i f: p?) / 5?/y < of > *^-->--. x^* \ SL j t >/*w/ will think it very foolish, but I used to have a swim every morning. I went out in the hills of Rajmahal shooting in grass 12 ft. high, where it abounds with tigers and leopards, but did not see any, though we came on a place where a cow had been killed lately ; all the bones were broken but it was not quite eaten, and there was a tremendous smell like that of a menagerie at a country fair. We saw some wild hogs, but the grass was so thick I could not get a shot at them." The first letter from Lucknow is dated June 3, 1838. He informs his sister that Crawford had arrived at Calcutta on the 25th of March, but their parcel containing a ring did not reach him till the nth of May. "When Crawford joins this corps I shall be happy, and we shall be able to save a good deal of our pay. You asked me how much I weighed and measured. I am 5 ft. 10^ in. in height, and 11 st. 4 Ibs. in weight, and I do not think my phiz has much altered." He gives an account of daily incidents and impressions in his letters to his mother. Every tenth night he was on picquet duty, and had to visit all the guards round canton- ments upwards of five miles. "It is a disagreeable duty, as this country is nothing but ravines and sand-banks, and there are quantities of wells, and as you are not allowed to take a light, you do not know where they are till you tumble down them. Lieut. Ramsay of the loth fell down one the other day and cut his throat tremendously." Luck- now was at this time the most polished and splendid Court THE COURT AT LUCKNOW II in India, and the young subaltern gives his eldest sister an account of a dinner at the palace. " LUCKNOW, July Stti, 1838. " MY DEAR ANNE, I again sit down to tell you how I am getting on, and all the news of the place. Since writing to my mother I have dined at the royal palace, and as I am sure you would like to know how everything is conducted at the palace of an Eastern king, I will tell you to the best of my remembrance. The dinner was given in honour of the king's accession to the throne (Thursday, 28th June). But I must tell you he is a very old man and never shows himself. The heir apparent takes his place and is treated just as if he were on the throne. All the officers on the station were asked, but some did not like to go owing to the great heat of the weather, and being obliged to be buttoned up in full dress, which I can assure you is no joke with the thermometer at 96 in the open air and much more where so many lights were burning. Elephants were provided for those who required them ; of course those who had carriages or buggys preferred them to riding on an elephant at the rate of three miles an hour, but as I had none I went on an elephant with Home the Adjutant. We got to the palace at 8 o'clock, and after going through several arches and courts we dismounted, no person being allowed to enter the pre- cincts but on foot; the rest of the way was lined with the King's Bodyguard. We went through several more archways until we came to the palace. In the centre is a tank with three beautiful jets d'eau lighted round with thousands of variegated coloured lamps, the effect of which is, as you may imagine, very pretty. The place put me in mind of the Palais Royal, only it was of a different style of architecture. On the right, and on each side, are steps leading to the state rooms, the hall of audience, the reception room, and several other smaller ones. The reception room is ornamented with carved wood, with festoons projecting from the walls from which native chandeliers hang of coloured lamps, which gives to the room a very pretty colour. On the ceiling are painted nautches, &c., and one side of this room is a raised platform under beautifully carved and painted arches, where, while we dined, the nautch girls played and sang. Opposite, another platform, exactly the same, was occu- pied by the King's Band, and in the middle a third for jugglers, tumblers, and jesters to amuse the company. " At 8 o'clock the Prime Minister goes to fetch the Resident in a gilt tonjon, attended by 200 or 300 men carrying torches, besides cavalry and infantry. The Resident comes to meet him at the door, when the P.M. tells him the king begs his company at the palace. The Resident gets into another tonjon and they return together in 12 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN state. The Resident rides through the gate, where we and every one else dismounted. He is then taken by the P.M. and introduced to the king, who puts his arms round his neck and kisses him (a la crapaud}, when the rest of the company come in and make their salaam without however saying anything without being spoken to. The Resident then sits on the right of the king, and the Brigadier commanding British troops in Oude on his left, the rest of the company round the room on ottomans. The dresses of the royal family are magnificent. They wear cloth of gold with golden crowns on their heads. The handles of their scimitars set in diamonds and rubies, as likewise their scabbards and clasps of their sword belts ; nothing but precious stones ! The heir apparent had a little green plume fastened into his turban by a diamond an inch square. I believe no money could buy it. When dinner was announced the heir was pushed off his chair by half-a-dozen of the royal family (although able to walk as well as myself), three noblemen carried his sword, he took hold of the Resident's arm and walked to the entertaining -room where dinner was laid. I should say more correctly he was carried there, for his legs hardly touched the ground the whole time. About 100 people sat down to dinner. The heir apparent being in the centre, with the Resident on the right, the Brigadier on the left, the royal family to the right and left, and all the other visitors on the other side of the table. The dinner was good and the service beautiful. The centre ornament of solid gold is said to have cost twenty lacs of rupees (,200,000). While we were at dinner the nautch girls' band, jugglers, &c., took it by turns to play. After dinner the Resident and European officers drank the king's and royal families' health, when the heir got up and was again carried in the same state, having hold of the Resident's arm. We now adjourned to another part of the palace where the throne is (a most splendid one) ; passing through several state apartments we came on a large verandah overlooking the river where seats were placed for us to view the fireworks and the nautch girls dancing in boats covered with cloth. After some time the heir was again taken back to the Audience Hall where we departed, each coming up and making a bow, when he put a tinsel silver chain on our necks and sprinkled us with otto of roses. Thus ended the party, with which I was very much pleased, &c., &c., &c. NEVILLE." The time had now come when the routine of garrison duty in the neighbourhood of an Oriental Court was to be exchanged for the dangers and privations of war, in a country of rugged mountains, against a savage and fanatic foe. Neville Chamberlain's first experience of cam- SELECTED FOR SERVICE IN AFGHANISTAN 13 paigning was to be in a field where disaster overtook our arms, but many gleams of valour were not wanting. On the i6th of Sepember 1838, the young subaltern of eighteen wrote to his mother : " You will be surprised to hear that I have been removed from the 55th and posted to the i6th Regiment at Delhi, which is going on the campaign supposed to be against Cabul. You may suppose how astonished I was at this change, of which I was not in the least aware till I saw myself removed and ordered to join as soon as possible. I am very glad of it, as I now hope to begin my profession with seeing active service. I suppose the Commander-in-Chief did it for the purpose of giving me an op- portunity of distinguishing myself, and I assure you that no opportunity shall pass without my doing my utmost to profit by it. I am as much delighted at Crawford's good luck as my own. He has been posted to the 28th Regiment, which is one of the corps going on the campaign. We may be in different brigades, but at all events we shall meet at Kurnaul, the place of rendezvous" CHAPTER II. Dost Mahomed's letter of congratulation to Lord Auckland Lord Auckland's reply Alexander Burnes' mission to Cabul Proposed alliance with Dost Mahomed Persian expedition against Herat Failure of Burnes' Mission Excitement in British India Lord Auckland resolves to restore Shah Shooja The Tripartite Treaty The Governor-General publishes a manifesto Assembly of the Bengal troops at Ferozepore Arrival of Neville and Crawford Chamberlain Festivities Reviews Resignation of Sir Henry Fane Bengal division advances from Ferozepore Arrival at Bhawulpore, December 29, 1838 Bridging the Indus Surrender of Bukkur Description by Crawford Chamberlain Shah Shooja reviews the troops Neville Chamberlain's portrait of him Passage of the Bolan Pass Arrival at Quetta Sir John Keane assumes command of the army Advance of the force Nature of the country between Quetta and Candahar The Khojak chain sur- mounted Arrival at Candahar The Shah's entry into the city His installation Nature of his reception The English at Candahar Letter from Neville Chamberlain. IT was in the spring of 1836, when the Shah of Persia, urged by Russia, was planning a campaign against Herat, the chief frontier city of Western Afghanistan and the gate towards which all great routes from Central Asia into India converge, that Dost Mahomed, who had made himself Ameer or Commander of Cabul, sent a letter of congratula- tion to Lord Auckland on his assumption of the office of Cover nor -General. "The field of my hopes," he wrote, "which had before been chilled by the cold blast of wintry times, has by the happy tidings of your lordship's arrival become the envy of the garden of paradise." To recover Peshawur was the great ambition of Dost Mahomed's life, and he reminded his lordship of " the conduct of the reck- less and misguided Sikhs and their breach of treaty." DOST MAHOMED'S LETTER 15 " Communicate to me whatever may suggest itself to your wisdom for the settlement of the affairs of this country, that it may serve as a rule for my guidance. I hope," the Ameer added in true Oriental fashion, "that your lordship will consider me and my country as your own." It was a friendly letter from a sovereign who had good ground for complaint against the Indian Government. Shah Shooja, the grandson of Ahmed Shah Abdale, 1 who in the middle of the eighteenth century, at the time when the English were founding their Indian Empire, had created the Afghan kingdom, was living as a pensioner of the British Govern- ment at Loodianah, then our frontier military post on the Sutlej. He had in 1819 made a vain attempt to recover his throne. In 1833 Lord William Bentinck had granted an advance of pension to Shah Shooja when he was about to invade Sind and advance on Afghanistan. It was a grave error. It led Dost Mahomed and the Candahar chief to regard with supreme suspicion the good faith of the British Government, and to look for an alliance with Persia. Dost Mahomed outside Candahar routed Shah Shooja, who, lacking the greatest virtue which an Afghan possesses courage, fled from the fight. In the meantime, Runjeet Singh, who had welded the Punjab into a strong military despotism, occupied the Afghan province of Peshawur. In reply to Dost Mahomed's remark about the conduct of the Sikhs in seizing Peshawur, Lord Auckland wrote : " You are aware that it is not the practice of the British Government to 1 The Abdalees, pure blood Afghans, are split into a number of khels or clans, of whom the Populzye are supposed to have the bluest blood. Ahmed Khan belonged to the Sadduzye branch of the Populzye clan, a branch regarded with a sort of religious veneration by the tribe. The other important branch of the clan are the Barukzyes. When Ahmed Khan was elected Shah or King of Candahar his greatest subject was the chief of the Barukzyes, whose descendants became heredit- ary ministers. Elphinstone states that from some superstitious motive Ahmed Shah changed the name of his tribe from Abdalee to Durranee, but the name may have had a still earlier origin. The empire which he built up (1747-1773), extending from Herat to Cabul and from Balkh to Sind, is known in history as the Durranee Empire and his dynasty as the Durranee Shahs. Dost Mahomed was the son of a powerful Barukzye minister, and his dynasty is known as the Barukzye dynasty, and his successors are the Ameers or Commanders of Cabul. l6 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN interfere with the affairs of other independent states." He also suggested that he was about " deputing some gentle- man " to talk over commercial matters with the Ameer. Alexander Burnes, the young Bombay officer, who had won so much renown by his adventures through Central Asia, was selected to conduct a commercial mission to " the countries bordering on the Indus." He was a fine linguist, a good topographer, and endowed with the love of the spirit of research ; but he was too ambitious to be the head of a mere commercial mission, and too sanguine and credulous to be a good political envoy. On the 26th of November 1836, Burnes, accompanied by Lieutenant Leech of the Bombay Engineers, and Lieutenant Wood of the Indian Navy, sailed from Bombay, and reached Sind after a voyage of seventeen days. In one of the most delightful books of travel ever published, Burnes gives us an account of his sail up the Indus through lands then unexplored. On the 2Oth of September 1837, two months before the Persian army began the siege of Herat, Burnes entered Cabul, and was received with great pomp and splendour by a great body of Afghan cavalry, led by the Ameer's son, Akbar Khan. " He did me the honour," wrote Burnes, " to place me on the same elephant on which he himself rode, and conducted me to his father's court, whose reception of us was most cordial." Burnes had visited Cabul in his travels, and already been a guest of Dost Mahomed. The next day the British envoy, or head of the Commercial Mission, as it was euphoniously called in the official documents, had an interview with Dost Mahomed, and delivered to him his credentials from the Governor- General. His reception of them was all that could be desired. " I informed him that I had brought with me as presents to his Highness some of the rarities of Europe ; he promptly replied that we our- selves were the rarities, the sight of which best pleased him." Dost Mahomed attempted to obtain from Burnes an assurance that the British Government would aid him in procuring the restoration of Peshawur. But Runjeet RUSSIAN ENVOY AT CABUL 17 Singh had a good title to Peshawur, and the British Government of India could neither persuade nor force him to hand it over to the Afghans. Dost Mahomed then turned to the Russians, from whom he hoped to gain greater advantages than from the English alliance. On April 26, 1838, Burnes quitted Cabul, and the Russian envoy who had arrived there remained an honoured guest. It was now absolutely necessary to check the aggressive measures of Persia and Russia, which had been made more formidable by Dost Mahomed's negotiations with Russia. A due regard for the security of British India, to say nothing of the internal tranquillity of the continent, made it indispensable that we should re-establish our influence in Afghanistan. When Lord Auckland took his seat as Governor-General the continent of India and the border states were, after a long era of peace, in a state of unrest. Nepaul and Burma now threatened invasion. The Mahratta powers, who were- at the head of considerable states, had submitted to our victorious arms, but they looked forward to the day when they would regain their international independence. The preaching of the Wahabi fanatic Syed Ahmed Khan in 1820-21 had aroused the fanaticism of the Moslem com- munity. Not a generation had passed since we became masters of Delhi, and the Mahomedans of Upper India, hearing of the movements that were taking place beyond the Afghan border, looked forward to a Mahomedan invasion which would deliver them from the yoke of the infidel. 1 Lord Auckland was told by the Government at home, " That the time had arrived at which it would be right to interfere decidedly in the affairs of Afghanistan." Lord Auckland determined to re-establish the Sadduzye dynasty at Cabul, and to maintain the independence of Herat as a separate state. Burnes, Lord, and others who had visited Afghan- istan, assured him that Shah Shooja, a representative of 1 After the Mutiny it was discovered that for more than fifty years prayers had been daily uttered in the mosques for the restoration of the power of the Moghuls. B l8 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN the legitimate line of descent, would be welcomed by a powerful party in Cabul, to whom the rule of the Barukzye Ameer was odious. They forgot that any ruler placed on the throne by British bayonets could not be popular with turbulent and brave tribes. And Lord Auckland had no means of knowing that Shah Shooja was the most incap- able and feeble of men. The restoration of the exiled monarch having been resolved upon, the Governor-General proceeded to conclude, with the approbation of the English Ministry, a tripartite treaty between the British Govern- ment, Runjeet Singh, and Shah Shooja. On September 10, 1838, Lord Auckland issued directions for the formation of an army in Afghanistan. On October 18 the Governor-General published a Manifesto, assigning the cause which led the Government of India to resolve on the fall of Dost Mahomed Khan and the restoration of Shah Shooja. " It would have been much more effective," wrote Lord Auckland, " if I had not had the fear of Downing Street before my eyes." There was no mention of Russia, though the action of Russia on Persia was one of the main causes of the war. The Proclamation concludes as follows : " His Majesty Shah Soojah will enter Afghanistan surrounded by his own troops, and will be supported against foreign interference and factious opposition by a British Army. The Governor-General confidently hopes that the Shah will be speedily replaced on his throne by his own subjects and adherents, and when once he shall be secured in power, and the independence and integrity of Affghanistan established, the British Army will be withdrawn. The Governor -General has been led to these measures by the duty which is imposed upon him of providing for the security of the possessions of the British Crown, but he rejoices that in the discharge of that duty he will be enabled to assist in restoring the union and prosperity of the Affghan people." How the British army marched into Afghanistan, the hardships it endured, the battles it fought, are related in the letters of Neville and Crawford Chamberlain. The story of the First Afghan Campaign is a tale of disaster, but of disaster illuminated by many noble acts of valour. A MIGHTY FAMINE IQ Ten days after the issue of the Proclamation Neville Chamberlain arrived at Allygurh, the military station near Agra. In the year 1837 famine, the greatest of all the calamities which visit and waylay the life of man, affected the Upper Provinces. It was like all great famines, the culminating distress that closed a series of bad seasons. Of the desolation caused by it, Neville Chamberlain was an eye-witness. "The sights one continually sees are very shocking," he writes to his brother, " men, women and children in every stage of hunger, living skeletons, and dead and dying by the roadside. I cannot tell you the great misery. If they go to a native for relief they are beaten and sent away. Large sums have been collected by all the Europeans in India, and the Company has given up the revenue for this year, but it requires millions to feed them." At the great military station of Kurnal, the trysting-place of the men of the artillery and infantry, Neville Chamber- lain's long-looked-for wish came to pass. He wrote to his sister : " I have old Squaretoes sitting by my side. I arrived here the 27th September, and Crawford came out to meet me ; he has grown so much that I did not know him till he called out." The lad adds : " Crawford is just the same as ever : we talk of sweet home, and our conversation generally begins with ' Don't you remember ? ' and ends with a hearty laugh. I have a very nice tent, which is plenty big enough for two, and if Crawford can get into this regiment we live together." Crawford, who was beloved of all men, was a special favourite of Sir Henry Fane, with whom he used to spend his holiday when his family was abroad, and the Commander- in-Chief had him attached to the i6th N.I. Thus the great desire of the two brothers was realised. "My regiment is in ist Brigade ist Division," writes Neville Chamberlain, " under Sir Willoughby Cotton." He adds, " the corps seems a very fine one ; there is a band and mess : it has now fifteen officers present. We have lots of parade. Yesterday Sir Willoughby Cotton inspected us and gave great praise. To-morrow Col. Sale of 20 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN the 1 3th Light Infantry inspects us. He has command of the ist Brigade, which is composed of i6th N.I., H.M. i3th, and 48th N.I. I am in the Grenadier company, but shall get exchanged into the Light company, as they are used in all skirmishes, and see most service." At three o'clock in the morning of the 8th of November the bugles of the first brigade were heard, and the columns were put in motion by moonlight into the cross-roads which conducted from the level around to the tracks over sandy plain, long grass and jungle, " which was cut and turned down to form a road for our troops." The march of the columns was through the Company's Sutlej States, and the country is described as very desolate, "no cultivation seen except near the villages, which are twelve or sixteen miles apart." On the morning of the 26th the leading column, as it paused in the darkness for a few minutes, felt the breeze blow with unusual freshness. " We were approaching the waters of the Ghara ; we passed by the glimmering light of daybreak through the walled town of Ferozepore, the ditch of which had been deepened, and its defences improved by our engineers, and in the plains a few hundred yards beyond found the lines of a vast encampment already traced out, on which we took our places." l By November 25 in that vast encampment was assembled a force of 14,000 of all arms. It would have been a strong force but for one grave defect. It had only four European regiments viz., the I3th, the Buffs, and the i6th Lancers, and the Bengal European Regiment. The Shah's Con- tingent was also at Ferozepore. It was stated in the Governor- General's proclamation "that his Majesty Shah Shuja-ool-Moolk will enter Afghanistan surrounded by his own troops," and in order to give effect to this statement a contingent, amounting to 6000 men of all arms, natives of the British provinces of India, was raised. The " Shah's Contingent," as it was euphoniously called by the British Government, was commanded by British officers, equipped 1 'Narrative of the War in Afghanistan in 1838-39.' By Captain Henry Have- lock, 1 3th Regiment (Light Infantry). THE ARMY OF THE INDUS 21 from the British magazines, and paid for by the Indian treasury. Thus he was to enter Afghanistan " surrounded by his own troops." The chief force provided for the Afghanistan expedition, styled "The Army of the Indus," after the style of Napoleon's bulletins, consisted not only of the two Bengal divisions but also a Bombay division, amounting to 5000 men of all arms, under the command of Sir John Keane, the Commander- in -Chief of the Bombay army, a veteran of Peninsular fame. On the soth of November the Bombay division had all landed on the coast of Sind. " No preparation whatever had been made by the Ameers of Sind either for carnage of the troops or for provisioning them." The day Neville Chamberlain arrived at Ferozepore he went with his regiment to the Governor -General's camp, which was about four miles from the bank of the river, to form a street for Runjeet's envoy. "The object of his visit was to appoint a day for the meeting that was to take place between Runjeet and Lord Auckland. He came on elephants with his staff, all richly dressed in silk embroidered in gold and silver, the elephants beautifully trapped with gilt howdahs and cloth worked in gold and silver in fact, it was a very gorgeous sight." The meeting took place two days later. It was even a more gallant show. As the salute announcing the approach of the Maharaja was heard, Lord Auckland, habited in a blue coat embroidered with gold, and wearing the ribbon of the Bath, Sir Henry Fane in the uniform of a general- officer, covered with orders, " the tallest and most stately person in the whole procession of both nations," and the united staffs in uniform, mounted their elephants. The gigantic animals, goaded by their drivers, moved with a simultaneous rush to the front : " Forward to meet them came on a noisy and disorderly, though gorgeous, rabble of Sikh horse and footmen, shouting out the titles 1 Captain Outram's Narrative. He was an extra A.D.C. to Sir John Keane. 22 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN of their great Sirdar, some habited in glittering brocade, some in busuntee or bright spring yellow dresses, which command so much respect in the Punjab, some wearing chain armour. But behind these clamorous foot and cavaliers were the elephants of the Lord of Lahore, and seated in the foremost was an old man in an ad- vanced stage of decrepitude, clothed in faded crimson, his head wrapped up in folds of cloth of the same colour. His single eye still lighted up with the fire of enterprise, his grey hair and beard, and countenance of calm design, assured the spectators that this could be no other than the old c Lion of the Punjab.' " l The Governor-General, rising up in his howdah, approaches that of Runjeet, returns his salaam, embraces him, and, taking him by the arm and supporting his tottering frame, places him by his side on his own elephant. The elephant which bore the two rulers makes its way through the crowd towards the entrance of the Durbar tent, and the two pro- cessions of elephants rush simultaneously after them. So great was the throng, so violent the press, that many of the attendant Sikhs, knowing that treachery was no novelty in such receptions in Indian history, " began to blow their matches and grasp their weapons with an air of mingled distrust and ferocity." The Lion of the Punjab, a decrepit old man, entered the Durbar tent supported on one side by the Governor-General, on the other by the Commander- in-Chief, and, after some grave matters of state had been discussed by the two rulers, and presents exchanged, the historic Durbar came to a close. Neville Chamberlain writes: "The Governor -General gave him two very nice guns (8-pounders) with which he seemed very pleased, besides which he gave him twenty horses, an elephant beautifully trapped, a picture of the Queen, and several small things, such as pistols, guns, swords, watches, jewels," &c. A strange incident occurred with regard to the " two very nice guns " which Henry Havelock describes : " In a retired part of the suite of tents were placed two very hand- some well-cast howitzers, intended as complimentary gifts to the Sikh 1 'Narrative of the War in Afghanistan in 1838-39.' By Captain Henry Have- lock, 1 3th Regiment (Light Infantry-). A GALLANT SHOW 23 ruler. These he came forth from the council tent, supported by Sir Henry Fane, to see. The light in the recesses of these spacious pavilions was glimmering and crepusculous, and the aged Maharajah, heedless of the shells, which were piled in pyramids below, was step- ping up towards the muzzles of the guns, when his feet tripped amidst the spherical missiles, and in a moment he lay prostrate on his face at full length on the floor in front of the cannon. The kind and prompt exertions of Sir Henry replaced him instantaneously on his legs, but the spectacle of the Lord of the Punjab, extended in involuntary obeis- ance before the mouths of British artillery, was regarded by the Sikhs as a picture of fearful omen." The next day the Governor-General returned the visit of the Maharaja, who had pitched on the other side of the river his imposing array of tents and pavilions of crimson cashmere shawl-cloth. Across the stream a bridge of boats had been established. The procession of the Governor- General reached the ford, " and the elephants did not hesitate, one after the other, to venture on the planks, which trembled beneath their ponderous pressure." On the right bank the Lancers, as the elite of the British cavalry, were drawn up on either side, and beyond them, in extended and glittering line, helmeted, and habited in long dress of yellow, were seen the horsemen of the Punjab. The Maha- raja advanced to meet his guest, and taking him into his howdah the procession proceeded until it reached the lofty portal of a gay pavilion of crimson and gold. In that royal tent the rulers had another long conversation, and after the due formalities had been observed the British troops returned to the Governor-General's camp. Besides pageants and feasts there were brilliant exhibitions of mimic war. On one day Sir Henry Fane, in the presence of the Maharaja and of the Governor-General, attacked with the British force, not falling short of 10,000 men of all arms, an imaginary force. Runjeet Singh, who was well acquainted with our tactics, watched with deep interest every move- ment, and was greatly struck with the bearing of the British soldier. His own review, or as Havelock calls it, " Potsdam parade," was a more modest show, as his main army was watching his northern frontier. 24 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN " He displayed seven battalions of regular infantry and four regi- ments of cavalry, with as many troops of horse artillery in the inter- vals between brigades and half- brigades. His foot were formed three deep, and manoeuvred as instructed by their French officers, carrying their arms with a bent elbow and beating distinctly with the foot the slower time of their shorter-paced quick march, as might have been seen at a review in the Champ de Mars, whilst their bands and drums and fifes assembled in the centre of battalions guided and gave ani- mation to each change of position." In the evening the waters of the Sutlej were bright with myriads of floating lights, and there was a display of fire- works on a scale of Eastern magnificence. The next day Runjeet Singh left for Lahore, and Lord Auckland followed on a complimentary visit to the Sikh capital. It was the last great week in the lives of two principal actors in that splendid and imposing scene. On the 4th of December the following notification, dated Ferozepore, 3Oth November 1836, in the Secret Department, by the Governor-General of India, was published by H.E. the Commander-in-Chief in India : "The retreat of the Persian army from before Herat having been officially announced to the Government, as notified to the public on the 8th instant, 1 the circumstances no longer exist which induced the Right Honourable the Governor-General to solicit a continuance of the services of H.E. the Commander-in-Chief with a view to his con- ducting military operations to the west of the Indus." The Proclamation had stated that the main objects for which the Army of the Indus had been assembled were the restoration of Shah Shooja to the throne of Afghanistan, and the succour or recapture of Herat, if the place should have fallen to the Persians. When the Government heard of the raising of the siege, they determined to reduce by a division the strength of the expeditionary force, and to make certain changes of importance in its disposition. Sir Henry Fane, who had brooked with impatience the crude military ideas of men who, ignorant of the very rudiments 1 The Shah raised the siege on the 9th of September 1838. It was known to the Government of India about the 22nd of October. THE BENGAL CONTINGENT ADVANCES 25 of war, had been entrusted by the Governor-General with arrangements for which they were incompetent, relin- quished the command of the expedition. 1 Major- General Sir Willoughby Cotton was appointed to command the detachment of the Bengal army, and the second division of infantry was to remain at Ferozepore, also occupying Loodianah. " Sir Henry Fane has given up the command of this army," says Neville Chamberlain, "and everybody regrets, as we shall not find any one so capable as he is to lead us ; he is to come with us as far as Shikarpore, and then goes home via Bombay. Only three brigades of infantry are going instead of five, and all the cavalry and part of the artillery. I only hope we shall have plenty to do, or it will be very disgusting to go all that way for nothing. We heard to-day that Dost Mahomed is waiting our arrival at Candahar with 60,000 men, and says we shall not put Shah Soojah on the throne. I only hope it is true, as then there will be some chance of one's distinguishing oneself." And right well did the lad avail himself of every oppor- tunity of distinguishing himself. On the loth of December the Bengal Contingent, under Sir Willoughby Cotton, consisting of about 14,000 men, with 38,000 camp-followers and 30,000 camels, set forth from Ferozepore. Shah Shooja's force, consisting of 6000 men, mainly raw levies, had preceded them by a few days. These two forces were to effect a junction with the Bombay division, separated from them by a distance of 780 miles of march. The plan of the campaign had been founded on crude political schemes, with a disregard of sound military principles. The route chosen for the invasion of Afghanistan was by the left bank of the Sutlej to its junction with the Indus, down to the left bank of the Indus to the crossing point at Roree, where the Bengal Contingent was to meet the Bombay Contingent. Thence the Army of the Indus was to proceed across the desert to 1 In a letter to ' The Times,' signed H. Fane, it was stated that the Commander- in-Chief resigned because he was disgusted with the intermeddling of officials in military matters. 26 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN Dadur, through the Bolan Pass to Quetta, and from thence through the Khojak Pass to Candahar, and from thence 387 miles to Herat. It was a circuitous route, but yet the best adapted to the end in view an early appearance before Herat. But when the siege of Herat was raised, Cabul became the main objective, and the more direct route to Cabul was across the Punjab and up the passes from Peshawur. But the Governor-General knew that the wary Runjeet Singh would never agree to a British army marching through his kingdom. He hated the whole business, but he consented to allow Shah Shooja's eldest son to advance through the Punjab direct upon Cabul with a force of about 4800 men under British officers, and he also consented to support him with a contingent of 6000 men. After leaving Ferozepore the base of our operations lay in Sind, depending on the forbearance of the wild rulers of that state. The Duke of Wellington, who confessed "that I don't admire the policy of the settlement of Afghanistan, as far as I know anything about the matter," stated at length in a memorandum and note his opinion regarding the plan of operations for the conduct of the war. Admirably clear and simple, the memorandum lays down permanent principles, to ignore which must lead to failure and disaster. He held that an operation should be carried on "by march along the river and not by embarkation." With the Sutlej on their right and the great western desert on their left, the Bengal force made its way through the territories of our ally, the Nawab of Bhawulpore. " We have had a very pleasant march as yet," writes Neville Chamberlain, on Christmas Day, 1838, " the weather being very fine and pretty cold for India. The road we have come through has been cut through the jungle, and when we halt it is nothing but fire on both sides, which looks very well at night-time." The column kept up a com- munication with Sir Henry Fane, who was proceeding FANE AT BHAWULPORE 27 down the river in his boats, and with the fleet carrying the sick and hospital stores. As the force approached Bhawulpore it exchanged the tamarisk jungle for hillocks of sand and clumps of date-trees, " which peculiarly belong to the vast tract of sterility, which may be regarded as a second line of defence to Western India, the Indus being the first." The halcyon days of the expedition were about to close. On the 2gth of December the headquarters of the army reached Bhawulpore, and found that Sir Henry Fane and his suite had already arrived at the capital. "This is a large town," says Neville Chamberlain, "the houses chiefly built with mud ; the whole town surrounded by a thick mud wall, but it would not stand against an enemy for a moment. When the Bhawulpore chief first heard of our coming through his territory he declared he would oppose us, but at the sight of our red coats he was all submission." As Bhawul Khan, the old chief, had only 4000 infantry and a few horsemen, he was wise not to oppose the in- vading host. " He was in former days a mighty hunter ; but now, if his pursuits are not highly intellectual, they are at least pacific, harmless, and rational. Mechanics are his chief delight, and watchmaking is the particular branch of useful industry which he most liberally patronises." On the 30th of December the Commander - in - Chief held a Durbar at which the chief attended. " Sir Henry praised the Khan's fidelity to the British Government," to which he did not owe the slightest allegiance, and "his hospitable reception of the army in his dominions," which he had never invited. Bhawul Khan " good - humouredly under- rated his past assistance, and made only very general promises for the future." The next day Sir Henry Fane accompanied by his officers returned the visit of state at the Khan's mansion in the city. Bhawul Khan was more social than he had been the preceding day, and the con- versation turning on sport, "the Khan pointed out two of his warriors who had often encountered and killed tigers 28 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN in single combat with no weapon than the sword." He added, however, that "he had of late years entirely inter- dicted such hazardous conflicts, as he did not wish, for the sake of a vainglorious boast, to endanger the lives of his subjects." On the morning of the ist of January 1839 tne Bengal force was again put in motion, and fourteen days later it entered the Sind territory. The day preceding, Alexander Burnes, who was now a colonel and a Knight Commander of the Bath, arrived in camp. He had been engaged for several months in arranging supplies for the army and conducting negotiations with the Ameers. By the existing treaty with them it was stipulated that the navigation of the Indus should be opened to merchant vessels, but the passage of vessels of war, or military stores, was expressly prohibited, but the Indus was now the principal line of communication, for the British army and the Ameers were informed that they might as well hope to dam up the Indus at Bukkur as to stop the approach of the British army. On the 24th of January 1839 t* 16 headquarters reached Roree, raised on limestone crags in the bend of the little gulf, formed by the Indus being impeded by the sandy isles on which the stronghold of Bukkur is built. It "would be washed over by the river, but that from this bed basis suddenly arises a singular superstructure of hard limestone in which little masses of agate flint are thickly and deeply bedded. The isle is in length 800 yards, and in breadth varies from 150 to 100. The whole area is covered by the enceinte and buildings of the fortress, which reaches down to the water's edge. This intervening land divides the river into two channels, the northern of which does not exceed 90 yards, whilst the southern branch spreads with a whirling course towards the town of Roree to the width of 450." When the force reached Roree "the smaller arm had already been securely bridged by nineteen boats lashed together, and the Engineers were labouring incessantly in connecting seventy -five more to restrain and subdue the CESSION OF BUKKUR 2Q waters of the main stream." The Ameer of Khyrpore, Meer Rustum, had signed a treaty containing a separate article conceding the occupation of Bukkur during the war. But he refused to yield possession till the Governor-General had ratified it. On the 26th of January the document arrived, duly signed, and was handed over to Meer Rustum. He still hesitated, but a review of the British troops at which he attended convinced the aged chief that resistance was hopeless and delay dangerous. On the morning of the 2gth of January the keys of the fortress were handed over to Burnes. A wing of the 35th N.I. and the flank companies of the i6th N.I. were embarked in boats and rowed with loud shouts by the Sindian boatmen to the walls of the fortress and the lofty portal. To the last grave doubts were enter- tained whether it would be quietly surrendered, and two bags of gunpowder, sufficient to blow in the great gateway, were put on board. On reaching the island the troops landed, and formed close to the gateway, which was opened by the keys, and " the sepoys toiled up the winding access to the main rampart, crowned it, waved their caps and arms, and planted the British ensign by the side of that of Meer Rustum on one of the towers." Crawford Chamberlain writes : "The Ameer of Khyrpore made the island of Bukkur over to us for the sum (they say) of ;i 0,000, but when troops were sent (among whom were Neville and myself) to garrison it they refused to give it up. Upon which we were told to ' prime and load ' and prepare for a storm. As we were landing on the eastern side of the island, intending to do wonders, the defenders ! as they called them- selves, took the opportunity to go out by a private door on the opposite side, consequently neither Neville nor I distinguished our- selves enough to be made C.B.'s or baronets! We have given up the idea of ever going to Hydrabad or of leaving to our heirs ; 1 0,000, which as junior ensigns we fully expected to get if we forced those walls. But those Ameers seem after all rather wiser than we took them for, preferring half a loaf to none at all. At one time we thought nothing but a good storm and breach would bring them to their senses, because knowing themselves to be the most powerful men in Beloochistan they determined to try if they could not lick us too, but they have found out their mistake, deeply to their 30 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN sorrow. The Welksley, 74, Sir P. Maitland, bringing up reinforce- ments from Bombay, was fired at by a small fort at the mouth of the Indus, when immediately the Wellesley opened a broadside on her and levelled the fort to the ground. It was supposed there were some thousand people in it, who must all have been killed." On the morning of the 3Oth Sir Willoughby Cotton, with 5600 men, marched southwards by the left bank of the Indus upon Hyderabad. The Ameers of Hyderabad had refused to accede to the severe terms of the British Government, and Sir John Keane, who was marching on their capital from the south, had requested him to co- operate with the Bombay division. The Bengal troops moved on full of joy at the prospect of a hard fight and of a rich prize. Hyderabad was known to contain the accumulated wealth of the most powerful as well as the most affluent of the Ameers, " amounting in specie, jewels, and other valuables, and ingots of gold, to eight crores of Indian rupees well told, or not less than eight millions sterling." A sore disappointment, however, awaited them. On the 7th of February a despatch was received from Sir John Keane ordering them to halt. The Ameers had sub- mitted to the terms of the proffered treaty. Two days later Cotton received further instructions, ordering him to counter- march his force, and the Bengal column made its way up the mighty river till it reached the head of the great bridge. "The prows and sterns of the boats which formed the means of transit lay firm and immovable amidst the vexed and whirling currents of the stream. Strings of loaded camels were moving with stately tread across the scarcely yielding planks, and each horseman of our party dismounting and handing over his steed to the care of the attendant syce 1 (who led his charge carefully on, holding him by the snaffle), walked forward, first to the sandy platform of the fort, and then by the smaller bridge up to the right bank of the river." On the 20th of February the headquarters reached Shikarpore, " a large town, and contains a very fine bazaar, with all kinds of European goods in it. It is the best I have seen in India." The following evening the force was 1 Syce groom. HIS PORTRAIT OF SHAH SHOOJA 3! " reviewed by Shah Sujah, who was very much astonished at the steady way we marched and manoeuvred. He in- spected all the other brigades, and now he has no fear of licking the usurper." But the portrait drawn of him by Neville Chamberlain, which corresponds with a water-colour sketch done at this time, shows that the feeble creature we were putting on the throne would never be capable of lick- ing the hardy and gallant Dost Mahomed. " Shah Sujah is an old man, about sixty years of age. His beard reached to his waist, and it is naturally white, but to make himself look younger he dyes it black. He goes about in a sort of tonjon carried by twelve men, and attended by horsemen, running footmen, elephants, horses, and a hundred sepoys ; in fact, just in the same state as the Indian princes. He has a force of his own (under officers of our service), of about five thousand men, who are his body- guard, and when we have set him on the throne this force will remain in Cabul to keep him on it. It is a splendid service, and I only wish you may hear of my belonging to it in the course of a few years." Two days after the troops had been manoeuvred before the delighted Shah, Cotton again put his force in motion. The distance from Shikarpore to Dadur, the gateway of the Bolan, is 171 miles, and it was accomplished by the Bengal column in sixteen marches. The hardships endured and the difficulties encountered are described by Crawford Chamberlain in a letter from " Camp Dadur, entrance of the Bolan Pass, dated I4th March 1839. " Other shade is not to be found here, as we are in a desert. If you have a map of Central Asia you will see it marked as * a salt marsh ' fifty miles north of Shikarpore. The other night we started at ten o'clock to get on a march of twenty-six miles ; we marched at the rate of three and a half miles an hour, halting five minutes in every hour. Not a tree or shrub or blade of grass could be seen through the light the moon afforded us. It was all sand, not a bird exists on this plain, nor a village, not even a jackal for we passed camels in a putrid state, and if there had been jackals they would have been sure to have found them out. Our camels have had nothing to eat for several days, forty-five died in one night from hunger and the length of the marches (which is quite unavoidable) ; as there are no wells, and we can only carry some days' supply of 32 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN water, the sheep, camels, and elephants have had none for two days, and are not likely to get it for a third and perhaps a fourth day, as it is preferable that they should die to the soldiers." Two days after this letter was written Cotton resumed his march and entered the Bolan Pass. A railway has now conquered this stupendous defile, and it is difficult to lead the memory back to the time when our troops marched day after day over a stony and winding road, and the Beloochee freebooters carried off baggage and cattle, and murdered the stragglers. The unburied dead were left rotting on the road. "Among them were two women," says an eye-witness; "one had fallen, fearfully cut by the death -wound that had destroyed her. She lay, poor creature ! on the edge of the water, and her long black hair was floating in the ripples of the clear stream." Seven days did it take Cotton's troops to thread the Bolan Pass, fifty -nine miles in length, and scale a moun- tain range 5300 feet above the sea. On the 22nd of March they began to traverse "the Dusht-i-bee-doulut, 1 Unhappy desert," devoid of dwellings, without trees, without grass, "and shut in on every side by mountains, bleak and solemn, on the top of the highest of which were long streaks of snow." On the 27th of March, after traversing the plain for three or four miles, they saw clumps of trees and orchards, and with delight recognised the mulberry, the plum, the apricot, and the peach. " The peach- and the almond-trees were in blossom." At Quetta, "a most miserable mud town, with a small castle on a mound, on which there was a small gun on a rickety carriage," the column halted, according to the command of Sir John Keane, for further orders. For eleven days the force remained at Quetta, consuming their rapidly decreasing supplies. The sepoy was put on half rations, an allow- 1 " Dasht-i-bl-daulat," the plain without wealth. " The native term for these wide but not barren sandy spaces (which are a marked feature throughout Afghanistan and Baluchistan) is ' dasht.'" ' India,' by Colonel Sir Thomas Hungerford Holdich, K.C.M.G., p. 58. QUETTA TO CANDAHAR 33 ance barely sufficient to support him from starvation, and the camp follower, on a quarter ration, had to seek food at the peril of his life. On the 6th of April Sir John Keane marched in with his escort, and assumed command in person of the Army of the Indus. Seeing that the men and horses of his force were on the verge of starvation, Keane determined to push forward at once to Candahar. On the 7th the Bengal column resumed its march. The Khojak Chain, which separates the Quetta plateau from the lower plain on which Candahar stands, was surmounted by the patient endurance and toil of the British soldier and the sepoy, " who vied with the Europeans in activity and zeal." Up and down "laborious acclivities and declivities a battery of 9 - pounders, with its carriages, had to be dragged by dint of manual labour where neither horses nor camels could for a moment have kept their footing if har- nessed to their accustomed draught." On the evening of the i5th the pass was cleared, and the troops encamped at Chummun, 1 now the farthest terminus of our railway to the north, and found that Shah Shooja with his contingent had pitched his tents near it. Here Keane waited until his part of artillery was clear of the defile. On the 2ist he continued his advance, and after a march of two miles the force halted near a mud village, walled and bastioned, but supplying neither grain nor any other means of sub- sistence. The only water to be had was brackish. The next day the column, after pushing across the level immedi- ately before them, came to a slight rise, and then a pass about five miles in length a complete desert. Over a stony road they pressed forward, and " found, after a march exceeding ten miles, in a deep valley a considerable line of Khareez wells, some corn-fields, and, above all, one stunted tree." When the cavalry came up their brigadier, dreading the deficiency of water, obtained the sanction of the Com- mander-in-Chief to prolong his march to the river Doore. After passing over ten miles, the stream was reached. " The 1 Now spelt Chaman, the terminus of the Quetta-Chaman railway, C 34 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN moment the horses saw the water, they made a sudden rush into the river as if mad ; both men and horses drank till they nearly burst themselves. Officers declare that their tongues cleaved to the roofs of their mouths. The water was very brackish, which induced them to drink the more." That day the cavalry lost fifty-eight horses. On the 23rd the headquarters were fixed on the banks of the river, and two days later the troops encamped at the village of Khooshab, nine miles from Candahar. They had not long taken up their ground when they heard "the roar of artillery and rattle of musketry, and perceived the smoke of both ascending amidst the trees on the plains to the northward peaceful intimations, though in a warlike form, that Shah Shooja had entered his capital." On the 26th the headquarters alone moved on to Candahar. The next morning, before dawn had broken, the troops pushed for- ward, and as daylight broke they saw before them, " seated in an open plain of corn-fields and meadows, intersected by water - courses, the object of so many desires and expectations a mass of buildings, worthy of the title of city, surrounded by a quadrangular wall of curtain and bastion thirty miles in length." To reach that goal the Bengal column had made a march, through deserts and over mountains, of a thousand miles. On the 4th of May the Bombay column also reached Candahar. The following day a General Order was issued laying down the ceremonial to be observed " On the occasion of his Majesty Shah Shooja-ool-Moolk taking possession of his throne and receiving the homage of his people of Candahar." On the 8th of May, at dawn, the whole Army of the Indus was drawn up in line in front of the city. A throne and splendid canopy had been erected in the midst of an extensive plain, not far from the battlefield from whence, five years before, he had fled. At sunrise the guns announced the departure of Shah Shooja from his palace. As he rode down the line "there was a general salute, and the colours were lowered as is the case of SHAH SHOOJA AT CANDAHAR 35 crowned heads. On his ascending the throne a salvo was discharged from 101 pieces of artillery." The Com- mander -in -Chief and the British Envoy and European and native officers in Shah Shooja's service presented nuzzers, but he did not receive the homage of his sub- jects. The English officers in their uniforms of scarlet and gold were on his left, " and some half a dozen shabby- looking, dirty, ill-dressed Afghan followers on his right." Hardly 100 Afghans came out from Candahar to see the pageant, and among them murmurs were heard against the infidels who had invaded their land. By the installa- tion of Shah Shooja the first offices of the expedition had been accomplished, but the march to the eastern capital remained to be done. For two long and dreary months the Army of the Indus had to remain, owing to the want of provisions, inactive, encamped under the walls of Can- dahar. There was nothing to break the monotony of camp life. No sight-seeing, no sport, for, as Neville Chamberlain writes to his mother, " You cannot now leave camp a mile without going in a body and well armed, or else run the chance of being killed." He describes how two young officers returning from a fishing excursion along the banks of the Urghundab had been attacked by a party of assassins and one of them cruelly murdered. "An officer of the i6th Lancers has been cut to pieces since our arrival at Candahar. The circumstances are as follows : He (Lieut. Inverarity) with several other officers made a party to go out a few miles to amuse themselves fishing and shooting. Most of them returned by five in the evening, but Inverarity and a friend (Willmer) stopped later than the rest, and about nightfall started on their way back to camp. Within five miles of this place Willmer told Inverarity to go on slowly, as he had to take a stone out of his horse's foot, and would catch him up directly. When Inverarity had ridden about a quarter of a mile, and was going through a narrow pass in the rock, he was struck a severe cut over the wrist, which went clean through the bone, leaving his hand hanging by the skin ; at the same time another cut 1 * Narrative of the Campaign of the Array of the Indus in Sind and Kaubool in 1838-39,' by Richard Hartley Kennedy, M.D., i. 263. 36 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN him behind the sword going through into his stomach ; he tumbled from his horse, when seven or eight men came and cut him over his head. When they supposed him to be dead, they took him and threw him into a pit near the side of the road. Willmer soon followed, and called out to Inverarity, but, receiving no answer, supposed he had gone on ; but when he came to the narrow pass, he saw a robber standing in the middle of it (the moon was just rising), and approaching, he saw several others who all rushed on him with their swords. He had nothing but a cherry stick in his hand, with which, however, he defended himself, being a very good swordsman, but as there was no chance of doing anything, he took to his heels and they after him, but, as he was a very active man, he beat them. On going back to the place with some of the king's troops, he found the robbers had all bolted, and he found the body of his friend, who, strange to say, was not dead. He told him the whole story and asked for water, but before the water could be brought he was dead. "I suppose the robbers never will be found, and this will give you an idea of the state the country is in. It is the profession of every man to cut his neighbour's throat. Almost every man is mounted, and they think nothing of going fifty or sixty miles a day on the same horse. Thank my dear Mother for the box of articles she has been so kind as to send to us, all of which are most acceptable, but I am afraid it will be a long time before we ever see them, which I am very sorry for, as both Crawford's and my stock of clothes, &c., are wearing out fast, and if we remain out much longer we shall be obliged to go about with our backs bare! &c., &c., &c. NEVILLE." 37 CHAPTER III. Advance upon Cabul, June 27, 1839 The valley of the Turnuk Arrival at Ghuznee, July 31, 1839 A gallant deed Ghuznee stormed Blowing the Cabul gateway open by bags of gunpowder Colonel Dennie and Brigadier Sale lead the forlorn hope Neville Chamberlain's description of the terrible strife Advance from Ghuznee Flight of Dost Mahomed Shah Shooja enters Cabul, August 7, 1839 Neville and Crawford Chamberlain on duty at Ghuznee Christmas at Cabul Winter of 1840 at Ghuznee Letter from Cabul, July 1840 Dr Lord's forward policy Dost Mahomed escapes from Bokhara He advances towards the Bameean Pass Defeated by Colonel Dennie, he makes his way into the Kohistan country Sale captures the fort of Tootundurrah Storming of Julgah Battle of Purwan Defection of 2nd Bengal Cavalry Surrender of Dost Mahomed Course of events in Beloo- chistan General Nott reoccupies Kelat Murder of Lieutenant Loveday The I5th N.I. leaves Ghuznee Meets John Nicholson, and they become fast friends Description of Nicholson Defeat of the Ghilzyes Arrival of the i6th N.I. at Candahar Reduction by Macnaghten of the subsidies to the chiefs Rise of the Ghilzyes Macnaghten determines to send a small force to subdue them George Broadfoot General Elphinstone Monteith attacked by the enemy His relief by Sale Death of Edward King The outbreak at Cabul Murder of Burnes News reaches Candahar Maclaren's brigade starts for Cabul Murder of Lieutenants Golding and Pattison The battle of Urghundab Neville Cham- berlain wounded. ON the 27th of June the army recommenced its march to Cabul, " expecting to reach that place without firing a shot." They made their advance up the valley of the Turnuk, with its temperate climate, and on the 4th of July they reached Kelat -i-Ghilzye, the main hold of the tribes whose forts and towers are scattered over the hills and valleys around it. In the famous fort of the Ghilzyes they were greatly disappointed. " It is at this day nothing 38 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN more than a tabular mound such as abound in this district, on which the artificial frustrum of a cone has been thrown up by way of citadel." The Ghilzyes had boasted of their determination to defend their ancestral hills, vales, and fortresses, but during the march through their country only one serious skirmish took place, " and in that the hardy Ghoorkas, diminutive in size but of fiery energy, beat off and pursued the Ghilzyes with some loss to the latter." On the I4th of July the camp was pitched on the plain of Mookoor, or Mookloor, " the most inviting spot which we have occupied since we quitted Roree on the now distant Indus. The springs of the Turnuk gush out of the earth in four or more little fountains, close to a poplar tree of gigantic girth, at the foot of a majestic range of wild crags of primitive formation and on the edge of an extensive plain and greensward." The Commander- in-Chief, after a day's rest, advanced with the ist Brigade. On the 2Oth of July he fixed his headquarters at a spot about twelve miles from the far-famed fortress of Ghuznee. Neville Chamberlain and some other officers "went up to the top of a mountain, from whence we could see the fort quite plainly." "The same morning a nephew of the Dost came into camp to join Shah Shooja with about thirty horse. He had escaped during the previous night, and he told us that it was the intention of the elder of Dost Mahomed's sons to attack us that night with three thousand men, so accordingly the tents were struck, and the whole army slept in their ranks ready to jump into their places in case of attack ; but I suppose they thought better of it, as they never came." The nephew was the traitor Abdool Rusheed, who informed the Chief Engineer that all the gateways had been blocked up by masonry except the Cabul gateway. At the break of day (2ist July) the army struck its camp and commenced its advance towards Ghuznee. " We marched in three columns," says Neville Chamberlain. " On the right, the cavalry (four regiments) ; in the main road HIS FIRST GALLANT DEED 39 in the centre, the artillery (in all thirty-four pieces) ; and on the left, the infantry (four European and three native regiments), making a very pretty little force, and I assure you the sight was very pretty as we marched through a beautiful valley about five miles in breadth, richly cultivated, with a river running in the centre, and surrounded on all sides by mountains three thousand feet higher than the plain which plain is 7500 feet above the level of the sea." Abdool Rusheed and Sir Alexander Burnes rode at the head of the columns. The British Envoy was certain there would be no resistance, but the Afghan would offer no decided opinion as to the intentions of his countrymen. Soon there was an end to all doubt. When the grey walls and lofty citadel came in full view, parties of horsemen were seen guarding the approach to the extensive gardens enclosed with high walls which surrounded the fort. Then was heard " ' pop, pop!' which was the firing at Sir J. Keane and staff who had gone ahead to survey the place." As the heads of the columns approached within gunshot they were saluted by the enemy's large guns, " but they did not do much damage, most of the shot going over our heads." The leading brigade was ordered to clear the gardens of the skirmishers. This was speedily done. One garden inside an outwork which enfiladed the river at its foot re- mained to be cleared. The Afghans were loath to abandon so important a post. The light companies of the i6th and 48th N.I. were sent to drive them out. "As the company I have command of," writes Neville Chamberlain, " had nothing to do, I went with the light company." In that garden he did a gallant deed. The story is best told in the lad's own modest words : "All round the fort, within 180 yards of the walls, are fruit gardens, through which we went to get as near as possible and still leave a garden -wall between us and them to be protected a little from their fire, otherwise none of us could have escaped, the walls being thirty and forty feet high, and their matchlocks carry twice as far and as strong as our muskets. Our two companies were ranged along a wall three feet high, from whence we com- 40 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN menced firing at the men on the walls and at a little outwork in advance of the fort. If I had had a good, heavy, long double- barrel rifle I should have brought lots of them over. When they found our muskets were no match for their matchlocks, they began jumping atop of the walls, waving their flags, hurrahing, and giving us all manner of abuse; some of them came down from the fort to try and drive us from the gardens, but they paid dearly for their boldness, as most of them got shot. At one time they got behind a little wall in front of us, about thirty yards off, and it was quite laughable to see the way we dodged one another to get a good shot, as when either party showed a head there were twenty shots at it, and we were not able to drive them away as they were protected by their own guns. I can assure you it was sharp work, as the balls came ' whiz, whiz ' every moment over our heads. There was a man in the outwork who used to jump on the top of the wall and wave a green flag; whenever he showed himself ten or twelve muskets were fired at him. I was watching for him to show, to try my luck, when I saw him coming, and said to Captain Graves who commanded the light company, ' Here he comes ! ' Graves immedi- ately showed himself above the wall telling the men to fire, when a ball struck him on the collar-bone, which it smashed, and glided down into the lungs. I was firing at our friend with the green flag and did not see the ball strike, but the sepoy cried out that he was hit. I immediately went to him and persuaded him to let me help him from the gardens to the regiment. We were now obliged to expose ourselves to the fire of the whole of the city walls, and seeing he was wounded they commenced shouting and firing, and whilst I was assisting him over a bank, another shot struck him in the back of the waist and went out at the top of the thigh-bone, carrying away his sword-belt. This disabled him from walking, so I laid him in a ditch where they could not touch him, and went for a dooley, but on arriving at the place I had left the regiment I found it had gone into camp, operations for that day being over. I got a dooley among one of the troops of H.A., and brought Graves safe away into camp." When Neville Chamberlain again reached his regiment he was sent with his company to a garden about half a mile away in order "to keep the fellows from annoying us." About four o'clock they were recalled from the garden and rejoined the regiment as the army was now ordered to march from the southern side of the place, and, circling round Ghuznee, to encamp to the north on the Cabul road. Keane had determined to make an attempt to blow open the Cabul gates and then carry the place by a coup -de -main. The THE STORMING OF GHUZNEE 4! traitor's information had been confirmed. Captain Thomson, the chief engineer, a man of surpassing talent and nerve, had during his reconnaissance got, at considerable risk, as near to the gate as he could undiscovered, and seeing some people come out at dusk he was satisfied that there must be a gate or wicket by which an entrance was to be obtained. The road up to the gate was evidently clear, and the bridge over the ditch was unbroken. On his return, Captain Thomson reported to the Commander-in- Chief, "that if he decided on the immediate attack on Ghuznee, the only feasible mode of attack, and the only one which held out a prospect of success, was a dash at the Cabul gateway blowing the gate open by bags of powder." 1 Keane had left, owing to want of transport, his battering train at Candahar, and he therefore lacked the means to reduce Ghuznee by any ordinary process of siege. The great height of the parapet above the plain (60 or 70 feet) and the wet ditch were insurmountable obstacles to an attack merely by mining or escalading. The immediate capture of Ghuznee was necessary in order to replenish his supplies. He could not mask the place and advance, because he had at the utmost three days' provisions. He therefore accepted Thomson's bold plan of attack. The following order was issued: G.O. "The troops will change ground this after- noon, the first trumpet to sound at three ; and the assembly at four o'clock to sound from headquarters." Neville Chamberlain writes "We commenced our march at five and got to our ground at 10 P.M., having had to cross several streams, and ascended a very steep mountain, being obliged to make a large circuit to keep out of range from the fort. I do not think I shall ever forget that night of Sunday 2ist July: none of us had a thing up; I had had no regular breakfast, and none of us had any dinner. The night was bitter cold, and I had not my cloak or anything to keep me warm, and, as ill-luck would have it, only a thin jacket dyed red and a white pair of trousers. The only way to keep ourselves warm was to lie close together, and in that way we passed the night. All 1 Report of the Chief Engineer. 42 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN night the people in the fort kept firing their large guns, but I cannot say what at, as we were out of gunshot except from Long Tom, a large 82 -pounder; they also kept burning blue lights which were answered from the hills in our rear, and as we were expecting to be attacked we had to stand to our arms from 8 o'clock until daylight, at which time our tents began to arrive. At sunrise (the 22nd) the people in the fort commenced shouting out " Hossain ! Hossain ! " which is the name of one of their prophets ; l little did they think that when the sun rose again that the place would be ours. I and some other officers walked up a hill from which you can see into the town, and from which it is commanded by artillery. Sir J. Keane and staff rode up and reconnoitred through their glasses. 2 About 1 2 o'clock the whole of the mountains on our right were crowded with horse- men. The alarm was sounded, and in the course of a few minutes the whole army was under arms. Our cavalry went after them and drove them to the top of the mountain. Had infantry been sent to their assistance they must all have been killed, whereas they only lost fifty or sixty, and twenty taken prisoners whose heads were cut off on their arrival in camp. 3 I believe Sir J. Keane's reason for not sending any infantry was on account of not wishing to lose any men before storming the fort as our force was so small." During the skirmish with the fanatic bands, a remarkable shot was fired from an ornamental brass 48-pounder gun mounted in the citadel, to which the Afghans had given the designation of the Zabar-Zan or hard hitter. "About 3 o'clock," says Neville Chamberlain, "the great gun was fired into the Lancer's camp, the ball en route taking off a troop horse's leg, broke a cavalry trooper's leg (who died from the contusion), went through a camel's body, and into 1 " Hossain ! Hossain ! Ya Hasan ! Ya Hosain ! the wailings of the Mahome- dans as they beat their breasts in the procession of the Moharram, the period of fasting and public mourning observed in commemoration of the death of Hassan and of his brother Hosain, the sons of Ali and the grandsons of the Prophet." Gibbon's * Roman Empire,' vi. 280. 2 See ' A Narrative of the March and Operations of the Army of the Indus,' by Major W. Hough, p. 172. 3 Havelock writes : "The captive Ghazees when brought before their sovereign are said to have openly avowed their intention of putting him to death. They con- ducted themselves with treasonable insolence in his presence, and one of them, drawing a dagger concealed about his person, stabbed a peeshkhedmut, or attendant, in the durbar tent before his arm could be arrested. The most audacious of them, after repeated warnings to desist from these traitorous invectives, were carried out and beheaded by the royal executioners." 'Narrative of the War in Afghanistan,' by Captain Henry Havelock, ii. 68, 69 see also ' Kennedy's Narrative,' ii. 39 ; ' Kaye's History,' i. 445. THE CABUL GATE BLOWN UP 43 a palkee, where it stopped without doing any more injury." That evening orders "for the attack of Ghuznee" were issued. Whilst Neville Chamberlain was dining at mess his company and three others were sent down towards the fort to remain under shelter of a tomb until the sappers arrived to make embrasures for the guns. "At twelve, when the sappers came, we were sent to clear the gardens of any who might be in them and repel anybody who might attack the working parties, and when the gardens were cleared, we were to take up our position under the walls of the fort. The enemy had taken a lesson from our first day's amusement, for we found they had cut down the garden walls ; however they left the fragments, and by putting one piece atop of another they formed a little shelter. My company were the first to get to the ground, and I made the men set to work, and the shelter was very accept- able, as the noise of making up the wall put them on the alert, and they began firing at our party, which they could distinguish by the moon shining on the muskets and breastplates. In the course of a few moments I was joined by the other three companies, which took up their ground to my right. We were placed about a hundred yards in front of the foremost battery, so as to protect them from any sally from the fort." At 3 o'clock the guns from the false attack which had been placed to the south of the fort opened fire, and the explosion party stepped forward to its duty. Captain Peat of the Bom- bay Engineers was in command; Henry Marion Durand, 1 a young lieutenant of Bengal Engineers, had begged that to him should be entrusted the hazardous operation of plac- ing the powder and firing the train. In dead silence Durand and the sapper advanced to within 150 yards of the works. Then came a challenge from the walls, a shot, and a shout. The party were discovered. At the moment a stream of musketry fire came from the battlements and blue lights lit up the approach of the gate. It was a position of supreme peril, for if the enemy fired from the low outer works which swept the bridge at half pistol shot, no man could have crossed it. On they went. Fire from the battlements, not a shot from the lower works, and the bridge was safely crossed. Captain Peat with a small party of the I3th took 1 Sir Henry Marion Durand, K. C.S.I., C.B. 44 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN post at the sally-port to repel any rush of swordsmen. Durand advanced, and close to the massive portals the Madras native sappers piled the bags containing goo pounds l of powder. Durand and Sergeant Robertson laid the hose and a port -fire attached to it along the foot of the scarp to a sally-port into which they stepped. The port-fire would not light, and Durand was some time blowing at the slow-match and port-fire, before the later caught and blazed. But it went out. Durand and the Sergeant lit it again, and after watching it burn steadily for some moments they retired to the sally-port. The enemy, expecting a general escalade, had manned the wide circumference of the walls, and sent forth from the ramparts volleys of musketry. The British batteries opened their fire. The skirmishers in the garden engaged in a brisk fusillade. Louder and louder grew the rattle of musketry. Then suddenly a column of flame and smoke rose above the Cabul gate, and a dull heavy sound was heard by the head of the waiting column drawn up on the road. The powder had exploded, shivered the massive gate in pieces, and brought down into the passage below masses of masonry and fractured beams. The forlorn hope, under Colonel Dennie, and the reserve, under Brigadier Sale, 2 eagerly awaited the bugle signal to advance from Peat's covering party. The fire from the ramparts swept them. No signal was heard. The bugler had been shot through the head. Peat, a cool brave soldier, who had been thrown to the ground and stunned by the ex- plosion, returned to the column and stated that the entrance was blocked. Sale ordered the retreat to be sounded. Above the sighing of the boisterous wind and the rattle of musketry, 1 Havelock states " nine hundred pounds of powder in twelve large bags." Durand, in 'The First Afghan War,' states "three hundred pounds of powder." 2 "The first of these (the advance column) was composed of the light companies of the Queen's, the I7th, and the Bengal European regiment, and of Captain Vigor's company of the I3th Light Infantry. It was led by Colonel Dennie. The second body, under the immediate command of Brigadier Sale, was made up of the re- mainder of the Queen's and Bengal Europeans. * Narrative of the War in Afghan- istan,' by Captain Henry Havelock, ii. 73." A MORTAL STRUGGLE 45 Durand heard the bugler's signal of retreat. He had with a keener observation seen that no failure had taken place, and, unable himself by illness and an accident to run, sent the good tidings by a brother officer. The bugle lifted its gallant note and the stormers under the fiery Dennie rushed forward and entered the gateway, which was about one hundred and fifty feet long, and about twenty feet wide. About half-way it turned to the right, and it was impossible to see through the whole distance. In that passage twenty feet wide there was a mortal tussle between sword and bayonet. Gradually the forlorn hope pushed its way on- ward to the turning, and then " its commanders and their leading files beheld over the heads of their infuriated op- ponents a small portion of blue sky, and a twinkling star or two, and then, in a moment, the headmost soldiers found themselves within the place." Dennie had been told to occupy the ramparts right and left of the gateway, but his men pushed forward into the town. " The enemy from the ramparts rushed down and attacked the rear of the storming party on both flanks, wounding three officers and thirty men. A body of Afghan swordsmen also dashed against the head of the main column under Brigadier Sale, which was advancing in close support of the stormers dashed against it and actually tumbled it back." The sudden panic lasted for a moment. The rear, " ignorant of what was taking place in the jaws of the gateway," pushed eagerly onwards, and after a fierce fighting, man to man, with bayonets, with swords, the few brave Afghans were driven back, and the column passed through the gateway. A terrible strife, a fearful carnage, took place before the city was won, but Neville Chamberlain must tell the story: "Directly afterwards, the advance party formed by the light companies of the four European regiments rushed in, followed by the storming column, composed of H.M. 2nd Bengal European Regiment, lyth and i3th and the i6th, 35th and 48th native regiments. They were met at the gate gallantly by the enemy, who struck up the bayonets with their shields, and used their swords 46 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN to great effect, killing and wounding many. But their attempts to drive us back proved unsuccessful, but I am ashamed to say .... cried, ' Back, back ! ' the retreat being sounded, and the two advance regiments went to the right-about face; however, the panic lasted only for a moment ; they formed again, charged, and gained the place. After the citadel was taken and the ramparts cleared (which our regiment did), the people were so desperate that they took to their houses, blocking up the doors, and firing from the roofs and windows, making each house a fort, and fighting till they died, as no quarter was given to any man who fought. "By about 3 P.M. the firing ceased. Eight o'clock next morn- ing all the troops except our regiment and the 35th were taken out of the fort, and as no one was allowed to take anything with them, you may fancy the collection of things at the gate, such as swords, guns, pistols, wearing apparel of all descriptions, silks, tobacco, raisins, grain of all sorts, all thrown down and being trampled upon, as well as the bodies of those who had been killed at the gate; and to add to the confusion, there were 1500 horses which, directly the town was taken, had been cut loose from their stalls, and they were now turned loose and were like mad, galloping about all over the place, and fight- ing with each other like bull -dogs. I cannot describe the scene it was, and in fact it was quite dangerous to walk in the streets ; for a time all discipline was lost, the soldiers breaking into the houses to look for plunder, and in this way many were killed, by going down the streets of the lower end of the town, far away from their comrades. I shall not try to describe the cruelties and actions I saw committed that day, as I am sure it would only disgust you with mankind ; but I am happy to say very few women and children were killed, and that was a wonder, as when any person was heard moving in a room, ten or twelve muskets were fired into it immediately, and thus many an innocent person was killed. After mercy was proclaimed, all the people who were left came out of their houses and delivered up their arms, most of them being set at liberty, but the chiefs confined. Dost Mahomed's son, Prince Hyder Khan, commander of Ghuznee, was taken prisoner by Captain Taylor, who found him in a small room with six other men. He was taken into camp and treated by our envoy with great respect. He is now in confinement, and most likely will be sent to Bombay to pass the remainder of his days. He is twenty-two years of age. An immense man, and would weigh three of me. "On the morning of the 24th the work of burying the dead commenced, which was done in three large pits. It took two whole days, as some bodies were not found till they became putrid. I cannot describe to you the desolation of the place not a soul FLIGHT OF DOST MAHOMED 47 to be seen, the doors of the houses broken, and the houses gutted of everything. We buried upwards of two hundred horses, which had been shot the first day (some of them worth a thousand rupees), besides cattle of all description." Thus fell Ghuznee, the strongest fortress of Afghanistan. Afghan troopers riding in hot haste over hill and dale carried the news to Dost Mahomed at Cabul. He at once summoned a council of war, and discovered he could not depend on the loyalty of his chiefs. He, however, determined to make a grand effort to check the advance of the Feringees. At the head of an army of 13,000 men and thirty guns he set forth from the capital, and after a march of twenty-five miles he took up a position at Urgundeh, on the Ghuznee road. It had the advantage, in case of defeat, of command- ing the shortest route to Bameean. Dost Mahomed's sus- picions were confirmed. There was treachery in his camp, and some of his soldiers were plotting to deliver him up to Shah Shooja, and many of his followers were deserting every day. He made one frantic effort to preserve their loyalty. Koran in hand, he rode among them, and he begged them by that sacred volume not to desert the true faith or transfer their allegiance to a ruler who had filled the land with infidels. "You have eaten my salt," he said, "these thirteen years. Since it is plain that you have resolved to seek a new master, grant me but one favour in requital for that long period of maintenance and kindness. Enable me to die with honour. Stand by the brother of Futteh Khan, whilst he executes one charge against the cavalry of those Feringee dogs ! In that onset he will fall ; then go, and make your own terms with Shah Shooja." But the bold words were spoken in vain. On the evening of August 2nd, Dost Mahomed, accompanied by his family and escorted by about 3000 troops who still remained faithful to him, took the road to Bameean. The next day the news of the flight of Dost Mahomed reached the Commander-in-Chief, who, having left Ghuznee on the 3Oth of July, had halted at Sheekabad, twenty miles from Urgundeh, to close up his 48 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN columns before attacking the enemy. Captain Outram, aide- de-camp to the Commander- in- Chief, "one of the most resolute, intelligent, and active officers in the army," 1 offered to head a pursuing party, to consist of some British officers as volunteers, some cavalry, and some Afghan horse. Outram pursued the royal fugitive along tortuous channels and over lofty passes, but Dost Mahomed made good his escape across the Oxus. On the 7th of August Shah Shooja again entered Cabul. " He rode a handsome white Cabulee charger, decorated with equipments mounted with gold in the Asiatic fashion. He wore the jewelled coronet of velvet, in which he always appeared in person, and an ulk- halek of dark cloth, ornamented on the arms and breast with a profusion of precious stones, whilst his waist was encircled with a broad and cumbrous girdle of gold, in which glittered rubies and emeralds not a few." Accom- panied by the Commander-in-Chief and his staff, brilliant in scarlet and gold, escorted by British troops, he made his way through the narrow streets to the palace of his ancestors in the Bala Hissar. A dense crowd filled the streets, but "No man cried, ' God save him ' ; No joyful tongue gave him his welcome home." When Keane marched from Ghuznee he left behind him all the sick and wounded who could not be removed without risk, and as a garrison a detachment of artillery, the i6th Regi- ment of Native Infantry, and 200 horsemen in the service of Shah Shooja. " For the first week after the place was taken, not a soul was to be seen," says Neville Chamber- lain, " but now the houses are filled again, and the bazaar affords everything. We have lots to do, as four days out 1 So wrote Henry Havelock in his history, published in 1840. On the I5th of September 1857 Major-General Sir James Outram issued his famous order : "The Major-General, therefore, in gratitude for, and admiration of the brilliant deeds of arms achieved by General Havelock and his gallant troops, will cheerfully waive his rank on the occasion, and will accompany the force to Lucknow in his civil capacity as Chief Commissioner of Oudh tendering his military service to General Havelock as a volunteer." MURDER OF COLONEL HERRING 49 of the week we are on duty." It was a small garrison to hold so important a fortress, surrounded on all sides by a fanatical foe. The Durranees were ripe for revolt, and the Ghilzyes were notoriously disaffected because they could not brook losing the control over the highways between Can- dahar, Cabul, and Jellalabad. Colonel Herring, who with the 37th Regiment was escorting treasure from Candahar, was barbarously butchered between Cabul and Ghuznee when strolling unarmed to a short distance from his camp. Captain Outram was sent with a party of horse to punish his murderers. On the i7th of September Neville Chamber- lain writes : "This morning a dispatch arrived from Captain Outram, who is thirty miles off, requesting a wing of our corps may be sent to his assistance, as he had taken up some men on suspicion of their being Col. Herring's murderers. Four of our companies left at 5 o'clock, but unhappy / am not of the party, but Crawford is. After settling things there, they go across country to Kelat-Gilzee to ac- company the political agent, so God knows when they come back again, but it is expected not before six weeks, and perhaps they may go to Candahar to pass the winter. Our garrison now is a very weak one, we cannot muster 500 men fit for duty." A General Order, published at Cabul on the 2Qth of Sept- ember, informs us that Major MacLaren commanding i6th N.I., after a march of fifty miles in little more than twenty- four hours, joined Captain Outram at Kooloogo on the morn- ing of the i8th, and assumed command of the troops. On the 2ist at midnight Major MacLaren marched to punish the Khajuck tribe of plunderers who were implicated in the murder of Herring. At daylight he found the enemy strongly posted at the foot of a range of mountains of bare rocks, and immediately made his disposition to attack them. After a few shots had been fired the enemy retired up the heights, believing them to be wholly inaccessible, as they were both steep and rugged. "The marauders, therefore," says Crawford Chamberlain, "confi- dent in the advantage of their post, opened a fire from their match- locks, fixed, as is the Affghan and Beloochee custom, on rests, whilst D 50 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN their chiefs, waving their swords, dared the Hindostanees to advance. As the grenadiers of the i6th moved directly against their enemy, the light company and another passed to their right, so as to prevent the escape of the bandits along the range of hills. Officers and soldiers experienced much difficulty in scaling rocks of so precipitous a character ; but notwithstanding their vantage ground, their steadied aim and noisy vaunts, the brigands were speedily and utterly de- feated. Many were killed, and the rest of the party, 120 in number, some of whom were wounded, were all made prisoners." The four companies of the i6th N.I. returned to Ghuznee, and in October Neville writes home: "Crawford and I are making ourselves comfortable for the winter by laying in wood and making our three rooms air-tight. We amuse ourselves by taking long rides into the valleys of an after- noon, and return home at sunset. There is also some sport to be had in the way of shooting viz., quail and ducks, but the latter are very shy." A month after Shah Shooja had been replaced on his throne by British bayonets, his eldest son, Shahzada Timour Shah, accompanied by Colonel Wade, whose force had penetrated the Khyber passes, entered Cabul. The Army of the Indus had now done their work, and it has been urged that it could have then been withdrawn with the honour and fame of entire success. But, as Lord Auckland recorded in a minute written a fortnight after the entrance of Shah Shooja, " to leave him without the support of a British army would be followed by his expulsion, which would reflect disgrace on Government and become a source of danger." No man was more anxious to withdraw the troops than the Governor -General, for two substantial reasons : the cost of the expedition had already become a strain on the finances of India, and owing to the death of Runjeet Singh the Punjab had fallen into a condition which might at any moment demand the presence of our troops. Lord Auckland informed the envoy that he considered that besides the regular army of Shah Shooja and his Afghan force a strong brigade would be sufficient to hold Afghani- stan. Macnaghten, however, urged with success that instead THE ARMY OF THE INDUS DISPERSES 51 of a strong brigade the Bengal division of the army was required to maintain order. Two days after Outram set forth to punish the murderers of Colonel Herring, the Bombay column commenced its march to India. A month after the Bombay column left Cabul Sir John Keane with the i6th Lancers, two regiments of native horse, and a large part of the horse-artillery, rode from the Cita- del to return to India by the Khyber route. As Shah Shooja was to spend the winter at Jellalabad, a brigade of infantry and the 2nd Light Cavalry with three guns were to be encamped around that city. Candahar was to be held by native regiments, and the i6th N.I. remained at Ghuznee. The I3th Light Infantry and a corps of native infantry garrisoned the Bala Hissar. Sir Willoughby Cotton was appointed to the command in chief of the troops in Afghanistan. General Sale was to command in Jellala- bad, and General Nott, a thorough soldier, brave, straight- forward, and energetic, in Candahar. At the last moment Sir Willoughby Cotton accompanied Sir John Keane in order to act as Provincial Commander-in-Chief in Bengal until a successor to Sir Henry Fane as Commander-in-Chief in India was appointed. Two small posts of observation were to be established on the main route across the lofty moun- tain-range of the Hindu Rush the one at Charekar and the other at Bameean. Thus the army of occupation was not only reduced in number, but what remained, instead of being concentrated in one or two important strategic places, was scattered in small bodies over a vast extent of country. 1 As a temporary measure it was directed that the troops in Western Afghanistan should report to General Nott, and those around Cabul to Brigadier Sale. After a long and fatiguing march from India the first winter at Cabul was a pleasant rest to the English officers and soldiers of the Army of the Indus. The weather was 1 Brigadier Roberts, the father of Lord Roberts, who was in chief command of Shah Shooja's regular force, and knew the temper of the people, wrote to the envoy and to the Governor -General that it was madness to post small detachments of troops in isolated fortresses. 52 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN extremely cold, but they could be abroad every day and all day ; " and it was amusing to see the English soldiers in their sheepskin dress, pelting each other with snowballs, or sliding on the ice as in their own land ; while the officers, who had made themselves skates after a pattern, were enjoying themselves after their fashion, wrapped in furs which lords and ladies would have envied at home." Neville and Crawford spent Christmas week at Cabul, and " how this came to pass," and how he amused himself, is told in a letter written to his mother from Fort Ghuznee, ist January 1840 : "On the 1 5th of last month Crawford and I and an officer of the Shah's force started from here on a visit to a man of the name of Nicholson who was living at Logar as political agent. Logar is about half-way between this and Cabul, about fifty miles from here. We started in the morning, intending to reach Nicholson's the same evening, but as ill-luck would have it the morning broke with a dull heavy sky. Notwithstanding all these evil omens, having had a good breakfast, we left at ten o'clock accompanied by three horsemen as a guard, being ourselves armed cap-a-pied with swords, guns, and pistols, leaving our few traps to follow us, they also being guarded against the robbers. We had not proceeded far before the snow began to fall, and we had to ride the whole day with the snow falling fast in our faces. We found the road with great difficulty, but notwithstanding all our misfortunes we reached a small fort amongst the hills (called Abdurra) just about sunset, and we were obliged to pass the night there as we could not procure a guide to show us over the pass of the Huzzareh range of hills (mountains I might say, as they are some 3000 feet high), and the pass is a very dangerous one to go through, as it only admits of one animal at a time in many places. You must not suppose that by the word fort I mean any fine place: the common forts in this country are buildings 100 yards square, a bastion at each corner, and the walls from 20 to 30 feet high and 4 to 6 feet thick, according to the owner's wealth. There are no such things as villages like in England, for no person dare build a house outside one of these forts, or in the course of a very short time he would be robbed of everything and stand the chance of losing his life. " After a little trouble we managed to get shelter for ourselves and horses. The people in the fort appeared very poor, but after a short time they gave us a large dish of rice from which we made a very hearty dinner and then we went to sleep, but our sleep was not very sound, as a donkey and some sheep and goats were occupants of the same room as ourselves, and poor Dobbin had a bad cough which CHRISTMAS AT CABUL 53 was as troublesome to us as to himself as he kept us awake a long time. The sheep and goats were much better companions, as the only noise they made was from chumping their grass and occasionally giving us a ba / to let us know they were there. You may suppose we were not sorry when daylight appeared, and after eating some bread and meat we started, riding to the top of the pass in the clouds ! But as we reached the summit the scene was sublime, the mist had cleared, and we looked down into a lovely valley surrounded by mountains 6000 or 7000 feet high. We arrived at Logar at about twelve o'clock. We found Nicholson very happy at having caught Meta Moossa, one of the archest rebels in the country. Reports were brought in by the natives that Meta Moossa's men were gathering to come down to the rescue and to attack Nicholson, and as the road to Ghuznee was unsafe he requested us to accompany him into Cabul. The morning of the lyth, at eleven o'clock, we accordingly set out, and arrived at Cabul at two o'clock the following day. " I am not at all sorry to profit by this opportunity of seeing a place of which I had heard so much. As you have read Sir Alexander Burnes' work, my description of the place would be superfluous. I was much struck with the small size of the women ; they are certainly the smallest I have seen, none of them being more than five feet, and it is very extraordinary, as the men are particularly large fine men, mostly six feet. Their dress is very neat, and they are closely veiled but so that they can see everything while they remain invisible, and that is hardly fair, as I see no reason why ladies should look at gentlemen and they not look again. Their slippers are curiosities, generally of green leather, and it would puzzle many a London beauty to put them on, they are so delicately small. While we were at Cabul we lived with a Mr Sinclair (a Highlander), Lieutenant of H.M. i3th Light Infantry. He is a great friend of ours, and if you should ever meet him in England pray take great notice of him. He is most gentlemanlike and a favourite with every one, and to add to his accomplishments he plays beautifully on the bagpipes ! On Christmas Day all the officers of the garrison of Cabul (including Sir A. Burnes, Crawford, and myself) sat down to dinner with the i3th. We had a very merry party, though we had nothing to drink but brandy and gin, but that to the Army of the Indus is a luxury. For myself it does not signify, as I never touch wine or spirits unless at a strange mess, when I am obliged to do so out of compliment. When Sir A. Burnes' health was drunk he got up and said : * This day two years I was eating my Christmas dinner in this very room, but instead of being the guest of a British regiment I was entertaining a Russian agent, and little did I think I should hear the health of our Queen drunk by British officers in the palace of Dost Mahomed in the space of two short years ! ' 54 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN " About 2 o'clock in the morning we took up the mess-tables and commenced dancing reels, Sinclair standing on the table, dressed in the Highland costume, playing the bagpipes for us ; so you see altogether we had rather a merry party. During our stay at Cabul we dined and breakfasted with Sir A. Burnes : he was extremely civil to us. He is liked by every one, as there is no political humbug in him like in most persons in that employ. On the 28th we break- fasted with him, and started from his house about one o'clock en route for Ghuznee. The first day we only rode twenty miles, putting up for the night in a fort in the Maidan Valley. We passed the place where Dost Mahomed had his guns and army in position. The next day we rode into Ghuznee, about seventy miles ! On our road we met Sir A. Burnes' brother (political agent here) going to Cabul. We asked him if he thought we could get into Ghuznee that night. He said, 'Oh no ! ' but on the principle that faint heart never won fair lady we pushed on, and got in by half-past ten at night, passing through the Pass Shushgao ; 1 as good luck would have it we met no robbers, which was fortunate, as we only had one horseman with us, the rest not being able to keep up, and our traps did not come in till the following evening. You may suppose both we and our horses were well tired." During the winter of 1840, at Ghuznee, Neville Cham- berlain, even in the pressure and tumult of garrison life in a hostile country, found time to study Persian, which he learnt to speak with fluency. But he had to abandon having a teacher, because he could not afford to pay him. The characters of the two lads, Neville and Crawford, whose impulses for pleasure were strong as those which urged them to battle, were moulded by the hard life of poverty. They had nothing but their pay as ensigns. Prices were fabulously high : a quire of paper cost twelve shillings. In after years their family heard of the straits to which they were often put, but they never asked for money, and avoided debt. At one time, it is true, their commanding officer came to their rescue and lent them a small sum, which Neville repaid with " blood -money " after he was wounded. The winter passed on without any noteworthy incident. In 1 In Hough we have, "Ghuznee to Shushgao 13^ miles (3Oth July 1839). At 8 miles passed through a defile about 200 or 300 yards broad with low hills on each side." Havelock states, " They climbed in ascending to Shushgao or ' the six cows,' a pass which must have elevated them at least 1500 feet above the lofty level of Ghuznee." REVOLT OF THE GHILZYES 55 April 1840 Shah Shooja and the envoy returned from Jellalabad to Cabul. He had objected to the occupation of the Bala Hissar by our troops, and on his return he again renewed his objections to the British occupying a position which would keep Cabul subject to their efficient control. In an evil hour for himself and his country's arms Macnaghten gave up the barracks constructed in the Bala Hissar to the Shah as accommodation for his harem and evacuated the fort. The troops were now quartered in cantonments built on the plain north of Cabul. No worse position could have been chosen. About it were gardens with strong walls, and it was commanded by high ground, and by Afghan forts which were neither demolished nor destroyed. As the summer advanced grave disturbances arose in many directions. The Ghilzye chiefs determined to strike another blow for freedom, and rising in arms they cut off all communications between Cabul and Candahar. On the i6th of May Captain Anderson, with a regiment of foot, four guns, and 300 horse, encountered some 3000 of them. The wild highlanders swept down upon the guns through showers of grape, and were met by the bayonets of the sepoy. Again and again they returned to the charge, and then they suddenly retired, leaving 200 dead on the field. The Beloochee tribes were also up in arms. Quetta was besieged, and the fortress of Kelat was captured by them. The chief which the political officers had placed on the throne abdicated, and Nusseer Khan, the son of the gallant Mehrab Khan, who had been slain in a hopeless struggle with our troops, was installed in his place. Lieu- tenant Loveday, the political officer, was carried off prisoner. The smouldering discontent had not burst into flames in Eastern Afghanistan, and Macnaghten clung to the belief that the country was settling down under the rule of Shah Shooja. The wives of the officers had joined their husbands, and Cabul had become a military cantonment full of life and amusement. Writing to his sister on the 25th July 1840, Neville Chamberlain tells her that he and Balderston 56 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN the adjutant of the i6th are "in this pretty place," and "wishing to enjoy a little recreation after being shut up in Ghuznee for the last twelve months, they had applied for leave and obtained it." " We left Ghuznee the afternoon of the 5th, and arrived here on the morning of the yth, having a very pleasant journey. We are living with a Captain Taylor, who commands a corps of Jan Baz (literally Sporters of Life), the yeomanry of the country, a very fine body of men and very well mounted. We are living in tents in a beautiful large orchard, and are surrounded by Taylor's men, who look very picturesque in their striped tents pitched about under the trees, and the chiefs surrounded by their followers. The first few days I spent in calling on the ladies and big-wigs, and making the accustomary military bows. There have been races which went off very well, Balderston's horse winning two races. I, as a matter of course, did not bet, having nothing to bet, but I have been rather fortunate in drawing a prize in the lottery. The best races were for the envoy's purse, 2500 rupees, and for a pair of shawls given by the Shah, 2000 rupees. I have dined with the envoy, who was very civil to me, and I have no doubt he would give me an appoint- ment, but Sir W. Cotton will not allow any officer to leave the corps. On the 23rd July (the anniversary of the storming of Ghuznee) we had a grand party, ninety persons sitting down to dinner : it went off remarkably well, and we did not break up till 2 A.M. I never heard such a noise in my life, and the hurrahs were deafening in fact, I am only just recovering from my endeavours to add to it. The healths were numerous, and some of the speeches very good, particularly Sir A. Burnes' and General Sale's. Sir Alexander is a general favourite, and very justly so, as he is the most unaffected, gentlemanlike, pleasant, amusing man I have ever had the good fortune to meet. The last overland brought the distressing news of Sir Henry Fane's death. He stopped too long in India, and the climate broke down his constitution. No man has gone to his grave with more honour or respect, and the whole of the Indian Army allow that there never was so just a Commander-in-Chief as him; this must be very gratifying to his relations and friends. Crawford and myself have lost a good patron, but I am not so selfish as to allow that thought to influence my regret for his death or increase it. I suppose you have all gone into mourning, a soldier's mourning is but little outward show, but such as it is we have put it on. "The whole of Dost Mahomed's family have come and thrown themselves on the protection of the British. They have all gone down to Ghuznee 200 women, besides four sons and several male attendants. The newspaper accounts of the failure of the Russian LETTER FROM CABUL 57 expedition to Khiva is perfectly true ; accounts have been received from Abbot, who is at Khiva, saying that the whole of the heavy stores of the Russian army were brought in in triumph. Abbot, whilst endeavouring to reach the Russian frontier, was attacked by robbers, and lost four of his ringers in the affray, but succeeded in reaching the Russian outposts and in going on to St Petersburg to endeavour to make some treaty with the emperor for the Khan of Khiva, and had no doubt of success. A few days ago Quetta was attacked by the Belooches ; after some hard fighting they retired. We lost twenty or thirty, and Bosanquet of our corps was wounded by a sword-cut, so they must have come to close quarters. During the scrimmage the ladies were put into the magazine as being the only safe place, and which proves that ladies have nothing to do in a hostile country ; for my part I think a man must be very selfish who could possibly think of having his wife with him to run the chance of falling into the hands of such savages. Lieutenant Clark (who was with me at Woolwich) has been with a party of eighty sepoys and forty horse cut to pieces by Belooches, only a few of the horse escaping. He had a convoy of 500 camels to escort through the hills ; half-way he determined to halt, contrary to the advice of the guide; the men set about cooking when the Belooches came on to the attack. Clark put his convoy snug, and at the head of his men went to meet the enemy, but after firing away a long time his ammunition failed. The Belooches, perceiving the fire slackened, guessed the cause, and making a simultaneous rush closed with Clark's party. He had been wounded, and was weak from loss of blood ; however, before he was killed he cut down three men with his own hand, and a young soldier he had as his orderly did the same, but an immense man grappled with him and threw him, and whilst he was on the ground another man cut his throat. Of course when the natives lost their officer it was sauve qui pent) but few escaped. Three hundred Belooches' bodies were found, so that while their ammunition lasted our party was not idle. Their force amounted to 3000, ours to 120. I am happy to say Crawford has his promotion. He has been rather lucky. "July 26. We start to-day for Ghuznee." On the 3rd of July the brother of Dost Mahomed reached Bameean, and placed, as Neville Chamberlain mentions in his letter, the Dost's wives and children in the hands of the British a splendid compliment to the honour of the British race. The surrender of his family did not have any effect on the discontent produced by the aggressive policy of the Political Officer at Bameean. Dr Lord, the Political Agent, had accompanied Burnes in his commercial 58 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN mission to Cabul, and he had won the friendship of Dost Mahomed and other chiefs by his skill as a surgeon. In 1837 ne penetrated into Tartary through the Hindoo Rush to attend the brother of the Emir of Kundooz, who was threatened with blindness. He was an intrepid traveller and a man of considerable ability, but he was lacking in tact and judgment. The detachment at Bameean was small, consisting of the Shah's Goorkha infantry and some irregular details, and the 4th troop, 3rd Brigade of Horse Artillery under Lieutenant Murray. But Lord had not been long there when he used it for his forward policy, and occupied the chief fort of the valley of Syghan, which is nearly parallel to that of Bameean, but separated from it by lofty mountains. Beyond Syghan is Kooloom, to which Dost Mahomed fled when he crossed the borders of Afghan- istan. Dost Mahomed now represented to the Khan of Bokhara, "The Commander of the Faithful," the danger which threatened the countries of the Oxus from the advance of the infidel. The Khan, under the promise of supplying him with troops and money to resist the in- vaders, persuaded Dost Mohamed to visit the capital. On his arrival at Bokhara he threw him into captivity. When summer came Lord made another step in advance. On the 2Qth of June the Shah's Goorkha regiment occupied the small fort of Bajgah, which is situated at the mouth of the glen of Kamond, which stretches northward from Syghan. In July Dost Mahomed effected his escape. " Many romantic incidents are told about this flight from Bokhara. The horse on which the Ameer fled fell ex- hausted by the wayside. So he transferred himself to a caravan which he chanced to overtake, and escaped de- tection only by dyeing his beard with ink." On arriving at Kooloom he was warmly welcomed by its ruler, who was prepared to render him every assistance to drive back the invader. The tribesmen flocked around his standard, and early in September he advanced towards the Bameean Pass at the head of 6000 men. When reminded BATTLE OF BAMEEAN 59 that his family was in the power of his foes, Dost Mahomed replied: "I have no family; I have buried my wives and children." Lord, on hearing the news of Dost Mahomed's advance, ordered the troops at Bajgah and Syghan to fall back to Bameean. The retirement was attended with shocking dis- order, and an Afghan regiment plundered their officers and behaved in the most mutinous manner. When Macnaghten heard that the troops had retired to Bameean, and that the Afghan levies could not be trusted, he sent the gallant Dennie with a sepoy regiment to reinforce them. On the I4th, after desperate forced marches across the mountain, Dennie arrived at Bameean just in time to disarm the corps of mutineers. Two days after his arrival he learnt that bodies of the enemy's cavalry were entering the valleys, and was told that it was only the advanced party of the enemy. He went out to meet them with 300 sabres, 500 bayonets, and a gun and howitzer, under Lieutenant M'Kenzie. Great was his surprise when, pushing back their scouts, he had advanced two or three miles from the camp, to find himself in front of a large force an irregular mass of Usbeg horse and foot, under Dost Mahomed and the Wallee of Kooloom. A supreme moment. "To have sent back for reinforcements would have caused delay," says Dennie in his despatch, 1 " and given confidence to the enemy. It would have checked the forward feeling that animated the party with me and gave assurance of success." 5 The enemy held a chain of forts reaching to the mouth of the defile by which they had entered, and at each of them they attempted to make a stand with their main body, their wings crowning the heights on either side of the valley. " In dislodging them from the latter," wrote Dennie, " I am sorry to say the Goorkhas suffered, but they did their work well and have won great credit with all. The 1 To Major-General Sir Willoughby Cotton, G.C.B., commanding in Afghanistan, from W. H. Dennie, Brigadier, dated Bameean, i8th September 1840. 2 Two historians of the First Afghan War have altered the word "forward" into " proud," but Dennie wrote " forward " and it is the better word. 60 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN practice of Lieutenant M'Kenzie was beautiful, and his two pieces have earned all the grain and provender they con- sumed last winter. After three or four volleys, seeing our steady and rapid advance, they lost heart, and fled in a great mass to the gorge of the pass. I then let slip all our cavalry at them." They followed the fugitives about four miles up the defile, cutting down many of them and scattering them in all directions. "The Dost and his son, Mahomed Ufzil Khan, and the Wallee," says Dennie, "owed their escape to the fleetness of their horses." Dost Mahomed made his way into the Kohistan country to the north of Cabul, where he had every reason to hope for cordial support. The sulkiness of the Kohistanee chiefs had been turned into fury by the exactions of the Shah's revenue collectors. It became known through intercepted letters that they were plotting his overthrow, and a force under Burnes and Sale was sent in the end of September to chastise them. The fort of Tootundurrah was taken almost without loss, but Edward Conolly of the 6th Cavalry, who had joined as a volunteer, was shot through the head in advancing on the village. " Never did a nobler or a kinder spirit inhabit a human frame." Sale next attacked the fort of Julgah, and Neville Chamberlain, in a letter (24th November 1840) to his brother, gives the best con- temporary account that has come to light of the gallant but unsuccessful attempt to storm it : "You have heard of the defeat of Dost Mahomed at Bameean. Since then a force under the command of General Sale was dispatched to the Kohistan (a district to the north of Cabul, and one of the most fertile in Asia) to bring into subjection some of the refractory chiefs who had refused to acknowledge or pay tribute to Shah Shuja. They commenced by attacking three forts, which were taken after an assault of an hour and a half with the loss of an officer (Lieutenant E. Conolly), who was shot through the heart, and some few men of H.M. 1 3th LI. and 37th B.N.I. A few days after the force marched against another fort, at which they arrived at noon ; some 9-pounders were immediately placed in battery and commenced breaching. At 3 o'clock General Sale, thinking the breach practicable, ordered the storming party to advance, which they did, but on arriv- STORMING OF JULGAH 6l ing, instead of finding it practicable they sunk into the loose earth, and the broken wall which they were to have climbed was six feet above them, and there was only room to admit of one man passing in at a time. The enemy had reserved their fire for the storming party, and by all accounts they did well, for the breach was assaulted three different times, and at last the retreat was sounded and our troops returned, leaving several European and native soldiers dead and dying on the breach. The sergeant-major of the 1 3th was shot whilst cheering on the men ; his brother (also a sergeant in the same corps), on hearing of his death, rushed on like a madman, endeavour- ing to get into the fort to avenge him, and on the recall of the party he was carried off by force. It only proves that every ball has its billet, as though this man did everything in his power to get shot, still he came out without a scratch. When his brother was buried he threw himself into his grave with him, and he was obliged to be held down while it was filled up. At this same fort an officer of the 3;th was mounting a scaling ladder when a soldier who was above him was shot dead, and in falling brought him also to the ground. A havildar seeing his officer lying on the ground fancied he was wounded and ran to pick him up, whilst in the act he was shot through the head and fell atop of the officer, who how- ever managed to disengage himself of his load and escaped unhurt. The fort was evacuated during the night and the bodies of the wounded fetched into camp. What a horrible state of mind they must have been in all the time as they lay unable to move and expecting the fellows from inside to come and cut them to pieces every minute ! The failure in taking this fort is to be attributed to the general being so headstrong, and instead of consulting his engineer and artillery officers acting entirely on his own judgment. Dost Mahomed went into Kohistan, and all the inhabitants im- mediately rose in his favour, so much for the popular king Lord Auckland placed on the throne." The place was evacuated next day, and Julgah was levelled with the ground. For three weeks Sale marched to and fro through Kohistan, levelling forts and destroying villages, which did not tend to increase the popularity of the Shah's rule, but he could not find Dost Mahomed. Then came the startling news that the Dost was in the Nijrow district in the vicinity of the capital. Great was the consternation at Cabul, and preparations for a siege were made in the Bala Hissar. On the 2gth of October Sir Robert Sale heard that the Dost had quitted the Nijrow Valley and crossed over into Kohistan. Strong reconnoitring parties were sent over, and 62 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN it having been ascertained that the Dost was posted in the Valley of Purwan Durrah, Sale, on the 2nd of Nov- ember, broke up his camp and marched to meet him. As his advance guard drew near to Purwan the enemy were seen in motion evacuating the forts and villages and making for the hills. Colonel Salter, who commanded the advance guard, sent forward his cavalry to prevent Dost Mahomed from escaping by the Purwan Pass. A letter of Neville Chamberlain, written soon after the event, sheds some interesting light on one of the most melan- choly incidents of the First Afghan War : " I have now got to tell you of one of the most shameful affairs that has ever taken place in the Bengal army. The story is as follows : General Sale having heard that Dost Mahomed was among the hills with about 3000 foot soldiers and some horse, marched to attack him, and arrived just in time to shut up his Dostship in a regular net in a range of hills which could only be crossed by two passes, and for one of these he was making, riding along the base of the hills with a little band of 120 or 130 horsemen. Our advance guard consisted of four companies i3th L.I., four companies N.I., two squadrons 2nd Cavalry, Anderson's Horse, and two guns, the whole commanded by Colonel Salter. On perceiving the Dost's plan the two squadrons of 2nd Cavalry under Captain Fraser were detached out, and moving in a parallel direction on the plain to that taken by the Dost, gained possession of the pass first. Finding his escape thus cut off, and the infantry and guns fast coming up, the Dost took off his turban and said to his men, ' Now for God's sake let us conquer or die.' His men moved down the hill, the standard-bearer gallantly in front. Dr Lord (Political) who was with Fraser said, ' Do you see that red flag ? there is Dost Mahomed ; ' and then turning to the troopers said, ' A lac of rupees for him, living or dead.' Fraser was almost beside himself for joy to think that the honour and glory of capturing the Dost was reserved for him. He formed line, and when the enemy were within about 200 yards ordered the advance. They managed to set up a half trot, and immediately began falling out by fives and sixes from the rear, in spite of the sergeant-major and quartermaster- sergeant (Europeans) trying to keep them in and licking them with the flats of their swords; nothing could make them go the pace, although the officer shouted, ' Gallop, gallop, charge, charge ! ' down came the enemy in gallant style and compact order, broke through our cowards and commenced laying on with their sabres. Even this would not induce the poltroons to fight, but turning their horses they fled in all directions, and then required no encouragement to gallop I Fraser got a desperate cut over the right wrist which will render the SURRENDER OF DOST MAHOMED 63 hand useless for life, and a fearful gash down the back. He was not aware of the wound in the wrist till he tried to draw a pistol and found his hand useless. Captain Ponsonby was surrounded by a dozen fellows cutting and hacking at him. He got a tremendous slash over the face, cutting through his nose and into the bone of the face from ear to ear, the top of his thumb taken off, and his arms smashed by a ball, and his horse's ears cut off, a ball through its neck, and his bridle-reins severed. In this situation the horse kicked himself clear of the melee, and dashing off into a water-course threw poor Ponsonby over his head. Whilst lying on the ground, he called to some of his men to put him again on his horse, or he would be massacred ; but not one would listen, when fortunately up came the riding-master, Mr Boulton, who jumped off and caught Ponsonby's horse, lifted him into the saddle, gave him the broken reins, and so he escaped ! Lieutenant Crispin, 2nd Cavalry, Lieutenant Broadfoot, Engineer, and Dr Lord were killed. The bodies of the two former were brought into camp without their heads. The 2nd Cavalry are now on their road to Hindustan to be tried by court-martial, and I hope they may all be shot." 1 Sir Alexander Burnes, who was on the field, at once de- spatched a note to Sir William Macnaghten, informing him of the disaster, and suggesting that Sale should be recalled and all the troops concentrated at Cabul for its defence. The letter was delivered on the 3rd. That evening the British envoy was returning from his usual ride of pleasure, when within a few yards of his residence a single horseman presented himself and announced to him that an Ameer requested to speak to him. " What Ameer ? " asked Mac- naghten. "Dost Mahomed Khan," was the answer, and at the same time Dost Mahomed appeared. Dismounting from his horse he presented his sword and claimed the envoy's protection. He had felt, he said, " even in the moment of victory, that it would be impossible to continue 1 " The circumstances well warranted the infliction of the heaviest punishment, and the displeasure of the Government which these traitors professed to serve was intim- ated in the most signal manner. The wretched troopers were not subjected to any corporal sufferings, but the regiment whose name they had made a byword of reproach was struck out of the list of the Bengal army. The native officers and privates present on the day of disgrace were dismissed the service and rendered incapable of ever re-entering or being employed in any way under Government ; the remainder to be drafted into other cavalry regiments. The dismissal of the degraded officers and men was carried into effect with all the marks of ignominy usual on such occasions." 'History of the British Empire in India,' by Edward Thornton, vi. 228. 64 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN the contest, and having met his foes in the open field and discomfited them he could claim their consideration without indignity." Macnaghten, returning the sword, asked the Dost to remount, and they rode together to the mission compound, an annexe of the cantonments where the envoy and his political staff had their quarters. Here a tent was pitched for him, and he was treated in the camp with the greatest respect and consideration. His manly and courteous bearing won the esteem of the chief officers of the garrison. Durand speaks of Dost Mahomed's surrender as " evincing a strange pusillanimity." Nature had largely endowed Dost Mahomed not only with personal courage but with strong natural sense and rare force of will. He never showed his strong natural sense and rare force of will more than by his surrender. It was a sore humiliation to him, but he knew the Afghans could not contend against the British army in the field. He took advantage of a chance victory to surrender without losing the honour and confidence of his subjects. He knew that the time must come when the weak and hated puppet we had placed on the throne would be assassinated or driven from the throne by a revolu- tion. He wished to take no active part in that revolution, because he hoped to again ascend the Musnud with the consent of the British Government. And it was as easy and safer to intrigue from Loodianah and Calcutta as from Bokhara. It was only when he heard the rumour that he was going to be sent to London that his good spirits failed him. On the I2th of November Dost Mahomed, under the escort of a considerable British force which had completed its tour of duty in Afghanistan, set out from Cabul for Hindustan. Neville Chamberlain writes, "I am happy to tell you that Dost Mahomed is now on his road to Hindustan, having given himself up to the British Government on the evening of the 3rd of November, so that the war in this country may be said to be ended." He adds, " The whole of Dost Mahomed's family that was here in confinement left for DEFEAT OF NUSSEER KHAN 65 Hindustan on Sunday." During the time that Dost Mahomed's family were at Ghuznee Neville and Crawford had charge of Dost Mahomed's sons, who were prisoners on parole. Among them was Shere AH, the future Ameer, who became warmly attached to Neville. Two events which occurred at the same time as the sur- render of Dost Mahomed lent support to the prevalent belief that " the war in this country may be said to be ended." On the 3rd November General Nott reoccupied Kelat, which had been abandoned by its garrison. Some days before, the army of Nusseer Khan attacked the British post at Dadur and was gallantly repulsed by 120 troopers of Skinner's Horse. "This handful of men dashed boldly at the enemy, and regardless of numbers went headlong into the mass. Macpherson, their leader, was wounded; so too were all the native officers and fifteen of the troopers, but the mass gave way, and leaving only a risaldar and two troopers dead on the field, Skinner's Horse returned victors from their brilliant feat." When Major Boscawen with a wing of her Majesty's 40th reached Dadur, he moved against Nusseer Khan, but the son of the ex-chief of Kelat withdrew before he could come up with him, leaving on the ground of the Belooch encampment the warm still bleeding corpse of Lieutenant Loveday, " the head severed from the body." On the ist of December Colonel Marshall, with goo Bombay sepoys, 60 irregular horse, and 2 guns, surprised and boldly attacked Nusseer Khan, who occupied a strong position near Kotree. Nusseer Khan, accompanied by his followers, made his escape on the first alarm. His chiefs, however, made a stubborn resistance, and 500 Belooches were slain before the desperate bout was finished. The whole of the enemy's baggage and a large quantity of arms fell into the hands of the victors. A small affair, but it deserves to be re- membered, as it illustrates the value of the Bombay sepoy. The field order issued on the day after the fight ended as follows : " The Lieutenant - colonel now concludes with saying that he never wishes to lead braver men into the E 66 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN field, for braver men could not be found." Neville Chamberlain wrote on the I2th of January 1841 " Nusseer Khan, the son of Meerab Khan, who was killed at the taking of Kelat, has at last given himself up, after having been licked three times, so there is an end to the war in Beloochistan. I told you of poor Loveday's death. He was political agent, and taken prisoner at Kelat. The sufferings he endured must indeed have been dreadful ; he had only sufficient food given him to keep body and soul together; he used to be taken daily through the camp and beaten and abused ; his servants hacked to pieces before his eyes, to show him what should be his fate. After the Belooches were defeated his body was found in his tent, the head severed and the blood still flowing. He was naked, a perfect skeleton, and with the marks of stripes on his back. Nusseer Khan ordered he should not be killed, and they say the enemy had left him alive, but one of the Belooches losing a brother by his side returned and killed Loveday in revenge; although, poor creature, he was scarcely able to move from starvation and was chained to the ground with heavy chains. I fancy there will be little mercy shown to the Belooches by our troops whenever they come across them, as they are perfectly frantic, and I believe in the moment of rage they would spare neither women nor children." In the same letter Neville apologises to his mother for not having written to her "as in duty bound on my birthday." " I am now one-and-twenty years old." He had begun life early, had tasted of the joy of battle, and the young soldier longed for active service in the field. " If I had but the opportunity of distinguishing myself! but in my present position as a soldier in cantonments, I have only a certain routine of duty to perform, and nothing is left to show forth one's judgment, bravery, skill in military tactics, or in fact any other quality. If a soldier is in his proper place, on service, he then can be distinguished, or extin- guished, and such are the chances I wish I could obtain." Stirring work in which a soldier could be extinguished or distinguished was nigh at hand. When the winter snow melted, heavy clouds floated into the Afghan sky. The Durranee chiefs displayed a strong spirit of disaffection, and the Ghilzyes between Candahar and Cabul assumed an in- MEETING WITH JOHN NICHOLSON 67 creasingly menacing attitude. On the 25th of April, Neville Chamberlain wrote to his mother : "The order for our regiment to be relieved has at length been published, and I believe that by this day month we may be in Cabul and my next letters dated from that place. We shall be sorry to leave Ghuznee from many reasons, notwithstanding the many advantages to be derived at Cabul in the way of society, but it is a very dear place; besides, we shall change from a cool house where we have every comfort to a small hot tent from which you are nearly swept away by the whirlwinds." The attitude of the Ghilzyes, however, prevented the regiment from being sent to Cabul. Two months later he wrote to his sister : " We expect in about a week to be outside the walls of Ghuznee, as the 27th B.N.I, are coming down from Cabul to relieve us. I shall be sorry to bid adieu to Ghuznee, it is a quiet retired spot and I like it very much. We are going in the direction of Kelat-E-Gilzee, and will most likely spend our summer under canvas at Mookkoor, about sixty miles from here. The Gilzees, a tribe who inhabit the country between Candahar and Mookoor, have risen to attempt to prevent our building a fort at Kelat-E-Gilzee, which is in the centre of their country. They are not so blind but to perceive when once we have a fort and force in the heart of their district they will be made to pay tribute to the Shah and abandon their ideas of independence." On the morning of the igth of June the i6th N.I. marched out of Ghuznee and pitched their tents two miles from the fort. One of the subalterns of the 27th N.I., the regiment which relieved them, was John Nicholson. "He was then," says Neville Chamberlain, "a tall, strong, slender youth, with regular features and a quiet and reserved manner. We became friends at first sight, as is common with youth, and we were constantly together during the short time that intervened between his regiment taking over the fort and my regiment leaving for Candahar. After my arrival at that place occasional correspondence passed between us, but neither of us was given to letter-writing, and what most occupied our minds was the events taking place in our respect- ive neighbourhoods ; for there were already signs that our occupa- tion of the country was resented by the people." 68 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN From Ghuznee the i6th N.I., in company with the 3rd Brigade Light Cavalry, four guns, and some of the Shah's infantry, marched to within thirty-five miles of Kelat- i-Ghilzye and encamped there. They were followed by a band of robbers, " who have been annoying us, firing into camp at night and cutting up the unfortunate camp-followers who straggled in the line of march. Even the women are not exempt from their brutalities, as to get possession of their ornaments such as bracelets, rings, &c. they cut off the limb sooner than take the trouble to unloose them." Here Neville Chamberlain adds, " The chiefs of the Gilzees are within eight miles of present position, among the moun- tains with a few followers, and whether they will ever give themselves up is doubtful, though they have sent in to Major Leech, political agent in camp, for terms. If we get them, they will in all probability be sent to Cabul to pass their days under surveillance." But the Ghilzye chiefs had not the slightest intention to pass their days under surveillance. Sultan Khan, the head chief, sent in a sarcastic message : " You have got my forts and fields. I have retired to my strong hills, and if you turn me out of them you will get a good name." On the 5th of July the 43rd B.N.I., along with some guns and cavalry, joined the force, and the game of hunting the Ghilzyes out of the valleys and hills began and proved most tedious. " I am becoming sick of this work," wrote Crawford, " for it is nothing but in- cessant knocking about without the slightest chance of a scratch." On the 5th of August the scratch came. Neville Chamberlain's own record, written six days after the engagement, is simple and graphic : " Here we are, still in the valley of Kurratoo, about thirty miles to the north of Kelat-E-Gilzee, and as the latter place is marked on most maps, you will be able to judge pretty correctly of our situation. On our arrival here the chiefs began to assemble their followers, and took up their position in the different passes which led out of the valley. During the day we amused ourselves looking at them through our telescopes, and at night they kept us aware of their situation by burning large fires, which had a very pretty effect. On the morning DESCRIBES DEFEAT OF THE GHILZYES 69 of the 4th instant we received home letters, but just as we commenced reading them we heard firing to the left of the camp, where we pro- ceeded. After a while the enemy retired, and we returned to read our letters. The next morning (5th August) I went out riding with Captain Walker (who commands two troops 4th Irregular Horse). We had six of his men for escort. Just as we were returning into camp we heard some firing on the left, and cantering to the direction from whence the sound came, we found about three hundred of the enemy had come down, and were cutting up the cavalry grass-cutters. We immediately took up a position on a small hill about two hundred yards from them (we had been joined by eight more men), when they commenced firing upon us, and we returned the compliment. People's attention in camp being attracted by the firing, and seeing our critical situation, one-and-a-half miles from the tents, some more of Walker's Horse were sent out to our assistance. In the meantime we were obliged to retire from our first position, as some of the rascals were endeavouring to get between us and camp, and before we had time to get on the next range of hillocks (about two hundred yards in our rear), the enemy had crowned our first hill. On seeing us retire I suppose they thought they had just as good as killed us, as they began shouting, flourishing their swords in the air, and some of the boldest galloped down to within sixty or seventy yards of us, firing at us, and then returning to their own hill. On twenty men joining us I proposed that we should charge them in two bodies, but after a little consideration we thought it better to form our men into a segment of a circle, each of us taking a flank. We told our men our plan, and they said if we went they would follow us, but entreated us not to go, for, as they justly observed, we were only a few, thirty-six in all, and that although we might break through them, our loss would be as great as theirs. "We prepared, however, for a start, and twice began to descend our own hill ; but finding the men very anxious we should defer the attack till our numbers were increased, we waited till we mustered sixty men, and perhaps from the way affairs turned out it was just as well we did so : but you can fancy how annoying it must be to have an enemy in front of you and not attack them. Although the enemy kept up a heavy fire at us during the time we were stationary, waiting for reinforcement for nearly a quarter of an hour, still they did but little damage, only wounding two or three men and horses. The only way to account for it is from their using immense charges of powder, but it was one continual 'whiz-whiz.' " To return to my story, when we mustered about sixty men we made a dash at them, and were soon in among them, when they thought their only chance was in flight, for they commenced a rapid retreat over the most steep ravines and rocks towards the mountains. We pursued them for about a quarter of a mile over this ground (such as no one in cold blood would think of going over), when we were 70 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN obliged to pull up, as the horses were quite done, many dead lame, their hoofs being torn by the sharp stones. Walker's horse shot dead, my own shot in the thigh, and many of the men's severely wounded by gun-shot and sword wounds. Forty-two bodies were counted, and they acknowledge to fifteen more wounded. The reason the wounded were so small was on account of all the work being done on our part by the sword. The affair was a very brisk one, no favour or affection on either side every man for himself and God for us all. I hope you will not think that I am of a bloody dis- position from what I have said, but you must remember that it is a soldier's profession to kill his enemies in battle, and had I not done my utmost I should have failed in my duty to my masters, the Queen, and John Company. The same day the 5th Light Cavalry and two companies of the 43rd Native Infantry had a scrimmage, the former killing sixteen and the latter twelve. Had our party had some infantry with us, we should have killed at least a hundred, as they would have been able to have followed them over the rocks and ravines. The fight had a good effect, as all the chiefs, who declared before that they would never submit, gave in a few days after, and agreed to all the terms. Lieutenant Bajette, 5th Cavalry, was severely wounded, but the doctors say he will recover. When Crawford last wrote to you he told you that I was going to the Huzara country on a political mission ; however, I have not gone, as no person was required. In reply to Major Leech's (political in the Gilzee district) application for my services, Sir W. Macnaghten said he would be happy to appoint me should any officer be sent, but that was only in case of the Huzara tribes assisting the Gilzees against us, which has not happened. Had any of them risen against us I should have been sent to raise one of the friendly tribes, and have led them against those leagued with our enemies, which would certainly have been a very pleasant business to perform. Only fancy me Com- mander-in-Chief and Governor- General of a large tribe ! I should think it must make you laugh to think of it. Depend on it the East India Company's service is the one ! The climate here is beautiful during the day cool in tents, and at night cold. " CAMP KELAT-E-GlLZEE, \Tth August. "We left Kurratoo on the i2th, as our corps is required to go immediately to Candahar, as there is some fear entertained of the inhabitants rising ; however, in my opinion, there is little chance of that. This place is altered much in appearance since we were here more than two years ago, on our march to Ghuznee. There were only then the remains of the walls of the old fort, now 800 men are em- ployed building a new fort from the foundation, which, when finished, will be a most tremendous strong place, being built on an almost perpendicular hill at least 200 feet above the plain, and, what is ENGAGEMENT WITH DURRANEES 71 better than all, with a number of natural springs gushing out of the top of the hill, so that the garrison can never be badly off for water. The walls of the fort are a mile round. Barracks for one corps will be ready this winter, but the whole will not be finished for two years, and when complete it will be impregnable, except from surprise or by bombardment. Alexander the Great and Nadir Shah were many months before it, and in digging the foundations many shot and shells have been found. Since leaving Kurratoo we have experienced a great change for the worse in the weather, for it is now oppressively hot, upwards of 100 during the day, and the nights also very warm. The music Harriet sent out to the care of Ferguson has just arrived ! Drepler's lessons are just the things I like practising, and if I am ever able to commence again, I will do as directed ' practice them daily.' Tell Larry that the drawings of Stoneleigh are exact to life itself, and call to mind many a happy day spent there." Ten days after the defeat of the Ghilzyes, Captain Griffin, at the head of 4 guns, 350 sepoys, and 800 cavalry, attacked a large body of Durranees under two of their leading chiefs, Akbar and Akrum Khan. They were strongly posted in a succession of walled gardens and mud forts, against which the fire of our artillery could have little effect. Griffin, with his handful of men, boldly attacked them and drove them from their strong position into the open. 1 Then cavalry charged the mass and completely shattered it. The two chiefs, Akbar and Akrum Khan, fled, their followers dis- persed themselves, and the Ghilzyes and Durranees were reduced to quiescence. The surface was thus stilled for the moment, yet the waters ran very deep. On the aoth of August the sanguine Macnaghten wrote that the country was " per- fectly quiet from Dan to Beersheba." On the 25th the i6th N.I. arrived at Candahar and encamped outside the town. "This place is very much improved since '39," writes Crawford, " and were it not for the enormous prices of everything I should like it much, although the temperature is very uncertain and trying to the constitution. One day 150 in the sun at 3 P.M., and yesterday it never rose above 82 ; and it falls very low at night, and towards morning is actually cold. At last a Ghuznee medal has been decided on ! for my part I would as soon have six months more batta. We have been trying to get up some races, but every one is so hard Durand and Kaye differ in their accounts of this engagement. 72 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN up and we can afford so little, I am afraid it will die a natural death. You cannot imagine anything so delicious as the fruit here : the melons are small and excellent. I think nothing of eating eight or ten at a sitting. If people knew what was good they would take the first steamer and drop down here." Early in September a strong force was sent from Candahar for the reduction of a body of Durranees who had again gathered around the standard of the indomitable Akrum Khan on the North-Western Frontier. The Durranee chiefs, seeing that resistance was hopeless, came into the British camp and gave themselves up ; but Akrum Khan refused to submit. A treacherous Afghan guided a small band of the Janbaz under a European officer to his fort. He was surprised, captured, and carried to Candahar, where, under orders of Prince Timour, the eldest son of Shah Shooja, who was governor of the city, he was blown from a gun. The British envoy, who refused to hear the murmurings of the waters of strife, wrote : " The noses of the Durranee chiefs have been brought to the grindstone," and Afghanistan was "as quiet as an Indian district." The time had come when some more of the troops might safely return to India. Neville Chamberlain, on the 27th of October, writes : " General Nott's force, which left this for Tereen and Darawut in the middle of September, is to be back in a few days, and I fancy we shall then soon start for Hindustan by the road we came. How things go by contrary. Here I am going back to India who wished to remain in this country, and there is Crawford who preferred India to Afghanistan remaining." Crawford had quite unexpectedly been appointed by the envoy to the temporary command of a regiment of Janbaz cavalry. " He was directed to proceed to Darawut and take command as soon as possible. He immediately made preparations for a start by setting himself up with tent, carriage, cooking utensils, as also the dress of the country, that being his uniform, the Janbaz are all either Persians or Affghans, being the yeomanry of the country. All these things were of course very expensive, the manners, costumes, and dress are so totally different from European that he may be A FRUGAL LIFE 73 considered to have made quite a new start in the world. Everything but the inward man is changed. I, of course, gave him everything I had that could be useful to him, and as things are so enormously dear, I have been put to some expense in replacing what I could not do without." It was a considerable sacrifice, for at this time, pecuniarily speaking, his fortunes were at a very low ebb. As a sub- altern in India, he could live on his salary by the exercise of the greatest economy, but the necessity of increasing the pay of his Indian servants, and of the rise in price in every article, had caused an increase of immediate expendi- ture which he found almost impossible to meet. " I have not tasted a drop of wine or spirit since April, so as to reduce the amount of my mess bill. I never accept an invitation to dine with another brother officer, as I should have to ask in return. Were I able to live without servants or tents I would, but that I cannot do, or I should then lose the respect of the men of my company. I have got the name of the Hermit from never seeing any one, and of course I pretend that that is my natural character ; but you all know what a different nature mine is ! I still con- tinue to study Persian, and I have commenced learning land-surveying and trigonometry under an officer who is kind enough to teach me." He adds, "I hope my Prosser 1 may arrive all safe, as I have given the only serviceable sword I had to Crawford, as the chances are he will require it more than I shall in the Indian nursery where there is little chance of meeting Affghans or Belooches." Before many weeks elapsed the Prosser was greatly needed. In the same letter he writes : " The district between Cabul and Jelalabad has rebelled, and our loss in the different skir- mishes has been great." In the last days of September Macnaghten summoned the chiefs of the eastern Ghilzyes to Cabul, and informed them that the subsidies hitherto granted to them would be reduced by 3000. The chiefs received the announce- 1 Prosser, an English sword-maker well known in his day. 74 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN ment, as is the habit of Orientals, without any apparent discontent and remonstrance. They returned to their mountain fastnesses and ordered their clansmen to occupy the passes between Cabul and Jellalabad, and to interrupt the line of communication with India by the Khyber route. When the Ghilzye insurrection broke out, Macnaghten had heard of his appointment as Governor of Bombay, and was on the point of returning to India : " but he and Burnes were on anything but cordial terms, and he could not suffer the idea of his leaving the country disturbed for Burnes to have the credit of pacifying it. Both he and Burnes treated the insurrection with contempt (Burnes called it to me a tempest in a tea-pot), and the rebels, absurdly enough, ' as less formidable than any other Afghans.' ' Macnaghten determined to send a small force under the command of Colonel Monteith " to settle the hash of the Ghilzyes." George Broadfoot, an able and resolute soldier, whose character and conduct inspired love and esteem, having been informed that he was to accompany the expedition with 100 of his sappers, went to Monteith for information and further orders. " He said he could give me no orders, having received none himself except to move towards Jellalabad; that he did not even know I was to go, but should be glad of my company. Monteith declined to apply for information, saying he knew the envoy and his staff too well ; admitted all the dangers of going on service in the dark, but said it was not the custom here to consult or even to instruct the commanders of expeditions." Broadfoot then went to General Elphinstone, who had succeeded to the chief military command in Afghan- istan on Cotton's retirement in the preceding spring. He was a brave soldier, who had commanded a regiment at Waterloo, but he had no experience of the Indian army or of Eastern warfare, and was utterly ignorant of the Afghans and of Afghanistan. He was advanced in age, and severe attacks of gout had rendered him unfit for physical activity. He accepted the command in Afghanistan at the repeated SALE ATTACKS THE KHOORD-CABUL PASS 75 and earnest request of the Government, and from the honourable feeling that it is a soldier's duty to go wherever his services may be required, but from no personal wish. Elphinstone told Broadfoot that he could give him no orders, and expressed himself unwilling to refer to the envoy on a point which ought to have been left to him to arrange. Broadfoot went from the General to the envoy ; he found him "peevish," and he declared the General to be "fidgety." The envoy interrupting him impatiently, said, " There would be no fighting ; that he had resolved in sending Colonel Mon- teith to Bootkhak as a demonstration, and that immediately to-morrow morning; that he expected the submission of the rebels that evening. If it came, Colonel Monteith would go to Jellalabad, if it did not come to-day his march to Bootkhak would so terrify them that it would be sure to arrive to-morrow. The Colonel was only to have his own regiment, two guns, a squadron of cavalry, and 100 sappers." On the gth of October this force, with Colonel Monteith in command, marched from Cabul to Bootkhak, the camping ground, one march from Cabul in the direction of Jellalabad. That night Monteith's camp was attacked and the assailants were repulsed. On the following day Sale with the I3th joined Monteith, and on the I2th he attacked the Khoord- Cabul Pass. As he was entering the pass he was wounded, and though he kept the nominal command, the actual and virtual command devolved on Colonel Dennie, who promptly pushed forward the advance column, and, finding that the enemy crowned the heights, he ordered the skirmishers to dislodge them. In the face and fire of the enemy they boldly ascended the nearly perpendicular precipices on either side and won the heights. The main column steadily pressed on, and the most distant gorge of the pass was gained. 1 Monteith and his force encamped in the valley 1 "The sappers were actively employed, some under Captain Broadfoot, recon- noitring; others under Colin Mackenzie, who had accompanied the I3th in order to be present. Mackenzie led the men well, and had the good fortune to come up in time to help Michael Dawes when he and his guns were in considerable danger. Broadfoot, in describing the action, pointed out that chance threw on the 76 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN outside the pass, and the I3th again traversing the Khoord- Cabul Pass returned to Bootkhak. A host of Afghans took advantage of the isolation of Monteith to make a desperate attack on his camp, but he " showed himself a good soldier " and repulsed his assailants with considerable loss, for " we found blood on the walls and heard the wounded call out." On the 20th Sale, having received reinforcements from Cabul, again joined Monteith. Two days later the force advanced on Tezeen. 1 " An ill-managed, unnecessary skirmish," says Durand, " for which Sale, who was lying wounded in his dooley, was not reponsible, cost him a gallant young officer killed, two wounded, and, worst of all, a run before a pur- suing enemy, which was a baneful occurrence among young soldiers." The force eventually reached Tezeen and were about to attack the fort when the Ghilzyes opened negotia- tions. Macgregor, the political officer attached to the column, now aware of the gravity and extent of the insurrec- tion, yielded to the Afghan chiefs all they claimed. Their irregular subsidies were restored, and no chief was to be held answerable for robberies committed outside his own dominion. On the 26th Sale resumed his march, and three days later he reached the valley of Jugdulluk with small loss or opposition. But next day, as his rearguard was making their way up the steep incline that leads to the pass, it was boldly attacked by the Ghilzyes, and 120 men were killed, the wounded having to be abandoned with the dead. On the 3Oth of October Sale encamped at Gun- damuk. Neville Chamberlain, in a letter dated the 3rd of November, gives an account of the death of Edward King, a young officer of great promise, in the unfortunate and unnecessary skirmish. sappers, under Mackenzie, and on Dawes, the task of forcing the pass. He added : ' Mackenzie commanded in a way few officers could have done ; the success was rapid and complete, and the day was gained. Unquestionably great credit was due to him. Dawes showed the coolness he ever showed.' Mackenzie remarking on this said, ' He was the only man, except Broadfoot, whom he ever saw wear a natural smile in battle.'" 'The Career of Major George Broadfoot, C.B.,' by Major W. Broadfoot, R.E., p. 34. 1 It is now usually spelt Tezin. DESCRIBES THE DEATH OF EDWARD KING 77 " As I am forwarding a letter from C. I will just add my say and continue my account of operations up at Cabul. The business has been brought to a conclusion, but I am sorry to say not to the honour of the British flag, as we have agreed to pay the sum of money we went to war about, so it would have been much better to have done so quietly. I am sorry to say another very fine promising young officer was shot through the heart while cheering on his men, Edward King of the i3th Light Infantry. He is regretted by all who knew him. He and I were great friends, and during the month I was on leave at Cabul I lived with him. He and Sinclair (of the same corps) always lived together in the same tent, and were the same as brothers. When King's body was buried they say Sinclair could hardly be torn away from the grave, and many seem to think he will soon follow. His heart is broken by the separation ! I saw a letter from Rattray of the i3th, who was along with King, and if my recollection serves me the following was the way he met his end. Rattray and King were ordered to take their companies and clear some hills from which the enemy were annoying the troops. This they did, the rebels going to a higher hill, when King said to Rattray, 1 Let us drive them from that also.' Rattray said, 'No; we have ful- filled our orders, and had better remain here.' King answered, * Will you allow me to go ? ' Rattray said, ' You are not under my orders ; you can do as you please ! ' King then waved his sword and called out, ' Volunteers to the front,' upon which several men joined him, and they commenced the ascent. Rattray, seeing he was determined to go, also joined him. Up they went and succeeded in their wish. Shortly afterwards an order came to call them down. Whilst they were descending the hill the enemy pressed on them. The officers endeavoured to keep the men together, but they had used all their ammunition and thought it was useless to walk down quietly to be shot at, so commenced running, when the enemy jumped out from their places of concealment from which they had been shooting Our men and ran down on the two companies with a yell ! Our men, I am ashamed to say, ran, leaving their officers and a few in the rear. Rattray, then, seeing his only chance was in flight, commenced run- ning down the hill; his foot slipped, he tumbled down a precipice, and by God's mercy escaped, volley after volley being fired at him. King called out to a man, ' Give me your musket ; here is a fellow within ten yards of me.' He had too great a sense of chivalry to run, and foolishly stopped alone to oppose hundreds, and so he fell ! But even these barbarians respected him for his bravery, for instead of carrying away his head and cutting up his body as their usual custom is, they left him as he fell ; and if ever any man deserved to have his name printed in history for his gallantry it is Edward King. We have certainly gained no laurels by the Tezene cam- paign. Our loss has been great 150 besides officers. We have lost ammunition, baggage, and treasure, and, in fact, it has been a 78 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN regular failure, and I hope for the honour of our arms we may not meet such again. The country and climate were certainly both much against us, as the former is nothing but mountain upon mountain, and the latter was hot during the day and perishing at nights. We are to leave on Friday for Hindustan. To-morrow we are to be reviewed for the inspection of Prince Timour Shah ! There is a man of the country now in confinement who will I suppose shortly be executed for stabbing a sergeant of artillery whom he had never seen before in his life. I suppose some of his relations had been killed in one of the late fights, and he was determined to be revenged on some infidel Christian. No one is safe in Afghan- istan from the assassin's hand. They first eat or drink some in- toxicating drug to bring themselves up to the deed, and then 'the first white-faced man is the victim. I am almost ashamed to send such a disjointed epistle, but you must excuse me on the plea of my being unnerved by the news of poor King's death." On the 8th of November the i6th N.I. and two other regiments left Candahar for Hindustan. The next morning, a short time after the beating of the " General," l and as the troops were getting ready to march, an express arrived from General Nott with orders to halt till further orders, so camels were again unloosed and tents pitched. "We accordingly remained on march from this until the I4th, when we came back to Candahar, the political agent having received a letter from Sir W. Macnaghten telling him Cabul was up, that our troops had been shelling the town, but apparently to no effect. The intelligence was brought by a man, written on a small bit of paper concealed on his person, bearing date the 3rd November." On the morning of the 2nd November a friendly Afghan informed Burnes that a plot had been hatched, which had for its chief object his seizure. But Burnes refused to believe him. Then came the Prime Minister, who urged him to leave his house and to proceed for safety to can- tonments. Burnes scorned the idea of quitting his house, close to which was the Shah's treasury. Now was heard the hum of men waxing ever louder : a fierce savage mob had assembled outside the house. Burnes sent a message 1 Formerly a beat of the drum for the assembly of all the troops preparatory to a march, battle, or action. N.E.D. MURDER OF ALEXANDER BURNES 7g to the envoy saying the populace was in an excited state. He knew not it was the hour. He forbade his guard to fire on the surging mass ; he would pacify them with a speech, but " soft speeches would not serve." As he stood on the balcony of the house, with his brother by his side and William Broadfoot, the hum grew into a wild yell of revenge and hate. A shot was fired, and Broadfoot, struck on the chest, fell mortally wounded. 1 " His body was afterwards dragged into the street, where it re- mained until it was devoured by the dogs of the city. ... A portion of the mob went round to the back part of the premises, set fire to the stables, and effected an entrance into the garden. Burnes then began to fear the worst ; no aid had come to his assistance, nor had apparently the slightest measure been taken to save so valuable a life as that which was about to be sacrificed. He offered the mob any sum of money if they would spare his life and that of his brother. They replied, * Come down to the garden ! ' They did so, in the hope that out of so many ruffians two or three might raise the voice for their safety. But no sooner had they set foot in the garden than the brothers were basely massacred, a mullah . . . being the first and foremost." 2 On the morrow Macnaghten wrote to Rawlinson : " We have a very serious insurrection in the city just now, and from the serious elements of which it is composed, I apprehend much disturbance in the surrounding country for some time to come. It would be only prudent, there- fore, that the i6th, 42nd, and 43rd, with a troop of horse artillery and cavalry, should come here immediately. General Nott will be written to officially on this respect." On the I2th of October General Nott received a per- 1 Lady Sale, in her Journal, says : " Captain Broadfoot was shot in the breast and killed. He was breakfasting with the two Burnes : before he fell he had killed six men with his hand." Thornton attempts to improve this : "Whose life was dearly paid for by his assailants, six of whom met destruction from his hand before it was paralysed by death." Alison converts it into the following : " Broadfoot, who sold his life dearly, was the first to fall ; a ball pierced his heart. " Captain Johnson, in his Diary, states : " Broadfoot was shot through the breast from the street while standing in an tipper courtyard of the house, so that it was an impossibility that he could have killed even one much less six (as stated in some accounts )." 2 Captain Johnson's Diary ' Blackwood's Magazine,' March 1906. "*" 80 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN emptory order, and wholly against his wishes and judgment the brigade, under Colonel Maclaren, started for Cabul. It only got as far as two marches beyond Kelat-i-Ghilzye. Neville Chamberlain writes : "Well, we arrived here on the morning of the i/j-th, and were halted, the i$th and i6th, for ammunition and grain, and on the morning of the iyth started for Cabul, our detachment consisting of 3 regiments infantry, 6 H.A. guns, 200 cavalry under your humble scribe, and a company of Europeans. Our start was inauspicious ; a stormy night and morning, but it cleared up and we went on very smoothly until the 2 6th, when we were two marches from Kelat-E- Gilzee, when the clouds commenced gathering, and about 6 A.M. down came the rain in torrents. Nevertheless we marched on and performed the regular march, making about thirty-five miles between us (at Tezeen) and Kelat-E-Gilzee. It continued alternately to rain, hail, snow, and sleet the whole of the 27th, 28th, 29th, and soth, clearing up on the morning of the ist; but our cattle died in such numbers as to prevent our carrying on our supplies, so on the morn- ing of the 2nd we were forced to commence to retrace our steps to Candahar. Our supplies were chiefly carried on donkeys, as it was supposed they could stand the cold better than any other animals ; but out of 1600 we only brought 400 back, and not only did the cattle suffer, but some camp-followers were killed by exposure, and others had their limbs frost-bitten. The thermometer stood at 14 the day we left Tezeen. Had we persisted, I think not half of us would ever have reached Cabul, and certainly not one of the guns. We reinforced the garrison of Kelat-E-Gilzee on our return with some artillerymen and 300 infantry, which made their garrison up to 1000 men. The town report is that they have been attacked, and the rebels driven off with great slaughter ! " On the loth of December the force returned to the western capital, and ten days later Crawford arrived there. "It was the first time I had seen him in his native dress, and he looks very well in it, though he has not yet a good moustache or beard, which are requisite to carry the thing off well. He is to remain here ; some of his corps goes to Pisheen and some to Maroof. For my part I am glad he remains here during the un- settled state of the country. I went to see him yesterday in his tent. I found him sitting on the ground, surrounded by his officers and men, settling their accounts. It was so strange to see the chiefs, most of them old enough to be his father, with fine long beards, paying him as much respect, and listening to him as attentively as if he had been their king." MURDER OF GOLDING AND PATTERSON 8l As the news of the murder of Burnes and the revolt became widely known in Candahar and the country around, the dis- affection in the city became more apparent and the wild tribes more menacing. " Not an European can move twenty yards," says General Nott, "without the chance of being shot or cut down." l Two Janbaz corps were camped at a short distance from the city walls. Some months before the General had written to the Government declaring that they were useless and not to be trusted, " for which, as usual, I received from the supreme Government a most severe reprimand for reflecting on these pets of Macnaghten, and was told that they were brave and trustworthy soldiers, and valuable to the State ; that my conduct was highly in- judicious." On the night of the 26th December Major Rawlinson, the Political Agent, ordered these two regiments to occupy a fort at a short distance from Candahar. Two or three hours before the time approached for their march they rushed into a tent where Lieutenant Golding and Lieutenant Patterson were sleeping, and attacked them in their beds. Neville Chamberlain writes on the ist of January 1842 : "A happy New Year, and many more of them. Since I last put my pen to this paper, Captain Golding, who commanded the ist Janbaz, has been cruelly murdered by his men. The circumstances are as follows : The ist and 3rd Janbaz were to have conveyed some powder out to the garrison of Girisk, and to have started at one o'clock on the morning of the 27th: somehow the powder was not ready and the counter-order for the march was given after the men had saddled their horses, on which they determined to murder their officer and bolt. In the same tent with poor Golding was Lieutenant Patterson, a Political Assistant, who was going to accompany him; he was awoke at four in the morning by the fingers of his left hand being cut off and four or five men cutting at him. He fortunately lay quiet, and the brutes, fancying he was dead, left him to assist in murdering poor Golding, who had jumped out of bed on receiving the first wound, and endeavoured to save himself by running towards our barracks ; but, poor fellow, his body was found on a bank, about 1 'The Life of Major-General Sir William Nott, G.C.B.,' byj. H. Stocqueler, 395- F 82 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN forty yards from his tent, almost hacked to pieces. Patterson hearing nothing stirring in the tent called out Golding's name, his writer hearing his master's voice ran into him and told him to make haste and mount a horse (whose head and heel ropes he cut with his sword) and ride for his life. He succeeded in reaching the citadel, having made a most wonderful escape. He is, I am happy to say, going well, but he will be a cripple for life ! He received in all fourteen wounds ; but fortunately those on the head are not severe, which can only be accounted for by his having a custom of wrapping his head up in the bed-clothes. There is still some doubts about having to take off one of his legs, as the bones of one of his arms and leg have been partially cut through. The first information we had of the affair was Patterson coming in wounded and telling the story, and, of course, the moment it was heard the troops were turned out to fire upon the fiends who had turned against their officer, but by the time they arrived where the camp had been standing they had of course gone off, taking all their own things and 8000 rupees for treasure." A speedy Nemesis overtook the mutineers. The Shah's ist Cavalry (Hindustanees), to which Crawford was attached, was sent out in pursuit of them, and " came up with them eight miles from the capital. The Janbaz charged in a body, and our cavalry charged at the same time in line." The melee lasted for some minutes, both parties fighting hand to hand, "when the enemy broke and fled pursued by the Hindustanees. . . . Crawford, thank God, escaped with his trousers cut behind, the sword fortunately glancing off on to the horse's back, making the most awful gash of about a foot long and big enough to put your fist in. A native officer saved Crawford's life by cutting off a man's sword-arm that was raised and just in the act of cutting him down, Crawford being at the time engaged in fight- ing a man in front of him." Two days after the mutiny of the Afghan cavalry Prince Sufder Jung, one of the sons of Shah Shooja, disappeared from Candahar and joined the camp of Atta Mahomed, a chief who had fixed his headquarters at about forty miles to the west of Candahar, and was attracting all the neigh- bouring tribes to his standard. Rawlinson considered that it was necessary, in order to maintain our political influence, that a brigade should be sent at once to attack the enemy. BATTLE OF URGHUNDAB 83 Nott, taking a commander's point of view, considered it would " indeed be truly absurd were I, in the very depth of winter, to send a detachment wandering about the country in search of the rebel fugitive, destroying my men amidst fire and sword." He stated with refreshing bluntness, " I have no right to interfere in the affairs of the Governor of this country, and I never do, but in reference to that part of your note where you speak of political influence, I will candidly tell you that these are not times for mere ceremony, and that under present circumstances, and at the distance of two thousand miles from the seat of the Supreme Government, I throw responsibility to the winds, and tell you that, in my opinion, you have not had for some time past, nor have you at present, one particle of political influence in this country." Meanwhile the Afghan force moved down the valley of the Urghundab 1 and took post on the river about five miles to the west of the city. On the I2th of January General Nott moved out at day- light to attack them, taking with him ist Cavalry, Shah Shooja's force, 300 Skinner's Horse, 2 troops Horse Artillery, g-pound Battery, H.M. 4Oth Foot, 2nd, i6th, 38th Native Infantry, wing 42nd N.I., and 5th Regiment Infantry S.S. Force. Neville Chamberlain had been appointed, owing to the paucity of officers, to the ist Cavalry, and he and Crawford were once more in the same corps. The action, or, as it has been called, the battle of Urghundab, is thus described by him : "We of course led the way, and I was on a-head of all with a glass, accompanied by three men, to give information the moment the enemy were in sight. After leaving Candahar two miles I passed a village of only a few houses, when an orderly was sent to me to tell me to halt as the column was some distance behind. I left the three men behind and went on a little way to reconnoitre ; and after look- ing about me a few minutes, I was sent for by the officer command- ing my regiment and proceeded to join the column, leaving my men in the village, where not a soul was to be seen, when shortly, to my surprise, two of them came galloping towards us pursued by fifteen 1 Now written Argandab. ' India,' by Sir Thomas Holdich, p. 94. 84 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN of the enemy's horse, who were of course stopped by our advance guard and pursued in turn ; but they escaped, having only one wounded, and when we arrived at the village again we found the body of one of my men lying headless ! I had left them there thinking I should return immediately, and fancying that none of the enemy were near. I mention this to show you how cautious one should be when employed upon such duty, and I have not any doubt that, had it not been for my recall, I should have ended my days on that spot ! Soon after this affair we descried the enemy coming down towards us, who took up their position on the right bank of the Urghundab, their right and left flanks being on two hills, the left hill covered with houses, the distance between the two being about a thousand yards. In front of this position they had a canal, the ground between which and the river they had in a great measure flooded some days before, which made it impassable for guns, and nearly so for cavalry and infantry. In their rear again they had three canals, so that by leaving a few men to keep their position the main body might have retired unobserved and the remainder have left when pressed, and still have had the three canals in rear of them between them and us, before we could have crossed, which they would have had sufficient start to prevent our closing unless they liked it. We found great difficulty in crossing our guns, and it was 12 o'clock before we commenced business. We were on the extreme left, behind one of the Horse Artillery troops and the 9-pounders Foot Battery. The infantry and other troops being on our right, the former drawn up in open column, the light companies of corps being again in front of them. The light companies and the enemy's best infantry kept up a cross fire on each other for some time, the latter from the village on the hill and from the bank of the canal which separated us. We on the left were amusing them with round shot and shrapnel, the enemy returning the favour with large matchlock balls. We behind the guns on horseback of course came in for the balls that went over the artillerymen's heads, and it was whilst in this position I got the crack on the knee. When I was first hit I thought it was through the knee joint as it was so painful. I was able to ride to the rear, and on getting off my horse I fainted ; however a little water soon brought me round, when I again mounted and joined the regiment which was in the place I left it. It was our general's maiden fight, which I fancy made him rather cautious, for we were kept a long time at long shots, but at last the order for advance was given, when the hill with the village on it was soon taken by our infantry. Whilst this took place the rebels made an attempt to turn our left ; but ten guns treating them with grape cooled their courage. The enemy managed to get off their infantry pretty well protected by their cavalry. The former made the best of their way off, but the latter made a show of standing on the plain. Our cavalry altogether NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN WOUNDED 85 only mustered about 750, whilst that of the enemy was about 3500 : so we advanced against them, ourselves on the left, a troop of H.A. and the 4oth Foot in the centre, and 300 Skinner's Horse on the right. When we got within a few hundred yards of them their hearts failed them and off they went, on which we (cavalry) left our friends in the centre and pursued. It was about 2 o'clock when we com- menced the pursuit, and I did not get back to the first scene of action until sunset. I was mounted on a large Cape horse which had been lent to me, and which soon brought me alongside one of the rebels who had been in our service as a Janbaz. The horse- men of this country all carry guns, and are very expert in using them off horseback ; however, as luck would have it, when I was just within sword distance of him, as he endeavoured to fire, his gun flashed in the pan, I closed with him and unhorsed him before he was able to draw his sword, and at that moment one of my men coming up finished the business by cutting off the rebel's head with his own sword, and taking his horse and arms. We took from the rebels tents, horses, camels, and cattle, and things of all descriptions. As there was great difficulty in recrossing the guns over the canals and river, the troops remained out for the night." Neville Chamberlain's account of the action at Urghundab recalls to mind what Wellington and what Sherman knew, and what every soldier knows that has seen active service, that war is hell. 1 After the fight was over Neville, owing to his wound having become "stiff and painful," returned to Candahar, " and after going to bed that night I did not leave it for a month." On the 3Oth of January we have the entry, " Heard of the envoy's death." 1 'Wellington,' by Gold win Smith. Kaye in 'The War in Afghanistan' states : "Our troops moved forward, carried the village by storm, and slaughtered every man, woman, and child within its walls." Canon Rawlinson in 'A Memoir of his Brother, Sir Henry Rawlinson,' writes : " It may be hoped that this is an exaggera- tion. Major Rawlinson, who is Mr Kaye's authority, only says that the storming of the village brought destruction on ' man, woman, and child. ' He does not employ the important word 'every.' MS. Diary for 1842." 86 CHAPTER IV. Spread of the insurrection at Cabul Loss of the commissariat fort Action on the Western Heights Last gleam of success Action on the Beymaroo Hills Arrival of Mahomed Akbar Khan Disaster of the 23rd of November Looked-for advent of Sale's brigade and Maclaren's force All hope of relief gone Macnaghten's negotia- tions with the chiefs His murder by Mahomed Akbar Khan Evacuation of the cantonments First day's march Encampment at Bagramee The passage of the Khoord-Cabul Five hundred soldiers and two thousand five hundred followers perish in the defile Attack at Jugdulluk Slaughter of the force Akbar Khan obtains possession of the ladies and children The final struggle and massacre at Gundamuk Dr Brydon reaches Jellalabad Affairs at Candahar Nott refuses to abandon the city Attacks the Afghans Neville Chamberlain's journal Afghans attack the city Siege of Ghuznee by the Afghans Lieutenant Crawford's account John Nicholson Fall of Ghuznee. THE murder of Burnes was the first red flame of a volcano on the edge of which the British garrison was sleeping. It did not awake them. On the morning of the 2nd of November there was a riot in Cabul ; by sunset it had become a revolt. Vigorous and well-directed exertions might have suppressed it, but General Elphinstone wrote to the envoy, "We must see what the morning brings, and think what can be done." In the morning the flame increased with tremendous rapidity. Thousands of Afghans, armed and accustomed to fight from childhood, flocked into Cabul from the neighbouring villages. A feeble attempt was made by the garrison to penetrate the city with an inadequate force, and it failed. That night Captain Colin Mackenzie, who was in charge of the fort containing the Shah's commissariat stores, finding no assistance sent to PROGRESS OF THE INSURRECTION 87 him, fought his way into cantonments, bringing in his wounded and the women and children. On the 5th the commissariat fort was lost, and with it the means by which the garrison could alone keep for any length of time their position. As General Elphinstone was dis- abled not only by health but by an accident the very first day of the invasion, Brigadier Shelton, the second in command, was, at the earnest request of the envoy, summoned to the cantonments from the Bala Hissar, and he brought with him part of the garrison of that position. Hopes were entertained "that by heartily co- operating with the envoy and general, he would strengthen their hands and revive the sinking confidence of the troops." General Elphinstone, however, remained in command, and, though incapable of taking an active part in the duties of the defence, was not incapable of interfering. Shelton, as brave a man as ever lived, was, owing to his lack of temper and tact, incapable of co-operation. From the beginning he expressed his opinion that the garrison could not hold out for the winter, and advocated a retarded retreat to Jellalabad. The envoy the supreme political authority protested in the strongest terms against this measure, and the general wavered between the two measures. If there had been a capable commander the force at Cabul, 5000 strong at least, was as competent to hold out as that at Candahar. But instead of any definite vigorous course being adopted, the strength and spirit of the army was frittered away in skirmishes and attacks on strong forts. On the I3th of November the enemy appeared in great force on the western heights, where, having posted the guns, they fired into cantonments with considerable precision. At the earnest request of the envoy, a force under Brigadier Shelton was sent to attack them. Lady Sale, who saw the action from the top of her house in cantonments, writes : " The Afghan cavalry charged furiously down the hill upon our troops in close column. The 37th N.I. were leading, the 44th in the centre, and the Shah's 6th in the 88 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN rear. No square or balls (sic) were formed to receive them. All was a regular confusion ; my heart felt as if it leapt to my teeth when I saw the Afghans ride clean through them. The onset was fearful. They looked like a great cluster of bees, but we beat them and drove them up again." 1 This was the last faint gleam of success. On the 1 5th of November Major Eldred Pottinger and Lieu- tenant Houghton, the former slightly, the latter desperately, wounded, rode into cantonments accompanied by a single sepoy. They were the sole British survivors of the Chanikar force. The insurgents were now the complete masters of the district of Kohistan. On the i8th the envoy wrote to the general, " We have scarcely a hope of reinforcement from Sale's Brigade." General Sale, on receiving the order recalling him to Cabul, summoned a council of war, at which it was agreed that it was impracticable to obey the order. He thereupon marched in a contrary direction, and, throwing up connection with Cabul, occupied Jellalabad ; 2 and the envoy now learnt that he was closely besieged by the enemy. Macnaghten added : " It is possible that we may receive reinforcements from Candahar." Clinging to this hope Macnaghten, whose courage no misfortune could diminish, the suggester of every bold plan, proposed that the troops should move into the Bala Hissar; but owing to the pertinacity of the obstinate Shelton, the proposal was rejected. On the 22nd of November large bodies of Afghan horse and foot issued from the city, and proceeded to crown the summit of the Beymaroo heights. At the north - east extremity of one of the hills was the village of Beymaroo (or " husbandless," from a beautiful virgin who was buried there), from which the garrison drew their supplies. "As it was built on a slope, and within musket- shot, the upper houses commanded a large portion of the 1 < A Journal of the Disasters in Afghanistan, 1841-42,' by Lady Sale, p. 98. 2 "The decision was regretted by some of the ablest officers in his force, fore- most among whom was Broadfoot. Humanly speaking, Sale thus denied himself the honour and the satisfaction of retrieving the state of affairs at the capital." * The First Afghan War,' by Sir Henry Marion Durand, p. 360. ATTACK ON THE BEYMAROO HILLS 89 mission compound." It was determined, at the recommend- ation of the envoy, contrary to the wish and advice of the brigadier, to send a detachment under Major Swayne to forestall the enemy in the occupation of the village. Major Swayne, however, found on approaching it that it was already occupied by a body of Kohistanees, and the entrance blocked up in such a manner that he considered it out of his power to force a passage. His orders were to storm the village, but according to Lieutenant Eyre, who was wounded that day, he " would neither go forward nor retire," 1 but for several hours maintained a useless fire on the houses of Beymaroo. The infantry were under cover of a low wall, but the cavalry and artillery, posted on the open plain, exposed to the deliberate aim of the enemy's marksmen in the village, had many casualties. Late in the evening Brigadier Shelton, who had opposed the movement, joined them with a detachment, but no de- cisive action was taken ; and, in the language of Lady Sale, "the troops returned, having done nothing." 2 Mahomed Akbar Khan, the second and favourite son of Dost Mahomed, arrived in Cabul. " The crisis of our struggle was already nigh at hand." On the morning of the 23rd a strong force under Shelton was sent to occupy the Beymaroo hills. All day the contest raged. Many a gallant deed was done. But as darkness began to fall, a human avalanche, friends and foes massed together, rolled on towards the cantonments, and those who manned the walls feared it would sweep away the gate. The ammunition of the great guns in battery within the cantonments was almost expended. A heavy fire from one of Shah's regiments in the mission compound and a gallant charge of cavalry under Lieutenant Hardyman and Lieu- tenant Weekes checked the pursuit. Then one of the leading chiefs suddenly halted and led off his followers. Our loss was tremendous, the principal part of the wounded having 1 ' The Military Operations at Cabul,' by Lieutenant Vincent Eyre, p. 112. 2 ' A Journal of the Disasters in Afghanistan, 1841-42,' by Lady Sale, p. 119. 90 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN been left in the field, including Lieutenant - Colonel Oliver, where they were miserably cut to pieces. The day after the disaster two deputies of the assembled chiefs entered [the cantonments, and were received by the envoy. " I proposed to them the only terms which in my opinion could be accepted with honour; but the temper of the rebels may best be understood when I mention that they returned me a letter of defiance the next morning, to the effect that unless I consented to surrender our arms, and to abandon his Majesty to his fate, I must prepare for immediate hostilities. To this I replied that we pre- ferred death to dishonour, and that it would remain with a higher power to decide between us." Hostilities were re- sumed. The assailants increased in strength, and waxed bolder day by day ; and they had within the walls as allies vacillation, famine, and disease. The sick and wounded now amounted to 700. The vacillation and want of capacity shown by their leaders led to the inevitable re- sult decline of spirit in the men, and " discipline began to disappear among us." On the 3rd of December the enemy destroyed our bridge over the Cabul river, " and actually carried away the timbers composing it before our eyes, not a hand being on our part raised to prevent them." l The next day the garrison of an important position aband- oned it without firing a shot. The camp-followers were living on carrion ; the commissaries reported that the quantity of grain in store was equal to only four days' consumption, "and that all hopes of procuring more were at an end."' On the loth of December Macnaghten heard that Mac- laren's force had retraced its steps to Candahar. All hope of relief was gone. The next morning, accompanied by Trevor, Mackenzie, and George Lawrence, Macnaghten met the chiefs at a spot on the Cabul river two hundred yards from the walls of the cantonments. After the interchange 1 'Reminiscences of Forty -three Years in India,' by Lieu tenant -General Sir George Lawrence, p. 97. 2 Captain Johnson's Journal, ' Blackwood's Magazine,' March 1906. THE DRAFT TREATY QI of the usual compliments they all sat down on horse-cloths spread for them on the ground, and the envoy produced the draft of a treaty. The main terms were that the British should evacuate Afghanistan with all practicable expedition, and " that they shall be unmolested on their journey, shall be treated with all honour, and receive all possible assist- ance in carriage and provisions." On the safe arrival of the troops at Peshawur immediate arrangements were to be made for the return to Afghanistan of Dost Mahomed, his family, and all other Afghans detained in India. " Shah Sooja-ool- Moolk will be allowed either to remain in Afghanistan on a suitable provision for his maintenance, not being under one lakh of rupees per annum, or to accompany the British troops on their return to India." 1 The articles were duly dis- cussed, and in the main accepted by the chiefs, who, how- ever, never had any intention of fulfilling the treaty. They never took the trouble of signing it. When the envoy saw that there was not the slightest use in dealing with the chiefs as a body, he determined to negotiate separately with Mahomed Akbar Khan, who had made known his wish to treat, " as he was the sole chief possessed of sufficient power and influence to enforce the due observance of any treaty entered into with himself individually." Akbar Khan laid the snare with infernal skill. On the evening of December 22 he sent into the cantonments Captain Skinner, who had been living under Akbar Khan's pro- tection, Mahomed Sudeeq Khan, a first cousin, and a native merchant, one of our staunchest friends. At a conference at which the envoy, Sudeeq Khan, and his two companions were alone present, the Afghan delegate disclosed Akbar Khan's proposals. The following day Sir William should meet Akbar Khan and a few of his immediate friends out- side the cantonments, when a final agreement should be made : that the envoy should have a considerable body of 1 A widely-read history of " British India " states : " On the nth of December he promised to give back to the chiefs their chosen king, Dost Mahomed, and to abandon Shah Shuja if the British army were allowed to march in safety out of Afghanistan." He never promised to abandon Shah Shooja. 92 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN troops in readiness, which on a given signal were to join with those of Akbar Khan and assault and take Mahmood's fort, some five or six hundred yards from the eastern ram- part, and of vital importance to the defence, and secure the person of Ameenoolah, the leader of the insurgents, who had not only murdered Burnes, Broadfoot, and our sepoys, but also massacred men, women, and children in every part of the city. He certainly was a rebel chief outside the pale of law. The Afghan delegate suggested that for a certain sum of money the head of Ameenoolah should be presented to the envoy, " but from this Sir William shrank from abhorrence, declaring that it was neither his custom nor that of his country to give a price for his blood." The further proposals were that the English should be permitted to remain in the country eight months longer, so as to save their credit ; they were then to evacuate Afghanistan as of their own accord ; that Shah Shooja was to continue king, and Akbar to be his vizier; and as a reward for Akbar's assistance the British Government was to pay him 300,000, and ^40,000 per annum during his life. * Macnaghten accepted the proposals, except the base sug- gestion of assassination, and affixed his signature to the Persian document containing the terms. It was the forlorn hope of saving the lives of 16,000 men. Some days before the meetings Akbar Khan had communciated to the envoy his wish to have sent to him as gifts a pair of double-barrelled pistols and an Arab horse to which he had taken a fancy. Macnaghten now presented the pistols to the Afghan dele- gates, and they returned to Abkar Khan with these sub- stantial tokens of the success of their mission. He rode off at once to Ameenoolah and informed him that the net had been cast with success. On the following noon Sir William Macnaghten, accom- panied by his staff officers, Trevor, Lawrence, and Mackenzie and a small escort, set forth to the fatal tryst. When they had 1 Letter addressed by Captain C. Mackenzie to Lieutenant Vincent Eyre, Cabul, 29th July 1842. MURDER OF SIR W. MACNAGHTEN 93 ridden about 500 yards from the eastern rampart the guard was halted, and Macnaghten, Trevor, and Lawrence had advanced towards the spot fixed for the conference. It was well chosen by the Afghans for their treacherous plot. Akbar Khan and the Ghilzye chiefs were awaiting the envoy. " After the usual salutations of Salaam aleikoom, ' Peace be with you,' had been exchanged on both sides, Sir William, addressing Mahomed Akbar, said, ' Sirdar sahib, here is Grant sahib's horse for you as you wished.' ' Many thanks,' said Akbar, ' and also for Lawrence sahib's pistols, which you see I am wearing. Shall we now dis- mount ? ' The party dismounted, and horse - cloths were spread on a small hillock which partially concealed us from cantonments, and which was chosen, they said, as* being free from snow." * Macnaghten threw himself on the bank, with Mahomed Akbar and Trevor and Mackenzie beside him. Lawrence stood behind the envoy, but, on being importuned by one of the chiefs to be seated, " I knelt on one knee, the escort being drawn up a short dis- tance in the rear." Akbar began the conference by asking the envoy if he were perfectly ready to carry out the proposals of the preceding evening. "Why not?" asked Macnaghten. Lawrence and Mackenzie now noticed that Afghans armed to the teeth had gradually approached the spot, and were drawing round in a circle. Lawrence and Mackenzie pointed this out to the chiefs and the envoy, the former remarking that " if the subject of the conference was of that secret nature I believed it to be, they had better be removed." The chiefs affected at first to drive the crowd back with their whips. Macnaghten spoke to Mahomed Akbar, who replied, " No, they are all in the secret." No sooner were the words uttered than Mackenzie heard Mahomed Akbar call out, " Begeer ! begeer ! (Seize ! seize!), and turning round, I saw him grasp the envoy's left hand with an expression in his face of the most dia- 1 Letter from G. St P. Lawrence, Camp Zoudah, ten miles south of Tezeen, 1 6th May 1842. 94 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN bolical ferocity. I think it was Sultan Jan who laid hold of the envoy's right hand. They dragged him in a stoop- ing posture down the hillock, the only words I heard poor Sir William utter being ' Az barae Khooda!' (for God's sake!) I saw his face, however; it was full of horror and astonishment." 1 Trevor, Lawrence, and Mackenzie were suddenly seized from behind, dragged away, and compelled each to mount a horse ridden by an Afghan chief. Trevor slipped from the horse of his captor and was cut to pieces on the spot ; Lawrence and Mackenzie reached Mahmood's fort alive. The native escort, on seeing the Englishmen seized, fled to the cantonments. A noble Rajput henchman, however, rushed forward to save his master, and was hacked to pieces by the Ghazees. How Macnaghten perished was for many years never clearly known. Akbar Khan, the day after the base murder, told his council in the presence of Captain Conolly that, while endeavouring to force the envoy either to mount on horseback or to move more quickly, he had struck him. Seeing the Englishman's eye fastened upon him with an expression of intense indigna- tion, he altered the phrase and said, " I mean I pushed." Akbar Khan sedulously attempted to persuade Englishmen that he had done the fierce deed in a gust of tiger passion, and he assured Lady Macnaghten that he would give his right arm to undo what he had done. The story was accepted. Sir John Kaye wrote that, " Exasperated past all control by the resistance of his victim, whom he designed only to seize, Akbar Khan drew a pistol from his girdle one of those pistols for the gift of which only a little before he had profusely thanked the envoy and shot Macnaghten through the body." And again : " It does not appear that the murder of Macnaghten was premeditated by the Sirdar. 1 Letter by Captain C. Mackenzie to Lieutenant Vincent Eyre, Cabul, 29th July 1842. Lawrence wrote, " I turned and saw the envoy lying, his head where his heels had been, and his hands locked in Mahomed Akbar's, consternation and horror depicted in his countenance." Letter addressed by Captain G. St P. Lawrence, late military secretary to the envoy, to Major E. Pottinger, C.B., late in charge of the Cabul Mission, Camp Zoudah, ten miles south of Tezeen, i6th May 1842. THE COUNCIL OF WAR 95 It seems to have been the result of one of those sudden gusts of passion which are among the distinguished feat- ures of the young Baruckzye's character, and which had often before betrayed him into excesses laden with the pangs of after repentance." The idea of an Afghan, after having committed a murder, being laden with the pangs of repentance, shows strange ignorance of Afghan char- acter. Thirty years rolled on. Then among Sir Henry Lawrence's papers was found a letter from Mahomed Akbar Khan to his brother, translated by Lawrence himself, which reveals the baseness of the crime. Akbar Khan writes, " We alighted and met ; and after some conversation, this slave of God seized the lord's hands, and shot him in the breast, and cut him in pieces with my sword." 1 He also confirms the statement that "the mangled trunk was hung up at the entrance of the chauk or principal mart." The day after the murder of the envoy the draft of a new treaty was sent in by the Afghans to General Elphin- stone, substantially "the same as the former one, but with these important differences: ist, That we should leave behind all our guns except six. 2nd, That we should immediately give up all our treasures. 3rd, That the hostages should be all exchanged for married men with their wives and families." A council of war, contrary to Pottinger's vehement protest, decided to accept the two first articles, but the chiefs were informed that it was con- trary to the usages of war to give up women as hostages. On the soth a crowd of Ghilzyes and Ghazees attempted to force an entrance into the cantonments. In Lady Sale's Journal we have, " 3ist December. Thus ends the year. The bodies of the envoy and Trevor not brought in. Snow has lain on the ground since the i8th of December." On the first day of the New Year the treaty was sent in duly signed, bearing the seals of the Afghan Sirdar. 1 Henry Lawrence, who was assistant at Ferozepore at the time, was the first to hear the news of the Cabul insurrection. He accompanied Wild's Brigade as Political Agent to Peshawur. * The Life of Sir Henry Lawrence,' by the late Major- General Sir Herbert Edwardes, K.C.B., and Herman Merivale, C.B. 96 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN At nine o'clock on the morning of the 6th of January the advance of the Cabul force, which after all its losses amounted to about 4500 fighting men, with 12,000 followers, moved out of the cantonments through a breach made in the ramparts the previous night. Behind the advance followed the women and children, escorted by Captain Lawrence and a small body of horse and foot. Darkness was swiftly falling when the main body reached their halting -place at Bag- ramee, having marched only four miles. Two hours after midnight the rearguard reached the camp, where, finding no shelter or fuel, they had to huddle together in the snow to keep themselves warm. Many perished before dawn. Next morning " no order was given, no bugle sounded." At 8 A.M. the force moved on, and after a march of five miles, they halted at the entrance of the Khoord - Cabul Pass. At noon next day the advance entered the most terrible and difficult of all the Afghanistan passes " the very jaws of death." It is about five miles long, and is bounded on both sides by lofty hills, and between the huge precipices of naked stone the sun in winter darts but a momentary ray. When the main column and the baggage escort entered the narrow throat of the pass, from every rock and cave in the heights the enemy poured down a furious fire. The pass was completely crowded with horses, camels, and troops, among whom every bullet told. They could do nothing against an enemy hidden by the rock, and they were in a position where courage was of no use to them. A stampede ensued. The Ghilzyes, with one deep cry of wild beasts, rushed down from the rocks and sabred men, women, and children. It was dark when the rearguard reached the bivouac on the Khoord-Cabul plateau. In the gloomy defile about 500 soldiers and over 2500 followers had perished. On the gth Akbar Khan sent in the proposal that the women and children should be consigned to his care with their husbands. The offer was their only chance, and it was accepted. That evening the married officers, the wives and RETREAT OF THE CABUL FORCE 97 widows and children, were taken to Akbar Khan, " who received the ladies very courteously." On the morning of the loth the march was resumed. No opposition was made until the troops were near a narrow gorge between the pre- cipitous spurs of two hills through which flowed a small stream, but then a murderous fire was sent from the heights above. No retrograde movement could be made. Every volley struck the confused mass. The deep gorge, not more than ten feet wide, was filled with dead and dying. " The sepoys, sunk in dejection, cast away their arms and accoutre- ments, which only clogged their movements without contri- buting to their defence, and, along with the camp-followers, fled in wild terror for a place of safety. The Afghans leapt down from the rocks, rushed upon them with yells of triumph, and cut them down with their long knives." The last small remains of the native infantry regiments were here scattered and destroyed. Meanwhile the advance, after pushing through the defile, losing men at every stage, reached Kubbur-i-Jubbar, five miles ahead, where they halted for the rear to join them. But the rear never came. They had, with the exception of a few stragglers and a few wounded officers, been exterminated. The Cabul force now consisted of about fifty horse artillerymen with one 12 - pounder howitzer, some 250 of the 44th, and 150 cavalry troopers. But with them was a ghastly mass of wounded soldiers and camp-followers, mixed up with cattle. Akbar Khan, who, attended by a party of watchmen, had watched from the heights above the butchery below, now proposed that the few remaining troops should lay down their arms and place themselves entirely under his safeguard, in which case he could ensure them safe escort. But the camp-followers, who still amounted to some thousands, were to be left to their fate. No Englishman could accept such a proposal. The march was resumed. After making their way for about five miles down the steep descent of the Huft Kotul, the British force came to a narrow defile, or confined bed of a mountain stream. It was covered with dead or dying camp- G 98 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN followers, officers, and soldiers, who, having gone on ahead of the column, had been butchered by the Afghans. Through the narrow defile the miserable remnant made its way, raked by a murderous fire from the heights, and the little stream was crimson with blood. Time after time bands of Ghazees rushed on the rear, which consisted of a few European soldiers commanded by the one-armed Peninsular veteran, and time after time they were repulsed. " Nobly and heroic- ally," says Shelton, " these fine fellows stood by me." About 4 P.M. the encamping ground was reached. Fifteen officers had been killed and wounded during ten days' march. 12,000 men, including camp-followers, had perished since the force started from Cabul. Brigadier Shelton now suggested that a supreme effort should be made to reach Jugdulluk by a rapid night march of twenty -four miles. It was adopted. The column was again put in motion. Slow was its progress. Shelton and his brave little band were again in the rear, making stiff dispute of every inch of the ground. It was not till 3 P.M. the following day that the remains of the advance reached Jugdulluk and took up post behind some ruins on a height by the roadside. But they afforded but scant protection, and volley after volley was poured down on them from the neighbouring heights. About 3 P.M. Akbar Khan sent a message inviting General Elphinstone to a conference, and demanding Brigadier Shelton and Captain Johnson as hostages for the evacuation of Jellalabad. The force which left Cabul 5000 strong had now been reduced to 150 rank and file of H.M. 44th Regiment, 16 dismounted horse artillerymen, and 25 troopers of the 5th Light Cavalry, "but not a single infantry sepoy." The ammunition was expended, and what remained in the soldiers' pouches had been taken from those of their slaughtered comrades. It was the last desperate chance of saving the lives of those with him, and the General, accompanied by Brigadier Shelton and Captain Johnson, went to Akbar Khan's camp. He received them with every outward token of kindness, and promised that food should at once be sent to the en- SICK AND WOUNDED ABANDONED gg closure. But no food ever reached them. The next morn- ing a conference was held, at which the three British officers and the chiefs of the pass were present. The Ghilzyes reviled the English, and Akbar Khan assumed the part of a mediator. Nothing decisive was determined upon. When the day began to close the General demanded the necessary escort to enable him to rejoin the force: he declared he preferred death to the dishonour of being separated from them in the hour of supreme danger. But the appeal was in vain. Akbar Khan had no intention of letting him go. He had now secured, by repeated acts of treachery, the women and the principal officers, and he determined to retire with his prisoners to Cabul, leaving the few Europeans and the miserable crowd of stragglers representing the in- vading host to the vengeance of the Ghilzyes. They had passed in the enclosure a day of cruel suspense and dire suffering. "The extremes of hunger, thirst, and fatigue were suffered alike by all, added to which the Afghans again crowned the heights and recommenced hostilities, keeping up a galling fire the whole day with scarcely half an hour's remission." Sally after sally was made by the Europeans, " but again and again the enemy returned to worry and destroy." When sable eve had begun to spread swiftly, a message reached them from the General " March at once ; there is treachery." An hour after dark they sallied forth. " The sick and wounded were necessarily abandoned to their fate." They pressed forward through the stony bed of the stream, closely pressed by bands of Ghilzyes, who rushed upon the unarmed throng in the rear and murdered them. After they had gone a mile and a half they came to a narrow defile, in some places not ten feet broad, bordered on each hand by lofty cliffs of purple granite, destitute of tree or herb. The pass now rises rapidly for two miles to the summit. All through the night the troops, weary, famished, and frozen, fired at from the heights which were blazing with watch-fires, dragged their way up the defile till they approached the crest, when suddenly a barrier, 100 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN formed of branches of the prickly hollyhock well twisted together, about six feet high, rose before them. Wild dis- order ensued. It was a commingled herd of soldiers and camp - followers driven to frenzy in the shambles. The Ghilzyes with a loud screech darted down on the camp- followers, and there ascended a wailing shriek of anguish and despair to the skies. The officers and soldiers fought with desperation and killed many of their assailants. After there had been for some time a deadly struggle at the barricade, a few horse and men made their way through it. About a mile farther they came on a second barrier. The Ghilzyes, still pursuing in increased numbers, renewed the attack with unabated ferocity. A few managed to struggle through it. At the two barriers fell, fighting to the last, Brigadier Anquetil and eleven other officers. " Captain Dodgin of the 44th, a most powerful and active man, who had only one leg, killed five Afghans with his own hand before he was slain." The valiant Nicholl of the Horse Artillery led a charge at the head of his few heroic gunners and checked the wild rushes of the foe, till he and his artillerymen lay lifeless on the ground. During the moment- ary stand a few officers and men and some three hundred camp-followers cleared the second barrier. In small detach- ments, moving at the rate of two miles an hour, they trudged down to the Red River (Sourkhab). 1 It makes the heart swell with pride to read that " much delay was occasioned by the anxiety of the men to bring on their wounded comrades." They hoped to gain a little relief if they forded the river, for the Ghilzyes harassed them with sudden onsets from the heights. But on reaching the water they found the Afghans posted on the bridge above, and as they crossed the ford the enemy sent volley after volley down upon them, and the dead bodies lay in heaps one upon another. When daylight broke the Ghilzyes saw how few were left, and following in their line of retreat, continually assailed them. Seeing it was impos- sible to press onward as the enemy were swarming around 1 Surkhab. Surkh = rtA, ab water. THE REMNANT ANNIHILATED TOT them, some twenty officers and forty-five European soldiers took up a defensive position on a conical hill by the roadside. They had not above one or two rounds of ammunition left. But they determined never to surrender to the enemy while life remained. " Their numbers were one to a hundred, and most of them were already wounded." A messenger from the chief of the district arrived and invited the senior officer to a conference. Major Griffiths who held that position went with the messenger. Hostilities were suspended. A number of Afghans ascended the hill under the pretence of offering food. A few attempts were made to snatch away from the soldiers their arms. The ire of the British soldiers was roused and they fiercely drove the intruders down the hill. All was over with them. Their death-knell had struck. The enemy took up their post on the opposite hill and marked off man after man, officer after officer, with unerring aim. Bands of fanatics made desperate attempts to storm the hill, but back they were sent by the bayonet. When most of the little band had got killed or wounded, a swarm of Ghilzyes rushed up the heights, fell upon them, and slew them. Captain Souter of the 44th, who had received a severe wound in the shoulder, and three or four privates who also had been wounded, escaped the knives of the fanatics and were carried into captivity. Souter, before leaving Jugdulluk, had tied the colours of his regiment around his waist. The 44th perished, but these colours were saved. 1 On the 1 3th of January, from the ramparts of Jellalabad, a single European " mounted on a pony was seen slowly making his way to the fortress. 2 A party was sent out to 1 " They bore our men down, knife in hand, and slaughtered all the party except Captain Souter and seven or eight men of the 44th and artillery. This officer thinks that this unusual act of forbearance towards him originated in the strange dress he wore : his poshteen (a sheepskin ; also a fur pelisse) having opened during the last struggle exposed to view the colour he had wrapped round his body ; and they probably thought they had secured a valuable prize in some great Bahadur for whom a large ransom might be obtained." 'A Journal of the Disasters in Afghanistan,' by Lady Sale, p. 278. 2 Dr Brydon, who afterwards formed one of the more illustrious garrison at Lucknow. Lord Canning wrote : " To Dr Brydon especially the Governor-General in Council would address his hearty congratulations. This officer, after passing 102 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN succour him. They brought him in, and when his wounds were dressed he told them, half incoherent from fatigue and horror, his story. General Sale at once despatched a party to scour the plain in the hope of picking up any stragglers," but they found only bodies. For several nights beacons were kept burning to guide any stragglers; " but none came. They were all dead. The army was annihilated." At the end of February Major Rawlinson recieved a letter, dated 25th December, signed by Pottinger and Elphinstone, which requested "That you will intimate to the officer commanding at Candahar our wish that the troops now at that place and at Kelat - i - Gilzye, together with the British authorities and troops within your jurisdiction, should return to India at the earliest convenience." The gallant old soldier who commanded at Candahar had no intention of abandoning his post. He wrote to the Resident: " I will not treat with any person whatsoever for the retirement of the British troops from Afghanistan until I have received instructions from the supreme Government. The letter signed ' E. Pottinger ' and ' W. K. Elphinstone ' may, or may not, be a forgery. I conceive these officers were not free agents at Cabul, and therefore their letter or order can have no weight with me." It was agreed between the General and the Political Resident that they should await despatches from Calcutta. But decisive steps had to be taken to secure the safety of Candahar and the British garrison. On March 3, in order to prevent a revolt within the town, the Afghan inhabitants, except a few traders and priests, were expelled from it. General Nott was also of opinion that the time had come to strike a blow at the bands of Afghans who continued to hover about the city. through the Cabul campaign of 1841-47, was included in the illustrious garrison who maintained their position in Jellalabad. He may now, as one of the heroes of Luck- now, claim to have witnessed and taken part in an achievement even more conspicu- ous as an example of the invincible energy and enduring courage of the British soldier." General Orders, by the Right Honourable the Governor-General of India in Council, dated Fort William, 8th December 1857. NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN'S JOURNAL 103 Accordingly, on the 7th of March, he took the field at the head of the main bulk of his forces. Neville Chamberlain enters in his journal of that date : "The following force moved out this morning. Two troops H.A., the 9-pounder Battery, ist Cavalry, 100 Skinner's Horse, H.M. 4oth Foot, 1 6th, 42nd, 43rd, 38th Bengal N.I. and 2nd S.S. force. After leaving Candahar some eight miles, saw some of the rebel horse, after which we went. We endeavoured to get a charge, but they refused to face us, so after following them some distance we left them. Pitched our camp at Laleeanah (about ten miles from the town). About sunset a large body of cavalry showed themselves on our left flank. All our cavalry, accompanied by six guns H.A., moved out against them ; they declined combat, and as it was getting dark we returned to camp. " 8M March. Marched at sunrise, and after we had gone a short distance, we saw 3000 or 4000 horse to our left ; against whom we went, our cavalry and twelve H.A. guns being in advance, the infantry coming on behind as a support. We drove them before us for about eight miles, supplying them well with round shot and grape. They came down once very prettily upon us and the guns, but the grape delivered amongst them at 150 to 200 yards stopped them. One of their bravest men received two grape-shot wounds, from which he died a few days afterwards. We drove them across the Turnnek river, on the banks of which we pitched. The rebels lost forty or fifty killed besides the wounded. " 9/7z March. Marched at sunrise in the direction of Tulloo Khan. On skirting a mountain that lay on our road, some rascals who were on it fired at the General ; however, they paid dearly for their fun, as some light companies went up and killed forty of them. A few miles farther on we saw, by aid of telescopes, a body of infantry (about 3000 or 4000) marching in the direction of Candahar. At the same time, in our front were our friends the horsemen, after whom we went ; but they had been too hardly used by the guns the day before to face them again, so kept out of range. We endeavoured to engage some of them but could not. Halted at Tulloo Khan ; saw no one all day. Warned to be on the alert. Turned out at twelve at night by some shot being fired at our sentries." It was never the intention of the Afghan leaders to come to close quarters with Nott's force. Mirza Ahmed, the ablest of them, had suggested that they should draw Nott's army out of Candahar till it should be a day's march from the city, and then secretly and silently double back and fall upon the city, which would be to a great extent denuded 104 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN of its defenders. On the morning of the loth of March large bodies of the enemy were seen assembling near Candahar, and occupying the gardens in the vicinity. During the day their numbers increased. It was evident that their object was to attack the city. All the gates were shut, and the city was deemed secure. At dusk a villager, with a donkey-cart laden with brushwood, arrived at the Herat gate and requested permission to bring his load in, which was refused. He argued and grumbled, and then said he would leave the wood till next morning, and throwing it down against the gate, he departed. When dusk had turned into black night a few of the enemy stole up unobserved, and pouring oil over the faggots set a light to them. The gate, several centuries old, and dry as touchwood, swiftly caught fire ; and a sudden blaze of light revealed the enemy advancing swiftly to the assault. The Commissary- General, seeing the danger, " threw open the stores, and procuring all the assistance he could, succeeded just in time in forming a barricade on the gateway of the bags of flour taken from thence." 1 Amidst a blaze of musketry, and with hideous yells, the enemy rushed for- ward. The gun upon the bastion poured upon them rounds of grape, and the fire from the ramparts wasted their ranks ; but they pressed on regardless of death. Two guns were placed on the gateway, and some 300 infantry to guard the point of attack, and a strong and high barricade of grain- bags was formed above those which had been heaped up before in rear of the gate. About nine o'clock the gate fell outward. A number of Ghazees rushed through the flames and climbed over the bags, but the fire of the in- fantry and the bayonet slew them. For three hours the mortal fray raged. Time after time the Ghazees renewed their assaults, but their fanatical courage was useless to them. About midnight, tired of destruction, they drew off, leaving 600 dead and wounded in the gateway and on the roadside. On the I2th of March Nott returned 1 Captain Neill's Narrative. LETTER FROM CANDAHAR 105 to Candahar, and Neville Chamberlain enters in his diary : "Marched into Candahar, the rebels having totally disappeared. We found that during our absence Candahar had been attacked by 8000 horse and 10,000 foot. The enemy succeeded in setting fire to the gate, and some of them got inside it. They certainly did their best, as they tore down the burning gate with their hands, and walked over after pulling down the bags inside and behind the gate which had caught fire. Fifty-six bodies were left in the gateway, the rest were taken away before they retreated. They attacked at dark, coming down in one dense column, the rear pushing the front for- ward. You may suppose what their loss was when I tell you that grape and round shot were fired at them, shells rolled on them, and blue lights thrown so as to make them easy marks to the infantry. They took possession of our cantonments, which we had left empty, and I suppose thought they were sure of the town, so they did not destroy them." Though the enemy had " totally disappeared " from Can- dahar, they still hovered about the neighbourhood, com- mitting depredations upon the villages on the left bank of the Urghundab river, appropriating the forage, and divert- ing the water. To protect the villages and procure forage General Nott sent out a force under Colonel P. Wymer, an officer of excellent judgment and determined bravery. Neville Chamberlain writes on the 25th of March : " One troop H.A., three troops ist Cavalry under my command, 1 6th and 38th B.N.I., 100 Skinner's Horse, and two regiments Infantry, Shah Shuja's Force, left this in the morning to escort our cattle, out grazing at a place three miles from Candahar. The enemy had their camp pitched on the other side of the river to where we were. On seeing us they crossed and commenced attacking us who had formed round the camels, &c. They first attacked our left flank, from which they were driven back ; they then tried the right (on which side I was) and were repulsed. We followed them out a few hundred yards, but could not go farther for fear of their getting in between us and cattle. Some forty or fifty of their horse being detached from the main body, I was told to take a troop (about forty- five men) and try and cut them up. Away we went and drove them before us, when reaching a ravine I was surprised to see it filled with 600 or 700 cavalry who had a red standard. They of course came out to assist their friends, who mixed up with them, and both parties came down upon us with a shout, waving their swords and IO6 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN firing. We succeeded in killing the standard-bearer and bringing away their flag, but how appears a miracle, as they ought to have got ours. Shortly after capturing their colours our men got panic- struck and commenced retreating. I endeavoured in vain to halt them, but when once men begin to retreat it is impossible to stop them. My standard-bearer, as brave a young man as ever stepped, and five or six other men who stuck to me also, endeavoured to rally them, but finding our words were of no avail, and thinking that our remaining to be cut up would be of no use, we kept close together and brought up the rear. You may suppose that it was no child's play when I tell you that both my bridle-reins were cut through, the right stirrup cut off, and I also got a cut on my hand, a slight scratch above my ankle, and one on my game knee ! I have no doubt they thought they had done for me, as three men jumped off their horses and made a rush at me, thinking, I suppose, they could do for me more easily on foot ; however, I hope to be able to give them a twist for it yet. The cut on my left hand will, I believe, only cost me the loss of the use of my little finger, it being cut through the knuckle joint. Well, to go on with my story, we got back to the infantry, losing five men killed and ten wounded, one dying next day. My men, seeing the remainder of the corps coming to our assistance, gained heart and charged the enemy, at which time the support arriving from Candahar the rebels fled, being followed up by the fresh troops. I fancy from the time we first moved out we killed about fifteen of the enemy. My sword broke and has got seven cuts on it. From that day I have been laid up with my hand, but I am happy to say it has not given me much trouble. Since then we have not had anything of particular occurrence, the rebels not having shown, as they lost two chiefs and sixty or seventy men killed, besides wounded." From the north and the south ill-tidings now reached Candahar. On the 3ist of March General Nott received a letter from Major Leech at Kelat - i - Ghilzye, stating, on native authority, that Ghuznee had fallen into the hands of the enemy. Early in December it had been invested by a very large force. Since it had come into British possession nothing had been done to repair the defences of the town. There were guns but no gunners ; there was little ammuni- tion, and a scanty stock of food. The garrison, one weak regiment of sepoys under Colonel Palmer, being greatly out- numbered, had to withdraw to the citadel, and there it held the enemy at bay, until, having no water, and starvation staring it in the face, it was compelled to make terms ; AFGHANS BESIEGE GHUZNEE 107 and an agreement was signed with the Afghan leaders by which a safe -conduct to the Punjab frontier was secured for the British troops as soon as the passes were clear of snow. On March 6 the wasted garrison moved down from the citadel, with colours flying, to the quarters prepared for them within the city. Afghan treachery followed. The British troops were attacked while cooking their food. A crowd of Ghazee fanatics stormed the house in which a squadron commanded by Lieutenant Crawford of the 3rd Bombay N.I. had found shelter. In the next house was Crawford, Burnett of the 54th, and Nicholson of the 27th. On hearing the uproar Crawford ran to the roof, and seeing what had taken place among his men and that balls were flying thick, he called up Burnett: " He had scarcely joined me when he was struck down by a rifle-ball which knocked his eye out, and he was then rendered hors de combat. I assumed command of the two companies of the 27th that had been under him, and Nicholson and myself proceeded to defend ourselves as well as circumstances would permit. We were on the left of the mass of houses occupied by our troops, and the first and sharpest attacks were directed at us. The enemy fired our house, and gradually, as room after room caught fire, we were forced to retreat to the others, till at last, by midnight of the Qth, our house was nearly burnt in halves. We were exhausted with hunger and thirst, having nothing to eat or drink since the morning of the yth. Our ammunition was expended, the place was filled with dead and dying men, and our position no longer tenable ; but the only entrance in front of our house was surrounded by the enemy, and we scarcely knew how to get out and endeavour to join Colonel Palmer. At last we dug a hole through the wall of the back of the house ; we had only bayonets to work with, and it cost us much labour to make a hole sufficiently large to admit of one man at a time dropping from it into the street below ; but we were fortunate enough to clear out of our ruined quarters in this way and join the colonel unperceived by the savages round us." On the morning of the loth all the outlying posts were taken by the enemy, and the remnant of the garrison was crowded into the two houses held by Colonel Palmer and the headquarters of the 27th Native Infantry. " You cannot picture to yourself the scene these two houses presented,'' I08 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN says Crawford ; " every room was crammed not only with sepoys, but camp-followers, men, women, and children, and it is astonishing the slaughter among them was not greater, seeing that the guns of the citadel sent round shot crashing through and through the walls." During the three previous days' fighting, the Afghan commander had repeatedly offered terms, "but they were such as we could not accede to, inasmuch as they commenced by desiring we should sur- render ourselves to him and abandon the sepoys to the forces of the Ghazees." On the loth of May, however, the sepoys informed their officers that they had determined to make their own way to Peshawur. They immediately com- menced digging a hole through the outer walls of the town, by which, as soon as it got dark, they might march out into the country. Seeing that they were about to be deserted by their men the officers had no choice but to make the best terms they could for their lives. The Afghan com- mander, a nephew of Dost Mahomed, "and all the Ghazee chiefs again swore by all that was holy that if we laid down our arms we should be honourably treated and sent to Cabul to the Shah as soon as possible." 1 At 10 P.M. the order was given for the garrison to surrender their arms. Three times, in contempt of it, John Nicholson led his men to the attack and drove the enemy from the walls at the point of the bayonet ; and when at last he was forced to give up his sword he burst into tears in an agony of shame and grief. 1 Account, by Lieutenant Crawford of the 3rd Bombay N.I., of the loss of Ghuznee. log CHAPTER V. Despatch of Wild's Brigade for Peshawur His failure to force the Khyber Pass Abandonment of Ali Musjid General Pollock appointed to command Lord Ellenborough succeeds Lord Auck- land Brigadier England arrives at Quetta His failure to force the Khojak Pass Nott ordered by the Governor-General to retire from Candahar The defence of Kelat-i-Ghilzye Nott takes the offensive Neville Chamberlain's account of the action He is severely wounded Lord Ellenborough's letter to Nott as to the advisability of retiring or advancing Nott decides on marching to Cabul Defence of Jellalabad Siege raised Arrival of Pollock's force Letter from Neville Chamberlain describing the murder of Shah Shooja Advance on Cabul The forcing of the Jugdulluk Pass Sharp affair at Tezeen Pollock arrives at Cabul Nott's Brigade begins to march on Cabul Neville Chamberlain's diary Arrival at Cabul Adventures of the women and children Ill-treatment of the Ghuznee captives The prisoners are sent towards Turkestan Release of the prisoners Capture and burning of Istaliffe Destruction of Charekar Neville Cham- berlain's diary Return of the British force to India Diary continued. WHEN the news of the insurrection of Cabul and of Sale's retreat to Jellalabad reached the Punjab, George Clerk, the Governor-General's agent, a man of great ability and activity, and most popular among the Sikhs, proposed immediate measures to expedite the march of reinforce- ments to Peshawur. Sir Jasper Nicolls, the Commander- in-Chief, agreed to his propositions, and by the 27th of November four regiments of Native Infantry, under the command of Brigadier Wild, had crossed the Sutlej at Ferozepore. "At the instance of the political authorities, against my earnest instructions and earnest caution," wrote Sir Jasper Nicolls, admitting the blunder, "Wild's 110 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN Brigade, without carriage, commissariat, or guns, was sent to Peshawur." It was supposed he could obtain guns from the Sikhs, and with a great deal of trouble he got "four rickety guns which had a bad habit of knocking their carriages to pieces whenever fired." On the 2gth of December Wild reached Peshawur, and immediately put himself in communication with Jellalabad. From Sale there came the cry, "Come on!" But Wild knew that to force the Khyber Pass with his inadequate force was an almost impossible task. On hearing the news of the destruction of Elphinstone's force, the tribes attacked the fort of Ali Musjid, five miles from the Pass, so vigorously that Mr Mackeson, who, with a small garrison of loyal Afghans was holding it, declared he could not hold out for twelve hours longer. Wild, " as brave a soul as ever lived," says Herbert Edwardes, determined to relieve Ali Musjid, and force his way to Jellalabad. On the night of the i5th of January the 53rd and 64th N.I., under com- mand of Major Mackeson, the cousin of Mr Mackeson, pushed through the Pass and got to Ali Musjid with little opposition. But when day broke they found the majority of the bullocks laden with grain, which had been de- spatched with them, had not arrived. They were now shut up in a hill fortress without food sufficient for a week. On the igth Wild set forth to relieve them; next day the Sikh Contingent mutinied and marched back to Peshawur. When the two sepoy regiments with their rickety guns entered the Pass, the enemy opened fire with their jezails : the Sikh guns in advance replied, and broke down at the first discharge; the other gun in advance also replied, and broke down at the first discharge. The sepoys, who were halted, suffered severely ; Wild and several officers were wounded. The retreat was sounded, and the column fell back to Jumrood at the mouth of the pass. A few days later the two regiments at Ali Musjid, accompanied by the Afghan garrison, fought their way back to Jumrood GENERAL POLLOCK III with heavy loss. Ten days later General Pollock arrived at Peshawur. 1 As the gravity and extent of the rebellion in Afghanistan became more fully known in India, it was determined to send a second brigade to Peshawur. On the 4th of January this brigade, numbering 3034 fighting men, and consisting of H.M. gth Foot, half of a foot artillery battery, with two g-pounders and a howitzer, the loth Bengal Cavalry, and the 26th N.I., under the command of Brigadier M'Caskill, crossed the Sutlej. It was now necessary to appoint a general officer to command the force about to assemble at Peshawur. Lord Auckland, acting on the advice of the Military Member of Council, appointed General Pollock. He had fought his guns in the sieges of Deeg and Bhurt- pore, and won the commendation of Lord Lake ; he had taken an active part in the Nepaul war, and commanded the Bengal artillery in the Burmese war. He was a man of strong homely sense, sound judgment, and patient deter- mination, and he knew how to manage the sepoy by sym- pathy and firmness. Hastening up to his new command, without a moment's delay, he reached Peshawur on the 6th of February, and the circumstances in which he found himself were enough to try the mettle of any man. On the 3Oth of January the Government of India heard that the Cabul forces had been utterly destroyed. The following day a proclamation was issued, announcing that a faithless enemy had by consummate treachery been able to overcome a body of British troops. "But the Governor- General in Council, while he most deeply laments the loss 1 Wild's failure has always been attributed by writers who derive their informa- tion from Kaye, to the bad behaviour of the sepoys. Henry Lawrence wrote to his wife on the 28th of November : "I spoke too strongly of the 6oth yesterday, considering they lost 95 killed and wounded ; but I only alluded to what I saw at the end. In all 112 have been killed and wounded." Broadfoot wrote : " Poor Wild is again the unfortunate, but from all I hear the blame is neither with him nor the troops." Sir Herbert Edwardes wrote : " Few officers have been worse treated than the gallant and unfortunate Wild. It was the Commander-in-Chief who was to blame for having sent him forward without guns." 112 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN of the brave officers and men, regards this partial reverse only as a new occasion for displaying the stability and vigour of the British power, and the admirable spirit and valour of the British-Indian Army." The same day orders were sent to Major Outram, political agent in Sind, that the disposable troops in his charge should, under Brigadier England, " be moved above the Bolan Pass as early as practicable, in order that in communication with Major- General Nott, if that officer should decide on withdrawing from Candahar, the troops in question may be marched forward to the foot of the Khojak Pass, on the Quetta side, so as to support and facilitate General Nott's movement." On the 28th of February Lord Auckland's successor, Lord Ellenborough, arrived at Calcutta, and immediately assumed the office of Governor-General of India. On the I2th of March Lord Auckland left the shores of India. " He em- barked at Chandpal Ghat," said a Calcutta paper, "with the universal acknowledgment that he had not left an enemy behind." He had, when disaster had overtaken our arms, given as great a testimony of patience and courage as a man can do, and so gained the respect of his country- men. His modest carriage and his flowing humanity won the hearts of men of all races and creeds. His fame has suffered from the rhetoric of a clever but unscrupulous historian. Four days after Lord Auckland left India Brigadier England arrived at Quetta. His force consisted of five companies of her Majesty's 4ist Infantry, six companies of Bombay Native Infantry, a troop of the 3rd Bombay Cavalry, fifty men of the Poona Horse, and four Horse Artillery guns. On the 26th of March Brigadier England left Quetta and advanced into the Pisheen Valley. On the morning of the 28th he reached the entrance of a defile leading to the village of Hykulzye, where he intended to await the remainder of the brigade, which was on its way through the Bolan to join him. On advancing into the defile a body of 500 sepoys came suddenly upon a breast- NOTT ORDERED TO RETIRE 113 work, from which the Afghans opened a well - sustained fusilade. A hundred sepoys fell. The remainder drew back in confusion, but they soon rallied, and were eager to be led on to the attack. Colonel Stacey volunteered to carry the sangar with a hundred or even eighty men, but the General declined. He retired to Quetta, to await the re- inforcements that were on their march. On the loth of April he wrote to Nott : " Whenever it so happens that you retire bodily in this direction, and that I am informed of it, I feel assured that I shall be able to make an advan- tageous diversion in your favour." The ire of the stout old soldier was roused. He remarked sarcastically, " I am well aware that war cannot be made without loss ; but yet perhaps British troops can oppose Asiatic armies without defeat." He added, " I have not yet contemplated falling back. ... I shall fully rely on your brigade being at the Khojak on the ist of May, or before." He also informed England that he would send a brigade from Candahar to the northern end of the Pass to co - operate with him. On the 30th of April England's brigade entered the de- file leading to the Khojak Pass. The Candahar troops under Colonel Wymer, who had already arrived at the northern extremity, occupied the heights which crowned the Pass, and driving the enemy before them, effected a junction with the Bombay brigade. On the loth of May Neville Chamberlain entered in his diary, " Bombay force arrived." On the i7th of May Nott received from the new Governor- General a peremptory order to retire : " You will evacuate the city of Candahar. . . . You will proceed to take up a position at Quetta until the season may enable you to retire upon Sukkur." It came upon Nott and Rawlinson " like a thunderbolt." The Governor-General had a month before declared in his proclamation that he was resolved " to re-establish our military reputation by the infliction of some signal and decisive blow on the Afghans." Nott had therefore made all preparations for an advance, He H 114 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN intended to send, on or about the igth of May, a strong column to relieve Kelat-i-Ghilzye, to remain there until he joined it with a reserve brigade, when he should move with the combined forces in the direction of Cabul. The orders were a sore disappointment to him, but the rugged old soldier had the strictest idea regarding discipline : he made no remonstrance, but silently took measures to obey at the fitting moment. On the igth of May he despatched the brigade which he had intended for Ghuznee and Cabul to relieve Kelat-i-Ghilzye, and if possible bring off its gar- rison. Crawford Chamberlain accompanied the force. The story of the defence of Kelat-i-Ghilzye is a tale of valour as noble as any that minstrel has celebrated. The garrison consisted of the Shah's 3rd Infantry Regiment, some 250 sepoys of the 43rd Regiment, a party of 40 European artillerymen, and some sappers and miners. It was com- manded by Captain Craigie of the Shah's service. Directly Craigie heard of the insurrection at Cabul he set the sepoys to work to strengthen the defences of the post, " and both officers and men," says Craigie, " continued to work at them until the winter set well in, and the frost rendered the ground so hard that there was no longer any working of it." Snow lay for two months on the ground, and the thermometer fell as low as forty degrees below the freezing- point. " The lower the temperature sunk the higher blew the north wind." The barracks had neither doors nor windows to keep out the wind, and they had to husband their supply of firewood. They had a quantity of wheat in store, but they had not the means of grinding it. They got possession of some mill -stones, but the water was not sufficient to keep the machinery in motion. " We then tried a bullock mill, which also failed from our not being able to fabricate the iron work of sufficient solidity, and we should have been utterly nonplussed had not an officer in the garrison possessed a book on mechanics in which was con- tained a description of a vertical hand-mill capable of grind- ing some sixteen maunds daily. This we succeeded in DEFENCE OF KELAT-I-GHILZYE 115 constructing after two months and a half's labour upon the mills and no little anxiety as to the results." 1 The Europeans often lived for days on bread and water, but not a murmur arose. Thus the winter rolled on. When spring came the garrison again set to work to strengthen the defences. The hostile Ghilzye chiefs now appeared with a few hundred followers, but their number swiftly increased. Towards the middle of May the enemy commenced to dig trenches round the place, working at them all night. By the i6th they had encompassed it, the nearest trench being within 250 yards of the defences. Sheltered in these trenches picked marksmen sent a shower of balls upon any one of the garrison who exposed himself. It was useless to reply, except when parties of Afghans relieved each other, "and then the double-barrels and rifles of the officers came into play. Such had been the monotony of our previous exist- ence that it was a matter of great amusement firing at these gentry, and it was seldom that any fellow got into the nearer trenches in daylight without running the gauntlet of a few double-barrels." On the loth of May so few of the enemy were visible that it was a matter of doubt whether the greater number had not abandoned the siege. Night came ; the moon shone bright and no sound broke the dead stillness. Towards the morning, when the moon had gone down, the officer on duty heard the clatter of horses' feet. The word was passed round to get ready. Soon after were seen through the darkness dense bodies of the enemy within 100 yards of the defences. They came on rapidly, uttering loud shouts of " Allah ! Allah ! " The guns poured grape into the advancing mass, and the sepoys plied them with musketry. The ground was cumbered with dead and wounded, but on they came, shouting and waving their swords. They crossed the ditch, and by the aid of scaling- ladders they ascended the scarp and sloping bank and en- deavoured to get over the parapet, but were driven back by the bayonets. 1 Despatch of Captain Craigie. Il6 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN "Thrice they came boldly on to the assault, placing one of their standards within a yard of the muzzle of one of our guns, and thrice they were driven back ; only one man succeeded in getting into the place, and he was shot with his foot on the axle of this gun. Two guns were in position at this part of the works, and the attempts of the enemy to get within the works through their embrasures and over the parapets on either side, were so determined that the artillery- men for some minutes were obliged to quit their guns and betake themselves to the musket and bayonet, with which they did good service ; the sepoys, too, fought well ; one of them was observed by the artillerymen to bayonet four men." 1 When day began to break the enemy drew off, carrying away all their wounded and many of their dead. On the body of one of the chiefs "was found the number-roll of his contingent, amounting to 2000 and odd men ; he fur- nished about a third part of the force, so that the number of the assailants must have been about 6000 men." The garrison consisted of about 900 men, about 500 of whom were actually engaged. On the 26th of May Colonel Wymer reached Kelat-i-Ghilzye, and after quietly withdrawing the garrison and dismantling the place he set forth on his return journey and reached Candahar on the 7th of June. Crawford found Neville disabled by a severe wound. When the chiefs heard that so large a portion of the garrison as Wymer's Brigade had left for Kelat-i-Ghilzye "they gave out," says Neville Chamberlain, "that the Faith- ful had but to collect once more and to attack the town and kill the Infidels, and that they would certainly be vic- torious ; and so sure were they of success that they distributed the different divisions of the town over to plunder to the several tribes." Collecting a considerable force, they moved down on the Urghundab with the intention of concentrat- ing their troops in the neighbourhood of Baba Wallee. Nott at once determined to take the offensive and to lead in person. "On the 2 Qth of May," writes Neville Chamberlain, "having got all our camels into camp, and having an infantry corps for its pro- 1 Despatch of Captain Craigie. LEADS CHRISTIE'S HORSE 117 tection, the 42nd and 43rd Bengal N.I., four guns H.A., and my three troops, started out at i P.M. for the cantonments, about half or three-quarters of a mile to the west, with orders to hold them till further notice. On our arrival we found the Ghazee Horse rid- ing about, but they gave them up without attempting to defend them ; and shortly after the main body of the Ghazee army appeared in sight and marched past our front at the distance of about a mile, so we had a very good view of them and could judge of their strength, which, I should say, was from 3500 to 4000 cavalry, and from 7000 to 8000 foot. Of the cavalry, many were but indiffer- ently mounted, and many of the infantry had no firearms, and some few I think had but a pike. The enemy took up a position on some black stony hills to our right, forming their body into two lines, and remained there some time, fancying, I suppose, that we should attack them ; and I only wish we had, for we should have got between them and the road they came, round the shoulder of the Baba Wullee range, and have cut off the retreat of the infantry ; but by the Baba Wullee and Kotab E. Moorcha Passes, which are so difficult and narrow, it would have taken a whole day to get through them, particularly as they had built a wall four feet high to add to their strength since I had gone through in the morning. As for their cavalry, it was numerically so very much stronger than ours that they could always have taken any road they pleased had they kept in a body. The infantry could not have touched them, and they would have annihilated our cavalry had we presumed to charge them, as we could only muster altogether about 250. The Ghazees, finding we did not attack them, left their position and took post on some hills in our front some 400 yards off. Colonel Stacey only having orders to hold the cantonments, we amused ourselves till General Nott's arrival by firing and being fired at. On the General's arrival at the scene of action, accompanied by a wing of H.M. 4ist Foot, 100 Poonah Horse, and four guns, we advanced to the attack in three columns and very soon succeeded in driving them from the hills. I, with my 150 men, followed in rear of the infantry, and seeing the Ghazees give way, and knowing they must pass through a village at the left base of the hills in retreating, I took my party there, and found it full of horse and foot mixed up together and more get- ting down the hills on the opposite side to that attacked by our infantry. Many of the enemy's infantry escaped by running into the houses and jumping down steep places. My horse was shot in this village (he died two days after), and in endeavouring to guard a blow aimed at me by a horseman, I got a slight scratch on the thigh from the point of my adversary's sword, as he hit so hard that he not only cut through my sword half an inch but made me drop my arm slightly. After clearing the streets of the village we turned to the right and joined the infantry who had completely cleared the hills. A party of their cavalry and infantry having taken up a position Il8 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN now on the black hills to the right, we moved against them. The round shot soon touched them up, and finding we had cut off their retreat but by the Baba Wullee and Kotab E. Moorcha passes, infantry bolted for the former and the cavalry for the latter. Major Rawlin- son pursued the cavalry and I the infantry. My party came among the fugitives at the entrance to the Pass, and succeeded in killing some. Two of these fellows (one armed with a gun and dagger, and the other with a sword and shield) rushed down the rocks at me, singing out, * Lie Islam ' for the religion of Islam. One of the rascals stabbed at me with his dagger ; I guarded off his first blow : however, before I knew where he was, I found him with his dagger in my thigh, but before he could strike me again, he was struck himself. 1 The enemy had got so strong a force of both horse and foot on the other side of the pass that I thought it would be imprudent to leave it to attack them, as I had only 150 men, and these could only have left the pass in single files, and the enemy, now perceiving that I was unsupported by infantry or guns, became the aggressors, and I was forced to send my men from the rear out of the Pass so as to have a clear road to bolt for myself and the few with me when obliged. It was, of course, most annoying ; but what could we do ? We had no firearms, and the Pass is only sufficiently wide just to allow a single horse to pass, and that with difficulty. Twenty-five Englishmen would hold it against any number of sabres ! The time having come to leave the Pass we did so, and immediately the Ghazees brought their long matchlocks to bear upon us as we went down the slope of the hill, but fortunately with little effect. One man was shot through the back and died next morning, and only a few wounded. The Ghazees then planted their flag in the Pass, but the infantry and guns coming up soon drove them out, when they all dispersed and fled. Major Rawlinson's party succeeded in killing some of the Ghazee Horse, but the main body got off. A detach- ment of infantry and guns which had pursued some of the enemy round the shoulder of the Baba Wullee range also did some execution. All our different parties drove their respective opponents across the Urghundab when they ceased the pursuit. Thus ended our skirmish of the 2 Qth May! Had we mustered 1200 cavalry instead of 300, many more Ghazees would have been sent to paradise. The tops of the houses and bastions of the town were crowded by our people, 1 The following graphic account of this thrilling episode has been communicated by Sir N. F. F. Chamberlain, to whom it was related by his uncle, the hero of the adventure : "As he was riding up the very stony path one of the Afghans jumped off the rocks on to his horse, and then stabbed him in the thigh, as described. They both rolled off the horse, and when on the ground the man tried to stab him in the stomach with his dagger. My uncle flung his arms round him, and then seized the Afghan's biceps with his teeth, which caused him to drop the dagger. A trooper then came to his assistance and killed his assailant." NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN'S WOUNDS 119 who were looking on at the engagement. We got back to our camp by 5 P.M., having only lost one man and two horses killed, and fourteen men and eleven horses wounded." " The following is a letter which I received immediately after the fight, and will, I am sure, give you pleasure, particularly as it comes from a man who is sparing of his praise, and I am the only person who received any such letter on the occasion : " CANDAHAR, 29^ May 1842. " Sir, Major-General Nott has directed me to request you will intimate to the native officers and men of Captain Christie's Horse, under your command in to-day's engagement with the enemy, his high approbation of their conduct, which gave him much pleasure and satisfaction. I have the honour, &c., J. P. RIPLEY, Captain, Fort Adjutant." Neville Chamberlain went before a medical board to examine and report upon his wounds. The following was their report : " The Board consider Lieutenant Chamberlain's wounds severe and dangerous, and recommend that a gratuity of twelve months' pay of his regimental rank be granted to him." Neville Chamberlain writes to his mother: "This will be about 600 [sic, ? 6000] rupees if ever I get it ! My leg is now nearly as well as ever, but I am sorry to say my hand is injured for life. I can only grasp anything by the thumb and fore and middle ringer; however, I can manage my reins, though I could not hold a pulling horse as I could once have done." On the 20th of July, when General Nott had almost completed his arrangements for an immediate withdrawal, a letter from the Governor - General reached him which entirely changed his plan of operations. Lord Ellenborough wrote from Allahabad, July 4, 1842 : " Nothing has occurred to induce me to change my first opinion, that the measure commended by considerations of political and military prudence is to bring back the armies now in Affghanistan at the earliest period at which their retirement can be effected consistently with the health and efficiency of the troops, into positions wherein they may have easy and certain communication with India, and to this extent the instructions you have received remain un- altered ; but the improved position of your army, with sufficient 120 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN means of carriage for so large a force as it is necessary to move in Afghanistan, induces me now to leave to your option the line by which you shall withdraw your troops from that country." Lord Ellenborough desired that the General would, in forming his decision upon this most important question, attend to the following considerations : " The withdrawal in the direction of Quetta and Sukkur was an operation admitting of no doubt as to its success. The success of the move upon Ghuznee, Cabul, and Jellalabad would not mainly depend upon the courage of his army and upon his own ability in guiding it, but upon his being able to obtain provisions for the troops during the whole march, and for- age for his animals, and that may be a matter of reasonable doubt." He reminded the General that it was not the superior courage of the Afghans, but want and the in- clemency of the season which led to the destruction of the army at Cabul ; " and you must feel, as I do, that the loss of another army, from whatever cause it might arise, might be fatal to our Government in India." The Governor- General added : " I do not undervalue the aid which our Government in India would receive from the successful execution of a march by your army through Ghuznee and Cabul over the scenes of our late disasters. I know all the effects it would have upon the minds of our soldiers, of our allies, or our enemies in Asia, and of our countrymen, and of all foreign nations in Europe. It is an object of just ambition, which no one more than myself would rejoice to see effected ; but I see that failure in the attempt is certain and irretrievable ruin, and I would endeavour to inspire you with the necessary caution, and make you feel that, great as are the objects to be attained by success, the risk is great also." Sir John Kaye, in what William Napier calls his cumbered and unfair compilation of the First Afghan War, has with much rhetoric and little judgment char- acterised this letter as evincing "Jesuitical cunning or discreditable feebleness of will." Ellenborough had many faults, but "Jesuitical cunning" and "feebleness pf will" had no place among them. Lord Ellenborough's letter was LORD ELLENBOROUGH'S LETTER 121 written at Allahabad, and it could not reach Candahar under nineteen days ; and he could not direct a march on Ghuznee because such a march could only be justified by a conviction founded on a consideration of circumstances at the moment. " Absolute orders would then have been a folly," says William Napier; "a wide discretion was neces- sary, and this was given with a frank exposition of the difficulties and advantages of two operations presented for choice that is, a safe but obscure retreat by the direct line on Scinde, or a dangerous but glorious circuit by Cabul. This choice was a fine compliment to a brave man, and the acceptance of the danger a guarantee for the necessary energy in the General." On the 26th of July Nott wrote to the Governor - General : " Having well considered the subject of your Lordship's letter of the 4th instant, having looked at the difficulties in every point of view, and reflected on the advantages which would attend a successful accom- plishment of such a move, and the moral influence it would have throughout Asia, I have come to the determination to retire a portion of the army under my command via Ghuznee and Cabul." On the loth of August Lord Ellen- borough enclosed for her Majesty's perusal " the letter received yesterday from Major-General Nott, in which your Majesty will perceive the noble spirit of an old soldier, aware of all the difficulties he is about to encounter, but calculating upon surmounting them all by prudent daring, and resolved under all circumstances to maintain the honour of the British army." General Nott determined that the Bombay infantry, two companies of Bengal artillery, three regiments belonging to Shah Shooja's force, and some details of the Irregular Horse under the command of General England, should march to India by Quetta. He intended to lead the remainder of the force to Cabul. Neville Chamberlain writes : "H.M. 4ist, 42nd, companies 2, 16, 38, 42, 43 Bengal N.I., Shah Shuja 3rd Infantry Corps, Bombay Troop H.A. ditto, 9-pounder Fort Battery, both Europeans, Troops H.A. (natives), Bombay 3rd Light 122 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN Cavalry, our corps, and 230 Skinner's Horse, move in a few days up the Cabul road, but where we go or what we are to do no one knows. The Bombay column moves at the same time down the Bolan to India. Crawford, I am grieved to say, is going down via Quetta in command of two of our troops. I was in hopes we should have gone through the campaign together after having been three and a half years under the same tent. We shall arrive at Ferozepore about the same time, unless either of us leave our bones in Afghanistan. It is said that we are going to Ghuznee, and that General Pollock moves on Cabul. There can be no doubt that before we leave the country we ought to march to both Ghuznee and Cabul, and prove to the world that we have the power to resume our old position in the country, and give it up of our own good will, and not from want of power to repossess it." Brydon came into Jellalabad on the i8th of January. His tale of the disastrous defeat and massacre created much excitement, but the spirit was unsubdued. Captain Broad- foot felt it was a supreme moment, and he informed Sale that he must decide to defend Jellalabad to the last, or that night begin his march to Peshawur. Sale decided on defend- ing the town, and at once wrote to the Commander-in-Chief informing him that, relying on his Excellency's promise to release the garrison as soon as possible, he intended to hold the town at all hazards. On the 2ist Sale received the evil news of the defeat of Wild's Brigade and the fall of Ali Musjid. The hope of relief within a reasonable time was gone. Four days later there came a despatch from Shah Shooja, written in red ink by the clerk of the Cabinet. It ran as follows : " Let it be known to the high and exalted in dignity, renowned for valour and resolution, George Mac- gregor, Sahib Bahadoor, that some time since it came to the royal ear that you had agreed with these people to take your departure. Since that the illustrious Government has received no intimation of the subject. It is expedient that the above-named distinguished person should make known his present circumstances with dispatch, that they may be understood." The messenger, who was well known to Macgregor, also brought a private letter from Shah Shooja. DEFENCE OF JELLALABAD 123 He declared : " The Afghans cannot carry on the govern- ment without me. The friendship and attachment which exist between me and the British Government has long been proclaimed to the world; it will now be clear as the sun at noon." If during the winter he had some treasure at his disposal, "by the blessing of God there is no power in this country that could prevail against government." He added : " Whenever my government is established I have no need of any one ; everything will be according to my desire. Do not confide any of these sentiments to an Afghan. Hereafter God will do that for your good and mine which we wish. May God grant me this request. The bearer will make a private communication to you. Whenever I can get means and my government shall be established, these people will be obedient and submissive to me, and I will make them carry the very shoes of the English on their heads." On the 27th of January 1842 a council of war was held, and, after a stormy debate, the following brief reply was sent: If Shah Shooja ordered it they would leave the country " with every mark of honour and favour, with their arms and cannon," provided Akbar Khan and his force were withdrawn to Cabul, that safe-conduct were guaranteed to the force on their return to India, and that important hostages were given. On the 28th of January the reply was sent. On the 8th of February the answer from Cabul came : " If you are sincere in your offers, let all the chief gentlemen put their seals." The council objected to attach their seals to the letter, and the following was sent in reply : " I have received your Majesty's letter, and sub- mitted it before the general officer and the other senior officers at Jellalabad, but as they consider the great and essential question therein remained unanswered viz., as to your Majesty no longer desiring our services in your kingdom, and such being indispensable, both as regards their own honour and duty to their country, they cannot enter into any arrangements without such declaration from your Majesty 124 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN being first expressed." The messenger was sent to Cabul, and the next day a cossid (messenger) came in from Pollock saying that the 3rd Dragoons, &c., are on the way to join him, and that his instructions are on no account to allow the garrison to be forced to make a disastrous retreat ; " so we are not to be deserted, thank God ! " 1 But Pollock did not come. On the I5th the white tents of Akbar Khan were seen on the farther side of the river, and about six miles from the walls. "At length," writes Havelock, " our redoubted enemy approaches." On the morning of the igth Broadfoot was on the works, giving orders to strengthen the scarp, when, " for more than a minute the earth rolled like the waves of the sea." The parapets fell with a fearful crash. Huge breaches appeared in the walls. " Now is the time for Akbar," exclaimed Broadfoot. " At once the garrison set about with spade and pickaxe to clear away the rubbish and fill up the breaches. Frequent shocks were felt during the day, but by night the exertions of the officers and men had made the place proof against surprise, Broadfoot and his sappers being foremost in re- pairing the damage. We sleep fully accoutred at our alarm posts." 2 The journal continues : " Earthquakes daily for some time, and the enemy commenced a system of almost daily attack on our foragers and the fort itself. By the 28th February the defences had risen like magic, and in many places stronger than before." The enemy now established a vigorous blockade, and the garrison were kept in constant but successful skirmishes with them. On the 24th of March there was a skirmish on a somewhat large scale, and Captain Broadfoot, who with his sappers bore the brunt of it, was severely wounded in the hip. After this gallant affair the enemy for a day or two did not molest our foragers and working parties, and then they became continually bolder and took up the ground they lost. Provisions within the walls began to fail. The amount of grain in store had become so scant that the sepoys were 1 Wade's Journal. a Ibid. DEFENCE OF JELLALABAD 125 put on quarter allowance. The salted beef issued to the British soldiers was fast diminishing, and would not last beyond the 2nd of April. A letter came from Pollock that the 3rd Dragoons had not reached him : that it was advis- able to await the arrival of the 3ist, who could not reach Peshawur before the middle of April. Could Sale hold out till the 26th of April ? The General replied that the privations and risks would be great, and " more than all this, we dread failure on your part in forcing the Pass." Thus March wore away. For four months a handful of British troops had held a badly fortified town against disaster, against frequent attacks in the heart of an enemy's country an enemy flushed with success. On the ist of April the tide turned. In order to deprive the horses and beasts of burthen of their forage, the enemy sent their sheep to graze on the meadow lands near the fort. That morning the cavalry, suddenly issuing from the southern gate, drove in 480 of them, "a very pleasing addition to our commissariat resources." 1 Two days later a letter arrived from Pollock, giving the welcome news that he intended to advance without waiting for the arrival of the 3ist. On the evening of the 5th of April a spy crept into our camp and informed Havelock that it was re- ported and believed in the enemy's camp that Pollock had attempted to force the Khyber Pass and had failed. A salute of twenty guns from Akbar's camp appeared to confirm the ill news. But Akbar's ruse had a different result from what he expected. The senior officer waited on Sale, and urged him to sally forth and make a vigorous attack on the enemy's lines. It was better to die cutting their way through them, than to wait till famine compelled them to surrender. Sale assented, and as evening ap- proached he issued his written orders for a general attack on the enemy's camp the next morning. On the morning 1 " When these were divided among the troops, the 35th Native Infantry said meat was not so necessary for them as for their white brethren, and requested that their share might be given to the I3th, between whom and themselves there existed a romantic friendship which ought not to be forgotten." Wade's Journal. 126 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN of the 7th of April the troops passed out of the gates in three columns, attacked Akbar's camp, and "in a short time," says the despatch, "the enemy were dislodged from every part of their position, their cannon taken, and their camp involved in a general conflagration." In short, the defeat of Akbar Khan in open field, by the troops whom he had boasted of blockading, had been complete and signal. The victory of the 7th of April may be said to have decided the fate of Jellalabad and its "illustrious garrison." Three days later news reached them that the relieving army had advanced to the middle of the Khyber. When Pollock reached Peshawur he found 1200 of the troops in hospital, and the number swiftly increased to 1900. The Sikh regiments, who were encamped besides him, were mutinous and untrustworthy. Urgent letters came from the garrison at Jellalabad imploring him to force the Khyber and relieve them. "And all India, native and European, was looking on with nerves intensely stretched, waiting for the triumph or the catastrophe that was im- pending. Yet Pollock dared to halt for two long months while he created an efficient army." 1 He visited the hospitals daily, spoke to the men, and cheered them by kind words. He also showed his active sympathy for them by supplying them with fur coats and gloves. By degrees the old soldier won the confidence of the British sepoy and the Sikh; but it was a difficult and delicate task. Day by day there drifted into the cantonments men with fingers and toes bitten off by the frost, and they told the sepoys the tale of the Cabul disaster. The maimed camp-followers were sent to their homes, and throughout India they spread the news that English prestige had perished, and thus the tares of the Indian Mutiny were sown. Reinforcements had now been pressed up from the Punjab, and on the 5th of April, in the darkness which precedes the dawn, Pollock, about 8000 strong, marched 1 Sir Herbert Edwardes. POLLOCK FORCES THE KHYBER PASS 127 from the Jumrood camping-ground towards the entrance of the Khyber. It was known " that the enemy had built a high, thick stone wall, in which were laid long branches of trees, projecting outwards many feet, thereby preventing approach." They hoped that Pollock would come upon it unawares, and they would smite him with a sudden and deadly fire, and throw his ranks into confusion. But the old artillery officer had studied the business of war, and he employed the same tactics by which Napoleon carried the defile of Newmarcki, and Soult forced the pass of Roncesvalles. He halted his centre column in front of the pass, with a battery drawn up opposite its mouth, to engage the enemy's attention, and when the dawn began to break on the hills, he sent his flank columns in skirmishing order to dislodge the enemy from the heights on each side till they won their way to the rear of the barricades. The flanking columns surprised the Afghan pickets, and from crag to crag the British soldier and the sepoy, fighting side by side, drove the enemy till the heights were won and the barrier below was taken in reverse. The Afghans, seeing that they had been out-manoeuvred, rushed away from it to take up a position farther north of the pass. Pollock, with the centre column, moved up to the deserted barricade, and the engineers tore a passage through it. Then the centre column in the bed of the defile, and the two wings on the sides, again moved forward. About 2 o'clock in the after- noon the advance attained the neighbourhood of Ali Musjid. They found the fort deserted; it was reoccupied, and the camp established one and a half mile east of it. On the 7th Pollock advanced two miles to Gurhee Lai Beg, a comparatively open valley six miles long and one and a half mile broad. It took him, however, two days to traverse it on account of his long convoy. On the nth he marched through the last thirteen miles of the terrible defile of the Khyber. It was the first time it had ever been forced by arms, for Tamerlane and Nadir Shah, at the head of their enormous hosts, had bought a safe 128 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN passage through it from the Afridis. Four days later Pollock's column arrived within seven miles of Jellalabad, and several of the officers, so long pent up within its walls, rode over to their camps. On the i6th of April the re- lieving force set forth for Jellalabad, and the bands of the besieged met them on the road and played as it came up. The i3th struck up the old Jacobite air, " Oh ! but ye've been lang o' coming." The walls of Jellalabad were manned by the garrison as they passed to their encamping ground, " and when the salute was fired and returned, a loud and thrilling cheer burst forth to welcome us ; it was a most exciting scene. Rarely, indeed, have so many hearts beat happily together as throbbed at that moment." They saluted each other's tattered colours, which their bravery had carried through a great crisis. During the summer and part of the autumn Pollock's force lay encamped on a sandy plain outside Jellalabad. The troops suffered from sickness, due to the want of shelter, of good food, and of good water. But for this inaction and the sufferings arising out of it, neither Pollock nor Ellenborough was to blame. Pollock had not sufficient baggage or carriage animals to be able to move on to Cabul, and he was authorised to procure carriage, and the Government of India exerted itself to the utmost to help him. Pollock, however, did not remain entirely inactive. In the middle of June he sent a brigade of European troops to punish the tribes who had possessed themselves of the property plundered from the Cabul force. Mean- while Akbar Khan had entered into negotiations for the release of British prisoners. He desired that the English general should ensure to him and his followers an amnesty for the past ; that he should guarantee the release of Dost Mahomed and his family ; and that he should bind himself to leave the country directly the prisoners reached him. Pollock knew that absolute firmness was the best policy with Orientals. He sent to Akbar the verbal message, " Send in the English guns and captives to my camp, and POLLOCK'S ADVANCE FROM JELLALABAD 129 your father and family shall be at once set free. As for retiring from Afghanistan, I shall do so at my convenience." Mahomed Akbar then conveyed by the envoys a threat that he would send off every prisoner to Bokhara and sell them as slaves if the British force advanced from Jellalabad. "Tell him I advance our brigade from Jellalabad in a few days," said Pollock, " and his best chance is to send in all the ladies in proof that he is in earnest." Pollock had now received a supply of carriage almost sufficient to enable him to advance on Cabul, and he had got from Lord Ellenborough a copy of the despatch by which Nott was permitted to return to India via Ghuznee, Cabul, and Candahar, and a letter authorising him, if he thought proper, to advance on Cabul, in order to facilitate the move- ments of Nott. On the 2Oth of August Pollock, having heard from Nott that he intended to return to India via Cabul, advanced from Jellalabad, and three days later reached Gundamuk, where the last stand had been made, and the vultures had not ceased to feed. Here he halted to concentrate his forces. On the 3rd September Pollock was joined by Sale's Brigade, and on the 6th he started for Cabul. Two days later the first division of Pollock's army found the enemy occupying the heights commanding the Jugdulluk Pass. They were dis- lodged after a stubborn conflict. The gallant Sale led his old corps in person, and showed the same bravery that he did when attacking a stockade in Burmah. Pollock at once moved on in order to prevent the enemy from rallying their forces, and the division, dragging their guns over many rugged ascents, proceeded through the passes, and on the 1 2th of September camped at Tezeen, where it was joined by the 2nd Division of the force under General M'Caskill, who had to fight their way against large bodies of the Ghilzyes. Soon after daylight on the I3th they left their camp in the little Tezeen valley, which is bounded on all sides by hills. The exultant Afghans thought they had once more got the invaders in a death-trap. Akbar had I 130 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN come from Cabul with about 15,000 men, and they were posted along the face and on the summit of the Huft Kotul, the hill of seven ascents. The force moved along the road which passes over a shoulder of the Huft Kotul, and, on reaching a point where the pathway attains its extreme altitude, they were smitten by a storm of musketry. Swiftly the I3th to the right and the 2nd Queen's to the left spread over along their base and began to climb their steep sides. Up they went, firing and climbing. But there was not much firing; the Afghan stabbed and cut, the British thrust with the bayonet. Many a murderous contest took place. The steep heights of the seven passes were slowly won, and on reaching the level ground at the top of the Huft Kotul itself a body of Afghan horse was discovered. A loud call was made for the 3rd Dragoons, who dashed on at full speed up the pass in splendid style, but the Afghans were too far ahead to be overtaken, and escaped among the mountains to the left, leaving two 6 -pounder guns in our possession which we recognised as those cap- tured from our Cabul army. While the main body was slowly making its way up the pass Major Skinner of the 3ist was moving with a force comprised of six companies from various regiments along the lofty ranges of the hills on the right of the road. Storming furiously he too made his way, and joined the main bo.dy at a point beyond the summit of the Huft Kotul. Seeing the battle lost Akbar Khan galloped off, and next morning was fifty miles away. Soon after darkness fell the British force encamped at Khoord- Cabul, and after such a spell of work they deserved rest. The next day the British force marched unmolested through the savage Khoord-Cabul pass : of all the defiles leading on to the Cabul plain the one thickest piled with the skeletons of our dead. " They lay in heaps of fifties and hundreds, our gun-wheels passing over and crushing the skulls and other bones of our late comrades at almost every yard for three, four, or five miles ; indeed, the whole march from Gundamuk to Cabul may be said to have been over the NOTT'S ADVANCE FROM CANDAHAR 13! bodies of the massacred army." On the I5th of September Pollock marched unopposed to Cabul and pitched his camp three miles to the east of the city on the old racecourse. On the i6th of September Henry Lawrence writes : " To- day we raised the blue flag on the Bala Hissar and looked at Futteh Jung seating himself on his throne. Nott is to be in to-morrow or next day." On the 7th of August the British forces evacuated Canda- har in the most regular and orderly manner, without a shot being fired or an outrage committed. Discipline had been so well maintained, and Major Rawlinson had shown so much tact in the administration during our occupation, that there was no indication of ill-will on the part of the citizens. Three days later Nott's Brigade began its march on Cabul. On the I7th Kelat-i-Ghilzye was reached, " having got on very well, no enemies and lots of supplies. A few thieves used to keep us on the alert by firing into camp at night and cutting up any person who strayed from the force." On reaching Mookoor (27th August) they found the villages deserted "and no supplies brought in, so we were obliged to help ourselves." It was soon ascertained that Shumshoodeen Khan had moved out of Ghuznee and was determined to dispute the further advance of the British force. On the 28th of August they came into contact with the enemy. Neville Chamberlain enters in his journal : August. On rear-guard. At daybreak the rascals began assembling and following us, keeping up a fire upon us which we, of course, returned. On Christie moving out and attacking a large body that showed themselves on our left, I charged those on our rear and cut up some ; not having a basket-hilt to my sword, I got my forefinger and thumb crimped in four places, which has taken away the feeling from my finger. The cavalry went out and got into a scrape, getting into the centre of the enemy's lines." The scrape was a very severe one. After the day's march had been completed, Captain Delamain, hearing that the foragers he had sent out to cut grass for his horses were being sabred by the enemy, rode off at once with all the 132 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN disposable horse to rescue them. He found it a false alarm, but he went on to reconnoitre, and coming upon a body of enemy's foot, he put them to flight. Riding after them in hot pursuit, he came suddenly on large masses of Afghan horse and foot posted on a low range of hills. The enemy's matchlocks opened upon him a galling fire. In vain a squadron of the 3rd Bombay Cavalry attempted to charge up the side of a hill. A hot fire checked them as they advanced, and a mass of the enemy's horse came down upon them with tremendous effect. Captain Reeves was shot near the foot of the hill. Captain Bury and Lieutenant Mac- kenzie gained the ridge, but were cut down by the Afghan horsemen. The troopers, seeing their officers fall, turned round and fled, and the scanty squadrons at the foot of the hill joined them in their flight. Nott, on hearing what was taking place, moved out with his whole force, and on reaching the ground found the enemy had disappeared, and " the cavalry still in a body, but having evidently suffered a defeat." As Major Rawlinson wrote to Outram, " It was a bad beginning." " At night," says Neville Cham- berlain, "we buried the trunks of two officers, Reeves and Bury, that had been killed, their heads, arms, and legs having been taken off by the Ghazees as trophies." The defeat of the cavalry gave no little encouragement to the Afghan force hanging on Nott's flank, but it was swiftly and amply redeemed. On the 3Oth of August Nott marched to Goine in the Karabay valley, and attacked a fort which threatened his line of march. Shumshoodeen came to its relief, and Nott with half his force turned the attack upon him with vigour. Neville Chamberlain gives us a clear account of what took place that afternoon : August. Marched to Goine in the Karabay valley. All the forts manned and refused to give us any forage. The Ghazee army only a few miles from us under Shumshoodeen Khan. They fired their guns to let us know where they were. General Nott sent word to the men in a fort a few hundred yards from our camp that he would give them until three o'clock to bring in supplies, and that if they were not forthcoming by that time he would go and knock BATTLE OF GOINE 133 down their fort. No sign of supplies at three, so out we went and commenced battering away. The firing soon brought down Shum- shoodeen and his army, who came to make us raise the siege. The General left a small party to act against the forts and took the rest of the force against the Ghazees, and, of course, the infantry soon drove them from their position, which was along a range of hills. The enemy, finding they could do nothing, soon fled, leaving one gun on the field and taking one with them; the General ordered Christie, with the few men he had present, to follow in pursuit, and endeavour to capture it. Well, on we went; and after going some distance came upon the track of this said gun and soon came in sight of it, and, of course, we were not long in coming alongside of it and cutting down the men and gunners. I must do the drivers the justice to say that never men tried harder to do their duty and carry a gun oft. Even when they were cut down, the horses were so frightened that they still continued to gallop on ; however I stopped that by cutting the traces of all the horses on one side, when, of course, they pulled the gun round, got entangled, and we succeeded in stopping them. Shumshoodeen, I should tell you, had bolted, agreeing, I fancy, with the old adage of ' He that fights and runs away, will live to fight another day.' It was, however, fortunate for us even so that it was getting dark, as we were some hundred men amidst some 4000 or 5000 Ghazee horsemen. Christie went back for infantry. We took the tents and a lot of baggage of the rebel force, besides their magazine, which we blew up, and a very pretty sight it was, it being quite dark. We got back to camp at ten P.M. The fort we had at first attacked remained untaken ; however, its defenders evacuated it during the night. On Christie making his report to the General he said he would mention me in his dispatch ; however, he did not, but why I do not know ! " Nott was no more molested. Neville Chamberlain writes on the 4th of September : "From the ist till to-day, no enemy. Arrived before Ghuznee. Pitched about four miles from the town. Saw the enemy under the walls of the fort. " $th September. Marched to the Cabul side of Ghuznee. Some 3000 or 4000 men stationed on a hill close outside the walls of the fort we attacked and drove into the town, the engineers selected a place for making the trenches. Got a 9-pounder on the hill and fired into the place. About i o'clock they opened upon us the big gun (96-pounder), and the practice was so good that they forced us to strike our tents and move the camp to Roza. A working party and guard in the trenches all night. "6th September. I escorted the i8-pounders down to the battery at daybreak. On the day becoming light it was found that the place 134 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN had been deserted during the night. I rode in and assisted in firing a salute from the enemy's guns. " ith September. Burning the town and mining the citadel, burst- ing the celebrated brass gun, ' Zubbur-Jung/ and the other guns found in the place. " 8//fc September. Blowing up the citadel and bastions of the fort, and burning the town." In the small village of Roza, three miles east of Ghuznee, is the tomb of Mahmood of Ghuznee, the greatest sovereign of his time, and considered by the Mahomedans among the greatest of any age. In an oblong chamber with a mud cupola lies, beneath a marble stone wrought with Arabic inscriptions, the mortal remains of Sultan Mahmood, "the image breaker." The doors of the chamber were said to be the sandal - wood doors of the far - famed temple of Somnath, which, after having desecrated the beloved pagan shrine, and stripped it of its treasures, he was believed to have carried off as a trophy and a memorial of his triumph over idolatry in its most disgusting form. The story of Mahmood striking the idol of Somnath with his mace, and the jewels running over, is one of the mock pearls of history. The real object of worship at Somnath was not an image, but a simple cylinder of stone, a " lingam." It is described as five cubits high, two of which were set in the ground, and it was destroyed by a fire lighted round it to split the hardness of the stone. 1 Two of the pieces were sent to Ghuznee and inserted in the steps leading to the great mosque for the Faithful to tread beneath their feet. Lord Ellenborough wrote to General Nott, " You will bring away from the tomb of Mahmood of Ghuznee his club which hangs over it ; and you will bring away the gates of his tomb, which are the gates of the temple of Somnath." It was Lord Ellenborough's intention to restore the latter to the shrine at Somnath. The mace had, however, been taken away by Lord Keane, and the gates were not, as Major Rawlinson discovered, the gates of the temple of Somnath. To take away the gates from a Mahomedan 1 'Cities of India,' by G. W. Forrest, p. 63. THE SANDAL-WOOD GATES 135 mosque, and solemnly offer them as a gift to a pagan temple, was, as Macaulay said, morally a crime and politi- cally a blunder, but the Governor- General's orders were imperative, and they were removed. Neville Chamberlain writes : " gth September. Burning the gates of the town, and bringing away the sandal-wood gates of the tomb of Mahmood. It is not possible to describe the despair of the Moolas when they found out our intentions ; they threw their turbans on the ground, rushed out of the place, and mounting their horses rode off to Cabul, declaring that God would deliver us into the hands of the Faithful, to be slaughtered for our impious attempt ! " The march to Cabul was resumed upon September 10, and Neville Chamberlain's journal serves to illustrate the route. " 12 f A September. Reached Huftosaya, the place where Captain Woodburn and his party were cut up. Busy burning the inside and blowing up the bastions of the fort from which he was shot. The whole night the rascally Ghazees kept up a heavy fire on the camp and pickets; they killed three of our men and wounded another; but they did not come off free, as we found two or three bodies in the morning. "13^ September. At Shahkabad. After our arrival in camp I was sent back to the rear-guard which was exchanging shots with the enemy. On our reaching the rear they moved up into the hills, when we treated them to the guns. The whole of the day they took up a position around us on the hills, and exchanged shots with the videttes. We expected to have been attacked at sunset, but they kept quiet all night. A party of cavalry sent towards the hills at dark got well peppered. "i4// September. No sooner had the column moved off than down the rascals came on us, and followed us for seven or eight miles. I was in rear of all in command of a company of skirmishers and my own, so that I had all the fun to myself. I had eight men wounded, and how they did not hit more I cannot fancy as the balls flew pretty thick. This skirmishing is much more dangerous for a European officer with native soldiers than a stand-up fight, as in the former you are a marked man, and in the latter you take your chance with the rest. The only way is to keep moving, and then you puzzle these fellows with their heavy long guns, but never go in a straight line. On returning to camp found the light infantry had been up the mountain in our front, skirmish- ing. Men lost on both sides. The Ghuznee horse and foot all 136 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN round us. Towards evening opened the 18- pounders on the fellows on the hill in front which astonished a few of them ; turned them on another party that had taken up their ground for the night a little too close to our left; also had the field guns out and played on the fellows in our rear. A beautiful moonlight night! The Ghazees commenced to amuse us again about 9 P.M., when we put an end to their sport by opening the 1 8 -pounders on them, which had the effect of keeping them quiet all night. In the afternoon the sight was really very pretty. After the loud report of the i8-pounders, and the shell bursting among the enemy, you saw the smoke issue from the clefts in the rock in a hundred places, and heard the diminutive echo. " i5// September. Marched to Mydan through a gorge in the hills which we had expected to find defended, but it was unoccupied. (I forgot to mention that yesterday, i4th, the rear-guard was attacked, one of the guns breaking down detained it.) We kept the Ghazees to the hills and off the baggage by opening our field pieces among them. The light companies drove them from the hills round Mydan. 1 After the rear had got well into the valley the rebels left us. Hardly a man to be seen all day. This is one of the most beautiful valleys in Affghanistan, but we left it a scene of desolation ; the Hindustanees being so exasperated against the Affghans, they never spare anything they can destroy, and all the forts and places within reach were soon on fire, and it has been the same ever since we left Mookoor. Hardly a shot all night. We received the intelligence that General Pollock had taken Cabul without firing a shot. This accounts for the Ghazees having made themselves scarce ; I fancy they also have heard the news. " i6th September. Marched to Urgundeh. Only a few shots fired at the rear-guard on leaving Mydan. Sir R. Shakespear and party passed en route to Bameean. Heard that General Pollock had pitched his camp close on the other side of Cabul. " ijfft September. Marched to within five miles of Cabul; our camp pitched in a very pretty country in among forts." Thus did the two British divisions meet at Cabul after having avenged on the theatre of their enactment our former disasters. But one great task had to be done. The captives had to be recovered. A few days after the Sabbath morning in January on which they had been consigned to Akbar, Lady Sale and her companions in misfortune, consisting of nine ladies, twenty gentlemen, and fourteen children, were 1 So spelt in the old tables of routes Mydan, Meidaun, s. Hind, from Persian Maidan = an open space. ' Hobson-Jobson,' by Colonel Henry Yule, R.E., C.B., and A. C. Burnett, C.I.E. THE GHUZNEE PRISONERS 137 conducted to a fort at Tezeen. On the I4th of January they were conveyed over narrow winding mountain-paths, across wide and rapid streams the ladies carried behind the Afghan horsemen to the fort at Buddeeabad, forty miles distant from Jellalabad. Here three months were passed. The captives were not molested, but they led a life of con- siderable squalor and discomfort. When Akbar Khan was routed by the Jellalabad garrison, it was deemed advisable to remove them to a more distant asylum. They quitted Buddeeabad under a strong escort, and, after a couple of days spent in Tezeen, most of the party were taken farther into the southern mountains. Towards the end of May the captives were moved up the pass to Mahomed Ali's fort, in the vicinity of Cabul. Here they led a life of compara- tive freedom. They were allowed to roam about a spacious garden, and they were suffered to bathe in the river. They were permitted to visit and receive visits from their friends, the hostages in the Bala Hissar. On the 23rd of August they were joined by the officers of the Ghuznee garrison, who since the capitulation of the fort had suffered severe hardships. They were confined in a small room 18 feet by 13 feet. "In it there were ten of us, so you may imagine we had not much room to spare ; indeed, when we lay down at night we exactly occupied the whole floor, and when we wanted to take a little exercise we were obliged to walk up and down (six paces) in turn. Few of us had a change of linen, and the consequence was we were soon swarming with vermin, the catching of which afforded an hour's em- ployment every morning. I wore my solitary shirt for five weeks, till it became literally black and rotten. I am really surprised none of us contracted any loathsome disease from the state of filth we were compelled to live in." 1 When news reached these captives of the murder of Shah Shooja, "the severities of our confinement were redoubled. They shut and darkened the solitary window from which we 1 Account, by Lieutenant Crawford of the 3rd Bombay N.I., of the loss of Ghuznee and the imprisonment of himself and his brother officers. 138 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN had hitherto derived light and air, and they also kept the door of our room constantly closed, so that the air we breathed became perfectly pestiferous." On the 2ist of April the Afghans tortured Colonel Palmer with a tent-peg and rope. " We all witnessed it," says Lieutenant Crawford, " and it was something on the principle of the Scotch boot described in 'Old Mortality.' We were told we should each be tortured in our turn unless we gave up four lakhs of rupees, which the rascals swore we had buried ; and in case we continued obstinate, they told us we should be blown from guns, beginning with the junior. This was a pleasant sort of life to lead, never being certain of that life for twenty -four hours together." When, however, tidings reached Ghuznee of Pollock having forced the Khyber, their guards suddenly became very civil to them for a few days. On the I2th of May they were permitted for the first time to quit their prison room for one hour, and they were told that a similar kindness would be shown them once a -week. " Even this we thought a great blessing, and used to count the days and hours to each succeeding Friday, anxiously expecting the hour when our guard would tell us we might breathe God's fresh air and look out on the green fields for the allotted period." l In the middle of June they were re- moved to another building, where they had three or four rooms to themselves, and a courtyard to walk in. Shumshoodeen came frequently to see them, and told them that they would shortly be set at liberty in exchange for Dost Mahomed. July passed and the middle of August came, and learning nothing definite regarding their release they began to despair. Then on the night of August 19, without any previous warning, they were hurried off to Cabul, and reached it in three days without meeting any adventure on the road. " We were taken direct to Mahomed Akbar's quarters in the Bala Hissar, and from him we met the kindest reception. I could not bring myself to believe that 1 Account, by Lieutenant Crawford of the 3rd Bombay N.I., of the loss of Ghuznee and the imprisonment of himself and his brother officers. THE PRISONERS SENT TO BAMEEAN 139 the stout, good-humoured, open-hearted looking young man, who was making such kind inquiries after our health, and how we had borne the fatigues of the journey, could be the murderer of Macnaghten and the leader of the massacres of our troops." Strong contrasts of good and evil are found in the character of half- civilised men, and there are few contrasts more striking than those presented in the character of Akbar Khan. He murdered with his own hand our envoy, he planned the treacherous massacre of an English force, but when Lieutenant Melville was brought in wounded, Mahomed Akbar " dressed his wounds with his own hands, applying burnt sago, and paid him every attention." The next morning Akbar sent the Ghuznee captives to the fort where the other prisoners were confined. " We found our country- men living in what appeared to us a small paradise." They had, however, been only four or five days "in this elysium " when Akbar Khan, in pursuance of his threat that Pollock's advance should be the signal of the removal of the British prisoners to Turkestan, sent them away from Cabul under the charge of an irregular regiment, commanded by Saleh Mahomed, who, when serving in one of the Shah's regiments, had deserted to Dost Mahomed. The men and women who were hale rode on horseback ; the sick were carried in panniers on camels. They left Cabul on the evening of the 25th of August, and at daybreak on the 2nd of September they commenced the ascent of the Kulu mountain. " The length of the ascent was about two miles, and the road very narrow and precipitous in many places. The summit is 13,400 feet above the sea. The view of the north presented a boundless chaos of barren mountains, probably unequalled in wild terrific grandeur." 1 The next day they reached Bameean, and were lodged in the fort Lord occupied. "The only accommodation it afforded was some miserable sheds which swarmed with bugs and fleas. They were divided among the ladies, while the men settled them- selves as best they could in the open square." 5 1 Lady Sale's 'Journal.' 2 Lawrence's * Forty-three Years in India.' 140 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN A couple of days of intense suspense. Then in the very crisis of their fate, when an order had been brought to the commandant to take them off instantly to Khooloom, about forty miles from Balkh, Saleh Mahomed was bought over, and the prisoners took possession of the fort, and they hoisted the national flag. "The governor of the province not being favourable, we deposed him and set up another." Pottinger as Political Agent of Kohistan issued proclamations calling upon all the neighbouring chiefs to attend his durbar and receive dresses of honour. It was a curious and sudden change of affairs, mainly due to the British character and the courage and energy of Eldred Pottinger. On the I5th Pottinger received a note inform- ing him of the defeat of Akbar Khan at Tezeen and Nott's advance from Ghuznee. He determined to set forth for Cabul at once. They left Bameean on the morning of the i6th, and the next day Pottinger received a letter from Sir Richmond Shakspear informing him that he was well on his way to meet him with 600 horse. On the I7th the party recrossed the Kulu mountain, and encamped at a fort three miles from its base. While there a body of horsemen were seen descending a pass on the farther side of the valley ; as they approached nearer, the friendly banner of the Kuzzilbash was recognised. A few minutes of infinite anxiety elapsed, " when Sir Richmond Shaks- pear galloped up to where we stood, bade us rejoice at our accomplished delivery, and dissipated every doubt." But all danger had not passed away. On the igth they heard that the Pass of Suffed Khak was occupied by the Afghans, who intended to oppose them. Shakspear sent post-haste an earnest request to the British officer who was reported to be advancing in that direction to occupy the pass. At break of day they resumed their march, and, while going through the lovely valley of Maidan, they met an officer, who told them the welcome news that General Sale's Brigade was only a few miles away. Soon after- wards, on approaching the town of Kot-Ashroo, "a body RECOVERY OF THE PRISONERS 14! of H.M. 3rd Dragoons, with a squadron of the ist Bengal Cavalry, burst suddenly upon our view, picketed in some adjacent fields." General Sale, accompanied by Henry Lawrence, had ridden forward with his cavalry to meet them, and had left his infantry to line the crest of the Suffed Khak. After ten weary anxious months of separation Sale met his brave wife and widowed daughter, and friends greeted friends from whom they had long been parted. After a short halt the party moved on towards the pass, whose heights they could see crowned with British bay- onets. "These we found to be a part of the brave i3th Light Infantry, who, as the ladies successively ascended the hill, raised three hearty cheers to each of them, sounds never to be forgotten, producing a thrill of ecstasy through the whole frame. The mountain guns, under Captain Backhouse, wound up the scene with a royal salute." 1 On the 2ist of September, as Sale's Brigade with the rescued captives arrived at Pollock's camp, "again the artillery uttered its boisterous notes of welcome, and old friends crowded around us with warm congratulations. For the present our cup of joy was full." " The ladies and children look lovely," wrote Henry Lawrence on the 23rd of September. " I trust that a move will be made to Loghur and Kohistan to effect the release of our native prisoners, who are there in hundreds." The chief of Loghur, Ameenoolah Shah, one of the most inveterate foes of the British, had collected a number of chiefs and their followers in the neighbourhood of Istaliffe, a town on the road to Cabul, northwards to Charekar, the 1 'Eyre's Journal,' p. 382. Lady Sale writes: "When we arrived where the infantry were posted, they cheered all the captives as they passed them, and the men of the 1 3th pressed forward to welcome us individually. Most of the men had a little word of hearty congratulations to offer, each in his own style, on the restoration of his colonel's wife and daughter ; and then my highly-wrought feelings found the desired relief, and I could scarcely speak to thank the soldiers for their sympathy, whilst the long withheld tears now found their course. On arriving at the camp Captain Backhouse fired a royal salute from his mountain train of guns, and not only our old friends but all the officers in the party came to offer congratulations and welcome our return from captivity." 'A Journal of the Disasters in Afghanistan,' p. 436. 142 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN capital of Kohistan. It was in Kohistan that two British officers had been murdered and the Goorkha regiment of the Shah's massacred during the insurrection. It was therefore deemed necessary to despatch a force to take Istaliffe, to disperse the Afghan force, to rescue the native prisoners, and to inflict some signal punishment on those who had treacherously murdered our officers and men. The journal which Neville Chamberlain sent his mother affords us full and clear details of the punishment inflicted in the Kohistan, the capture and burning of Istaliffe, and the destruction of Charekar. It is perhaps the most graphic and candid diary that ever soldier penned. It describes some terrible scenes of blood, sickening to look on, and it shows how one of the bravest of men detested bloodshed. The young soldier's love for natural scenery is noticeable, and his descriptions of the country are admirable. " 26th September. A detachment from General Nott's force, con- sisting of the 2nd Infantry Brigade, one 9-pounder Foot Battery, two i8-pounders, and two Christie's Horse, and one brigade from General Pollock's, left Cabul for Kohistan this morning under General M'Caskill. We marched one mile past the cantonments and encamped. They were a perfect waste, and where so much money had been spent not a house or barrack or tree left. Every- thing, like its unhappy tenants, destroyed and gone for ever ; only here and there a trace of some gallant soldier might be distinguished in a small mound of earth which the Affghans, contrary to their custom, had suffered to remain undisturbed. What scenes of woe and misery were here enacted, and this desolate place is a type of our miserable policy. The destruction of our political influence is not more complete than of our cantonments. Twenty thousand men and fifteen crores of rupees have been swallowed up all in vain. "27/^5 September. Marched ten miles to the entrance of the Kohistan valley, arriving at our ground very late. Captain Bygrave came into camp, having been let loose by Akhbar Khan on his hearing of the escape of the other prisoners. Captain B. tells us they mean to fight us at Istaliffe. " 2%th September. Marched towards Istaliffe, our road lying through a most beautiful country, sometimes through vineyards filled with the most luxurious grapes of all colours and kind, sometimes along the banks of a clear stream and through green fields. We pitched our camp opposite the place about three miles distant, a fine plain intervening. About three in the afternoon the General CAPTURE OF ISTALIFFE 143 and a party went to reconnoitre preparatory to an attack next morning. On our approach some horse and foot came into the plain to annoy us and prevent our going too close. The point of attack being determined on, we returned to camp, skirmishers fol- lowing us. Had my request been listened to, and I had been allowed to charge, I think many of the footmen would have slept the sleep that knows no waking. We had a horse killed and a man or two hit. A quiet night and no firing. " 2$th September. At daybreak formed two columns of attack and moved on the place. The cavalry were left in the plain to guard the baggage, as they would be useless among hills and gardens. Before I tell you any more it may be as well that I should endeavour to give you some description of Istaliffe. The town is built upon the spurs that run from the Hindoo Koosh range of mountains into the valley of Kohistan, so that when seen from the valley it appears half-way into the skies. The ravines of the mountain are clothed with the most luxuriant vines, and many springs issuing from the rocks at the back of the town went their way into the plain, carrying with them fertility ; gardens, orchards, magnificent trees, and here and there a water-mill and cottages adorn the foot of the mountain ; and behind Istaliffe its summit towers almost perpendicularly. We could perceive the tracks by which one can pass into the countries towards Turkistan, but they must be very difficult of ascent. To continue my story. Of course we soon drove the enemy from the gardens; they attempted to defend the heights, but height after height was taken, and we found ourselves in the town. When we had nearly gained it we saw a quantity of figures dressed in white ascending the mountains, and taking them for Ghazees our guns opened on them, and I am sorry to say some fell; when we got a little closer we perceived they were women ! Of course when we found our mistake the poor creatures were allowed to go unmolested, but they must have had a terrible night, poor innocent things, as it was very cold ; and fancy what they must have suffered, so many thousand feet above us, without clothing or shelter ! And some must have died, I think, from the mere exertion of walking, never having in their lives been farther than the garden attached to the harem. Fortunately there was some brushwood on the mountain, so that they were able to make fires ; and when it became dark hundreds were to be seen dotted about, and at such a height that they appeared as if they were hanging in the air. The scene on entering the town is beyond description. Tents, baggage, things of all description lying about the streets, and the bodies of the unfortunate men who had delayed their departure too long, or who were too brave to fly and leave their wives and children to our mercy without first sacrificing their own lives in their defence. I suppose I need not tell you that no male above fourteen years 144 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN were spared, and some of the men (brutes except in form) wanted to wreak their vengeance on the women. Horses and cattle of all descriptions were to be seen about the place without owners ; but they soon found claimants, for as soon as all visible enemies were disposed of the work of pillage commenced. I should tell you that the greatest part of the merchandise of Cabul and the harems of the principal chiefs had been removed to IstalifFe on hearing of our advance on the capital, as it had always been deemed impregnable by the Affghans ; and they considered all their treasures safe here, and which accounts for the Ghazees fighting so badly, being at first over-confident ; and when, to their consternation, they saw the fancied impregnable posts fall into our hands, they thought only how to provide for the safety of their families and carry off their valuables, instead of defending the town to the last. "The scene of plunder was dreadful. Every house filled with soldiers, both European and native, and completely gutted. Furni- ture, clothes, merchandise of all sorts flung from windows into the streets (it being too long a process to bring them downstairs), and scrambled for by those below. On the bazaar being discovered it was soon taken possession of by hundreds : the confusion baffles description. The rich shops had a dozen owners who quarrelled about the distribution of its contents, while bales of the commoner kind were lying about unheeded. Some who had already made their assortment were returning towards camp, nearly blocking up the road by the immense loads they carried off, and certainly appeared more like hucksters than soldiers. Others, who had not been so fortunate as to find anything they fancied, were running to take the place of their luckier companions. It was curious to see their various tastes displayed in the selection of booty. Some took arms, some jewels, others books ! Some, again, fancied silks and satins, shawls, &c. ; those who, I suppose, had a liking for ladies, possessed themselves of their clothes, of which there were a great quantity ; tea and tobacco had great attractions with many ; and more than one sweet-toothed fellow might be seen labouring under a load of sugar and bonbons! When the soldiers had satisfied themselves the camp-followers were let loose into the place, and they completed the business of spoliation. The goods found in Istaliffe were valued at some two hundred thousand pounds ; and a great deal of the property that had belonged to the unfortunate Cabul force was found in the town, the sight of which, relics of their comrades, exasperated the men to the highest pitch. Some soldiers were fortunate enough to find money to a large amount. A Captain Webster, wanting a bridle for his horse, bought one of a sepoy, which, on being cleaned, was found to have gold mountings of great value. The women and children that had been left behind were collected, placed under a guard, and taken to camp. "The loss of the enemy was about 200 killed; ours very trifling. A ROMANTIC STORY 145 We lost a very nice young fellow of the name of Evans. It being reported to him that our own people were ill-treating the women, he flew to their protection, when he was shot dead. His servant (a soldier) on seeing his master fall ran towards him, when he also fell to rise no more. A third went forward, but he also was struck to the ground by a severe wound. An ineffectual attempt was made to break open the house where the persons were concealed who did the deed ; it was then set on fire. Whilst we were taking the town we saw a poor little chubby-faced boy sitting on one side of the road crying fit to break his heart ; the poor little fellow had been deserted, or in the hurry left by his parents, and fearing that he might get killed, several of us endeavoured to bring him away, but nothing could induce him to stir. No harm befell him, as on leaving the place I saw him in the same position, and crying as bitterly as ever. Poor little fellow, I can well fancy his despair ! But all this time you may perhaps ask how I participated in the attack when I have told you that the cavalry were kept in the plain. The truth is that I was, sent with orders to the infantry on their clearing the gardens, and when once among the fun I could not tear myself away from it. I got rid of my horse by getting a commissariat officer to mount him,, so was then unencumbered, and free to go anywhere." The young man then proceeds to relate how he rescued an Afghan maiden, and fell fiercely in love, and how his affections were, "as is too often the case, trifled with." " On forcing open a large house in the town we found it contained merchandise of the most valuable description, which immediately fell a prey to my followers, a motley band, composed of men of all regi- ments and all colours British, Hindu, Mussulmans, Goorka ! My share of the booty of Istaliffe was a rifle that I found in one of the lower rooms of this house, and which I took at the time as a defensive weapon, and afterwards gave away to an officer who was killed by my side in the Khyber Pass. Most of the men, over whom I had no control, stopped below to plunder, but some of the less avaricious followed me to the upper apartments. On the roof, which was flat, were built some summer rooms facing into the courtyard. As I stepped on it, the first object that met my eyes was a woman in her walking dress, and veiled. I rushed towards her to prevent the men on the stairs close behind me from firing, as generally when any living object presented itself a dozen muskets were discharged. My ears were now assailed by the wailings of many women from the summer rooms. I caught hold of the poor girl, who was sobbing bitterly, and entreated her to go to the other women, and promised she should be safe, but she prayed and beseeched to be allowed to remain there ; but as I knew if I consented it would be her ruin, I at length pre- vailed on her, by dint of promises and kind words, to rise and leave the 146 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN place. As she did so, I discovered for the first time a hole in the wall against which she had been leaning which was half- built up with loose bricks, and I asked her if any one was concealed there, but she an- swered with agony depicted on her face, ' No ; oh no ! ' I thought at the time that she was not telling the truth, but I took her to the other ladies, and what a scene of sorrow was that ! There were about thirty of them, screaming, tearing their hair, smearing their faces with white, and presenting a most pitiable spectacle. They were most of them dressed for a start, only we had been too quick for them. Fear had banished modesty, and they were all unveiled ! chiefly young women, and some of them very pretty. My young lady was perhaps not so fair as the others, but she had a very pleasing and amiable counte- nance. Just now another officer joined me, and while he stood sentry over the doors of the women's rooms I went to search the place my fair one had tried to conceal. Whilst the above interesting scene was taking place, every corner of the house had been filled by the soldiers who were loading themselves with the spoil ; and many a musket- shot was also heard which sent some male of the family who had not been fortunate enough to conceal his hiding- place into the next world. Several were killed before me. Tears, supplications were of no avail, fierce oaths were the only answer; the musket was deliberately raised, the trigger pulled, and happy was he who fell dead ! Sometimes they were only wounded, and were finished by a second ball, and sometimes the powder only flashed in the pan as if in mockery of their agony. "These horrible murders (for such alone must they be in the eyes of God) were truly wicked ; the only thing to be said in their extenu- ation is, that the Affghans who then suffered were the very men who had inflicted every kind of torture on our own countrymen and Hindustanees. To return. On pulling down the bricks with which the hole was stopped up, I perceived that it was the entrance to a dark cavern, and the aperture leading to it was only sufficiently large to allow of one man at a time drawing himself through on his stomach. I thrust my own head into the place to try and see if any one was inside, little thinking of the danger I ran in so doing, as I might have been shot or have had my head cut off without seeing my executioner. We commenced digging down into the cavern, but finding that that would be a tedious job, we left off; and whilst I stood at the mouth a shot was fired from inside, which whizzed past my legs and struck the opposite wall. This fully proved to us that there were some fellows in it, and we crammed the hole with musket- barrels and fired a volley. On this, out rushed my heroine with a scream, calling out, 'You have killed him, you have killed him !' and fell at my feet. I raised her from the ground, but she knelt to me, and then threw her arms round my waist, and, looking into my face, said, ' Spare him, spare him.' It was not possible to withstand the pleading of that beautiful face, and then she appealed to me to save A ROMANTIC STORY 147 his life for the love of the Prophet Christ, and for the sake of my mother and sisters ! Of course I promised to save all that might be there, and then she went to the aperture and called on * her father ' to come out. First of all, three or four little boys came out and toddled over to the women's apartments ; then came a fine old man, her father, with a beautiful grey beard, and then three other men. It was with the greatest difficulty that I could keep my word, as there were some bloodthirsty fellows who swore they would kill them, poking at them with their bayonets, though they did not dare to fire because of me. I may mention that in their hiding-place we found guns, swords, pistols, and shields, and also by firing out at us they had forfeited their lives by the rules of war. The officer who was with me, of H.M. 4ist Foot, and I were obliged to keep watch over them and the ladies' rooms, or the moment we left them the doors were knocked open, and they were frightened to death at the sight of the men and their firearms, and also by their rough behaviour. It was only by being determined that we could prevent them from searching for any jewels the ladies might have on their persons. When we proposed taking them to the Persian camp (it being the only safe place), which was close alongside of our own, they were at first afraid and wanted me to remain with them ; that was out of the question. And at length, on informing them that a chief of the Kuzzil- bashes was with us, on whose protection they could count, they con- sented to come, and off we started. It was a long way to camp, and the poor women, who had not been much accustomed to walk, were completely tired ; so after getting them away from the town and out of danger, I left them under the charge of a few men who had accom- panied me, and proceeded myself to the Kuzzilbash chief, told him what had occurred, and procured horses for the whole party. On my return we mounted all the ladies and conveyed them safe into camp, receiving their thanks and blessings. " It even now gives me pleasure to think of the heroine of my tale, and her fair form often flits before me, and I felt at the time that I would willingly have sacrificed my life at her word ; yet it was not her beauty which captivated me, for there were many others perhaps prettier, but it was her devotion and affection towards her father. I must not omit to mention one or two little incidents which occurred whilst bringing the women from the town. We had several water- courses to cross, and, of course, I did the polite in handing them over. On my telling one of the soldiers to take care not to be rough to them, he replied : ' Lord bless you, sir, I wouldn't hurt one of these poor creatures for the world, but I would shoot one of those (pointing to the men) like a dog ! ' One of the others was killed, but by whom or when or how I know not. I fancy he must have been endeavouring to escape, for the next day I found his body lying in the street. As we proceeded towards camp the ladies re- quested I would halt, as they were thirsty. Vanity even at this 148 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN moment held its sway, for on watching their movements, I saw them busily engaged washing the white off their faces and arranging their hair ! Now and then, when the loss of property came to their recol- lection, they would burst into tears again. You may picture to your- self my uncomfortable and odd position. All reserve was thrown off by them, and they talked to me as freely as if I had been their husband ! Their veils were thrown back, and this, in a Mussulman country where they are so strict about their women that they are never to be seen but in close veiled dresses, and speaking to a Feringee at any other time would have been death if seen by an Affghan ; however, it must be owned that often in Cabul and Can- dahar, if one happened to meet a woman in any by-street, she could seldom withstand the pleasure of throwing up the horrid veil and showing her pretty face ! Well, imagine to yourself your humble servant with an infant in his arms, at the head of twenty or thirty fair ones, occasionally being called 'Aga Jan,' my Lord, my Life, or the Lord of Life, ' not to walk so fast ! ' And thus we wended our way through the pretty gardens to camp." Then the scene changes, and we are summoned back to a mass of horrors. September. Early in the morning I again went into the town, and what a scene of desolation presented itself. Furniture of all description, wearing apparel, provisions, books, arms, everything made by the hand of man and for his use, lay scattered and destroyed, trampled into the mud, soiled and broken. Here and there the crackling of fire was to be heard, and the smoke issuing from windows and crevices of the houses, told that the pillager, after sacking it of everything, had committed it to the flames. At one place my eyes were shocked at the sight of a poor woman lying dead, and a little infant of three or four months by her side still alive, but with both its little thighs pierced and mangled by a musket-ball. The child was conveyed to camp, but death soon put an end to its sufferings. Farther on was another woman in torture from a wound, and she had been exposed to the cold of the night without any covering ; she clasped a child in her arms, and her affection appeared only to be increased by the agonies she endured. She was placed in a doolie and sent into our camp, and our doctor attended her. Sitting outside a shop was a little girl of three or four years of age. The soldiers had given her some sheepskins to keep her warm during the night, and there she sat, with fruit piled on each side of her, apparently quite unconscious of what had happened, or what was passing around her ; while scattered about the streets lay the bodies of old and young, rich and poor, who had fallen in the defence of their town. These horrible sights I myself saw ; had I been able, or had I had the inclination to search the houses, I am afraid I THE HORRORS OF WAR 149 should have witnessed many more of the brutal acts and horrors of war. One poor slave girl, described as very beautiful, had been left concealed in the town ; her hiding-place was soon discovered, and the door burst open ; she told the intruders her story, and besought them not to approach, but on seeing they were deaf to her entreaties, she thrust a dagger through her bosom, and fell dead in a pool of her own blood. This I did not see myself, but I heard it from an officer. As you may suppose, I returned home to breakfast dis- gusted with myself, the world, and above all, with my cruel pro- fession. In fact we are nothing but licensed assassins. All this day the sappers were employed in burning the town, and the soldiers and camp-followers in bringing away anything that had been left worth having. Our camp appeared more like a bazaar than anything else, its occupants being busily employed selling and bartering their spoil. " ist October. As we were to march at 9 A.M., I again strolled by myself into the town. What a difference had forty-eight hours made here ! But ten houses remained standing, and no sound was to be heard but that of the smouldering fire, and the crashing of beams, and pillars falling, which told that the destructive element was still at work and resting for a time, only to break out with redoubled fury. As I looked from this scene of desolation into the beautiful valley beneath, I could not help comparing the work of man and his Creator, the one all peace, and harmony, and goodness, the other wickedness, and misery, and destruction. I wish it were possible for me to portray in words the sublimity of this spot which seemed made to shut out all the passions of our race. Imagine that you look down some 2000 feet on a most fertile valley studded with forts and villages, and these surrounded by gardens and orchards, vying with each other in beauty, and all bathed in an atmosphere so soft and radiant that the eyes delighted to dwell on it. A barrier of stupendous mountains closed the view on three sides. Along their base for many feet above the plain were scattered villages and gardens contending with the barren rock, until Nature assumed her sternest aspect, and I felt it difficult to say which was most beautiful of all, from the terraced and undulating vineyard which commenced at my feet, to the huge forms which towered so majestically into the sky. As I was returning to camp, sad and disheartened, I saw a poor emaciated old woman who had ventured to leave her hiding-place thinking we had left ; she was endeavouring to drag herself to a small stream to satisfy her thirst, perhaps of days ! I filled her vessel for her, but all she said was, ' Curses on the Feringees ! ' Well had we merited them ! I got back just in time to fall in with my regiment, and we turned our backs on that, to me, ever to be remembered place Ist^liffe. I was on the advance guard, and chased some horsemen without success, but captured some horned cattle. In the distance we could distinctly see the 150 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN people hurrying off to the mountains with their property and families. We halted at about one o'clock, and encamped half-way to Charekar. In the afternoon a very fine little boy, twelve or eighteen months of age, was brought into our camp by one of the men, who found it lying in a garden. One of the native officers adopted it, and he is still in the corps." On the 2nd of October the force left Istaliffe, and, march- ing northward, reached Charekar at noon. " I was on rear-guard duty ; not a soul in the country to be seen. Passed on our road the fort of Lughman in which Rattray lived and was murdered. The engineers blew up the bastions and destroyed the houses and grounds. We were pitched close to the fort in which the Goorka corps was besieged, and the remains of its brave de- fenders were to be seen in the bleaching bones scattered about. This fort had been built contrary to all rules of fortification, being commanded by another within two hundred yards of it, and sur- rounded with garden walls and trenches, which afforded splendid cover to an enemy. Like most of our measures in that country, it appeared as if no precaution in case of a reverse had been dreamt of. The town of Charekar had been deserted, and all movable property taken away. The pioneers commenced their work of destruction, and the blaze from the houses lighted us during the whole night. " yd October. Halted. Destroying the town and forts of Char- ekar. I went out with some other officers, and we drove home and gave to the soldiers all the cattle we found without owner. In the evening the sappers and two regiments were sent to destroy a very pretty village called Asseane, a short distance off. It was the in- habitants of this place who were so inveterate against the Goorka corps, and who desecrated the graves of some officers who had been buried there. But one old priest was found in the place, and the sepoys made him pay the penalty of death. At night one could dis- tinguish the forts and villages visited by us for miles round by the flames that rose high into the air and shed a glare on everything near them. " tfh October. Turned our heads towards Cabul ; halted for the day at Karabay. I was on rear-guard. We could distinguish the miserable remains of Istaliffe, high upon the sides of the mountain, still smoking. The wounded woman we had brought away was still alive, so we made her over to a chief to be returned to her husband. The agony this poor woman suffered was beyond conception, and she would never allow her child to be taken from her, which must have added to it. All the other children and women were also returned to Istaliffe. " $th October. On rear-guard again. Marched eighteen miles through a lovely country, and pitched our tents on the Cabul side THE GREAT BAZAAR DESTROYED of a range of hills that separated us from Kohistan. As you may well suppose, the valley of Kohistan being a fruit garden, we did ample justice to its produce ! and what the men did not eat the cattle destroyed. Sometimes we marched over fields of grapes of all sorts that had been gathered and laid out to dry for raisins. The high walls that were built as a protection against cattle were very soon breached by the elephants. Just before leaving the old ground, I descried a woman walking towards us ; she turned out to be the wife of a Goorka who had been killed, and had been taken into slavery. She had a child in her arms, and had managed to escape from confinement. We soon mounted her on a camel, and she reached Cabul all safe. " 6th October. Marched to the ground we had occupied near the remains of British folly and misrule, 'Cantonments.' In the night some rascals, who had followed us from the Kohistan, fired upon our pickets and sentries. " >]th October. Rejoined General Nott's camp. In the evening rode over to General Pollock's camp and saw Captain Alexander. During our absence General Nott had changed his camp and pitched two miles from the Jellalabad side of Cabul, Pollock's being three miles farther off." Pollock and Nott had now taught to the Afghans that England is powerful to avenge as well as to protect, and the time had come for the British army, in agreement with its orders, to return to India. The time had also come for the guilty city to receive its due punishment. It was de- termined to destroy the great bazaar where the mutilated body of the British envoy had been exposed to the insults of an Afghan mob. The work of destruction began upon the 7th of October. On the following day Neville Chamber- lain writes: "Soldiers and camp-followers from both camps plundering in the town. Here and there the smoke rising in black clouds showed that the firebrand had been applied to some chiefs houses. In spite of guards, camp-followers and soldiers had unfortunately made their way into the town." On the gth of October he enters in his journal : " Plunder- ing as yesterday. Engineers engaged in blowing up the covered bazaar. Part of the town also on fire. I amused myself by sauntering about the town. Every house in the place that had been inhabited by the English had been pulled down and the foundations dug up. Poor Sir Alex- 152 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN ander's house, where I had spent many a pleasant hour, was a heap of ruins." On the 6th of January 1842 the British force, as they marched out of the cantonments, saw the whole face of the sky red with flames ; on the i2th of October 1843 the soldiers of Pollock and Nott's Brigade saw, as they left the ruins of the capital, the whole face of the sky red with flames. It was the stern justice of re- venge. Five hundred mutilated and crippled camp-followers and soldiers of Elphinstone's force accompanied the march of Pollock's forces. Of the homeward march of the British army Neville Chamberlain's journal affords such full, clear, and interesting details, that it bears printing in integrity : " \2th October. Marched at five o'clock in the morning, and accompanied the Light Brigade, under General Sale, to Khoord- Cabul, at which place we arrived at nine o'clock at night. We did not go by the regular road, but by a mountain pass. The infantry got to their ground at five o'clock, but we were obliged to dismount every man and make the horses scramble up the rocks. Several of them missed their footing and rolled over and over the slippery rocks, much to their detriment. My own noble Arab missed his footing, but he recovered himself, and only scraped a little hair off his legs. I would sooner have rolled down myself than that he should have been hurt! We arrived at our halting- place without a particle of baggage for ourselves or horses, and got nothing until next day at twelve o'clock. On leaving Cabul we found it bitterly cold. During the day we suffered from heat and thirst, no water being procurable, and at night it froze hard ! "i3/A October. Halted, and remained to guard the camp, whilst the infantry were crossing the heights to allow General Pollock's army to come through the pass unmolested. I rode through the pass, and the sight that presented itself was truly lamentable. The miserable remains of thousands of that doomed force lay scattered about in all kinds of positions and states of decomposition. The skeletons of men, women, and children, horses and camels, &c., heaped together in one confused mass. The European would always be distinguished from the Indian by the colour of the hair; and the skull of the former was invariably battered in with stones. The woe and misery suffered in these passes must have been beyond all imagination. "14^ October. Halted again to allow General Nott's army to come through the pass. The corps sent out on foraging duty saw a few horsemen, whom I chased, but they got off to the hills : found in a cave a quantity of the property that had been taken from the JOURNAL : THE HOMEWARD MARCH 153 Cabul force. After having loaded our camels we returned towards the camp. I remained behind with a few men to take care of an animal that had been badly laden, and could not travel so fast as the rest. On repassing through a gorge some ten or twelve Ghazees, who were waiting for our return, knowing that we must go back the road we came, opened a fire upon us, but with no effect, only wounding a horse. We stuck by our camel, notwithstanding the fellows were only some 150 or 200 feet above us, and taking most deliberate aim with their rifles rested on the rocks. The Feringee was of course the chief mark, but I puzzled them by spur- ring and holding in my horse, which made him prance about and consequently present an unsteady mark. I consider I ran just as great a chance of losing my life on that occasion as ever I did, and I was thankful to have escaped. A man's life is much more in danger in a case like this than when he makes one of a large army ! "i5//$ October. Marched at 6 A.M. from Khoord - Cabul, and arrived at Tezeen at 2 P.M. Nearly the whole of the road was strewn with skeletons of men and animals. Any hollow in the rocks or caves in the hills were filled with mortal remains of the poor creatures who had crawled into them for shelter against the cold. Our gun-wheels ground to dust the bones of the dead, the pass being so narrow it was impossible to avoid them. In some places the Affghans, to add insult to all the misery they inflicted, had placed the skeletons in the arms one of the other, or sometimes sitting or standing against the rocks as if they were holding a con- sultation ! The soldiers in retaliation, wherever they killed an Affghan, placed the skeleton of one of our poor fellows over him as a mark of victory or derision. Shortly after arriving at Tezeen we were again sent out to forage, but without success, the forts being de- fended, and we returned home at dark, the enemy following us nearly back to camp, shouting and firing at us in defiance. This was very annoying to us, as we could do nothing to them among hills, and we ought never to have been sent unless the General was determined to carry everything through. He might have halted the next day, attacked the forts with guns and infantry, and destroyed them. The rear-guard did not get up till two o'clock in the morning. At night- fall it was attacked, and lost thirty men killed and the like number wounded ; several of the camp-followers killed, and lots of baggage and grain walked off with. At 1 1 P.M. reinforcements were sent, and the enemy retreated. It was a beautiful moonlight night, and I walked about the camp listening to the booming of the guns and volleys of musketry. I know nothing more exciting than hearing firing and not being able to go to the scene of action. " i6th October. The column moved at 6 A.M. I was on rear-guard and placed in rear of all, which was against all rules of war. The officer commanding the infantry wished to have few casualties in his 154 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN own corps, and he did not care how many of my men were killed ! But cavalry could do nothing, hemmed in by high mountains, the road a shingle, and in some places only a few yards wide. The only way we escaped so well was by never standing still, and always going in a zigzag direction. Fortunately few of the enemy followed us, or we should have got a proper peppering ; but when, within a mile or so of the new ground, I was walking in rear of all with my orderly, rifle in hand, taking shots at the rascals, when my orderly's horse close by me, and from which I had been firing, was riddled through the neck. I had not gone many paces when I was struck myself. I spun round and fell to the ground, but soon got up again and staggered on in great pain, but I was determined the Affghans should not have even the satisfaction of thinking they had done for me. On putting my hand to my back I thought it was all over with me, but on getting into camp we found the ball had only penetrated the skin, and it tumbled out on the doctor touching it. It had struck me in the waist, close to the spine, and had raised an im- mense lump which made me, as you may suppose, rather stiff in the loins for some days. The cloak I am now wrapped up in saved my life. I had put it on in the morning when cold, and although the weather became warm I happened not to take it off. It hung loose, and I was thus saved for a future day. " i ^th October. Marched at six o'clock : after going over a dreadful road for nine miles, pitched our camp at Kutta Sung. Rear-guard fired upon, and got into camp at 7 P.M. Not being able to move about, did not accompany a detachment that went to look for forage. " \%th October. Marched at the same time as yesterday, over the same kind of road, and halted at Jugduluk. The battering guns and rear-guard not up till night. The cattle, not having had any forage since leaving Khoord-Cabul, dropped by hundreds, and it was necessary to abandon a great quantity of grain. At this place we saw the skeletons of the 44th Foot, as here fell most of that corps. From the time of our arriving at this place until evening we heard a heavy fire in the pass ahead of us, and with a glass one could distinctly see the sepoys on the heights. The rear-guard of the division, a march ahead of us, were severely handled by the Ghilzees. The enemy never now annoyed us at night, as we had pickets on every hill and height round the camp, and had they attempted to fire among the tents and followers, they would have got as much as they 'gave, the moon being full. " iqth October. Marched at 3 A.M. Got through the pass by sunrise. Passed the remains of the barrier where \he-sauve qui pcut took place, and total annihilation of the Cabul force. The skeletons of the unfortunate officers, who fell a sacrifice to the imbecility of a general, strewed the road. The i8-pounders were burst at Jug- duluk as the cattle could not drag them any farther, being com- pletely done up for want of food and previous hard work. Pitched JOURNAL: THE HOMEWARD MARCH 155 our camp at Loukoub at 1 1 A.M. The rear-guard not in till night ; it was attacked in the pass, and the Ghilzees followed it into camp. " 2oth October. On rear-guard. Remained in rear of all with a few men, and exchanged shots with the Ghilzees, who followed us nearly the whole way. They were too cunning to allow us to get amongst them, always having spies along the hills, who gave them warning of our approach, when they also took to the mountains. Before leaving the old ground (Loukoub) killed some of the enemy who came down from the hills. Arrived at Gundumuk at 2 P.M. The camp was pitched in a fine plain, the first we have seen since leaving Cabul. It was quite pleasing to the eye to see level ground again, and the horses were invigorated at the change from the desert mountain-passes to their natural soil. About two miles from camp was the hill where the few officers and men that escaped death at the Jugduluk Pass were killed. " 2ist October. Halted. The camp fired into, and some of the Ghilzees killed by our sentries. " 22nd October. March at 3.24 A.M. Arrived at Neemla a little after sunrise. A beautiful garden in the valley, the scene of Shah Shooja's defeat some thirty years ago. " 2$rd October. Left Neemla at 5 A.M. Arrived at Futehabad at 9 o'clock. The rear-guard annoyed by the Ghazees in the early part of the night firing into camp. We have now left the hills completely, and are in a very pretty well cultivated country. " 2^th October. A short march to Sultanpore. Firing into camp until the moon rose. " 2$th October. Marched at 4 A.M. ; got into Jellalabad at 9 A.M. Much pleased with the country, and found the fort much stronger than I had expected. General Pollock's army encamped here. The engineers employed mining the fort. I am sorry to have to say that daily, from the time of leaving Cabul, we have left the un- fortunate sick camp-followers to be murdered by the Ghilzees, not having any means of conveying them. I have myself given my own charger and made the men dismount to bring on the poor creatures, but after they were so weak as not to be able to ride or hang on a horse, when, of course, I was obliged to abandon them to the knives of those merciless villains who gloried in cutting the throats of poor emaciated helpless beings. Every march we passed the bodies of those abandoned by the columns ahead of us. The loss in camels since leaving Cabul has also been immense. Every animal that fell was immediately shot to prevent his falling into the hands of the Ghazees. " 26th October. Halted. Went across the river with a troop: the ford a most difficult one, the water running a perfect sluice, and carrying down any camel that missed the ford. Came upon the Ghazees who were killing the camp-followers and stealing the camels. Recovered twenty-two camels, and cut up nine Ghazees. The rest 156 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN of the marauders got off by either swimming the river or scaling the mountains. I did not follow them across the river, as it was so deep and rapid that I should have lost both men and horses in the attempt, and in the next place there was a thick jungle in which they could have hid themselves and taken us at advantage. How hardened and callous do we become when thus accustomed to witness death, and with what exultation do we witness the defeat and death of our enemies ! Returned to camp at sunset. 11 2 *jth October. Halted. General Pollock's force marched towards Peshawur. In the afternoon went out on forage duty. Heavy rain all night, and the Ghilzees firing into camp. " 2%th October. Halted. In the afternoon went with a troop on forage duty, chased some 300 footmen and a few horsemen across the river. Did not cross the river after them as the bank was two or three feet perpendicular, and when I got there only thirteen men were with me. Added to which some of the enemy, who had crossed over first, covered the retreat of the rest by opening a fire upon us from the opposite bank. I lost one man killed and two wounded ; how more were not hit I can hardly tell, as the breadth of the river only separated us, but they fired high, and showers of bullets went over our heads. You can well fancy my disappointment at not being able to get amongst them. Whilst we were standing on the bank waving our swords and hurrahing, the enemy were some in the water, some on the other bank, some carried down by the force of the current, and every one of them giving orders and bawling out at the top of his voice. On our moving off they shouted and flourished their swords and kept on firing at us. Re- turned to camp at sunset. Firing into camp all night, and heavy rain. " 2^th October. Did not march early on account of the rain. Marched at 2 P.M. I was on rear-guard. Before starting rode out some distance by myself. Came suddenly upon three footmen in a ravine ; drew my sword and went at them ; they were taken by sur- prise, for the matches of their guns were not lighted. One threw himself down over a crag, another hid himself, the third stood with his gun presented at me. I knocked him down, and I am grieved now to say, I killed him ! He was a very fine young man of about my own age. I would give back any honour or reputation I have gained not to have committed that one act, although he would cer- tainly have killed me had it been in his power. On remounting my horse, I perceived some ten or twelve horsemen galloping towards me, so made the best of my way back to camp. At my request the Lieutenant-colonel commanding allowed 120 of our cavalry to conceal themselves and await the arrival of the Ghazees, who were collecting for the purpose of annoying the rear - guard. Lieutenant Graves and I posted our men behind an empty fort, and awaited their approach. We took them completely by surprise, as JOURNAL: THE HOMEWARD MARCH 157 they were scattered about the plain in knots of three or four men, and therefore fell an easy prey. On our dashing out among them they immediately flew towards the hills, but being nearly all footmen they had no chance of escape. No quarter was given, and we killed between 150 and 200 men. What exasperated our men was that these fellows had been cutting up every one who strayed from the camp, and had been nightly firing into us. Ceased the pursuit at sunset, and did not rejoin the rear -guard until dark. The camp was pitched at Alice Bogan. A quiet night and no firing into camp. " $oth October. Marched at 4 A.M. Seven Juzailchees, 1 who crossed the river on a raft for the purpose of plunder, were cut up by our cavalry. The camp at Barukaub. " $\st October. Marched ten miles to Budhi. All the stacks and villages plundered and fired. Firing into camp at night. " ist November. Marched eleven miles to Deihka, entered the Khyber Pass, found General M'Caskill's division halted there. No enemy to be seen, and a quiet night. November. Halted for provisions, quiet as yesterday. November. On rear-guard. Marched to Lundee Khana. Christie's and my baggage, instead of halting, went on with the baggage of the division a march in advance. Christie's were plun- dered by the Khyberries, and I fell in with mine at last on the 6th. " Afth November. Marched to Ali Musjid. The infantry being left in the pass to guard the baggage, I was sent up with 200 dismounted men to bring down the guns from the fort. We saw in the pass the bodies of the men who had been killed the day before by the Khyberries, when they attacked the rear-guard of General M'Caskill's Division with complete success, capturing two of our guns. An officer, Nicholson, who had been a prisoner at Ghuznee, and ex- pected to have met his brother at Ali Musjid, recognised him lying dead, stripped naked, and hacked to pieces in the middle of the road. Think what a horrible shock that must have been to him ! " $th November. Halted, as the rear-guard did not reach until sun- rise, having been under arms for four-and-twenty hours and attacked all through the night. Hardly any baggage taken by the Khyberries. " 6th November. On rear-guard. Accompanied a company of in- fantry on the hills, and skirmished. One of the officers, Terry who was with the party was shot in the breast. The end of his hand- kerchief was carried in by the ball, which saved his life for the moment. I endeavoured to get out the ball by pulling the handker- chief, but it was so tight that no effort could move it, and, poor fellow, he died three days afterwards, although the ball had been extracted by removing part of the breast-bone. When sitting behind the ridge 1 Juzailchees or Jazailchis. Men armed with jazails or long matchlocks, used by the Afghans. 158 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN of a hill with some soldiers, suddenly a stone fell among us ; on run- ning to see where it came from, I saw a Khyberrie within a few paces of me, flourishing a long knife, and followed by thirty or forty others. I immediately gave the alarm, when we gave them a volley and they fled. All the heights, with the exception of those at the exit of the pass, had been crowned by our troops ; from one of these the Khyberrie opened upon us on our passing beneath it. My horse was restive, and he not liking to be in the rear, I was riding a few paces in advance of the corps, the balls striking about me rather close. I turned round and said to an officer, ' Those fellows do not fire badly.' And true enough, for the moment afterwards I was struck. The ball hit me so hard that my friend answered, 'You are hit, old fellow/ but I needed not to be told to make me aware of it. The regiment galloped on to get from under the fire. I was obliged to dismount, or rather I half fell from my horse, and dragged and supported by my groom and a sepoy, I lay down behind a piece of rock which sheltered me from the fire, until after some time a doolie was brought for me and I was carried into camp at Jumrood. From the long faces of the doctors I fully made up my mind I was to lose my leg. The rear-guard got into camp without losing a particle of baggage. The pain I suffered that night was so great that sleep was impossible. " *]th November. Marched to within two miles of Peshawur, suffering much pain. " 8/Vfc November. Halted. A few hours of sleep ! Halted till 1 2th, when we marched to the Attock side of Peshawur. On the 1 5th November we left Peshawur for India. The whole of the road through the Punjab I was carried in a litter, and I was too ill to be amused or to see the country. Hundreds of men died during our march from fatigue and wounds. I used to pity the unfortunate wounded who were carried on camels for want of better conveyance, and were sometimes exposed for twelve or fourteen hours to the cold at night and to the heat of the sun during the day, and often it was not possible to dress their wounds for a day or two. Comparatively speaking I was well off, for my wound was dressed three times during the twenty-four hours ! but I hope I shall never again go through what I then suffered. We, or rather General Nott's force, marched into Ferozepore on the 23rd December 1842, and we were received with all due honours by the Governor-General and our brethren in arms. From that date my letter to you, written from this place, will have informed you of subsequent events and movements. I have now fulfilled my promise, although I fear I have given but a very poor outline of our doings since leaving Candahar ; indeed, I feel how far it falls short of what it should have been in the hands of a good and amusing writer. The material is good, the author indifferent. My only excuse." 159 CHAPTER VI. Neville Chamberlain's appointment to the Governor-General's bodyguard, January 2, 1843 Sir Hugh Gough assumes command of the army in India State of affairs at Gwalior Neville Chamberlain meets Lord Ellenborough at Agra Battle of Maharajpore Battle of Punniar Neville Chamberlain's diary Doctors order him to take leave Serious operation River voyage to Calcutta Return to England Walmer Love of yachting The Ondine Return to Calcutta, December 1846 Military secretary to the Governor of Bombay Appointed Hon. A.D.C. to the Governor-General Journey from Poona to Indore Second Sikh War March through Central India Appointed Major of Brigade, 4th Brigade of Cavalry. AT three-and-twenty Neville Chamberlain left Afghanistan, having four years' experience of warfare, and already dis- tinguished for the number and brilliancy of his military services. He had been foremost in many a brave fought contest ; he had been six times wounded ; and he had proved himself to be an able and dashing leader of light horse. It is his first campaign in the mountains and snows of Afghanistan which reveals the man and fascinates the imagination, and he always delighted to recall the joys of the life of a trooper in the field. Many years afterwards he wrote, " A horse and a sword were all that were needful, and one never gave a thought as to danger. Not that there was any levity in facing death ; it was simply that one was possessed of a light heart to meet anything that came. There was nothing but God above and duty below." In his words and in his wars he always preserved a dash of antique chivalry. Charles Napier, who knew how to recognise genuine deeds of valour, called him " Coeur de Lion," and declared that he l6o LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN had not believed in the old tales until Neville Chamberlain had made them come true. 1 Outram wrote to Crawford : " Your gallant brother is the most noble and bravest soldier who ever trod in Afghanistan, and than whom none bled more freely." William Nott, one of England's great military chiefs, brought particularly to the notice of the Governor- General Neville Chamberlain's deeds of valour, and Lord Ellenborough appointed him to his bodyguard " as a mark of his sense of his eminent services " ; and at a public dinner, given in honour of the victorious army, he said, "With Mayne 2 and Chamberlain in the bodyguard I would face the devil." " I have accepted the appointment," writes Neville Chamberlain to his mother on the I3th of January 1843, " and was in orders on the 2nd, so here I am a flashy Guardsman." When the Marquess Wellesley was at Madras superin- tending the operations of the gallant army which achieved the conquest of Mysore, he was much struck with the stature and military bearing of the troopers of the Madras Cavalry. They were the descendants of the northern horsemen who, under Hyder AH, swept over the Carnatic. Two years after Tippoo fell fighting gallantly in the gateway at Seringapatam, Captain Montgomery, commanding Governor - General's bodyguard, reported to the military authorities at Madras " that the Governor - General was desirous of completing from the regiments of the Madras Cavalry his corps of body- guard," and represented that the Governor-General "shall require 100 men, and none ought to be under 5 feet 6 inches high, or above 25 years of age." Captain Montgomery 1 Sir C. Napier, writing about Crawford Chamberlain, said : " This lad's brother is the Chamberlayne who was with Black Charles at Acre, and the brother in the Irregular Horse is coming down the pass. He is the man who dashed singly among the Afghans near Candahar, cut three down, and came clear off, though his sword was broken. He had lost the use of one hand from an Afghan cut, but he smote a fellow's arm so clean off that after the fight it was found with the sword still grasped ! Of this fact there is no doubt. Young Chamberlayne saw the arm picked up holding the sword, and all his men here saw it also; so did another officer, and they could hardly fabricate the story. " 3 Lieutenant Mayne had distinguished himself under General Pollock at Jellalabad. THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL'S BODYGUARD 161 added, " I have not the smallest doubts but the officers of these regiments will have great pleasure in perceiving the preference his Excellency shows to the materials of which these corps are composed, and that they will in consequence send none but choice men to do duty about his Lordship's person." They sent none but choice men, and in physique there is no finer body of men than the Imperial Corps which watches over the safety of the ruler of the Indian Empire. Neville Chamberlain writes : " The bodyguard, I may say, are Indian Life Guards, picked men from cavalry corps, and none are under six feet in height. They are, I fancy, the best mounted cavalry in the world. Every horse is valued at 1000 rupees, and all bays, the picked horses of ten regi- ments, and the remounts the finest colts from the studs. Our uniform is the same as the Light Dragoons, with the difference of silver instead of gold lace." Many months of dreadful suffering, borne with fortitude and even with gaiety, had to pass before Neville Chamberlain could join the corps of which he was justly proud. He writes to his mother on the iyth of October : " I am sorry to say my leg is no better, and recovery seems far off. Leeches have been applied to keep down inflammation. On the nth the wound was probed, and the surgeon says more bone has to come away. He endeavoured to remove some splinters of bone, but without success. The left hand little finger was amputated on the 7th instant, and by this I hope to get free use of my hand. The healing process is going on very well, and in another fortnight I hope there will be no more need of plaister properly speaking the finger ought to have been removed at the time I was wounded, but it does not signify now as the pain and annoyance will be soon over. If you saw me you would say that I was a fit member for Chelsea Hospital, with my right leg resting on a chair and my left hand on a pillow on the table." A month later Neville Chamberlain, though on the sick list, left Simla and proceeded to Agra, where the body- guard was awaiting the arrival of the Governor -General. Rumours of war were in the air. The jolting of a palkee for twelve days did, as he says, his leg no good. "As for L l62 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN the leg, the surgeon now attending me is trying a new plan bandaging and injections of muriatic acid. Should these measures not succeed, he proposes seeing what the knife will do. Twelve months have now passed away since I was hit, and I must say it has not been a year of much pleasure." He adds : " The Commander-in-Chief came in yesterday. Gwalior is said to be our destination, and some think that the Mahrattas will fight. I do not think they will as a body, but they may give trouble in detached bodies. I shall accompany the force, and should anything take place, I doubt not that, for the occasion, I shall manage to mount my horse ! There will be emulation between me and the Jellalabad hero, Mayne." On the nth of August 1843 Sir Hugh Gough, who had fought at Talavera and " bright Barossa," and had brought to a successful close the Chinese Expedition of 1838-42, assumed command of the army in India. He was soon in the field. The state of affairs in the Mahratta Court of Gwalior had for some time demanded the serious atten- tion of the Governor-General. The Court and the officials were Mahrattas, but the kingdom of Scindia lay outside of Mahrattaland in the heart of the Indian Peninsula, and the great rock fortress of Gwalior had been from early times called the key of Hindustan. In no part of the Gwalior State do the Mahrattas form any large proportion of the inhabitants. There is no part of India where the tribes of Brahmins are so various and their numbers so great, and Jats and Rajputs have settled there in large numbers. On the 7th of February 1843 the reigning sovereign, Jankojee Scindia, died, leaving no children, and expressing no wish regarding the succession. The Maharaja's widow, Tara Ranee, a young girl of about twelve years of age, with the concurrence of the chiefs of the State and the army, adopted a lad, the nearest though a very distant relative of the late Maharaja, and the adoption was recognised by the British Government. The boy, who fourteen years later proved our faithful ally in AFFAIRS AT GWALIOR 163 the Mutiny, was then about eight years of age. On his accession he assumed the title of Ali Jah Jyagee Rao Scindia. As he was too young to administer the government it became necessary to appoint a regent. The girl queen was anxious that Dada Khasgeewala, the hereditary keeper of the crown jewels, should be appointed ; but Mama Sahib, maternal uncle of the deceased Maharaja, was, chiefly through the influence of the British Resident, selected for the post. It was a bad choice, because he had as Prime Minister in the previous reign proved himself weak and incapable. A Mahratta woman has brains and a will of her own, and the young queen proceeded at once to thwart and harass Mama Sahib. He tried to consolidate his power by betrothing the boy Maharaja to his own niece. Tara replied by dismissing him on her own authority, assuming the name of Regent. All real power fell into the hands of Dada, who gained over the army by his largesses, and swiftly showed himself to be hostile to the interests of the British Government. All officers of European origin, and holding military or civil appointments, were removed for no reason but that they were known to be friendly to the British Government, and others with opposite views were appointed in their places. An army of 30,000 men with a very numerous artillery, under the direction of a man who had obtained his post and could only retain it in despite of the British Government, lay within a few marches of the capital of the North-West Province. That army was mainly composed of Brahmins or Rajput regi- ments. There was the bond of race and unity of religion between them and our own native regiments, among whom a mutinous spirit had already become manifest. The Cabul disaster had damaged our prestige. The Sikh army of the Khalsa numbered 70,000 soldiers and 300 guns, and an alliance between the Gwalior army and the Khalsa army to establish Hindu supremacy in Hindustan was no remote possibility ; for the Sikhs are what we are too apt to for- get, a sect, if an unorthodox sect, of Hindus. It was this 164 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN consideration, as the records of the time show, that made Lord Auckland and Lord Ellenborough hesitate about sending an avenging army to Cabul, and they became the best abused men of the day. Lord Ellenborough was aware of the actual treachery as well as the passive breach of treaty committed by the Sikhs during the Afghan war. They had attempted to corrupt our sepoys and detach them from our service. An invasion of the British provinces had often been vauntingly talked of in the Punjab, and it was the opinion of the most competent authorities in India that the Khalsa army, confident in its own strength, desirous of war and plunder, and under no discipline or control, might at any time cross the Sutlej. " It would be unpar- donable," said Lord Ellenborough, "were we not to take every possible precaution against its hostility, and no pre- caution appears to be more necessary than that of ren- dering our rear and our communications secure by the re-establishment of a friendly government at Gwalior." It was well for India that Lord Ellenborough had reduced the power of the Gwalior army before the inevitable col- lision with the Sikh came. The Governor -General, having determined that an un- friendly government with an overgrown and mutinous army must not exist at Gwalior, ordered an army of obser- vation, numbering about 12,000 men besides artillery, to form at Agra. The Commander-in-Chief proposed : " That an army of 20,000 men should be collected, and that they should not all be gathered at Agra, but that they should be divided into two bodies, the right wing (under himself) to act from Agra, and the left (under Sir John Grey) from Bundelcund." Sir Hugh Gough based his strategy upon the supposition that the Gwalior army was a mob without leaders, with the heads at variance. " I found," he wrote, " a well-disciplined, well-organised army, well led and truly gallant." On the nth of December Lord Ellenborough reached Agra. Two days later Neville Chamberlain had an interview with him, THE GWALIOR CAMPAIGN 165 " and was very kindly received. He offered to give me political employ until my leg got well, and then I could rejoin the Bodyguard, or have some other appointment." Neville Chamberlain thanked his lordship, and told him he preferred remaining in the profession to which he belonged. Disabled by his wound, he was still determined to take a part in the coming fight. The I2th First Brigade had moved forward to Dholepore on the I2th, and " I do not think," Neville Chamberlain wrote, "the Mahrattas will give up without trying their strength." On the I3th Lord Ellenborough sent a letter to the Maharanee, announcing his march and his object. On the receipt of it the hostile minister was surrendered, " and he is now in our camp," wrote the Governor-General to the Duke of Wellington on the i8th of December. " From the disposition evinced at Gwalior, I have now every expectation that our object will be effected without the actual use of force. The disband- ment of a portion of the army is the only measure which appears to offer any difficulties, and much delicacy will be required in carrying it into effect." But it was impossible for Ellenborough ever to display delicacy or tact. Contrary to the entreaty and representation of the Gwalior durbar, and the warning of Colonel Sleeman, he crossed the Chumbul, which marks our frontier, and the army of exercise encamped at Hingonah on the Kohari river. It was an act of war. On the 25th of December 1843, a large body of Mahrattas marched out of Gwalior, and the next day they took up a strong position at a village called Chaunda, on the Asun river, six miles from the British army. On the 28th of December Neville Chamberlain enters in his diary : " Enemy's position reconnoitred by Commander-in- Chief at daylight, fourteen cannon-shot fired at the party, but no damage done, during the day false alarm that our cattle at graze had been attacked. Everybody busy burnish- ing up arms." The Commander-in-Chief with the Quartermaster- General reconnoitred as far as the village of Maharajpore, but it was l66 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN only occupied by a picket of infantry. Sir Hugh Gough now determined to make a threatening movement upon the left, and a direct attack upon the enemy's centre at Chaunda, while General Valiant, with Brigadier Cureton's cavalry and horse artillery, turned their left. But the Gwalior army did not mean to fight with the river and its intricate ravines immediately behind them. During the night the Mahrattas moved to the village of Maharajpore, three miles in front of Chaunda, and strongly entrenched themselves. As the historian of the Bengal artillery remarks : " A line of vedettes and patrols three miles in advance of the Kohari river would have been of use here." x On the 28th orders were issued for an advance in three columns, preparatory to an attack on Chaunda. It was believed the Commander-in -Chief would halt or encamp at or near Maharajpore. No second reconnaissance was made on the morning of the 2gth before the columns advanced. Grey daylight had not come when the left column, under Major-General Leslie, started. At dawn the central column, under Major -General Valiant, moved for- ward. Lord Ellenborough rode in the rear of the reserve battery. 2 As the advances to Gwalior had been regarded in the light of a military promenade, the wives of the chief officers had accompanied them, and the ladies, including the wife and daughter of the Commander - in - Chief, on elephants with a small escort rode behind the troops as they marched to Maharajpore. It has been said that they were to breakfast at Maharajpore that morning; but they soon came under fire. Brigadier Scott's brigade of cavalry, 1 ' History of the Organisation, Equipment, and War Services of the Regiment of Bengal Artillery,' by Major-General F. W. Stubbs, iii. 92. 2 " His presence in the field was due to an accident. The evening before the action, when all hopes of a peaceful settlement had come to an end, Lord Ellen- borough asked the Commander-in-Chief where he ought to remain, and he was told 'in rear of the reserve battery.' The advice was obeyed, but an unforeseen move- ment on the part of the enemy brought the reserve battery under fire at the very beginning of the advance, and with it the Governor-General, who was following in the grey dawn the movements of the guns." 'Life of Major - General Sir Henry Marion Durand, K. C.S.I.,' by H. M. Durand, C.S.I., p. 75. BATTLE OF MAHARAJPORE 167 with Lane's troop on the left, had got as far as the village of Jowra, south of Maharajpore, without any sign of the enemy. Lieutenant R. G. Simson with the loth Light Cavalry went on to reconnoitre. Suddenly a battery opened upon him. " The sun, just rising above the horizon, was in the eyes of our men, and they could not see from whence the round shot came." The enemy's battery was at a well on the road to Chaunda ; Lane galloped his troop forward, and came into action. But as he was overmatched by the heavy metal of the Mahratta ordnance, and his men began to fall rapidly, he had to limber up and retire. Mean- while the Mahratta guns had opened on the Commander-in- Chief as he approached Maharajpore with General Littler's one brigade. Sir Hugh Gough had expected to find a picket at Maharajpore. " I found," he wrote in his dispatch, " the Mahrattas had occupied this very strong position during the previous night, by seven regiments of infantry with their guns, which they entrenched, each corps having four guns, which opened on our advances. This obliged me in some measure to alter my disposition." 1 It was originally in- tended that Brigadier Stacey should lead the central attack on Chaunda, and he was a little in rear to the right when the enemy opened fire from Maharajpore. Littler's Brigade was immediately opposite the village. Staff officers were sent post-haste to bring up the field batteries. 2 Browne's 1 " This was no surprise," states the biographer. " Sir Hugh had never doubted that the enemy would have to occupy Maharajpore as an outpost, and, in point of fact, Major-General Churchill, the Quartermaster-General of her Majesty's troops, had been fired at from Maharajpore on the previous day." 'The Life and Cam- paigns of Hugh, First Viscount Gough, Field- Marshal,' by Robert S. Rait, i. 324. But it was a surprise to find that the Mahrattas meant to fight the battle at the village, and if the scouting had been well done, and a real reconnaissance made before the troops advanced, the battle might have been won by the combination of arms with less loss of life. As Harry Smith wrote at the time : " In the late conflict no one gave our foe credit for half his daring or ability ; hence our attack was not quite so scientifically powerful by a combination of the different arms as it might have been." 2 " It was yet early, and the heavy guns were not far behind. Had they been placed in position and given a chance, the casualty roll at the end of the day would have been much smaller." 'History of the Organisation, Equipment, and War Services of the Regiment of Bengal Artillery,' by Major-General F. W. Stubbs, iii. 95. l68 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN and Sanders' batteries soon arrived, and opened a hot fire on the enemy's position ; but their light guns had but little effect on the heavy ordnance of the Mahrattas, protected by their entrenchments. Round and grape shot tore through our ranks. Gough, after signalling to General Valiant, still at some distance to the right, to co-operate, ordered Littler to attack with his brigade. Littler gave the word to Wright, and H.M. 3gth and the 56th Native Infantry advanced in double columns of sub -divisions. 1 "I only saw the 39th a part of their way," wrote the Governor-General : " nothing could be more beautiful than their advance." The column slowly and steadily plodded its way over the ploughed fields under a heavy cross-fire of cannon, and the enemy having got the range exactly, "every shot came plump into it." 2 Many a gallant fellow fell. When three or four hundred yards from the village, the order was given to deploy into line. 3 No sooner was the formation completed than the enemy "commenced firing grape, canister, old iron, horse- shoes, &c., and anything they could cram in, and here we lost most of the men who fell. The sound of the shells 1 'My Service in the Indian Army, and After,' by General Sir T. Luther Vaughan, G.C.B., p. 16. 2 Sir Luther Vaughan states 300 or 400 yards, General Stubbs 100 yards. 3 The biographer of Hugh Gough writes : "While this was being done (deploy- ing into line), a round shot fell among the 56th Native Infantry and killed three men, causing the regiment to hang back for a moment. This was at once per- ceived by the chief himself, who rode up and said, ' For shame, men ; look at your gallant comrades ' [the 39th]. The formation was at once completed, and both regiments advanced upon the enemy's guns." 'The Life and Campaigns of Hugh, First Viscount Gough, Field-Marshal,' by Robert S. Rait, i. 326. The biographer of Sir Henry Havelock writes : " The 56th Native Infantry, who had been brigaded with H.M.'s 39th, were advancing on the enemy, but at so slow a pace as to exhaust the patience of Sir Hugh. 'Will no one get that sepoy regi- ment on ? ' he repeatedly exclaimed. Havelock offered his services, and, riding up, inquired the name of the corps. ' It is the 56th Native Infantry. ' ' I don't want its number,' replied he. 'What is the native name?' ' Lamboo-run-ke-pultun, Lambourn's regiment.' He then took off his cap, and, placing himself in their front, addressed them by that name, and in a few complimentary and cheering words reminded them that they were fighting under the eye of the Commander- in-Chief. He then led them up to the batteries, and afterwards remarked that ' whereas it had been difficult to get them forward before, the difficulty now was to restrain their impetuosity.'" 'Memoirs of Major-General Sir Henry Havelock, K.C.B.,' by John Clark Marshman, p. 140. BATTLE OF MAHARAJPORE 169 was unmistakable even to a novice, and anything but pleasant." A hurricane of iron rent the air, but they stepped steadily to within fifty yards of the entrenchment, poured in a volley with a rush, and flung themselves upon the battery, bayoneting the brave gunners, who would not abandon their guns. " The battery presented a most curious sight. The guns, which were painted blue and red, were blackened with smoke, and at the foot of each lay ten or twelve men on whom the bayonet had left its deadly mark. Behind the guns stood the Mahratta infantry. They fought with the desperate valour of their race ; but they were driven into the villages, and a bloody struggle ensued in the streets. Meanwhile Valiant's Brigade, consisting of H.M.'s 4Oth, the i6th and the 2nd Native Infantry, advanced under a heavy fire from the enemy's guns on the east rear of the village. They greatly suffered. But they, too, on getting to close quarters, fired a volley, charged with the bayonet, and made their way into the village. The key of the enemy's position had been captured, and Maharajpore was in flames." Sir J. Thackwell, with the Horse Artillery and Brigadier Cureton's Cavalry, i6th Lancers, ist Light Cavalry, and 4th Light Cavalry, came up with the infantry about half- past eight, and, moving forward, Captain Grant at once engaged one of the enemy's batteries. Major Alexander's troops having joined Grant's, they " both advanced to within 500 yards of the enemy, and soon drove him from his guns, which were afterwards taken possession of by Valiant's Brigade, who had suffered from them as they advanced. The two troops pushed forward at a slow canter, but they had not gone far when the Mahratta batteries at Chaunda, to the north of the village of Shikarpore, well concealed by the tall stalks of rye, opened a heavy cross-fire on them. Alexander was ordered to attack the batteries at Shikarpore, Grant to proceed against those in front of Chaunda. While Alexander was engaged in an unequal artillery duel, Valiant's Brigade arrived and took the battery by storm." I7O LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN '"During the advance,' says Sir Hugh Gough, * Major -General Valiant had to take, in succession, three strong entrenched positions, where the enemy defended their guns with frantic desperation Her Majesty's 4oth Regiment losing two successive commanding officers, Major Stopford and Captain Coddington, who fell wounded at the very muzzles of the guns, and capturing four regimental standards. This corps was ably and nobly supported by the 2nd Grenadiers, who captured two regimental standards, and by the loth Grenadiers under Lieut. - Colonels Hamilton and M'Laren. Too much praise cannot be given to these three regiments.' " In the meantime Grant, on approaching within 600 yards of the batteries at Chaunda, unlimbered and opened fire. For upwards of half an hour he fought singly a heavy battery of twelve guns. " So well chosen," wrote Brigadier Gordon in his official report, " was the enemy's position, that even on horseback I could only discern the muzzles of their guns, which in weight of metal, as well as in number, were very superior to the troops. Their fire was very accurate, and was maintained with smartness." At one time they got the range of Captain Grant's troop so exactly " that nearly every shot fell between the guns and waggons of the battery." Men and horses fell rapidly. An ammunition waggon was blown up. " More than once, however, the enemy were driven by our fire from their guns, but, being unsupported at the time, except by a weak troop of cavalry, no advantage of this could be taken, and he returned to his guns." General Littler now came up with Wright's Brigade, and the fire being very heavy, the men were ordered to lie down 300 yards behind the troops. As Grant's ammunition was fast becoming ex- pended, Brigadier Gordon sent Captain Macdonald, D.A.A.G., to request General Littler to move up and support the guns. Prompt was the response. The remains of the two gallant regiments forming line took ground to the left, and, when clear of the guns, wheeled up. 1 Under a very severe fire, over very difficult ground, they advanced, " but, 1 ' History of the Bengal Artillery,' by Major-General F. W. Stubbs, iii. 98. BATTLE OF PUNNIAR 17! when within a short distance, again the rush of the 3gth Regiment as before under Major Bray, gallantly supported by the 56th Regiment under Major Dick, carried every- thing before them, and thus gained the entrenched main position of Chaunda." 1 The battle was now won, but the gallantry of the enemy's resistance "would not have been overcome but for our gallant old Peninsula comrades, the 39th and 4Oth Regiments, who carried everything before them, bayoneting the gunners at their guns to a man. These guns were most ably posted, each battery flanking and supporting the other by as heavy a cross-fire of cannon as I ever saw, and grape like hail. Our leaders of brigades in the neighbourhood and in the villages had various op- portunities of displaying heroism Valiant, Wright, 3Qth, and my assistant, Major Barr, remarkably so, and many gallant fellows fell in this noble performance of their duty." 5 Major Straubenzee led the 3gth out of action fewer by 216 officers and men than had mustered that morning at parade. Three thousand of the enemy lay dead on the field. "A more thorough devotedness to their cause no soldiers could evince, and the annals of their defeat, al- though an honour to us, can never be recorded as any disgrace to them." On the 28th of December the troops under the command of General Grey, who had been directed to advance against Gwalior from the south, encountered another portion of the Mahratta army at Punniar, twelve miles from the capital. They were no less than 12,000 in number, and they occupied a strong position on a line of rugged heights overlooking the valley. It was from the fort of Mangon, nearly in their centre, that they opened a warm fire on our baggage. Some cavalry under Brigadier Harriott was at once sent to engage the enemy, but the ravines made the ground difficult for cavalry. Lieutenant Cox and Captain 1 Gough's Despatch. 2 * The Autobiography of Lieutenant-General Sir Harry Smith,' ii. 133. 172 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN Brend soon turned out with four guns and engaged them. When they had sufficiently silenced the Mahratta guns, the 3rd Buffs and Sappers advanced against the enemy's right, forced it from height to height, and captured eleven of their guns. A wing of the 3gth Native Infantry, having occupied the crest of a hill commanding the enemy's left, after pouring in a destructive fire, rushed down and cap- tured a battery of two guns. Brigadier Yates and Major Earle successively commanding the 39th were both wounded. Then General Grey came up at the head of a brigade of infantry, composed of the 5oth Queen's and the 5oth and 58th Native Infantry. They were halted, and as soon as they loaded they attacked, with a loud cheer, the Mahratta left. After a short stiff struggle the remainder of the Mahratta guns were taken, and the battle won. The loss in the action amounted to 35 killed and 182 wounded. On the 4th of January the victorious forces met beneath the rock fortress of Gwalior, which was taken possession of by the contingent forces commanded by British officers. On the 1 3th of January a treaty was concluded by which the Maharanee was handsomely pensioned but excluded from the government, and the administration vested in a Coun- cil of Regency, under the control of the British Resident, during the minority of the Maharaja, which was to end at eighteen. Lord Ellenborough behaved with scrupulous moderation towards the Gwalior State, and it was due to his moderation that Scindia rendered us admirable service in the crisis of the sepoy revolt. It was agreed that territory yielding eighteen lakhs a-year should be ceded to the British Government for the maintenance of a contingent force. The Gwalior Contingent became a compact force of 10,000 men of all arms, composed of high-caste Brahmins and Rajputs, disciplined and trained by English officers. They owed no allegiance to the ruler of the Gwalior State, and, not being a part of the native army, they owned no allegiance to the British Government. During the Mutiny they proved our most formidable foes. The lesson is important. DIARY: BATTLE OF MAHARAJPORE 173 Neville Chamberlain's diary contains an account of the fight of Maharajpore : "I left Agra on the i6th December (1843); reached Dholepore on the i Qth I performing the marches in a buggy. " 2oth and 2\st December. Halted; preparations made for crossing the Chumbal river. Interviews between the Governor - General and native rajahs. "22nd December. Marched seven miles up the banks of the river to the ford ! " 2$rd December. Crossed the Chumbal by a good ford; three and a half feet depth of water. Camp pitched six miles inland on the right bank at a place called Hingonah. The whole force that had been moving by separate routes met and encamped together about 16,000 men, and I hear we have 60,000 camp-followers. We entered Scindia's territory to-day. " 2^th to 26th December. Halted. In treaty with the Mahrattas ; things begin to look warlike ! " 2^th December. Halted. The Mahrattas will not give in to our terms ! A report their army has taken up a position in our front, only distant a few miles. "28^ December. Enemy's position reconnoitred by Commander- in-Chief at daylight ; fourteen cannon shot fired at the party, but no damage done. During the day false alarm that our cattle at graze had been attacked. Everybody busy burnishing up arms. " 2gth December. Marched in three columns at daybreak to attack the enemy, leaving a strong rear-guard to protect the baggage. I accompanied the centre column in a doolie (a litter carried by four men), booted and spurred, ready to mount my horse at the first shot. Reached the enemy's position at half -past eight, and the moment we got within range of their guns they opened upon us, the second shot falling into the centre of the column. The cavalry division was on the right, so I went over to join them. The Mahratta position was well chosen and better defended. They fought like men, and defended their guns nobly ! Their practice was admirable, and no guns could have been better served. Their loss must have been great : they were annihilated to a man. The village of Maharajpore, which was their centre position, on being taken by our troops was set fire to, and the whole of its defendants perished in the flames. This act was resorted to on the Mahrattas shooting down our men from loopholes and refusing to surrender. Poor wretches ! To escape the flames they mounted the roofs of the houses, and thus being exposed to the musketry were shot down. But to return. On my reaching the bodyguard, my own horse was a little in the rear, so I mounted the first spare trooper I could find ! As bad luck would have it this brute was a determined runaway, and had thrown his rider before I mounted him. H.M. i6th Lancers 174 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN and ourselves were ordered to turn the enemy's left flank, and this we endeavoured to do by charging a battery that opened upon us from their left. We received the fire of the battery in our front, as well as that of another battery on our flank, which had before been concealed, and when within a few yards of their guns we were put three about (ordered to retreat), from the impossibility of crossing a ravine that ran along and protected the front of the batteries. "After our failure with the guns, H.M. i6th Lancers and ourselves were drawn up within range, and we remained unemployed for the rest of the day. The batteries we failed at were stormed by the infantry and were the last taken. You may fancy how annoyed we all were as we remained from half-past nine until near 2 P.M. on our horses, within range, and in sight of the Mahratta camp, totally unemployed, whilst the rest of the force was engaged. The only consolation we have is that it was our misfortune, and not our fault. " In Afghanistan we never had many guns opposed to us, and this was the first time I had ever been under a heavy cannonade. No words can give an idea of the effect of a round shot striking a column, particularly when in movement, and you see three or four men and horses rolling on the ground together, and the rest in the rear gallop- ing over their fallen comrades with as much unconcern as if they were so many clods of earth. Being very weak from never using my arms, and from continued confinement, the little strength that I had was soon exhausted by holding a hard-mouthed horse with one hand and carrying a heavy sword in the other. Before we charged the battery the brute ran away with me twice ; however I managed to bring him round to the regiment again, the third time ; when the word ' About ' was given my horse took me from the extreme right of our line of attack to the extreme left, carrying me through some of the enemy's infantry, who, as a matter of course, let fly at me en passant. Fortunately the crops were high, and I was not seen until among them ; and natives are not good flying shots. By the horse running away with me I saw more of the action than I should other- wise have done, so everything was for the best. My leg did not suffer by the ride, but I was so exhausted that, to have saved my life, I could not have raised my sword to have guarded a blow. " Our cavalry was badly placed, and we were the most unsuccessful troops in the field. Our artillery did not commit as much havoc among the enemy's guns as might have been expected, but the fault did not lie with them, as they were ordered to fire at fong ranges. Our infantry won the day. Hardly able to walk from exhaustion, and under a heavy fire, they steadily advanced across the plain, and stormed battery after battery, and position after posi- tion. The first shot was fired about 8.30 A.M. and the third and last position of the enemy was not captured until nearly 2 P.M. After the fight, the bodies of hundreds were lying in blackened heaps in DIARY: BATTLE OF MAHARAJPORE 175 the village of Maharajpore, and in one or two others that had been set on fire. Every gun (with the exception of one) was captured, and amounted to about fifty. For hours and hours after the action had ceased, mines which the enemy had made all about the field kept blowing up, and thus many of our soldiers and quantities of the camp-followers were killed and burnt. The field hospital was a most sickening sight even to those accustomed to witness the horrors of a field of battle, dead, dying, and wounded, all mixed together, and legs and arms flung outside of the tents after amputations. " Our loss has been great, but not to be wondered at when the prowess of our enemy is taken into consideration. Major-General Churchill received his mortal wound whilst leading the cavalry against the battery. Lieutenant-colonel Sanders, in storming a battery, was shot dead. In him the Company have lost one of their bravest and best officers. How he escaped in Afghanistan is a perfect miracle, as he was always the first in and the last out of action. I cannot say how I regret his death : he had just attained honours and distinctions, and a few years more would have placed him at the top of his pro- fession. Lieutenant Newton, i6th B.N.I., fell under five wounds: the first a sword-cut across the stomach (from a man who feigned dead) whilst endeavouring to save the life of a wounded Mahratta ! After this cut he still continued with his corps, and marched along holding up his intestines with his hands. "At sunset the volleys of the funeral parties proclaimed that the last office was being performed over the remains of the poor fellows who had fallen during the day. " 30^ December. So stiff from yesterday's exertions that I can hardly move : more mines blowing up. Marched at 1 1 A.M. Our division left to take care of the wounded and the captured guns. The Mahratta Queen Regent sends in her submission. " $ist December. Halted. Fort of Gwalior in sight. The Queen and Rajah come to the Governor-General. " ist January 1844. Halted. Another officer dead of his wounds. Heard that General Grey had fought the Mahrattas and beaten them. " 2nd January. Marched. On the alert all night. "3rd/anuary. Marched. Pitched our camp out of gun-shot of the fort of Gwalior. False alarm at 3 P.M. Proved to be own troops. " 4//% January. General Grey's division joined us. The fort of Gwalior given over to us. " 5^ January. More men and an officer die of their wounds. In the morning rode to the Mahratta camp on an elephant. Met with great civility from the Mahrattas. " 6th January. Everything said to be settled. Halted till i2th. Terms of treaty settled. Mahrattas delivered up their arms and guns." 176 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN Neville Chamberlain could not resist the temptation to visit the scene of action, and he writes to his sister on the I5th: "On the 2Qth January I, with several other officers, rode over the field of battle, and we came to the conclusion that all the batteries should have been captured by our cavalry. A more beauti- ful plain for cavalry movements cannot be conceived. If instead of sitting idly on our horses and being a target for the enemy's artillery, we had been made use of, the life of many a brave soldier would have been spared, and in all probability that of the brave Sanders ! " We particularly examined the ravine that stopped our charge, and you may fancy how annoyed we were to find that it might have been turned had we gone 200 or 300 yards to our left. The river at the rear of the enemy's position might have been crossed at fifty places, and we could therefore have intercepted all retreat towards Gwalior. " The bodies of the enemy were still unburied, and after a month's exposure to the sun presented a most horrible spectacle hundreds of vultures, kites, and crows were fattening." On the 3rd of February Neville Chamberlain returned to Agra. After the battle of Maharajpore he had his wound well examined. " It was proposed to lay the leg open, but this cannot be done, as they say that bone encircles the orifice from top to bottom. Undiluted nitric and muriatic acids have been applied, and have had the effect of corrod- ing a piece of diseased bone. Patience is still preached to me." The doctors told him he must return to the hills, and hinted that when he had in some measure recovered his strength an operation would have to be performed. It was a heavy trial. He wrote to his sister : " The body- guard has been increased to three squadrons, and I trust that next cold season we may try our strength against the Lion of the Punjab. Could I but join and do my duty, but being again obliged to go to the hills with no prospect of getting well is enough to break one's spirits. Days, weeks, and months pass without any sign of improvement." There was, however, one consolation : his brother Craw- ford, who was now second in command of the gth Cavalry, had, owing to repeated attacks of the fever which he had A RURAL SCENE 177 contracted in Sind, been compelled to take sick leave, and the two brothers were once again going to live to- gether at the hill station of Mussoorie. On the 2Oth of February Neville Chamberlain left Agra and set forth on his march to Saharanpore. He writes : " I reached Meerut on the 2nd, coming on by quiet marches, and now I am half-way to Saharanpore, where I hope to meet Crawford." He gives his sister " an outline of my day's march," and the young regimental officer surveys the country and the people with the eye of an artist and the delight of a cultivated and active intellect. If "there be any old fort near or any place celebrated in Indian history," he cannot resist visiting it. "You must not fancy I have no amusements besides my books, for I take delight in Nature. My tent is now pitched in a grove of mangoe trees. A few fields off they are busy cutting up the sugar- cane. Close by the reapers are busy with their sickles among the barley. Doves are cooing on all sides. 'Spite's' enemies, the squirrels, are hopping and chattering about. Within a stone's throw of my tent door is a tank to which people and cattle are continually going to bathe or drink. Early in the morning strings of women come to fill their earthen and brass vessels with water. Then come the Hindoos to bathe, who are so scrupulously clean, and they re- main long in the water reciting their prayers. In contrast with them the Mahomedan, who is far from particular about his person, sits at the water's edge, dips in his hands, rubs them once over his face, and considers his toilette finished. The poor bullocks, as they are taken out of the carts, rush into the water to slake their thirst. When once a buffalo gets in it is difficult to get him out, and all you can see is the tip of his nose and horns. Horses, goats, and sheep, all take their share, so I have an opportunity of watching the ways of quadrupeds as well as bipeds. I have written a lot of nonsense, but I will make amends when I meet Crawford." About noon on the 2ist of March Crawford rode into Saharanpore. " He was looking pretty well, everything considered. We had so much to say, so many questions to ask each other, that we did not close our eyes until completely worn out with fatigue." On the 28th the two brothers reached their house at Mussoorie, some 7500 feet above the level of the sea. Below them lay the rich M 178 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN valley of the Doon, and on the west, over a swelling sea of mountains, they saw the Himalaya peaks the range of snow. Dr Murray, the surgeon at Landour, a military depot for sick officers and men near Mussoorie, was con- sidered a first-rate operator, "and ties an artery as easily as he would his cravat." After examining Neville Chamber- lain's wounded leg, he told him that nothing but an opera- tion would remove the diseased bone. A few weeks later the operation was performed. Crawford wrote : " The operation took ten minutes, and the surgeons say they never knew a man to bear torment like poor Neville did ; not a muscle of his face altered. He refused to take chloroform." On the 25th of May Neville wrote to his mother, " I shall not be long a prisoner"; and all went well for some time, and he was able to stand a horse for half an hour and "shoot pretty well off an elephant." Then the wound suddenly reopened, and he wrote to his mother in Nov- ember : " All my hopes have been destroyed, and I am as great a cripple as ever. I had hoped to be using my leg again. Fate has ordained otherwise, and I must not murmur." He adds : " I have now made up my mind either to go to England or try what a sea voyage can do for me. The hills I have tried for two years and they have proved inefficacious. In justice to myself I must try a change to England, the Cape, or the China sea. This point shall be decided by the Calcutta doctors." As Craw- ford could not shake off the Sind fever, and the doctors declared his only chance of recovery lay in a sea voyage, he determined to take leave to the Cape, and go down with Neville to Calcutta. On the loth of December 1844, thirty-two miles from Meerut, they embarked on board a country boat which they had chartered to take them to Calcutta, and on the 6th of February they arrived off the ghauts or landing-places of the great city. At Calcutta at the last moment Neville Chamberlain was unwilling to return to England, for he believed that there RETURN TO ENGLAND 179 would soon again be hard and glorious work in the pro- fession dignified by danger. He wrote to his mother : " Do not think me selfish when I tell you I regret being obliged to leave India. War may be declared with the Sikhs any day. Only fancy my wasting my time in England when I should be on horseback ! But what can I do ? Fortune does not favour me. The Sikhs will prove an enemy worthy to meet. The Government will be anxious to defer war till October or November, but the Sikhs will not con- sult our wishes on the subject." In November the Sikh army crossed the Sutlej. Neville Chamberlain had an interview with the Governor- General, who urged on him "the necessity of going home; and on my requesting to be relieved from my appointment, he said I should go back to the bodyguard on my return, and this without any kind of solicitation on my part." The good advice was not thrown away. Neville took his passage in the Glandaragh, 700 tons, trading to the port of Liverpool. "The captain is a rough Scotsman of immense stature, and evidently finished his education in the Highlands before railroads were in vogue. He is civil, and has the reputation of being a good navigator, so I daresay we shall get on very well." On the i8th of February the brothers parted, Crawford setting sail for the Cape. He was deeply anxious to accompany Neville, but he was poor, and he did not wish to forfeit the important post he had won by his services ; and in the days of the East India Company an officer on leave who did not proceed west of the Cape did not forfeit his Indian pay nor his appointment. On the 26th of April 1845 Crawford writes to his mother : "I have had more fever and ague since landing, and am altogether in the blue devils, feeling an alien, and all are strangers to me. I went to see the beau monde of the Cape at the races, and was rather pleased with the appearance of the Dutch ladies. I fear my heart would be mortally wounded by one of these Dutch sirens ! therefore I shall fly, and court the ostriches l8o LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN and lions. I even think of going away to New South Wales." Crawford's heart was mortally wounded by a Dutch siren. In November 1845 he married Miss Elizabeth de Wet, and she proved a devoted and faithful companion. On February 20, 1845, Neville Chamberlain left Calcutta. Sailing down the tortuous and difficult course of the Hooghly was a long and anxious matter, and Neville's homeward voyage had not an auspicious beginning. On the ist of March he writes : " From below DIAMOND HARBOUR. " We are now awaiting the flood-tide to take us over the Majapore flats. Unfortunately we have no doctor, and cholera has shown itself among the crew ; one man died and two more have been seized : our boatswain was very nearly gone. It is brought on from drinking, and eating too much fruit, and exposure to the sun. When we get out to sea we shall get all right. We are registered 647 tons, and all hands included do not muster more than twenty-six men, so we cannot afford to lose any of our crew. We are very deeply laden, drawing nineteen feet, and we can hardly reach Liverpool before July. She is a fine strong craft for a merchantman, and we shall not go down without a struggle for it. I have a fair stock of books Byron, Pope, Milton, and last, though not least, Shakespeare will be a good stand- by ; but after all my manoeuvring, we have a lady on board ! the wife of a Captain Finlay, 39th Foot, and he is also of our party. . . . My wound still keeps closed. Captain Finlay told me this morning that after seven years' absence the first thing his mother said (turning to his sister), * How horribly ugly he has grown ! ' A nice reception, and one /do not anticipate however ugly you may think me. Now dear, dear Larry, one long adieu." Of the homeward voyage we know little. The Glandaragh justified her reputation as a strong sea craft; but she was undermanned, and the crew mutinied, and there were stormy scenes, and Neville had to act as mediator between the cap- tain and his men. He was deprived of the peace and rest which he hoped to enjoy on board ship, and the benefit from the homeward voyage was not so great as he expected. In the course of July Neville Chamberlain reached Liver- pool, and he proceeded at once to London to consult Cooper Key, the great surgeon of the day. It was characteristic of the man that he did not let his family know of his WALMER : SAILING ADVENTURE l8l arrival, as he wished to save his mother and sisters mental distress in case the leg had to be amputated. But there was no need of the surgeon's special service. He was told that time alone was wanted to cure the wound. He heard the decision with a sense of unutterable relief, for his suffer- ings had been cruel, and he hastened to Clifton where a large family party was gathered " to welcome Neville, and listen to all he had to tell us, though he was shy of talking of himself even to us." In the spring of 1846 Lady Chamberlain left Clifton and rented a house at Walmer, as sea air was recom- mended for Neville. His patience and cheerfulness never failed, but to be shut up in a house, his sister writes, was a sore trial. He proceeded to build himself a small boat just big enough to hold two, " and it lay on the beach at our garden gate." Neville Chamberlain soon became as expert a sailor as he was a rider. In sailing, as in riding, he was, however, too venturesome. The old Deal boatmen used to shake their heads when he launched his tiny craft through the surf, and they used to watch through their glasses to see "what strange thing the young gentle- man would do next." The strange thing the young gentle- man did was to set off in her to Calais. The sisters watched the tiny white speck till it was lost to sight, and for two or three days there was no news of the boat and its crew. Then the boatman returned, and said that as he had a wife and child he was not going to lose his life crossing the Channel again in that cockle - shell, and he had therefore left Neville at Calais, who was determined to sail back. Deserted by his boatman, the captain had to find another crew. It was no easy task. He was a marked man for the official eye. He had forgotten his French and spoke Persian to the French police, and this created an irritating and deep suspicion. He had no passport which would have revealed the nationality of the young gentleman who spoke a strange tongue. He had no licence for his boat, and they absolutely refused to believe that he had l82 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN crossed the Channel in the small boat lying under the wheels of a paddle-boat. Days passed in negotiations. At last Neville managed to procure a licence (Ondine J of a ton), and he set sail for Walmer. He had managed to persuade a Frenchman to accompany him, but he was not a sailor and only of use in bailing out the seas. Neville had no compass, and he guided the Ondine by the sun and the track of passing ships. On the evening of the third day "he struck the beach at our garden gate." The Duke of Wellington, who was residing at Walmer Castle, where he dispensed a generous hospitality to the naval and military officers within reach, was much delighted with the ad- venture, and " he made William [the sailor brother] tell it over and over." Many a day did the Ondine scud away, brushing the foam behind her into the open sea, and in the evening the brave boat, guided by her master's hand, was seen returning home. One day the Ondine that had so faithfully carried her master through storm and sun- shine did not return home. A coasting vessel seeing a solitary man far away from land in a tiny boat regarded him as a shipwrecked mariner, and bore down upon him. The little Ondine was capsized and sank to the bottom. Neville by clutching a rope saved himself, and appeared on deck deeply wrathful at the loss of his companion. The hours spent with her on the free sea had so improved his health that he decided to return at once to India, though he had enjoyed only half his leave. In October 1846 he left Walmer. A sister's loving hand has drawn a portrait of him at this time, and his comrades, the few who have not stolen away to join the majority, say it is a true likeness. " He was now in his twenty-seventh year tall and handsome, with a slight and graceful figure and a charming face full of purpose, a determined mouth and kind blue eyes, a union of strength and gentleness, and a most genuine modesty and simplicity in his person and ways that was very winning. It was hard to part with him hard to lose his dear companionship." RETURN TO INDIA 183 On his arrival at Calcutta in December 1846 Neville Chamberlain found Crawford and his wife had arrived there from the Cape, and were waiting at the landing-place to welcome him. Crawford, having taken leave to the Cape, retained his old appointment (second in command of the gth Bengal Cavalry), but Neville, on reporting himself, was sorely disappointed to find that instead of being reappointed to the bodyguard, as the Governor-General had promised, he was offered the adjutancy of the I4th Irregular Cavalry. " I accepted, but made it known I was disappointed. Immediately I recovered the partial use of my leg I had started for India, seventeen months before the expiration of my leave, and under the expectation of joining the body- guard." A consolation, however, came to him opportunely in the shape of the following note : "Mv DEAR CHAMBERLAIN, I should be glad if it is acceptable to you to be Military Secretary to the new Bombay Governor. It can be arranged I do not doubt to release you here, so as to enable you to accompany me. The salary (1000 Rs. consolidated) is not much for so responsible an office : but you need not be at great expense there, and I promise to let you go to the fore whenever there is more fighting among your old friends in the North- West. Yours sincerely, GEORGE CLERK. " CALCUTTA, z%th Dec. 1846." Neville Chamberlain writes from the s.s. Hindustan, about sixty miles from Madras, I3th January 1847 : " I am truly thankful and gratified by this offer, which I of course ac- cepted, and I hope he will not have cause to regret having selected me. As for him, he is a most perfect gentleman, and universally liked and respected. My acquaintance was originally through Sir Henry Fane. I became personally acquainted at Simla in 1843. He joined the Hindustan steamer at Suez coming from Europe ; we were thus thrown together again, and were fellow passengers as far as Calcutta." As Military Secretary Neville Chamberlain had an oppor- tunity of gaining an insight into administrative and clerical work. But he had held the office for little more than a year, 184 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN when Mr Clerk, finding his health failing, applied to be relieved. On May 7 the coast and ship batteries announced George Clerk's departure. " All ranks and classes regretted it." Before leaving Bombay, the ex-governor had exerted himself to obtain a suitable post for his Military Secretary. Lord Dalhousie responded to his appeal by making Neville Chamberlain an Honorary A.D.C. The Governor-General wrote : "GOVERNMENT HOUSE, BARRACKPORE, April 13^, 1848. " MY DEAR SIR, I have received your letter, in which you express a strong desire that your Military Secretary, Lieutenant Chamberlain, should be appointed one of the honorary A.D.C.'s. Mr Chamberlain's distinguished conduct in the service fully qualifies him for receiving a public recognition of it. Hitherto, there has been only one officer under the rank of major who has been named honorary A. B.C., and he was a captain. Mr C. is only a lieutenant, and I should have felt that circumstance to be a bar to his appointment in almost any case. But I entertain so strong a desire to gratify any wish you may express, and to prove my sense of your claims on the service from which, to my deep regret, you are about to retire, that I at once accede to your proposal, and will gazette Mr C. on your leaving the Government of Bombay. You are probably aware that the appoint- men is purely honorary, and does not give allowances, or attach the holder to the personal staff. Believe me, dear sir, yours very truly, " DALHOUSIE." Sir Willoughby Cotton, the Commander-in-Chief of the Bombay army, and Lord Falkland, the new Governor, both proposed that Neville Chamberlain should join their per- sonal staff, but he declined. " Nothing would induce me to serve upon any man's personal staff," he wrote, "other- wise than in the field." Mr Hamilton, the Resident at Indore, had written to George Clerk that, there being a prospect of an officer being employed under him, he had written to Mr Courtney, the Governor- General's Private Secretary, to put Neville Chamberlain's name before his lordship, "and I write this that you may communicate the fact to him, though I know not whether the Governor- General will consent. If C. comes through Indore after leaving you, he will be ready to take up the appoint- POONA TO INDORE 185 ment if the Governor - General consents." Neville Cham- berlain, therefore, determined to rejoin his regiment at Agra, via Indore. On the 20th of August 1848 he writes from Indore : "I left Poona on horseback the 2nd July, and I got here on the 2nd of this month, the distance about 440 miles, so you see I did not hurry myself. My object in not going the usual route was to enable me to see Ahmednuggar, Aurunzabad, Rosa, Ellora, Adjunta, Boorhampoor, Assunghar, and Mehaisur (the Cave Temples), and well have I been repaid for my trouble : my plan was to make long marches, and then halt two or three days wherever there was any- thing worth visiting. So well pleased have I been that, although my establishment was on too small a scale to admit of my having much comfort, still I would gladly go over the ground again for one more peep at the Caves of Ellora and Adjunta." Neville Chamberlain had been two months at the Indore Residency, " like an English seat at home surrounded by park- like ground," deeply engaged in mastering Hindu- stani and Persian, when his studies had to be abandoned by the rapid progress in the Punjab of the political dis- temper which was so soon to culminate in war. Before leaving Bombay he had heard of the murder of two polit- ical officers at Mooltan, and the tidings which now reached him convinced him that a second war with the Sikhs was imminent, and he wrote to the Adjutant - General of the army : "My DEAR COLONEL GRANT, I feel that I am trespassing on your kindness in addressing you, particularly when the object of my letter is to solicit other employment than that which the C.-in-C. so kindly lately conferred on me. " My excuse must be my desire to be employed in the active duties of my profession, and, if I argue rightly, the day is not far distant when the Punjab will offer a field for military aspirants. Should any troops take the field I pray to be allowed to accompany them, and I shall ever feel deeply indebted to his lordship if he will accede to this request. I am ready and willing to serve in any capacity, and the boon of being allowed to do duty with any regiment actively em- ployed would be received with joy and gratitude. It was my mis- fortune not to have partaken in the last Sutlej campaign. Active service is the only recompense I now can ever hope for, and I feel assured his Excellency will grant me, when the time arrives, the l86 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN opportunity dear to a soldier. I left England before half my leave had expired, under the expectation of British interference being speedily required in the Punjab, and in the hope of participating in the inevitable struggle. With your assistance I hope not to be dis- appointed, and feeling convinced that you will excuse my troubling you with a subject that is of such importance to my future career. I remain, ... N. C." Neville Chamberlain intended to await a reply at Indore, but a few days after the letter had been sent the papers announced that the Sikh force at Mooltan had joined the rebels, and the siege of the city by our troops had been abandoned. " This open declaration of Sikh feeling quite settled my determination." His host procured him camels for his baggage, and on the evening of the 22nd of Sept- ember he set forth on his journey. He has recorded his march through Central India in a letter to his mother, and his descriptions, so fresh and vivid, reveal to us the state of India sixty years ago. In order to save expense he took no tent. Between Agra and Indore small rest-houses had been erected for the shelter of the traveller, at distances from twenty -five to thirty miles, and he marched from bungalow to bungalow. As it was necessary that his horses should reach Agra fresh and in good condition he had to ride at a foot's pace, and he was generally ten hours in the saddle before completing his daily journey. He rested while the sun was at its hottest, and he began his march when it was about to set. "The Pleiades rise about 8 P.M., and seeing them tells me I have performed a third of my journey. Aldebaran, Orion, Sirius, each greet me in their turn, and the bright morning star is to me as it was to the shepherds of old. Latterly the moon has kept me company for a portion of the night, and when she has quitted me on her travels westward, I have charged her to bless your sleep with heavenly dreams. Two years ago, this very full moon, we had heavenly nights at Walmer." Of a calm night he heard from afar the couriers who carried the post from Indore to Agra. " You hear them by the clanking of the chains or bells attached to the end of their MARCH THROUGH CENTRAL INDIA 187 sticks, on which they hang the wallet. These bells are meant to frighten the wild beasts, and they appear to have the effect, for few runners are killed. The road leads through many tigerish-looking places, and when quite alone, travelling as I did by night, I adopted the system of shriek- ing and uttering sounds anything but harmonious." Most of his journey after leaving Indore was through Scindia's territories, and he writes : "It is fortunate that Lord Ellenborough drew his back teeth or we might ere this have felt them, when our faces were turned towards the Punjab. Had Lord E. seen the valley of Ramnuggur, I think he would have drawn more and recommended a new set. Latterly few Europeans have passed up this road, and I hear from the natives that the disaffected, and their name is legion, assign as a reason for this feeling our having been beaten by the Sikhs ! No rain has fallen in the districts about Agra, and a famine must be the result. The road for days past has swarmed with men, women, and children, with their cattle, flocking towards Malwa in search of employment and food. It is a pitiable sight to see the old, the lame, and the blind, driven from their homes by remorseless famine. The van is led by the stalwart carrying the younger children, and little infants, of may be a few hours in this world of woe, carried in circular baskets on their mothers' heads, and to protect them from the sun they attach three sticks, over which they throw a cloth. Children are carried in all manner of ways tied to the back, across the hips, and sometimes seated on the head. The rear is brought up by the infirm and those sinking down into the sear and yellow leaf, and four or five young men carry the arms that have been handed down to them for generations. Not- withstanding all this toil and misery they seemed reconciled to their hard fate, and when questioned say it is the will of God ! At night- time when I come upon them they are asleep, forgetting all their sorrows, or else singing to their tom-toms." On the 20th of October Neville Chamberlain writes from Agra : " My hopes have been realised. I have been appointed Major of Brigade, 4th Brigade of Cavalry. The brigade is composed of three regiments Irregular Cavalry, and the Qth is one, so that Crawford and I will again meet in the field. I am delighted, and I am making all preparations for the campaign. The good news reached me yesterday, that, together with my friend Dr Murray's good advice, has com- pletely set me up, for I was suffering in health ! I have still 300 miles to march before I can find myself at Ferozepore, but long ere this reaches you I hope we shall be in the heart of the Punjab." i88 CHAPTER VII. Recall of Lord Ellenborough Sir Arthur Hardinge assumes the office of Governor-General The First Sikh War, 1845 Battle of Moodkee Battle of Ferozeshah Battle of Sobraon The Treaty of Lahore Lord Hardinge leaves India Lord Dalhousie assumes office of Governor-General, January 12, 1848 Moolraj Diwan of Mooltan Sir Frederick Currie appointed Resident at Lahore Sends a small force to depose Moolraj Murder of Vans Agnew and Anderson Herbert Edwardes 5 victory at Kinyeree Second victory at Suddoosam, June 18, 1848 The plot at Lahore The Ranee in secret communication with Cabul, Candahar, and Cash- mere Sends emissaries to inflame the religious passions of our native troops The Ranee deported to Benares British force despatched from Lahore by Resident Sher Singh joins Moolraj His father, Chutter Singh, raises the standard of rebellion The Sikh nation in arms The " Army of the Punjab " formed, October 13, 1848 British advance to Ramnuggur Cavalry skirmish Colonel W. Havelock's gallant charge and death Death of Brigadier-General Cure ton Engagement at Sadoolapore Letter from Neville Chamberlain Retreat of the Sikhs to Russool Battle of Chillianwalla, January 13, 1849 Neville and Crawford Chamberlain make their way to the front Letter from Neville Chamberlain Camp Chillianwalla Battle of Goojerat, February 21, 1849 Complete rout of the Sikhs Gilbert's pursuing column Letter from Neville Chamberlain Surrender of the Sikh army Pursuit of the Afghans Neville Chamberlain and Nicholson ride together to the entrance of the Khyber Pass. IN June 1844 the Court of Directors, distrusting his erratic genius and disliking his love of theatrical display, recalled the Governor -General, Lord Ellenborough. His successor was Sir Arthur Hardinge, who had turned the tide at the battle of Albuera, and had lost his arm at Ligny. Besides being a brave and distinguished soldier, he possessed the ex- perience of a Cabinet Minister, and by his tact and judgment had won the confidence of the Duke of Wellington and Sir SIR ARTHUR HARDINGE l8g Robert Peel. He had not the imagination which makes a great statesman, but he had two of the qualities which make a great administrator, sound sagacity and excellent habits of business. At the beginning of his rule a mo- mentous question arose, as complicate and intricate as any a British statesman had ever to face in India. The Cabinet and the Court of Directors had had enough of war. The short and brilliant Gwalior campaign was darkened and eclipsed by the Afghan campaign. The moral sense of the British nation had been touched by the annexation of Sind. Before he left England Sir Arthur Hardinge had been solemnly enjoined to maintain peace. Peace was essential to those measures on which he was engaged during the first year of his administration for moral and material development. But on our northern frontier lay the Punjab, seething with a brave and turbulent soldiery, wild with religious ardour, suspicious of its own rulers, more suspicious of our proceedings. The object of the Governor- General was to adopt such measures as would ensure us against aggression without endangering the pre- servation of peace. He quietly and unostentatiously massed on the Sutlej, and at the station immediately below it, an army of 40,000 men. The force was too large for crushing disorderly irruption : it was not sufficient to check or repel invasion. The Sikh Durbar expended large sums on secret service, and the information they received of the move- ments of our troops gave rise naturally to suspicion and apprehension. They were confirmed by the Governor bring- ing to Ferozepore the famous bridge of boats. The Private Secretary to the Governor -General wrote: "Sixty boats, built at Bombay, have just been conveyed into the Indus to serve as river flotilla, and also as a bridge of boats. They are of equal dimensions, each carrying a gun, two grappling- irons with strong chains, and 100 men ; the sixty boats would therefore, for short distances, such as the passage of a^ river, carry 6000 infantry at one trip. Each boat has its separate proportion of timber ready for the flooring IQO LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN of a bridge of boats, and capable of being laid down in two or three hours." The Private Secretary adds: "It is not desirable that the purpose to which these boats can be applied should unnecessarily transpire. The Governor- General does not desire to create alarm, which might be prejudicial to the Maharajah's government." The purposes to which these boats could be applied were bound to tran- spire, and so to confirm the belief throughout the Punjab that the British intended to avail themselves of the dis- tractions in the State to annex it, as they had annexed Sind. The patriotism of the Sikhs was aroused. The Durbar complained of the presence of the bridge of -boats, and of the conduct of Major Broadfoot, who was now the Governor - General's agent on the North -West Frontier. Broadfoot claimed that the territory belonging to the Lahore government beyond the Sutlej was as much under his "jurisdiction" as any protected State, and by his inter- ference he treated it as a protected State. The Sikh Durbar asserted its right to send their own guards across the Sutlej to their own territory. Then the inevitable collision came. On the nth of December the Punjab Sikh armies crossed in force the Sutlej by various fords, and took up an extended position at Ferozeshah, about half-way between Ferozepore and the village of Moodkee. The crossing of the Sutlej in force was, however, an act of war, for Runjeet had stipulated by treaty that he would " never maintain in the territory occupied by him on the left bank of the Sutlej more troops than are necessary for the internal duties of their territory." The English Government had, according to their wont, undervalued the strength, the discipline, and the courage of their enemy, and ac- cording to a well-established custom had not made adequate preparations for war. They had collected regiments and guns, but food and ammunition and carriage and hospital stores were all behind, and remained to be collected. At Moodkee took place the first engagement. After a sharp contest the Sikhs were compelled to retreat. The victory FIRST SIKH WAR igi was dearly bought. The total loss was 215 of all ranks killed and 257 wounded. Then followed the battle of Fero- zeshah, "a bloody bull-dog fight," one of the most furious contests ever fought in India. The enemy retired in perfect order across the Sutlej, and we had neither sufficient troops nor ammunition to follow them. For nearly a month the army of the Sutlej lay idle, awaiting the siege-train from Delhi. The Sikhs again crossed the river and threatened Loodianah. Sir Harry Smith was sent to dislodge them, and won the glorious victory of Aliwal. " On the 7th of Feb- ruary the long train of heavy guns, dragged by stately elephants, entered the camp. On the loth of February Sir Hugh Gough won the well- planned and well-fought victory of Sobraon, which broke and scattered the Khalsa army. On the 20th of February 1846 the British entered as masters of Lahore." The Governor- General refused to recognise that the bold policy of annexation, however difficult, was our best chance of future peace and safety. He again took the fatal middle course. He did not annex the Punjab, but he took the trans-Sutlej territory, the Doab below the Beas, one of the fairest provinces of the kingdom, whose loss was bitterly resented by the Khalsa. Lord Hardinge levied a heavy fine to meet the expenditure of the war, but as two-thirds of the pecuniary indemnity could not be paid by the Lahore govern- ment, territory was taken instead of money, and Cashmere and the hill States, from the Beas to the Indus, were cut off from the Punjab proper, and transferred, as a separate kingdom, to the Jammu Raja Ghulab Singh, who was re- garded by the Sikhs as a traitor, for a high price. Lord Hardinge established a Regency with treaty stipulations intended to secure the controlling influence of the British over the Punjab without their taking upon themselves the responsibility of administration. The arrangement was bound to be as ineffectual as our occupation of Afghanistan, and for the same causes. We had not first established our power, and we had proclaimed our sojourn to be temporary. LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN " India," wrote Charles Napier, " has lost much blood and money, and the tragedy must be enacted before a year or two hence." It was enacted before three years had passed, After a reign of three and a-half years, on the i8th January 1848, Lord Hardinge left India, honoured by his country- men as a brave successful soldier who had governed the continent with firmness and equity, and beloved by his native subjects on account of the measures he had adopted for the reduction of the salt duty, for the improvement of the productive resources of the country, and for the pro- motion of education. The Empire was in profound peace, and the Governor- General, on the eve of his departure, assured his successor, Lord Dalhousie, that, so far as he could see, " it would not be necessary to fire a gun in India for seven years." Four months had not passed when the new ruler heard in Calcutta of the tragedy at Mooltan. Moolraj, the governor of the district and town of that name, was greatly concerned at his people being allowed the right of appeal to Lahore, and at the prospect of the introduction, under a thin disguise, of British administration into his territory. His father, one of Runjeet Singh's ablest adminis- trators, had created a semi-independent kingdom, and to maintain his independence had spent the revenues of his province in strengthening his capital, a place of great natural strength. Diwan Moolraj was, as John Lawrence said, " a ruler of the old school, and so long as he paid his revenues he considered the province as his own to make the best of." He was no doubt "grasping and avaricious," but John Lawrence describes him as " a popular governor, perhaps the most so in the Punjab with one exception." In November 1847 Moolraj went to Lahore and explained to John Lawrence, who was in temporary charge of the Punjab, his desire to resign the charge of the Mooltan province. His request was refused. In March Sir Frederick Currie, who knew very little of the Punjab and the Sikhs, was appointed Acting Resident in place of John Lawrence, who was familiar with the land MURDER OF AGNEW AND ANDERSON 193 and the people. Moolraj now again tendered his resigna- tion, and it was immediately accepted. Sir Frederick Currie determined to send a Sikh Sirdar who should represent the Durbar, and at once take over the province from Moolraj. Sirdar Khan Singh was nominated Diwan, and Sir Frederick Currie selected Mr Vans Agnew, a civilian, and Lieutenant Anderson, to accompany him to Mooltan. The troops sent with them consisted of " the Goorkha regiment (upwards of 600), a troop of horse artillery, and 500 or 600 cavalry, regular and irregular." 1 " The chief object," says John Lawrence, "was forming an escort, but ultimately they were to have supplied the place of a portion of the Mooltan troops, some of which were to come to Lahore, some to remain, some to be reduced. The Mooltan troops no doubt understood that some of them would be disbanded." It never seemed to have struck any one in authority that to replace in a wild district a popular Khatri ruler by a Sikh Sirdar, and for two British officers to take possession of his capital, might lead to trouble. The officers went by water and the escort by land, and the former never saw the men on whom their protection depended till they reached Mooltan on the i8th of April. Early in the morning of the following day the two British officers and Sirdar Khan Singh accompanied Moolraj into the fort of Mooltan, received the keys, and installed two companies of their own Goorkhas in possession. " If ever clouds foretold a thunderstorm, the fate of the British officers was assuredly foreshadowed in the dark looks and mutterings of Moolraj 's soldiers." As the party passed forth and entered the bridge over the ditch, a soldier standing on it struck Agnew with his spear and knocked him off his horse. Agnew jumped up and struck his assailant with his riding-stick. The man 1 Sir William Lee Warner writes, " The Sirdar set out for Mooltan with an escort of some 500." Mr Bosworth Smith, in his ' Life of Lord Lawrence,' writes, " Sup- ported by a mixed force of 500 Sikhs and Ghoorkas." Marshman, in his * History of British India,' writes, "With an escort of 350 troops and a few guns." Herbert Edwardes states, " The Sikh escort consisted of about 1400 men," and that is the number given by John Lawrence. IQ4 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN threw away his spear, and rushing in with his sword inflicted two severe wounds. He would have slain Vans Agnew on the spot if a Sikh trooper of the escort had not knocked him into a ditch. Moolraj, forcing his horse through the crowd, rode off to his garden house. Anderson was surrounded and felled to the ground. The two wounded Englishmen were brought back to the Eedgah, a spacious Mahomedan building, surrounded by a wall, where they had encamped. Agnew at once wrote a letter for help, and despatched it by a kossid. During the night he had the six guns mounted and prepared for defence. The next morning the guns of the fort opened on the Eedgah. After one round alone had been fired in return from the six guns, the Lahore artillery- men refused to serve them. Then the troops horse, foot, and artillery went over to the enemy. All had deserted by the evening except Sirdar Khan Singh and some eight or ten faithful Sikhs. As the sun set and sable night was swiftly falling, the two wounded Englishmen heard a distant murmur which grew louder and louder. It was a wild multitude " baying in full cry for blood," approaching the Eedgah. Sirdar Khan Singh begged of Agnew to be allowed to wave a sheet and sue for mercy. Then Agnew spoke great words : " The time for mercy is gone ; let none be asked for. They can kill us two if they like ; but we are not the last of the English : thousands of English- men will come down here when we are gone, and annihilate Moolraj and his soldiers and his fort." The crowd found beneath the lofty dome the two wounded Englishmen Anderson too badly wounded to move, Agnew sitting by his bedside holding his hand. A Muzabee Sikh, so horribly crippled, it is said by old wounds, that he had the appear- ance of " an imp more than mortal man," dashed forward, and it was over. The two bodies were dragged outside, and all night they lay beneath the bright eastern stars. On the i8th of June Edwardes, a young lieutenant who had seen only one campaign, attacked at Kiny6ree with his ill-disciplined and badly armed force the army of Moolraj, VICTORY OF SUDDOOSAM 195 commanded by the chief in person. The order to charge was given. "Men," says Edwardes, "whom I had enlisted only a few months ago, shook their swords with a will, and rushed upon the rebel cavalry with the most desperate and resolute valour. The fight was hand to hand for five minutes, and the opposing guns were pouring grape into each other almost within speaking distance." l At length Moolraj's army gave way. After his victory Herbert Edwardes continued his advance against Mooltan. He once more en- countered Moolraj at Suddoosam, routed him, and drove him within the walls of his fortress. " Now is the time to strike," he wrote to Sir Frederick Currie ; " it is painful to see that I have got to the end of my tether." Before he advanced he had written : " All we require are a few heavy guns, a mortar battery, as many sappers and miners as you can spare, and Major Napier to plan our operations." But the impetuous young subaltern had not discovered the extent and strength of the fortifications of the great southern stronghold. On the loth of July news of the victory of Suddoosam reached Sir Frederick Currie. He had now begun to realise the full gravity of the situation. He had discovered in May that the Ranee, and the chiefs of the Durbar with the exception of two, were deep in a plot for our destruction. But the intrigues of the Ranee were not bounded by the Punjab. She was in secret communication with Cabul, Candahar, and Cashmere. She strove to unite the Princes of Rajputana and the Mahratta chiefs in a Hindu con- federacy against the English. She roused the patriotic zeal of the Sikh troops in the Durbar army. She sent emissaries to inflame the religious passions of the native troops by informing them of the riots which had taken place at Lahore, owing to the killing of a cow by a European soldier. It was a trifling incident in itself, but it reminds us of the danger which besets our rule. Currie had the Ranee conveyed across the 1 'Sepoy Generals Wellington to Roberts (Sir Herbert Edwardes),' by G. W. Forrest. ig6 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN Sutlej, and she was sent a prisoner to Benares. Day by day, however, there came to him evil tidings from the districts. When he heard of Edwardes' victories, he clutched at the idea that he might bring the spreading revolt to a close by a decisive blow. He therefore, in opposition to the opinions of the Governor-General and the Commander-in-Chief, availing himself of the powers vested in him, directed Major-General W. S. Whish, C.B., commanding at Lahore, to arrange for the despatch of a second-class siege-train, and march with the movable column from Lahore and Ferozepore to Mooltan. Lord Gough, however, suggested that the force should consist of two brigades of infantry (each containing a British regi- ment), one brigade of Native Cavalry, three companies Sappers, and two companies Pioneers, two troops of Horse Artillery, and four companies of Foot Artillery with a siege-train. On the 22nd of July a Proclamation was issued to the people of the Punjab, and, in order to avoid any appearance of divided counsels, the Commander-in-Chief directed (G.O.C.C., Aug. 4) the formation of a force under Major- General Whish to co-operate with a force under Sher Singh. This force marched in two columns, the one from Lahore and the other from Ferozepore, and reached Mooltan in the month of August. But the siege-train, which was carried most of its way by water, did not arrive till the 4th of September. Mooltan was summoned, and two attacks followed on the gth and 1 2th of the same month. Two days later Sher Singh went over with his whole army to the side of the Diwan of Mooltan. His father, Chutter Singh, an old influential Sikh chief, was governor of the wild and turbulent district of Hazara, lying between the territories of the Maharajah of Cashmere and the Indus, and like other old leading Sirdars, was much dissatisfied at the loss of power and influence by the admin- istration of the Punjab by zealous British officers. 1 At the end of August he openly raised the standard of rebellion, " devoting his head to God and his arms to Khalsa," and he called upon his son to do the same at Mooltan. The son 1 'Forty-three Years in India,' by Lieutenant-General Sir George Lawrence. THE ARMY OF THE PUNJAB 197 delayed doing so, because he and Moolraj were anxious that the strength of the force at Lahore should be weakened by the withdrawal of the two brigades. They considered Mool- tan with its 30,000 men, its guns and its fortifications, impregnable. So far their strategy succeeded that for three months the siege had to be suspended, and our troops lay idle before Mooltan. Sher Singh departed with his troops northwards unmolested, and from the Manjha, or middle- land, the central portion of the plain between the rivers Beas and Ravi, the true home of the Sikh, the people flocked in thousands to his standard. The whole Sikh nation was now up in arms, and had combined with their hereditary enemies, the Afghans, in an alliance for our destruction. On the isth October 1848 the first general order was issued forming the " Army of the Punjab," and troops were moved rapidly to the front. On the 2nd of November Brigadier-General Cureton with the cavalry brigade reached Lahore and crossed the Ravi in support of the brigade which held the bridge-head on the right bank of that river. It arrived just in time. Sher Singh's advance troops had threatened Lahore, which was weakly held by a force under General Colin Campbell. The force now advanced to Saha- ran, ten miles from Ramnuggur, a village on a range of sand- hills running close to the left bank of the Chenab. Opposite to Ramnuggur, on the right bank, Sher Singh with his main force had taken up a strong position. He had boats on the river and the command of a ford, and he was reported to have crossed several battalions. On the i6th of November the Commander -in -Chief left Lahore and joined the army. It was a grave misfortune that the civil power had prevented him from making full preparations for a campaign which the previous collision with the Sikhs had shown must be most arduous. On the I7th of November Colin Campbell enters in his journal : " Received orders from the Commander-in- Chief not to disturb Sher Singh should he cross over from the right to the left, or this bank of the river." Two days later he enters in his journal : " Lord Gough gave Cureton ig8 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN and myself permission to attack some infantry said to be on the left bank of the Chenab. On my way from headquarters settled with Cureton to move the following morning without beat of drum or sound of bugle. Early next morning the force advanced on Ramnuggur. Cough's object was to reconnoitre the Sikh position, and to ascertain the best method of crossing the Chenab. He had not the least idea of fighting a battle." l The country was a perfect bowling- green, some portions cultivated, and as the soil was light and dry it was difficult to move the guns through it. The horses were already tired when they reached Ramnuggur. On approaching the town, detachments of the enemy were seen retiring towards the river, which at that season of the year contracts to a comparatively narrow channel, expos- ing several dry watercourses and sandy flats. The cavalry and horse artillery now went forward at an increased pace, and after passing over a short stretch of hard ground they reached the edge of a steep descent into the wide islands of heavy sand. Down it they plunged and opened fire from the bottom at the retreating foe. A staff-officer then conveyed the order to them that the guns were to be ad- vanced to the water's edge. They made their way through the soft sand to the margin of the stream and unlimbered. Immediately above them rose the high bank on the opposite side. A flash ran along the brown earth, and there was heard a tremendous thunder-clap, and a stream of projectiles poured down on them from the Sikh batteries. The British guns replied with a few rounds of shot, shell, and shrapnel ; but they could have little effect on guns well entrenched and well concealed. The order was given to limber up and to retire to a better position. In attempting to surmount 1 Sir J. Tennant (then Brigadier-General J. Tennant), then commanding Artillery Division Staff, wrote : "No general can be blamed for the conduct of others when his plans are not carried out. As far as I know, Lord Gough is nearly blameless for the affair at Ramnuggur, where poor Cureton was killed. He had been informed that the Sikh army was in force on our side of the Chenab at Ramnuggur, and thought it necessary to look out with a strong detachment, chiefly cavalry. So little idea had he of battle that the main army was left behind in camp, and he, I believe, meant to return to it to breakfast." BATTLE OF RAMNUGGUR 199 a sandhill one of the guns and two ammunition waggons stuck. Every effort was made to move them. Colin Camp- bell, who had come down at the moment the artillery was retiring, dismounted in order to assist. But all attempts to move them were in vain. The fire of the enemy grew more intense, and the order was given to abandon them. Lieu- tenant Clifford went down and spiked the gun. Some distance below the spot where the gun had to be abandoned ran a long bank called " the Green Island," which the retreating waters had left high and dry, although there were still some stagnant pools around it. When the Horse Artillery first came into action a squadron of the 3rd Light Dragoons, under Lieutenant H. A. Ouvry, was sent to clear the left bank of the river. 1 Between the Green Island and the river, "this squadron," says Thack- well, "swept the sandy plain with such extraordinary rapidity, and cleared aside all obstacles with such irresist- ible impetuosity, that the enemy neither opened fire on them nor offered any formidable opposition." When the enemy saw the Horse Artillery retiring, they raised a loud shout of triumph, and large numbers of horse and foot recrossed the river. Cureton now gave his consent to "another body" of the enemy being attacked by the I4th. At this moment the Commander-in-Chief arrived. He had been watching the reconnaissance from the top of a high summer-house of Runjeet Singh, "which overlooked the plain and the river banks, three miles from the latter," and when he heard the news of the loss of the gun he rode forward, and after a considerable time met Cureton, who commanded the reconnaissance. " He was at the time in front of the I4th Light Dragoons, and not under fire." After hearing that Cureton had given his consent to another charge, Lord Gough rode up to Colonel Will Havelock and said, " If you see a favourable opportunity of charging, 1 General Stubbs writes: "When the Horse Artillery first were coming into action, Lord Gough ordered a squadron of the 3rd Light Dragoons to clear the left side of the river." Lord Gough was at the time three miles from the river. 200 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN charge." "The gallant old colonel," remarks one who was present, " soon made the opportunity." 1 "And so it was," writes Henry Havelock in a passage which well bears com- parison with any in Napier's noble pages; "for not many minutes after, Will Havelock, 'happy as a lover,' sitting as firmly in the saddle as when he overleaped the abbatis on the Bidassoa, placed himself in front of his cherished dragoons, and remarking, 'We now shall soon see whether we can clear our front of those fellows or not,' boldly led them forward to the onset. All who beheld it have spoken with admiration of the steadiness and the gallantry of this glorious gallop. The Sikhs made a show of standing the charge, a pied ferme, and some of them must have stood well, for sabre-cuts were exchanged with effect. Captain Gall, while grasping a standard, had his right hand cut through by the stroke of a Sikh, which he delivered with the hissing sound of an English pavior driving home a stone. Young Fitzgerald's skull was cleft to the brain by another blow from one of the enemy, but the mass of the Sikhs opened out right and left, and gave way before their victors." Cureton, as he watched the progress of Havelock's charge, exclaimed, " That is not the body of horse I meant to have been attacked," and riding to the front he was shot by a Sikh, concealed in a nullah, through the breast. So fell the best cavalry soldier in the army. He had, when a wild lad fleeing from his creditors, enlisted in the I4th Dragoons, and in the Peninsula, by many brave deeds, he had won his commission. Lord Gough also saw that Will Havelock was charging away from the body of the Sikh cavalry he had been allowed to attack, and sent Major Tucker to warn him ; but Havelock went at such a pace that he could not be overtaken. Havelock's first charge broke the Sikhs. But he was not content with his success. Again the trumpet 1 "Havelock, leading the I4th and supported by the 5th L.C., dashed on." History of the Bengal Artillery,' by General F. W. Stubbs, iii. 189. WILL HAVELOCK'S LAST CHARGE 201 of the I4th Dragoons sounded, and overturning all that opposed them, onward in the direction of the Green Island they took their course: the bank was cleared. The six guns from the opposite bank, as well as those which had been brought over in haste to the number of eight, opened upon the dragoons. " There was a descent of some eight feet into the flat; but Havelock, disregarding all opposition and all difficulties, and riding well ahead of his men, exclaimed, as he leapt down the declivity, ' Follow me, my brave lads, and never heed these cannon shots.' These were the last words he was ever heard to utter." It has never been known exactly how Will Havelock fell. Probably his charger was struck down by a cannon shot, and then he would have to contend against fearful odds: in fact, his orderly has related that he saw him lying in the nullah with several dead Sikhs around him, and that, being wounded himself, he could not go to his colonel's aid. Another dragoon beheld him contending against several of the enemy. After this bold charge the gallant I4th were withdrawn. Twenty-six were killed or missing, and fifty -nine were wounded. They showed on that day the same reckless gallantry they had displayed on many a Peninsula field. For the fall of Cureton and Havelock, and for the loss of a gun, the facts clearly show that Lord Gough was not to blame. Before the campaign of 1848-49, as before the Boer War, the Government had neglected to make a military survey of the country, and our ignorance of the ground on which our army was to operate was pro- found. In the campaign of 1848-49, as in the Boer War, we had to gain our information at the cost of soldiers' lives, and the credit of our arms. Lord Gough had attained two main objects by his recon- naissance in force: he had not only ascertained the nature of the ground, but he had driven the enemy from the left bank of the Chenab. He now determined to cross the "dark river." He wanted to deprive the enemy of the supplies to be gained from the rich cultivated land on the 202 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN right bank. He wanted to attack and defeat Sher Singh before he crossed the Jhelum and joined his father, Chutter Singh, who had a large Sikh force, or his father joined him. On the 26th of November Lord Gough wrote : " I am now making my combination for a flank movement, passing the river several miles above the enemy's position, and turning in ; but the river is so difficult, and my infor- mation so defective, whilst the enemy with his numerous irregulars, both cavalry and infantry, watch everything like a ford, that I shall have to await the arrival of some heavy guns (which I expect the day after to-morrow) in order to clear the opposite bank where the detached force is to cross." 1 While Lord Gough was awaiting the arrival of the heavy guns, inspections of the fords were made by the engineers. On the 3Oth the heavy guns arrived. The next morning Major-General Sir J. Thackwell, a Peninsula veteran, moved off with his force, consisting of 8000 horse, foot, and artillery, with thirty field pieces and two heavy guns, and after marching thirteen miles they arrived near the spot where the ford of Rannee Khanke Patan was said to be situated. The Chenab at this point was divided into four separate channels, and the Assistant Quartermaster- General, after examining a wrong passage, pronounced it impracticable. 2 The enemy were also seen watching the river. Sir Joseph Thackwell therefore moved, according to his instruction, to the ford of Wazirabad, some thirteen miles farther, where John Nicholson with his Pathan Horse had collected seventeen boats. At about 7.30 or 8 P.M. the head of the column reached the bank of the river. By the exertion of Baird Smith of the Engineers, who afterwards played so conspicuous a part in the siege of Delhi, a brigade, portion of the force, got over that 1 ' The Life and Campaigns of Hugh, First Viscount Gough,' by Robert S. Rait, ii. 1 88, 189. 2 " Thackwell never found the real ford. He did not employ the boatmen whom the Commander-in-Chief had provided to point out the precise locality ; they had been sent on some other errand." Lord Gough to his son, March 18, 1849. 'The Life and Campaigns of Hugh, First Viscount Gough,' by R. S. Rait, ii. 196. 203 evening and passed " that bitterly cold and dark night without food or fuel." By noon the next day the whole force was across. At 2 P.M. on Sunday, the 2nd December, they marched ten miles through a highly cultivated country, and only halted long after dark. When Lord Gough ascertained on the 2nd December that Thackwell's force had crossed the Chenab and was in move- ment, he opened a heavy cannonade on the Sikh position opposite Ramnuggur. The guns of the enemy which guarded the ford were so well concealed from view, and the river was so wide, that although the practice of our artillery was admir- able we could not silence them. But their fire gradually slackened and ceased. Lord Gough, anxious to ascertain the strength of the enemy's position, called for a volunteer to swim across the stream and reconnoitre. If the enemy had not evacuated their position death awaited him. Neville Chamberlain instantly volunteered, and getting together some troopers of the gth Lancers he swam across, and on reaching the opposite bank he waved his cap as a signal that the entrenchments by the river bank had been abandoned. On his return he found Lord Gough awaiting him, and the gallant old chief called him " the bravest of the brave." 1 During the night the Commander- in -Chief continued to push forward his breastworks as well as his batteries, and thus secured the ford. "This advance," remarked Havelock, "by successive lodgments, whereby the mastery of the river was transferred from the hands of the Sikhs to those of the British, and the ford hermetically sealed, is to be regarded as a very splendid military opera- tion." At daylight on the 3rd, Lord Gough sent Godby's Brigade of infantry six miles up the river to effect a junction with Thackwell, but the ford proved more impassable than he was led to expect. Lord Gough also sent a message to Thackwell, expressing a wish that when he covered the 1 Neville Chamberlain's sister writes : "Lord Gough told me this story when I met him in London at his daughter's house, and was quite agitated in telling it ; and Neville was not less so when I made him tell it years after." 204 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN crossing of Godby's Brigade he should await their junction, except the enemy attempted to retreat. Thackwell moved forth with his force at 6 A.M., and it was about noon when he got the Chiefs message. He immediately ordered the troops to halt, and rode off to the ford. Colin Campbell directed that four villages, surrounded with fields of tall sugar-cane, should be occupied by a company of infantry. When General Thackwell returned to the troops he ordered these companies to rejoin their corps. The enemy were now seen advancing in large bodies of cavalry and infantry, and as the sugar-cane fields in front of the villages would afford admirable cover for their infantry, it was deemed advisable to retire a couple of hundred paces, so as to be out of musketry fire from that cover. 1 They retired accordingly "in very perfect order," and the infantry deployed in line in front of the village of Sadoolapore. The enemy took possession of the villages and opened a heavy artillery fire from some twenty or twenty -five pieces of artillery, while they attempted to turn our flanks by large bodies of cavalry. Captain Warner's troop was sent to the extreme left, and came into action under a heavy fire of jingals and guns. 2 " He poured in grape among the huge mass with great effect," wrote an eye-witness, " and away they skedaddled, much faster than they came." On the right, Major Christie's troop, supported by the 3rd Dragoons, drove the enemy back in every direction. At the villages the action lasted nearly four hours, artillery against artillery, and the enemy, beaten at all points, retired. It was now fast growing dark, and Thackwell postponed " the attack upon their flank and rear as he was directed " until the following morning. " He had profited by experience," says Henry Havelock, " and would not, amid the shades of night, pre- cipitate his brave troops, broken and wearied, into a laby- rinth of tents, waggons, and tumbrils, among exploding 1 The Life of Colin Campbell, Lord Clyde,' by Lieutenant-General Shadwell, C.B., i. 192. * 'History of the Bengal Artillery,' by Major-General F, W. Stubbs, iii. 192. LETTER FROM CAMP 205 mines and expense magazines." About midnight the Sikhs began to retire from their entrenched position, and the next morning when Thackwell put his troops in motion they were eleven miles from the Chenab in full retreat on the Jhelum. Sir W. Gilbert was sent by Lord Gough to co-operate with Thackwell, who encamped at Helar. 1 "Thus," wrote Havelock, "were the Sikhs dislodged from the banks of the Chenab. The British career in India has been at- tended with such great and wonderful successes, as entirely to vitiate the judgment of the European community. Nothing but a grand victory wherever there is collision with the enemy will satisfy a public mind so marvellously spoilt by good fortune. How- beit war is not a romance, but always matter of nice calculation, of fluctuating chances ; a picture not seldom crowded with vicissitudes, and oftentimes a season of patient waiting for small advantages. So the passage of the Chenab to the politicians of India was a great disappointment. But it may be predicted that the deliberate judg- ment of those who have meditated much on military operations will be widely different from this crude condemnation." 2 On the 1 5th of December 1848 Neville Chamberlain wrote to his sister from Camp Ramnuggur : " CAMP RAMNUGGUR, \$th December 1848. " MY DEAR HARRIET, We hold both banks of the Chenab, and the enemy are strongly posted on the Jhelum, about thirty miles from this. Mooltan is the thorn in our side, and the moment that place 1 Heylah or Hellar in despatches. 2 Sir William Lee Warner, in * The Life of the Marquis of Dalhousie,' writes : "As, however, we shall now see, his plans miscarried, and his second engagement, known as the ' Battle of Sadulapur,' was, in the eyes of the Governor-General, only 'a blundered concern.'" On the other hand, in a letter from the Secretary with the Governor-General to the Adjutant-General of the army, Ferozepore, January 31, 1849, we have the following : " His lordship begs to congratulate the Commander- in-Chief on the success of the measures which he adopted for effecting the passage of the Chenab, and to convey to him the assurance of his satisfaction with, and his best thanks for, the judicious arrangements by which he was enabled, with compara- tively little loss, to carry into execution his plans for the passage of that difficult river, and for compelling the retreat of the Sikh army from the formidable position which they occupied on its farther bank, after they had been engaged and beaten back by the forces under Major-General Sir Joseph Thackwell. The result of his Excellency's movements in driving the Sikh army from their entrenchments and forcing them to retire on the other extremity of the Dooab, was of much importance." 206 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN falls we shall advance. Should the Diwan Moolraj, however, hold out for a month, the enemy in our front must move, as their com- missariat arrangements will never admit of their feeding so large a body of men for so long a period. We find it difficult enough to support our men and cattle, even with the resources of India at our command ; so what must they not feel without a treasury and with- out a commissariat? Most of my prognostications have now been verified, and my belief is that Attok must also fall now that the Mahomedans will demand its surrender. Should I live I expect to see Peshawur ere May day, and nothing more possible than that I may renew my acquaintance with the Dost's sons. Moolraj is not a fighting man by caste, and I should not be surprised to hear that he had left the fort the moment he thought the breach practicable, and ranked himself in the list of our enemy in the front. What does Lord Hardinge now say regarding the Punjab policy ? You will be glad to hear I have not thrown away the few opportunities placed in my way, and the C.-in-C. has said he would give me the first regiment which fell vacant. . . . NEVILLE." On the i8th of December Lord Gough crossed the Chenab, taking up a position near Helar. Sher Singh had occupied a very strong position covered by jungle. He was superior in artillery, and the Sikhs had proved that it was no easy matter to turn them out of an entrenched position. The responsibility for not following the defeated enemy from the 4th December to the 22nd rests with the Governor- General, who had somewhat injudiciously inter- fered with the military movements of the Commander -in- Chief, on whom the entire responsibility of the campaign should have rested; he, without being on the spot, laid on him an injunction not to advance beyond the banks of the Chenab. On the 22nd of December Lord Dalhousie wrote to the Secret Committee : "I have therefore acquainted his Excellency that if he can satisfy his own judgment regarding the state of his own supplies and supports and communication ; if the intelligence he may receive and the reconnaissances he may be able to make shall satisfy him that the enemy may be attacked with success, with such a force as he may have safely disposable and without a heavy loss, in such case I should be happy indeed to see a blow struck that would destroy the enemy, add honours to the ADVANCE TO DINGHI 207 British arms, and avert the prospect of a protracted and costly war." By this time the enemy had entrenched him- self in a strong position close to the Jhelum, and as he was superior in artillery, Lord Gough decided to await the fall of Mooltan and the release of his column there before he struck a decisive blow. On the 3rd of January Attok fell ; on the 7th Lord Dalhousie announced the successful assault on the city of Mooltan, and the Governor-General wrote: "It would give me no less pleasure to announce a similar blow struck by you on the Jhelum. The destruc- tion of that army, the ruin of the troops, and the capture of the guns concurrently with the fall of Mooltan, would conclude the business in the main. I shall be heartily glad to hear of your having felt yourself in a condition to attack Sher Singh with success." The Governor-General, after preventing the Commander -in -Chief from attacking whilst Sher Singh was retiring before the British army, now pressed on the Commander- in -Chief the desirability of attacking before the reinforcements arrived, and he did so in a manner that placed the responsibility on the Commander - in - Chief. Attok had now fallen, as Neville Chamberlain had prophesied, and Chuttur Singh was march- ing to reinforce his son. Gough, therefore, determined to accede to the Governor -General's desire, and attack the enemy. Lord Gough, loyal to the army he commanded, never revealed the strongest reason which led him to attack before his reinforcements arrived. Sikh emissaries had been inflaming the religious passions of our sepoys, and there was grave doubt how long their loyalty and dis- cipline would stand the strain. On the I2th of January the army advanced to Dinghi, a small town situated at a distance of eight or nine miles from the heights of Russool, where the Sikh forces, under the personal command of Sher Singh, were posted. From Russool their position extended to Moong, amidst precip- itous ravines strengthened by field works. Behind their position flowed the Jhelum, in front of it was a dense 208 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN jungle. At Moong their main force was concentrated, and half a mile from their entrenchment at this point flowed the river, spanned by a bridge of boats. At Russool the entrenchments were the strongest. " The village of Russoul was in the middle of the Khalsa camp, separated from the front chain of Seikh batteries by one ravine of extraordinary depth of several hundred feet. The only means of com- munication with this village was by a narrow wooden bridge, which would not admit of the transit of a horse. Had our army directed its attacks against this naturally formidable intrenchment, the enemy, in the event of their being driven from their front batteries, would have retreated across the ravine and destroyed the bridge." 1 At Russool the enemy also rested upon a broad pass. Thus they had on their extreme right a pass, and on their extreme left a bridge which afforded means for a rapid and unpursued retreat. In front of Moong and from Russool to Dinghi there was a dense jungle, more tree than bush. From the centre to the extreme left through Moong the enemy's position was occupied by irregular troops, from the centre to the extreme right by the regular army. On the nth of January Lord Gough wrote to the Governor-General : " It is my intention to penetrate the centre of their line, cutting off the regular from the irregular portion of their forces." The following day he enters in his diary : " Marched to Dingree (sic). Made arrangements for attacking the enemy at Russool, Lullianwalla, Futteh Shah ke Chuck, Luck- neewalla, and Mong, except I find it more convenient to halt at Chillian walla." His spies, as he informs us in his despatch, stated the enemy had the great body of his force at Luckneewalla. On the morning of the I3th the force advanced in the direction towards Russool, which was ten miles away. Lord Gough, however, made a considerable detour to his right, "partly to distract the enemy's attention, but principally to get as clear as I could of the enemy's jungle, on which it 1 'Narrative of the Second Seikh War,' by Edward Joseph Thackwell, p. 122. CHILLIANWALLA 20Q would appear the enemy mainly relied." l After a short halt at 10 to refresh the men, the army again moved forward in columns of brigades, the cavalry on the flanks and the artillery in the intervals. Lord Gough had in the morning ordered the Chief Engineer and Henry Marion Durand to push along the road towards Russool, reconnoitring along the road. This they did till they arrived within a short distance of the enemy's position on the hill in front of Russool. They returned to the Commander-in-Chief at the village of Umrao, and informed him that the road was clear upon Russool. Lord Gough, however, had advanced but a little distance from Umrao, when some villagers confirmed the intelligence that he had received from spies that the Sikhs were at Chillianwalla. He again sent the senior Engineer and Henry Durand with orders to feel up to the village of Chillianwalla, and to see whether it was occu- pied. " We accordingly did so, and soon returned reporting cavalry and infantry in position on a mound in front of the village." 2 Lord Gough now carried out his intention of halting at Chillianwalla and reconnoitring. He brought up his right, and his line soon faced Chillianwalla and beyond it to the villages of Lolianwalla, where he had been told Sher Singh's main regular force was stationed, and Moong the centre of the irregular force. Lord Gough has been often criticised for turning away from the direct road, and has been accused of altering his original project of attack : but he always intended to halt at Chillianwalla if he found it more convenient. If he had marched on to Russool he would have found the Sikhs in front of him in a strongly fortified position, and his left flank and rear would have been turned by the enemy concealed in the jungle. On approaching the village of Chillianwalla, the strong picket of the enemy's cavalry and infantry, which the 1 From his Excellency the Commander-in-Chief to the Right Honourable the Governor-General of India, dated Headquarters Camp, Chillianwalla, January 1 6, 1849. 2 ' Life of Major-General Sir Henry Marion Durand, K.C.S.L, C.B.,' by II. M. Durand, i. 116. 210 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN engineers had observed, retired from the mound after a few rounds from our light guns. About 2 o'clock the light companies of the 2Qth and and Bengal Fusiliers took possession of the little eminence, and from it was seen an extensive plain, scrubby and scarred by ravines, flanked on the east by the sandy hills of Russool, on the west by the dense jungle of Moong. Immediately below is the village of Chillianwalla, and to front of it is a belt of rather dense low jungle, not forest, but a mixture of thorny mimosa bushes and wild caper. Beyond the green jungle the glitter of the Sikh arms shone in the mid-day eastern sun. The Sikhs had during the night moved out of their several entrenched positions, and were drawn up in line from Futteh Shah ke Chuck l to Russool. But it was impossible, owing to the jungle, to catch a sight of their guns or discover their exact formation. Gough, however, swiftly decided that he could not turn their flank, which rested on the dense jungle at Moong, and upon the hills and ravines near Russool, " without detaching a force to a distance ; this I considered both inexpedient and dangerous." The day being so far advanced, he decided upon taking up a position in rear of the village in order to reconnoitre. The clever critic of war who is always with us, has blamed him for retiring the bulk of his army, but there was no water for his men and animals except at Chillianwalla. He had been obliged to come from Umrao for this reason, and he was obliged to stay. The Quartermaster - General was taking ground for the encampment when the enemy advanced some horse artillery and opened a fire on the skirmishers in front of the village. Report says that some of the balls came bounding near the old Chief, and roused his Irish temperament, no bad quality for a soldier, as Eng- land knows to her gain. But the tale is a mere myth, such as the winds often generate in a camp, and put down as a fact. Gough was at the time on a house-top at Chillianwalla, 1 Some military writers say "Moong," which was another village immediately behind. BATTLE OF CHILLIANWALLA 211 out of range of the enemy's fire. He immediately ordered the heavy guns to be advanced in front of the village. They opened fire, which was hailed by a burst of cannon- shot revealing the position of the enemy's guns. Gough now knew he was in the presence of an entire army who intended to fight. If he did not attack, they would probably advance their guns so as to reach his encampment during the night. The fight would no doubt be a stubborn one, but it must be fought before darkness fell. At once he drew up his forces in order of battle. The heavy guns were in the centre, immediately in front of the village of Chillianwalla. On the right was Mountaine's F. Brigade, next Godby's Brigade (the two formed of Walter Gilbert's Division), three troops of Horse Artillery under Grant, flanked by Pope's Brigade of Cavalry, " which I strengthened by the I4th Dragoons, well aware that the enemy was strong upon his left." Pope's Brigade was not in a straight line with the force, but at a slight acute angle, so that its direction crossed the line of fire of the guns. 1 On the left of the centre was Pennycuick's Brigade, next Hoggan's Brigade (formerly Colin Campbell's Division), three troops of Horse Artillery under Brind, flanked by White's Brigade of Cavalry. The field batteries were with the infantry divisions. The Third Brigade of Campbell's Division, con- sisting of three native regiments under Brigadier Penny, were placed in reserve. Lieutenant - Colonel Lane was detached with four of his own guns, two squadrons of the gth Lancers, and two of the 6th Lancers, to keep in check the enemy's cavalry, who were threatening our right rear. When the British troops were formed into line, the heavy guns, supported by two field batteries, maintained a heavy 1 "The Quartermaster-General at once went forward to mark out the camp ; but they had scarcely begun when the enemy's shot came bowling in among them, and it was clear we should have to fight. But an alteration of front was necessary. The left had to be brought up, and line was formed from the right Horse Artillery, Pope's brigade of cavalry not changing front, so that its direction crossed the line of fire of the guns. This throws some light on the events that followed." 'History of the Bengal Artillery,' by Major-General F. W. Stubbs, R.A., iii. 199. 212 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN fire on the enemy's centre, to which their batteries replied. During this artillery duel Lord Gough bade the men lie down, and addressed a few words to them as he rode down the line. The enemy's fire began to slacken, and he gave the order for the left division to advance. Colin Campbell, on receiving the order, rode up to the 24th, who were in the centre of Pennycuick's Brigade, and briefly addressed them: "There must be no firing; the bayonet must do the work." 1 He then ordered Major Mowatt to advance his battery, No. 5, in line with the skirmishers whom Brigadier Pennycuick had, by his orders, thrown out to cover that brigade, and to " open his fire as soon as he could get a good sight of the enemy." 2 This Mowatt did. But the impetuous Pennycuick, as brave and ardent a soldier as ever lived, led his brigade at such a rapid rate that they soon outstripped the guns, and rendered them almost useless. As the three regiments entered the wood, the line-formation became exceedingly disordered and broken, "the companies in many places being obliged to reduce their front to sections." When the Sikhs saw the brigade enter the jungle, they opened a concentrated fire from fifteen or eighteen guns upon them. The round shot came tearing through the wood, and the storm of grape 1 ' History of the Bengal Artillery,' iii. 200. " The cannonade had scarcely lasted half an hour when a staff officer in breath- less haste rode up to Brigadier-General Campbell and ordered him to carry the guns in his front without delay at the point of the bayonet." 'Narrative of the Second Sikh War,' by Edward Thackwell. Sir Henry Durand has shown that Thack well's book is not always a trustworthy authority. Cf. Rail's ' Life of Gough,' ii. 224. Seven officers belonging to the Native Infantry regiment who were present, write: "We could see no distance to our front. Our light companies were ordered to skirmish, but not to fire. They might have knocked over many of the enemy, who were among the bushes and up in trees taking our distance, had it not been for this extraordinary order. We received this order from Brigadier Pennycuick, with the remark that everything must be done by the bayonet." 'Life of Major- General Sir Henry Durand,' by H. M. Durand, ii. 91. The charge brought against Colin Campbell that Pennycuick led his brigade into action with unloaded muskets he regarded as " almost too puerile to require con- tradiction." ' Life of Lord Clyde,' by Lieutenant -General Shadwell, i. 210. The seven officers write : "After about an hour's halt the brigade deployed into line and loaded." 2 * Life of Lord Clyde,' by Lieutenant-General Shadwell, i. 210. FIRST ATTACK ON THE SIKH GUNS 213 pattered among the trees. But no foe was seen. They pressed forward through the woody difficulties at a rapid rate, and the 24th outstripped their native comrades. The 24th emerged from the jungle, and they saw before them the enemy's battery on a mound. On each side of the guns large bodies of regular infantry, big long-bearded men clad in red coats, were formed, and a body of cavalry directly in the rear, covered by the Sikh infantry. Every gun was turned on them and belched forth round shot and grape. Six hundred yards to be traversed most of it swamp. The 24th plunged forward, and many fell smitten by the showers of grape. They reached the guns, disordered and blown. The Sikhs with their tulwars rushed upon the British bayonets and were driven back. The guns were being spiked, when from the infantry on both flanks there came a destructive fire, and the remains of a gallant regiment fell back. The 24th went into action over 1000 strong, and lost 220 killed and 325 wounded, amongst whom were 13 officers killed and u wounded, 4 of the slain being field officers. Brigadier Pennycuick, who was also senior colonel of the 24th, was shot down near the guns. A private of the grenadier company attempted to carry him off in his arms, but being hard pressed by the Sikhs, and seeing that his colonel was dead, he abandoned the corpse. The son of the brigadier, a soldier only sixteen years of age, stood over his father's corpse and defended it till he was hacked to death. The gallant Brookes, who had assumed command of the regiment a few days before the battle, was among the killed. He had lately landed from England, and leaving his young bride he travelled day and night to reach the army. He had often expressed a wish that he might take part in what he called "the glorious battles of India." After Colin Campbell had given the order for Pennycuick's Brigade to advance, he joined Hoggan's Brigade, for it had been arranged with him and Pennycuick that he should re- main with the left. Campbell considered this arrangement 214 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN advisable, "as he could discern faintly in the distance that the enemy's right very much outflanked the British left, and the nature of the ground fought upon was such as to render it impossible that any commander could superintend the attack of more than one brigade." As Colin Campbell took care to regulate the rate of march of the centre or directing regiment (H.M. 6ist), so that all could keep up, the left brigade, consisting of H.M. 6ist in the centre, 36th N.I. on the right, and 46th N.I. on the left, emerged from the wood in a very tolerable line ; but there was no battery. No. 10 battery, which should have remained with them, had been directed by a staff officer to proceed farther to the left, to keep down the fire of some Sikh guns in that direction. Colin Campbell on leaving the jungle found the enemy posted on an open space on a slight rise. Immediately in front of the 6ist was a large body of cavalry, then opposite to the 36th N.I. a large body of infantry, to their right four guns which had played on them during their advance. " The 6ist moved gallantly and steadily on the cavalry in their front, which steadily and slowly retired." To advance firing in line was a manoeuvre which Colin Campbell had learned from his old commanding officer, Sir John Cameron, who had reduced it to a system in the gth Regiment during the Peninsular War. As the 6ist approached the ground where the cavalry had stood, he gave the order to fire. The Sikh horsemen scampered away at great speed. At this time the 36th charged the Sikh infantry, and were driven back. "The Sikhs at once pushed forward two of their guns," says Colin Campbell, " to within twenty-five or thirty yards of the right flank of the 6ist and opened grape, while their infantry was completely in rear of the right of the 6ist." The moment was critical. Then Colin Campbell's coolness and thorough knowledge of the mechanism of battle were conspic- uous. He immediately made the two right companies of the 6ist change front to the right, and ordering the remainder of the regiment to form rapidly in the same direction, he placed himself at the head of the two companies, charged SIKH GUNS CAPTURED 215 the two guns, and captured them. They then opened fire on the flank of the enemy in pursuit of the 36th N.I. and compelled them to desist and retreat. The remainder of the 6ist had now formed upon the two right companies, but in vain Colin Campbell and the officers of the 36th tried to get the 36 N.I. to re-form upon the 6ist. "The men were all talking together, many firing in the air, and all in confusion." 1 It was at this juncture, while the confusion due to the sepoys was at its height, that the enemy brought forward two more guns and fresh infantry, and having again formed, the whole opened fire. Nothing to be done but advance and charge. Colin Campbell, again placing himself at the head of the 6ist, gave the word and they advanced ; again the word was given, and they rushed into the throat of the guns. The gunners sold their lives hand to hand. A tough tussle, and the guns were taken. Colin Campbell himself got a sword-cut in his arm from a Sikh artilleryman, but he had not time to mind it. He continued to lead his brigade along the line of the enemy's position, pouring in volleys of musketry, and taking their guns at the point of the bayonet. The enemy's cavalry threatened his troops in their flank and rear, and they had to face about and drive them off. Thirteen guns were spiked, but they had no force to protect or to remove them, and only the three last were taken from the field. Immediately after this capture they met Mountain's Brigade coming from the opposite direction. Away on the left flank White's cavalry brigade, consisting of the 8th and 5th Native Cavalry and the 3rd Light Dragoons, supported by Brind's three troops of Horse Artillery, had advanced at the same time as Campbell's Division. They soon came under a heavy fire of round shot. Brind went forward, and in about half an hour silenced the enemy's battery. As the Sikh line out- flanked our line, and bodies of Sikh cavalry were threatening 1 Journal of Colin Campbell, I3th January. This incident is not mentioned in Colin Campbell's official dispatch. No one cared to mention at the time the treacherous conduct of some of the native regiments. Some fought with great gallantry. 2l6 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN our left, Thackwell ordered a squadron of the 3rd Dragoons, supported by five troops of the 5th Cavalry, to charge them. A matchlock fire was opened on them as they advanced ; the native cavalry in vain attempted to penetrate the dense mass before them, but in spite of the efforts of their officers they retired in confusion. They, however, soon rallied and took up their place in the line. The three troops of the 3rd Dragoons, led by Unett, Stisted, and Macqueen, with a bold rush rode through the mass and swept on till they reached the Sikh position. A battery opened grape upon them. Wheeling about, they cut their way back. " Intense was our anxiety," says an eyewitness, "about the fate of the 3rd Light Dragoons. At length they emerged covered with glory. Two officers were wounded the gallant Unett and Stisted, and the loss among the men amounted to forty-six killed and wounded. Such gallantry deserves to be handed down to posterity." Soon after Colonel Brind was ordered to the right, where a hard fight was going on, with his guns, and was followed by Brigadier White with the cavalry. When the order for the line to advance was given, Gilbert's Division on the right of the heavy guns went forward. The left brigade (No. 4), consisting of the 56th N.I., 3Oth N.I., and H.M. 29th, headed by their gallant leader, Brigadier Mountain, forced their way through the close wood screen. On appearing in the open they were greeted with a warm artillery fire. The regiments had got separ- ated, but the detached bodies, though unsupported by artillery, swept on with the shells, ploughing gaps in their ranks towards the enemy's entrenchment. The 56th N.I., led by Bamfield, their commander, remarkable "for his heroic valour in the field," reached the guns before them, but after a desperate struggle were borne back by superior numbers. They had 8 officers and 322 men killed and wounded in the bitter fight. Among those struck 1 MS. statement by Major Wheatley, commanding 5th L.C. ' History of the Bengal Artillery,' by Major-General F. W. Stubbs, iii. 207. SIKHS PUT TO FLIGHT 217 down was their gallant colonel, who fell mortally wounded in the arms of his son of the same corps. The 3Oth N.I. kept well to the front, and they too suffered in that terrible ad- vance. Eleven officers and 285 men killed and wounded. The 2gth, no better regiment on the field, did get into con- tact with the enemy, bayoneted them and captured twelve guns. Mountain now received orders from Gough to wheel to the left to reinforce Campbell's Brigade, which could now be seen advancing towards them through the smoke. Next to Mountain's Brigade was No. 17 Field Battery under Captain Dawes, then came the 3ist Native Infantry on its right, the 2nd European Regiment forming No. 3 Brigade under Brigadier Godby. When the signal was given they plunged into the jungle in line with a deaf- ening cheer. " On we went at a rapid double," says a subaltern who was present, " dashing through the bushes, and bounding over every impediment; faster rolled the musketry crash upon crash the cannon poured forth its deadly contents." On gaining an open space in the jungle they saw the enemy's line. " ' Charge ! ' rang the word through our ranks, and the men bounded for- ward like angry bull-dogs, pouring in a murderous fire." Onward they went. " The Sikhs fired a last volley, wavered, and then turned and fled. Pursuit in a jungle like that was useless, where we could not see twenty yards before us ; so we halted and began to collect our wounded, when all of a sudden a fire was opened upon us in our rear. A large body of the enemy had turned our flank in the jungle, and got between us and the rest of the troops ; another party was on our left ; and we found ourselves with one light field-battery completely surrounded and alone in the field." The word was given " Right -about -face," and the 2nd Europeans advanced, the rear in front, steadily loading and firing as they went. "Then was shown how the spirit of the infantry depends greatly on the staunchness of the artillery. Captain Dawes' battery was the saving of us as the cavalry 2l8 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN were bearing down the Brigadier shouted, ' A shower of grape in there,' and every gun was turned on them, the men working as coolly as on parade; and a salvo was poured in that sent horse and man head over heels in heaps. If it had not been for that battery we should have been cut up to a man." 1 The enemy kept moving about the bushes, firing a deadly volley, and then dis- appeared. At last General Gilbert rode up to Major Steele commanding the 2nd Europeans, and said, " Well Major, how are you? Do you think you are near enough to charge ? " " By all means," said Steele. " Well then, let us see how you can do it ! Men of the 2nd Europeans, prepare to charge Charge ! " " And on we went with a stunning cheer." The Sikhs met them sword in hand, and with desperate courage attempted to break through their line. " But it was no go ; and after a short struggle we swept them before us, and remained masters of the field." The splendid courage of the 2nd Europeans had redeemed the error made by Brigadier Pope in the movement of his cavalry brigade, which led to Gilbert's flank being exposed and Godby's Brigade being surrounded. Brigadier Pope, who commanded the 2nd Cavalry Brigade, had at an early period of his military career proved himself to be a man of great personal courage, but when he was appointed to command a cavalry brigade on service, he was suffering from such bodily infirmities as to be in- capable of mounting his horse without difficulty. It must be remembered, moreover, that he had never in peace had any experience in handling a large body of cavalry. 1 "The conduct of Dawes and his battery is much admired. He was with Gilbert's Division, and wherever the enemy showed himself, front or flank, Dawes' guns were sure to be at the right point and at the right moment. Dawes was struck in the leg by a grape-shot, but would not dismount for fear, as he told me, that if he once was off his horse he might not be able to remount. When I saw him, he was standing giving his orders and conducting his duty as if nothing was the matter. I spoke with him a good quarter of an hour before I found out that he was wounded, and then only in consequence of a message from the doctor which made me ask the question whether he were hit." 'Life of Sir Henry Durand,' by H. M. Durand, C.S.I., i. 120. THE CAVALRY CHECKED 2IQ Before the commencement of the battle he detached Lieu- tenant-Colonel Lane with eight guns, two squadrons of the gth Lancers, and two of the 6th Light Cavalry, to watch some Sikh horsemen which had advanced in front of Russool, and might have threatened our flank. 1 When the right division began to advance the order was given to the troopers, who had been standing to the horses in column, to mount and deploy : two squadrons of the gth Lancers, under Major Hope Grant, on the extreme left ; then three squadrons of native cavalry in the centre, with four squadrons of the I4th Light Dragoons on the extreme left of the brigade. Swords having been drawn, the command was given to trot, and Pope, at the head of his old regiment, the 6th Light Cavalry, led his nine squadrons in one line, without a skirmisher or scout in front or a man in support or reserve in rear, through broken ground covered with jungle. By the Native Cavalry in the centre the other squadrons were ordered to dress and regulate their place, but owing to the thickness of the jungle they could see little for themselves and had to conform to the movements. The trot dwindled to a walk, and then came to a dead halt. Pope had led his line in front of the troops of Horse Artillery between him and Sir Walter's Division, and they were unable to fire. When the line was halted the officers were some fifty yards in front of their men. Suddenly some Sikh horsemen ap- peared coming out of the jungle, and they were ordered back to their places. The men, seeing their officers gal- loping back, wavered, and some rascal calling out "Threes about," away they all went. 2 The order was distinctly heard by the Lancers, and they turned round. The order 1 General Stubbs says the enemy's cavalry had advanced, and were threatening our right and rear. With regard to Lane's detachment, he adds : " They were of essential service in that position, covering the flank, though they took no active part in the battle. 2 ' History of the Bengal Artillery,' by Major-General F. W. Stubbs, iii. 205. General Stubbs adds : " I had the pleasure of knowing many of the I4th at Lahore very shortly afterwards. They were ready to repeat the Ramnuggur charge, and would not have excused themselves by throwing blame on others." 220 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN was heard by the Dragoons, and they turned round. Not unnaturally the Dragoons thought they were falling into some ambush, for only a few weeks before they had lost in a miserable ambush their colonel and many a brave comrade. The whole line of cavalry now fell back. In the excessive dust and in the jungle the men of different regi- ments got mingled, and it was impossible for the officers to make their commands heard. " The enemy's cavalry now came about us in great numbers, and fastened like hornets upon any poor fellow they could pick out, waiting for their opportunities behind trees and bushes, whereby many of our men became an easy prey to an enemy expert in the use of the sword." Brigadier Pope was cut down by a Sikh horseman, and his fall increased the confusion. Thus, acting singly or in concert, our horsemen retired, and the I4th Dragoons being the nearest to their guns' reach, rode into them, closely followed by the Sikh horse- men. The gunners could neither limber up nor fire. Those in the teams were cut down. Major Christie re- ceived several sword- and spear -wounds. Major Huyshe, in front of his troop, was attacked by two Sikh horsemen ; one of his assailants was killed by his faithful valorous sergeant - major, and Major Steuart blew the other " out of the saddle en passant by a snap pistol - shot in the breast." l The halt and rally were sounded, and the Eng- lish horsemen, Lancers and Dragoons, having formed up behind the guns that were able to be moved, Christie's four guns and two of Huyshe's were left on the ground. Soon after the cavalry "were found in an open space like a ploughed field in the jungle, facing to the front, where Lord Gough and staff shortly after rode by and were re- 1 "Being immediately attacked by another Sikh, sword in hand, the Major had not time to return his pistol (a long single-barrelled, old-fashioned ' horse pistol '), but guarded with the barrel, from which the native's sabre glanced off, inflicting a slight cut inside the right arm, and Steuart came into camp bleeding profusely, but not seriously. His antagonist, fortunately, did not renew the attack, but rode away into the jungle." * Historical Record of the I4th (King) Hussars,' by Colonel Henry Blackburn, p. 577. THE INCIDENT DISCUSSED 221 ceived with carried swords." This misfortune which befell the cavalry at Chillianwalla has been the theme of much discussion, and the incident has been grossly exaggerated. It is one of those events with which the military history of cavalry action is replete. An incompetent cavalry leader placed a small body of cavalry in front of his guns on ground where they could neither move their horses nor see their foe. They were suddenly attacked. A native traitor shouted " Threes about," and the whole line obeyed what was considered an order from a responsible officer. There was no stampede. They rode slowly to the rear righting a reckless foe who attacked them from every bush. When they reached the guns, their first rallying point, they rallied. Some few men continued their retreat till they reached the field hospital, but they belonged to every corps. Thus we have traced the facts, after careful col- lation of the contemporary narratives with the official records, up to their source. For the first few days after the action there was a strong feeling against the i4th Dragoons, and this found expression in the press. But " the day after the action a court of inquiry into the con- duct of the I4th Dragoons was held by General Thackwell with closed doors ; and from what transpired the result was most satisfactory to that much -abused but brave body of men." They had won a reputation for reckless gallantry in the Peninsula; six weeks before Chillianwalla they had showed at Ramnuggur their ancient dash and valour; and more lately they not once nor twice displayed in Central India the old spirit which led two weak squadrons to attack the French rear near a narrow way at Douro, and fight their way back with great loss. Lord Gough had accompanied Gilbert's Division in their advance, and from a small opening in the jungle had conducted the operations in different parts of the field. Henry Lawrence and John Nicholson were among those who carried orders that day from the Commander -in- Chief to the Commanders of Divisions. Grave were the 222 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN tidings they brought. The Native Cavalry on the extreme left had refused to charge. An impassable swamp had checked the advance of a brigade, which had to retire with heavy loss. At that moment there emerged from the jungle, artillery, spare horses, several limbers, and some guns. With them, supported on his horse by one of his sergeants, his right hand grasping his sword, hanging power- lessly down, came Major Christie. A number of the enemy's cavalry followed them. Colonel Grant drew up two of the guns, unlimbered, and a few shot sent the Sikh troopers back into the jungle. Gough now rode through the dense jungle and joined Campbell, who, with a considerable part of both divisions, was separated from the rest of the force by a mile of difficult ground. The delicate question arose whether the force with Camp- bell should remain on the field it occupied. The night was dark, the wood was thick, " and I respectfully sug- gested to his lordship," says Colin Campbell, " that the safest and most prudent course would be to unite his force and get it together in one body." The answer to the suggestion was forcible : " I'll be d d if I move till my wounded are all safe." However, Gough yielded his more impetuous noble opinion to the sentiments of his more prudent commander. After the wounded who were lying near the captured Sikh guns had been, with one single exception, removed, the bugles and trumpets sounded the retirement. It was impossible, owing to the darkness, to discover and remove the wounded that lay in the wood. The guns we had captured and our own had also to be abandoned. " D d if we ain't a-desert- ing the guns," said a British soldier as he trudged along in the dark. " Suppose we shall have to take them again. ... So many poor fellows killed for nothinV Two of our guns were afterwards rescued by the gallantry of Colin Cookworthy, a subaltern of Major Christie's troop. After he reached the camp at Chillianwalla, he took the limbers of his division, and returned to the spot in the LETTER FROM CHILLIANWALLA 223 jungle where our guns had been left. The six guns were there, but he had only sufficient limbers to bring away two. It was the last of the many deeds of valour and devotion which illuminated the stern conflict at Chillian- walla. It has been called a doubtful victory, because the Sikhs, though driven from the field of battle, retained their strong position among the ravines of Moong Russool. The fruits of the victory were, however, not doubtful. The British soldier fought " like devils," and so impressed his brave foe with his courage that the two hours of deadly strife led to the crowning victory of Gujerat. Dur- ing these two hours Cough's loss amounted to : killed 22 European officers, 16 native officers and 564 men ; wounded 67 European officers, 27 native officers, i warrant officer, and 1556 men. There were 13 officers of the 24th buried in one grave. Two days after the strife died the gallant Christie. The survivors of the troop went to the chap- lain and requested that he should be buried in the same grave with those he had so bravely commanded and led ; and he rests with the men who were so fond and proud of their valiant commander. During the battle of Chillianwalla the Irregular Cavalry was attached to Hearsey's Brigade which was protecting the baggage. But both Neville and Crawford Cham- berlain managed to make their way to the front, and helped to rally some of the fugitives when Pennycuick's Brigade was driven back and the English cavalry thrown into confusion. In his letter, dated Camp Chillianwalla, 22nd January 1849, to his sister, he states with character- istic modesty, "Thank God, neither Crawford nor I have lost reputation from having been brought into the field." Neville Chamberlain's letter is a contemporary account of considerable importance : "CAMP CHILLIANWALLA, Left Bank of Jhelum, opposite Russool, 22nd January 1849. "Mv DEAREST HARRIET, Since my last letter we have made another move in the game with the Sikh rebels, but I regret to 224 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN say the change of position has cost us dearly. I have not the power of detailing our actions for the last month, but I will en- deavour to give you an outline, and let you know how we now stand. Ever since we crossed the Chenab the Sikhs have been encamped within a few miles of this ground, at a place called Moong, their rear resting on the Jhelum. Our camp has been in the open cultivated part of the Doab, nearer the Chenab a belt of jungle which runs parallel and close to the Jhelum separating the two armies. It being found impossible to feed our cattle at, or near, our old camp of Januke, the camp was moved some six or seven miles up the Doab to Lupoorie. After remaining at Lupoorie three days, and finding that forage was very difficult to be procured, we moved to Dingee. Dingee is a large village, and from its position commands the open country of the upper portion of the Doab. Up to the time of our move northward the enemy had commanded the supplies of the upper Doab, so our move to Dingee was of the greatest importance. "I believe that our works on the banks of the Chenab for the protection of our bridge was the cause of our not sooner seizing Dingee. We could not have left our bridge assailable, our com- munications in the rear being of the highest importance. Day by day now for months past have we been looking for the fall of Mooltan, and after the town was captured the Engineers led us to expect that the fort would immediately follow ; this belief has of course had great influence on the Chiefs plans, the release of 16,000 men and many guns being a serious consideration. From what the Commander-in-Chief heard of the Sikh position, it would appear that he determined upon attacking Sher Singh, and we moved from Dingee early on the morning of the i3th instant. After march- ing for about three miles the column halted, and bread was served out to the European portion of the troops. We again moved on, and upon the head of the column reaching a village called Chillian- walla (from which our camp takes its name), it was fired upon by the Sikhs. The enemy had an entrenchment on a mound close to this village, in which they had placed a couple of guns and men. At 11.30 A.M. our i8-pounders opened with shrapnel on this entrenchment, and the Sikhs were shortly obliged to abandon this post, as likewise the village itself, with the loss of a few men. The country about here is flat, of a sandy soil, and covered with patches of high bushes, and a few trees of larger growth spring up here and there ; the whole of the land near the river must, in some former day, have been cultivated, as the jungle does not become thick until you have quitted the river some three miles. The nature of the jungle here is in fact such as to afford excellent shelter to light troops, prevents the regular advance of a line, and greatly annuls the advantages which would be gained by a dis- ciplined army over a disorganised foe in any other ground. LETTER FROM CHILLIANWALLA 225 "After the Commander-in-Chief had driven the enemy from the entrenchment and village, he determined upon encamping upon our present ground, and the site was being marked out by the Quarter- master-General and Camp Colormen, when they were fired upon by the enemy's guns, posted some little distance from us in the jungle. It had been Lord Cough's plan to attack the Sikhs the following day, but this was a challenge his Irish blood could not stand; the line was formed, and the action commenced at 1.30 P.M. Sunset saw us in possession of many of the Sikh guns, and of all their positions ; and it found them retreating from all points towards Moong and Russool. At dusk it was thought advisable to order the line to retire towards Chillianwalla, for the protection of the baggage, which had been twice threatened, and for the purpose of bivouacking the troops in a more concentrated position. Of the battle I shall say little, but I believe I speak the truth in saying that a most signal victory, and ignominious defeat, were alternately cast into the scales on that day: the first was lost by the misconduct of some, and the latter was averted by the bravery of the many. No field in India has, I believe, ever been more severely contested. Guns were captured, spiked, taken again by the Sikhs, and re- taken by us. "Had we had but two hours more daylight all our errors might have been retrieved ; but night coming on we were unable to follow up a vanquished foe, and the cruel murders of our wounded must be punished at some future date. Nothing but death will satisfy the appetite of these bloodthirsty tyrants for slaughter; I trust the day is not far distant when they shall be made to pay the penalty of their barbarity. I hope I never was unmerciful, and I believed I never could become so, but after witnessing the sights I saw on that day the heart becomes steeled. Imagine hundreds of wounded men hacked into unsightly objects, and a child, a poor drummer-boy, dragged from a litter, and in his wounded helpless state thrown into the air, to be cut at as he fell. " But enough of these horrors so degrading to the name of man whether he be white or black. Had we taken possession and brought into camp all the pieces of cannon captured, our victory would have been more substantial; but this we omitted to do, and the consequence is that with the exception of twelve cannon, the enemy removed the rest during the night. From the misconduct of the 1 4th Dragoons we lost four of our Horse Artillery guns, and these, with some captured standards, compensate the enemy in a measure for their defeat. The Irregular Cavalry Brigade was protect- ing the baggage, but being close upon the scene of action, both Crawford and I managed to find ourselves towards the front. To add to our discomfort it began to rain on the night of the i3th, but towards morning we got a fire and solaced ourselves with tea ! "In the battle of the i$th it must be said that the Sikhs had 226 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN every advantage. They outnumbered us six or seven times, out- flanked us, chose their own position, and had to be attacked in a jungle which it was impossible to reconnoitre. On more than one occasion the rear rank had to be faced about whilst the line was advancing to the attack of guns ; and up to the last moment, in one portion of the field, the shot were being thrown over our heads, and falling in our front towards the people opposed to us. That we were handled to the greatest advantage is not for me to decide, but I hope that Lord Gough's life may be spared, for a braver man never sat a horse : the troops like him, he does not fear responsibility, and if personal example is of any avail, we have but victory or death as our goal. " Of Sir Joseph Thackwell I cannot say much, as I believe him to be far less fitted for command than our present chief. During the night of the i3th the Sikhs fired guns from their position at Russool (a village on a hill three miles to our front) to collect their scattered troops, and on this ground they prepared to withstand our second attack. What with our severe loss, want of food, and exposure to the cold and rain of the previous night, it was decided not to attack, and on this occasion discretion was certainly the better part of valour ! A portion of the column had been moved towards Russool, but this demonstration was converted into a reconnoitring party, and by noon our camp was pitched, in the shape of a hollow oblong, so as to offer a front on all faces. Nothing could be more miserable than the weather during the i4th, i5th, and i6th, the rain being accompanied by bursts of bleak cold wind that rushed upon us from the snows of the Pir Pingali Range. On the i6th I accompanied Crawford's regiment reconnoitring towards Moong, but the ground was so bad that our horses were useless, and after looking at some of the Sikh pickets we returned to camp. The evening of the 1 6th was devoted to burying our dead, but these were too numerous and too distant to be all brought in : 190 men of the 24th Foot were consigned to mother earth on the iyth, a party of the 9th Irregulars being sent to protect the people employed to dig the pits. The Sikh dead are scattered far and wide, and afford a rare harvest to the village dogs, kites, and jackals. This system is very horrible, but with such fiends for enemies, the heart becomes hardened. "You must know that prior to a general action all ranks of our enemies take intoxicating drugs to arm them, and on the last occasion I saw a Sikh gunner stretched dead on the broad of his back with an English pint bottle fastened to his wrist. The Sikhs are all collected on the hill in our front, and ever since the i4th have been busy in strengthening their position by throwing up field- works. We have also been protecting our front by entrenchments, not that I believe they will dare to attack us, but a few feet of earth enables a few to do the work of many. FALL OF MOOLTAN 227 " Our pickets are not far distant from each other, and strange to say they do not often annoy our videttes. "The jungle that surrounded us on the i3th is fast disappearing, and the scene of action bears not the slightest resemblance to what it did those few days ago. I believe we remain upon our oars till reinforced, when I trust we shall be able to totally annihilate the lion in his den, in which case he is only welding his own chains, as the wall made by his own hand will prevent his escaping. Thank God, neither Crawford nor I have lost reputation from having been brought into the field. "The day Sir Henry Lawrence joined our camp he recognised me, and told me of his having written to ask the Bombay Governor to allow Charlie to be sent up to this part of the world, and before he left for Lahore he told me he wished to obtain my services, when I of course said that I was willing to undertake any work the Governor might give me. It is said that our brigade is to be actively employed on the next occasion, when I trust the Irregulars will do their work well, and in that case both Crawford and I may expect brevet promotion on attaining our companies. Latterly I have had two steps, but I never look to rising by the misfortunes of my seniors. What stories I shall have to tell you of this campaign should it be my lot to see its conclusion ! Many things cannot be written which require a winter evening, and as my wants are few, I hope ere many years have passed to be with you at the tea-table again. The tea must be a sine qua non, and my ambition will be fulfilled when the day arrives which finds you all welcoming my return from the day's cruise. You know old bilious Indians (old curries) require petting! Crawford will add a line. NEVILLE." The day after the battle the army encamped in the immediate vicinity of Chillianwalla. Lord Gough, rejecting the advice of the Governor - General's Political Agent to again attack the enemy in his strongly entrenched position, determined to await the result of the final assault on Mool- tan and the reinforcements which would become available on the reduction of that fortress. On the 22nd of January 1849 Mooltan fell, Moolraj surrendered, and the besieging force forthwith commenced its march to join the army of the Punjab. Three days later there was a rumour in the British camp that the fortress had been taken ; the next day the glad tidings were confirmed. The Sikh leader now sought to entice the Chief into a battle by demonstration. On the 3Oth a patrol under Crawford had a sharp engage- 228 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN ment with a body of the enemy's cavalry : killed sixteen of them, and took several prisoners. The next day the General Orders conveyed a warm eulogium to Crawford and his men. "Lieutenant Chamberlain slew two of the enemy with his own hand, receiving a slight wound himself, and his energy and gallantry were, as usual, most conspicuous, and merit the best commendation of his Excellency. Lieutenant Chamberlain speaks in high terms of the conduct of the party he commanded on this occasion, and especially of the gallantry evinced by Ally Buksh, sowar of the first troop ; and the Commander-in- Chief is persuaded that other parties sent on the important duty of protecting the carriage cattle of the army, will emulate the activity, conduct, and courage which has now so deservedly elicited his Lordship's applause." The enemy heard day by day of the approach of the Mooltan force, and they renewed their efforts to bring on a fight. They threatened Cough's line of communciation by way of Singh, but these were well guarded. On the 8th of February about 4000 of them advanced, and at 900 yards tried to work round our flank, but, finding the guns there, retired. A man with a bundle of fireworks was captured, who said he intended to have blown up our powder in park. On the nth the enemy made another great attempt to bring on action. "The enemy," wrote Lord Gough to the Governor-General, " yesterday came forward, apparently with the whole of the force he had at and in the neighbour- hood of Khoree, with the evident view of drawing men out of their encampment, in order that a strong force he had concealed amongst the jungle towards Moong might have an opportunity of attacking my camp." The enemy, find- ing that Gough would not be drawn out, withdrew into their camp. That night a noise was heard both from Russool and from Khoree. When day broke no tents were to be seen on the heights of Russool, and by the afternoon the Sikhs had entirely abandoned their works, and our officers galloped from their camp to see them. During the day the sick and wounded were sent to Ramnuggur under an escort, and for the first time during the campaign a SHER SINGH'S ADVANCE 229 capture of camels, about eighty in number, was effected. " Neville Chamberlain," writes a correspondent, " seeing the animals, obtained Lord Cough's permission to attempt their seizure with a part of his Lordship's escort. He charged the Sikh guard, who fled at once, leaving the camels a fair prize." On the night of the I3th of February reports were brought in by a spy that 400 infantry and 4000 cavalry had actually marched from the neighbourhood of Khoree to Gujerat, and that the report in the bazaar of the enemy was that the whole were to march to Gujerat. The bazaar gossip proved correct. At four o'clock in the morning, just as the moon rose, Sher Singh's whole army marched to Gujerat and took up a position between the fortified town and a ford on the Chenab above Wazirabad. This movement had been anticipated by Gough, and it was one he wished, because he desired that the defeat which he was preparing for them should be, owing to the loss of their magnificent guns, which they could not convey across, or even to the river, a crushing and signal disaster. He would not attack them on the line of march, because he wished to fight them after he had received the reinforcement for which he had so long and patiently waited. Sher Singh's aim was to make a dash for the Chenab, cross it, and gain the open road to Lahore. But Gough knew that his position rendered the unimpeded passage of the river almost an impossibility. He also knew that Whish must now be very near. Having sent orders to him to push up a detachment to Wazirabad, Gough, on the morning of the i5th, left his encampment, and his whole force in a single column of route marched through the jungle, which was in many places very thick, to Lassoorie, a distance of twelve miles. He was now nearer to forming a junction with Whish, and nearer to the Chenab. Sher Singh, on reaching the river, had found it guarded, and with Gough close to him he dare not force a passage across. Whish had anticipated the Chiefs orders on the 13th 230 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN of February, he had, by forced marches, reached Ram- nuggur. 1 On hearing that the Sikh army was in full march on the Chenab, he the next day without waiting for orders pushed on four i8-pounder guns and some irreg- ular horse up the bank of the river. On the I5th a force of foot, horse, and guns, under Colonel Byrne, were sent in the same direction. After a march of twenty-four miles they reached Wazirabad in the evening, and great was their joy in finding that the enemy had not crossed. On the i6th, having discovered there was no risk of a collision with the enemy, Gough turning slightly towards the east, marched seven miles to Sadoolapore. He had expected reinforce- ments to join him there. The next day, keeping almost parallel with the river, he advanced north-west towards Gujerat, after marching seven miles he halted near Ishara, and was joined by a part of his reinforcements. On the i8th he made another march of seven miles, and halted at Kussagh within three miles of the enemy, where he was joined by General Whish with one brigade of infantry and ten horse artillery guns. On the igth Gough halted to allow Brigadier-General Dundas with the Bombay Divi- sion, including two European regiments (her Majesty's 6oth and Bombay Fusiliers), detachment of Sinde Horse, and a troop and battery of artillery (twelve guns) to join him. "This division," writes Sir Colin Campbell, "has marched upwards of sixty miles in the last three days." On the 20th of February Gough made another movement to Shadiwal in battle order, and a short space now divided the two armies. " We have not fought yet," wrote a British subaltern, "but there is little doubt but that we shall engage to-morrow and then won't there be a smash ! We marched at one o'clock to-day, and have moved up close, so as to go at them fresh in the 1 "Orders were here received to push on, so Captain Anderson and 4-3 H.A. accomplished a march of forty miles. He made nineteen miles in the morning, rested during the day, went on at night, chiefly at a trot, reaching Ramnuggur before morning." ' History of the Bengal Artillery,' by Major-General F. W. Stubbs, iii. 214. GUJERAT 231 morning and have lots of time to complete the victory." Gough, who has too often been regarded merely as a fiery old soldier, had shown during his enforced halt at Chillianwalla clear intelligence and firmness of purpose, and now that his strategy had been covered with success, he resolved not to strike the blow till the Bombay troops had rested, and he had ample time to make it decisive. He, however, took advantage of the halt to have a careful reconnaissance made of the enemy's position. It was ascertained that their camp encircled the town of Gujerat, built on a slight knoll rising from a vast plain, covered with low green luxuriant crops and studded with a few villages surrounded by trees. Their right was behind the Diwara, a dry sandy -bedded nullah of some breadth, which, after passing round the northern and western faces of the town, makes a sudden bend at nearly a right angle, and runs in a southerly direction to Shadiwal. Their centre occupied a large village known as the Burra (Great) Kalra, which they loopholed and fortified, and a hamlet called the Kot Kalra, and their left rested on the fortified village of Chota (Little) Kalra, where a deep narrow nullah ran from the east of the town to Chenab. These two dry river - beds, covering the town on the right and left, had led the Sikhs to regard Gujerat as a place of great strategic import- ance. But the ground between them for the space of three miles was well calculated for the operations of all arms, and presented no great physical obstacle to the movements of heavy guns. Gough determined to make his advance in that direction. His aim was to pierce the enemy's centre and left, so as to throw it on the right, and then with the aid of his left wing annihilate it. He would use the parallel order and direct attack, and as he now had for the first time ample artillery, the assaults should be prepared by his heavy guns. On the 2ist of February the troops took up their positions at daylight. The Diwara, or dry nullah, bisected 232 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN the British ground. Major-General Walter Gilbert's Divi- sion, consisting of Mountain's and Penny's Brigades, occupied the ground immediately on the right of the nullah. Harvey's Brigade of Whish's Division formed the continuation of the line, with Markham's Brigade in reserve. The heavy guns were on the right and left of Mountain's Brigade, with Captain Dawes' Field Battery in the centre of it. Three troops of horse artillery were to be in the intervals between the other brigades and two troops in reserve. Lockwood's and Hearsey's Cavalry Brigades with their troops of horse artillery protected the right flank. On the left of the nullah, extending westward in a line, were Colin Campbell's Division, supported by two light field batteries and the Bombay Column under Dundas, supported by a troop of Bombay Horse Artillery. White's Brigade of Cavalry and the Sind Horse, under the command of Sir Joseph Thackwell, supported by two troops of horse artillery, guarded the left flank, and kept in check large bodies of Sikh and Afghan cavalry. By seven o'clock, more than twenty battalions of infantry, sbme ten regiments of cavalry, and upwards of seventy guns were drawn up in a superb line. The colours of the uniforms were as rich and varied as those of a painted window, and the bayonets and swords glittered in the morning sun low but clear, and the pennons of the Lancers waved in the breeze. The air was crisp and cold, for a winter morning in the Punjab is like an early spring morning in England, except that the sky is more blue and cloudless. On the other side of the green plain could be seen the towers of Gujerat, and in the far distance the Cashmere mountains, and beyond them the snow-clad battlements of the Himalayas. In front of Gujerat was collected the Sikh host. A century had not passed since Clive, one steamy morning in July, had laid the foundation of our Empire in a mango grove in Bengal ; and the time had now come to decide whether the bounds of that Empire should extend to the BATTLE OF GUJERAT 233 base of the northern hills. The last struggle for complete dominion in India was about to take place. At half-past seven the order was given, and the whole line advanced "with the precision of a parade movement." 1 When the centre reached Hariawala village on the nullah, the enemy, seeing the elephants who drew the heavy guns, opened at a very long distance. The heavy guns taking up ground began to respond, but the distance was too great for their fire to have any effect, and the British line again went forward. When it had gone about a quarter of a mile, the enemy opened on it from the whole of their front. " The round shot flew about us," says an officer of the 2nd Europeans, " and ploughed up the ground in all directions. Five or six men were knocked down in as many seconds, when we were ordered to lie down, and the artillery advanced about 200 yards to the front." Between the two brigades of heavy guns, Dawes' Field Battery took up a place and came into action. Then the heavy batteries opened, " and the roar of more than a hundred pieces of artillery shook the very earth, pitching round-shot and shells into the enemy from less than 300 yards, they returning our fire with great spirit and precision." Behind the heavy guns the Commander-in-Chief and his staff watched the artillery duel. 2 The cannonade, says Gough, "was the most magnificent I ever witnessed, and as terrible in its effect." An hour, and the enemy's fire began to slacken and their centre and left to withdraw behind the two villages, Burra (Great) Kalra and Kot Kalra. Penny's Brigade was ordered to advance another 100 yards and then lie down. A company from each regiment in the brigade was sent up to the front to support Major Fordyce's g-pounder troop attached to them. "All this time the fire was very hot on us, carrying off three men at a time, shells bursting over us or burying themselves in front, scattering the earth in our 1 From the Right Hon. the Commander-in-Chief to the Right Hon. the Governor- General of India, Headquarters, Camp Googerat, February 26, 1849. 2 The story that Lord Gough was at Gujerat imprisoned by his staff on the top of a windmill is silly fiction. 234 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN faces." On the guns went, coming into action at intervals of 200 or 300 yards. They passed between the two villages, and were on the point of debouching, when the Sikh batter- ies in front and the guns in the Great Kalra blazed forth. Many fell : " every shot pitched right into them ; and the gallant manner in which they worked their guns is beyond all praise." Twice did their commander send his limbers to the rear for fresh men and horses, "and each time as they came up again and passed through our line we gave them a hearty cheer ; and the fine fellows waved their caps, and dashed on again in advance as if death was a joke to them." For two hours the conflict waxed fiercer and fiercer. From the village of Great Kalra, 200 yards in front of the brigade, the enemy sent forth a tremendous fire of musketry. General Gilbert ordered the brigade to storm it. "Our men, who had been held down all this time, started up with a cheer. It was the last some of them gave, poor fellows ! A round shot took off a man's head close to me, and spattered his brains in my face. The bullets whizzing about like hail, and as we came nearer grape was poured into us, but not a man wavered for a second. * Officers to the front lead on your men ! ' shouted the Major, and we dashed forward amidst a shower of balls, dashed across a deep nullah, gave one rattling volley, and poured into the village at every point." Many of the Sikhs died fighting to the last, and heavy was the loss of the brigade. When they emerged from the village the enemy opened on them a hot fire of grape and canister. " This was the most deadly fire we were exposed to during the day, the balls hissed about like winged serpents." From the village of Kot Kalra, on the right of the Great Kalra, the enemy smote with a deadly musketry fire two native troops of horse artillery. Anderson, their leader, fell mortally wounded. " No officer who fell that day was more generally lamented." The village, after a short tussle, was taken by a portion of Harvey's Brigade. The other part of the brigade attacked the village of Chota or Little Kalra, which defended the enemy's extreme left. It was strongly ROUT OF THE SIKHS 235 fortified. After an obstinate struggle and a succession of assaults on each loopholed house, the loth Foot, led by their fiery leader, Colonel Franks, gained possession of it. The enemy's centre and left had now been broken, and were being pushed back on their right. The cavalry made frequent attempts to turn our right flank, but were checked by the I4th Light Dragoons, " whose skirmishers often resolutely re- pulsed the daring foe," and repeated charges of Hearsey's irregular brigade. Meanwhile Colin Campbell, on the left of the Diwara or dry nullah, had advanced gradually so as to keep pace and alignment with the right wing. The twelve 9 -pounders moved in line with the skirmishers, and the infantry in line close to the rear, "the artillery firing at the masses of infantry and cavalry formed beyond the nullah, who gradu- ally melted away under the effects of this fire, and took shelter in the nullah." An effort was now made by some of the principal Sikh chiefs to bring forward their cavalry to attack the advancing line. The infantry who had taken shelter in the nullah " accompanied this movement in a very disorderly and tumultuous manner. These latter were in vast crowds. I caused the artillery of my division to be turned on the flank of this advance of the enemy, while the Bombay troop of horse artillery fired direct to the front. This double fire in front and flank caused them to waver, and finally to give way." 1 They retired across the nullah, but some of the infantry stopped under cover of its banks. Colin Campbell advancing placed two of his guns in such a position that they could sweep the bend of the Diwara, which they strewed with killed and wounded. 2 The Sikh infantry having swiftly deserted the nullah, the whole left wing of the British army passed this formidable defence of the enemy's right wing without firing a musket or losing a man. 3 1 'The Life of Colin Campbell, Lord Clyde,' by Lieutenant-General Shadwell, C.B., i. 220. 2 'Life of Major-General Sir Henry Durand,' by H. M. Durand, C.S.I., ii. 101. 8 ' Life of Colin Campbell, Lord Clyde,' i. 221. 236 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN As our left wing was advancing the Afghan cavalry threatened its left flank. Thackwell ordered the Sind Horse, supported by two squadrons of the gth Lancers, to charge them. " The former, headed by the dauntless Malcolm, dashed headlong upon the enemy and drove everything before them, capturing two standards." Thack- well's cavalry, crossing the nullah, went forward and pre- vented them from gaining the highroad to Jhelum, while Dundas and Campbell's Divisions drove those on the left and centre, who were retiring in heavy columns covered by cavalry. The four divisions of infantry pressed hard the retreating foe, and the retreat became more and more a flight. By one o'clock the British were in possession of the town of Gujerat, of the Sikh camp, and of their artillery and baggage. The cavalry and the horse artillery continued the pursuit with vigour, and what had been once a disciplined army became a rabble. The Sikhs fought desperately, and as they had never given they never ex- pected quarter on a battlefield. Hand-to-hand encounters were frequent. "In these encounters Neville Chamberlain of the Irregulars particularly distinguished himself by the number of the enemy he slew." The pursuit continued till four o'clock, when the two cavalry columns met and returned to camp. This was the battle of Gujerat, and the results were, as Gough intended, immediate and decisive. The accounts of the contest which Neville and Crawford Chamberlain sent home have, unfortunately, been lost. Crawford was, on the morning of the battle, on the sick list, owing to his wound. But he got out of his doolie in order to be put on his horse, for he could not mount without assistance, and for twelve hours he was in the saddle. Brigadier Hearsey in his report after the battle remarked : " I feel myself much indebted also to Lieutenant Neville Chamberlain, Brigade-Major 4th Brigade Irregular Cavalry, for his assistance in the field during the forenoon, which I cannot too much appreciate, and for the example he set in GILBERT'S PURSUIT 237 several hand-to-hand affairs with a furious and exasperated enemy during pursuit. Lieutenant Crawford Chamberlain, second in command gth Irregular Horse, although still suffering from his wound, was present with the regiment the whole day, thus showing his usual energy." On the day after the victory at Gujerat, General Gilbert, who in spite of his years was known as the best rider in India, was ordered in pursuit with a strong force of infantry, cavalry, and artillery. General Hearsey commanded the six regiments of cavalry, and Neville accompanied him as Brigade -Major, and Crawford with his corps. On the 26th of February Neville wrote to his mother from Camp Aurungabad, opposite town of Jhelum. "CAMP AURUNGABAD, Opposite town of Jhelum, z6th February 1849. "Mv DEAREST MOTHER, . . . Most of the enemy's troops have gone to Rotas, but they have left men and guns to command the fords, having burnt all the boats. Unless treachery is rewarded, Sher Singh will give us battle, having still some thirty guns at his command. Attok we must occupy, and possibly the Affghans may meet us in the valley of Peshawur. We have still a month's cam- paign before us, and, unfortunately, the cold weather is fast fleeting. Crawford's regiment returns towards the provinces, and I go on with the advancing division. As he has his ties, I am glad his campaigning for this year is at an end. " Had I time I would copy an order regarding Crawford's gallantry, issued by Lord Gough on 3ist January. You shall have the General and the Brigade Order by next mail, they will rejoice your heart. You will be pleased to hear that I have not passed unnoticed, and that prior to my marching from Goozerat the day after the battle, the Commander-in-Chief sent for me, and told me that he was much indebted to me for my services. The old gentleman likewise told me that, did his own brother stand in my way, I should have the first regiment in his gift, and I told him I was perfectly contented in his having granted my request to be allowed to join the army, and that my ambition was to be sent on to Peshawur. Brigadier Hearsey is to command the cavalry going to Peshawur, and on his staff I shall have an opportunity of seeing everything. My journal I keep as promised. NEVILLE." On the 28th of February the force crossed the Jhelum, and the Sikhs, hard pressed, saw it was hopeless to continue 238 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN the struggle. On the yth of March they gave up their English prisoners, and the next day Sher Singh entered the camp in the hope of making terms. " He wishes to be allowed to send in the guns and arms on hackeries, but Gilbert will consent to nothing but the whole army march- ing by and depositing their arms at his feet ; and to these, I believe, he has consented, because he can't help himself." The next day about 1000 Sikhs entered the camp. " They marched in bodies of 200 ; and each man, as he passed, threw his arms in a heap in front of the General's tent." Reluctantly, and with sorrow, they parted with the weapons they so dearly loved. " Many of them were fine grey-haired old fellows, with large flowing white beards, probably some of Runjeet Singh's veterans. One old fellow I noticed in particular, he stood for a long time looking wistfully at his arms and the pile before him, and evidently could not make up his mind to give them up. At last the officer on duty came and touched him on the shoulder and ordered him to move on ; he then threw down his sword and matchlock with a crash, and turned away with tears in his eyes saying, ' All my work is done now.' " On the nth of March Gilbert continued his march towards Rawul Pindee, and at Hoomuh encamped in a small place surrounded by hills. Sher Singh, his father, Sirdar Chutter Singh, and the Chief Sirdars arrived in camp and gave themselves up as prisoners. " In the afternoon the guns, twenty-six in number, were brought in, their artillery- men brought them up to the park, unlimbered, dismounted, gave up their swords, and went off. They were all very nice brass pieces, two of them the guns lost at Chillian- walla." The next day the force halted, and 5000 Sikhs laid down their arms in camp. On the i8th of March the force reached the Jhelum, and, crossing it, wound along the plain to their camp. On their march they met crowds of Sikhs going to lay down their arms. As each man crossed the river he threw his arms on the immense pile of muskets and swords that lay on the bank, "which shone SURRENDER OF SIKH INFANTRY 239 like silver in the bright sunshine." On the I4th of March the force, after marching three miles, came near the Sikh camp and drew up in battle array. The remains of the Sikh infantry, some 16,000, marched forth, and the Sikh Commander-in-Chief with his Sirdars one by one gave up their swords to the British General, and their men grounded their arms at his feet. Their proud bearing as they marched away added lustre to the valour they had shown in the field. They regarded their defeat as the chance of war, and some of them, as they reverently saluted the spirit of the steel, exclaimed, "To-day is the death of Runjeet Singh." The might with which his spirit had inspired them, and the skill with which he had guided them, had gone. So perished the Khalsa army, an army whose ranks were filled with men as brave as those of any race. On the I7th of March a general order announced the surrender of the remains of the Sikh army, and the Governor- General offered "to the whole army his heartfelt congratu- lations on this glorious result of the battle of Gujerat, and of the operations subsequent to it." Lord Dalhousie, how- ever, added : " But the war is not yet concluded ; nor can there be any cessation of hostilities until Dost Mahomed Khan and the Afghan army are either driven from the province of Peshawur or destroyed within it." The day after the surrender of the Sikh infantry, Gilbert started in the hope of overtaking the Afghans before they had crossed the Indus, or at all events of preventing them from destroying the bridge of boats across it. After a long march of seventeen miles they encamped in a jungle at the foot of the hills. The next morning they started at five. " The country about here is the most beautiful I have seen in India hill and dale thickly covered with wood, and all in one purple glow from the carpet of flowers which entirely hides the earth." After a weary trudge of three hours through the Pass they encamped on the plain on the other side. "Marched sixteen miles; did not reach 240 LIFE OF SIR. NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN our ground until one o'clock." But their rest was of short duration. At six in the evening they again started, " and went at the rate of little more than a mile an hour, the roads being so bad that the artillery could make no pro- gress, and we had but little moonlight." When they had done twelve miles they halted for a couple of hours. " Threw myself on the ground, and was asleep in a second. It seemed scarcely five minutes before we had to start again, and it required all my resolution to make me quit my hard couch." They then marched on all night, and until ten o'clock next morning, "when we halted, having accomplished twenty-six miles." At noon they again started, and " ten miles brought us to the end of our march, on the banks of the celebrated Indus and in possession of Attok." They had marched thirty-six miles with sixteen before it, and they had done fifty - two miles in thirty - six hours. Gilbert, with his light cavalry and light guns, had pre- ceded the infantry. When about six miles from the river Gilbert heard that the enemy had evacuated Attok, and were about to destroy the bridge of boats. The winner of many a gold and silver cup on the turf galloped forward in post - haste, accompanied by a small escort and the staff. They did not draw rein till they reached a height close by the river. They saw below them about 100 Afghans engaged in burning the bridge, and some 5000 or 6000 drawn up on the opposite bank. The Guides Rifles " immediately lined the rocks on the edge of the stream, and opened such a nasty fire on the Afghan infantry that they were glad to cut away the bridge of boats, which swung over to our side of the stream, and was secured by us." l Four of the boats, however, had been burned. For- dyce's Battery now came up, and the Afghans retired after firing some guns at us which did no harm. By evening the bridge of boats had been restored, and our infantry and artillery crossed and immediately marched on to 1 'Lumsden of the Guides,' by General Sir Peter S. Lumsden and George R. Elsmie, p. 59. JOHN NICHOLSON 241 Peshawur. At noon, 2ist March, the troops reached Peshawur "after a march of at least twenty -eight miles." The cavalry pushed on with all haste to Jumrood. The Afghans had only time to gain the shelter of the Khyber Pass ere they arrived at the entrance. Here the pursuit ended, and they encamped on the plain, which was covered with huge gigantic boulders. Neville Chamberlain rode with his friend John Nicholson to the entrance of the Pass through which they had marched seven years before, and to which clung some glorious and many sad memories. 242 CHAPTER VIII. The Annexation of the Punjab A Board of administration appointed Neville Chamberlain receives the Punjab medal and two clasps for the campaign Refuses command of the new Corps of Irregular Cavalry on account of the insufficient pay offered to the men Appointed Assistant Adjutant-General of the Sirhind Division Letters from Neville Chamberlain Admiration of the army for Lord Gough Interview with Sir Charles Napier Neville Chamberlain foresees the coming danger of a Sepoy revolt Letter from Sir Henry Lawrence suggesting civil employment Appointed Assistant Commissioner in the Rawul Pindee district Maxims laid down by Sir Henry Lawrence for a Revenue officer Neville Chamberlain transferred from Rawul Pindee to Hazara List of his principal duties Letter from Governor-General's Private Secretary Neville Chamberlain appointed to organise the Military Police Letter from Lord Dalhousie Neville Chamberlain's reply Lord Dalhousie's answer Appointed Military Secretary to the Punjab Board Applies for active service in Burma Lord Dalhousie's reproof Letter from Governor - General's Private Secretary Dangerous illness Letter from Lord Dalhousie Obtains two years' leave of absence Leaves Lahore for Calcutta Interview with Lord Dalhousie Sails for the Cape of Good Hope. ON the morning of the 30th of March 1849 trj e l as * Sikh durbar was held at the palace, in the citadel of Lahore. The young Maharajah sat for the last time on the throne of Runjeet Singh, and around him stood the leading chiefs who had ruled the kingdom, and in the midst of that royal assembly the Foreign Secretary to the Government of India produced a document containing the terms granted to the Maharajah. The young prince signed it. He resigned for himself, his heirs, and his successors, all claim to the sovereignty of the Punjab. He was to receive a pension of not less than 40,000, and not exceeding 50,000 a - year, " provided he shall ANNEXATION OF THE PUNJAB 243 remain obedient to the British Government, and shall reside at such place as the Governor - General of India may select. All the property of the State, of whatever description and wheresoever found, shall be confiscated to the Honourable East India Company, in part payment of the debt due by the State of Lahore to the British Government, and of the expenses of the war. The Gem called the Koh-i-noor, shall be surrendered by the Maha- rajah of Lahore to the Queen of England." His Highness was to be treated with respect and honour, and was to retain the title of Maharajah Dhuleep Singh Bahadur. After the agreement had been signed by the Maharajah, the proclamation issued by the Governor - General was read aloud. It declared that " the kingdom of the Punjab is at an end, and that all the territories of the Maharajah Dhuleep Singh are now and henceforth a portion of the British Empire in India." The victory of Gujerat had added a kingdom of about 80,000 square miles to the British dominions, and advanced the boundaries of our Empire to the mountain ranges. For the administra- tion of this new kingdom, together with the territory previously acquired on both sides of the Sutlej, Lord Dalhousie appointed a Board of Three the President, Sir Henry Lawrence, and two members, John Lawrence and Charles Mansel, the latter of whom was succeeded by Robert Montgomery. On the 27th of March orders were issued to break up the army of the Punjab. To the soldiers who had by their endurance and valour won for England a kingdom, only a medal and clasp for Gujerat were granted. But owing to Lord Gough's earnest remon- strances, a clasp for Chillianwalla and one for Mooltan were added. Neville Chamberlain received the Punjab medal with two clasps for the campaign, and when he became captain in his regiment, in November 1849, he was made on the following day a brevet - major for his services on the staff at Gujerat. Crawford also received 244 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN the Punjab medal and one clasp, and he, too, was pro- moted to the rank of brevet-major on becoming captain. As a reward for his great services in the campaign, Crawford was appointed to the command of the First Irregular Cavalry, which, as Skinner's Horse, had made its mark in the military history of British India. Neville was offered the command of the new corps of Irregular Cavalry, about to be raised for exclusive service in the Punjab ; and there could be no better sign of a chival- rous and generous character than his refusal to accept it, "on account of the wholly insufficient pay offered to the men." He wrote from Umballa on the 27th May 1849 : "In my last [lost] from Lahore of the 28th April, I told you that I had refused the command of the new corps of Irregular Cavalry, about to be raised for exclusive service in the Punjab (refused on account of the wholly insufficient pay offered to the men). To thus have been forced to throw up, what of all other things I most coveted, was very annoying, but although I often think how much happier I should have been had I remained in our new province, instead of returning to the dull routine of cantonment life, still I have the pleasure of feeling that my decision was the right one, and that the motives which caused me to sacrifice my own interest were based on the higher ground of hoping thereby to benefit the public service. My stubborn principles have cost me a vast amount of happiness, and some four or five hundred rupees a-month, but barring these drawbacks I now hold, for my standing in the service, a very honourable position. In fact I am, I suppose, the first lieutenant in the army who has ever held the post of Assistant Adjutant-General of Division, and I am attached to the best Division of the army ; and many an old officer who entered the service when I was born would gladly step into my place." The Division to which Neville Chamberlain was attached was the Sirhind Division, commanded by Major-General Sir Dudley St Leger Hill, K.C.B., who in his youth had served with great bravery and distinction in the Peninsular War. When tidings of the great fight at Chillianwalla reached England, an unjust and ignoble outcry was raised for the recall of Lord Gough, and the Government ap- SIR CHARLES NAPIER 245 pointed Sir Charles Napier to succeed him. Before Napier reached India Gough had won the decisive victory of Gujerat, and a mighty struggle was splendidly ended. On the 6th May 1849 Sir Charles Napier landed at Calcutta, and the following day Lord Gough laid down his office. On the i6th May he bade leave in a farewell order to the army which he had so often led to victory, "in four memor- able campaigns," and to whose valour, discipline, and trust in their leader he owed "whatever of rank or reputation he had latterly obtained." Neville, in a letter to his sister, expresses the admiration which the army had for the Irish hero, who was one of our bravest and most thoroughly honest men. "The manner in which Lord Gough's success at Goojerat has been treated has given the army much pleasure, but it will be impossible ever to make sufficient amends for the unjustifiable attacks regarding Chillianwalla." He adds : "Is this a just reward for upwards of fifty years labour ? For having twice saved India (by refusing to with- draw the troops when superior authority had issued the order), and for having shown by the most undaunted courage and firmness the most brilliant example ? " He goes on to speak of his interview with Sir Charles Napier, who had succeeded Lord Gough as Commander-in- Chief, and he states that if the Government did not allow the "old warrior" to make some radical change in the sepoy portion of the army it would become worse than useless, and " if the bonds of discipline are not firmly and justly held the mighty host will turn and rend us." Neville Chamberlain foresaw clearly the coming danger. "Sir Charles Napier passed through this station a few days ago, and I dined in his company, and after dinner he honoured me with his conversation, and I thus had the opportunity of learning his opinion on several subjects. I do not think he will remain long in India. Notwithstanding the season and the fatigue of travelling, the old warrior looked well. I am one who expect that his being placed at the head of the army would do much good. There is vast room for improvement, and unless some radical change is effected the sepoy portion of the army will become not merely useless to the Govern- 246 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN ment but those whose duty it is to obey will in a few years stand forward and demand concessions. " I hesitate not to state that the Government fears the very men they pay for their support, and in my humble opinion the measures adopted during the last few years with the view of attaching the sepoys to our cause will, if persevered in, bring down the whole fabric. I fear no enemy black or white, nor do I think that as long as they are actively employed that any danger exists. A calm must, however, follow in due course, when the thousands we have trained and armed will have time for reflection, and when, if the bonds of discipline are not firmly and justly held, the mighty host will turn and rend us. History affords many instances of the kind, and if by unskilful management our Eastern empire is piloted against the rocks, what should prevent its going to pieces?" The routine of an office did not suit the temperament of Neville Chamberlain, and he made, through Sir Henry Law- rence, the President of the Board, an application to the Governor-General for civil employment in the Punjab. On the igth August 1849 Henry Lawrence wrote to him : From Sir Henry Lawrence. "LAHORE, igth August 1849. " MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN, What pay would satisfy you to enter the Civil Department, and would you be prepared to serve as an Assistant under perhaps a young civilian, or an officer junior to yourself? I wish that in writing to the Governor-General about you I should be able to do so in the name of the Board, as my word will then carry most weight. After a year or two's training under a man of civil experience, I should be glad to see you in charge of one of our frontier stations, Hazara, Dera Ishmael Khan, Ghazee-Khan or Peshawur ; but all this would depend more on Government than on us, and to start, I doubt if you would be appointed a higher grade than an appointment on 700 or perhaps 600. Yours very truly, HENRY LAWRENCE." On the 3rd of December Neville Chamberlain wrote to his mother : " From the ist of this month I ceased to per- form military duties, and I quit Ferozepore this evening for Lahore, at which place I shall learn my destination." He was appointed Assistant Commissioner in the Rawul Pindee district, under Captain Hamilton. ASSISTANT COMMISSIONER 247 The letter which Sir Henry Lawrence wrote to Jiim as to how he should conduct his duties as an Inland Revenue officer should be read, marked, learnt, and inwardly digested by every Indian administrator. Time has not affected its value. The maxims laid down are those on which the peace and prosperity of our empire depend, and they have been too often forgotten. " He is the best officer who best manages the following two items interferes with the people as little as possible, and be as prompt as you can in disposing of cases : keep the peace, and collect the revenues, and Utopia will be gained." He adds: "Our assessment should be so light as to require no compulsion in the collection, and we should be rather protectors in the land than tax-masters." He adds: "What we should try to do is to induce the heads of villages to look after their own affairs, and not to interfere with them except by advice." In June 1850 Neville Chamberlain was transferred from the Rawul Pindee district to the Hazara, the most northern of the Punjab frontier districts. The officer in charge was Major James Abbott, one of the most chivalrous of men, who had made an adventurous journey to Khiva to release the Russian prisoners. The district was taken over in 1847, as it was too turbulent for the Sikh governor to manage. Abbott won the respect and affection of its wild inhabitants, and supported by them he had held the fort of Sikrola against a large Sikh force, commanded by Chutter Singh. After the annexation it was considered that the work of so vast a charge was too much for a single man. Neville Chamberlain's great wish was to serve beyond the Indus, as his Afghan experience had made him acquainted with the wild tribes on our border, and he took a deep interest in their history and customs. He devoted his spare time to studying Pushtoo, " and by October I hope to be sufficiently au fait to carry on a conversation, for it is a great drawback not being able to exchange thoughts as well as bullets with the enemy." In order to escape 248 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN the malaria and fever which is so prevalent in the valleys of Hazara during the months of August and September, Neville Chamberlain went to Shirwan, a table-land about 6000 feet above the level of the sea. But malaria had entered his system, and he had no sooner reached the cooler region when he had a sharp attack of fever. " I fancy I must have been really ill, for I felt that indiffer- ence of life which I suppose to proceed from the whole system being relaxed. All I wished for was to be left alone, and if death claimed me, that I might be laid on the top of some wild hill away from the haunts of men. I have always had a dislike to churchyards, where coffins are packed like cards. I know it is ridiculous to care one atom where one lies, but this idea I imbibed as a child, and it sticks to me as a man." He was soon at work again, but the malaria took such hold of him that he suffered at intervals from attacks of fever during the re- mainder of his Indian career. After Neville Chamberlain had been six months at Hazara, Major Abbott was sent to survey the northern boundary, and he was left alone in charge of the district. "There is no lack of occupation," he writes, and he gives "a short list of his principal duties : " i st. I am Magistrate, which means I have to seize and try all offenders for every offence which human beings can be guilty of; also control of the Police. "2nd. As Collector, to manage and look after the revenue in all its branches, and to decide all civil suits, as likewise those cases which in Europe would be tried in ecclesiastical courts. " 3rd. As Superintendent I receive appeals from myself to myself, both in criminal and civil cases ; and I have to submit my opinion on heavy cases, such as murder, &c., for the confirmation of the board at Lahore. " 4th. The charge of the jail. "5th. Charge of the Treasury, and responsible for all accounts. "6th. Physician and Surgeon-General to the troops and popula- tion, and keeper of Medical Stores. " yth. Executive Engineer and Superintendent of all public works. "8th. Postmaster. DEPUTY-COMMISSIONER 249 " Qth. Superintendent of mule train and bullocks. " loth. Commissary of Ordnance. "nth. Commanding i regiment of infantry, 2 troops of cavalry, i company artillery, with mountain guns and falconets attached, i company of pioneers (irregulars), i company of the Utazai tribe, i company of the Mathwazai tribe, i company messengers, guides, and spies. "This much should satisfy most appetites, but to the above you must add an agent in attendance on the part of each of the larger chiefs, besides those of the Maharajah Goolab Singh and the Sultan of Mazufferabad (on the left of the Jhelum), who is tributary to both the British and Goolab Singh. Nor is this all, for on three sides we meet foreign states, and a boundary of so many miles with independent and untamed tribes as neighbours must always require careful watching." It is hardly surprising to find that "from the time I rise until I go to bed my time is fully occupied," and he had every reason to enjoy " the satisfaction of feeling that I earn my Rs. 500." It was Rs. 100 a-month less than he drew as an Adjutant in 1842. The Punjab Board had unanimously recommended that his salary should be raised, but Lord Dalhousie refused, on the ground that "though he had distinguished himself as a soldier, it remained to be seen how he would do as a civilian." Lord Dalhousie swiftly discerned Neville Chamberlain's merits as an organiser and administrator. On the 26th of October his Private Secretary wrote : From F. I. Courtenay, Governor- Gener aF s Private Secretary. "SIMLA, October 26, 1850. " MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN, The Governor-General having learned that you are desirous of exchanging your present appointment for a more active one connected with the Punjab Police, desires me to offer you the office of 'captain' of that force on a consolidated salary of Rs. 1200 a-month. Be so good as to let me have an early answer, and to consider this communication as confidential until the matter is finally arranged. Believe me, sincerely yours, "F. I. COURTENAY." 250 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN On the igth of February, Major Abbott returned, and Neville Chamberlain was not sorry to hand over the district to him, for his health had been very indifferent, and he was glad to have a little rest. " But no sooner had I got rid of one charge than I had to turn my thoughts to the organisation of the Military Police, by no means an easy task, for not only have the wants of some 3000 cavalry and 5000 infantry to be met, but the scheme has to be organised, framed, and set agoing." Lord Dalhousie was at the time making his second great tour through the Punjab, and watching with a keen eye every important detail of administration. On the 28th of Feb- ruary Neville Chamberlain had his first interview with the Governor - General. " He received me most kindly." Lord Dalhousie was very pleased at being told that the people of the Hazara country were contented. Neville Chamberlain accompanied the Governor - General's camp as far as Wazirabad. "When I took leave of Lord Dalhousie, the attentions I received from him were very pleasant, and he took leave of me in so friendly a way, I fear he thinks higher of me than I deserve." Neville Cham- berlain had three qualities which won the heart of women tenderness, geniality, and courage, and we are not sur- prised to learn that "with Lady Dalhousie I also got on very well, and she went so far as to write afterwards and say how sorry she was not to have known of my intended departure so as to take leave." His report upon the Military Police had been " thought well of, and most of my suggestions have been attended to." During the hot weather Neville Chamberlain was busy at Lahore organising the Military Police, a body of 10,000 raised in the Punjab from the military classes who had so recently fought against us. It was an act of statesman- ship to give stirring employment to men of martial habits. The Court of Directors, however, watched with a jealous eye the growth of expenditure in the Punjab, and in order to effect an economy, Lord Dalhousie proposed to MILITARY SECRETARY AT LAHORE 251 make the Military Secretary to the Board of Government at Lahore also head of the Military Police. He wrote: "CAMP ZAKREE, November \ith 1851. "Mv DEAR CHAMBERLAIN, As Major Burn proposed to return to Lahore for a time, I have not, under the pressure of other business, been in haste to communicate with you, regarding my wish that you would undertake the office which he vacates, with a view to modifica- tion of the general system, which I regard as expedient, if not neces- sary. The Board and yourself have long urged on me the appointment of a fourth Captain of Police. I have been unable to assent to it, because of the paucity of officers and the scarcity of money. Not long since I received a dispatch from the Court, remarking on the expenditure of both one and the other in the Punjab, in terms which, though not very just, in my opinion still render it my duty to do all I can to limit it. It has appeared to me that the vacancy created by Major Burn may be made to serve both purposes, that it may enable me to give efficiency to your Police by adding a fourth Captain, having no other duty, and that it may enable me to curtail expense also in some small degree. I propose to abolish the office of Commandant of Police altogether, and to appoint you, in lieu thereof, to be the Military Secretary of the Board. The supervision of the Police would be exercised directly by the Board, acting through you. The system would remain the same as at present. All matters of dress, discipline, &c., would be regulated by the Board as now by the Commandant, and on all such questions the several Captains would communicate with the Board, through you, as Military Secretary. The authority of local officers in districts would remain as it is. One link of communi- cation would thus be got rid of, and business thereby accelerated, whilst the uniformity of internal system, which was the object to be accomplished by the appointment of a Commandant, would be as effectually secured, and general inspection by you might be periodi- cally effected, if it were wished. It is my conviction that though the correspondence regarding the Punjab Irregular force would thus be added to your duties, yet by your being in communication with the Board personally, and without correspondence, the aggregate of your duties would not be more onerous than at present. I cannot flatter myself that the office of Secretary will be altogether satisfactory to you, but as I intend it shall retain the duties you are now performing, and should have no other duties but those military ones which are agree- able to you, and with which you are familiar ; and as, moreover, I do not intend the office to be a Deputy-Secretaryship as before, but a separate Secretaryship for military business, I feel persuaded that you will not be reluctant to aid me in at once economising and improving the local system of administration, by undertaking the office I have described. I never make promises, but it would be affectation in me to refrain from saying that I do not contemplate your remaining as a 252 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN Secretary, and would gladly avail myself of any opportunity which may present itself in the Punjab to employ you in that more active service which, I believe, is more consonant to your wish. If I should be gone from India, your reputation as a soldier is too high and too firmly fixed to admit any risk of your being a loser by the change. I was truly sorry to hear that you had been suffering from fever at Lahore, and disappointed that you did not allow us to see you at Simla, like so many of your neighbours. Sincerely yours, "DALHOUSIE." "To Major N. CHAMBERLAIN." "LAHORE, 2yd November 1851. "Mv LORD, I have had the pleasure to receive your Lordship's letter of the i2th instant, and I beg in reply to state that I am most willing to undertake the duties of any office to which it may please your Lordship to appoint me. But having thus expressed my readi- ness to undertake the office of Military Secretary to the Board, it is only proper that I should likewise inform your Lordship that my health has been so indifferent of late as to lead me to fear that I have not the stamina to perform the duties efficiently, and the civil surgeon of Lahore peremptorily assures me that unless I gain health and strength this cold season, it will be most imprudent for me to pass next hot season in the plains. This then, sir, is exactly my present position, and it remains for your Lordship to determine whether my appointment to the situation would or would not be conducive to the interest of the public service. Your Lord- ship having condescended to express to me your opinion respecting the combination of appointments, I trust I may not be deemed presumptuous in stating my conviction that the duties may be efficiently combined, and the link of communication thereby dis- pensed with, will most undoubtedly save a good deal of corres- pondence, and accelerate the dispatch of business; indeed, the only drawback I can perceive is the curtailment of a general and uniform system of inspection, and it would appear that your Lordship has it in contemplation to devise some plan for overcoming this difficulty. Under any circumstances the addition of a fourth Cap- tain will greatly add to the efficacy of the Punjab Police, and far overbalance what may be lost by the abolition of the office of Commandant, and whatever may be my future lot, I will gladly resign my present position for the attainment of so desirable an end. I cannot conclude this letter without expressing my gratitude for the very considerate and flattering manner in which your Lord- ship has been pleased to make known your views, and I trust that I may always continue to merit the approbation of the Governor- General of India. I have the honour, &c., &c., " NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN." "To the most noble, The GOVERNOR-GENERAL of INDIA." CORRESPONDENCE WITH LORD DALHOUSIE 253 "CAMP HURDWAR, November tfth 1851. "MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN, I have received to-day your reply, and beg to offer you my thanks for it. In determining to act upon it I keep in view two objects viz., the good of the service and your personal interest. I am well persuaded that the State will benefit by your undertaking the duty, even though your dis- charge of it should be interrupted, which I sincerely hope will not be the case. If I thought that your entering on the duty would lessen the probability of your entire recovery, I would not press it upon you. But I am satisfied, as I said before, that your labour on the whole will be no heavier in the united charge than in the single office of Commandant. " If moving about during the cold weather would recruit you, I see no reason why you should not make some inspection for that purpose ; I will write to Sir Henry [Lawrence] about it. Once again assuring you of my thanks for your ready acquiescence, and of the entire approbation and confidence of the Government. I remain, &c., my dear Chamberlain, very truly yours, " DALHOUSIE." On the ist of January 1852 Neville Chamberlain found himself Military Secretary to the Punjab Board. "The duties are purely sedentary, and a pen is my weapon," he writes to his sister, " and as I dislike the labour of committing my thoughts on paper as much as ever, the change has no great advantage in my eyes. I feel as if I had never been intended to be a ' pen ' (Lord Dal- housie's definition of a secretary), and we never like what we cannot excel in." Neville, however, underrated his ability as a writer. His reports were characteristic of the man, they are marked throughout by a clear, straight- forward, forcible style. When Hodson was appointed to the command of The Guides, Neville Chamberlain offered to exchange appointments with him, though by the trans- action he would be pecuniarily a loser to the extent of 200. Hodson, however, preferred the command of The Guides to the more influential, better paid, but less ad- venturous life of Military Secretary. At Lahore, though the work did not suit Neville Chamberlain, he led on the whole a happy life. Crawford was quartered there. News now reached Lahore that a war with Burmah was most probable, owing to certain British traders in the port 254 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN of Rangoon having been subjected to gross outrages by the officers of the King of Ava. Neville Chamberlain at once wrote to the Adjutant-General, asking to be allowed to accompany any force which might be sent from the Bengal Presidency. He received the reply that being in civil employ his services were not at present at the disposal of the Commander-in-Chief, but his application would be duly borne in mind. " Sir William Gomme, I am to add," wrote the Adjutant - General, " is informed of the dis- tinguished character you already possess for conduct, gallantry, and zeal, and is satisfied that your services in a military capacity would ever be most valuable in time of war." At the same time Neville Chamberlain asked John Lawrence to make known his desire to be employed on active service to the Governor-General, and he complied with his request. Lord Dalhousie replied : " Tell Neville Chamberlain that Rangoon is not a good place for him to get rid of his fever, but if operations do take place, there is no one I would sooner see employed. I do not think we shall have a war with Burmah, though it is difficult to say." While every effort was made to obtain reparation by friendly means, preparations for war were pushed on with intense vigour. Neville Chamberlain hear- ing of them made another effort to join the expedition. He wrote to the Private Secretary to the Governor-General, telling him he was ready to serve in any capacity. This roused the ire of Lord Dalhousie, and he received the following dignified reproof: "GOVERNMENT HOUSE, CALCUTTA, March iqth 1852. "MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN, I received this morning your letter of the 26th February, and lost no time in communicating your wishes to the Governor-General, though I felt at once that there was little probability of a compliance with them. His Lordship desires me to tell you from him that there is simply an impossibility as regards the Rangoon expedition, which is to be on a small scale, and has already been rilled with its complement of Staff officers. Should the coup-de- main (so to call it) fail to bring matters to a satisfactory termination, LORD DALHOUSIE'S REPROOF 255 there must of course be war on a more extended scale hereafter ; and in that case you can, if on deliberation you think fit, renew your request for active employment in the field. But I think it as well to tell you that Lord Dalhousie has a decided objection to individual officers volunteering on such occasions, especially when the volunteer proposes, under the influence of his military ardour, to abandon important duties in another sphere, to the detriment of the Govern- ment he is serving ; and as a matter of justice he does not think it fair that the same man should be allowed to combine the advantages of high civil employment in peace, and the chances of military dis- tinction whenever the opportunity may offer in war. " I mention all this for your guidance in the future, hoping that it may induce you to deliberate well before you turn your back on the fine prospect which your present appointment can hardly fail to lead to, of active and distinguished military employment on the frontier. Believe me, yours very sincerely, F. F. COURTENAY." Neville Chamberlain felt the reproof. He writes to his sister : "I must confess that Courtenay's letter hurt me, as it would appear from it that I had wished to come forward to deprive another soldier of his right, when such was never my wish or my intention. All I hoped for was permission to accompany the force, and I would sooner have shouldered a musket in the ranks than have given any officer in the service cause to say that I was depriving him of his right : the pleasurable emotions of active service are sufficient rewards in themselves, without the gilding of honours, even of a field-marshal, whose honour is as ephemeral as the lace which decks his coat. . . . If what Courtenay alluded to [war] occurs, he will hear from me so that I keep my health." Courtenay evidently did hear from him again, for we have the following letter : From F. F. Courtenay. "June io//z 1852. "Mv DEAR CHAMBERLAIN, I have to-day received your letter of 8th April, and have shown it to the Governor-General. His Lordship desires me to say that all staff appointments in any force which may hereafter be sent to Burmah will rest with the Com- mander-in-Chief, and that he personally will have no means of enabling you to join the army. The Governor-General will offer no obstacles to your obtaining from the Commander-in-Chief, if his Excellency should think fit to give it to you, the opportunity of realising fresh distinction in the field ; but he desires me to 256 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN impress on you what I suggested in my last letter, that if you deter- mine on returning to the pure military line of service, it will be necessary for you to resign unconditionally your present appoint- ment at Lahore. Believe me, yours sincerely, "F. F. COURTENAY." During the hot season and rains many of Chamberlain's staff fell ill, and he had to renounce his intention of taking the leave which he sorely needed. " I feel that I should sink in my own estimation were I to abandon my post at the present moment." He worked on unceasingly, " getting a shade thinner and more cadaverous every day," until he was seized with a worse attack of fever than usual, and for five days his life was in danger. Sir Henry Lawrence had him removed to his house, and to the gentle care and nurs- ing of the most noble of women, Cecilia Lawrence, he owed in a great measure his recovery. " I cannot tell you how kind and good both Sir Henry and Lady Lawrence are. If ever there were two good Christians it is this couple. Their kindness is not merely extended to their friends but to all ; never were people less selfish or more ready to assist all classes." Lord Dalhousie, on hearing of his grave illness, wrote one of those letters which show that the strong ruler and stern master had always for those who served him the most affectionate solicitude : From Lord Dalhousie. "GOVERNMENT HOUSE, November 2*]th 1852. " MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN, I am very heartily sorry to hear by your letter that you have been ordered away by the doctors. I only hope that you have not withstood their advice longer than was alto- gether prudent. I shall be truly sorry to lose you even for a tem- porary absence, but I shall grudge it the less if it should send you back again thoroughly set up and ready for the career which I feel sure you have before you. Believe me, my dear Chamberlain, very truly yours, DALHOUSIE." On the igth of December Neville Chamberlain, having obtained two years' leave of absence on medical certificate, left Lahore for Calcutta. He stayed with his brother INTERVIEW WITH LORD DALHOUSIE 257 officers at Delhi for some days, which were spent on the chief sights of the imperial city. By the 8th of January, rinding his strength sufficiently restored, he started for Cal- cutta in a dak-gharry (post-chaise), a vehicle now as extinct as the dodo. " The road from Delhi to Calcutta, a distance of some 900 miles, is perhaps the finest in the world, and were the carriages properly horsed, the travelling upon it would be most comfortable. But the cattle are inferior, and some of them so obstinate and vicious as to render the carriage or horse dak even dangerous. I, however, reached my journey's end on the 2Oth January without any accident." A day or two after his arrival Lord Dalhousie sent for him. " His manner was most friendly, and he conversed freely regarding the Punjab, and his proposals for the future defence of the Peshawur frontier. Should his views meet with the approval of the Home Government, and he remain in power, I may hope ere long to be placed in a very honourable position in the Peshawur valley, and in which I shall most probably, sooner or later, have the opportunity of seeing active service against the hill tribes. Although this post may be inferior in point of allowance and numbers to the command of the Punjab Irregular Force, still it will be a better opportunity for learning the art of war, and I should be better pleased than with a superior command." The important question had now to be settled whether he would seek health in Europe or in the colonies. It would be a great joy to him to be in England and see his mother, love for whom was rooted in the inmost deeps of his being. But he was now in a fair way to rise high in his profession, and " in going to Europe I lose my appointment, my allow- ances, my time of service for a pension, and on my return I might not again get on the Staff. In the colonies I retain appointment, staff pay, my service, and on my return the command of the Punjab Irregular Force." He most reluct- antly decided "not to avail myself of this opportunity of once more enjoying the delights of home," and on the igth of February he wrote : " I have taken my passage by the Queen (1350 tons) for the Cape of Good Hope. She leaves on the 22nd, so I have plenty to do to get ready." R CHAPTER IX. Neville Chamberlain arrives at Table Bay Meets Sir George Clerk Accompanies him to Grahamstown Makes a tour of the ports in British Kaffraria Returns to Grahamstown Leaves it for Bloem- fontein Letters describing his journey Arrives at Platberg Moshesh, Chief of the Basutos Letter from Neville Chamber- lain describing him and his country Action of Berea Neville Chamberlain accompanies Moshesh to the hill fortress of Thaba Bosigo Starts towards Jamaberg His journal Reaches Bloem- fontein Starts across the Modder river in search of lions Returns with a bag of six His account of the sport Starts again on a lion expedition Letter describing it Sir George Clerk hands over to the Boers the Orange River Sovereignty as a Free State, February 22, 1854 Neville Chamberlain's journey from Bloemfontein to Durban Returns to Harrismith Starts off into the wilderness Stirring adventures Pursued by a lioness Returns to Harrismith, June 1 6 Letter from Lord Dalhousie offering him the command of the Punjab Frontier Force Hunting lions in the neighbour- hood of Veeht Kop A perfect fiend Adventure with four lions Sails from Natal for Cape Town Leaves for India Arrives at Calcutta Interview with the Governor-General Starts for Lahore, January i, 1855. ON April 20, 1852, Neville Chamberlain, after a tiresome voyage of eight weeks, arrived by moonlight at the harbour of Table Bay. He begins the record of the South African tour by stating that " next day a south-easter came on, and I was thoroughly drenched in landing." And in writing to his sister he mentions that his first object after arrival was to make preparations for a trip to Natal, " in view to escape the rain which falls in Southern Africa this season of the year." He had taken his passage in a little steamer that was to have conveyed " the Indian mail " to Natal, when one morning he was surprised to find his arm clasped by his old chief, Sir George Clerk, JOURNEY TO GRAHAMSTOWN 259 while reading over the names of the passengers which was hanging up in the hall of one of the hotels. Sir George Clerk had declined the governorship of the Cape of Good Hope, but he had come over to undertake the duties of a Commissioner for settling the boundary of the colony, and arranging for the establishment of inde- pendence in the Orange Free State. His arrival entirely altered Neville Chamberlain's plans, and instead of pro- ceeding on the steamer to Natal, he determined that he would accompany Sir George Clerk to Grahamstown and the frontier. " On a most heavenly morning," the loth of June, Sir George Clerk, his son Godfrey, Lieu- tenant 95th Regiment, Mr Rivers of the Cape Civil Service, and Neville Chamberlain, set forth from Cape Town. " Mr Rivers accompanied in charge of the Government estab- lishment, and acted as a kind of master of the ceremonies. His knowledge of Dutch and of the country and people was of great assistance, and we should have got on badly without some one of the kind." The Commissioner had two waggons, one with ten and the other with eight horses, and four riding horses for himself and his son. Neville had a light horse waggon drawn by six horses, and a stout cob as a hack. " Rivers drove a cart and pair, and had a pony. This made up our horses to thirty- two a goodly number, and our cavalcade was quite im- posing as it wound up and down the hills." Neither Sir George nor Neville ever entered the waggon, but rode the whole march. Their mode of travelling was to start near sunrise, and after a three hours' trek halt for breakfast and to rest the horses. About noon they inspanned again " and jogged on till about three, when we gave the horses another roll and indulged our insides with a glass of wine and a biscuit." By four they were on the move again, and usually reached their halting - ground by dusk. On the first day the guide lost his way, and the party wandered amongst the sand-hills and did not reach Somer- set West till dark, "where we pitched and passed the 260 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN night : thirty-one miles." Ten years later Lady Duff-Gordon describes " Hottentots' Holland" (now called Somerset West) " as the loveliest little old Dutch village, with trees and little canals of bright, clear, mountain water, and groves of orange and pomegranate, and white houses with in- credible gable-ends." They started early next morning, but no stirring incident took place during the journey, and the route lay over what is now familiar ground. On July 2nd he writes: "Twenty-five miles into Graham's Town. Cold wind at starting ; rain at noon ; snow in the afternoon." Sir George Clerk proceeded to the " Sovereignty" 1 after a few days' stay at Grahamstown, but Neville Chamber- lain determined that he would first make a tour of the posts in British Kaffraria, and visit the scenes of the late war. "After I have seen the Kaffir country, I shall join Sir George in the ' Sovereignty,' and then make a short or long trip as may be necessary for my health. I often wish myself back on the Punjab frontier." The Governor gave Neville Chamberlain a letter to General Yorke, who commanded the district, and he again to his officers, so that he had an escort furnished to him of Cape Mounted Rifles from post to post. In the posts as military works he was much disappointed. " Sufficient attention has not been paid in many to three great points, water, position, and risks against loss by the buildings catching fire. All the new posts are thatched, and all of them might be fired on any given night. The water in some might be cut off, and others are commanded from 1 On the 1st of December 1847 Sir Harry Smith, the hero of Aliwal, arrived at the Cape as Governor and Commander-in-Chief, and on the 3rd of February he issued a proclamation declaring the whole territory between the Orange and Vaal rivers to be subject to the Queen, under the title of the " Orange River Sovereignty." The Boers resisted the British annexation, but Sir Harry Smith defeated them in a small engagement at Boomplaats on the 29th of August 1848. The Governor fol- lowed the enemy towards Bloemfontein, where he arrived on the 2nd of September and reinstated the British President. Many of the Dutch farmers crossed the Vaal and founded the Transvaal State, which was recognised the year before Neville Chamberlain landed at the Cape. BRITISH KAFFRARIA 261 neighbouring heights. When I pointed out these ob- jections I was told, ' Oh, the Kaffirs are not sufficiently advanced in military science.' " He found in the Kaffir character much to admire, "and it would be well for us if our Indian frontier neighbours were as civilised." Their language struck him as being very musical and soft if not beautiful. Great was the astonishment of Peer Bux, the native servant he had brought with him from India, on first seeing the Kaffirs, "and his horror at their extra- ordinary and primitive style of dress or want of dress. He says it will be useless for him to tell all he has seen to his friends at Calcutta, for they will not believe him." The grandeur and beauty of the country through which he passed impressed the traveller, particularly some of the spots about the Amatola Mountains. "The country is beautiful," he wrote, " and I have seen nothing in the old colony to be compared to it." On his return to Grahamstown from his tour in British Kaffraria, Neville Chamberlain began at once to make pre- parations for his long journey to Bloemfontein. He sold his horse waggon, and in lieu of it he got a bullock waggon and span of oxen, "and that is now to become my home as long as I am wandering about South Africa." "The waggon is of the largest dimensions, and, like all the waggons of this part, built for strength, for in these Eastern provinces they load up to 7000 pounds weight, whilst the quiet-going Western Dutch- man is afraid of over-weighting his oxen with 3000 pounds ! Now that the side boxes and other contrivances are being fitted on, it is beginning to bear a very comfortable appearance, and I am told it will be as comfortable a turn-out as has left Graham's Town. I fancy trust can be placed in physiognomy, and I think I have secured a good driver in the person of an Africander (applied to colonial Boers) Englishman named William Stone. The leader is a powerful Hotten- tot, formerly of the Cape corps, and said to be a good shot. My after-rider is also an Africander young man of the name of Patrick Donelly, and these three and Peer Bux complete my present estab- lishment. From here I only take one horse, as there is little or no game until near Bloemfontein, and I shall be able to pick up horses better and cheaper there, when I can secure the services of another after-rider, and any other servant I may find necessary." 262 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN On the ist of September Neville Chamberlain first left Grahamstown for Bloemfontein, travelling slowly by day and resting at night. He has recorded his journey in a series of journal letters addressed to his mother, his sister, and Crawford. They convey in the most unreserved manner the fresh and vivid impressions of a man who took a genuine and multiform interest in all that met his ear or eye. It is their absolute genuineness, and a certain frank originality, which give them a special charm. It is possible, by means of these letters and extracts from them, to give the narrative of his travels in his own words. On the 3rd of September Neville Chamberlain reached Fort Beaufort, and following the bank of the Kat river, he continued his journey via Blankworth, Fort Armstrong, and Elands Fort. The gth was devoted to the passage of the Kat Berg. On the nth of September he wrote to his sister : "IN MY WAGGON, nth September 1853. " MY DEAR KATE, Here I am all alone among the hills, some half-way between Elands Fort and Whittlesea, and likely to remain unless aided ; for all day yesterday I was in vain employed in endeav- ouring to make the oxen draw my waggon up the hill, at the foot of which I am now a fixture. When with much difficulty, and a vast deal of flogging, I succeeded the day before yesterday in crossing the Kat Berg with twenty-eight oxen yoked to my waggon, I imagined that I had overcome all that would hinder my progress between this and Bloemfontein, but the result has proved otherwise, and here I must remain until I can procure the assistance of another span of oxen. One of my people started for Whittlesea early this morning, and as I believe the distance to be only some fourteen miles, I hope to see fresh oxen coming to my assistance to-morrow. To add to my misfortunes the night set in with wind and rain, and up to now there is little prospect of its clearing. Luckily we have succeeded in boil- ing our kettle with the little dry cow-dung we managed to collect before the rain began to fall, and this morning I manufactured a cup of tea for everybody, by the aid of a wax candle, so we have no cause to grumble. Could you but see my waggon standing alone in a gully among the mountains, miles from any habitation or living soul, the wind blowing, the rain falling in gusts, I daresay you would pity us ; but desolate as our position appears, I am far from being unhappy, nor do I find the time hang heavy, for I have a plank to write upon, and my fore chest contains a few books which I can at all times take TREK TO BLOEMFONTEIN 263 up with pleasure. No one can ever tire of Shakespeare and Byron, nor of Tennyson, and I have History and Natural History, Macaulay's ' Lays of Ancient Rome,' and some books on this country. I must thank you for your letter of 7th July received 27th August. You report so well of William that I begin to hope he may soon be fit for active service again. It seems impossible that the peace of the world can be preserved much longer, and when war does commence, our Navy will find ample occupation. I left Graham's Town on the ist September, and I feel all the better for the hard exercise and simple fare. I purposely started without a horse of any kind, and have walked every stage by the side of my waggon. My leg, I am delighted to find, stands the trial bravely, and I now really begin to think that the cure is effectual ; it was only by a trial of this nature I could deter- mine how much it could stand. A year or two ago the shortest walk used to cause the periosteum about the injured part to become soft and unhealthy, producing uneasiness, but now these symptoms are hardly perceptible after a walk of some miles, and after being on my legs the greater part of the day. On the 3rd I reached Fort Beau- fort : 4th it rained all day : 5th was employed in making a few repairs and alterations to my waggon : 6th I continued my journey vid Blank- worth Fort, Armstrong, and Elands Fort (following the bank of the Kat river) : the 9th was devoted to the passage of the Kat Berg. Had my oxen done their duty I should be at Whittlesea to-day ; now I cannot move without assistance, nor can the cattle travel until the roads dry. I heard from Sir George Clerk some days ago. Shortly after I join him at Bloemfontein I may possibly accompany him to Natal, but I have yet to accomplish some 250 miles ere I reach the ' Sovereignty,' and I am at the mercy of my bullocks. As yet I have found grass, but I am told that there is literally nothing for cattle to eat across the Orange river. A bad prospect, is it not ? But I hope the rain will have extended that far, and compensate for its present inconvenience. I like travelling as I now do to going with horses. I see the country so much more leisurely, and the waggon is so per- fect a home, and I am independent of everybody and everything. In addition to clothing, &c., and the many little comforts which civilisa- tion teaches us to look upon as necessaries, I have provisions for the whole party for four months (not including flesh meat), besides many descriptions of goods for bartering with the natives. I have 100 pounds gunpowder and some 500 weight of lead. Altogether I suppose my load to be between 3500 and 4000 pounds, so it is no child's play taking the waggon up and down the sides of mountains, and you can suppose twenty - eight oxen being not one too many when the road or rather track is little better than what Nature made it. In crossing the Kat Berg both hind wheels had to be locked, and even then the pole-oxen found it difficult to withstand the pressure. As yet I have had no upset, and I hope to escape one altogether, for I believe prudence and a little foresight will generally prevent any accident of the kind. 264 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN " Up to the present I have seen no game, nor is there any until I cross the Orange river, when the smaller kind is said to be in great abundance. I am keeping a Journal, otherwise I could never take the trouble to record the events of the day. I rejoice at being divorced from pen or ink, for I abhor the sight of my handwriting, and can hardly comprehend how any one can find amusement in reading my uninteresting dry manner of relating events. Since the above the rain has held off, so that I have indulged in some fried mutton and a tin can of coffee (no cups or saucers will stand the jolting of a waggon), and I enjoyed my dinner far more than I should have done at the Lord Mayor's table. It is now night, the people have rolled themselves in their blankets, and except for the distant cry of a jackal (which is very different to the cry of the Indian jackal) no sound is to be heard but that of the oxen chewing the cud ; they are made fast to the yokes to prevent their straying : and now I must wish you good-night and good-bye for the present, while I scribble a few lines to Crawford. Kiss our dear old mother for me, and bid her take great care of her health, for I look forward to passing many a happy hour with her yet. Good-night, dear Anne and Harriett." On the I3th of September he writes : " Still at the same place, for the rain only ceased this morning. I trust the weather will permit of oxen reaching us to-morrow. The bleak barren mountains look refreshed by rain now passing away. A lark is singing away quite near me, and enjoys the approach of fine weather as much as I do." On the loth of October he writes from Smithfield : " To-morrow I start to join Sir George Clerk at a place called Jamaberg, about fifty miles from here, whither he is going on a boundary question." In a letter, written at the same time, he gives a descrip- tion of the " noble Orange river " and the Caledon : "When I crossed the Orange river it was a clear rapid stream of some 300 yards wide, and I can understand the notoriety it has acquired, being really a fine river. It flows between high banks fringed with willows, the effect of which is very pretty and peculiar. So regularly are the banks clothed with these graceful trees that it almost has the appearance of having been sown by the hand of man. The Caledon river, which flows into the Orange river, and which I crossed fourteen miles from this, is like the Orange river in miniature, its banks being also covered with willows. Both of them, when seen from a distance, winding through the hills and APPRECIATION OF THE BOERS 265 valleys clothed in brilliant foliage, look very pretty and peaceful. But the great river of South Africa must yield the palm to the Indus or Ganges ; however, Africa can claim the Nile, and that was a noble stream even as I saw it when low in the month of November." After a halt of four days Neville Chamberlain again set forth towards Bloemfontein. " SMITHFIELD, SOVEREIGNTY, ?&th October 1853. "... A steady downpour of rain has prevented my starting towards Bloemfontein, as I otherwise should have done early this morning. . . . "We left this place on the afternoon of the iath inst, and after a ride of twenty -four miles pulled up at a farmhouse, where we supped and passed the night. Our host and hostess remarkably hospitable, and even gave up their bedroom and beds (much against my wish) and contented themselves with a shake-down on the floor. The Boers certainly have many good qualities, and I like them ; for though they may be wanting in all the polish of civilisation, they possess in the highest degree many great virtues, and at the top of the list stands hospitality ! "On our road, about ten miles from Vanaswegen's farm, I for the first time saw gnu or wildebeest, and you may suppose how glad I was to come upon the same after a journey of so many hundred miles. "On coming outside the farmstead (in this part of the country these are little other than hovels, with one end curtained off for the family bedroom) herds of wildebeests were to be seen grazing within a short distance of the house, and to a stranger it is difficult to believe that they were wild animals and not oxen. The dogs chased one, and after driving him towards the house, pulled him down near the homestead. The Boers teach the dogs to hunt the game in this manner, and thus flesh is supplied for the family. Our road after quitting the farm led us for the first four or five miles through a valley several miles wide, perfectly alive with gnus, blessbok, and springbok, and I must now add my testimony to the existence of these herds of game of which all previous travellers have made mention. Our course being towards the east, towards the frontier of the Basuto Kaffirs, the game lessened, but from the high points we could distinctly see the valleys to the westward thickly dotted with herds of the curious and comical gnu ; but the game, like the farmers' cattle, have suffered considerably from the snow-storms of the end of last month, and the carcases of the poor brutes are to be seen lying in every direction. Our host, Heinrich Vanaswegen, told us that he picked up eight springbok 266 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN inside his sheep -kraal; and many poor brutes came close up to the house like tame cattle to shelter themselves from the storm. "Sir George Clerk not being expected at Jamaberg before the 1 5th, we passed the night of the i3th in a little tent which hardly kept out the rain of a thunderstorm which passed over us, and reached us the following afternoon. The straight road is only some forty-eight miles, but we took a circuit that I might have a view of the game, and we travelled seventy-two miles. The i5th and 1 6th in our little tent pitched inside the waggon house of a Dutch farmer of the name of Hoffmann. No tidings being received of Sir George, we started for Platberg on the lyth, and reached that place at dark, eight hours or forty-eight miles. Certainly the horses of this country are most wonderful creatures, and the way they work is almost incredible. In saying this I apply the remark to the common veldt galloway, of about the value of ^"15. Corn or grain is never dreamt of for them, and any attempt to induce them to enter a stable is resisted most manfully. In appearance you would not give them credit for their virtues, but these poor, half-starved, ill-conditioned brutes can carry a heavy Boer fifty, sixty, seventy miles in the course of a day, and apparently with ease. All they require is to off -saddle for an hour or so every three hours or eighteen miles, and on they go again, with a bellyful of green grass, as fresh as if they had come out of John Scott's stable. Many a time after a horse has come seventy miles, the rider takes the saddle off, turns the animal's head towards home, gives him a slap, and off he canters, to break his fast upon his native grass. They remind me something of the grass-cutter's tat, but in South Africa the common working horse knows not the luxury of even the thinnest blanket or sheet or smell of grain. Platberg is a mis- sionary station and settlement of Badard Hottentots ; the missionary himself has a decent house, but the few other buildings are hovels, and the only thing to recommend the place is its being rather prettily situated at the foot of a flat range of mountains, and possessing a few fruit trees and gardens in a country where one may ride miles and miles without seeing even a bush, except on the banks of the rivers, which are all lined with willows." On the 2Oth of October Sir George Clerk arrived at Platberg. His object in coming was to see Moshesh, the chief of the Basutos (which tribe occupy the country to the east of the Caledon river), and to settle the boundary line. " Many thought that Moshesh would not come in, but he and his sons duly made their appearance on the evening of the 2ist. The Court on such occasions appear in European costume, but not quite MOSHESH, CHIEF OF THE BASUTOS 267 according to the rules at St James' ! Moshesh himself had a mili- tary forage-cap over a white night-cap, or, I should say, a whitey brown night-cap, drawn well over his ears and the back of his head. The rest of his dress was unexceptionable, being a blue frock-coat with brass buttons, dark pantaloons, and boots. His General his Wellington, as he is styled by one of the chiefs sons, educated in the Colony had on a jacket and trousers and shoes ; and a huge brass collar round his neck forcibly impressed one with the idea that it was required to secure the finest chimpanzee yet exhibited to the world. Others had long chintz dressing-gowns, and a few the long jacket worn on this frontier. But these savages are not to be treated lightly, for they are well supplied with fire-arms, and fairly mounted upon horses. Indeed, this tribe have become a cavalry nation, and can turn out more than 6000 or 7000 mounted men in the course of two or three days. Their country is mountainous and very diffi- cult of access, and the plains of the Sovereignty lie at their feet, open to their inroads whenever they may think it prudent to cross the frontier and put the farmers to the sword. Their comparative success over General Cathcart last year in the action of Berea has given them great confidence ; and though no want of courage was shown by the small body of troops actually engaged, still they on that occasion for the first time met Europeans, and to their great surprise found that they could oppose them, and that the white man fell in the same manner and was as easily killed as the black. Moshesh himself is an extraordinary man, and one of the very few chiefs who have raised a tribe to power and wealth through a con- tinued policy of peace, and who even now exerts his whole influ- ence in endeavouring to subdue the desire of his people for a more aggressive system of government." Moshesh was certainly " an extraordinary man," but it is hardly correct to say that he raised a tribe to power and wealth through a continued policy of peace. In his youth he was engaged in many a stiff fight, and it was his fame as a military strategist which led bands from the different tribes to join him. By his rare diplomatic ability he brought these fragments of tribes under the tribal system, and the Basutos, under the paramount authority of Moshesh, became a powerful and compact body. No man professed a greater horror of war, but no man was a greater adept in the art of deceit or a more consummate hypocrite. He was never at a loss for a reason or an excuse, and after every war he succeeded in making it appear that he was the aggressed and not the aggressor. His territory, Basutoland, was bor- 268 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN dered on the north and south by the Sovereignty, on the east by Natal and Griqualand, and on the south by Cape Colony. It was a land well adapted to be the stronghold of savage tribes : it is broken in every direction by detached mountains, whose flat summits afford ample area for towns and villages, and whose steep craggy sides are only to be surmounted at one or two narrow and easily defended points. Between the mountains are large and fertile valleys, where corn can be grown and cattle grazed. One of the most im- pregnable of these hill fortresses is Thaba Bosigo, of which Moshesh gained possession at the commencement of his career, and used it as a safe home for his own family and those of his retainers. Moshesh always asserted that he was a friend of the English, but after the creation of the Sovereignty he was in secret league with Pretoria in the Transvaal and the republican Boers in the Sovereignty, and his followers raided and destroyed the farms of those who were loyal to the English. General Cathcart, after he had brought the war with the Kaffirs to a successful close, deter- mined to punish the Basutos, and with the avowed object of sustaining the prestige of the British name, he marched with 2000 infantry, 500 cavalry, and two field guns into the Orange River Sovereignty. As the Basutos refused to render any substantial reparation for the havoc they had wrought, the British force crossed the Caledon at a ford opposite the mission station of Berea in Basutoland on the 20th of December. In front of them was the Berea mountain, a long, irregular, table -topped mass of rock with perpendicular sides, and behind it ran Thaba Bosigo. General Cathcart divided his force into three detachments, who, after driving the enemy's cattle from the mountain, were to meet before the chiefs great stronghold. As the cavalry detachment, about 250 strong, were driving a large herd of cattle down the hillside, they were suddenly charged by 700 horsemen. It was a critical moment. Our men were dispersed. Colonel Napier with great coolness collected a small band, who THABA BOSIGO 269 gallantly kept the main body of the enemy's horse at bay until the 74th Highlanders arrived, and they returned to camp with a herd of 4000 horned cattle. Twenty -five of the I2th Lancers and five of the Cape Mounted Rifles were killed while driving the cattle down the mountain. Another detachment, commanded by Lieutenant- Colonel Eyre, reached the top of the plateau after incurring a slight loss. They were engaged in driving forward some 30,000 cattle when they too were surprised by a large body of Basuto horsemen. Two or three were cut off, and an officer made prisoner. The detachment was swiftly re-formed, and went forward in close ranks. The enemy, some 600 strong, mounted on hardy ponies, often charged them, but were easily driven back. About five o'clock they joined the third detachment, under General Cathcart, before Thaba Bosigo. As night had begun to fall the General took up a posi- tion at an abandoned post. The enemy followed him and kept up a heavy fire until darkness fell. The next morning General Cathcart returned with a large herd of cattle to camp. Moshesh now sued for peace, and General Cathcart unwisely granted it before he had asserted the supremacy of our arms. The miscarriage at Berea was a trifling event from a military point of view, but it was momentous from the moral and political aspect, because it led to a measure dishonourable to the character of England. It induced the home Government, already weary of the cost of the Kaffir war, to send out Sir George Clerk " to ascertain whether it was practicable to make arrangements for the abandonment of the whole of that territory." After Moshesh had concluded his negotiations with Sir George Clerk, Neville Chamberlain accompanied him to his mountain home. "On the 22nd I accompanied Moshesh on his recrossing the Caledon and returning to his home, being anxious to go over the field of Berea and see his celebrated mountain retreat of Thaba Bosigo. It is about twenty-one miles from Platberg, and in going to it the battlefield of Berea is crossed. One of Moshesh's sons did 270 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN the honours, and you may suppose how galling it was to have pointed out the spots where they had killed our soldiers, and to hear him say, * This was General Cathcart's first position, and then we drove him there, where the troops passed the night surrounded by our cavalry and unable to get water.' I infer you have read of the action of Berea : the whole secret of our loss may be attributed to the force having been divided, and these small detachments again broken up driving cattle and plundering instead of acting together, and thus fell an easy prey to the numbers of Kaffirs who unexpectedly surrounded them. I found Moshesh and all his people very friendly. I returned the same evening in time for dinner, bringing with me a deserter, who I found repairing the chiefs house." On the 23rd of October Neville Chamberlain moved towards Jamaberg. " Now that the spring has fairly set in the country is one sheet of green, and the half- starved cattle are already beginning to look up." Two days later he wrote : " Parted with Sir George, and am intending to start for Bloemfontein. There again to meet him, and after a day or two proceed on a sporting tour towards Harrismith." Heavy rain detained him at Smithfield, and he was not able to leave it till the last day of October, when he " managed to get over eight miles of ground." His Indian servant, however, fell so dangerously ill that he determined upon gaining the high-road and hastening on to Bloemfontein as speedily as possible, " but thunder- storms obliged me to outspan, and rain continuing to fall all night, the ground was in such a state that it was im- possible to move." Even when he started on the 3rd of November he was five hours in accomplishing as many miles, " having to dig the waggon out three times, and to go over the side of a hill to avoid a treacherous spring which would have engulfed the van." " tfh November. I struck the high-road ; the state of Peer Bux was such that I really was glad to find myself on firmer ground, for my waggon was heavy, and the soil of this country is such that, except along the beaten track, rain makes the land so soft that it becomes almost impassable for heavily-laden vehicles. During the 5th (November 1853) I only got over twelve miles, detained five hours in crossing the Ruk river, or rather in ascending the opposite bank, and then I had to off-load and repair the road. A thunder- TRIP ACROSS THE MODDER 271 storm added to our difficulty, and rain at night made cooking a difficult operation, but we managed to boil some rice ere I rolled myself in my blanket. " On the $th, eleven miles. To our left, and distant some thirty miles, we saw the hills of Boomplaats, the scene of strife with (said to be) rebel Boers. On awaking the following morning I found all the oxen missing : it was noon before they were brought back, they having returned to our previous night's halting-place. Seven- teen miles took us to the Kaffir river, which we reached late at night. On this and the previous day, for upwards of five-and- twenty miles, the plain was literally alive with herds of gnus. I should find it difficult to estimate their numbers. "The evening of the 8th found us in Bloemfontein, and I was thankful to obtain medical assistance for my servant. But, poor fellow, my fears proved too well founded he expired on the loth, two days afterwards. He had disease of the heart, and the moment the doctor examined him he pronounced his case hopeless. Fortu- nately he was insensible some hours before his death, so he was saved all pain in the hour of mortal anguish. You can understand how great a loss I have sustained, and how impossible to replace him here. Now I regret ever having brought him, but his disease was organic, and had he remained in his own country his life could not have been spared to him long." A few days after Neville Chamberlain reached Bloem- fontein, Claude Clerk arrived there on a visit to his father, and on the I5th of December a party of them started on a trip across the Modder river in search of lions. Neville Chamberlain's fresh and lively accounts of his encounter with the royal beast are well worthy of being read by sportsmen. We can remember but one book of sport in our own time which can be compared with these letters. He brought away from South Africa the skins of twenty- two lions which had fallen to his gun. On one occasion he found himself surrounded by seven lions, and this time he "brought down three lions with as many shots, opening fire at pistol-range." We must, however, let him tell his adventures in his own words: "We were absent a fortnight and returned with six lions (three males and three females), of which I had the great good luck to secure three. These six were all we saw, with the exception of one magnificent black-maned patriarch, which Claude C. and I 272 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN unexpectedly came upon when riding through some thick bush, and which jumped up so close in front of my horse as to make him start back and throw me so forward in my saddle that I had no opportunity of firing at him. We tried to follow in pursuit, but the thorns were too thick, and the noble form disappeared just as I was brought up all standing against a mimosa tree. I never felt a greater thrill of joy in my life, and cannot convey the impression of seeing the king of beasts bounding before one in his native covert. After that we heard the lions almost nightly, but though out on the hill- sides by earliest dawn never succeeded in intercepting them on their return home. Our first find was a troop of five, which took to the plain on our riding through and beating the hill. Four of us were out, and two falling to my gun made us all successful and well contented. Before we overtook them (I had seen them break even in the distance, and supposed them only to be hyenas, which in this country are termed wolves, and are of a large size) they were well in the plain, but they no sooner became aware that we were in pursuit of them than they stood to give us battle, and one charged as the horseman came within charging distance. But four men to five lions is no match, and they were soon laid low. One of our party was nearly caught by a lioness, and would have been had his horse been less quick on his legs or less speedy. You would have been amused to see me giving leg-bail to a young gentleman who came at me when my gun was unloaded, and who kept cantering after my horse with his mouth wide open as if very anxious to give me the benefit of his teeth. Both my lion and lioness fell to single shots, but the latter, which we all left as dying, when returning to camp to send a waggon out for the carcases, came to life again, and after the people we left behind to keep off the vultures had expended their ammunition at long ranges, they had to send a man to tell us of this strange resuscitation, when I accordingly cantered back five miles to the scene of action. I found the young lady, for she was a spinster to judge from appearance, and "just out," in anything but a good humour, and my pony, which first came upon the carcases of the others, took fright and would not face her. She had been so badly hit that she only charged when approached too nearly. After a few vain attempts to settle her off the pony's back, I gave it up in despair, and getting the after-rider also to take up her attention, I dismounted, made my recusant steed act as a shield in case of acci- dents, and approached her to within the distance I thought she would let me come without charging. A good shot through both shoulders, as I thought, ended all, for she fell forward shaking her head between her paws, with tail straight out as stiff as a poker. But on going up to her, though thus disabled, she grinned upon me with eyes green with rage, and though paralysed as far as use of her fore- quarters went, endeavoured to raise herself, and struggled to make her neck reach as far towards me as possible. Poor creature ! it was EXPEDITION TO THE VAAL 273 hard fate thus to fall without a chance of defence, but I ended her misery by a ball through the ear. The other lioness I came upon quite unexpectedly when alone with my after-rider endeavouring to shoot a springbok for the pot, there being nothing but gnu flesh for the table, and that is tough and fit for nothing but boiling up with rice or to make soup. I caught sight of her (the lioness) return- ing from a vley at which she had been quenching her thirst. After a smart canter of half a mile I came up with her as she was at the foot of a ledge of rocks covered by thorn trees. No sooner had I come near her than she turned upon me and charged, and my horse being unsteady I could not take a steady aim, and was glad to get out of the way. The day being hot, and she having feasted heartily the night before, she contented herself by sending me to the right about, and commenced ascending the broken ground. I of course was soon upon her again, when she turned round, gave me a sardonic smile, and was about to charge, when a ball through the heart ter- minated her career. She sunk to the earth without a struggle, my after-rider, who prefers dead to living lions, singing her requiem, shouting out with great delight, ' Life is gone.' She was a very fine lioness in the pride of life, with a most beautiful skin. From her came forth the smallest lion I suppose ever seen ; but though I told the man to take great care of this really great curiosity, he managed to destroy it before we got back to the waggons. It was about as long as my thumb-nail, but not so broad ! In all respects it was perfect, and even in that miniature animal every part was distinctly marked, even to the talons ! " On the 5th of January Neville Chamberlain left Bloem- fontein on a lion expedition towards Platberg on the Vaal river. He had to go alone owing to the severe illness of Claude Clerk, and the few Boers that he came across were filled with astonishment " that I should go about by myself looking for lions, and why I should use so short a gun a Minie carbine." He found the Boers very civil, "and I always get into the vrow's good graces." On the 2nd of February he wrote : "... My trip near the Vaal river was not a successful one, and after an absence of twenty-three days I returned with only one lion's skin. The country had been suffering from want of rain and from locusts, and there was nothing for the common game to eat or drink, therefore the lions had abandoned their haunts, for they have of neces- sity to follow in the footsteps of the game on which they exist. When I found nothing was to be done I retraced my steps to a hilly locality, 274 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN and there was fortunate in coming across a troop of seven lions, but of which I only killed one, partly owing to the bushy nature of the country, but chiefly through the stupidity or timidity of my after-rider. I first saw them ascending a hill at the foot of which I had been standing sweeping the horizon with my glass. I followed them on foot, but though I could not come up with them, saw them on a hill which I knew to be isolated. Here I watched them and they watched me, until my people and dogs came from the waggons, whom I sent to beat the hill, feeling sure the lions would cross to another hill on finding themselves disturbed, and on hearing shouting and firing in their rear. I took up my position on one side, down which I thought the brutes were certain to come, and sent the after-rider to watch the other fall. Unluckily they broke on his side, and he did not see them until they had got a long way across the plain that was covered with stunted trees and high bushes. Hearing him and the beaters shouting, I rode in the direction as hard as the horse could go, and came up with the gentlemen after a burst of nearly a mile. They were trotting along in a loose kind of single file, and so blown that I was literally in the midst of them, and allowed three to get to my rear, and picked out the biggest : they took no notice of me till my first shot at one of the centre ones commenced the action, and had the effect of scattering the herd, who took to the cover of the bushes. He stood to my bay at my first shot, and my second struck his jaw and maddened him with pain. Once he charged, but I was prepared and escaped from him, to renew the combat on his pulling up. With my fifth shot I sent him to his last sleep, but not without narrowly escaping the fangs of another lion who charged from my rear whilst I was reloading. " I had heard this brute growling in a bush close by, but paid no attention until I heard the roar and saw the fellow at my horse's tail. The horse was so taken by surprise that he appeared paralysed for the moment, but fortunately he responded to my heels, took the bush in front, and when I looked round I was glad to find the lion had pulled up. There was certainly enough to frighten the horse, for within a few paces in front stood the wounded lion at bay, and to escape the other it was necessary to pass him. After severely wounding the first lion I wanted to attack the others which I heard growling in the surrounding bushes, but was dissuaded from it by my after-rider, who besought me to finish this one first, as we were surrounded by them. But by the time I had killed this one the others had disappeared, and we lost them in the thick bushes. It was a fine sight to see the brute standing at bay between two bushes, his eyes sparkling with fire and gnashing his teeth, now and then blowing the blood from his mouth by a deep angry roar. Had I not (as I afterwards found) disabled him by a shot in the loins, I doubt not he would have charged more frequently, for although two ORANGE FREE STATE 275 dogs stood barking at him within range of his paws, he never for a moment paid them any attention, or took his eyes off me and the horse. You know I am a bad hand at describing anything, and you must wait for further details until we find ourselves over a Christmas fire. The spot where I killed this lion was in a pretty wooded valley covered with flowers. Here for the first time I saw the [illegible] trees, and the curious birds that cluster their nests together and live in families. I now returned east towards some large reed plains, said to abound with lions, but which I found empty, the locusts having eaten the reeds. Three days trekking south brought me back to Bloemfontein, and I am here prior to starting for Winburg and Harrismith." On the 22nd of February 1854 Sir George Clerk entered into a convention with a small body of Boers, handing over to them the Orange River Sovereignty as a Free State. Great was the panic and indignation caused by this act. Meetings protesting against it were held in all parts of the Sovereignty. At Bloemfontein a large gathering of citizens declared that their allegiance " has been always up to this moment as entire and undivided." At Smithfield the citizens " resolved not to be deprived of the rights and privileges of English- men." But the British flag was pulled down, and the settlers, who had gone to the Sovereignty relying on the integrity of the British Government, were cruelly abandoned to their fate. Neville Chamberlain wrote on the 4th of March 1854: ". . . The political crisis has terminated, and Her Majesty no longer claims territory this side the Orange river. Hence- forth the country is to be styled the 'Orange River Republic,' and the Boers are to manage their own affairs without any inter- ference. They have granted me a passport to travel and shoot all over their dominions, and enjoined all local authorities to aid me, so that, as far as I am personally concerned, I am not likely to suffer any inconvenience at their hands. Unfortunately their goodwill is not the only requisite for safety, for various tribes of natives occupy different portions of ground within the limits of the territory claimed by the Republic, and both in the east and west they are hemmed in by tribes, strong in numbers, and possessing fire-arms. My impression is not favourable, and ere long I mean two or three years blood must be shed to decide the superiority of the contending whites and blacks. At present both parties are 276 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN strong in their own respective opinions, and where this is the case, and they are only separated by an imaginary boundary, a cause of difference will never be wanting, and the dispute will be settled by a savage war." The abandonment of the Free State led to many a savage war, to the shedding of much blood, to crime and misery. England, when from a sense of false economy she abandoned her own subjects, was guilty of one of those crimes which are sure to work their own retribution, and great has ,been the retribution. On the 8th of March, three days before the British flag was hauled down, Neville Chamberlain and Claude Clerk, accompanied by Sir George, rode out from Bloemfontein to join their waggons, which had gone on with instructions to await their arrival at the first pool of water some seven miles from Bloemfontein. After dining, camp fashion, by the light of the moon, Sir George left them and they continued their journey. " The following morning discovered that we had come a worse road, and there was nothing for it but to steer for Khabaruncker over hill and dale, as straight as obstacles in the shape of ravines, &c., would admit of. Fortunately Khabaruncker is very conspicuous from a great distance, and easily to be distinguished from the surrounding moun- tains." On leaving Khabaruncker the leader of his second waggon was missing, " and as he had evidently bolted, there was nothing left for it but for me to take his place. You would have laughed to see me leading the span down the steep descents and over the ravines and water-courses, as if I had been born and bred a regular ' voorlooper.' " On March 7th Harrismith was reached. Four days later, Neville Chamberlain again got under weigh, descended the Drakens- berg on the 22nd, passed Ladysmith the 24th, and " made our way into the capital on the 28th. Harrismith and Ladysmith are a wretched collection of some thirty houses. The capital was laid out by the Dutch ; every street has its canal, and houses shaded by trees." DURBAN TO HARRISMITH 277 On the afternoon of the nth of April Neville Chamberlain, accompanied by his friend Durrant, left Durban, "and, beautiful as is the scenery around the bay, I never was more glad to turn my back upon any place, for the climate disagreed with me. I sighed for the cold bracing air of the table-lands of the Sovereignty. On the 28th we quitted Pietermaritzburg, and as our waggons rolled along between the hedges of beautiful rose and pome- granate trees and the delicate convolvulus, I thought I had never looked upon anything more charming. We crossed the Ungeni river, and spent the afternoon in watching and admiring the beautiful water- fall; the Mooi river and Bushmen's and Tugela rivers we found low, and crossed them without difficulty. This place is some no miles from Pietermaritzburg, and as we are driving our own oxen, we have not hurried, but come along steadily about eighteen or nineteen miles a-day. With short days it is difficult to get more than six hours' work out of the cattle, and even so our dinner is not ready sometimes until between 8 and 9 P.M. I found the expense of hiring oxen so great that I have purchased another span, and I think you would admire my team of red oxen could you see them. They were the finest to be had, and as they only numbered twelve, and my waggon is heavy, I am now adding two more to complete the number, four- teen, for it is a stiff pull up the Drakensberg, and it is not worth dis- tressing the animals for the sake of a few pounds. The Boers and their vrows are congregating here to-day for the Sacrament, and I have my emissaries among the waggons on the look-out for two fine oxen. From this to Harrismith, seventy miles; we shall be there the third day from hence, or on ist May. Our wish is to lose no time, but proceed to the Vaal river and hunt for lions, and if the Boers do not interfere with us we shall then cross the Vaal and strike for the Cuchan moun- tains, and so on towards the Limpopo." On the 2gth of April Neville and his companion left Ladysmith, and on the 5th of May Neville writes from Harrismith : ". . . We ascended the Drakensberg on the ist instant; as day broke on the ist we were rejoiced to see the highest points of the mountains coated with snow. The lions have now come more into the hills, and we were told we should run a risk of losing some of our oxen, for only a few days ago an ox had been carried off from the waggon of a blacksmith at night, though tied up to the yokes, nor would the lion depart till he had finished his meal, do what they would ; another ox was killed the previous night, and some of my horses have chipped pieces out of their hoofs in galloping over the 278 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN stones to escape from their pursuers. Since our arrival two lions have been daily seen on the slope of the hill behind the hamlet, but we have been too busy with our preparations to hunt them. On" leav- ing this we purpose steering across country by compass, and we shall be entirely dependent on our own resources. Before we start the Landrost is going to point out the direction of a mountain 90 or 100 miles off, and this will be our * Kebla Gals ' for some days to come. If reports are to be credited we shall have sport of all kinds, and the country has hardly ever been crossed by Europeans, so it is almost a virgin field for sportsmen. The weather is most delicious, like October or November days at Ghuznee. The air is so pure the mountains miles off appear close at hand, and the tints of earth and heaven through the day and night are very beautiful. " This is the first quarter of the moon. We shall be glad of the light for the protection of the cattle at night. How I wish I could have your companionship ! This climate has made me all right again. If all goes right we should reach Potchefstroom, the capital of the Trans- vaal Republic, by the end of May. It is 200 hundred miles off. No answer yet from Pretorius, but I anticipate no interruptions." On the 6th of May, having thanked the authorities for their civility and assistance, and received from them the bearings of their course, their oxen breasted the hill, and having reached its summit they struck off into the wilderness, com- pass in hand : * "The first day we only travelled for three hours, when we out- spanned on a spruit where we were told to expect lions, but though the ground was likely looking enough, no such luck was in store, and, with the exception of a few zebra, no game was visible. As our waggons and horses and loose oxen wound down the descent into the bed of the water-course, I could not help pointing out to Durrant the resemblance to the drawing in the title-page of Gordon Cumming's book, nor can any words of mine better convey our mode of travelling. With the night came rain, and the ;th of May was a regular soaking day. A troop of zebra fed round the waggons, proclaiming their proximity by an occasional bray, and D. could not withstand going after them, but without success, for they were wild ; and we saw a few troops of gnu, but the dogs were wild and gave chase to everything they saw, so shooting was out of the 1 " Before I go further, I must say how correctly we were guided by the Boers, although I suppose not one in the land has the slightest idea of surveying or mapping, for we hit the main road almost at the spot indicated, and never experienced the slightest difficulty." SPORT ON THE VELDT 279 question. Next night brought us near some deep pools of water, not far from the bank of the Wilze river, and as our custom made fast all our horses and oxen before turning into our blankets. During the night a lion broke the stillness by his deep moaning wail; one could tell he was prowling round to the right of camp. At daylight (Qth) I mounted, and took my waggon-driver with me for the double purpose of looking after the lion and searching for a place to cross the river. A heavy fog prevented the possibility of accomplishing either purpose, and after three hours of drenching I returned, fearing that D. would be crying out for his breakfast. We went on to the bank of the river at a spot which a little work with the spade would render practicable, and here we determined on passing the night, and as it was early, D. and I rambled along the river - bank : our attention was directed to what looked like Bushmen's caverns, and there I found the head of a hippopotamus, with tusks complete, but somewhat damaged from long exposure. I suppose it had fallen a victim to a Bushman's poisoned arrow. Now neither one or other flourish hereabout, nor will they, I fancy, ever again reappear as long as the world exists. "Just as the sun was setting, and I was thinking of returning to the waggons, I caught sight of some ducks in a pool, and thought one would be a change for the dinner-table, so attempted to settle them by crawling on all-fours through the reeds ; and whilst thus occupied I saw some pigs, the first I had seen so close, and had a shot at them, but away they went ; the report of the gun brought the dogs, and the pigs, with dogs in chase, disappeared over the hill. I came back, and we were about to sit down to dinner when the breeze bore to us the distant barking of the dogs and hallooing of the Kaffir leaders. A few minutes sufficed to saddle the horse, and away I went by moonlight, guided by the yelping of the dogs and the yelling of the Kaffirs. After a gallop of a mile and a half I came upon the party, the dogs keeping a fine boar at bay, and the Kaffirs, afraid to approach too closely, hallooing them on. My presence seemed especially distasteful to the boar, for he at once made for me, and failing to stop him with a bullet (I had brought no spear with me), he and dogs and all passed under the horse, fortunately without injuring it. Away he went again, the three dogs and I in pursuit. Again I attempted to stop his charge with a bullet, but he would not go down, and fearing that with such a light and in such a scrimmage I should be killing one of the dogs, I determined upon dismounting, thus, at all events, placing the horse out of harm's way. Just at that moment the dogs seized the boar by the ears, and seeing my opportunity I out with my knife and up with his hind leg and separated the tendons, making him a certain prize ; but after both tendons were cut the brute charged me several times on his stumps, and to put him out of his misery I was obliged to reload and give him another shot. 280 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN To make a long story short we cut him in two, and the Kaffirs brought him to the waggons. He had fair tusks, and cut one of the dogs severely. " I drank your health in a cup of tea, and shall keep the skull for you as a birthday present, for the African pig is a curiosity : you see I did not forget you, and if my wishes could avail any- thing, you would ever be most happy. " loth May. Travelled thirteen miles; beat a valley for lions, and found none. D. killed a zebra. "nth May. Came upon a party of Kaffirs returning from a jackal - hunting expedition, their pack - oxen laden with the skins and carcases. I suppose it is a dainty dish on the Drakensberg. At first they thought we were hostile, but on the waggons coming up a parley took place, and we exchanged a knife for an assegai. This day I rode out and shot a young boar, there being a scarcity of flesh in camp. Zebra beginning to show themselves in large troops, and a few gnu. " i2th May. The waggons went on, and D. and I lost our way. D. insisted he was going right, and I gave way until the sun was setting, when I went off at right angles ; and after a ride of six or seven miles fortunately hit the waggon's tracks, where the ground was soft and had taken a strong impression. Lions heard as night set in, and before we had finished dinner and made the oxen fast, they came rushing back to the waggons in great alarm. Throughout the night the lions kept up a serenade from different quarters, and fairly challenged us to the combat. " i$th May. Mounted at daylight and rode in the direction where I had last heard the lions. The dogs unfortunately took after a pig, which they brought to bay, but being in search of nobler game I could not go to their assistance. After riding a couple of miles came upon a fine spruit, along which was a fair sprinkling of game, and I felt assured that the lions were somewhere near. I kept the high ground and sent the after-rider to go down the spruit. He had not ridden far when he signalled to come on, and good Hector (my best horse) bounded over the ground at best speed. But the boy was also well mounted, and I found the stern chase a long chase, and did not catch up Johannes (my after-rider) until he had brought the lions to bay. The lion, a majestic fellow, took to the high ground, and I followed him, the lioness rushing about at Johannes, evidently a perfect virago. At this time D., who had taken a line of his own, came in sight over the ridge, and seeing I was engaged with the lion, both Johannes and I naturally supposed he would do the agree- able to the lady. Strange to say he did not, but passed her and came on to me, and thus in a most unsatisfactory and unaccountable manner we never saw more of her. The lion was soon killed, for he did not show much courage, and gave me an easy shot at close quarters by jumping down into a hollow which contained water, and BIG GAME IN THE TRANSVAAL 281 facing me with his back to the scarped earth, as if for defence. My first shot struck him and made him very angry, but he held his post, and finding my horse unsteady, I likewise took advantage of the strength of the position and dismounted, allowing the pool of water to separate us, for he could only then come at me straight by taking the water, which I supposed to be more than he could clear in a bound. The muzzle of the gun was soon again pointed at his breast, which was pierced by the conical bullet. He rushed out with a roar as if intending to charge round the pool, but he tottered, fell, re- covered himself, turned round, tottered and fell again, then, going two or three steps, rolled over to gasp for breath, suffusing the high grass (still covered with hoar-frost) with his blood, which gushed in jets from the lungs. The form of the male, when lying stretched in death, is very massive and imposing, and the outline of the head and mane certainly place him at the head of all beasts. And so dignified is he, and so unsuspicious his conduct, I hardly think he knows that danger awaits him ; whilst the lioness is always ready to assume the offensive, and always endeavours to get to cover. I should have told you that Durrant rode up towards the lion and fired at him after my first shot had told, and one barrel not going off, and the other missing, he, at my request, rode back to look for the lioness. But she was gone, and though I beat for her for some hours afterwards, nothing more was seen of her, and I returned to the waggons at half- past ten much disappointed. D. took after some other common game, saying he would not distress his horse on a bare chance, and so disgusted me by his indifference for the sport that I could not help expressing to him my surprise, and I confess that ever since I have not felt towards him as I did before. During the afternoon we moved eleven miles to the Siebenberg Vley river. En route I killed two zebra, our flesh being short, and wishing to preserve a skin. My two dogs returned to the waggons, the one cut by the boar, the other with his entrails dependent from the stomach : this was my best dog. I thought the case hopeless, but he recovered, and has since been shaken by a lioness, and narrowly escaped the jaws of another lion and lioness, besides a deep gash now open in the shoulder from a boar, inflicted four days ago. Poor ' Danger,' for that is his name, is a reddish-brown long-haired dog, with very black muzzle and most good-natured face, and if he escapes future perils I shall take him to the Cape to be left in charge of some kind master. He would suffer from heat, therefore it would be cruel to take him to India. " But I must really curtail my method of relating events, or I shall break down the dak (post) carts. On the i5th we hit the waggon- road leading to Potchefstroom, on to Veeht Kop. The country all around abounded in the commoner kind of game, such as gnu, zebra, blessbok, springbok, and pigs; and at a Boer's place the farmer told us that lions were to be found, and we heard them at night, so we were resolved to remain about Veeht Kop some little time ere 282 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN proceeding towards Potchefstroom. Accordingly, the remainder of May was passed in hunting for lions, and shooting a sufficiency of game for our table, servants, and dogs. On the 22nd May I suc- ceeded in bagging a fine lioness and one male cub half-grown. I came upon her and her hopeful family of four, very surly children, early one morning close to some old Kaffir kraals (the whole of the country through which we had passed must at one time have been thickly pop- ulated, to judge from the remains of kraals, though now not a living soul is to be seen). Near this kraal they had killed a gnu the night before. I shouted to D. to come on to the attack, but he had taken after another lioness, which he chased and lost in some old kraals, and he did not join me till I had killed my lioness and cub. I began the attack on her by a wound through the body, and she did not bow her head to the ground until I had put some eight bullets through her ! She was a proper vixen : every time I rode up to her to give a shot she charged in the most determined manner. On one occasion, when pursuing me down a rather steep stony descent, I think she would have caught the horse had it not been for * Danger,' my dog, for he also was following in my wake, trying to escape her. I was urging the horse to his utmost when I heard the poor dog give a yell, and looking over my shoulder saw him falling to the ground, tossed from her mouth, she apparently throwing the dog on one side in her anxiety to reach me. The momentary check, however, enabled me to increase the distance, and finding I had baulked her, she pulled up. Whilst this was going on I had seen the cubs disappear among the kraals, and thought them my own at my leisure. One, however, broke cover, and made for an opposite ridge down which my after-rider happened to be coming to join me. I called to him to watch into which enclosure (kraal) he went, and leaving the lioness in a dying condition, I galloped over to finish the young lion. Among stone walls and enclosures a horse is out of place, so I took foot in front of the building, and summoned the young gentleman to come out. He obeyed the call almost instantaneously, tail on end, but I sent him rolling before he had quitted the doorway. Feeling certain that he could go no farther, and fearing the lioness and the other cubs might escape, I returned to them, and though the lioness had been rendered powerless by the loss of her extremities, I had to get off my horse and give her two bullets before she bowed her head and shook it, as it fell lifeless between her paws. I then made certain of two other cubs, for I had seen them both enter a kraal, and I could see their behinds blocking up the doorway. But I was disappointed, for they had changed their quarters, and though I hunted everywhere for them, nowhere were they to be found. About this time some Boers joined me, being attracted, whilst on their way to shoot blessbok, by the shots. They appeared rather surprised at the Englishman being alone, for they confess their dread of the lion, and I was amused at their questions. After disem- A LION'S DEN 283 bowelling the lioness, they kindly helped me to drag her to a stone wall, beside which we covered her over to protect her from the vultures. On returning to the young lion in the kraal, I found him more lively than I expected, for he rushed out again, and fell dead between the dogs and me with a shot through the chest. Shutting him in the kraal by heaping up stones, I started for some distant caves in which the Boers said I was likely to find lions. Nobody at home, so I returned to the waggons at 2 P.M. for breakfast, and sent people out to skin the animals. My next capture was a fine female hunting leopard, which gave a sharp gallop, and, when pressed, took to the water, when I shot her after she had sufficiently recovered her strength and breath to land, other- wise I should have lost her, the hole being deep and muddy and difficult of access from the long reeds. This was on the 25th, and on the following day, the 26th, I came upon the three lion cubs that had escaped. On seeing us (Johannes 5 sharp eyes first detected them) they made off express pace for some kraals, and I only came up as they were scrambling over the broken walls. Immediately jumping off my horse I followed, and passing a doorway, a young male rushed out, but a bullet through his mouth and vitals killed him on the spot. Another one, a few paces in front, crawled into a den before my eyes, so there was no mistake about his whereabouts. Stooping down I caught sight of his brown hide, and giving the muzzle a sloping direction, pulled the trigger. A growl and struggle, and then silence assured me that he was done for, and when the smoke and dust cleared away I saw that I was right, for there he lay. Piling stones up against the opening for fear of accidents, I proceeded to search for the third cub, but hunted in vain. I returned to the den, removed the stones, gave the brute two or three good pokes with a large bone I found lying in the entrance to assure me he was not shamming dead, and then cogitated how I was to remove him, for he had died with his hind legs under him, and it was necessary to get hold of these to admit of dragging him out stern foremost ; the head lay the contrary way. Kneeling down, I thrust my hand under him, and was rather surprised to fancy I heard him growl. Another poke or two on his flank assured me that it must have been fancy, so I set to work again, and fastening a leather thong on to his hind legs, my after -rider, D.'s servant, and I dragged him out. Another peep into the den fully accounted for the growl, for there sat the third and missing cub, safe enough ! Taking a steady aim, I fired, when she rushed to the orifice, and the boys called out to fire again for she was coming out, but her career was ended ; after struggling for a few seconds she was dead, and pulling her out, we laid all three together beside the kraal wall. It being still early in the day, we left the bodies of the three innocents as securely buried beneath heaps of wild thyme as the robins did the Babes in the Wood, and proceeded to hunt along a spruit, which from its rocky 284 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN banks appeared a likely hold. After riding along its banks for some time, D. caught sight of the outline of a lioness disappearing over the ridge. Away we rode, crossed the stream, and he took up to the left, whilst I inclined to the right and ascended on foot, the slope being too great for riding. No sooner had I gained the ridge than I caught sight of a lioness, and remounting I gave chase. She looked anything but pleasant, and turning sharp round descended the hill, growling angrily. She had the advantage, and cantering on to a rock which overhung the stream, she bounded over the water and disappeared among the tall reeds. Stationing my after-rider on the spot from which she had leapt to watch the reeds, I found a passage across the bed of the stream. Before I go on, I may as well tell you what the streams (rivers they are called in this country) are like, for I shall, I hope, often have to refer to the one I now particu- larly allude to viz., the Rhenoster river. The country being hilly, the rivers are fed by the mountain torrents, and the flow of water finds a passage along the innumerable spruits or hollows in the hills ; consequently, after heavy rain a large body of water has to find a passage in the river. The beds are pretty deeply impregnated with the surface of the soil, and for the most part have a stony bottom. The banks average twelve or twenty feet in height, being usually steep at bottom and shelving towards the top. At this season of the year there is usually no flow of water, and the bed becomes a succession of deep pools, separated from each other by bare and rocky openings. Both banks have a fringe of tall rank weeds, ten or twelve feet in height, and about the pools they are invariably denser and more impervious to the eye. The upper banks, as I have said, are usually sloping, and are frequently covered with stunted bushes, and the lions seek shelter and safety under such coverts. To return to my story. The dogs had accompanied Durrant, therefore I had to trust to my own eyes, and to work cautiously in my search. Johannes assured me that the lioness had not moved, and as he was within a few yards of her, and the reeds were so dry as not to admit of her moving with- out cracking, I thought she could not have escaped, and I searched for her carefully. In the bushes she was not, therefore in the reeds she must be, and I descended lower, and Hector had not taken many steps down when I caught sight of her crouched below me, a few feet to my front, with head between her paws and eyes fixed on me. A steady aim between the two glaring balls I thought would strike her dead as she lay, but no sooner had my finger touched the trigger than her roar mingled with the report, and both she and Hector were struggling up the bank. Fortunately she was below me, though only a few feet off, and I had nearly forced the horse up the bank and through the bushes before she caught him. I was too much engaged urging Hector on to look back, but I felt she had him, for he gave way in his hind leg, and I thought he would have fallen on his side ; but no, fortune favoured me he was free again and bounding along, ATTACKED BY A LIONESS 285 and on looking round I saw the lioness turning back to the bed of the river. Pulling up Hector, I dismounted, and running to where I saw her go down, I had the satisfaction to see her dash through the reeds and water and ascend the opposite bank. She stood for a moment and gave me a fine shot, which I lost no time in taking advantage of, and the thud of the bullet and her roar assured me that I was not likely to lose her. The dogs at this moment came up and joined in the attack, and, I regret to say, suffered severely. She first seized * Spring,' a good, strong, half-bred greyhound, and taking him between her paws, actually chewed him to death, the other dogs barking round her, whilst poor ' Spring ' was making the rocks echo to his agonising howl. By this time I had reloaded, and she, appar- ently contented as to 'Spring,' had got up and walked along the bank towards me, the dogs barking round her. Another conical bullet through her turned her fury again upon the dogs, and seizing * Fan,' crunched her to death in a similar way. Durrant now rode up, and from the bank above her got a shot which rolled her over, and running close to her whilst she was struggling in the reeds, I gave another, which ended the combat, and permitted of our admiring her proportions of power and activity without fear of molestation. On examination it was found my shot had struck and fractured a portion of the skull, but had not penetrated the brain. Of the five dogs, two had been killed and two wounded, ' Danger ' alone escap- ing unhurt. On inspecting Hector, who during the latter part of the play had been grazing quietly within a few yards of us, I found that the upper part of his near thigh had been severely lacerated and a large patch of the flesh bared of the skin, part of which only was attached to the wound, the remainder, I suppose, carried away by the lioness. Fortunately her tusks had only penetrated between the coverings of the great muscles, so that I am in hopes that he will not be materially injured, though some frothy-looking matter which exudes from the deep cavities looks bad to me. I wish I had [illegible] here to doctor him, for I have had to leave him here in charge of a Boer, who, I fancy, is not a passed college man, and my medical stores only furnish turpentine, tar, and fat. " This is a long story, is it not ? But every tale has its moral, and the moral of this one is to be cautious how you ride into reeds after feline game, and the more especially as since then a lioness jumped across the same stream to come at me after receiving a mortal wound, and seizing a dog which was before me and between us, shook it, took to the pool again, and fell dead when she landed. The poor dog was of course killed, and I the more regretted his loss, for though only a pup of seven or eight months old, he would accompany me out, though only just able to move his leg that had suffered on the previous encounter. The fact is the lioness (like the opposite to our sex) is much more dangerous than the male, and as far as my experi- ence goes, it is easier to combat half a dozen males than one female ! 286 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN Four prizes in one day was great luck, and at 2 P.M. I was quite ready for breakfast. " Between the 26th and 3oth we bagged no large game, but a fine panther jumped up before D. which was lost in a fog. On the 30th I killed a fine yellow-maned lion, and D. wounded a lioness, but which we never got. It was along the bank of the same river the old fellow (the lion) lay as close as wax. Until the dogs came from camp I could make nothing of him, for the reeds and bush would not fire, and though the horses snorting assured me he w?s there safe enough, and I once got a shot at what I supposed to be his head, he stirred not. On old * Danger ' arriving and encouraging him into the bush by throwing in little pieces of zebra's dung, I soon had evidence he was there, for the dog came out of the reeds looking as if he had seen the old gentleman himself there, and encouraging him again, a bark and a roar and a rushing through the bushes made one keep a bright look-out. At first he appeared to be coming towards me, but changed his course and took the pool, giving me a fine shot. On receiving the bullet he stood to bay, but another and another crippled him, and he moved along the bank roaring. D. also had a shot at him, and seeing he was past much mischief I mounted, crossed the stream, and riding to where I had last seen him, found him lying dead. The lioness was certainly a proper vixen and fought well. On one occasion she made me go best pace, and it was well I was on a fast horse, for she was out upon me in a moment, and followed me some distance. D. also had to ride for it a little while afterwards ; and nothing but Providence saved him, for he fell from his horse, broke the stock of his gun, and lay on the ground utterly helpless and apparently unconscious, the horse in the meantime galloping away. Most fortunately the lioness had given up the pursuit, and was return- ing towards the river-bank when he fell, or he must have been killed. I was on foot on the other side of the river, and too far off to have fired even a chance shot, and he would have been dead before I could have mounted and gone to his assistance, and the lion was in the bush just before me. I had a shot at the lioness as she rushed back before me, but she disappeared, and though I ran along the bank to mark her down I lost sight of her, and she was never seen again. But she must have died, for D. had put a ball through her, either his first or second shot, when I first came across them, and when she charged me and him I could see the hole, and her side was streaked with blood. And now you will be sick and tired of the generations of lions, and will perhaps rejoice to hear that after killing two lionesses and one lion on the ist June, we made up our minds to continue our route to Potchefstroom. I had the first shot at the lion and missed him, when D. wipe^J my eye, and as the prize was then his, I turned to the two lionesses which had taken to the river bed. One I killed, as already related ; the other I caught sight of at the edge of the reeds, and paralysed her as she was about to jump by a bullet through the back, LETTER FROM LORD DALHOUSIE 287 and another ball made her shake her angry head between her paws, but not before * Danger ' was nearly getting into a scrape. Upon the whole I have had fair sport and have been most fortunate, but the lions are not so numerous as I had been led to expect. It requires some knowledge of their habits to be up to them, and to follow them every other sport must be abandoned." As Durrant grew tired of the hard life in the wilder- ness, Neville Chamberlain abandoned reluctantly his inten- tion to proceed to Potchefstroom, and they retraced their steps to Harrismith. " We left the vicinity of Veeht Kop on the 6th June, and found our old tracks so perfect that the oxen required no one at their head. They are wonderful brutes in that respect ; in many instances where the ground has been hard, and recorded only a very slight impression, they appear to be able to trace it quite as well if not better than a human being." The travellers reached Harrismith on the i6th of June, and the next day Durrant started for Pietermaritzburg. The difficulty of obtaining the necessary stock of meal, and bad weather in the shape of rain and mud, kept Neville Chamberlain at Harrismith until the 27th of June. The detention was most fortunate. On returning to his waggon late at night on the 24th of June, after a vain search for a lion which had been seen on the high - road to Bloem- fontein, a packet of letters was put in his hands. " On striking a light to examine the contents, I found a letter from Lord Dalhousie; at the sight of his handwriting I immediately guessed the nature of his communication, and my surmise proved correct : it conveyed in gratifying terms the offer of the command of the Punjab Irregular Horse." Lord Dalhousie wrote: "GOVERNMENT HOUSE, April 14, 1854. " MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN, Yesterday I received Brigadier Hodg- son's resignation of the command of the Punjab Irregular Force. I should much prefer to place this command in your hands rather than in those of any other man in this army. Therefore, although you are absent I will keep it open for you if you think that your 288 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN health will be sufficiently re-established to admit of your leaving the Cape in October. I would on no account have you attempt to leave it before that month. I cannot doubt that this offer will be agreeable to you, and I, on my part, will have real pleasure in thinking that if you accept the offer I shall, before I leave India, have given to the Frontier Force a leader whom all the army will agree with me in think- ing most worthy of the trust. Believe me, my dear Chamberlain, very truly yours, DALHOUSIE." No appointment in the service could be more in accord- ance with Neville Chamberlain's feelings or aspirations than this command of the Frontier Force, and he at once wrote to the Governor-General the following letter : "Yesterday evening I had the pleasure to receive your Lordship's letter of i4th April, and I find it difficult sufficiently to express how highly honoured I feel by the distinction your Lordship proposes to confer upon me, as also how deeply grateful I am for the manner in which the offer is conveyed. I have already much to be grate- ful for to your Lordship, and this additional mark of confidence shall, as far as I am able, be met on my part by the zealous discharge of the duties of the command to which your Lordship proposes to appoint me. In accordance with your Lordship's desire I shall not leave the Cape before October, and I have written to my agents in Cape Town not to fail to secure me a passage for that month." On the 27th of June Neville Chamberlain again trekked out of Harrismith, and the 7th July found him encamped near Veeht Kop. " The climate is most charming and very bracing. Sharp frost at night, and even after sunrise I have had the water in my basin converted into ice." As he wished to be at Cape Town at the end of September, he gave up all idea of crossing the Vaal river, and re- mained in the neighbourhood of Veeht Kop hunting for lions, but a week passed before he came across any. "On the evening of the i5th I disturbed a gentleman with his two wives, as they were listlessly reclining near the bodies of a couple of gnu, upon which they had been feasting. My gallop- ing up took them quite by surprise, and, jumping up, away they bolted between the walls of old Kaffir kraals. These kraals, and the broken nature of the ground, gave them the advantage, and though I used my spurs freely, and tried hard to keep the shaggy- SPORT AT VEEHT KOP 289 maned rascal in sight, he disappeared over the ridge of the hill, and I never again caught sight of him. My being foiled was be- cause of one of the lionesses halting and crouching on the ridge, making it necessary to give her a wide berth, I had to alter my course slightly, and the loss of time, though only a few seconds, lost me the lion. Turning round to be revenged upon her, I saw her standing facing me from a walled enclosure. I fired but missed her, and the wall interfering with any attempt at a charge, she contented herself with a growl, and in no means a good humour descended the hill and entered some thorn bushes which were thinly scattered for a few hundred yards at its base. I followed as fast as the horse could scramble down, and found her under a small tree awaiting my arrival : three shots I gave her, and three times she charged, but the bushes were pretty open, and the horse being fast I easily avoided her, pulling up and turning round upon her the moment I saw that she followed no further. The dogs now began to annoy her, and as I saw she was a little sick, and the blood trickling down wounds that bespoke serious injury, I got off my horse, allowed a bush to act as a defence in the event of mishap, and as she squatted facing me, roaring with anger, and turning upon the dogs as they too boldly approached, I gave her a bullet through the chest. She jumped up, but rolled over instantaneously upon her back, and after inflicting some very sharp biting upon her own paws, she fell on her side dead, still retaining firmly a fore-paw between her jaws. It was then sunset, but I still hoped to find one or other of the other two, and beat for them. They, however, were not to be found, and as night was coming on I and my after -rider set to work skinning the lioness. It was pitch dark before we had finished, and 8 o'clock before we got back to the waggons, distant four or five miles. Two of the dogs were injured, but only flesh wounds. My friend, the Boer, who resides near Veeht Kop, was out that day, and a proper fright he was in, rushing off in an opposite direction when I turned round and called out, ' I see three lions,' and rode for them. I could not even persuade him to ride round the base of the hill whilst I was on the top searching for the lion and lionesses, and when I went down to skin the lioness he had started off home. However, I must say he from the first honestly expressed his dread of the ' Le,' and therefore had a perfect right to keep out of harm's way. Two days after this, iyth July, I came upon a very fine lioness taking an airing, and my after- rider being some distance off, I fired a shot to bring him up, so that he might watch her. She had squatted in the grass. I rode on to see if there was no gentleman friend in the neighbourhood. Now you can imagine how close they lie when I tell you I had some difficulty in point- ing the lioness out to Hottentot eyes, although we were not more than seventy or eighty yards from her. Not finding any signs 2QO LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN of a lion, I returned and commenced the action. The first shot brought her to the charge, but this is easily evaded on a decent horse in open ground. The second shot passed through her loins and paralysed her hind-quarters, so dismounting I advanced close up, and as she struggled to sit up and bid me defiance from a mouth set with fangs that I should have ill-desired to have felt, I dropped on one knee and sent a bullet through her chest which sent her on her back, all four paws in the air. Like the other lioness she died shaking her paw between her teeth, and piercing the skin with her fangs. She was a noble brute, and from appear- ances must have had a hopeful family in some kraal or cave in the neighbourhood, but though I searched well I could not find them. "On the 2 3rd July I killed a lion and a lioness. The servants awoke me, saying they heard lions roaring over the other side of the hill near which I was encamped. They proved to be on the other side of the Rhenoster river, about four miles off. There were two males and one female, but I only saw the two killed ; the other was traced by the after-rider into the reeds, and I searched for him in vain. "The dogs put the lion up out of the bushes, and with a roar he dashed up the slope and cantered along the bank of the river, entering the bushes again after going some hundred yards. Such a noise he made, and such a form is easily kept in view, and as he bounded along ' Tom Robin ' bounded after him, purposely striking the river -bank a little lower than where he had dashed into the bushes. As I glanced up the bank I had the joy to behold the rascal's tail curling out of a bush a few yards to my left, and as I knew the body could not be far off from the tail, up went the carbine, and the trigger was no sooner pulled than he fell with a tremendous roar, and from his vainly endeavouring to rise I at once saw that he was powerless for offensive operations, and guessed, as proved to be the case, that his loins were paralysed. The report of the gun brought the dogs up, and jumping off Robin I ran down the bank, and as he kept the dogs at bay gave him the second barrel through the chest, which felled him to the earth, and his head had hardly touched the ground before the dogs had hold of his mane. The lioness had now to be done for, and leaving the lion's carcase I took the dogs back to hunt for her. She soon let us know her whereabouts, and as usual had taken her post in the long thick reeds at the edge of the water. The bank was steep here and im- practicable for a horse, and to make matters worse, between the open ground and reeds there was a thick belt of bush some ten or twelve yards wide. Nothing could be done off the horse, and nothing but every chance of losing one's life if I entered the bushes or reeds on foot ; and as a burnt child dreads the fire, I desisted, but deter- mined upon out-manoeuvring her in her own way. Accordingly I left the dogs with the after-rider on her side of the brook and crossed over, and took post just opposite to where I heard her growling and could see the reeds shaking as she moved. By throwing stones in and hallooing the dogs entered to the attack, and then there was soon a nice noise, what with us shouting, the dogs barking, and the lioness roaring. She of course put the dogs to flight whenever they closed upon her, but they showed great courage, and though all but one got sooner or later mauled by her, they so pertinaciously bullied her that she became frantic as they surrounded and barked at her. She would rush out at one, seize and shake it, and then return under cover. All this time I was perfectly secure, for a pool of water, too wide for her to take at a spring, divided us, and as she changed position so did I, taking advantage of her exposing herself when pursuing the dogs to give her a shot. This sort of baiting must have gone on for a good hour, for occasionally the dogs got panic- stricken, and it required every method of incitement and encourage- ment to make them renew the attack. The ground enabling me to keep so close by her with impunity at last caused me to conquer. After striking her several times, a bullet deprived her of powers of locomotion, and then I knew she was mine. Her colour was so similar to that of the reeds it was difficult to distinguish her, but the heaving of her flanks as she breathed was a sign not to be mistaken, and to make matters sure I gave her another shot before crossing over to approach. Creeping through the bushes, sure enough there she lay, but far from harmless, as she soon made the dogs to understand ; but yet another shot ended all. At the last the dogs took their revenge by tugging at her throat and stomach. She was a perfect fiend, and I think has sixteen bullet -holes in her skin. The poor dogs suffered, and it was distressing to hear their howls when in her embrace. None were killed, but some I was obliged to leave behind and give them to the Boer, under promise that he would take care of them. ' Danger ' as usual came in for a mauling, but escaped with only flesh wounds. I should like to take the old schelum (a word of Dutch for you) to India with me, but the climate would I fear soon kill him. "My next occasion was on the ist of August, and as I suppose to wind up the career with due honour, I was introduced to a party of five ! four lions and one lioness. You can imagine what sort of salutation I received on entering the family circle, when I tell you that the servants with the waggons, distant three miles and a rise of hills intervening, heard the reception. We had heard them at night, and riding in the direction at daylight I saw something on the brow of a hill in my front. Both I and the boy felt assured they were lions, but to make matters sure I had a look through the tele- scope. No less than five were sitting on the top of the hill, looking down upon the game feeding below, and evidently also watching us, for as we rode on they moved over the ridge out of sight. It was 2Q2 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN an open country, and I thought they were as well as bagged, and such would have been the case had the boy obeyed me, but as it turned out I only killed three of the males, one lion and the lioness escaping. The dogs were with me, and away we cantered, ascend- ing the hill on the side that hid us from view. It was a curious scene on reaching the top, for we and the lions and dogs were all mixed up together, the lords of the animal creation running about amongst the rocks, making the air echo. My instructions to the boy was that I would engage the biggest male with the best mane, and that he was to stick by and keep the other males in sight until I had disposed of the first and rejoined him. Four lions took down one side of the hill, and I followed a fine old fellow who descended into the plain in the opposite direction. The descent was over rocks and stones, therefore he was some distance before I gained upon him sufficiently to bring him to bay by letting him hear the clatter of my horse's hoofs. When he found I was really after him he turned short round, and with a very loud roar and with mane erect, asked me, 'What the devil do you want with me, sir ? ' He was a noble animal, and the long black hair descended to half-way down his fore -legs, giving him all the appearance of wearing a kilt. I could have admired him for hours, but die he must ! The horse was unsteady, and I missed him with the first shot ; he therefore charged, but I kept out of his way, and, laughably enough, his attention was taken off me by a dog, which had now come up, laying hold of the end of his tail. The dog had to pay the penalty of the joke, for the lion seized him by the loins, and though he satisfied him- self without killing the intruder, he inflicted two such wounds as will be long in healing. The left barrel struck him through the vitals, and with a loud roar he stumbled to the ground, and after a few convulsive movements he slept with his fathers. The after- rider, through fear I suppose, had not followed the other four, and to my annoyance he came back to me. Leaving this poor fellow for a time, away we galloped in the direction the others had taken, and after a couple of miles I caught sight of two which the after-rider felt sure were males, for he had seen the lioness go into spruit. On nearing them the boy proved correct, and though they had indifferent manes, they were both full-sized, and I supposed brothers from their great similitude in appearance : and they had no intention of dying like sheep, for they at once charged and roared manfully. I fired, and struck the one nearest, whereupon he sent me to the right-about ; and it was as well I had changed horses with the after-rider, for the enemy was nimble and followed farther than they usually do. I had to retreat, as with two such antagonists before me it was prudent to be prepared with both hands, and whilst thus employed No. i who had followed me went back and rejoined his companion, No. 2. When I saw them ranged thus side by side I could not help ADVENTURE WITH FOUR LIONS 2Q3 thinking of how similar our conduct would be under similar circum- stances, and had they been anything but lions I really think I must have spared them for their brotherly love and devotion to each other. Then they squatted side by side, watching my every motion, and echoing each other's growl as I moved in the act of loading. Ad- vancing again towards them, I fired at No. 2 and struck him in the chest. The effect was to make him seize hold of his companion, and then, as if finding out his mistake, he jumped up and came at the horse. But the bullet had worked too effectually, and turning round he walked a few yards, fell over, and when I looked at him after reloading, he was dead, and his four paws sticking in the air. The next shot disabled the survivor by breaking his shoulder, but he charged manfully, making a somersault, however, at starting ; but on he came, and I had to make way for him. The dogs now came up, and attracted to themselves much of his attention, so reloading quietly I jumped off, and advancing close up, gave him a shot in the chest that paralysed him, and after gasping two or three times, and clench- ing his teeth together as if enduring great internal pain, he fell dead. We then set them up in as natural positions as possible, by tying their heads to their hind-legs to keep the vultures off, whilst we went to look for the lioness and the missing lion, but we saw nothing of them. I returned to camp to send people to bring home the skins. The result, then, of my campaign has been eleven lions and ten lionesses, in all twenty-one, and likewise a leopard. I have seen the sport in all kinds of ground, and I imagine it to be far more exciting than tiger-shooting off a howdah. After meeting a lion I ceased to care to go after commoner game, and speaking without much experience, my impression is that I should always prefer hunt- ing lions to any other kind of game. Their skin in no way represents what their appearance is when free and in motion on their natural soil ; to be understood, and to have their true grandeur appreciated, they must be seen in the wilds of Africa. Seven is the largest troop I have come across, but I believe they are to be seen in three times that number, and the Boers affirm that at certain seasons and in certain places 100 is not over the mark. This I discredit, and for the reason that they could never procure sufficient food for such capacious stomachs. I am, however, a convert to the Boers' opinion that there are two if not three kinds of lions, and that some remain stationary to one locality and others lead a wandering life, following the game as it migrates from place to place. I think I must have fully satisfied your curiosity on this point if I have not surfeited you. In my letter home I do not enter particulars. I found the horse Hector, which had been lacerated by the lioness in June, much improved : he will be fit to offer for sale at Natal." On the i4th of September 1854 Neville Chamberlain landed at Cape Town, after a rough passage of eight days, 294 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN from Natal. " We had bad weather, and were glad of the shelter of land for eighteen hours to escape the force of the gale." At the Cape he found a report prevalent that a force was to be sent from India, via Egypt, to the Crimea, and he tells his sister, " I have taken the neces- sary steps to let the Government in India know that I would gladly resign the frontier for employment in the field." On the 4th of October he left the Cape in the Sutlej, " one of Green's East Indiamen." On the 26th of November he writes to Crawford from " Sand Heads. We took the pilot on board yesterday and heard of the battle of Alma. I suppose the next mail will tell of the taking of Sebastopol." The day after his arrival at Calcutta he had an interview with the Governor-General, " and met with a most cordial reception." He also dined at Government House, and when he apologised for appearing in plain clothes, Lord Dalhousie "good-naturedly said, 'Oh, I sup- pose you left your uniform in the last lioness' mouth you killed.' " He found that sickness and sorrow had left their mark on the strong ruler. He writes : " The climate, I am sorry to say, is telling on Lord Dalhousie terribly. I felt shocked to see the change since I last saw him. Lady Dalhousie's death was a great blow to him. For a whole year he never went out of Government House." On the ist of January 1855 Neville Chamberlain made his first stage towards the frontier "by rail to Barrackpore, to take leave of Lord Dalhousie. The Governor -General as usual received me most kindly, and gave me an invite to his ' old castle,' as he styled it, whenever I came home." That same evening Neville Chamberlain started to join the dak carriage, by which primitive conveyance he was to be taken to Lahore. 295 CHAPTER X. The Punjab Frontier Force Neville Chamberlain arrives at Peshawur Takes over command at Kohat Returns to Peshawur The Afghan Treaty Gholam Hyder Khan, son of Dost Mahomed, arrives at Peshawur Negotiations Treaty signed Letter on it Returns to Kohat Starts on his first expedition Letters laying down the policy to be adopted on the Punjab Frontier Disagree- ment between Chamberlain and John Nicholson Sir John Lawrence the peacemaker Misunderstanding explained Chamberlain and Nicholson again become fast friends Chamberlain's second expedi- tion to punish the Urakzais, August 1855 Letter from the Foreign Secretary conveying the Governor-General's most cordial acknow- ledgment and thanks Letter from Neville Chamberlain Inspection of Frontier posts Letter from Neville Chamberlain Expedition against the Turis in the Koorum valley, October 1856 Lord Canning Governor-General, February 21, 1856 War declared against Persia, November 1856 Interview between John Lawrence and Dost Mahomed arranged Meeting in the Khyber Agreement confirming the Treaty of 1855 signed Extra provisions The promise of the Dost never broken Letter from Sir John Lawrence about proposed expedition against Mahsud Waziris Expedition against the Bozdars, March 1857 Letter from Neville Chamberlain Letters from Sir John Lawrence Sir John Lawrence visits the Depot for Musketry Instruction, Sealkote, March 1857 Writes to Lord Canning that the officers assured him that no ill-feeling had been shown by the Sepoys. ON the i3th of December 1854 Lord Dalhousie nominated Major Neville Chamberlain to succeed Brigadier Hodgson in command of the Punjab Irregular Force, remarking that his soldierly character, his judgment, good temper and tact, and the respect and regard in which he is held by all, point him out as eminently fitted for this command. The Punjab Irregular Force had been raised by Sir Henry Lawrence, under the orders of Lord Dalhousie, after the annexation of the Punjab. In 1846 Sir Henry Lawrence, when he was 296 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN engaged in the impossible task of maintaining a strong Sikh government in the Punjab, determined to raise a corps consisting of border men, who could at a moment's notice act as guides to troops in the field, and collect intelligence beyond as well as within the border. It was a stroke of genius. He entrusted Lieutenant Harry Burnett Lumsden with the task of raising the first Guide Corps, which was to consist of one troop of cavalry and two companies of infantry. No man was better fitted for the work. He was a brave and dashing soldier, a daring sportsman, and he had the power of winning and commanding turbulent alien races. The history of every recruit was known to him. " Men from every wild and warlike tribe were represented in its ranks men habituated to war and sport, the dangers and vicissitudes of border life : Afridis and Goorkhas, Sikhs and Hazaras, Waziris, Pathans of every class, and even Kaffirs, speaking all the tongues of the border, Persian, Pushtu, &c., dialects unknown to the men of the plains. In many cases the Guides had a camp-language or patois of their own. Lumsden sought out the men notorious for desperate deeds, leaders in forays, who kept the passes into the hills, and lived amid inaccessible rocks. He made Guides of them. Tempted by regular pay and enterprise many joined the corps, and became con- spicuous for daring and fidelity. On the border and in the ranks of the Guides, tales, abundant in humour, were told of Lumsden 's inter- views with men who had defied all authority, and had never been seen in the plains but for murder and plunder." l The conspicuous loyalty and bravery shown by the Guides in the Sikh Campaign of 1849 ^ e ^ Sir Henry Lawrence to suggest, after the annexation of the Punjab, that a large force for the protection of the Trans- Indus frontier should be raised on the same model. The Punjab Irregular Force had, like the Guides, in its ranks Pathans, Mahomedans of the Punjab, and Sikhs who had fought against us. The officers selected with great care from the whole army of India were men of whom any army might well be proud, John Coke, Dighton Probyn, " Sam " Browne, Wilde, Daly, Vaughan, Keyes, and M 'Queen. 1 Lecture by Sir Henry Daly to the Royal United Service Institution in 1884. THE PUNJAB FRONTIER FORCE 2Q7 The gallantry and efficiency of the native officers were marked features of the force. " They commanded their troops and companies as well in the field as in quarters, and their opinion and advice were constantly asked by their commanding officers on all occasions of difficulty." 1 The original strength of the force was three batteries of mountain guns, five regiments of cavalry, and five of in- fantry. It was subsequently increased by five existing Sikh infantry regiments, the Sind Camel Corps raised by Sir Charles Napier, and a regiment of Goorkhas. The force with the corps of Guides numbered 11,000 men, not a large number when it is remembered that they had to guard, with the exception of the Peshawur district, a frontier from Hazara to the borders of Sind, some 700 miles, lined with brave and turbulent tribes. Neville Chamberlain had for many years to make arrangements for the protection of the border, and to control, check, and punish some of the wildest and most turbulent of these tribes. After thirty-one days' journey Neville Chamberlain drove up to Crawford's door at Peshawur. He found the Kohat Pass closed owing to the murder of a traveller, and we find him during his stay at Peshawur in the hot bustle of preparation for taking over his command collecting horses, servants, and camp -equipage. The pass was reopened on the 7th of February, "and on that day Crawford accompanied me to Kohat, Major Cole and other officers coming through to meet us. It was dark before we reached the cantonments, but I was received with due honour by a salute of eleven guns (as Brigadier-General), and dined with the officers at the mess. My success has certainly been very far from what I had a right to expect, and I am most thankful for the good fortune that has befallen me. Under ordinary cir- cumstances I could not have expected a command of the kind under double my period of service, and even then have not pos- 1 'My Service in the Indian Army and After,' by General Sir J. Luther Vaughan, G.C.B., p. 34. This gallant and distinguished soldier is almost the only survivor of the original race of Punjab Frontier Force officers. 2Q8 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN sessed the real power I now have. My desire is to exercise it with perfect justice to all parties and for the good of the service, and with Longfellow's words, ' Heart within and God o'erhead,' as my motto, I do not despair of success. Kohat is one of my principal stations, there being in garrison here a light field battery, one regiment of cavalry, three regiments of infantry, one company of garrison artillerymen, and some sappers." After a short stay at Kohat, Neville Chamberlain returned to Peshawur, partly on duty, partly on pleasure. "The duty portion to expedite certain measures connected with the movement of a force up the Meeranzie valley, under my personal command ; the pleasure was to enjoy Craw- ford's society, and to see the reception of Sirdar Gholam Hyder Khan, who has been sent by Dost Mahomed to conclude* a treaty with the British Government." Herbert Edwardes had not been long Commissioner of Peshawur before he saw the value of cultivating friendly relations with Cabul, and he proposed to make a treaty with Dost Mahomed. The proposal did not meet with the approval of John Lawrence, who was now Chief Commissioner of the Punjab. It would be outside the scope of this biography to discuss the conflicting opinions of Edwardes and Law- rence. Lord Dalhousie's opinion, however, fortunately coincided with that of Edwardes in favour of a treaty being made. To Edwardes was entrusted the difficult and delicate task of taking diplomatic action. After long nego- tiations and exercise of considerable tact and skill, a treaty of friendship was drafted, and Dost Mahomed determined to send his son and heir to sign it. But Edwardes did not have the crowning credit of bringing to a close the negotiations he had conducted so well. Dost Mahomed had specially expressed his wish that our highest func- tionary, the Chief Commissioner of the Punjab, should meet his son, and John Lawrence was instructed to pro- ceed at once to Peshawur as the negotiator on our part. On the i6th of March Edwardes, accompanied by Crawford Chamberlain's ist Irregular Cavalry, met the Afghan envoy at Jumrood, and "chatting, we jogged over the stones to AFGHAN TREATY SIGNED 2QQ his camp at our frontier police tower." On the 2Oth Gholam Hyder Khan was received in full durbar in the cantonment at Peshawur, and the following morning the Chief Commissioner and the Brigadier, accompanied by their respective staffs, returned the visit. According to Oriental custom the Afghan envoy produced bundles of presents, furs from Russia and Bokhara, and fine blades from Damascus. " The most curious, perhaps, of the presents were some dromedaries from the great Kuzzauk Desert creatures with deep hanging frills of dark brown wool and large lustrous eyes, such as the Queen of Sheba may have brought King Solomon, and Salvator Rosa only could have painted." * The son and representative of the Ameer in- sisted on giving the Chief Commissioner, in return for the sword and revolver which had been presented him the previous day, his own riding-horse " a noble beast : I do not think I ever saw a better in a chiefs possession. John Lawrence asked to be allowed to send it back, but the envoy replied that in that case he would shoot it." Gholam Hyder had been a prisoner in India, knew the country, and had become acquainted with the social habits of the English, and associated with British officers. He recognised the Chamberlains, and treated them as old friends. On the 23rd the negotiations between the Chief Commissioner and the envoy began. Edwardes writes to the Governor- General : "It went off well after much wrestling. Hyder's perspiration at some points of the contest was great. Once, in an agony at not getting his father declared 'Wali of Afghanistan,' he screamed for ' a cheroot,' and smoked in awful silence for a quarter of an hour. Another time he calmed himself with a tune on my wife's piano, and firing off a few wafer matches." The envoy argued that Cabul was only a city, while Afghanistan was a large kingdom ; and Wali was the proper name for a supreme ruler, while an Ameer might be only one of many. He got his way to a certain extent. On the 3Oth the treaty was signed, 1 Life of Sir Herbert Edwardes,' by his Wife, i. 257. 300 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN and his father was styled in the ist Article "Ameer Dost Mahomed Khan Wali of Cabul, and of those countries of Afghanistan now in his possession." In Neville Chamber- lain's letter, addressed to his sister, there are some rather noticeable comments : "The meeting between the Sirdar and Mr John Lawrence has taken place, and everything has gone off very well, and as bygones are to be bygones, I suppose we shall soon be on friendly terms with the ruling faction at Cabul. However, our position with the Afghans as a nation is, and must be for a long while, a precarious one, and nothing that we can do will make the people, as a mass, desire our friendship. Whenever Dost Mahomed dies anarchy and bloodshed will be the order of the day, and as far as I can judge Afghan character, I should say that any exhibition of trust or de- pendence on us will do more to weaken than to strengthen any party seeking our countenance. I thought it impossible that British bayonets would go through the Khyber for many, many years, but I now begin to think, that if I live to attain the threescore and ten, that I myself may see Cabul again, 1 and the treaty we are now about to enter into may bring it about. The Sirdar has become a monster of a man, but some people say he is the son most likely to succeed Dost Mahomed. He recollected Crawford and me very well, and appeared glad to see us, and he asked after others who have gone to their long home. "After the treaty is concluded Major Edwardes joins me at Kohat, and accompanies the force going into the Meeranzie, as the Chief Civil Officer. We go so strong and well prepared that there is little chance of our being opposed, and no unnecessary bloodshed will take place. If the people are so stupid as to resist the just demands of Government, we shall have to punish them, and then I hope we may do the thing efficiently. Six elephants go through the Kohat Pass to-day, equipped with saddles for transporting field- guns (9 -pounders and 24-pounder howitzers), so as to allow of our placing our artillery in the most advantageous positions, and trans- porting them over mountains and rivers, if called on to act." Soon after his return to Kohat, Neville Chamberlain set forth on the first of his many expeditions. He writes : " On the 4th a force of 4000 men and 9 guns left Kohat for the purpose of bringing the people of this valley into subjection, and making them bring up their three years' arrears of revenue. I am 1 He was nominated Envoy to Cabul in 1878, by Lord Lytton, when he was fifty- eight years of age. FIRST EXPEDITION FROM KOHAT 3?*' 1 / <^> / y '^^^^ & faztm<&?*&2s THE DUKE OF EDINBURGH'S TOUR 44Q consideration, and luckily there is no hurry about it. I saw Lord Mayo at his request t'other day. Among other subjects he broached this, in these words : * When I saw the Queen yesterday she asked me if I thought Sir Neville Chamberlain would join the Duke of Edinburgh on arrival of the Galatea in Calcutta in October, and be with him during his stay in India. She added she thought it ought to be a general officer, and that he was a fit person for it. Of course I could not then answer the question, but said I would enquire.' And so Lord Mayo wishes me to write to you confidentially on the matter. I told him of many qualifications which I knew you to possess, but that the position had its peculiarities, and therefore you might wish for time to consider it. I then told Sir Stafford North- cote, and he agreed that the matter did not press. If you like to discuss it with me, we will do so when next we meet, fully." Neville Chamberlain went to town, and on being assured that there could be no question as to the dignity and independence of his position, and that his duties would be of a purely public nature, he accepted the post. At the close of November Neville Chamberlain reached Bombay, and after a stay of a few days proceeded to Calcutta. On the 22nd of December His Royal Highness the Duke of Edinburgh landed at Calcutta. Ten years only had passed since bloody strife had been finished, and now great chiefs came to welcome the first prince of the blood royal who ever set foot in India. Multitudes swarmed from their mud huts to see the Queen's son. On the 3Oth of December His Royal Highness was admitted with all the pageantry of chivalry to the Order of the Star of India. On the 7th of January he left Calcutta, and in camp, near Moorshedabad, he was introduced to the most royal of all sports pig-sticking and had the supreme delight of gaining his first spear. A few days later he shot his first tiger. On the iyth of January he met Lord Mayo at Benares, and they spent the morning going through the narrow lanes of the Hindu metropolis and visiting the numerous shrines which crowd the ancient city. The next morning the Duke and his party went to Chukia, a hunting-seat of the Maharaja of Benares, about twenty- five miles from the city. After breakfast they proceeded to the neighbouring jungle. The Viceroy and the Maharaja 2 F 450 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN occupied one machan or elevated platform, the Duke, the Maharaja's son, and Colonel Eraser another. As a tiger rushed by the Duke's platform he knocked him over with a shell from his rifle. " Thus seriously wounded, the tiger managed to roll over into a ravine and made off. He was followed on foot by the Duke and several of the party, who traced him for a considerable distance by the blood, which had been flowing freely from the wound, over the broken ground and through the long jungle and ravines ; but as it was getting late and dark they were obliged to relinquish the chase and return to camp." Shooting a tiger from a platform is not a dangerous sport, but follow- ing a wounded tiger on foot is attended with considerable danger. On one occasion Neville Chamberlain was advanc- ing to give the coup de grace to a tiger which had been mortally wounded when it sprang up and charged. Neville Chamberlain with a steady aim pulled the trigger. The rifle missed fire. In a second the infuriated brute would have been on him. Some powerful dogs, "something between a greyhound and a mastiff," which were with the beaters, rushing in, turned him back. " We closed in and a few more shots finished him. He was a fine male tiger." From Benares the royal party proceeded to Agra, and devoted some days to viewing the royal palaces and mausoleums, monuments worthy of the imperial dynasty which erected them. On the I7th of February the royal party, after a tour through Northern India, reached Luck- now. The following day the Duke paid a visit to the Resi- dency and saw the relics of that memorable defence, one of the noblest achievements in the annals of our race. From Lucknow the Duke proceeded, on the 2ist of February, to a camp pitched on the banks of the Mohun, a narrow stream that separates British from Nepaul territory. On the other bank the Prime Minister, Sir Jung Bahadur, the most famous of the line of soldier-statesmen who have de facto governed Nepaul from the time of the Goorkha conquest, was encamped. The important work done by the force under his command in SPORT IN THE TERAI 451 the Mutiny is recorded in history. The morning after the Duke's arrival the Prime Minister crossed the river by a bridge thrown over for the occasion and rode into camp. ;< The Maharajah, who is a slight, active, and wiry-looking man of about fifty-three, with fair Mongolian features, was dressed in a military uniform and decorated with the Grand Cross of the Bath. His head-dress was made of the most costly jewels, said to be worth about 15,000." After the exchange of a few formal compliments the ceremonial came to an end. Soon after the Minister's departure the Duke crossed the river on his elephant, and was joined by Sir Jung Bahadur in a plain blue cotton shooting-dress with a broad solar hat. Eight days passed pleasantly in the Terai, and the bag was varied, consisting of five tigers, a large number of deer, and two pythons. One of the pythons was 17 feet long and 24^ inches in circumference. " It required six or eight men to lift it on the pad." On the afternoon of the 27th of March the Duke arrived at Jubbulpore, the commercial capital of the Central Provinces, where he met the Viceroy and Governor of Bombay, and about 8 P.M. he drove in by torchlight the last key which con- nected the great Indian Peninsula Railway from Bombay and the East India Railway from Calcutta, and the communi- cation between the capital of Western India and the capital of Bengal was completed. At Bombay the Duke laid with pomp and ceremony the foundation-stone of the palatial Home for Sailors which was built partly through the munificence of Khundi Rao, Gaekwar or ruler of the Baroda State, in honour of the visit of His Royal Highness. On the gth of March the royal party went on board the steamer for Beypore, and after " a pleasant but warmish passage" landed there the following day and pro- ceeded by rail to Madras, where they were received by the Governor of Madras, the Governor of Pondicherry, a large number of the officials, and a guard of honour. His Royal Highness drove through the main streets, and the natives turned out in thousands to see and to welcome the son of the 452 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN Queen-Empress. During his brief stay in that great Indian city, entertainments, splendid and magnificent, were diversi- fied by hunting expeditions into the country. On the 20th of March Neville Chamberlain wrote to his sister : " Yesterday at half-past eight the Galatea steamed out of the roads, and I returned to shore, my duty at an end ! You know how reluctantly I accepted the office, and as I did so mainly at your suggestion, I owe it to you that I have never regretted it. ... His bearing has been befitting his high rank, and his kindness to myself makes me feel per- sonally attached to him. His visit has promoted loyalty to the crown." Neville Chamberlain stayed on in Madras, undecided whether he would settle in India or return to Europe. He spent his time chiefly in reading : " I think I am beginning to like reading and study better than anything else in life, and to care less for sport." In May he determined to return to " rotten old Europe," and he joined his sister at Ems, just in time to witness the famous " Ems incident." On the I3th of July 1870 war was declared. " The French who were at Ems," writes his sister, " received the news with shouts of joy, whilst the famous Red Prince stood on the steps of the Kursaal looking on with a grim and sorrowful face." Before the Chamberlains could leave, the trains were bring- ing the wounded and French prisoners. When the health of a nephew permitted it they went to Switzerland and spent the winter at Montreux. In the progress of the war Neville Chamberlain took the keenest interest. He wrote to Crawford on the i8th of September : " I read of it by day and dream of it by night, and though it may seem strange of me to say so, I am certainly more morally and mentally interested in it than I was as an actor in the Mutiny." In the spring of 1871 Neville Chamberlain was summoned to Osborne, and on his way to England he visited the battlefields in Alsace-Lorraine, and he viewed the scenes of the great strife with the eyes of a soldier well acquainted with the business of war. BATTLEFIELDS OF ALSACE-LORRAINE 453 "EMS, zyd June 1871. " I left Montreux on the yth, came to Strasburg by Mulhouse and Colmar and the little fortified town of Schlestadt ; traces of burning and trees cut down show signs of the strife. " At Strasburg the destruction of houses is not as great as I expected to see, and but for a mark of a shot or a shell here and there, one would never guess that the bombardment had lasted for weeks together. But it is a large town, the streets in parts narrow, and the houses high, and thus they protected one another from anything but a shot or shell falling perpendicularly. Other portions are a ruin, as is also the citadel and many Government buildings. History never can forgive the harm done to the Cathedral, though with time and money they say that all can be repaired. But it was a disgrace to make a mark of it, and the carved stone-work is smashed and knocked about at a height which shows it must have required great elevation to reach. " There stand the pontoons on their carriages (many with a shot or splinter of shell through them) with which Napoleon was to have crossed the Rhine. The Arsenal is filled with handsome brass siege pieces of the old patterns, and piles of shot and shell. " Now a Prussian Sergeants' Guard takes care of them, until they are converted into something more suited to modern requirements. I could not help moralising and experiencing a sense of pity as I looked upon these trophies, and I thought to myself whether some day England would not be humbled in the same manner, and from the same cause of overweening security and inability to look things in the face. If our turn is to come in our day, I hope a bullet may save me from seeing the humiliation. " From Strasburg I went to Weissenburg. A cheerful, prettily- situated little town of some 3000 inhabitants. Here again one sees relics of their short suffering, in the shape of fragments of shells and shot for sale. I found the position which was defended by the French much more assailable, and the ascent very much less steep than I had gathered from the descriptions, in fact nothing more than the summit of a long slope of arable land, up which guns could be taken at a trot, and without an obstruction of any single sort, not even a hedge. The Turcos must have fought most bravely here, and the people are loud in their praise. The townspeople decorate their graves with flowers, and have put up little wooden tablets giving some of their names, surmounted by a crescent, as the Mahomedan emblem. It seemed odd to find Christians recording the death, thus ' Mahomed-ben- Isa,' as died of wounds. I thought it spoke well of the kindness of heart of the people, though perhaps that was not the only incentive. It marks the feeling of the people. The German dead have nothing but the sod atop of them. I took a day for Worth, about two and a half hours' drive from Weissenburg through a beautiful hilly country, clothed with woods. My guide was formerly a Carbineer, 454 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN an Alsatian, who had taken his discharge before the war broke out, and became proprietor of the ' Black Horse ' inn, situated just at the entrance of the village, and in front of which the French and Germans met, hand-to-hand, and he declares the Zouaves had the best of the bayoneting, and drove the Germans half - way back through the village, where they were supported by guns and reserve. " The French Marshal's position was very strong, and if attacked by an equal force and in front, almost unassailable, but, as far as my judgment goes, M'Mahon ought not, under the circumstances, to have offered battle there ; having occupied it, it ought to have been turned by the Crown Prince and not assaulted in front. In fact, the French were in a false position, possibly tempted into it by the forma- tion of the ground ; from the moment M'Mahon saw the Germans, he must have winced for his right flank, which rested on the village of Reischwiller, and which once turned or occupied made a rout and sauve qui peut the only ending. The French soldiers must have been sufficiently intelligent to be aware of this, and it must have operated against resistance towards the close of the battle. I cannot understand why the French did not hold the village, or why they did not throw up some earth-works to protect their field artillery and make trenches along the vine slopes. Nothing was done to help the natural difficulties, although a very little would have helped so greatly, and the French were days on the ground awaiting the enemy. The vine slopes are steep (the ascent not long), so steep that the gradient protects the assailant from direct fire. I lay down on the ground and found that I could not have used a rifle until a man topped the ridge, unless I stood up, when those below might have shot me. Only fancy what a couple of rows of trenches would have done here ? I think 'The Times' correspondent, or I saw it in some paper, alluded to the French using the vine walls. I looked for them but could not find a single one, not even a stone ; it is all heavy soil, and free of enclosures. The spaces occupied as orchards are the only shelter, and these have no walls. The fault of the position is its being too broken in upon by ridges and slopes, which prevent anything in the shape of a flanking fire by artillery, or even musketry, and \illegible~\ small locality not being able to see what is taking place elsewhere. Short of from a balloon it would have been difficult to know where to send support to. As the Germans got nearer and nearer so they became more sheltered, though doubtless to get near, with open fields to cross, the loss must have been great." He adds : " The Battle of Dorking has interested me. The Channel once crossed, I believe in all the uncertainty and indecision told by the Volunteer. Except the few, who know what war is, we are as far from appreciating our state of un- preparedness to resist an organised army like the Prussians, VISIT TO OSBORNE 455 as the French were last year." On the 23rd July he writes from Luxemburg : " I have been doing hard work since I left Mayeuse. From Saarbriick I saw the ground made celebrated by the baptism of the Prince Imperial, and the folly of the fire upon that town. Also the heights of Spicheren, where the French ought to have repulsed the Prussians. Thence to the stony little Fortress of Bitche, on to Metz and the battlefields of i4th, i6th, and i8th August. " What a fortress and what battlefields ! A few words explains all. On the one side skill, preparation, courage, and a rigorous discipline ; on the other nothing but the courage of the individual soldier, ill-led, ill-fed, ill-supplied in ammunition, and wanting altogether in discipline and cohesion. " I am sure I should have cancer of the heart were I a Frenchman. I should waste away. The more I see the more I appreciate the i immense power of the Germans as developed by a militarism such as before never existed. Dry up the Channel and one Battle of Dorking would crush us as surely as the Battle of Hastings sufficed to do in 1066 ! From Metz I went to Thionville, and then past the Fort of Montmedy to Sedan. " This was the fool's mate ! " I felt sorry for M'Mahon as I stood on the spot where he was struck, though the splinter saved him from the necessity of signing the surrender. Perhaps, too, I even pitied the Emperor when I saw the four Napoleons, now framed in a glass case, which he gave the weaver's wife when about to descend the narrow stairs leading from the room in which he and Bismarck held their conversation. " Luxemburg is a very strong place, it will soon be a bone of dispute. Its destruction is simply an impossibility. As well destroy the hill of Portland or render Gibraltar untenable as a fortress. The masonry could be knocked down and the ditches filled in, and still it will be a position either Germany or France would like to get possession of." At the end of the first week in August Neville Chamberlain was again in London. He went down at once to Osborne, and described his visit in a letter to his sister : " It is since I wrote that I paid my visit to Osborne. It is a long story to repeat in writing, but I will tell you all about it when we meet. The salient points were that the Queen received me most graciously ; that I dined with her ; that after dinner I was introduced to the Crown Prince and Princess of Prussia, and with him I had a pleasant chat. The Queen came up whilst I was talking to the Crown Prince ; when he retired I had a conversation with her Majesty for some time, and on all sorts of subjects, at the conclusion again receiving her thanks for 'my kindness to her son.' The Duke of Edinburgh paid me 456 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN every possible attention throughout my stay, and I have certainly not had to repeat the formula of not putting trust in princes. It was very late before I reached Osborne, but as soon as the Duke could leave the Queen he joined me in the equerry's room, and after I had finished dinner accompanied me to my suite of rooms. On the drawing - room table was a double rifle with everything complete, which he presented to me, and also a handsome travelling rug of the royal hunting tartan, he on some occasion having drawn his own over me when travelling in India, when I admired its texture and warmth. " On leaving Osborne I accompanied the Duke at his invitation, crossing and travelling up to London in the same carriage with him and the Crown Prince. Like all the rest of the world I have been captivated by the Crown Prince, such a fine, manly, simple-minded man, one could not in imagination form a finer model of a soldier- prince ; and we know too that he was always for mercy and moderation in dealing with a vanquished and humiliated foe. If all princes were like him there would be less chance of the decline of government by monarchy. " On the way to town I had a most interesting conversation with him about the battlefields, and the annexation of Alsace and Lorraine. I will tell you all this when we meet. The Duke of E. was about starting for the moors. He asked me, though, to luncheon to meet the Prince of Wales, who shook hands with me. Princess Louise and Lord Lome were there : she seems very nice and simple, and the young lord agreeable and friendly. The Grand Duke Constantine was also there. The Russian admiral in attendance Pophoff I liked, a man full of vigour and intelligence. I have a sort of an idea he commanded the Vladimir at Sebastopol, and there first brought himself into notice. I intentionally remarked to him, by way of gathering what he would have to say on the subject, that in the future I supposed the great struggle between Russia and Germany must take place. His reply was that he thought Russia was stronger and better able than France had been to meet Germany, because of the enormous extent of her territory and the rigour of a northern winter. " At the end of autumn Neville Chamberlain joined his sister at Cannes, and after a short stay started for Algiers. He passed some months in gaining a general knowledge of the whole province, and it was not till the close of 1872 that we find him again in London offering " to go to the borders of Russia to find out what was the real state of things in the Turkestan frontier." But the India Office did not regard the proposal with favour. Neville Chamberlain had come to the conclusion, some- ACCEPTS COMMAND OF MADRAS ARMY 457 what late in years, that "the more real and solid home in this life is with a wife." On the 26th of June 1873 he married Charlotte Reid, daughter of Sir William Reid, a distinguished Engineer officer, who had also made his mark as Governor of Bermuda and Malta. Neville Chamberlain had purchased the small property of Lordswood, four miles from Southampton, and while alterations were being made in the house he spent a great deal of his time walking between that town and his future home. " I return at dark after the men have left. These solitary walks, and guiding myself by the light above the trees and the sound of a stream, remind me of other days in other far-off countries, and of times when I have gone alone to see that the sentries were about, and never knowing whether the next step would not be met by the flash of a rifle fired by a lurking foe. There is something captivating in darkness and in danger, and I do not know whether there would not be more zest in these, my walks, if I had to feel the trigger or clutch the handle of my sword as one passed the most lonely spots." In January 1875 Neville Chamberlain removed from South- ampton to Lordswood, and his desire to have a permanent abiding-place seemed to be fulfilled. He was to enjoy the ease he had so well earned. He had the two things which so greatly conduce to a man's happiness, books and a garden. " We have unpacked some of the books, and when the work- men have left and the shelves are full I shall not need for occupation of a genial kind. . . . Soon the little land I hold will need attention." He was looking for a cottage in the neighbourhood for his sister Harriett. " Thank God that nothing but death can sever the bond which unites us. Let us hope that we may be able to see much of each other, until the one or the other of us is called away." But the pleasant dreams of a quiet country life were quickly shattered. In the summer of 1875 he was offered the command of the Madras army, which important post he accepted after con- siderable hesitation. He wrote to Crawford : " LORDSWOOD, itfh October 1875. " I wonder whether you will be very much astonished to hear that I have been asked whether I would go as C.-in-C. to Madras, and LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN have said yes ! Sir George Clerk wrote first to me on the subject. I went up to him last week to the India Office and then assented. I said I had long given up the idea of being offered employment again. " The reply was that after annexation it had been ruled that two of the three commands were always to be held by officers of the British forces, and that consequently up to this time there had been no opportunity of offering me work. It seems, too, that it is not in- tended to allow two Indians to hold the chief command in succession, or I might have been considered eligible to follow Lord Napier. "The arrangement seems to be that Haines is to go to Bengal, and I am to succeed him. Before assenting I asked whether any great reductions or changes were in contemplation, or the carrying out of someone's system; if so, I thought the proper thing was to send the man whose system was to be introduced. The answer was No ; the future of the native army was still in abeyance, and a man was wanted in whose judgment the Government can repose confi- dence and in whom the native army can trust. " I replied, * Why not send a Madras general ? I know nothing hardly of the Madras army and Presidency, and have my lesson to learn.' Answer : ' All the better ; party spirit runs high in that Presidency, and the native army and the Government would prefer an unbiassed judgment.' I replied : ' It seems to me that the system /have been accustomed to is foreign to the idiosyncrasy and long -accustomed habits of the Madras people, that the irregular system must be natural to the people to be of any solid good in time of trouble or war, and that its introduction or maintenance in Madras, merely because it was found to work well elsewhere, is to act and repose trust in a most erroneous principle. 3 It seems that the Madras cavalry is regular as far as the men being mounted by Government, but with the reduced complement of officers. Also that the forty regi- ments of Madras infantry have the small complement of officers and little or no reserve to fall back upon. We know right well that native officers of the irregular stamp are not to be produced by the old system, and that where all the enlistments, as in the Madras army, are made from a low and poor class of the people, it is next to impossible, in continuous times of peace, to select the men who, by nature, are best formed to command and lead their fellows. " Well, the end was that I was to go and judge for myself." In the year 1873 Neville Chamberlain was promoted to the rank of lieutenant-general, and in the following year he had the honour of being invested with the insignia of the Grand Cross of the Most Illustrious Order of the Star of India. The year that he was appointed to the command of the Madras army he was advanced to the first class of Military Knight of the Most Honourable Order of the Bath. 459 CHAPTER XVI. Neville Chamberlain returns to India as Commander-in-Chief of the Madras army The story of the native army of Fort St George Neville Chamberlain's work of reform Famine in Southern India Neville Chamberlain contracts cholera His life in danger Recovers from his illness Visits Secunderabad Sir Salar Jung British policy towards Afghanistan from 1863 to 1872 Lord Northbrook Governor-General Fall of Khiva, 1873 The Ameer requires a guarantee of his territory against foreign invasion The Duke of Argyll, Secretary of State for India, declines to give it The second Disraeli Cabinet, 1874 Lord Salisbury Secretary of State for India Lord Northbrook resigns the office of Governor- General Lord Lytton appointed as his successor Instructed to offer Shere AH active countenance and protection Assumes office at Calcutta, i2th April 1876 Decides to send a Mission to Cabul The Ameer declines to receive the Mission A letter of remon- strance sent to the Ameer Interview between Sir Lewis Pelly, as representative of the Viceroy, and the Afghan envoy Death of the Afghan envoy puts an end to the Peshawur Conference, March 1877 War between Russia and Turkey, April 1877 Russian army en- camps before Constantinople, January 1878 War between Russia and England imminent A Russian Mission received favourably by the Ameer The British Government determines to send a Mission to Cabul Neville Chamberlain selected as British envoy He pro- ceeds to Simla Letters to his wife and sister The British Mission assembles at Peshawur, I2th September 1878 Neville Chamber- lain's letter to the Afghan commander at AH Musjid His reply Major Cavagnari and his party turned back from AH Musjid The Mission returns to Peshawur Neville Chamberlain's letters to Lord Lytton and his wife Returns to Simla Acts as Military Member of the Viceroy's Council The Second Afghan war The Peiwar Kotal Neville Chamberlain's return to Madras The Treaty of Gundamuk, 26th May 1879 Lord Lytton's comments on the territorial clauses Neville Chamberlain's answer Murder of the British Embassy at Cabul, September 1879 Renewal of the war Defence of Sherpur Lord Ripon Governor-General, 8th of June 1880 Neville Chamberlain's Memorandum on Afghan affairs Abdurrahman recognised as Ameer, July 1880 Lord Roberts' march from Cabul to Candahar Defeat of Ayub Khan Close of the Second Afghan war Neville Chamberlain's last General Order 460 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN Returns to England Account of his interviews with the Duke of Cambridge and Lord Hartington Visit to Windsor The Queen's knowledge of Indian history Neville Chamberlain settles at Lordswood He is made Field-Marshal His death and funeral. IN the beginning of February 1876 Neville Chamberlain returned to India as Commander-in-Chief of the Madras army. He had made the force which guards the northern marches of our Empire a splendid righting machine, and he was now sent to infuse new life and vigour into the army which was the principal means by which the foundations of that Empire were laid. The story of the native army of Fort St George is a noble tale of loyalty, attachment, and valour. Under Stringer Lawrence, and Clive, the Madras sepoys for two years on the wide veldt below Trichinopoly held the French troops at bay and checked the fortunes of France in India. It was a wing of the Madras sepoys who stormed in gallant style the Sugar-Loaf Rock, and the French battalion was broken by a bayonet charge of the Grenadiers. In the campaigns of their well-beloved commander, Eyre Coote, they suffered the greatest hardships, but their patient courage and their fidelity never gave way in the hour of trial. After the battle of Porto Novo Eyre Coote wrote : " The spirited behaviour of our sepoy troops did them the greatest credit, no Europeans could be steadier ; they were emulous of being foremost on every service it was necessary to under- take." In the campaign against Tippoo Sultan the Madras sepoys rivalled their European comrades in the field. It was the first battalion of the light regiment of Madras Infantry, which was the favourite corps of the Duke of Wellington. They were with him on every service, and the men of the regiment used to call themselves " Wellesley Ka Pultan " (Wellesley's Regiment) : and at Assaye, which made us masters of India, they proved themselves worthy of the proud title. 1 During the campaign against the Mahrattas and Pin- daris in 1817 and 1818, and in the territories of Ava, the Madras sepoys evinced the same attachment to their colours, 1 ' Sepoy Generals Wellington to Roberts,' by G. W. Forrest. COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF: MADRAS 461 the same gallantry which had so long distinguished them. The battle of Mahadpoor (2ist December 1817) was the last general action on a large scale fought in Southern India. The theatre of operations of our future Indian wars was in the north, too far away for the Madras army to take part in them. There was no new scope to the energy and valour of the Madras sepoy, and their officers were lacking in the ex- perience derived from recent campaigns. They spent their lives in performing routine tasks, and they rose to high commands because they refused to die. " It has been, and is from top to bottom a seniority system," wrote Sir Neville Chamberlain, " and it is no use giving a man high pay because he has been born with a good constitution and average moral character. From the senior colonel down to the junior drummer, the great majority would prefer stag- nation to seeing a brighter and better man promoted over their heads. It is the result of long peace and the consequent stagnation of ideas (military). There is too much love of ease and too little thought of the interests of the public service." To a man of Neville Chamberlain's fine tempera- ment there was much that was distasteful in the work of reform that was before him. It requires no small courage to attack old abuses, especially when their destruction involves the material injury to individuals. But Neville Chamberlain, whilst he endeavoured to render the operation as little offensive as possible, determined to suffer nothing to turn him aside from his appointed work. He writes to his sister : " I am sent here to do my duty, and I am certain that no army can be efficient which is not kept up to the mark. I have had to come down on several officers since I came, but my justification is that I have proved right on every occasion, and been supported by the Government and the Horse Guards. The sufferers and all the use- less ones will condemn me as a brute and a tyrant, but I hope and believe I am supported by the opinion of those whose opinion is worth consideration." Neville Chamberlain had not been many months in command of the Madras army when a mighty famine arose 462 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN in extensive provinces of Southern India. The momentous subject of how to deal with it demanded his active interest because it affected his native troops and the peace of the province. The great calamity was incessantly on his mind, harassing and afflicting him. Lord Lytton, who had succeeded Lord Northbrook as Governor-General two months after Neville Chamberlain had assumed command of the Madras army, had decided that the new title of Empress of India, which the Queen had assumed, should be announced at a great assemblage on the historical plain near Delhi on January i, 1877. Lord Lytton was a man of great ability and high accomplishments, but his temperament was that of a poet and his training that of a diplomat. He was desirous of realising at Delhi a vision of ancient pageantry, and he hoped to rouse the enthusiasm of the great feudatories by symbols, and to secure their loyalty by diplomatic inter- course. Seventy-seven of the ruling chiefs and princes of India and three hundred native noblemen and chiefs were invited to be present. The heads of every government in India and the commanders-in-chief and the leading civil and military officers were bidden to the spectacle. Fourteen thousand British and native troops were to assemble on the plain where twenty years before a handful of British soldiers had maintained the supremacy of our Empire. Neville Chamberlain saw that an assemblage of this nature was not without disadvantage. It fell with heavy expense on the native chiefs. He wrote to Crawford on the igth of November 1876 : "The Nizam will have to spend, so - writes me, some twelve or thirteen lacs, and the other nobles will be in proportion : there are sure to be heartburnings and also great personal incon- venience and discomfort. Even the Viceroy will not have eyes to take in the meaning and the delight of chiefs crowded together like herrings in a barrel ! Beyond a few in the front rank all will lose their individuality. Finding the dearth so great on my return, I telegraphed to Sir F. Haines to say I should not go to Delhi unless I was required to do so as an urgent military duty. Great pressure had already fallen on the native troops as well as upon the people, disorder was showing itself in the afflicted districts, aid was being ATTACKED BY CHOLERA 463 asked of the native troops by the civil government ; in short, every indication of a strain, with the impossibility of saying what might follow. I could never have retained any feeling of self-respect had I not indicated to the supreme Government what seemed to me to be my only proper course of action. In reply I got a telegram saying that Sir F. Haines was away from the Viceroy and the Council, but that he personally was willing to leave me to be the judge of what I ought under the circumstances to do. Yesterday I received a letter from Haines to the same effect, but implying that the decision would probably be settled by Lord Lytton, in communication with the Duke, as Governor of this Presidency. Whether, then, I am to go or not to go I cannot as yet decide for certain, but certainly I ought not to go." Neville Chamberlain did not go to Delhi. He remained at Madras and assisted, as a member of the Government, in conducting a campaign against a famine which, both in respect of the area and population affected and the duration and intensity of the distress, proved to be the most grievous experienced on British soil since the beginning of the century. The Famine Commissioners state in their report that the mortality exceeded five and a half millions. It is hard for those who reside in England to imagine all the people of London melting away by a lingering death. Neville Cham- berlain bears testimony to the stoic courage and patience with which the people bore their sufferings. " Their passive submission to the will of God has something in it that must be acceptable to Him. What signifies it, say they, a little sooner or a little later ? Thy will be done. In their ignor- ance of creeds and dogmas this comes from their hearts ! There is no reproach towards God or man. All they ask for is fuel sufficient to keep the fire burning nature bids them ask this much." Thousands smitten with the plague of hunger made their way to the city of Madras and brought with them the pesti- lence which follows in the wake of famine. In February 1877 Neville Chamberlain, while visiting the Children's Hospital, contracted cholera. The fell disease swiftly assumed its most virulent form. " From n P.M. (last night, Sunday)," wrote his wife, " until 3 o'clock this morning, Monday, we hardly 464 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN expected he could live on from one moment to another." Then there came a change for the better, and his recovery was in a great measure due to his energy of will. At the moment when his life was supposed to be swiftly ebbing away he insisted on dictating a letter to his well-beloved sister, and " then signed the paper himself." As soon as his strength would permit of it Neville Chamberlain went to Ootacamund. The half-English Neilgherry air soon brought him strength, and he writes to his sister in May : " Yesterday I went to see the hounds throw off and joined in the run the first good ride since I was ill, and I am none the worse for it to-day." Early in the following year Neville Chamberlain went to Secunderabad, four miles from the Nizam's capital Hydera- bad, to inspect the large force which is stationed at that British military cantonment. The young Nizam was present at the review of British troops, and Neville Chamberlain could not help being struck by the demeanour of the people who crowded to see their sovereign. " It was not common curiosity only, as is so plainly the case when these people crowd to see our princes or high officials. They looked and salaamed and paid a respect which would only be given to a native. He was one of themselves, bone of their bone, not a white man whose pre- decessors came from no one knows where." At Hyderabad Neville Chamberlain met Sir Salar Jung, one of the ablest statesmen whom India has produced in modern times. It was the fashion then to criticise him somewhat harshly on account of his persistent endeavours to obtain the restoration of the Berars, which he considered to be his young master's territory. Neville Chamberlain always formed an independent opinion, and he considered that the great services which Sir Salar Jung rendered us in the Mutiny demanded that he should be treated with the utmost consideration. " I can of my own knowledge say that had Sir Salar Jung thrown in the weight of his influence against us in 1857 the conquest of India would have had to be overtaken again. Hyderabad is the greatest of the native states, and stands at the head of the Mahomedan princi- palities. It is true that the population is chiefly Hindoo Mahratta DEATH OF DOST MAHOMED 465 but any one who knows the native mind, whether Hindoo or Mahomedan, must be alive to the fact that, with all our desire to do justly and to love mercy, the great majority of the people would be glad to see us depart, and would rejoice to return to the state of things we pride ourselves on having delivered them from. We are aliens. We are wanting in every bond which unites different peoples together. Further, we are conquerors, and we are of a stamp who say and act as if whatever we think or do is best." On his return from Hyderabad Neville Chamberlain spent the winter in making inspection tours throughout the Presi- dency. In April he went to Ootacamund, for it was laid down that it was the Commander-in-Chief s duty, when not " on tour," to be with the Governor. He was busy attempting to solve the difficult and intricate problem of organisation when he received a letter from the Viceroy informing him that the Government of India was about to send a British Mission to Cabul, and asking him if he would go as our envoy. In 1863 Dost Mahomed, who had been " by turns the rejected friend, the enforced enemy, the honourable prisoner, the vindictive assailant," and the faithful ally in the most desperate hour of our fortunes, died well stricken in age. He had just captured Herat after a long siege, and reduced all the provinces of Afghanistan to his sway. The Dost had chosen as his successor Shere Ali, his third son, who was in Candahar when Neville Chamberlain was there. He always claimed the Chamberlains as friends of former days. Shere Ali ascended the throne according to his father's choice, but he had to fight his elder brothers to maintain his hold of it. After having twice fled from the field of battle, and taken refuge in Candahar and Herat, he managed by the aid of his friends in Turkestan to recover, in September 1868, his capital. He at once wrote to the Governor-General informing him, and also announcing his desire to continue the relation of amity and friendship which had been established between Dost Mahomed and the British Government. Sir John Law- rence wrote him a friendly letter congratulating him on his success, and stating that he was not only prepared to maintain the bonds of amity and goodwill, but, so far as might be 2 G 466 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN practicable, to strengthen these bonds. As a substantial proof of his friendship the Governor-General sent the Ameer a present of 60,000 and 3500 stand of arms. The Ameer was desirous of going to India and meeting Sir John Law- rence, but he could not safely quit his newly -recovered dominion. On the I2th January 1869 John Lawrence ceased to be Governor-General, and on the igth of January the worn veteran left the land which he had so faithfully served for forty years. His successor was Lord Mayo, a man who will stand high in the roll of illustrious statesmen who have administered the Government of India. Shere Ali had now put down his enemies, and he proposed an interview with the new Governor-General. On the 27th of March 1869 the historic meeting between Lord Mayo and the Ameer took place at Umballa with all the pomp and state of an Indian durbar. Lord Mayo had a difficult and delicate part to play. It was desirable to have the Ameer as a friend, but it was impossible to grant him all he desired. He wanted a fixed annual salary ; he wanted assistance in arms or in men to be given " not when the British Government might think fit to grant but when he might think it needful to solicit it." He desired a treaty " laying the British Government under an obligation to support the Afghan Government in any emer- gency ; and not only that government generally, but that government as vested in himself and his direct descendants and no others." 1 Lord Mayo granted no treaty to Shere Ali. He told him " that under no circumstances shall a British soldier cross his frontier to assist him in coercing his rebellious subjects." In the place of a fixed subsidy or money allowance for any named period he gave the Ameer the second sum of 60,000, which Sir John Lawrence had promised him, together with an additional present of a heavy battery of artillery, a mountain train battery, and 10,000 stand of arms and accoutrements, which were of the utmost service to the Afghans when, only nine years later, we had to wage war against Shere Ali. 1 ' The Administration of the Earl of Mayo as Viceroy and Governor-General of India,' by Sir John Strachey, G. C.S.I. LORD NORTHBROOK: GOVERNOR-GENERAL 467 Early in 1872 Lord Mayo fell by the assassin's knife in the Andaman Islands, where he had gone on a mission of mercy to alleviate the lot of the exiled criminal. His successor was Lord Northbrook, a man of considerable business capacity, endowed with more imagination and sympathy than a some- what cold exterior would lead one to expect. In 1873 Khiva fell, and the non-fulfilment of the Tsar's personal promise that it should not be retained made the ruler of Cabul apprehensive for the safety of his own dominions. The Ameer's envoy asked the Viceroy for a guarantee of his master's territory against foreign invasion. Lord Northbrook telegraphed home, and proposed to assure him that the Government would help the Ameer with money, arms, and troops if necessary to repel any unprovoked aggression. But the Duke of Argyll, who was then Secretary of State for India, entirely declined to sanction any such undertaking. 1 Lord Northbrook, not permitted to give any promise of substantial assistance, supplied the envoy with assurances and promises. But an oriental ruler required a precise pledge. He wanted the British Government to definitely state that, in the event of any aggression on the Ameer's territory, they would con- sider the aggressor an enemy. Lord Northbrook replied that the assurance given was sufficient. In diplomatic corres- pondence such expressions, he said, were always avoided, as they caused needless irritation. A memorandum, recapitu- lating what had been said to the envoy, was drafted, to be laid before the Ameer. With regard to the suggestion of the envoy that Russia might demand the location of Russian agents in Afghanistan, the Ameer was informed that Prince Gortchakoff had officially intimated that, while he saw no objection to English officers going to Cabul, he agreed with Lord Mayo that Russian agents should not do so. Though the Ameer was told to dismiss the contingency of Russian aggression from his mind as too remote, he was also informed that it was highly desirable that a British officer should be deputed to examine the northern boundaries of Afghanistan, 1 'Lord Lytton's Indian Administration,' by Lady Betty Balfour, p. 4; also, 'Autobiography of Sir T. Douglas Forsyth, 1887.' 468 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN and to communicate with His Highness at Cabul regarding the measures for the frontier security. The Ameer replied that there were general objections to travellers in his country. In the Ministry that succeeded Mr Gladstone in March 1874, Mr Disraeli became, for the second time, Prime Minister: Lord Salisbury undertook the office of Secretary of State for India, and Lord Derby succeeded Earl Granville as Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. In the autumn of the same year the Ambassador of St Petersburg reported that the whole of the country between Khiva and the Attrek was regarded as annexed to Russia. In 1875, only two years after the Ameer had been told to dismiss the contingency of Russian aggression from his mind as too remote, the whole of Khokand was incorporated in the Russian dominion. At the same time General Kaufmann, the Governor-General of Turkestan, entered into frequent communications with Shere Ali, who had assumed an attitude of sullen reserve towards the Indian Government. A policy of abstention could no longer be pursued. Lord Lytton, who had been appointed Governor-General on the resignation of Lord Northbrook, was therefore instructed "to offer to Shere Ali the same active countenance and protection which he had previously tolerated at the hands of the Indian Government." This was only to be done, however, on the condition that Shere Ali was prepared to allow a British agent or agents access to positions on his territory (other than to Cabul itself) where, without prejudicing the personal authority of the ruler, they would require information, trustworthy information, of events likely to threaten the tranquillity or independence of Afghan- istan. The British Government could not, as Lord Salisbury stated, secure the security of the Ameer's dominions unless His Highness afforded them every reasonable facility for such precautionary measures as they might deem advisable; but they could not devise precautionary measures without their agencies having full access to his frontier position. Lord Lytton, on assuming the office of Governor-General of India (i2th April 1876), at once took steps for carry- LORD LYTTON AND THE AMEER'S AGENT 469 ing out his instructions. He decided to send to Cabul a Mission to announce the Queen's assumption of the title of Empress of India. It was not only ostensibly but essentially " one of compliment and courtesy." The Ameer was, how- ever, afraid that a proposal might be made to send a perma- nent envoy to Herat. He declined to receive the Mission, on the ground that all questions affecting the two States had been sufficiently discussed. If there was anything new to be proposed, he suggested that his envoy should visit the Viceroy and hear what was proposed. A warm letter of remonstrance was despatched to the Ameer. " My friend," wrote Lord Lytton, "the Viceroy cannot receive an agent from your Highness when you have declined to receive His Excellency's trusted friend and envoy." In reply the Ameer suggested that our native agent at his capital should be summoned to his own Government, to expound to them the state of affairs at Cabul, and hear from them all their desires and projects, returning then to Cabul to repeat to the Ameer the result of such intercourse. On October 6, 1876, the agent reached Simla. He had two interviews with the Viceroy, who authorised him to tell the Ameer that he was willing to give him, if he wished it, a treaty of friendship and alliance, to afford him assistance in arms, men, and money, and to give to his heir the public recognition and support of the British Government. " But we cannot do these things, unless the Ameer is on his part equally willing to give us the means of assisting him in the protection of his frontier, by the residence of a British agent at Herat, or such other parts of the frontier most exposed to danger." When the agent reached Cabul the Ameer declined to discuss business with him, and he would not answer the Viceroy's letters. An agent from General Kaufmann was then at his Court, and was believed to be in constant communication with him. After several months news reached the Viceroy that the Ameer would consent to enter into negotiations with the British Government, and in January 1877 a meeting took place at Peshawur between Sir Lewis Pelly, as representative 470 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN of the Viceroy, and the Afghan envoy. After much fencing the envoy rejected the sine qua non condition, that a British agent should reside at Herat or other parts of the frontier of Afghanistan. Sir Lewis Pelly reported the envoy's decision to the Viceroy, and awaited His Excellencyls reply. The death of the Afghan envoy in March 1877 put an end to the Peshawur conference. In April 1877 war broke out between Russia and Turkey, and in January 1878 the Russian army had passed the Balkans and encamped before Constantinople. War was imminent between Russia and England. Shere Ali wished to be neutral, but if he joined either side it would be Russia. From the day Lord Northbrook, acting under the instructions of the Home Government, had refused to make a definite alliance, the Ameer had lost all faith in the military strength of the British Government to protect him or to attack him. Early in August 1878 the startling intelligence reached India that a Russian mission had, after the lapse of forty years, visited Cabul, and had been received favourably by the Ameer. The Government were bound, for the integrity of our Indian Empire, to exclude Russian influence, and restore English influence in Afghanistan. Prestige, the basis of our power in India, demanded a counter-demonstration. So it was determined to send at once a Mission to Cabul. On the 3rd of August Lord Lytton wrote to Lord Cranbrook, who had succeeded as Secretary of State for India Lord Salisbury, who had become Minister of Foreign Affairs. " Much will depend on the man selected as our envoy. I am strongly inclined to choose Sir Neville Chamberlain. There is, I think, very much to be said in favour of such a choice. Sir Neville is an able, resolute man, of exceptional experience in all frontier matters. He is personally acquainted with the Amir. He knew the Amir's late father, Dost Mahomed, and he knows many of the present notables. He is thoroughly familiar with native character, and has had long intercourse with Afghans and Pathans of all kinds. He is a man of strong presence and address, and one whose name would carry great weight with the public at home. He has been to Kabul before ; he knows the country well. His military experience and ability would be invaluable if Shere Ali (which is most improbable, however) at- ENTRUSTED WITH MISSION TO CABUL 471 tempted to place any obstacle in the way of the Mission's return to Peshawar. His selection would, I think, be agreeable to Lawrence and the whole Punjab school, whose favourite hero he is, and would probably tend to conciliate, or impose moderation on, those members of your Council who are most likely to write disagreeable minutes about the Mission or its results if they get a chance of doing so. Moreover, his official rank and status, and his reputation along and beyond our Afghan frontier, would give especial authority and influ- ence to his presence at Kabul. I am not sure whether he would care to undertake this Mission, or whether his health would enable him to do so. But I shall have telegraphed to you full information on the subject long before you receive this letter." l On the 8th of August Lord Lytton wrote to Sir John Strachey : " I have obtained telegraphic permission to insist now on the Ameer's immediate reception of a British Mission, the charge of which I have offered to Sir Neville Chamberlain, who has just accepted it." On the 2nd of September Neville Chamberlain wrote to his sister : "GOVERNMENT HOUSE, SIMLA, 2nd September. " My DEAREST SISTER, I have been here a week, most kindly treated by both Excellencies, but it would be better for everybody if they did not keep such late hours. All is being got ready for our start to Cabul, and I am busy learning my lesson, and brushing up my knowledge about Afghan affairs. The Viceroy has on more than one occasion expressed his satisfaction and gratitude to me for having accepted the duty. I can only hope that success may attend our endeavours, though it is quite impossible to say how it is to end. " I think we are furnished with a good cause, and happily it is to be plain speaking, though couched in most courteous words. We cannot permit Russia to be our rival in Afghanistan, and by sending this Mission she has left us no alternative but to take up the glove. To this minute I cannot realise why the Viceroy so desired that / should accept the duty. At first I thought I was merely to be the gilding of the pill to be administered to the Ameer, but now I am inclined to think that is not the case, at least not to the extent I had supposed. I am impressed by Lord Lytton's ability, and nothing could be more straightforward than all he has said to me : this is especially satisfactory to me, as from it I infer I can count upon his support, and shall not be made a scapegoat of in the event of things not turning out as desired. It is thirty-five years since I was here : the place is overbuilt and overcrowded, and has lost much of its Lord Lytton's Indian Administration,' by Lady Betty Balfour, p. 259. 472 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN beauty. I suppose I shall be through the Khyber Pass by the time you get this. I shall try to recognise the place I was wounded from in the Khyber, and again between Jellalabad and Cabul." On the 6th of September Neville Chamberlain wrote to his wife : " SIMLA, 6th September. " The dispatch of a Mission is out of the regular line of business. The Foreign Secretary is new to his work. It was counted upon that I should arrange details in fact, that I should guide rather than follow instructions on all those matters which form the externals of the duty I am to undertake. " Our Mission will now consist of a larger number of persons. A Hindoo and a Mahomedan nobleman will take part in it ; the presents will be more suitable than I found had been arranged for. We shall have the means of satisfying the desires of the avaricious persons, willing to aid, and I shall go with a retinue more befitting the dignity of the nation I represent and of my office as envoy extraordinary. Externals are doubtless not everything, but they are something every- where, and we have not the plea that our Mission is a flying one, like that of the Russians, far from its base of operations, and hurried on so as to be a surprise. The number of the Mission, then, has been increased, the escort diminished, like the cook's motto il faut mettre asses, et pas trop. Enough to give dignity as a bodyguard, not to inspire the impression that we hold out a visible sign of a threat, or that we are prepared to force a passage. It has only been by repeated interviews and conversations with the Viceroy that I have been able to realise to the full his views and wishes on all the points that are certain to come under discussion with the Ameer, and until thus informed, it was impossible to know what would be approved of, or the reverse. At the first confidential meetings which took place, I found the tendency to be to answer unpleasant questions by the remark that the envoy would reply as he thought best, or the answer might be left to the envoy ! If questions were not easily answered here, I felt that the difficulty would not grow less by distance from the head of the Government, so I made set questions on all the important points which occurred to me, and asked the Viceroy to give me written answers to them, confidentially. I told him I needed such an aide- mlmoire for the good of the State, as well as wherewith to refresh my memory. This I now have, and with it I feel that I am less likely to act in contravention to his Lordship's wishes, whilst it is a refuge for the present and a shield in the future : by the present I mean when at Cabul ; the future, when I am weighed in the balance. I must, in justice to Lord Lytton, say that he has by his frankness and finesse won my confidence. I think I can trust him : nor has he been chary in his expressions of satisfaction at my having accepted the task, I might say of gratitude. Now that the native agent has been passed MISSION ASSEMBLES AT PESHAWUR 473 on, Lord Lytton inclines to confidence as regards the future. I reply that we must not count our chickens before they are hatched. I do not despond of success, but I feel that I have to make a sine qua non of what may wreck all at the threshold. However, I think I may say, without conceit, that if I fail in bringing about the desired end, the fault will not lie with me. I know the man, I know the idiosyncrasy of the nation, and I am inclined to hope that the Russians have made a move which may help to smooth away our difficulty. Our great end is a peaceable solution, any other would be a great misfortune forced upon us. You are now nearly as wise as I am, to say more would be a breach of trust. Major Cavagnari is here. I think we shall pull well together; he is clever, and I am most ready to accept him as a colleague, and one well able to aid materially in carrying out to a successful issue the work we have before us." On the 7th of September a special meeting of the Viceroy's Council was held to approve of the instructions given to Neville Chamberlain. " I attended it," says Neville Chamber- lain, " and spoke out quite freely, and Lord Lytton told me he was glad I had done so. Captain Hammick said he did not like the gloomy look of Lord Lytton as he came out of the Council. In the evening was a farewell party for me : most of my old friends were present. The Viceroy drank my health and success to the Mission. As regards myself, he spoke in a eulogistic speech which made me feel very uncomfortable ; he accompanied me to the road below Government House, an act of great courtesy for the Viceroy." The next morning Sir Neville Chamberlain left Simla, and on the I2th of September the British Mission 1 assembled at Peshawur. Two days before the Mission reached Peshawur the native emissary, Nawab Ghulam Hasan Khan, who had been sent 1 CABUL MISSION, 1878. General Sir Neville Chamberlain. Major Cavagnari. Surgeon-Major Bellew. Major O. St John. Captain St V. Hammick. Captain F. Onslow. Lieutenant Neville Chamberlain. Maharajah Pertab Sing of Jodhpur. Sirdar Ubed Ulla Khan of Tonk. Lieutenant-Colonel F. Jenkins and Captain W. Battye were in the escort. 474 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN to Cabul to convey to the Ameer a letter from the Vice- roy to announce the coming of the Mission, and a letter of condolence on the death of Sirdar Abdulla Jan, the heir- apparent, arrived at Cabul and was hospitably received. The death of his youngest son was a severe blow to Shere Ali. He knew that the Indian Government favoured his son Yakub Khan, and one of the reasons why he intrigued with the Russians was that he thought they would be more likely to support his nomination of Abdulla as his successor. All his hopes were now shattered, all his machinations had been in vain. " The Amir's embarrassments have been so great of late," wrote Cavagnari, " that I should not be at all surprised to hear that the death of the heir-apparent has produced the same mental derangement he suffered from after the death of his elder and favourite son, Ma Ali Khan." On the i2th of September the native envoy saw the Ameer, to whom he delivered the Viceroy's letters. The Mission had been directed to leave Peshawur on the i6th, or as soon after as possible, so as to reach Cabul about the end of the month, by which time the full period of mourn- ing and of the Ramazan 1 fast would have ended. Cavagnari was negotiating with the maliks or headmen of the independ- ent Khyber tribes for the safe-conduct of the Mission through the pass as far as Ali Musjid, at which place it would come into contact with the officials of the Ameer, when on the morning of the I4th he was informed that Faiz Mahomed Khan, the commandant of the Ameer's troops stationed at Ali Musjid, had sent to Peshawur to summon back to the pass all the headmen. They informed Cavagnari they feared to disobey lest their allowance from the Ameer should be stopped. Neville Chamberlain wrote the following courteous and friendly letter to the Afghan commander : " l$th September 1878. " I write to inform you that by command of H.E. the Viceroy and Governor-General of India, a friendly Mission of British officers, with Ramazan^ the ninth Mahomedan lunar month viz., the month of the fast. LETTER TO THE AFGHAN COMMANDER 475 a suitable escort, is about to proceed to Cabul, through the Khyber Pass, and intimation of the dispatch of this Mission has been duly communicated to H.H. the Amir by the hand of the Nawab Ghulam Hasan Khan. " I hear that an official from Cabul has recently visited you at Ali Musjid, and he has doubtless instructed you in accordance with H.H. the Ameer's commands. As, however, information has now been received that you have summoned from Peshawar the Khyber head- men with whom we were making arrangements for the safe-conduct of the British Mission through the Khyber Pass, I therefore write to enquire from you whether, in accordance with the instructions you have received, you are prepared to guarantee the safety of the British Mission to Dakka or not, and I request that a clear reply to this enquiry may be speedily communicated by the hand of the bearer of this letter, as I cannot delay my departure from Peshawar. " It is well known that the Khyber tribes are in receipt of allow- ances from the Cabul Government ; and also, like other independent tribes on this frontier, have relations with the British Government. It may be well to let you know that when the present negotiations were opened with the Khyber tribes, it was solely with the object of arranging with them for the safe-conduct of the British Mission through the Khyber Pass, in the same manner as was done in regard to the dispatch of our agent, the Nawab Ghulam Hasan Khan, and the tribes were given clearly to understand that these negotiations were in no way intended to prejudice their relations with H.H. the Ameer, as it was well known that the object of the British Mission was altogether of a friendly character to H.H. the Ameer and the people of Afghanistan. " I trust that, in accordance with the instructions you have received from H.H. the Ameer, your reply to this letter will be satisfactory, and that it will contain the required assurances that the Mission will be safely conducted to Dakka. I shall expect to receive your reply to this letter not later than the i8th instant, so please understand that the matter is most urgent. " But at the same time it is my duty to inform you in a frank and friendly manner that if your answer is not what I trust it will be, or if you delay to send an early reply, I shall have no alternative but to make whatever arrangements may seem to me best for carrying out the instructions I have received from my own Government." On the i6th of September Faiz Mahomed replied : " Your friendly letter, which you sent me by the hands of Arbab Fateh Mahomed Khan, has reached me to-day, the iyth Ramazan (i6th September). I was gratified by the perusal thereof, and feel obliged. " Kind (sir) you mention therein that you have been ordered to LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN proceed on a friendly mission to Cabul, and that you are negotiating with the Afreedees for an escort to Dakka. But the Afreedees are a faithless (//"/. fearless), covetous race. No confidence can be reposed in their engagements. Their headmen and chiefs are all with us and in receipt of allowances from H.H. the Ameer. The letter which my kind friend Major Waterfield, Commander of Peshawar, wrote on the subject of the advance of a friendly mission to Cabul, I have forwarded by the hands of my servant to the Mir Akhor (Master of the Horse), our superior and chief at Jalalabad, but as yet we have received no orders from Cabul or Jalalabad (which we might communicate to you) whether to let the British Mission proceed or to stop it. When we hear that the Ameer has no objection (to your going) we shall do you good service and escort you to Dakka, whether there be any Afreedees or not, for the friendship between you and the late Ameer sahib is clearer than the sun. When we receive orders from the capital (Cabul) to invite you, we shall be bound to serve you well. But as yet we have received no orders to let you go. We are servants to carry out the orders (of our master). Should you come without his Highness' permission or orders, it will lead to a collision between us and the Afreedees on one side, and you on the other. All hopes of friendship will be lost. " While I was writing this letter a man arrived from Dakka with news that the Mir Akhor would shortly be here with two sowars. As he is a great man he may have brought some orders which he, by way of friendship, will communicate to you. He will also learn your views (lit., jawab-o-sowal). What I have stated above is all that I have to communicate. Further, you are at liberty to do what you like, whether you stop at Peshawar until the Mir Akhor arrives and has a friendly communication with you, or you proceed at once by force, you can do what you choose." On the i8th of September news of the Mir Akhor's arrival reached Neville Chamberlain, and it was reported that his object, instead of being of a friendly character, was to see that Faiz Mahomed did not flinch from the execution of his orders. On September 17, 18, and 19, letters were received from Ghulam Hasan Khan at Peshawur. In his first letter he announced his arrival at Cabul, and that he had presented the letter of the Viceroy to the Ameer at a private interview, no one else being present. The Ameer, who was very wroth, declared that the Mission was coming as if by force. " I do not agree to the Mission coming in this manner, and until my officers have received orders from me how can the Mission come? It is as if they wished to disgrace me. It is not proper LETTERS FROM OUR NATIVE ENVOY 477 to put pressure in this way. It will tend to a complete rupture and breach of friendship. I am a friend as before, and enter- tain no ill-will. The Russian envoy has come, and has come with my permission. I am afflicted with grief at the loss of my son, and have had no time to think over the matter. If I get time, whatever I consider advisable will be acted upon. Under these circumstances they can do as they like." At subsequent interviews with the Ameer's minister the native envoy was told of the rage of the Ameer and of the many grievances which he considered he had suffered at the hands of the Indian Government. The Ameer was, however, good enough to acknowledge that the Indian Government had some cause of complaint against him. The native envoy was again told " that the Russian Mission had come with the sanction of the Ameer, and he was informed that it would be honourably sent away after the Eed of the Ramazan, 1 and that as to the English Mission, it should not be pressed upon him inopportunely; but that His Highness claimed the right to have time to consider the matter as to its reception, and that, if after reflection its reception should prove agreeable to him, that he would then fix the time for its arrival and make suitable arrangements to receive it honourably." The native envoy expressed a hope that the answers to his letters would, God willing, bring about a reconciliation between the two Governments, but that if the British Mission started on the i8th or without the previous sanction of the Ameer, matters would assume a different aspect. Nawab Ghulam Hasan Khan, however, contrived to send a separate letter, in which he stated that his official letters had been dictated by the Ameer, that no one was allowed to communicate with him, and that his food was supplied by the Ameer. Neville Chamberlain had by telegram and letters per- suaded the Viceroy to delay the advance of the Mission. " The question," he wrote, " is whether, for the sake of a day or two's delay, we should risk the certainty of an open rupture 1 Eed (Arab. Id), a Mahomedan holy festival. The Id of the Ramazan via., the termination of the annual fast. 478 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN with all its consequences, or give the short additional time in the hope that it may enable the Ameer to act with reason whilst (according to Afghan ideas) preserving his dignity." He now saw that further negotiations would be fruitless. The Ameer was pursuing tactics well known at all times at all Oriental courts. Neville Chamberlain presented the case to the Viceroy in a short but decisive form. " It is now quite evident," he wrote, " that the Ameer is bent upon stretching procrastination to the utmost, and determined upon assert- ing his claim to total independence of action by making the accept- ance of the Mission dependent upon his sole pleasure, and dictating when it shall be received. If these points be yielded, then he holds out the hope to us that he will hereafter at his own time send a person to bring the Mission and receive it honourably. It has been said in the clearest language by the Ameer himself, by his minister, and by his officers in command of his outposts, that they will if necessary stop the advance of the Mission by force ; that determina- tion is just as clear in my mind as if half of our escort had been shot down. Unless your Lordship accepts the position all chance of a peaceful solution seems to be gone. The Ameer is bent upon up- holding his will and dignity at any cost to the dignity of the British Government." The dignity and authority, not to say the honour and in- tegrity, of the Indian Government required that the Ameer's relations with the British and Russian Governments should be brought to the earliest and most decisive test. The Russian Mission still remained at his capital, " as a studiously insolent and significant advertisement to all India and all Central Asia of the impunity with which he could slight the friendly overtures and brave the long-restrained resentment of the British Government." l The Viceroy determined that the advance of the Mission should no longer be delayed. On the 20th of September Neville Chamberlain telegraphed to the Viceroy : " The Khyberees agree to escort the Mission to Ali Musjid, or to any nearer point until we come into contact with the Ameer's authorities. They do not hold themselves responsible for what may then happen. They will also, if necessary, give us safe - conduct back." The 1 ' Lord Lytton's Indian Administration,' p. 271. CAVAGNARI AND THE AFGHAN COMMANDER 479 following morning the Mission moved to Jamrood, three miles from the mouth of the pass, but within our own territory, and encamped there. Neville Chamberlain did not desire that the whole Mission should advance beyond our territory, because " it is my strong conviction that resistance is in- tended, and every native thinks so also," and he wished to minimise the danger of a conflict and the loss of prestige which being "openly turned back" would entail. On the previous day he had informed the Viceroy: "A small party will suffice to test the state of things as well as the whole escort, and I consider it most desirable to reduce to a mini- mum any indignity which may be offered to our Govern- ment." So on the 2ist, after the Mission had reached Jamrood, Major Cavagnari, with Lieutenant-Colonel F. H. Jenkins in command of the escort, Captain W. Battye of the Guides Cavalry, and twenty-four men with certain maliks, rode on to within a mile of AH Musjid. Here he was met by a body of Afridees, who warned him that if he advanced further he would be fired upon. Cavagnari halted. He was writing a letter to the commander of the fort stating that he intended to push forward until he was fired upon, and that Faiz Mahomed, as the Ameer's representative, would be held responsible for the act, when a message from the Afghan commander reached him. Faiz Mahomed was coming to a ruined tower in the middle of the stream just below where they had halted. On his arrival he would send for Cavagnari and three others and hear what he had to say. Cavagnari, ardent, headstrong, void of fear, was also a match for the most wily Afghans. He was not going to wait until the Afghan com- mander sent for him. He was not going to be dictated to as to the number of men that should accompany him. Taking Colonel Jenkins with him, and one or two of the Guide cavalry and some of the Khyber headmen, he promptly descended into the bed of the stream and advanced to meet the Afghan commander. A party of Afridis, headed by a malik, attempted to stop him. " I rode past him, telling him that my mission concerned the Cabul officials, and that I desired to have no 480 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN discussion with the Afridis." On meeting, the two com- manders exchanged salutations, and Cavagnari pointed out what he considered a suitable place for an interview : " It was a watermill, with some trees close by it, and on the opposite side of the stream to the spot originally named for the place of meeting." By a strange coincidence it was near the spot where Neville Chamberlain had been wounded on returning with Nott's force. The Afghan commander was most courteous and most firm, but no arguments could move him. " He was only a sentry, and had no regular troops but only a few levies, but that such as his orders were he would carry them out to the best of his ability, and that unless he received orders from Cabul he could not let the Mission pass his post." Colonel Jenkins, in his official report, thus de- scribes the close of the interview: Major Cavagnari said to the Sirdar : " We are both servants ; you of the Ameer of Cabul, I of the British Govern- ment. It is no use for us to discuss these matters. I only came to get a straight answer from you. Will you oppose the passage of the Mission by force ? " The Sirdar said : " Yes, I will ; and you may take it as kindness and because I remember friendship, that I do not fire upon you for what you have done already." After this we shook hands and mounted our horses ; and the Sirdar said again, " You have had a straight answer." Major Cavagnari and his party at once rejoined the camp at Jamrud and the Mission returned to Peshawur. On the 22nd of September Neville Chamberlain wrote to Lord Lytton as follows : " PESHAWAR, 22nd September 1878. " MY LORD, The first act has been played out; and I do not think that any impartial looker-on can consider that any other course has been left open to us consistent with dignity than to openly break with the Ameer. I assert that no person was ever more desirous than I have been to preserve the peace by bringing about a friendly solution of differences, and I think it was only when I plainly saw that it was the Ameer's fixed intention to drive us into a corner, that I told your Lordship that we must either sink into the position of merely LETTER TO LORD LYTTON : SEPTEMBER 22, 1878 481 obeying his behests on all points, or stand upon our rights and risk a rupture. " The difficulty was to bring a British officer face to face with an officer of the Ameer ; and this it was only possible to do yesterday, unless we were prepared to dispute the independence of the Pass tribes and throw them into the scale against us. Yesterday, through the aid of a section of the Khyberees, Major Cavagnari was given the opportunity of having a personal interview with Faiz Mahomed Khan, commanding the troops of His Highness the Ameer at Ali Musjid; and the result was the most positive and repeated assurance that if the Mission advanced it would be stopped, and if necessary be turned back by force of arms. Nothing could have been more distinct. Nothing more humiliating to the dignity of the British crown and nation. Reports by Major Cavagnari and Colonel Jenkins of this interview accompany this letter, and they speak for themselves. I will only add that the native border officials and the Khybery safe-conduct who accompanied these officers confirm to the full all that is stated by them; and I further believe that but for the decision and tact shown by Major Cavagnari at one period of the interview, even the lives of the British officers, as also the lives of their small native escort accompanying, were in considerable danger. " After this meeting it only remained to abandon all idea of advanc- ing and to return to this place. Early this morning, before striking camp, I sent a letter to Faiz Mahomed Khan, informing him of my intention of stopping the advance of the Mission, with my reason for doing so. I also, in compliance with your Lordship's instructions, sent a letter to Nawab Ghulam Hasan Khan, directing him to take leave of the Ameer and to return at once to Peshawur. " I trust that what has been said to Faiz Mahomed Khan, and the mode adopted for communicating to the Nawab the cause of the return of the Mission, will meet with your approval. " Before leaving Jumrood this morning I saw the Khybery maliks, who were in our camp as hostages for the safe-conduct of the Mission as far as Ali Musjid. I told them that they were held to have per- formed their part in full, just the same as if they had seen our last baggage-animal safe into camp at Ali Musjid. They expressed them- selves as well satisfied, but asked what would be done if the Ameer exhibited his displeasure upon them for having agreed to render this service to the British Government. Your Lordship is well aware that up to this time I have been scrupulously careful in avoiding giving any just cause of offence to the Ameer of Cabul, because of our rela- tions with this border tribe, but I felt that after what had taken place all cause for such caution had been removed, and that in justice, in honour, and for political considerations I was bound to give them a clear and distinct pledge as to the trust they might in the future repose upon us. I therefore took it upon myself to tell them that I had your Lordship's authority to say that the British Government would aid 2 H 482 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN them with its last soldier and spend its last rupee should the Ameer attempt to visit them with his anger for having assented to see the Mission safe as far as AH Musjid. " I am fully sensible as to the nature of the pledge I have thus given, but these wild mountaineers do not understand anything but plain speaking, and it would be hopeless for us to expect to exercise any real control over the independent border tribes unless we showed ourselves as willing and able to befriend those who served us, as we are willing and able to punish those who evinced hostility to us. In a previous letter I have mentioned to your Lordship what importance I attach to detaching the Khyber tribes from the Ameer, and I must admit that I was glad of the opportunity given this morning of making the first move at least I hope it may prove so in that direction. " On getting back here this forenoon I sought by telegram your instructions as to the disposal of the Mission, and orders on one or two other matters which seem to me to need early attention. "After what has taken place the status quo cannot, I think, continue without loss of dignity, if not loss of prestige, and I hope that such steps as are within our reach may at once be taken to prove to the Ameer, and to the border tribes, and to our own native chiefs and people, that the British Government loses no time in resenting a gross and unprovoked insult. "Copies of telegram, &c., which have been sent since I last wrote accompany this letter. I remain, your Lordship's obedient servant, " NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN." The following day he wrote to his wife : " PESHAWAR, 2.yd September. " The telegram I sent yesterday to General Elmhirst will have told you that the Mission had come to an end. The Ameer's troops would not allow us to pass, and, as it was useless to sacrifice life or limb by any exhibition of active hostility, I had to return. What I have done has been approved of by the V. R. there is truth in what his Excellency says as to events having marched fast since I came to Peshawar. It has been continuous hard work. I leave to-morrow for Simla. If the Ameer wants terms he will have to come here^ and Lord L. says he would wish me to conduct the negotiations. I think the Ameer's pride would sooner send him to Russia than that he should appear here as a suppliant. He will have to make his choice ! At all events, I am not to be back in Madras for a while." He enclosed the copies of two telegrams from the Viceroy : " I have first of all to convey to you my own most cordial thanks and those of the Government for the great service rendered by your RETURNS TO SIMLA 483 Mission, which, though affronted, has not been disgraced. The affront, which was not unforeseen, will not be unpunished. I consider the result much more satisfactory than any which could have been antici- pated from negotiation at Cabul, under conditions now clearly ascer- tained, and this result could not have been otherwise secured. I shall be grateful if for the present you can wait at Simla, or within close reach of headquarters, for reasons explained in the accompanying cipher telegram, but in any case pray rejoin me here before you return to Madras. Grateful thanks for your letters up to date. I have entirely concurred in all your views and suggestions, and my appreciation of present situation is the same as yours." " SIMLA, 2$th September. 11 Your old rooms at Peterhoff will be ready for you and necessary carriage arrangements. You will return to Simla, having rendered during your short absence, by a personal sacrifice which is most grate- fully appreciated, a service of the highest importance to India." Neville Chamberlain had not been many days at Simla when he wrote to his sister : " Lord Lytton met me on my reaching this : he is full of thanks for what I did ; so far there has been no want of personal success in what it was in my power to perform. I wish, however, I could think better than I do of our political situation in Afghanistan ; it seems to me very unsatisfactory, and the worst feature is that there is little likeli- hood of the Ministry at home boldly facing the difficulty and placing Afghanistan without the sphere of possible interference on the part of Russia and her satellite Persia. Now we have Russian officers securely seated at Cabul and employed in undermining us, with our largest military cantonment of Peshawar only 150 miles distant, our Mission scornfully rejected, and the Ameer's troops holding the Khyber, close to our frontier post of Jumrood. All that we have done in the past towards securing our North-West Frontier seems suddenly to have crumbled away, and all the advantage to be on the side of Russia. This is because we have never had any policy, nor indeed have we at the present moment one directing power, the Ministry, the India Office, the Viceroy and his Council all at work, and as often at disaccord as agreed." The absence of any definite official position at Simla consonant with his rank as Commander-in-Chief of the Madras army was very trying to Neville Chamberlain, but he confessed himself repaid by the thought that he was assisting the Governor at a great imperial crisis. Every day he had 484 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN " a talk with Lord L." ; he attended all councils held on Afghan questions, and " I speak out plainly when asked to do so." The wise decision regarding an offer made by the native princes received his warm approval. " The offer made by the native princes to assist with their troops will be accepted. I am a strong advocate for this. It will turn them to account, give them an interest in our cause, and please the princes." It was not the Indian Government nor the native princes but the Government at home which caused him the greatest anxiety and perplexity. The Cabinet hesitated, doubted, and wavered. On October igth the Nawab Ghulam Hasan returned from Cabul bringing with him the reply of the Ameer to the letter which the Viceroy had sent him so far back as August I4th. On October 2ist Neville Chamberlain wrote : " The Ameer's answer is more saucy and more to the point than I expected. All the better it should be so, as now the ground is cut from under the feet of even Lord Lawrence. The fact is we gave the Ameer too much play, as well as declined to do things he might have expected us to do, so he has gone clean out of our hands and passed over to the Russians." Six days later Neville Chamberlain wrote : " SIMLA, o.'jth October. " The Ministry at home seem to forget the old proverb that pro- crastination is the thief of time. The V. R. has received orders to send another letter to the Amir, giving him the opportunity of apolo- gising and offering to receive a resident officer at his Court at Cabul, and this letter to be telegraphed to England for approval previous to being sent off. " I never heard of any order so derogatory to the authority and position of a man placed at the head of a Government. Were I V. R. I should telegraph back to the Cabinet that if I was not con- sidered competent or to be trusted to carry out such an order, without submitting my draft first for approval, that I begged they would telegraph me out the name of my successor and the date he might be expected to reach India. I must add in fairness that the order also says the assembling of troops is not to be delayed. The Ameer is no more likely to comply with the requirements than he is to be expected to turn Christian and apply for a bishopric. It is only going through an idle form, which will seem to him (which it is) vacillation and weakness, and confirm him in the opinion that he has done wisely in ULTIMATUM TO THE AMEER 485 throwing us overboard ! and gives strength to the idea prevailing in Russia and in Europe that anything may be said or done to us, as nothing can bring us to the scratch ! The Nawab from Cabul has arrived here. He tells me it is fortunate we were stopped at the pass or harm might have come to us had we gone on. The Ameer's mind had long been made up, and any hopes he ever held out of reconciliation were nothing but snares to mislead us and gain time. Only fancy the Ameer's impertinence in telling the Nawab that he did not intend to reply to the Viceroy's letter as His Excellency was only a servant of the home Government. The Nawab urged that the Viceroy was at the head of an immense Empire and controlled an immense revenue, and that he ought to answer his letter, and eventually the Ameer did so." On November 2 another letter to the Ameer, which had been approved by the home Government, was delivered to Faiz Mahomed at Ali Musjid, a duplicate copy being sent to the Ameer by post. It was an ultimatum. A full and suitable apology must be offered for the repulse of the Mission " in writing, and tendered on British territory by an officer of sufficient rank." He must consent to receive a permanent British Mission within his territory. He should undertake that no injury should be done to the tribes who acted as guides to the Mission, and that reparation should be made for any damage they had suffered from him. Unless these conditions were accepted fully and plainly by the Ameer, and his acceptance received by the Viceroy not later than Novem- ber 20, " I shall be compelled to consider your intentions as hostile, and to treat you as a declared enemy of the British Government." The political crisis was approaching its agony. Neville Chamberlain was occupied " reading up books on the Afghan compaign 39/42 to be able to answer questions about supplies and carriages." " Yesterday at 3 o'clock there was a sort of caucus in the Viceroy's room on the subject of military preparation and arrangements. Mr Egerton, Sir F. Haines, Sir Samuel Browne, and the Foreign Secretary, Mr Lyall, present. Colonel Colley is always present on such occasions, but sits away and says nothing. I feel all the time that he has given the Viceroy the key to the discourse, and is his real military mentor, and one cannot help admiring his reticence and apparent indifference to all that is said, and his being content to be a nobody." 486 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN Lord Lytton was most anxious to retain Neville Chamber- lain as his official responsible military adviser. As the Viceroy put it, " He was unwilling to cut adrift so reliable an anchor." He therefore proposed that Neville Chamberlain should act as Military Member of the Viceroy's Council. " I gave no answer, and he said, * Well, think it over.' Next day Colonel Colley came to my room whilst I was dressing for dinner, and said the Viceroy would like to have my answer. I replied I came from Madras at the call of duty, and I was prepared now, as then, to do whatever might seem best to His Excellency, but that I would on no account, in act or appearance, do aught to displace any officer from his rightful position ; that I had no desire to be Military Member of Council, either temporarily or permanently, but if General Browne was named to the higher command, and the place thus became vacant, I would not decline it." On November 6 Neville Chamberlain wrote to Crawford : " I have taken my seat as Military Council, Sam. Browne has gone to the frontier, and I hope he may have the taking of the Khyber. I should have far preferred military duty, but one has to do what one is told, and up to this time there is no command big enough for a C.-in-C." Neville Chamberlain accompanied the Viceroy to Lahore. As no communication was received from the Ameer at our outpost on the 20th of November, orders were issued to the generals commanding the Khyber, Kuram, and Quetta columns to cross the frontier and advance the following morning. On the morning of the aist of November General Sir Samuel Browne entered the Khyber and attacked Ali Musjid. " The fire of the fort was well sustained and directed; and the defence made by the garrison of Ali Musjid for several hours was creditable to its spirit. But the position, having been turned during the night, was precipitously abandoned by the enemy, with the loss of all his stores and camp equipage." 1 Sir Samuel Browne advanced to Dakka without molestation, and on the 2Oth of December a force was again encamped on the plains of Jellalabad. 1 Viceroy's Despatch, June 1879. ROBERTS SEIZES THE PEIWAR KOTAL 487 On the day that Browne entered the Khyber General Roberts entered the Lower Kuram valley, about sixty miles long and three to ten miles wide. Continuing his advance up the valley he, on the 28th of November, approached the Kotal or pass over the Peiwar ridge. A reconnaissance in force, under the command of Colonel John Gordon of the 2Qth Punjab Infantry, showed that the enemy's position, concealed by a high range of pine-clad hills and precipitous cliffs, was almost impregnable in front, a position strong by nature having been made more strong by pine - trees and breastwork. Roberts knew the Kotal must be captured, a front attack might lead to disaster, it certainly must lead to heavy loss of life, and he therefore determined to turn the position by a flank movement. By that intuitive perception which distinguishes great commanders, he decided on the best course to follow. In following it he took the legitimate risk which every general must take who wishes to win a complete victory. And at Peiwar Kotal the success was decisive. On the 5th of December Neville Chamberlain wrote to Crawford : "Up to late last night nothing from Roberts. I shall not be at peace until we hear all is right. He is far away, and weak, and in a false military position if seriously attacked. His best security is the good information he is likely to obtain from the chiefs. Just heard of the telegram from Roberts announcing his victory. I am now quite easy. Nothing could be better, and his success has not been dearly bought considering the enemy's advantages. In fact, both at AH Musjid and now the Peiwar Pass, we ought not to have been surprised at double the loss. In both cases it was the flank move- ment gained us the day." On December 19 the Viceroy and his party moved from Lahore to Calcutta. Neville Chamberlain halted at Lucknow in order to spend a few days with Crawford, who now com- manded the Oudh Division. Hard work at Lahore had so told on him that, without any warning, he was taken seriously ill, and could not continue his journey for some depressing weeks. Lord Lytton wrote to Lady Chamberlain a letter, 488 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN which illustrates the writer's habitual consideration for the feelings of those over whom he exercised rule : " BARRACKPORE, $th January 1879. " DEAR LADY CHAMBERLAIN, I cannot let the first week of this year pass by without telling you how much it has been saddened for myself and Lady Lytton by the knowledge of your dear husband's illness. The sad account of his health contained in your letter to my wife has been, indeed, to me a threefold source of distress, first for his own sake and yours, then because I much miss the advantage of being able to consult him on some of the new aspects of various questions, on the treatment of which he has so ably advised and efficiently helped me. But most of all, because 1 1 cannot help re- proaching myself for the overwork which may, I fear, have contributed to bring on his present attack. I often thought he was overworking at Lahore, and wished to persuade him to take his work less eagerly. But you know the nobleness of his temperament, one might as easily persuade a thoroughbred racer leading the course, and in sight of the winning-post, to canter instead of galloping. I shall be grateful if you will kindly keep me informed of the condition of your beloved patient, and I sincerely trust we may soon receive good news of him. My other work is just now so much lighter than usual that I have not thought to act on Sir Neville's suggestion about General Strachey. When he is well enough to rejoin us how glad we shall be. It may interest Sir N. to know that the Queen and Lord Cranbrook have unreservedly expressed to me their satisfaction and approval of the restrictions which, with his valuable support, I was able to place on the number of troops detached for the operations of this winter. The questions we shall now have to consider, with reference to our position next spring, are mainly of a political character. I hope to be able to talk them all over with Sir Neville when we meet. Your husband's grateful, attached friend, LYTTON." On the gth of February Neville Chamberlain wrote to Crawford from Government House, Calcutta : " My recep- tion by Lord Lytton was most kind." In a letter to the Duke of Cambridge he states : " Before I recovered sufficiently to travel, Sir E. Johnson had resumed his seat as Military Member of Council ; and as my condition was then such as to forbid the prospects of my services being available for re- employment on the Afghan border, I returned to Madras. I left to Surgeon-General Gordon the decision as to whether I was fit to retain my post as Commander-in-Chief of the RETURNS TO MADRAS 489 Madras army, and as he was of opinion that my return to England was not indispensable, I have remained at my post." The state of his health rendered it necessary that he should proceed to Coonoor, one of the most pleasant hill-stations in India. On the 3rd of April he wrote to his sister : " I cannot tell you anything that will give you greater pleasure than that I am greatly improved in health and strength, indeed more so than I expected could be the case in so short a time. Nothing can be more pleasant than the climate we now have. Neither hot nor cold." A month later he writes : " The Viceroy has been referring some matters to me, connected with Afghan affairs, and I have sent him a long memo, in reply." When Shere AH heard of the news of the defeat of his troops he released his imprisoned son Yakub, and fled across the Oxus into Russian territory. On the 2ist of February kindly death put an end to his troubles, and Yakub reigned in his stead. On the 26th of May at Gundamuk a treaty was signed in the British camp by the Ameer and by Major Cavagnari on behalf of the British Government. By the Third Article the English undertook the entire control of the Ameer's foreign relations, and in order that all the foreign intercourse of the Afghan Government should be conducted under British advice, the following article provided for the residence at Cabul of a British representative, and for the right to depute British agents as occasion might require to all parts of the Afghan frontier. The British Government agreed to pay the Ameer an annual subsidy of six lakhs of rupees. In return the districts of Pishin Sibi and Kuram were retained by the British Government under an agree- ment, the Ameer receiving the surplus revenue after payment of the administrative expenses. As a necessary adjunct to this stipulation the British retained the control of the Khyber and Michni Passes. The towns of Candahar and Jellalabad were restored by the Treaty of Gundamuk to the Ameer of Cabul. On the 8th of June Lord Lytton wrote to Neville Chamberlain : " Ere this you will have read the full text of 4QO LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN the Cabul Treaty, which I meant to telegraph to you, but I was ill at the time and forgot to do so. I am in hopes that, on the whole, you will think it satisfactory." The territorial clauses, he goes on to state, went further than Neville Cham- berlain's recommendations, but very much less far than those of other distinguished experts. "To my eyes," wrote Lord Salisbury, " the wise constraint in which you have held the eager spirits about you is not the least striking of your victories." The Governor-General made the common dis- covery that " no two experts seem to hold the same opinion. The professed strategists, both here and at home, differ widely from each other ; and as for our best politicals, each crows loud for his own dunghill." He mentions that he had been urged to retain Candahar, but " I could never see any advantage in the permanent retention of Candahar, nor did I ever contem- plate such a measure." When the main object of the Treaty of Gundamuk direct control over the foreign relations of Afghanistan had been defeated by the massacre of our Mission at Cabul, then Lord Lytton advocated the retention of Candahar. It was a part of his policy of disintegration. It is the mark of administrative genius to see further than ordinary men what has to be done and to do it. " I am anxious," wrote Lord Lytton, "as soon as funds can be found, to construct a railway from Sukkur to Quetta. I have no doubt that such a line would eventually be extended to Candahar, thus conferring upon Afghanistan the inestim- able advantage of a seaport and direct commercial communi- cation with the European markets by uniting Candahar to Kurachee, greatly to the benefit of the Cabul treasury. In any case this route is destined, I think, to become ere long the great commercial highway for the whole trade of Central Asia." Work was at once set on foot to carry out the scheme. Before the end of the year the line was completed from Sukkur to a point 24 miles beyond Jacobabad, and on January 14, 1880, it was opened to Sibi, beyond the Kurachee desert, 140 miles from the Indus. Two lines of railway now carry the traveller from the foot of the Baluch Hills to Quetta. The LETTER TO LORD LYTTON 49 1 Khojak range has been pierced by a great tunnel, and 124 miles beyond Quetta station the Quetta-Candahar line ends. Only 70 miles intervene between Chaman and Canda- har. The line is bound some day to be extended to the capital of Western Afghanistan, and what Lord Lytton's administrative genius discerned completed. At the close of his letter Lord Lytton wrote : " The first on the list of recommendations I have just sent home for honours on the ' War Gazette ' is your own, and I heartily hope and expect that your unpleasant but patriotic journey to Jumrood, though it did not lead to Cabul, will lead to a peerage." Neville Chamberlain replied : " OOTACAMUND, ^th Jllly 1879. " MY DEAR LORD LYTTON, When your long letter of the 8th of June reached me I was suffering from an attack of fever and ague, and this must partly account for the delay in my reply. I will begin by alluding to what I may call personal matters, in saying how sorry I was to hear that you had been ill. I see by the papers that you have been in camp, and I trust that the change will have set you up again. I know that a Viceroy has always more work thrust upon him than it is possible for any man to get through, and therefore there is the greater reason why every one should wish that you should retain your health. " We are still crossing the ford, and therefore not in the position to ' swop horses,' and I very much question if we shall be so previous to the expiration of your Lordship's Viceroyalty. "The information conveyed in your letter that you had recom- mended me for honours was quite a surprise to me. I never expected or desired any further recognition than that which was accorded to me by your Lordship in the ' Gazette ' published just previous to the out- break of the war. The part I was called upon to play was an easy one and was soon over, and I have never looked upon anything that I was able to do other than as a simple act of duty. Should anything come out of your recommendation I shall have no hesitation in respect- fully declining it, for I have neither the income or broad acres or any of the other adjuncts which ought in my opinion to be associated with a peerage. But although I thus frankly tell you my own opinion on the subject, I should be very sorry for you to suppose that I did not appreciate at its full value the estimation in which you are so good as to hold my services, and the generous feeling which prompted your Lordship to recommend their being so honourably rewarded. " That there should be any question as to my brother Crawford's claim for being made a K.C.B. is a matter of surprise and disappoint- ment to me, for I know for a certainty that his energies have during 492 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN a long service of forty -one years been devoted to forwarding the interests of the State, and he has in the course of his career, both in quarters and in the field, been placed in positions where he has been able to render services certainly equal if not superior to those rendered by many officers now wearing the distinction he considers to be his just reward. " I have no interest either at the Horse Guards or at the India Office, and if I had I really should feel ashamed to have to urge it in such a cause on behalf of my brother, and were he to know that he had only obtained the distinction through such means, I feel that he would prefer to remain without it. " Your Lordship has, I think, full reason to be satisfied with the terms of the treaty accepted by the Ameer, for you have obtained all the results that could be desired. The treaty gives to us the right to exclude Russian interference in Afghan affairs, and if she hereafter interferes the matter must be settled between herself and us. Our best security for being able to repose trust in the assurance of the Ameer is, I think, to be found in the circumstance that Yakoob Khan has realised the fact that he must choose between us and Russia, it being impossible for him seriously to entertain the idea held by his father of remaining neutral, playing off one Power against the other in furtherance of that object. " The continued occupation of Lundi Kotal is still, in my opinion, not a necessity, and therefore I should like to have seen the with- drawing of all our troops from the pass. The less we are brought into contact with the Khyber tribes the less likely we are to have causes of difference with them, and it will never be prudent to leave Lundi Kotal weak, or for us not to be in a position to support it in strength when needed. Its occupation involves increased expenditure and increased risks, and I have lived sufficiently long on the frontier to know that a time does come when one feels the benefit of not being committed to a single outpost more than is indispensable for internal security. The frontier tribes are not to be trusted, and however peaceful things may at the time seem to be, the words of Longfellow, ' Trust no future however pleasant,' ought never to be forgotten. The Kurrum line of communication ought to meet all our wants. It will run away with a good deal of money, and will not, I fear, for many a day to come, leave us altogether free from troubles with the neighbouring tribes. " I have not been able to gather whether your Lordship intends to occupy permanently or not the Thull-Chotiali route, but for the reasons I have above given I should be averse to its occupation. " The existence of rail communication between Sukkur and Quettah would no doubt be of military advantage to us ; but I question whether its construction would be of the advantage you seem inclined to hope to the trade of Afghanistan and Central Asia. Those countries are miserably poor the only fertile parts are, as it were, oases in a great LETTER TO LORD LYTTON 493 desert, and if you now could run a train daily between Herat and Sukkur, I do not believe you would find any solid increase of traffic beyond that which is brought in time of peace by the ordinary caravans. " As Sibi cannot now be given to the Khan of Khelat, I am glad that he is otherwise to be rewarded. Good relations with the Beloochis are an important element in our future frontier policy. I should never have told the Ameer that we asked for Sibi in order to cede it to Khelat, for every Afghan feels himself bound in honour to do anything rather than humble himself to a Beloochi. " Pishin is no doubt, as stated by General Stewart (for Afghanistan), a granary, but I would rather that we consumed the grain without becoming responsible for the administration of the district. It would have been quite possible to have secured the former without being involved in the latter. Do what you may, your Lordship will find the expense of administration exceed the revenue ; and besides this, you must always count upon some trouble arising with the tribe itself or with the neighbouring tribes, whilst no soldier ever takes the field without putting Government to increased charges. " Besides this, it is another step in advance beyond the natural point it is indispensable for us to hold in that quarter. " I have read with great interest all that your Lordship has said with regard to the Military Commission on Reduction and Army Reorganis- ation. The subject is one which I also conceive to be of the greatest importance both in a pecuniary and a military point of view. It shall receive my earnest attention, and I think that you will find this Government ready to help in carrying out your views. " I daresay you will recollect that when I first saw you at Coonoor I stated my conviction of the urgent necessity of keeping the presi- dential armies as much as possible separate from each other ; and I am very glad to find that you fully accept this principle by speaking of that system as that of the 'water-tight compartments.' " The question of redistribution and reorganisation of the Madras army was referred to by me in a minute which I wrote in May last year, when this Presidency was asked to send a regiment to Cachar, and as that paper may not have come before your Lordship's notice, I now send a printed copy for your perusal. " Nothing has as yet come out of what I said, save that I was thereby fortunately able to prevent a Madras regiment from being sent to Cachar. " For any good to result from the proceedings of the Commission, I am inclined to think that your Lordship will have to put down your foot firmly in the matter of inter-presidential and provincial jealousies. Yours affectionately, NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN. "To H.E. The LORD LYTTON, G.C.B., &c., Viceroy and Governor-General." 494 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN In pursuance of the Treaty of Gundamuk, Major Cavagnari, who for his recent services had been created a Knight- Commander of the Most Honourable Order of the Bath, was appointed " Envoy and Minister Plenipotentiary " at the Court of Cabul. On the 22nd of May Neville Cham- berlain wrote : " Cavagnari did very well with me, and we got on admirably together. He is a clever fellow, with great will, and untiring energy, more of the Nicholson style than any man I know ; he is inclined to be hasty and imperious, and more likely to control those he is brought into contact with through his force of character and through fear than from any personal attachment. I should say he is more the man for facing an emergency than one to entrust with a position requiring delicacy and very calm judgment. I think he has very strong fixed ideas, and that his action would be to make events lead up to his views. If he were left at Cabul as our agent, I should fear his not keeping us out of difficulties. We shall need there a man who will see everything, and be content with only reporting to Government what it is indispensable it should know." On July 24th Cavagnari, accompanied by Surgeon A. H. Kelly of the Guides as Medical Officer, and Mr W. Jenkins, I.C.S., as Political Assistant, and Lieutenant Walter Hamilton, Military Attache, , in charge of a carefully picked escort of twenty-five cavalry and fifty infantry of the Guides Corps, entered Cabul and was assigned quarters in the Bala Hissar. The same day he wrote to the Viceroy : " Nothing could have exceeded the hospitable treatment we have experienced since we left the Kurum frontier, and our reception was all that could be desired." But mutterings of the storm that was about to burst were soon heard. On August 3Oth Cavagnari wrote to the Viceroy : " I have been quite bewildered some- times with the stories that have been brought me hinting that no trust should be placed in Yakoob Khan, and that he is only temporising with us." Early in August six regiments of infantry had arrived from Herat, and Cavagnari was told that the Herat soldiers had been ordered to abuse the Kafir-Elchi as they marched through the streets of Cabul. " Never fear," was the answer to the native officer who warned him ; " keep MASSACRE OF CAVAGNARI AND HIS STAFF 495 up your heart : dogs that bark don't bite." " But these dogs do bite: there is real danger," urged the man. Cavagnari quietly said : " They can only kill the three or four of us here, and our deaths will be avenged." In the first days of Sept- ember these Herat soldiers came to the treasury in the Bala Hissar for their pay. Failing to obtain the full amount, they proceeded to the house occupied by the British Embassy where they were told was lots of money and attacked it. The garrison made a desperate resistance. But courage against a host of well-armed and trained men was of no avail. Cavagnari, his staff and escort of heroic Guides, after defending themselves with desperate gallantry, perished to a man. This was the fate of our second Embassy to Cabul. The base and cruel murder of every member of the Mission led to a renewal of the war. A month after the murder of Cavagnari with his staff and escort, Sir Frederick Roberts by a bold and daring march entered Cabul, and within three days Candahar was reoccupied. On the 2ist of October Neville Chamberlain wrote to his nephew, Lieutenant Neville Chamberlain, who was on General Roberts' per- sonal staff: " I have, of course, followed General Roberts' footsteps with great interest, and was glad to see he occupied Cabul with so little loss. . . . Our difficulties in Afghanistan have been, and will, I think, continue to be political, and not military. Badly armed unorganised tribes cannot resist disciplined troops in the field, but when the popular feeling of the country is strongly opposed to interference on the part of strangers, it is always possible for them to give the invaders great trouble, and the more especially in a mountainous and poor country like Afghanistan. It is impossible to destroy a whole male population, nor can any civilised Government think of punishing the innocent with the guilty, and therefore all that remains to be done is to extinguish each fire as it burns out, and I shall be much surprised if your general is not constantly being called upon to suppress insurrection somewhere or another, to say nothing of the difficulty of keeping the line of communication free from molestation and attack." His words soon came true. The tribes broke out into insurrection around Cabul, and in December 1879 tnev 496 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN made a combined advance on the capital. After some hard fighting General Roberts was forced by sheer weight of numbers to evacuate all his isolated positions, and with 5000 men to hold a position which, owing to "the great extent of its perimeter, more than four and a half miles, made it a very difficult place to defend." 1 If our troops had been systematically assailed they would have found it extremely difficult to have held their own inside the immense enclosure to which they had been committed. The enemy, however, did nothing but indulge in firing of a desultory kind, until they heard that General Gough with reinforcements was approaching, and then they delivered their one real attack. On the morning of the 23rd December the signal-fire was lighted on the Asmai Heights. As it died out a brisk fire was opened upon the south-west angle of the camp. This, how- ever, was only a feint. Led by their Ghazis, the main body of Afghans, wearing swords and knives and shouting their war-cry, advanced on the north-east angle. As they came on the bullets fell thick on the besieged, but our soldiers patiently and silently waited the order to fire. When the enemy arrived within a few yards of the wall a sustained and well-directed volley struck the head of the Afghan host. The dead and wounded filled the trench, the survivors took shelter behind walls and trees from which they commenced a fusilade which did but little damage. Once again did a few fanatics attempt to face the murderous fire from our ramparts, but even fanatical zeal could not nerve them to endure it. Then news reached the Afghans of Gough's reinforcing column, and the counter-stroke delivered by General Roberts, when he ordered all the available cavalry in camp to advance and attack them in flank, turned the besiegers into a mob of fugitives. Thus ended the investment of Sherpur. The next day the enemy disappeared ; our troops were in Cabul, and communi- cations with India reopened. On the 2gth of December 1 'Forty-one Years in India,' by Field-Marshal Lord Roberts, V.C., K.G., , ii. 243, 244. LORD LYTTON RESIGNS 4Q7 Neville Chamberlain wrote to Crawford that the previous evening a telegram announced the attack on the Sherpur cantonment and the defeat of the Afghans. "Of course this is so far so good, but we have 52,000 men now in the field, and yet we cannot be said to be doing more than holding our own at certain principal places. It is only where we are strong that we can be considered to rule ; and even with all the dissensions which exist between the tribes and amongst each separate tribe, Lord Lytton has no easy task before him to hold the country and realise its revenue." But Lord Lytton had no desire to hold the country. He wanted to discover a capable and friendly ruler to whom he might hand over the government of Afghanistan. In March Abdurrahman, son of Shere Ali's elder half-brother, appeared on the scene. The prince, who had the reputation of being an able soldier, had taken a prominent part in the hostile operations conducted by his father against Shere Ali, but when the latter had crushed all opposition, Abdurrahman became a fugitive in Russian territory, where he resided ten years. The Government of India had no cause to oppose the claim of Abdurrahman to the throne of Cabul, and conciliatory messages were sent to him. He was told that at no place but the capital could final arrangements be satis- factorily and quickly made. But before final arrangements could be made Lord Lytton had ceased to be Viceroy. On April 28th Mr Gladstone succeeded Lord Beaconsfield as chief Minister of the Crown, and the Marquis of Harting- ton replaced Viscount Cranbrook as Secretary of State for India ; Lord Lytton, whose policy had been vigorously attacked by Lord Hartington and Mr Gladstone, resigned, and on the 8th of June Lord Ripon arrived at Simla and assumed the charge of government. On the 3rd of July Lord Lytton sailed from Bombay for England. Events have justified some of the measures for which he was most severely blamed by inconsiderate critics. Only those who have studied his State papers can understand his capacity for work, his power of grappling with intricate and difficult problems, his fore- 2 I 498 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN sight as a statesman who thought not of the day but of the morrow. On the voyage from Aden the new Viceroy wrote to Neville Chamberlain asking his opinion about the following important points : The selection to be made of a new Ameer of Cabul ; what terms should be made with the person selected ; what was to be done with the territory recently acquired by us from Afghanistan ; if our engagements with Shere Ali rendered us free to withdraw our troops from Candahar, would he recommend this to be done ? At the close of his letter his Lordship says : " I am sure that I need not ask you to give me your opinion frankly and without hesitation. It is only opinions so given that are of any value." Neville Chamber- lain had always the courage of his convictions. He had supported Lord Lytton against his old friend and chief, John Lawrence, in his first Afghan policy, but he frankly and with- out hesitation expressed his disapproval of the policy of dis- integration, and the unfettered easy intercourse with Lord Lytton ceased. On the i4th of June he sent Lord Ripon a full and important memorandum, and in the general views expressed in it the Viceroy concurred. With regard to the permanent occupation of Candahar, he wrote : "The idea of occupation of one portion of Afghanistan would, I conceive, be found to be untenable in practice. The previous mountain barrier passed, we shall find no solid halting-ground short of the Persian frontier and the Oxus. To occupy Candahar without also taking possession of Herat, or to occupy Cabul without securing Turkestan, is to advance into positions infinitely more exposed to attack than those previously held without even the security to be derived by coming into contact with the neighbouring Governments." He con- sidered that " the tribes are far too homogeneous and too strongly allied by ties of race, religion, language, and inter- course to be split up at our pleasure, and no arrangement of the kind will be submitted to by them, save as the result of conquest. Whilst to bring them into such a state of sub- ROBERTS' GREAT MARCH 499 jection would, as I have before said, tax our military strength and resources, and then, until the whole population had been disarmed, nothing in the shape of permanent subjection could reasonably be counted upon." Neville Chamberlain added : " There is no analogy between the Ameer Dost Mahomed and his brothers having amicably divided the country between themselves, and a forced division of the land by order of a foreign conqueror. No division of the kind can ever be brought about or be maintained at our dictation unless backed up by the power of the sword." Above all, Neville Chamber- lain considered that " England must have a fixed policy, and must make clear what is her intention, when, if war must be waged in support of the independence of Afghanistan, it should be declared at St Petersburg and not at Cabul. A clear understanding on this point is likely to save much future unpleasantness between the two countries, and much anxiety and money to India." On the 22nd of July 1880, Abdurrahman was formally recog- nised as Ameer at a durbar held near Cabul. He was given grants of arms and money, and what Shere Ali had asked seven years before was now granted, after a vast expenditure of life and treasure, to Abdurrahman, a formal promise of support against foreign aggression. The British troops were just starting on their return to India when news reached Cabul that Ayub Khan, Shere Ali's younger son, had defeated a British force at Maiwand, not far from Candahar, and was beleaguering the garrison within the walls of that city. On the 6th of August the Cabul-Candahar field force began its famous march. On August 31 Sir Frederick Roberts, who commanded the expedition, reached Candahar, and on September I defeated Ayub outside the walls. In order to relieve the beleaguered garrison, General Roberts had given up all reliance on a base of operations, and with a force of 10,000 men marched through the heart of a hostile country 318 miles in twenty-three days. Such a feat will always be remembered. Neville Chamberlain, who was not in accord 500 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN with his old staff-officer's political actions, wrote to his sister : " I like Roberts personally, and consider him a brave dash- ing soldier and general." On the 2nd of November Neville Chamberlain wrote: "This day three months my period of five years' tenure of this command will expire, and I suppose General Roberts will rule in my place." On the 23rd of December he wrote : " Three days ago we heard by telegram that Sir Donald Stewart is to be Sir F. Haines' successor. It seems to be likely : as for me, I must have declined it on the score of health, for I find I cannot stand the heat of this place even now." The time had come to take off his harness. On the 3rd of February he published his last General Order, and it is characteristic of the man. While admitting the British soldier of the day to be fully the equal of those of the past, he gave a word of warning against the propensity to drink, which he described as the root of all military crime. The Madras sepoy he considered intelligent, tractable, faith- ful, and ready to serve wherever required. He then pointed out several reforms which he considered necessary for the promotion of the efficiency of the native army. There should be more regimental officers (an urgent need even at this time), and native officers and non-commissioned officers should be appointed and promoted by selection. The same day there was issued a Gazette Extraordinary, placing on record " the high sense entertained by the Government of Fort St George of the value of his services while in command of the Madras army, which must not only be proud of its association with so distinguished a soldier, but feel indebted to him for his constant and earnest advocacy of all its just claims, and for his untiring energy in maintaining its high standard of efficiency." On the evening of the 3rd February the Governor and a numerous party of friends went to the pier-head to wish Neville Chamberlain a final adieu and bid him God- speed from India. He had first landed at Madras forty- four years before. On his return to England Neville Chamberlain was received with marked attention, and leading soldiers and statesmen INTERVIEW WITH THE DUKE OF CAMBRIDGE 501 asked him for advice as to Afghan and military affairs. Soon after his arrival he went to see the Duke of Cambridge, and he tells his sister : " His manner was most friendly. He told me he had always desired, and even still desired, that I should succeed Sir F. Haines as C.-in-C., but the idea had prevailed at home that the state of my health did not justify my being nominated. The Duke talked to me about most of the military questions of the day, including, of course, that of the evacuation of Candahar. On that point I could not agree with him, and I gave my reasons. He admitted the force of what I said, but stuck to the advantages he supposed would be derived by placing ourselves near Herat. He asked me about Lord Lytton, Sir F. Haines, General Roberts, Sir D. Stewart, and Sir G. Wolseley. I suppose it is by thus picking different men's brains that a judgment is come to as to men's qualifications and characters, and the place as servants of the Crown assigned to them. Amongst other things, the Duke expressed great regret at the part politics was assuming in military affairs, and in this I think he is quite right. I said I was in politics a Liberal, but that this did not blind me to the error committed in not giving the Ameer Shere Ali the guarantees he asked of Lord Northbrook, and that I was strongly of opinion that had these been given there would have been no inclination on the part of Shere Ali to seek an alliance with Russia. "Towards the end of the conversation the Duke said he was placed in a very difficult position, and often felt that he would give up office. I replied I was sure it could be no bed of roses, but I trusted he was bringing up his successor in the way he should go. On this H.R.H. said : ' What do you say to taking my place ? I daresay you would do the work better than I do ! ' I thought this notice to quit, so I got up to take leave. The Duke also rose, and, shaking me by the hand very warmly, said he was much obliged to me for all I had done at Madras, and that he trusted that I would use my influence at the India Office and elsewhere not to allow unreasonable changes to be made in the native armies and system of administration. " I replied that I had opinions, and that when asked for them was ready to give them, but that I was now out of office and not likely to have any influence or even to be asked. He said : ' Oh no, I am sure that no one's word has greater weight at the India Office than yours, and I trust you will not fail to exercise it.' " I have now given you an outline of my interview. When we meet I will supplement it, and I trust many weeks will not elapse before I have the great happiness of being with you. There is much to be done on my arrival, and you will prefer I should start free, and I shall be at Montreux after Easter, and shall have much to tell you. I am now going to the India Office to see Lord Hartington. Your loving, "NEVILLE." 502 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN A few days later he gives his sister an account of his inter- view with Lord Hartington. " He is a good-looking man, but his manner is not impressive. There seems to be a lack of warmth or even of interest in the subject he talked about." Among the questions discussed was the retention of Candahar and Russian intrigue. " I told him that had we given Shere Ali the guarantees he asked for, and which were reasonable enough, he might still be alive on his throne and war have been averted. I also laid great stress upon the necessity of our dealing direct with Russia as to Herat and Afghanistan, and of our making her understand that interference in the affairs of these countries would be taken as an act of hostility." There was an informal exchange of views with regard to the reorganisation of the Indian army, and Lord Hartington asked him to write a memorandum on the subject. On the 27th of March he writes: " I got a seat in the Speaker's gallery to hear the Candahar debate, and was most interested both nights." He considered " Mr Stanhope's speech was much the best on the side of the Opposition. He speaks easily and with effect, has a nice voice, and there was nothing personal ; Lord Hartington's reply very good, but his manner is not courteous, nor is his voice pleasant. Sir Charles Dilke and Mr Fawcett spoke with ease ; Fawcett speaks loudly and measuredly like a parson. It is easy to criticise, is it not ? On the Ministerial side a Mr Bryce, an Irishman, spoke with eloquence. . . . All the speakers had notes. I heard Thiers speak for two hours, and every sentence seemed to follow in its proper order." On the ist of April 1881 Neville Chamberlain wrote to his sister : " I have just returned from Windsor, and will give you a short out- line of my visit. Twelve sat at the Queen's table, a large round one. The only guests outside the household were Major-Gen. Wilson and myself. As the Queen entered the corridor from her own apartments, where we were drawn up to receive her, she gave me a look of special recognition with a smile, and again, as I was drawing my chair to the table, she said she hoped I was now well and that she thought I looked so. The Princess Beatrice sat on the Queen's right and I on the Princess's right, and throughout the dinner the Queen or the Princess DEATH I l8TH FEBRUARY IQO2 503 kept up the conversation with me. I noticed the Queen say some- thing in a low tone to the Princess soon after we sat down to table, and I gathered she had told her who I was and to talk to me, and she was very chatty. The Queen spoke a great deal about the death of the Emperor of Russia and about India, and alluded to my visit to Osborne. After dinner she again talked to me about my health, my length of service, and then about Afghanistan. I will tell you all when we meet. She looked at my medals, and said few remain who wear the Ghuznee and Maharajpore medals, or, as she called it, Lord Ellenborough's Star. She is well up in Indian history. Apropos of Afghanistan, I said I understood H.M. was against giving up Candahar, and after I had explained my views she said : ' Well, I am more satisfied now, as I know that no one is better able than you are to give a sound opinion ; you know the country and the people.' I said it was true I had passed the best years of my life in contact with them, and that though I did not pretend to be infallible I held very strong opinions founded upon that knowledge, but that though I would withdraw from all conquests, I held to the necessity of some definite policy with regard to Russia, and that she should be made to understand that war must be the result of any interference in Afghanistan. The Queen said yes, but that many things were openly said by politicians which ought to be kept to ourselves. She again and again alluded to my health, and said she knew I had had very serious illnesses. She then spoke of the Duke of Edinburgh and the esteem he felt for me." At the end of April Neville Chamberlain joined his sister at Montreux. On his return to England he went to his country home, Lordswood, and he soon settled to the conditions of a country gentleman's existence. It was, after battles and marches, a quiet life. But he had his books to read, and to the last his mind was absorbed in public interests. The far northern frontier, over which he had for so many years kept watch and guard, was always a chief object of concern. The great military services he had rendered his country were fittingly acknowledged in 1900 by a Field- Marshal's baton. The crown of military rank came to him when the shadows of night had begun to fall. Death had already divided him from his wife, and Harriet, the dearest of his sisters, who had been the sharer of his thoughts and counsel ever since he was a lad. On the i8th of February 1902 the veteran after his many campaigns was at rest, and in the quiet parish churchyard of Rownhams they laid him by 504 LIFE OF SIR NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN the side of his wife and of his sister Harriet, with full military honours. His character needs no long comment. His own letters and diaries through the long series of his years show how great personal valour was combined with a true spirit of kindliness, and humanity and skill in war were intertwined with a love of culture and a serious interest in great questions. The best word said of him was by another Warden of the Marches : " Chamberlain was the very soul of chivalry." INDEX OF PERSONS AND PLACES, Abbott, Maj. J., 247 Abbottabad, 410, 412 Abdool Rusheed, 38-9 Abdurra, 52 Abdurrahman, 499 Adye, Col. J., 423, 444 Agnew, Vans, 193-4 Agra, 161, 164, 187, 450 Ahmed Shah Abdale, 15 Akbar Khan, 16, 71, 91, 95, 97-9, 124-6, 130, 139 Akrum Khan, 71-2 Alexander, Capt., 151 Alexander, Lt., 443 Alexander, Maj., 169 All Musjid, no, 122, 157, 474, 478, 485 Aliwal, 191 Ally Buksh, 228 Ally pore, 342 Alphec, the, 446 Alsace-Lorraine, 452-5 Amatola Mts., 261 Ameenoollah Shah, 92, 141 Anarkullie, 333 Anderson, Capt., 55, 62 Anquetil, Genl., 100 Argyll, Duke of, 467 Asseane, 150 Atta Mahomed, 82 Attok, 207 Auckland, Lord, 8, 14, 17, 18, 21-4, in- 12 Aurungabad, 237 Aytoun, Lt. J. M., 403 n. Ayub Khan, 499 Baba Wallee, 116-7 Backhouse, Capt., 141 Badli-ki-Serai, 336 Baird-Smith, Lt.-Col., 202-3, 347, 359, 365 Bajette, Lt., 70 Bajgah, 58 Bakht Khan, 341 Bala Hissar, 48, 51, 61, 137 Balderston, Adjt, 55-6 Balfour, Lady B., q. 467, 471 Bameean, 57-9, 139 Barari Tangi, 401 Barivani, 398 Barnard, Capt, 343 Barnard, Sir Henry, 341, 349 Baroda, 451 Barr, Maj., 171 Barrackpore, 7, 9, 294 Bartleman, Lt., 430 Barukaub, 157 Barukzyes, 15 n., 18 Basutos, 267 Battye, Lt., 430-1 Battye, Capt. W., 473 Beadon, Cecil, 377 Becher, Capt. J., 303 Becher, Maj., 312 Belle w, Surg.-Maj., 473 Beloochees, 32, 55, 57, 65-6 Benares, 450 Bentinck, Lord Wm., 15 Berea, 268-9 Beresford, Lord, 4 Beypore, 451 Beyramoo, 88-9 Bhawul Khan, 27 Bhawulpore, 26-7 Birch, Col., 378 Bitche, 455 Blackburn, Col. H., q. 220 Bloemfontein, 271 Bokhara, Khan of, 58 Bolan Pass, 31-2 Boomplaats, 271 Bootkhak, 75-6 Bosanquet, Lt., 57 Boscawen, Maj., 65 Boswell, Lt., 328 Boulton, Mr, 63 Bourchier, Sir G., 332 Bozdars, 311, 321-2 506 INDEX Bradford, Earl of, 2 Bray, Maj., 171 Brazil, i Brend, Capt., 171, 261 Bridgeman, Hon. Chas., 2 Broadfoot, George, 74-5, 122, 124, 190 Broadfoot, Lt., 63 Broadfoot, Wm., 79 Brookes, Capt., 213 Browne, Gen. Sir hi., 486 Brownlow, Maj., 425, 430-1 Brownlow, Sir C., 422 Bryce, James, 502 Brydon, Dr, 101, 122 Buckle, Dr, 440 Buckle, Mr, 5 Buddeeabad, 137 Budhi, 157 Bukkur, 28 Bunerwals, 417 Bunnoo, 305, 404 Burgess, Corp., 358 Burma, 17 Burne, H. O. S., 408 Burnes, Sir Alexander, 16, 28-9, 39, 53, 58, 63, 74, 78-9 Bury, Capt., 132 Butt, Capt. F. R., 402 Bygrave, Capt., 142 Byrne, Col., 230 Cabul, 16, 48, 51, 52, 55, 86, 136 Cabul Khel Waziris, 393 sq. Calcutta, 7, 178, 183, 294, 449 Caledon R., 264 Cambridge, Duke of, 447, 501 Campbell, Colin, Gen., 199, 211-15 Campbell, Col. G., 333, 357 Candahar, 25, 34-5, 104-5, 131 Canning, Lord, 315, 377, 395-6, 404 Cape Town, 293 Carmichael, Sergt., 358 Carter, Lt., 444 Cathcart, Gen., 268-9 Cavagnari, Maj., 473, 494-5 Chaman, see Chummun Chamberlain, Charles, 410, 443 Chamberlain, Crawford, 2, 19, 29, 71, 80, 82-3, 122, 176-9, 237, 243-41,297, 382, 393,411,438-40 Chamberlain, Eliza, 2 Chamberlain, Harriet, I n., 2 Chamberlain, Sir Henry, I, 3 Chamberlain, Lady H., 181, 448 Chamberlain, Sir Henry, 2nd Bt., 2 Chamberlain, Lt. N., 473 Chamberlain, Thomas, 411 Chamberlain, William, 2, 3 Chamla Valley, 421 Chapman, Lt. H. H., 434 Charekar, 150 Chaunda, 165-6, 169 Chester, Col., 336 Chillianwallah, 209-23 Christie, Maj., 204, 220, 222 Chukia, 449 Chumbul R., 165, 173 Chummun, 33 Churchill, Maj. -Gen., 175 Chutter Singh, 196, 238 Clark, Lt., 57 Clarke, Rev. W., 312 Clerk, Claude, 271, 276 Clerk, Sir George, 258-60, 275, 448 Clerk, George, 109, 183-4 Clerk, Lt. G., 259 Clifford, Lt., 199, 426 Clifton, 181 Coddington, Capt., 170 Coke, Maj., 308, 322 Cole, Maj., 297 Colley, Col., 485 Colmar, 453 Conolly, Edward, 60, 94 Constantine, Grand Duke, 456 Cookworthy, Lt. Colin, 222 Corbett, Stuart, 327 Cotton, Sir Henry, 417 Cotton, Sir Sydney, 317, 330, 415 Cotton, Sir Willoughby, 19, 25, 30, 51, 184. Courtenay, F., 249, 255-6 Cox, Lt., 171 Crag Picket, 423-36 Crawford, Lt., 107, 114, 138 Crispin, Lt., 63 Cureton, Brig. -Gen., 197, 199-201 Currie, Sir F., 192-3, 387$ Dadur, 31, 65 Dakka, 486 Dalhousie, Lord, 184, 239, 250, 251-3, 256-7, 287, 294 Daly, Sir H. D., q. 296, 360, 368, 381 Daran Pass, 417-18 Darwaza, 315 Dasht-i-bi-daulut, 32 Davesta Sar, 394 Davidson, Capt., 432 Dawes, Capt., 217, 232-3 Dawes, Maj., 332 De Bude, Capt. F. R., 402 Deikha, 157 Delafosse, Capt., 435 Delamain, Capt., 131 Delhi, 17, 328, 340-381 Denison, Sir Wm., 437 Dennie, Col., 44-5, 59, 75 Dera Ghazee Khan, 310-11 Dera Ismail Khan, 310-11, 384, 391 Derby, Lord, 468 De Wet, Elizabeth, 180 Dharmsala, 437 Dholepore, 165, 173 Dhuleep Singh, 243 Dhundia Waugh, 6 Diana, the, 447-8 INDEX 507 Dick, Maj., 171 Dilke, Sir Charles, 502 Dinapore, 9 Dinghi, 207 ; (Dingee), 224 Disraeli, Benjamin, 468 Diwara, 231, 235 Dodgin, Capt., 100 Donelly, Patrick, 261 Doore, R., 33 Dost Mohamed, 14-16, 47, 56-9, 62-5, 298, 316-18, 465 Douglas, Capt., 328 Doveton, Gen., 5 Drakenberg Mts., 276 Drug (nai), 321-2 Dubba, 310 Dublin, the, 3 Duff-Gordon, Lady, 260 Dum-Dum, 325 Dundas, Brig., 230 Durand, Henry M., q. 43-4, 212, 235 Durban, 276-7 Durranee, 15 n., 49, 66, 71, 394 Durrant, Mr, 277, 280-2, 287 Earle, Maj., 172 Eden, Hon. Emily, 8 Edinburgh, Duke of, 449-51 Edwardes, Col. H., 314 Ed ward es, Lt. H., 194 Edwardes, Sir H., q. iio-u, 298-9, 305, 317, 320, 330, 382-3 Elands Fort, 262 Elgin, Lord, 413, 437 Ellenborough, Lord, 1 12, 119-21, 188 Elphinstone, Genl., 74, 86 Ems, 452 England, Genl., 112 Evesham, 2 Eyre, Lt., 89 Eyre, Lt.-CoL, 269 Eyre, V., q. 89 Faiz Mahomed Khan, 474-5 Falkland, Lord, 184 Fane, Sir Henry, 5, 19, 21, 23, 26-7, 51, 5 8 Fawcett, Henry, 502 Fechter, C. A., 447 Ferozepore, 20-1, 109, 158, 189 -sy., 328 Ferozeshah, 190-1 Finlay, Capt., 180 Fisher, Lt. W. P., 402 Fitzgerald, Lt., 200 Fordyce, Maj., 233, 240 Fort Armstrong, 262 Fort Beaufort, 262 Fosbery, Lt., 427-8 Franks, Col., 235 Fraser, Capt., 62 Fraser, Col., 450 Frere, Sir Bartle, 405-6 Futehabad, 155 Futteh Jung, 131 Futteh Shah ke ( Chuck, 210 Galatea, the, 452 Gall, Capt., 200 Garvock, Sir John, 438, 441-2 George, the, 5 Ghara R., 20 Ghazees, 98, 104 Ghilzyes, 38, 55, 66-8, 95-6 Gholam Hyder Khan, 299 Ghoorkas, 38 Ghulam Hasan Khan, 473 Ghuznee, 40-7, 54, 67, 106-7 Ghuzzan Khan, 439 Gibbon, E., q. 42 n. Gilbert, Brig., 216, 218, 232, 237-40 Glandaragh, the, 179-80 Godby, Brig., 211, 217 Goine, 132 Golab Singh, 325 Golding, Lt., 81 Gomme, Sir Wm., 254 Gooroo Mt, 423 Gordon, Brig., 170 Gordon, Col. J., 487 Gough, Genl., 496 Gough, Lord, 162-3, l6 7> I 97' 2 4> 228-31 Govindgurh. 328 Grahamstown, 260 Grant, Brig. C., 343 Grant, Capt., 169, 222 Grant, Maj. Hope, 219 Grant, Sir Patrick, 356 Graves, Capt., 40 Graves, Lt., 156 Gray, Genl., 171-2 Green, Capt. G. W., 309, 322, 401 Griffin, Capt., 71. 435 Griffiths, Maj., IOI Gujerat, 229, 231, 236 Gundamuk, 129, 154 Gurhee Lai Beg, 127 Guthrie, Arbuthnot, 448 Gwalior, 162 sq. Haileybury, 9 Hamilton, Capt, 246 Hamilton, Lt.-CoL, 170 Hamilton, Lt. W., 494 Hamilton, Mr, 184 Hammick, Capt., 473 Hangu, 308 Harding, Maj., 430 Hardinge, Sir A., 188-9 Hardyman, Lt., 89 Hariawala, 233 Harriott, Brig., 171 Harrismith, 276-7, 287 Hartington, Lord, 502 Harvey, Brig., 232 Havelock, Sir H., q. 20, 42, 44 ; 376 Havelock, W., 199-201 INDEX Hazara, the, 247 Hazar Pir Ziarat, 315 Hearsay, Brig., 232/235-7 Helar, 205 Henderson, Capt. B., 308 Herat, 14, 24, 316 Herring, Col., 49 Hill, Maj.-Gen. Sir D. St L., 244 Hills-Johnes, Sir J., 344 Hindustan, s.s., 183 Hingonah, 165 Hodson,W. S. R., 344-5, ^1 Hoggan, Brig., 21 1, 217 Holdich, Sir T. H., q. 32 n. Home, Lt., 358 Hoomuh, 238 Hope, Col., 429, 436 Home, Adjt., II Hough, W., q. 42 Houghton, Lt., 88 Hubeeba, Camp, 312 Huft Kotal, 97, 130 Huftosaya, 135 Hurrenbore, 323 Huyshe, Maj., 220 Huzzarah Hills, 52 Hyderabad, 30, 464 Hyder Khan, 46 Indore, 185 Indus, Army of the, 21, 25 Inverarity, Lt., 35 Ishara, 230 Istaliffe, 141-4, 149-50 acob, Maj., 344-5. 3^4. 436-7 ames, Maj., 436-7 an Baz, 56, 72, 82 ellalabad, 88, 123-9, 155 enkins, Lt.-Col. F., 473 Jenkins, Lt. F. H., 444 Jenkins, W. (I.C.S.), 494 Jhelum, R., 207, 237-8 ohannes (Boer), 280 ohnson, Capt., 79, 98 ohnson, Sir E., 488 ohnstone, Brig., 334 ones, Brig., 357 ones, Lt. T. S., 434 Jowra, 167 Jubbulpore, 451 Jugdulluk, 76, 98, 154 ugdulluk Pass, 129 ulgah, 60- 1 ullundar, 334, 337-8 umma Musjeed, 361 umrood, no, 158, 241, 298, 318, Jung Bahadur, Sir, 450-1 Kalra, 231, 233-4 Kaniguram, 400, 403 Karabay Valley, 132 Kat Berg, 262-3 Kat R., 262 Kaufmann, Gen., 469 Kaye, Sir J., 120 Keane, Sir John, 30, 32-3, 39, 42, 51 Keane, Lord, 134 Kelat, 55, 65 Kelat-i-Ghilzye, 37, 70, 114-6, 131 Kelly, Surg. A. H., 494 Kennedy, R. H., q. 35 Keyes, Capt. C. P., 402, 424, 427 Keyes, Maj., 418, 430 Khabaruncker, 276 Khajuck tribe, 49 Khan Band (defile), 323 Khiva, 57 Khojak Mts., 33 Khojak Pass, 113 Khoord Cabul Pass, 75, 96, 130, 152 Khooshab, 34 Khooshalghur, 384 Khoree, 228 Khundi Rao, 451 Khutapore, 338 Khyrpore, 29 King, Edward, 76-7 Kinyeree, 194 Kissengunge, 359 Kohari, 165 Kohat, 298-9, 300-1, 307, 314 Koh-i-noor, the, 243 Kohistan, 60- 1, 88, 151 Kooloogo, 49 Kooloom, 58 Koorum, R., 313, 315, 394 Kot-Ashroo, 140 Kotree, 65 Kubbur-i-Jubber, 97 Kulu Mts., 139-40 Kurnal, 19 Kurratoo, 68 Kuram, 489 Kutta Sung, 154 Ladysmith, 276-7 Lahore, 253, 305, 327, 382 Laleeanah, 103 Laloo, 441 Lambert, Maj. F. W., 394, 442 Lane, Lt.-Col., 211, 219 Lassoorie, 229 Lawrence, George, 90, 93, 96, 441 Lawrence, Sir H., 131, 221, 227, 243, 246 Lawrence, Sir John, 243, 303-6, 315, 317-20, 324, 325-6, 329, 334-6, 386-7, 390, 405, 441, 446 479 Lawrence, Lady, 256 Leech, Lt., 16 Leech, Maj., 68, 106 Lisbon, 3 Lisburn, 304 Littler, Genl., 168 Lockhart, Lt., 357 INDEX 509 Lockwood, Brig., 232 Logar, 52 Loghur, 141 Lolian wallah, 209 Longfield, Brig., 357 Loodianah, 15, 25, 334 Lord, Dr, 57, 62-3 Lordswood, 457, 503 Lome, Marq. of, 456 Louise, Princess, 456 Loveday, Lt., 55, 65-6 Luard, Peter, 8 Lucknow, 10 Lughman, Fort, 150 Lumsden, Lt. H. B., 296 Lumsden, Lt.-Col. H. B., 396, 399, 402 Lundee Khana, 157 Lupoorie, 224 Luxemburg, 454 Lyon, Surg., 425 Lytton, Lord, 462, 468-73, 480-97 Ma AH Khan, 474 M'Caskill, Gen., in, 129, 142 Macdonald, Capt., 170 Macdowall, Lt., 367 Macgregor, George, 122 Mackenzie, Colin, 75 n., 86, 90 M'Kenzie, Lt., 59-60, 132 Mackeson, Col., 415 Mackeson, Mr, no M'Laren, Lt.-Col., 80, 170 MacLaren, Maj., 49 Macnaghten, Sir Wm., 63-4, 73, 79, 92-4 Madhoo, Havildar, 358 Madras, 5-7, 460 sq. Mahabun, 430, 433 Maharajpore, 165-9, 173-6 Mahmood, Sultan, 134 Mahomed Akbar Khan, 89 Mahomed Ali, 137 Mahomed Sudeeq Khan, 91-4 Mahomed Ufzil Khan, 60 Mahsud Waziris, 319-20, 395 sq. Maidan, see Mydan Mai wand, 499 Malka, 415 Mangon, 171 Manjha, 197 Mansel, Chas., 243 Markham, Brig., 232 Marsh, Lt, 443 Marshall, Col., 65 Marshman, J. C, q. 1 68 n. Mason, Lt. A. H., q. 403 n. Mayeuse, 455 Mayne, Lt., 160 Mayo, Lord, 448, 466 Mecham, Capt., 393 Meer Ally Shah, 426 Meeranzie, 300-3 Meer Rustum, 29 Meerut, 177, 328, 330 Mehrab Khan, 55 Meta Moosa, 53 Metcalfe, Sir T., 375 Metz, 455 Miguel, Dom, of Portugal, 2 Millum Kote, 310 Mirza Ahmed, 103 Modder R., 271 Mohun R., 450 Money, Capt., 344 Monteath, Col., 75-6 Montgomery, Capt., 160 Montgomery, Henry, 390 Montgomery, Robt., 243, 327 Montreux, 452, 503 Moodkee, 190 Mookoor, 38 Moolraj, 192-3, 227 Mooltan. 186, 227 Moong, 208-10, 224 Morgan, Anne Eugenia, 2 Morgan, William, 2 Moshesh, 266-70 Mosley, Lt. W. F., 434 Mountain, Brig., 211, 215-17, 232 Mowatt, Maj., 212 Mukeen, 404 Mulhouse, 453 Mull, Is. of, 448 Murray, Dr, 178 Murray, Ensign, 431 Murray, Lt., 58 Murray, Lt. A. W., 362 Murree, 382, 385 Mussoorie, 177 Mydan, 136, 140 Nagpur, 6 Najafgarh, 352-4 Najafgarh Jheel, 342 Napier, Lord, 412 Napier, Sir Charles, 160, 245 Napier, Sir W., 12 1 Nasin, 308 Nawakila, 420 Neemla, 155 Nepaul, 17 Newton, Lt., 175 Nicholson, Charles, 369 Nicholson, John, 67, 108, 202, 221, 241, 304-7, 33, 35!-3> 357, 361-3, 3 6 9-75 Nicolls, Sir Jasper, 109 Nijrow, 6 1 Noll, Lt., 443 Northbrook, Lord, 467 Nott, Genl, 65, 83, 102, 117, 132 Nusseer Khan, 55, 65-6 Oliphant, Lt., 431 Oliver, Lt.-Col., 90 Ondine, the, 182 Onslow, Capt. F., 473 INDEX Ootacamund, 464 Orange R. , 264 Orchard, Lt. I. W., 402 Osborne, 455 Outram, Sir J., 21, 48-9, 51, 160, 316 Ouvry, Lt., 199 Paget, Lt-Col. W. H., q. 403 n. Palmer, Col., 106-7, 138 Palosin Kach, 397 Parry, E. G., q. 398, 400 Patna, 415 Patterson, Lt., 8 1 Peat, Capt., 43 Pedro, Dom, of Portugal, 2 Peer Bux, 261, 270 Peiwar Kotal, 315 Pelly, Sir Lewis, 470 Penny, Brig., 2 1 1, 232 Pennycuick, Brig., 211-13 Permouli, 433, 438 Pertab Singh, 473 Peshawur, 14, 15, no, 126, 158, 241. 297 Phillour, 328, 334, 338 Pietermaritzburg, 227 Pile, Asst.-Surg., 435 Pisheen Valley, 112 Pishin Sibi, 489 Pitcher, Lt., 427-8, 433 Platberg, 266, 273 Pollock, Genl., ill, 125-9 Ponsonby, Capt., 63 Pope, Brig., 211, 218-20 Pophoff. Adm., 456 Pottinger, Eldred, 88, 140 Probyn, Lt.-Col. J. M., 442 Probyn, Sir Dighton, 422 Prussia, Crown Prince of, 455 Punniar, 171-2 Purwan Durrah, 62 Queen, the, 257 Quetta, 32, 55, 57, 112-13 Rait, R. S., q. 168, 202, 212 Rajmahal, 9 Ram Nath, 358 Ramnuggur, 187, 197-8, 205 Ramsey, Lt., 10 Rattray, Lt., 77 Ravi, R., 197 Rawlinson, Maj., 81, 102, 118, 131-2 Rawul Pindee, 246, 319, 327-8 Reed, Genl., 330, 341, 346, 350 Reeves, Capt., 132 Reid, Charlotte, 457 Reid, Maj. C., 344, 357, 358-9 Reid, Sir William, 457 Rhenoster R., 284 Richmond, Lt., 425 Rio de Janeiro, I, 2 Ripley, Capt. J. P., 119 Ripley, Col., 328 Ripon, Lord, 497 Rivers, Mr, 259 Roberts, Brig., 51 Roberts, Lord, 315-16, 332-3, 336, 344, 346, 407, 443, 495-6, 499 Robertson, Sergt., 44 Rogers, Capt., 435 Roree, 25, 28 Rosa Singh, Khan, 360 Rose, Sir Hugh, 407-9, 437 Ross, Maj., 434 Rotas, 237 Rothney, Maj., 399 Rownhams, 503 Roza, 133-4 Rubia Khel, 308 Runjeet Singh, 15, 18, 21-2, 50 Ruskin, John, q. 4 Russool, 207-10 Rustam, 420, 427 Ruxton, Lt., 402 Saadut Khan, 396 Saarbriick, 455 Sabzi Mandi, 344 Sadduzyes, 15, 17 Sadoolapore, 204, 230 Saharan, 197 Saharanpore, 177 Salar Jung, Sir, 464 Sale, Col., 19 Sale, Genl., 44-5, 60, 62, 75-6, 122, 129, J 52 Sale, Lady, 79, 87, 89, 95, 136, 141 Saleh Mahomed, 139-40 Salisbury, Lord, 468 Salkeld, Lt., 358 Salter, Col., 62 Salusbury, Col., 429, 442 Sandeman, Lt. R. G., 421 Sanders, Lt.-Col., 175 Sanderson, A. R., 435 Sangar, 308 Sangarh R., 321 ; (Pass), 323 Sayyid Ahmad, 413 Sayyid Akbar Shah, 414 Schlestadt, 453 Scinde, see Sind Secunderabad, 464 Shadiwal, 230 Shad well, Lt-Col., 212, 235 Shahkabad, 135 Shah Nawaz Khan, 396 Shah Shooja, 15, 17, 18, 20-3, 31, 33-4, 35, 48, 55, 122 Shakespear, Sir R., 136, 140 Shahzada Timour Shah, 50 Sheikabad, 47 Shelton, Brig., 87-9, 98 Shere Ali, 465 sq. Sher Singh, 196-7, 206-7, 22 9> 238 Shikarpore, 30, 169 INDEX Shingi Kot, 397 Shirwan, 247 Shirwan Hazara, 391 Shooja, see Shah Shooja Shooter's Hill, 3, 4 Showers, Brig., 346-7 Shumshoodeen Khan, 131-2, 138 Sialkote, 325-6, 395 Sibi, 490 Siebenberg Vley R., 281 Sikrola, 247 Simson, Lt. R. G., 167 Sinclair, Lt., 53, 77 Sind, 16, 21, 26, 28 Singh, Sirdar Khan, 193-4 Siri, 416 Sitana, 414, 416 Skinner, Capt., 91 Skinner, Maj., 130 Sleeman, Col., 165 Smith, Baird, see Baird- Smith Smith, Capt. C. F., 434 Smith, Sir Harry, 191, 260 Smith, Sergt. John, 358 Smith, R. B., q. 306, 335 Smithfield, 264-5, 2 7 Sobraon, 191 Somerset West, 259 Somnath, 134 Souter, Capt., 101 Spicheren, 455 Stacey, Col., 113, 117 Steele, Maj., 218 Steuart, Maj., 220 Stisted, Capt, 216 St John, Maj. O. , 473 Stone, Wm., 261 Stoneleigh, 71 Stopford, Maj., 170 Strachey, Sir J., q. 466 Strasburg, 453 Straubenzee, Maj., 171 Stubbs, Maj.-Gen. F. W. } 166, 211, 216, 219, 230 Suddoosam, 195 Sufder Jung, 82 Suffed Khak, 141 Sultan Jan, 94 Sultan pore, 155 Surkhab R., 100 Surkhawi, 420 Sutlej R., 24 Sutlej, the, 294 Swat, Akhund of, 417 Swayne, Maj., 89 Syed Ahmed Khan, 17 Syghan, 58 Table Bay, 258 Tank, 396 Taunsa, 320 Taylor, Alex., 340, 421, 426 Taylor, Col. A., 444 Taylor, Capt., 46, 56, 348 Taylor, 'Col. R. G., 396, 418, 431 Taylor, Reynell, 398, 400, 444-5 Tennant, Sir J., 198 Terai, the, 451 Terry, Mr, 157 Teylu Walla, 361 Tezeen (Tezin), 76, 129, 137, 152 Thaba Bosigo, 268 Thackwell, E. J., q. 208 Thackwell. Sir J., 169, 202, 204, 216, 221, 226, 232 Thai, 315 Thiers, L. A., 502 Thionville, 455 Thomson, Capt., 41 Thornton, Edw. , q. 63 Tiluk Singh, 358 Timour, Prince, 72 Tootundurrah, 60 Topi, 416 Townshend, James, Lord, 3 Trevor, , 90-4 Tulloh, Capt., 429 Tulloo Khan, 103 Turis, 313 Turner, Col. W. W., 441-3 Turner, Maj., 344 Turnuk R., 37, 103 Ubed Ulla Khan, 473 Umballa, 235, 244, 466 Umbeyla Pass, 419 Umrao, 209-10 Umritsur, 336, 379 Unett, Capt., 216 Ungeni R., 277 Unwin, Lt., 430, 444 Urgundab R., 35, 83, 105, Il8 Urgundeh, 47, 136 Valiant, Gen., 166-71 Vanaswegen, Heinr., 265 Vaughan, Sir L., 168, 297, 424, 434, 436 Veeht Kop, 281, 288 Ventura, Gen., 323 Versailles, 447-8 Victoria, H.M. Queen, 455-6, 502-3 Wade, Col., 50 Wahabis, 415 Walker, Capt., 69 Walmer, 181-2 Warner, Capt., 204 Warner, Sir W. L., q. 193, 205 Wazirabad, 202, 230, 250 Webster, Capt., 144 Weekes, Lt., 89 Weissenburg, 453 Wellesley, the, 30 Wheeler, Maj., 443 Whish, Gen., 196, 229-30 512 INDEX White, Brig., 216 Whittlesea, 262 Wild, Gen., 109-10 Wilde, Col. A. T., 321, 419, 420, 424, 438, 441 Wilson, Brig. Archdale, 350, 365-6 Wilze R., 279 Wood, Lt., 1 6 Wood, Sir Charles, 407, 441, 447 Woodburn, Capt., 135 Woolwich, 4 Wright, Maj., 444 Wymer, Col. P., 105, 113, 116 Yakub Khan, 474, 489 Yates, Brig., 172 Young. Col. Keith, 340 Yusafzai, 419 Zakree, 251 Zeman Khan, 305 "Zubbur-Jung," 134 THE END. PRINTED BY WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS. RETURN LOAN PERIOD MAY BE RECALLED AFTER 7 DAYS DUE AS STAMPED BELOW ICLF JAN 9 8 1979 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY FORM NO. DDO, 5m, 3/78 BERKELEY, CA 94720 512220 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY