is generalization. Precisely what is meant by this may require some illustration. It is essentially the process of grouping phenomena and using the groups as units. The phenomena of society are omnipresent. They obtrude upon the view at every turn. The facts that the sociologist must use are spontaneously sup- plied to him every moment and everywhere. He need not go in search of them. The ones that are thus hourly thrust upon him are the most important of all. If he travel through all lands, he will find the same facts. What he will find additional is only auxiliary and valuable for comparative study. Yet as a rule only the sociologist or true student of society comprehends these facts. 1 See Pure sociology ; Kant, p. 152, Quetelet, p. 149. The Method of Generalization 27 33. In the domain of anthropology we find this in anthro- truth exemplified at every point. What Tylor has polo sy- called ethnographic parallels, viz., the occurrence of the same or similar customs, practices, ceremonies, arts, beliefs, and even games, symbols, and patterns, in peoples of nearly the same culture at widely sepa- rated regions of the globe, proves, except in a few cases of known derivation through migration, that there is a uniform law in the psychic and social development of mankind at all times and under all circumstances. The details will vary with the cli- mate and other physical differences in the environ- ment, but if we continue to rise in the process of generalization, we will ultimately reach a plane on which all mankind are alike. 34. Even in civilized races there are certain things in great absolutely common to all. The great primary feelings P nmar y and wants are the same the world over. Political passions, organizations seem to differ immensely, but there is much more agreement than difference. Creeds, cults, and sects multiply and seem to present the utmost heterogeneity, but there is a common basis even of belief, and on certain occasions all some- times unite in a common cause. Not only are the common wants of men the same, but their passions are also the same, and those acts growing out of them which are regarded as destructive of the social order and condemned by law and public opinion are committed in the face of these restraining influences with astonishing regularity. This is not seen by the ordinary observer, but when accurate statistics are brought to bear upon this class of social phenomena, 28 Methodology they prove to be quite as uniform, though not quite so frequent, as the normal operations of life. 1 35. This then is what is meant by generalization. We have only to carry it far enough in order to arrive at unity. Society is a domain of law, and sociology is an abstract science in the sense that it does not attend to details except as aids in arriving at the law that underlies them all. Law in This has been called the historical perspective. It is the discovery of law in history, whether it be the history of the past or the present, and including under history social as well as political phenomena. There is nothing very new in this. It is really the oldest of all sociological conceptions. The earliest gropings after a social science consisted in a recogni- tion of law in human affairs. The so-called precur- sors of sociology have been those who have perceived more or less distinctly a method or order in human events. All who have done this, however dimly, have been set down as the heralds of the new science. Such adumbrations of the idea of law in society were frequent in antiquity. In mediaeval times they were more rare ; but before Comte had given name and form to sociology Saint-Simon, Bastiat, Carey, and John Stuart Mill had more or less clearly formulated the general doctrine of his- torical determinism, and the philosophy of history had received wide recognition. The theologically inclined, when this truth was brought home to them, characterized it by the phrase "God in history," and saw in the order of events the divine hand guiding 1 Cooley, Human nature and the social order. Law of Parsimony 29 the acts of men toward some predestined goal. This is perhaps the most common view to-day, and the general optimism of mankind furnishes all the faith necessary to harmonize the doctrine with the scien- tific law of human evolution. But science deals with phenomena and can only deal with phenomena. Sociology, therefore, becomes a science only when human events are recognized as phenomena, and as phenomena of the same general character as other natural phenomena, only more complex and difficult to study on account of the subtle psychic causes that so largely produce them. 36. Careful observation reveals the fact that all The law of social phenomena are the results of laws. But the PH? 1 ™ 11 ^ fundamental law of everything psychic, and espe- cially of everything that is affected by intelligence, is the law of parsimony. This law was first clearly grasped by the political economists, and by many it is regarded as only an economic law. Here it is usually called the law of greatest gain for least effort, and is the basis of scientific economics. But it is much broader than this, and not only plays an impor- tant role in psychology, but becomes, in that collec- tive psychology which constitutes so nearly the whole of sociology, the scientific corner-stone of that science also. We have seen that the quality of scientific exactness in sociology can only be clearly perceived in its higher generalizations, where we can plainly see the relations and can be sure of their absolute uniformity and reliability. When we reach the law of parsimony, we seem to have attained the maximum stage of generalization, and have a law as exact as 3 r duction for their functional end in the direction of creating and transforming social structures. Keep- ing in view, however, the genetic method of treat- ment, the subject demands that exploration be made into the remote and obscure beginnings and prehu- man course of things leading up to and explaining 106 Theories of Sex-Relationship 107 the facts that lie on the surface of the highly artificial and conventionalized society of to-day. At the out- set, therefore, two theories will be presented to account for the existing relations between the sexes, between which the reader can choose according to the consti- tution of his mind, or he can reject both. The first may be called the androcentric theory, the second the gyncecocentric theory. I. The Androcentric Theory 127. The androcentric theory is the view that the male sex is primary and the female secondary in the organic scheme, that all things center, as it were, about the male, and that the female, though necessary in carrying out the scheme, is only the means of con- tinuing the life of the globe, but is otherwise an un- important accessory, an incidental factor in the general result. This is the general statement of the androcen- tric theory as a tenet of biological philosophy, but as a tenet of sociology or anthropology, it becomes the view that man is primary and woman secondary, that all things center, as it were, about man, and that woman, though necessary to the work of reproduc- tion, is only a means of continuing the human race, but is otherwise an unimportant accessory, an inci- dental factor in the general result. II. The Gyncecocentric Theory 128. The gynaecocentric theory is the view that Female sex the female sex is primary and the male secondary in P nmar y- the organic scheme, that originally and normally all 108 The Phylogenetic Forces things center, as it were, about the female, and that the male, though not necessary in carrying out the scheme, was developed under the operation of the principle of advantage to secure organic progress through the crossing of strains. The theory further claims that the apparent male superiority in the human race and in certain of the higher animals and birds is the result of specialization in extra- normal directions, due to causes which have noth- ing to do with the general scheme, but which can be explained on biological and psychological princi- ples ; that it only applies to certain characters, and to a relatively small number of genera and families. It accounts for the prevalence of the androcentric theory by the superficial character of human knowl- edge of such subjects, chiefly influenced by the illu- sion of the near, but largely, in the case of man at least, by tradition, convention, and prejudice. But it so happens that while the facts depended upon to support the androcentric theory are patent to all, those that support the gynsecocentric theory are la- tent and known to very few. A fuller statement of the basis for this theory is therefore essential. 129. In brief it may be said that the male was created at a comparatively late period in the history of organic life, but soon began to assume more or less the form and character of the primary organism, which is then called the female. Selection of the best exam- ples and rejection of the inferior ones caused the male to rise in the scale and resemble more and more the primary organism, or female. But other qualities were also selected than those that the female pos- Gynaecocracy 109 sessed. This was due to the early development of the aesthetic faculty in the female, and these qualities were in the nature of embellishments. The male, therefore, while approaching the form and stature of the female, began to differ from her in these aesthetic qualities. The result was that in the two highest classes of animals, birds and mammals, the male became in many cases, but not in all, highly ornamental, and endowed with numerous peculiar organs, called sec- ondary sexual characters. To further selection a plu- rality of males often occurred, and these became rivals for female favor. This led to battles among the males, which further developed the latter, espe- cially in the direction of size, strength, weapons of of- fense, and general fighting capacity. These qualities were never used to force the female into submission, but always and solely to gain her favor and insure the selection of the successful rivals. In many birds and mammals these qualities thus became greatly over- developed, resulting in what may be called male efflo- rescence. To a considerable extent, but less than in many other species, the immediate ancestors of man possessed this overdevelopment of the male, and in most primates the male is larger, stronger, and more highly ornamented than the female. 130. When the human race finally appeared through Gynsecoc gradual emergence from the great simian stock, this racy - difference in the sexes existed, and sexual selection was still going on. Primitive woman, though somewhat smaller, physically weaker, and aesthetically plainer than man, still possessed the power of selection, and was mistress of the kinship group. Neither sex had I IO The Phylogenetic Forces any more idea of the connection between fertilization and reproduction than do animals, and therefore the mother alone claimed and cared for the offspring, as is done throughout the animal kingdom below man. So long as this state of things endured the race re- mained in the stage called gyncecocracy, or female rule. That this was a very long stage is attested by a great number of facts. 131. As it was brain development which alone made man out of an animal by enabling him to break over faunal barriers and overspread the globe, so it was brain development that finally suggested the connec- tion between fertilization and reproduction, and led to the recognition by man of his paternity and joint pro- prietorship with woman in the offspring of their loins. This produced a profound social revolution, overthrew the authority of woman, destroyed her power of selec- tion, and finally reduced her to the condition of a mere slave of the stronger sex, although that strength had been conferred by her. The stage of gynaecocracy was succeeded by the stage of androcracy, and the subjection of woman was rendered complete. 132. Under the patriarchate, or patriarchal family, woman was reduced to a mere chattel, bought and sold, enslaved, and abused beyond any power of description. At a later stage, brought about by the collision of primitive hordes and by a general system of wars and conquests resulting in race amalgama- tion, forms of marriage more or less ceremonial arose, which, though all in the nature of the transfer of women for a consideration, still somewhat mitigated the horrors of earlier periods, and resulted in a gen- Andreclexis 1 1 1 eral state of polygyny among the upper classes. The powerful effect of race mixture in hastening brain development, coupled with its other effect in creating a leisure class in which the physical wants, including the sexual, were fully supplied, resulted in a high aesthetic sense in man, and led to a widespread system of male sexual selection, or andreclexis, 1 through which the physical nature of woman began to be modified. Although this could affect only a com- paratively small percentage of all women, it was sufficient to produce types of female beauty, and it is chiefly to this cause that woman has acquired the quality of a " fair sex," in so far as this term is appli- cable. The general effect of male sexual selection, however, was rather to diminish than to increase her real value, and to lower than to raise her general status. It increased her dependence upon man, while at the same time reducing her power to labor or in any way protect or preserve herself. 1 The various kinds of selection play such an important role in modern dynamic biology that they seem to demand a special termi- nology. The phrases natural selection, artificial selection, sexual selec- tion, etc., besides being too long for convenient use, are not all free from ambiguity. For example, sexual selection does not indicate which sex does the selecting, but it is generally understood that by it only female selection is meant. To express the opposite it is necessary to say, male sexual selection. It should be possible to designate each different kind of selection by a single word, and the following terms are there- fore proposed. They are derived from the Greek word e/