THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE 
 OF 
 
 HENEY REEVE, C.B., D.C.L. 
 
 VOL. I.

 
 
 - - 
 
 fj 
 
 'fvtn. .1 afiittt/itj (>y
 
 MEMOIES 
 
 OF THE 
 
 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 OF 
 
 HENRY EEEVE, C.B., D.C.L 
 
 BY 
 
 JOHN KNOX LAUGHTON, M.A. 
 
 HONORARY FELLOW OP GONVILLE AND CAIUS COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE 
 PROFESSOR OF MODERN HISTORY IN KING'S COLLEGE, LONDON 
 
 IN TWO VOLUMES 
 VOL. I. 
 
 SECOND EDITION 
 
 LONGMANS, GEEEN, AND CO. 
 
 39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON 
 
 NEW YORK AND BOMBAY 
 
 1893 
 
 All rights lesetved
 
 Library 
 
 PEEFACE 
 
 THE life of every man who attains distinction almost neces- 
 sarily resolves itself into two divisions the preparation and 
 the fulfilment. In the biography of a man of action the 
 interest lies mainly in the fulfilment ; in the detailed exami- 
 nation of the methods by which success has been won, of 
 the care, the prevision by which it has been secured ; in the 
 description of the success itself, whether in the contests of 
 war or peace in the broad battle-field of life. In the case 
 of a man of letters it is different. Here the biography has 
 comparatively little to do with the fulfilment, the record of 
 which lies in the author's published works, whether they 
 have appeared in the columns of a newspaper, the pages of 
 a magazine, or between the boards of a volume. To repeat 
 it would be to set forth a more or less complete edition 
 of the man's writings. The biographer's task is rather to 
 trace the origins of these writings the sources from which 
 they sprang, the fancies by which they were inspired, the 
 conditions by which they were directed, the methods by 
 which they were elaborated ; the labour, the toil by which 
 they have been produced ; in a word, the preparation. 
 More especially does this seem to be the case with a subject 
 such as Henry Reeve, whose biography is here attempted ; 
 a man of most fertile and fecund pen, whose writings exer- 
 cised a profound influence on social and political life, whose 
 judgement and whose counsels had a large but unreported 
 share in the decisions of Cabinets ; a man who for upwards 
 
 1221272
 
 VI PREFACE 
 
 of sixty years, as Clerk of Appeals, Registrar of the Privy 
 Council, as critic, leader-writer on the ' Times,' editor of the 
 1 Edinburgh Review,' literary adviser of a great publishing 
 firm, lived if I may use the expression with his fingers 
 on the keys of public opinion, directing it, leading it, guiding 
 it with a power which was none the less real because few 
 recognised it or knew of it ; none the less vast because he 
 himself was not fully aware of it. To me, at least, the 
 Life of Henry Reeve has the peculiar charm of opening 
 out a clue to the solution of many vexed problems both in 
 politics and in literature, and of throwing a light, often un- 
 expected, on the history of the recent past. The intimate 
 association of Reeve with the undercurrents of that history, 
 though guessed at by many, was known by very few, was 
 perhaps fully known by none. 
 
 On considering this, the inquiry into the way in which 
 this man was prepared for the position he was to hold, the 
 work he was to accomplish, seemed to me most interesting ; 
 and it was clear that, irrespective of the natural bent of his 
 genius, the secret of it lay in the story of his education and 
 early life. I had already given form to this idea, and had 
 outlined the plan of the present work, when my attention 
 was specially called to a few lines in his own short study of 
 the life of one of the great pioneers of the revival of Western 
 learning Petrarch where he says : ' The most pleasing 
 form of biography is that in which a man retraces the 
 events of his own life and the incidents that have formed 
 his character, more especially in his earlier years, of which 
 no other record might exist.' I had read this long before, 
 and though I had no conscious recollection of it, it is still 
 very possible that I had been guided by it. At any rate, I 
 felt my hands strengthened by the assurance that the plan 
 I had sketched out was one that Reeve himself would have 
 approved of. It is thus that I have dwelt or, more strictly 
 speaking, have permitted him to dwell at some length on 
 the peculiar, or at least unusual, form of his education ; on
 
 PREFACE Vll 
 
 his early associates and associations, on his life and inti- 
 macies in Paris, at a time when Parisian society still 
 retained much of its old brilliance and its old courtesies ; 
 when the world of intellect and art, of politics and of 
 fashion, still met on equal and familiar terms ; before 
 fashion was dominated by vulgar wealth, and politics were 
 sunk in the abyss of democracy ; when, as Disraeli recorded, 
 ' throughout every circle of Parisian society there is a 
 sincere homage to intellect, and this without any maudlin 
 sentiment. None sooner than the Parisians can draw the 
 line between factitious notoriety and honest fame, or sooner 
 distinguish between the counterfeit celebrity and the stan- 
 dard reputation.' 
 
 To Eeeve, young, clever, and aspiring, nothing could be 
 more wholesome than the freedom of this society ; and the 
 influence of his early initiation in the world of Paris is 
 strongly marked throughout his whole career. When after- 
 wards settled in London as a Government servant and a 
 knight of the pen, his youthful training, his intimacy with 
 the leaders of Parisian thought and Parisian manners, and 
 his perfect knowledge of the language, all tended to push 
 him into an exceptional position, both socially and politi- 
 cally, while his acquaintance with many out-of-the-way 
 subjects of study Bohemian and Polish history, for instance 
 left him in readiness to take advantage of any exceptional 
 opportunity. It was thus that his services came to be used 
 by premiers and presidents of the Council in unofficial 
 embassies, with the idea, perhaps, that the soft answer 
 which turneth away wrath could sometimes be better con- 
 veyed, in the first instance, by a personal friend who was 
 known to be in the confidence of ministers, and yet without 
 any locus standi. This is what I have endeavoured to bring 
 into prominence in the following pages, the form of which 
 has necessarily been shaped by the nature of the materials 
 with which I had to work. 
 
 The record of the second quarter of the present century
 
 viii PREFACE 
 
 as set forth in ' The Greville Memoirs,' came as a revelation, 
 perhaps even an unpleasant revelation, to many. Reeve, 
 who, from his long intimacy with Greville, his social posi- 
 tion, his manner of life, literary habit, and special training, 
 was peculiarly fitted to be the editor of that very remarkable 
 work, attempted nothing of the sort for himself. He was 
 through all his life an exceedingly busy, hard-working man, 
 who, though he found time to get through an enormous 
 amount of work, to carry on a gigantic correspondence, and 
 to mix freely and constantly in society, had no leisure for 
 the keeping up of anything like a full journal. Had this 
 been in his power, with equal opportunities and superior 
 industry, he might have left a work equal in interest to that 
 of Greville, however much it would have differed from it 
 in the details of its construction. On that, however, it is 
 useless to speculate. Long before he knew of the existence 
 of Greville's ' Memoirs,' he himself recorded his opinion 
 ' that to write a journal of any value a man must do nothing 
 else ; ' and thus, with few exceptions, his own notes of 
 occurrences were limited to scanty entries in a ' Letts's 
 Diary ' entries which to himself would recall memories of 
 events or conversations, but of themselves have now little 
 meaning to anyone else. A few years before his death he 
 amused himself, in dallying with the memories of the past, 
 with transcribing some of these notes adding occasional short 
 comments into a manuscript book which he entitled ' Chro- 
 nology of My Life,' and this he continued almost to the end. 
 Most commonly, the notes in this are the very barest indica- 
 tions of what he was doing, the places he visited, the people 
 he saw, conversed with or dined with all named in the 
 curtest manner, the mere suggestion of a thought. It is 
 only as giving such indications that they can be used; 
 interesting as showing the secret springs of his knowledge 
 of passing events, but making as a rule no mention of 
 ' the feast of reason and flow of soul ; ' of the conversations 
 which he held, the anecdotes he heard, the opinions he dis-
 
 PREFACE ix 
 
 cussed. The elucidation of these has to be sought else- 
 where ; and, with the exception of one more serious but 
 abortive attempt to keep a journal (vol. i. p. 267) such as 
 an idle man with his opportunities might have kept the 
 ' elsewhere ' is in the boxes filled with the letters which he 
 received from his numerous friends and acquaintances. A 
 very marked feature of these letters is their extremely con- 
 fidential nature. Scarcely a name prominent in politics, 
 literature, or society, in England or in France, is unrepre- 
 sented in this voluminous correspondence, much of which, 
 of a nature essentially private, it would be improper or 
 unbecoming to give to the public. But the bulk of it is 
 also prohibitive, and many letters of the greatest political 
 or historical interest letters, for instance, from Circourt, 
 Bemusat, Geffcken, Guizot, Bunsen, Lord Stanmore, 
 Meadows Taylor have been necessarily omitted in de- 
 ference to the exigencies of space. Similarly, I have been 
 obliged to omit the long letters which he received, in great 
 numbers, from Mrs. Grote, Lady Stanley of Alderley, Lady 
 Dartrey, and others ; chatty letters, charming in themselves, 
 but which after all have little relation to the subject of 
 the present work. 
 
 Of the other side of this correspondence letters from 
 Reeve to his friends there is comparatively little. His 
 letters to his mother and to Edwin Handley, the friend of 
 his youth, are purely biographical, in the sense already 
 referred to as laid down by Beeve himself in the short 
 extract from his ' Petrarch.' So, also, are many of those to 
 his wife. His letters to the Longmans range over a period 
 of forty years from the date of his becoming editor of the 
 ' Edinburgh Beview ' but are for the most part on matters 
 of business, or of an extremely confidential character. For 
 many years Beeve acted as adviser to the firm, and his 
 formal reports were very frequently accompanied by a private 
 note, in which the opinion was explained with an unguarded 
 frankness which could not now be specified (vol. ii. p. 382).
 
 X PREFACE 
 
 It will be seen that his friendship with William, and more 
 especially with Thomas, Longman dated back to the time 
 when they were young men together at Hampstead (vol. i. 
 p. 34), and that his intimacy with the family is one of 
 Mr. Thomas Norton Longman's earliest recollections. 
 
 The letters to Tocqueville, extending over twenty-four 
 years, were sent back to Reeve by Mme. de Tocqueville 
 after her husband's death (vol. ii. p. 75). Several of them, 
 however, as well as of those from Tocqueville to Reeve 
 who lent them for the purpose were published in 
 Gustave de Beaumont's ' CEuvres et Correspondance in^dites 
 d* Alexis de Tocqueville ' (1861), and it seemed unnecessary 
 to repeat them, more especially as an English edition of the 
 work was published at the same time under the supervision 
 of Tocqueville's and Reeve's friend, Nassau Senior (vol. ii. 
 p. 69), whose own correspondence with Tocqueville was 
 published ten years later. A few semi-official letters to his 
 early patron, the Marquis of Lansdowne, have been put at 
 my disposal by the present marquis ; and some, of a more 
 personal character, to Lord Brougham, by the present lord, 
 Brougham's nephew. Lady Granville has most kindly lent 
 me a few to her husband ; Miss Charlotte Dempster, those 
 to her uncle ; Mr. Capel Cure, those to Mr. Edward Cheney ; 
 and Lord Stanmore, one or two to himself, as well as pri- 
 vately printed copies of several to his father, Lord Aberdeen, 
 written from Paris in January 1646 (vol. i. p. 177), in 
 reference, for the most part, to the state of opinion there on 
 the Oregon boundary dispute, then active between England 
 and the United States. The sum of all these is, however, 
 very small in comparison with the many thousands which 
 must have been written, but have not been preserved or 
 are not accessible. There are, doubtless, many which the 
 owners would have been perfectly willing to lend had they 
 been aware of the need for them. It is only since these 
 pages have been in print that I have had from Captain 
 Xavier Raymond the obliging offer of a considerable number
 
 PREFACE XI 
 
 of letters to his father, and have been under the painful 
 necessity of declining it, as coming too late. I shall pro- 
 bably, before long, feel a like regret on hearing of other and 
 similar collections. 
 
 Few as they are, however, these letters of Eeeve's are 
 the most interesting contributions to the biography, con- 
 sidered strictly as such. The later ones to Brougham, 
 Cheney, or Dempster speak for themselves ; the earlier, to 
 his mother and to Handley, are the more purely personal ; 
 and it is to them that we must look for the presentation of 
 the developement of mind and character. We have in them 
 the opinions of a very young man, often incorrect, often the 
 evident repetition of what he heard, but delivered with the 
 unhesitating conviction of one-and-twenty. In his judge- 
 ments of men and things there is no uncertainty. M. Thiers, 
 for instance, joins ' excessive arrogance ' to ' excessive versa- 
 tility,' and wins high position in the State by want of prin- 
 ciple and by perfidy (vol. i. p. 64). It does not appear that 
 when he thus wrote he had ever seen Thiers, or had any 
 knowledge of him except the current gossip of his associates ; 
 in later life, his personal relations with Thiers were cordial, 
 though with Thiers's politics he never agreed. Similarly, 
 Victor Hugo is described (vol. i. p. 36) as 'so mad, so 
 childish, and so blackguard that all his acquaintance have 
 cut him.' It is the mere repetition of hearsay. ' I saw 
 him,' he wrote, 'at the Bibliotheque du Eoi, but did not 
 care to renew our acquaintance.' Whether he ever did 
 renew it is doubtful. I am inclined to think that he did 
 not; but he certainly would not have described the poet 
 and politician in this manner fifteen or twenty years later, 
 when Hugo's eccentricities of character were more fully 
 developed. So, again, as to his remarks, at the age of nine- 
 teen, on Germany and the Germans (vol. i. p. 29). He has 
 conceived, he says, a positive dislike for Germany, ' because 
 it is the only country where one does not find the vulgar 
 virtues which oil the wheels of life. It is the land which
 
 HI PREFACE 
 
 has in it the least noble and generous feeling, and perhaps 
 the least truth, in all Europe.' And the people ' the Ger- 
 mans are the most uninteresting nation in the world . . . 
 their ideas lie bed-ridden in their brains, and when they 
 come out in words they stumble about most clumsily.' For- 
 getting the writer's age, this might be thought splenetic : 
 remembering it and the conditions under which these sen- 
 tences were written, we understand them as the manifesta- 
 tion of home-sickness and the expression of ' his erroneous 
 opinions on things of which he knew but little ' (vol. i. 
 p. 21). 
 
 It is well to call attention to this, or the crude, though 
 positive, assertions of youth might be repeated as the sober 
 judgements of maturity. The quickness with which his 
 intellectual powers reached their maturity is, however, 
 very remarkable, and is admirably brought out by his familiar 
 letters. Unquestionably a leading factor in this rapid de- 
 velopement was the distinguished society into which he was 
 early thrown. Of the singularity of this he was himself 
 well aware. It will be noticed that in his letters to his 
 mother he frequently refers to it, as, for instance (vol. i. 
 p. 109) ' It is strange that at twenty-six I should find my- 
 self on terms of acquaintance with the whole Cabinet, 
 except Lord Melbourne and Baring.' But all this appears 
 in the correspondence itself in words, in hints, in allusions, 
 or concealed ' between the lines ; ' and is emphasised by 
 the mention of the people of rank the social, professional, 
 or intellectual aristocracy with whom he was familiarly 
 associating. This is to me, as I think it will be to others, 
 the meaning of the bald entries, in the ' Chronology,' of 
 dinner parties or receptions, some of which I have repro- 
 duced in the crude, unconventional words of the original. 
 It would have been easy to quote the names with the titles 
 to which society is accustomed, or to expand the notes in 
 the manner of a journalist dealing with a telegram from 
 India or Australia; but this would have conveyed a very
 
 PREFACE Xlll 
 
 false impression of the extreme ruggedness of the material. 
 To Reeve, when, at the age of seventy-five or more, he 
 transcribed these notes, they no doubt called up many 
 memories of the past. To us they can but indicate the 
 framework which supported and rendered possible a very 
 remarkable, a very exceptional individuality. 
 
 As has been said, the place of the conversations, the 
 actual intercourse, the experiences which in life filled in 
 this framework, is here supplied by the letters of the men 
 who spoke ; letters which have thus a direct biographical 
 interest, independent of the very great interest which they 
 have as comments on the events of the day, now passed 
 into history. These letters now printed are merely a small 
 selection, in making which I have been mainly guided by 
 a desire to elucidate the character and career of my subject, 
 though also, in a great, if secondary degree, by the intrinsic 
 interest of the letters themselves. When Clarendon dis- 
 courses of the state of Ireland in 1848, or of Europe in 
 1853-4 ; when Guizot or St.-Hilaire, or the Comte de Paris, 
 discusses the politics of France at any time during the last 
 half-century, the letters have an interest far beyond that 
 attaching to the career of any one man, however eminent. 
 
 A word must be said as to the language of the letters. 
 Keeve's correspondents for the most part wrote to him in 
 their own language, English, French, or German. His 
 Polish and Eussian friends wrote in French. Circourt 
 alone, of Frenchmen ; Bunsen, Geffcken, and Vitzthum, of 
 Germans, wrote in English. Guizot, Tocqueville, St.-Hilaire, 
 the Due d'Aumale, the Comte de Paris and others, who 
 certainly spoke English fluently, all habitually wrote in 
 French, though some of them more especially Guizot were 
 fond of larding their letters with English words or phrases, 
 in the same way that Lord Clarendon and others of Reeve's 
 English correspondents, and indeed Reeve himself, in his 
 youth, larded theirs with French. The Queen of Holland, 
 at one time a frequent correspondent of Reeve's, wrote in
 
 xiv PliEFACE 
 
 English or French, as the humour seized her. These letters 
 are now for the most part translated. It would, of course, 
 have been easier, and, from some points of view, preferable 
 to give them in the original French ; but, on full considera- 
 tion, I thought it better that the text of an English book 
 should be mainly in English. The exceptions I have made 
 are where the subject is purely social, and the interest of 
 the letter lies in its manner rather than in its matter ; and, 
 again, as to some of the letters from the Comte de Paris, 
 where I felt that it was more prudent and infinitely more 
 interesting to quote the ipsissima verba of the original. 
 
 All the letters now printed are published with the con- 
 sent of the several writers or their representatives, to whom 
 my best thanks are due for a permission that it would, 
 sometimes at least, have been easier to refuse. More espe- 
 cially is this the case with the letters of the Comte de Paris, 
 which have all been submitted to the consideration of his 
 son, the Due d'Orleans, and with the numerous letters of 
 the Earl of Clarendon, which have been examined by the 
 present Earl and his brother, the Hon. Francis Villiers, 
 to whom I am further indebted for valuable assistance in 
 clearing up doubtful allusions. Sir Thomas Sanderson has 
 similarly assisted me in editing the letters of the Earl of 
 Derby, and the Hon. Mrs. Nash with those of her father, 
 Lord Westbury, some of which, already published in the 
 4 Life of Lord Westbury,' I am now permitted to reprint. 
 To all others who have encouraged or assisted me with per- 
 mission or advice, whose numbers render nominal mention 
 impossible, I tender my sincere thanks. But most especially 
 am I indebted to Mrs. Ogilvie and Mrs. Keeve, to whose 
 neverfailing kindness and assistance any merit that the 
 editorial work may be thought to have is almost entirely due. 
 
 J. K. L. 
 
 September, 1898.
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 OF 
 
 THE FIEST VOLUME 
 
 PORTRAIT OF HENRY REEVE JET. 32 . . . . . Frontt^iece 
 
 From a drawing by Mi courin, ELIZABETH RICSBY [LADY EASTLAKE] 
 
 CHAPTER PAttK 
 
 PREFACE ..... v 
 
 I. BOYHOOD (1813-34) . . . . . .;...., 1 
 
 II. EARLY MANHOOD (1834-7) . . . . . ^ . . 34 
 
 III. CLERK OF APPEALS (1838-40) . ... . .84 
 
 IV. EASTERN POLITICS (1840-2) . . . , -, . . 118 
 
 V. ON THE 'TIMES' (1842-7) ... . . . .155 
 
 VI. THE FRENCH REVOLUTION (1848-9) . . . .. . 191 
 
 VII. THE 'COUP D'ETAT' (1850-1) ...... 218 
 
 VIII. THE SECOND EMPIRE (1852-3) 249 
 
 IX. THE EASTERN QUESTION (1853) . X,. 281 
 
 X. THE RUSSIAN WAR (1853-5) . . ~ . . . . . 308 
 
 XI. THE 'EDINBURGH REVIEW (1855-6) 33fi 
 
 XII. CONDUCT OF THE ' REVIEW (1856-8) 370
 
 LIFE AND COEEESPONDENCE 
 
 OF 
 
 HENEY REEVE 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 BOYHOOD 
 
 IT has often been remarked that literary talent is more 
 commonly inherited from the mother than from the father. 
 To this rule the subject of the present memoir was no 
 exception ; for, though his father had shown some ability as 
 a writer, before his professional duties prevented its further 
 cultivation and an early death put an abrupt end to it, he 
 stood absolutely alone among his kinsfolk, whose energies 
 do not seem to have led them beyond the limits of their 
 everyday occupations. The family had been settled for 
 many generations in Essex, and especially in the neighbour- 
 hood of Maldon, where, in the end of last century, Abraham 
 Reeve owned some corn mills, and in the course of an 
 industrious life amassed a considerable fortune, estimated at 
 not less than 100,OOOL During the latter part of his life he 
 lived at Hadleigh, in Suffolk, where he died at the age of 86, 
 in 1826. In or about 1776 he married Elizabeth, daughter 
 of the Rev. Job Wallace, D.D., rector of Messing, and had 
 by her five sons Charles Abraham, Henry, George, who 
 died young, Edward, who served for some time in the West 
 Suffolk Militia, and Thomas, rector of Ray don. Mrs. 
 Abraham Reeve was of the same age as her husband, and 
 died in less than a fortnight after him. 
 
 Henry, the second son, was born in 1780, and having 
 shown some fondness for study as a schoolboy, was, 
 according to the traditions of both his father's and mother's 
 families, destined for the medical profession. At the age of 
 sixteen he was sent to Norwich, and placed under the care of 
 
 VOL. i. B
 
 2 PARENTAGE 
 
 Mr. Philip Meadows Martineau, then well known in the 
 eastern counties as a skilful surgeon and physician. Having 
 served with Mr. Martineau for four years, he went to the 
 University of Edinburgh, where, in 1803, he graduated as 
 M.D. He was thus, at this early period, thrown into a 
 particularly brilliant set of young men, including Francis 
 Homer, Henry Brougham, Sydney Smith, Charles and 
 Robert Grant, Jeffrey, Cockburn, and several others, whose 
 names were afterwards familiarly known in the world of 
 literature or politics. Naturally, then, he drifted towards 
 literature, and was one of the early contributors to the 
 ' Edinburgh Review.' The article on Pinel's ' Treatment of 
 the Insane,' in the third number, is specifically mentioned as 
 his ; but whether it was his first or not is not stated. On 
 professional subjects he wrote frequently in the ' Edinburgh 
 Medical Journal,' and for his degree wrote a thesis in Latin, 
 1 De animalibus in hyeme sopitis,' which he afterwards ex- 
 panded into an essay, published in 1809, on the Torpidity of 
 Animals. On taking his degree he went to London to 
 continue his studies, and in the spring of 1805 set out for 
 Switzerland, in company with a young Genevese, Dr. de 
 Roches, who had been his fellow-student and most intimate 
 friend at Edinburgh. At Neuchatel he remained for several 
 months perfecting himself in French ; afterwards he went 
 on to Vienna, where he studied medicine, watched the course 
 of public events, and kept a Journal, which was published by 
 his son some seventy years later. 1 On his return to England 
 he settled down at Norwich to practise as a physician, and 
 in September 1807 married Susanna Taylor, a relation of 
 Martineau's, with whose family he had been intimate from 
 his first coming to Norwich in 1796. 
 
 The Taylors' was one of those families which, in the end 
 of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth 
 century, gave Norwich a distinct reputation as one of the 
 most intellectual of our provincial towns. Originally 
 belonging to Lancashire, Dr. John Taylor, a Presbyterian 
 minister, had, in 1733, accepted a call to Norwich, where his 
 son Richard married Margaret, daughter of Philip Meadows, 
 Mayor of Norwich in 1734, and had a large family. John, 
 Richard's second son, married Susanna Cook, a very 
 remarkable woman, who combined highly cultivated tastes 
 with a sound practical capacity ' a handsome and gifted 
 woman, whose energetic character and liberal opinions, 
 
 1 Journal of a Residence at Vienna and Berlin in the eventful Winter of 
 1803-G. By the late Henry Reeve, M.D. 8vo. 1877.
 
 EARLIEST RECOLLECTIONS 3 
 
 joined with great kindness of heart, made her a centre of the 
 circle of remarkable people who frequented the provincial 
 Athens.' She is described as ' darning her boys' grey 
 worsted stockings while holding her own with Southey, 
 Brougham or Mackintosh.' l 
 
 Her younger daughter, Sarah, married John Austin, 
 known as a writer on jurisprudence, and was herself after- 
 wards well known by her literary work. The elder 
 daughter, Susanna, who was born in 1788, married Dr. 
 Henry Reeve, and made him the father of three children : 
 Susan, who died at the age of five, in April 1814 ; Wallace, 
 who died, aged four, in April 1815 ; and Henry, born on 
 September 9th, 1813. Dr. Eeeve appears to have been 
 constitutionally delicate, and to have been already in failing 
 health, when the death of his children gave him a shock 
 which proved fatal. He died at Hadleigh on September 
 27th, 1815, and was buried there in the family vault in the 
 chancel of the church. The widow, having thus lost her 
 husband and two children in one year, was left, at the age of 
 twenty-seven, with one delicate little boy the subject of 
 the present memoir and an income of about 500/. a year, 
 100Z. of which was derived from the rent of the house at All 
 Saints' Green, in which her married life had been passed ; 
 she, with her boy, now moving to a smaller house in St. 
 Martin's Street, with a garden nearly adjoining that of the 
 Bishop, who snowed them ' the greatest kindness.' The 
 incidents of the boy's early life may best be told in the 
 language of the Journal. 
 
 1817. The first event of which I have a clear recollec- 
 tion is the death of the Princess Charlotte, on November 4th, 
 1817. We were staying with a cousin of my mother's, 
 Mrs. de Pontigny, on Tower Hill. Mrs. John Martineau 
 came in, pale, to announce the calamity, and the great bell 
 of St. Paul's tolled. 
 
 We afterwards went to stay at Stoke Newington, with 
 Mrs. Barbauld, who had a particular regard for my 
 mother. I remember her slight graceful figure, and Dr. 
 Aikin's scratch-wig ; also the winter flowers in the garden. 
 Mrs. Barbauld said, ' Can this child read ? ' and, as in fact 
 I could read very little, she used to read stories to me, to 
 give me, she said, the love of reading. ' Atalanta,' ' Midas,' 
 
 1 Three Generations of English Women. By Janet Ross. 
 
 al
 
 4 MRS. BARBAULD 1820 
 
 and other tales were read to me from the MS., and I think 
 written for me. I still recall the whisper, like the whisper 
 in the bulrushes, in which she said, ' Midas has ass's 
 ears.' 
 
 1818. I was very much petted by my grandfather 
 Taylor and my aunt Sally Taylor, afterwards Mrs. Austin ; 
 but I was not an amiable child excessively passionate, and 
 extremely averse to the spelling book and the Latin gram- 
 mar. The summer, or part of it, was spent at Cromer, 
 where I began to ride a donkey. In the autumn I was sent 
 to a small day school, where Mr. Drummond, an old Uni- 
 tarian minister, taught a few boys, and I began Latin in 
 earnest. 
 
 1819. I continued at Mr. Drummond's school. 
 The chief event of the year, to me, was Mrs. Austin's 
 marriage, for she had always been my kindest and dearest 
 friend. My other friends were John and Kate Taylor, 
 children of my uncle Edward Taylor, somewhat older than 
 myself ; and Enfield and Eliza Barren, who lived opposite 
 to our house in St. Martin's Street, Norwich. 
 
 1820. A journey to Switzerland in 1820 for a lady and 
 a child was a serious undertaking, and great were the con- 
 sultations that preceded it. My mother took with her no 
 maid, but a sort of companion or bonne to look after me. 
 The object of the journey was to visit M. and Mme. de 
 Roches. He had been my father's friend at Edinburgh, 
 and between his wife and my mother a correspondence 
 had sprung up. My mother had never seen either of 
 them. 
 
 We started in June, crossing from Dover to Calais in 
 three hours in a sailing packet there were as yet no 
 steamers and we proceeded in the cabriolet of the diligence 
 to Paris, in forty-eight hours, by Abbeville and Beauvais. 
 I well remember the unpleasantness of that journey. 
 At Paris we lodged at the Grand Hotel de Charlemagne, 
 Place Roy ale, in the Marais, to be near Mrs. de Pontigny, 
 who was now living there, over the archway into the old 
 Place. 
 
 From that archway I saw the procession of the Fte 
 Dieu, and the Reposoir in the square. The three Duchesses
 
 yEr. 7 VISIT TO GENEVA 5 
 
 of Angouleme, Berri, and Orleans walked in the procession. 
 It was remarked that they were dressed respectively in red, 
 white, and blue. Women brought infants to the Keposoir 
 to have their hands touched with the Pyx. We went to 
 Mass at the chapel of the Tuileries to see the king. He did 
 not appear, but 'Monsieur' (afterwards Charles X.) did. 
 Louis XVIII. reviewed the troops in the Carrousel from the 
 central balcony. He was dressed in black velvet, with the 
 blue cordon of the Saint Esprit. 
 
 The Jardin des Plantes delighted me, and I remember 
 some of the pictures in the Louvre. 
 
 We drove from Paris to Geneva in a berline with three 
 horses, same all the way. Edward St. Aubyn and a young 
 brother and a doctor had the other seats. I think we were 
 nine days on the road, sleeping at Fontainebleau, Sens, 
 Auxerre, Joigny, Dijon, Poligny, &c. How well I remember 
 these sleeping places, and the French country inns ; and 
 Antoine the driver, who was a fierce Bonapartist, and rather 
 won my mother's heart ; and the first view of the Lake of 
 Geneva from the Jura ! We drove safe at last into the 
 courtyard of Malagnou. 
 
 We stayed at Geneva three months till the first snow 
 had touched the mountains. Went the tour du lac and 
 called at Coppet. Mine, de Stael was not there ; but we 
 found Miss Eandall, whom my mother knew in Norfolk. 
 My mother went to Chamonix. I did not. She was a 
 good and bold rider and did great part of this tour on horse- 
 back. The St. Aubyns were living at Plongeon, and there, 
 for the first time in my life, I went out to dinner. 
 
 My portrait was painted at Geneva by M. Massot, and is 
 still in my possession. 
 
 We returned in October or November by way of Lyons, 
 and I remember meeting Miss Edgeworth at the table d'hote. 
 The journey of seventy hours in a diligence from Lyons to 
 Paris was excessively tedious. I remember that, in coming 
 home, the packet was a whole day crossing from Calais to 
 Dover. 
 
 During our stay in Paris, Mme. Andre and M. Pictet, 
 a banker, were kind to us, and I was taken to the Fran$ais 
 to see Talma and the Duchesnois in Ducis' ' Marie Stuart.'
 
 6 EDWARD VALPY 1827 
 
 It was my first play ; and I have still before my eyes 
 Leicester in his brown velvet cloak, and the dignified adieux 
 of Marie. By this time I could speak French pretty well, 
 and when I got home I was fond of reciting passages from 
 1 Marie Stuart,' to the great amusement of my kinsfolk. 
 
 1821. In this year I went to the Norwich School, 
 Rev. Edward Valpy master ; an accomplished scholar and 
 gentleman, full of enthusiasm for the classics, which he 
 had taught all his life. I was rather a favourite with him ; 
 but my boyhood was not a happy part of my life. I dis- 
 liked the drudgery of school and cared nothing for its 
 rewards. I took no part in the games of the school. My 
 own amusements were riding my grandfather's pony, boating, 
 and chemical experiments. This relates, however, to a 
 somewhat later period. 
 
 In the summer of this year Lucy Austin, afterwards 
 Lady Duff Gordon, was born. 1 They lived in Queen's 
 Square, Westminster, hard by Mr. Bentham's garden and 
 James Mill's house. My mother went there to be near her 
 sister in her confinement, and I contracted an intimacy with 
 our neighbours, the young Mills. We had been out of 
 England during the Queen's trial in the preceding year; 
 but I remember seeing Caroline drive past Hyde Park 
 Corner, in a pink bonnet, with Alderman Wood by her side. 
 John Mill 2 was with me at the time. 
 
 Living in Westminster, we were in the midst of the pre- 
 parations for the coronation of George IV. I was taken to 
 a gallery to see the procession pass from the Abbey to the 
 Hall, and a very magnificent spectacle it was. The king 
 wore his crown. 
 
 Later in the year the Austins came into Norfolk, and I 
 was with them at Cromer. Whilst there, I read the 
 1 Arabian Nights ' with great delight. 
 
 1822. It must have been this year that I spent the 
 summer holiday with the Austins at Yarmouth and Cromer. 
 They had John Mill with them. He and I went to collect 
 seaweeds, dry them, and Mill knew their names. 
 
 1 Cf. Mrs. Ross's Three Generations of English Women. 
 1 John Stuart Mill, born in 180G, was a boy of fifteen, and must have seemed 
 quite grown up to a child not yet eight. 

 
 JE-t. 14 NORWICH GRAMMAR SCHOOL 7 
 
 1823. My grandmother, Mrs. John Taylor, died a very 
 remarkable woman ; as energetic as Mme. Eoland, whom 
 in some respects she resembled. 
 
 1824. My mother and Emily Taylor went to Ireland. 
 I declined to go, and spent the summer at Coltishall, in 
 Norfolk, with my old nurse, Esther Fuller, who had married 
 a baker there. 
 
 1825. My mother had a serious illness in the early 
 part of the year, and was sent to Cheltenham in March to 
 take the waters, which cured her. Meanwhile that is, from 
 March to June I was sent to board at Valpy's. In 
 the holidays I joined my mother and Emily Taylor at 
 Cheltenham. We went down the Wye from Boss to Mon- 
 mouth and Chepstow, and thence to stay with the Philip 
 Taylors at Aberdare in North Wales. Then posted by 
 Ludlow and Shrewsbury to Coed Ddu (John Taylor's) 1 
 in North Wales. Then to Liverpool, to stay with Mr. 
 Koscoe. 
 
 1826. My grandfather, Abraham Reeve, died about the 
 close of this year. After his death two farms at Copdock anc 1 
 Washbrook, in Suffolk, came to me under the will of Jordan 
 Harris Lisle. They were worth about 140?. a year. The 
 sum of 6,OOOZ., settled on my father at his marriage, was 
 paid over to the trustees and invested in the New Three per 
 Cents., where it remained till 1876. 
 
 A letter from Henry Eeeve to his mother, dated 
 January 1st, 1827, giving an account of the funeral at Had- 
 leigh, is noteworthy for the excellence of the handwriting, 
 the straightness of the lines which, however, may have 
 been guided and especially for the manly tone so little to 
 be expected from a boy only just turned thirteen, but partly 
 explained by his account of his reading during the following 
 year. 
 
 1827. I was near the top of the Norwich School, when 
 my mother judged it right to take me away and place me to 
 read with the Rev. Frank Howes, 2 as a tutor. Edmund 
 Nelson Rolfe read with me ; Philip Wodehouse, afterwards 
 Governor of the Cape and Bombay, was there too. Howes 
 
 1 Mrs. Eeeve's eldest brother. 
 
 2 He graduated at Cambridge as eleventh wrangler, in 1798. In 1815 he 
 was appointed to a minor canonry at Norwich, where he died in 1844.
 
 8 GOES TO GENEVA 1828 
 
 was a most accurate scholar and deserved more success in 
 life than he obtained. He published an excellent transla- 
 tion of Persius. I read with him Person's four Greek plays 
 and some others a good deal of Cicero and Horace. 
 
 I had access to two good public libraries in Norwich, and 
 from an early age read largely much more than I remem- 
 bered ; but I had an insatiable appetite for books. I remem- 
 ber reading about this time Mitford's ' Greece,' a good deal 
 of Gibbon, the ' Edinburgh Keview ' constantly, Scott, Byron, 
 Cowper, Cook's ' Voyages,' Shakespeare, Hume, Lingard, 
 Thomson's ' Chemistry.' The little I know of physical sci- 
 ence was acquired at this time. We were fond of chemical 
 experiments, and constructed an electrical machine, with 
 which I remember we gave some lectures on electricity to 
 our young friends. 
 
 I conceived at this age a decided preference for the 
 services of the Church of England, and attended them, 
 whenever I could, in preference to the Octagon Chapel 
 [Unitarian]. 
 
 1828. The plan of my education was that I should 
 spend two or three years in Geneva, begin the study of 
 medicine there, and then go to Edinburgh to follow in my 
 father's steps. The medical scheme entirely failed, as I 
 felt no confidence in that profession. But to Geneva I 
 went. 
 
 We left Norwich in the spring, selling or packing up 
 books and furniture, and crossed from London to Havre; 
 drove along the Seine to Paris ; stayed there in the Kue de 
 l']chiquier, to be near my uncle Philip Taylor; saw and 
 knew Jean-Baptiste Say, and reached Geneva in the autumn. 
 An apartment was hired in the Grand Mezel, overlooking 
 the Corraterie, and furnished by us. 
 
 In November I was entered at the Auditoire as a student 
 in Belles Lettres. The range of classics was much below 
 what I was used to in England ; but I learned French by 
 taking notes, and especially by the admirable private lessons 
 I had from M. F. Roget, who gave me a taste for the French 
 language and literature. I had no talent at all for mathe- 
 matics, bat Professor Pascalis did for me all that it was 
 possible to do for so hopeless a subject.
 
 JET. 16 A STUDENT AT GEXEVA 9 
 
 A letter from Mrs. Eeeve to her cousin Mary Taylor, 
 written about a fortnight after her arrival in Geneva, is 
 interesting, not only as showing the manner of life she 
 proposed to lead, and the course of education and instruction 
 she was outlining for her boy, but, and perhaps still more, 
 for the glimpses which it gives of her own character, and of 
 the influences under which the child had grown into a boy, 
 and the boy was to grow into a man. It is very long ; but 
 much of it is mere friendly chit-chat, for at that time the 
 postage of a single letter from Geneva to England was 
 2s. 3d., and a thrifty housewife made it a point of conscience 
 to send as much as possible for the money. It is dated 
 vaguely ' September 1828 ; ' with a supplementary note 
 ' Finished September 30th.' It would appear to have taken 
 about a week in the writing. 
 
 MY DEAR COUSIN, . . . As to the affair of hiring 
 house and servants, and procuring furniture, my task is far 
 advanced, and will soon be completed, more advantageously 
 than I hoped. But the great anxiety is to come. The examina- 
 tions do not take place so early as I had expected . . . 
 Henry is rather frightened at finding that his repugnance 
 to mathematics stands much in his way. But for that, I 
 think he would not feel such a strong disinclination to enter 
 the college as etudiant. If he enters as auditeur, he will 
 not be able to attain any honours, and he will not be 
 esteemed as he might be; but it certainly does require 
 prodigious resolution and perseverance to go through the 
 course as prescribed, seeing that many of the most zealous 
 students have half killed themselves. The examinations 
 are very severe, and there is a great emulation among the 
 students ; so much so, that the stories we have heard of 
 York are nothing to what they tell us here. . . . 
 You may conceive I am not a little anxious till this is 
 settled. . . . 
 
 Dr. de Roches sees Henry's character at once, and I 
 believe he does me justice as to the views I have taken, and 
 do take, with regard to the moral part of education. I 
 cannot but feel my own insufficiency to cure the tendencies 
 I disapprove. What must I do then ? I am arrived at a 
 point where two roads present themselves. The one a 
 continuation of our old road, full of temptations, lax 
 discipline, indulgence ; the other, strict, laborious, disgusting, 
 but safe, honourable, and proper to give a complete moral 
 and intellectual education. I expect Henry has much to
 
 10 LIFE AT GENEVA 1830 
 
 suffer. His self-love will often be severely wounded. If he 
 sets himself up, he will be taken down, and perhaps in a 
 way to do him harm. My good friend, whose knowledge of 
 human nature is more complete than we usually find, sees 
 all the different dangers for Henry. His nice perception 
 makes him alive to everything, and his warning voice, if 
 attended to, may prevent many evils. . . . 
 
 Poor Henry is, to-day, wearing less the air of a victim. 
 He begins to look as if Dr. de Roches' kind efforts to procure 
 him masters would not be thrown away upon him, though 
 one of them is to screw him down to mathematics. The 
 other, M. Roget, appears from description to be the very 
 man I should have compounded, if such an art existed, to suit 
 and benefit Henry. He undertakes to give him lessons in 
 French composition ; but being a great scholar, and par- 
 ticularly a Grecian, he will be respected accordingly, 
 especially as his conversation is very interesting and agree- 
 able from the variety of information he possesses. This is 
 all very good ; and when I hear that he is not merely a 
 minister, and therefore religious, but also a fine preacher, I 
 confess I cannot help building much upon such an acquain- 
 tance, and shall try to make him our friend. Add to all 
 this, M. Roget is Professor of Philosophy, and therefore 
 will, by-and-by, have more to do with Henry. It will be a 
 great thing to secure his friendship, and I hope my poor 
 boy will find a compensation in his lessons for the less 
 attractive ones of M. Pascalis in mathematics. The subject 
 alone is the cause, if the latter gentleman is less a favourite. 
 He is extremely kind and amiable in his manners, and quite 
 the head of his department. Both these gentlemen are so 
 much occupied, that it is a great favour to obtain their 
 assistance, and we must take care to treat them accordingly. 
 Henry's attendance on Mr. Howes has been of use in this 
 respect. . . . 
 
 Henry is now gone with Dr. de Roches to be introduced 
 to M. Roget. I hope to tell you in the corner of my letter 
 that he feels more encouraged and in good spirits. It is 
 well we are here so early, for he will now have a month's 
 preparation before the college opens ; and as for me, I have 
 full occupation, so that we shall but just be quietly settled 
 before our thoughts are required for more important subjects. 
 I speak in the plural number, because, without my entire 
 sympathy, Henry may find his heart sometimes sink within 
 him ; . . . but I hope the worst is over, and that he. will 
 not long be without a friend. The two young men, or rather
 
 JEi. 17 SOCIETY AT GENEVA 11 
 
 lads, of this family (De Roches) are amiable and kind, but 
 no more fit for Henry than his fellow-student Eolfe. . . . 
 
 Your obedient Cousin, 
 
 S. REEVE. 
 
 To continue the Journal : 
 
 1829. At Geneva, owing to our intimacy with the 
 De Roches, we lived entirely in Genevese society, then very 
 brilliant. I became a sort of member of a societc of lads 
 a little older than myself, Lombard, Jean Binet, Duchesne, 
 Huber, De Luc, most of whom remained life-long friends. 
 My greatest intimacy, however, was with Count Sigismond 
 Krasinski, afterwards celebrated as the ' Anonymous Poet ' 
 of Poland. We were both in the poetic age fond of writing, 
 and enthusiasts in all things. 
 
 The literary society of Geneva at this time comprised 
 M. de Sismondi, M. Simond (the traveller), M. Bonstetten, 
 M. Duinont, M. de Candolle the botanist, M. Necker de 
 Saussure, M. Chevenix, M. Rossi, Auguste de la Rive, old 
 De Luc, Mrs. Marcet, the Romillys. 
 
 I attended the lectures of M. Davillard on Latin literature 
 (Tacitus) ; Choisy on moral philosophy ; De la Rive on 
 physics and chemistry ; De Candolle on zoology and botany. 
 I had a boat built for the lake, and spent a great deal of 
 time on it. I also went a great deal into society to the 
 Bals de la Redoute, and all sorts of parties. I remember a 
 dinner with M. Dumont, the friend of Mirabeau, at which 
 William and Edward Romilly were present; it was very 
 interesting. Dumont died at Milan in the following year. 
 Sir Humphry Davy died at Geneva this summer. I attended 
 his funeral ; and afterwards went a walking tour in Switzer- 
 land with his late secretary, John Tobin. 
 
 1830. After the academic term, which I passed pretty 
 "well, having been moved from Belles Lettres to Philosophies, 
 we spent July at Montreux. The two Mosses used to row in 
 my boat, the * Ariel.' On July 25th we ascended the Rochers 
 >de Naye. That was the first of the ' glorious days.' On August 
 1st there was a ball at the Sauthers' at Burtigny ; and on 
 the following morning I started with Krasinski for Chamonix. 
 We went to the Jardin, the Brevent, and back by the Tete 
 Noire. Meanwhile, the Revolution had taken place which
 
 12 FRIENDS IN LONDON 183-> 
 
 changed the face of Europe. An officer of the Swiss Guard, 
 whom we knew, had defended the Caserne de Babylon. He 
 wrote an account of it, or rather Krasinski and I wrote it 
 for him. That was almost the first time I had seen myself 
 in print. 
 
 Adam Mickiewicz was with us as Geneva. I translated 
 his ' Faris.' It was published in the ' Metropolitan Maga- 
 zine ' and afterwards separately. But it was the Polish 
 Revolution that excited me most. Auguste Zamoyski 
 started to join the army. Krasinski was held back by his 
 father, who took the Eussian side. He afterwards went to 
 Borne. In the course of the autumn the Genevese con- 
 tingent was sent to guard the Simplon. Duchesne and I 
 went to Brieg to see them there. 
 
 1831. During this winter I followed a private course of 
 lectures by Professor Bossi on Constitutional Law. Albert 
 Pourtales (afterwards Prussian ambassador in France) and 
 Baron von Ende were my co-disciples. These lessons con- 
 tributed to form my political opinions, and to give me a 
 taste for international law. Bossi wrote a kind note to my 
 mother about me. 
 
 My intimacy with the Poles made me take a deep 
 interest in their cause. I knew Count Walewski, Napoleon's 
 son, who was their agent in London ; Prince Adam 
 Czartoryski, when he came ; old Niemcewicz, and, more par- 
 ticularly, Ladislas Zamoyski. 
 
 We left Geneva in June and posted to Paris; then 
 returned to London, where I felt myself a stranger. I shot 
 at Copdock and in Norfolk, and afterwards went to Coed 
 Ddu, the John Taylors' house in North Wales. 
 
 One of my first friends in London was old Edward 
 Sterling of the ' Times.' John and Anthony Sterling were 
 his sons. I called on old William Godwin and made the 
 acquaintance of Carlyle. I was also introduced to Arthur 
 Martineau's Cambridge friends, John M. Kemble, Thackeray ; 
 and at Mr. Austin's house I met Hay ward, the Bullers, 
 Boebuck, the Grotes, and many others. 
 
 I was also entered at the Middle Temple and began to 
 keep terms, having entirely relinquished the idea of following 
 the medical profession. I longed to return to the Continent,
 
 jEr. 19 TOUR IN ITALY 13 
 
 and gladly availed myself of a suggestion of John Austin's 
 that I should go to Germany to read Koman Law. We 
 spent the winter at Dimond's Hotel, Great Orniond 
 Street. 
 
 1832. My mother resolved to take a house at Hamp- 
 stead (3 Well Walk), where she continued to reside for ten 
 years. I started early in the year for Paris, and thus, at 
 little more than eighteen, I began the world in an indepen- 
 dent position. 
 
 I arrived in Paris on February 4th. D'Eichthal intro- 
 duced me to Mendelssohn. We went together to see Taglioni. 
 He said her dancing was Glieder Musik. Prevost introduced 
 me to Lerminier, V. Cousin, Ballanche, and Victor Hugo. 
 I met Lord Clarendon, then Mr. Villiers, at a dinner at 
 A. d'Eichthal's ; but I was not lance at Paris till my next visit. 
 The cholera broke out with great violence and I left, posting 
 to Geneva, where I found Krasinski, with whom, a few 
 weeks later, I started for Italy : Turin, Milan, and Venice. 
 Venice in May was delightful. We had the grand apart- 
 ment at the Leone Bianco on the Grand Canal, till the ex- 
 Empress Maria Louisa turned us out of it. She was on her 
 way to Vienna to see the Due de Reichstadt, who was 
 dying. Sir Walter Scott was also in the hotel. I saw him 
 at the Academia. My dog Trevor jumped into his gondola, 
 which amused him ; but he was paralysed and a mere 
 wreck. 
 
 During his absence at this time, young Reeve wrote to his 
 .mother at least every week, and his letters give a detailed 
 account of his travels and experiences, of which, however, 
 the short notes in the diary are now sufficient. They 
 are remarkable not only for their length three quarto 
 pages of small, close, very neat handwriting, which at this 
 early age was already shaping itself into that which he 
 preserved to the last but, and still more, for the maturity 
 of the thought and style. They are, of course, abundantly 
 charged with the mannerisms and affectations of youth, 
 though we may suppose that these would have been in a 
 great measure avoided, had the letters been addressed to 
 anyone but his mother. As it is, they appear to be written 
 currente calamo, the frank outpourings of a youthful heart. 
 Some extracts are here given rather as illustrating the
 
 14 LETTERS FROM PARIS 1835? 
 
 developement of his intellect and the formation of his 
 character than as intrinsically important. 
 
 To Mrs. Reeve 
 
 Paris, February Sth. When I returned to Norwich 
 Mrs. Beecroft stuck me up against her parlour closet door to 
 measure my physical growth during three years of absence, 
 and thus it is with me now that I meet again my friends of 
 eight months ago. I can precisely estimate what I have 
 gained, and what I have lost. I feel that I have grown 
 by more than inches. In the meantime, I have, I believe, 
 ' found out my task.' If I have not formed opinions, I have 
 learnt what opinions are to be formed. I have tried, and 
 perchance not in vain, to seize and handle the instruments 
 of future goodness and greatness ; and I have learnt the 
 great lesson to believe. Do you think that I exaggerate ? 
 It may be so but at least I do it not wilfully. So now let 
 me tell you what I have seen. ... I have already seen 
 several very agreeable people. Adolphe d'Eichthal is delight- 
 ful. I have been received at his house quite sans fa^on, 
 and they are constantly finding engagements and occupa- 
 tion of the most agreeable kind. Prevost is indeed lance in 
 the best learned society. He is about to present me to 
 Victor Hugo, Lerminier the jurist, &c. D'Eichthal has 
 already introduced me to Felix Mendelssohn, who, without 
 being an angel of harmony or of grace, is a very pleasant 
 little Frenchified German ; in fact, the Teutonic part of him 
 seems well-nigh extinct. I was last night at a ball at 
 M. Cotlier's, the partner of M. Andre. I met Eugene de 
 la Rive. ... Of womankind I know none, save only the 
 loud-voiced, fat Madame Andr la jeune, and the small and 
 bustling Madame Andr6 la vieille, who invited me to an 
 immense ball on Saturday, and said, ' Nous y causerons de 
 madame votre mere, dont le souvenir me fait tant de plaisir.' 
 Idee fran9aise, par exemple, que cette causerie-la. 
 
 February IQth. The row in Paris was got up by the 
 police, just as the Cato Street one was by Lord Sidmouth. 
 I was too late for it, and, indeed, there was not much to see. 
 Everyone groans for bleeding France, and no one can hope 
 for a remedy. The general opinion is that this Ministry
 
 rET. 19 VICTOR COUSIN 15 
 
 will fall when ours does. Trafford is at this moment the 
 talk of all Paris, and the butt of all the journals. He gave 
 a ball last week to the vieille cour that is to say, iheHenri- 
 Quinquistes whereat the health of 'le petit montagnard 
 exile ' was drunk with enthusiasm. It was reported that 
 he was ordered to leave Paris in consequence, but that is 
 contradicted. The ball cost him 40,000 francs, and in the 
 course of the winter he has given -5,000 ! to the poor. So 
 I will not vouch for the fulness even of his coffers this 
 week. 
 
 The other day the editor of ' La Caricature ' was 
 prosecuted for a derisory likeness of Louis Philippe. His 
 defence was this. He brought into court a large sheet of 
 paper containing four diminishing likenesses of Louis- 
 Philippe, the first being the one for which he was 
 prosecuted, and the last a pear. Now, says he, if you 
 condemn the first you must condemn the second, because it 
 is like the first, and the third because it is like the second, 
 and the fourth i.e. the pear because it is like the third. 
 Ergo, Louis Philippe is a pear. They did, however, condemn 
 the innocent fruit to please the guilty king. 
 
 Paris, February \Qth. Prevost has been unremitting 
 in his attentions and civilities. He has presented me to> 
 M. Lerminier, one of the law professors in the College de 
 France, a frothy French rhetorician to be sure, but never- 
 theless a man who will be heard among the noisiest, and 
 consequently among the leaders of the enfants de Paris. I 
 am now reading his book, which serves as a good intro- 
 duction enough to the biography of jurisprudence, if one may 
 use the term. . . . 
 
 February 17th. From Lerminier we went to Cousin. 
 You know what I thought of his lectures when I was reading 
 them some twelve months ago ; they have influenced in no- 
 slight degree the opinions and conceptions I have formed in the 
 last j r ear ; and now I came to see familiariter versari with 
 this man, this philosopher. How anything so cynical in 
 ordinary life can co-exist with a soul and a faith so platonica! 
 and so refined is, and ever will be, to me a subject of great 
 
 1 The first figure has been torn away with the seal.
 
 16 UTTERS FROM PARIS 1832 
 
 wonder. If he speaks like the sage of Acadeinus in the walls 
 of the Sorbonne, he growls like Diogenes when entubbed in 
 his easy-chair. His Nos I and Has ! his gesticulations, his 
 wit, his vanity, his malice, and his philosophy are all I mean 
 no disrespect to Mr. Emmanuel Kant transcendental. I 
 did not hear him say a kind nor, certainly, a foolish thing. 
 We talked a great deal on all subjects, but especially on the 
 St.-Simonians. He thinks with me (that is to say, as I have 
 long thought) that they will accomplish to the full theii 
 strange destiny in this strange era, and that they will 
 especially flourish in England, by reason of the eminently 
 sectarian spirit of our nation, and by reason of the strange 
 sceptical speculations which have laid hold of the minds of 
 some property-holders and of all property-seekers. I have 
 been to hear them hold forth. They talk to us a great deal 
 about Attractive Sociability, and Cosmogonies, and Kata- 
 clysms, and Mastodons, and Fishes ; and I came away as 
 wise as I went, impressed with the alarming folly of their 
 doctrines, for folly is alarming, and no less alarming than 
 
 the confederacy of fools is vast 
 
 M. de Ballanche is of another school, whom, unknown, 
 I called upon, again with the indefatigable Prevost. He is 
 the author of the ' Palingenesie,' which may some time or 
 other fall into your hands. Lost from time to time in the 
 luxuriancy of his imaginative philosophy, but ever chained, 
 for the internal, to the solid basis of his faith ; and, for the 
 external, by the brilliant and positive nature of his style, he 
 will always move, though he may not always persuade ; 
 always lead to the Absolute and the True, through avenues 
 other than the greater part of the philosophers of the nine- 
 teenth century have deemed it fitting to follow. To each his 
 path perhaps to each his goal. 
 
 Geneva, February 27th. Paris cost me a terrible deal of 
 money, but I am living here, with Sigismond, for 130 francs 
 a month, so I shall have two months of grand economy 
 which will make my accounts square. Rossi is as he ever 
 was. There be none at Paris like unto him ; as, indeed, they 
 all feel and say. I meant to have written you an account 
 of my presentation to Victor Hugo, but other and better 
 things have happened since. Upon the whole, I was dis-
 
 Mi. 19 LETTERS FROM GENEVA 17 
 
 appointed in the external man, and more especially in his 
 powers of conversation. 
 
 Geneva, March 5th. The extreme gaiety of the haut 
 ton during this first week of my stay has prevented my 
 making as many calls as I could have wished, but I have on 
 the other hand seen almost everyone in the crowded drawing- 
 rooms and ball-rooms. The six first days of my stay I went 
 to five balls and three parties. . . . I have called, comme 
 de raison, at Malagnou. Mme. Lombard has been poorly, 
 and I still found her somewhat pale ; she no longer 
 goes out of the house, yet I hope the summer will not belie 
 the promise of this early springtide, and that it will set her 
 on her legs again. Mademoiselle is just as usual. M. 
 Lombard, le pere, s'adonne tout entier a la philosophic 
 indienne, thereby fructifying his literary ease. But it is ill 
 talking of such old people except for the sake of affectionate 
 remembrance, inasmuch as that between seventy and eighty 
 there rarely remains more than one change to be made. . . . 
 In the midst of our gaieties and joy at meeting again we 
 have received news the most fatal to our happiness that the 
 post could bring, saving only bad news from you namely, 
 the recall of Sigismond to Poland. I had long expected this 
 or something as bad. The restless scythe of that imperial 
 devastator may not and will not leave one flower to bloom 
 within his reach, and so to Poland returns my friend. God 
 only knows what may happen. We hope that by avoiding 
 Warsaw he may spend his time quietly enough in the 
 country till he be allowed to go forth again. August 15th is 
 the day on which he is to re-enter the halls of his fathers ; 
 it is the fete de Napoleon, which the General K. always, 
 celebrates with great pomp. We are now in March, and we 
 know not what five months may or may not bring forth. 
 But, en attendant, it is the first part of their plan which 
 more especially concerns you and me. They Sigismond 
 and his chamberlain are to leave Geneva in the end of 
 April and go to Turin ; thence through Milan and Verona 
 to Venice, across the Adriatic to Trieste, and through 
 Klagenfurt to Vienna. Now just take out your map. They 
 propose to me to go with them some part of the way, and as 
 my immediate object is Munich, I should leave them either 
 
 VOL. i. c
 
 18 LETTERS FROM GENEVA 1832 
 
 at Verona, and pass up through Trent and Innsbruck, or go 
 as far as Klagenfurt, and see Salzburg in my way thither. 
 This tour would take me about three weeks more than the 
 ordinary route, which I should subtract from my stay at 
 Dresden in the autumn, and the increase of expense will be 
 nothing at all, as we should go five in Sigismond's carriage, 
 Count Zaluski ' being of the party. Enfin, ma cherc mere, 
 c'est a toi a decider. Such an opportunity for seeing Styria, 
 Carniola, and the Tyrol may not again present itself. I will 
 not argue for my wishes that would be unfair ; but if you are 
 in doubt pray ask John's or Eichard's opinion. They made 
 an immense circuit to see these identical places. Prevost 
 will not be at Munich before June. We wait your decision. 
 
 March 15th. I am glad that you are going to take a 
 house now, because, in the first place, I shall find you in a 
 real home when I return ; and because, secondly, neither you 
 nor I are very easy to live with impertinent inferiors. All I 
 have to say is that, if you really find a house you like, I 
 should be well pleased if you were to buy it. For which 
 purpose you would sell out the 600Z. or 700Z. you lately 
 invested in the Three and a half per Cents. You know my 
 horror of funded property, par le temps qui court, and if the 
 price came within your means, I am sure that a house in 
 Hampstead must be a good investment. Enfin, my dear 
 mother, what I have most chiefly to regret is that I am so 
 unable to help you in your embarras. 'Tis shameful for us 
 youngsters to be scampering over Europe while those we 
 ought to attend on are in such straits 
 
 I am, as I told you in my last, completely lance, and 
 since my arrival I have never spent an evening at home. The 
 Moultous and Favres have given us dinner parties ; also we 
 have dined at the De Roches, and notwithstanding the finis of 
 the Bal des Strangers, we have on hand a large appendix of 
 balls and a copious body of supplementary parties. M. 
 de Roches qui est tres bien avec moi a I'heure qu'il est 
 declares that Prevost and I shall generalise over much in 
 this life, and generalise away the best part of our career. 
 
 1 In a later letter Reeve describes Zaluski as a cousin of Sigismond's and 
 a delightful companion; a man of about thirty-nine, an old soldier under 
 Napoleon and ' one of the principal and most successful diplomatic agents of 
 the late Polish Government.'
 
 MT. 19 ASPIRATIONS 19 
 
 II me fait beaiicoup d'honneur en m'attelant avec Precast ; 
 but I doubt if all his prophecies come true. His telescope 
 embraces but a speck in the horizon, and he will not use his 
 free sight ; Prevost and I shall seek and perhaps find a wider 
 sphere than the Grande Rue, or the little Senate House of a 
 Swiss Canton ; and when we are there the wheel is not too 
 crowded for us not to find our place, nor, I imagine, so hard 
 to turn as to render our labours vain. The bloom is wearing 
 away from me, the exquisite oesthetical sense of early youth 
 is in its decay, for the spring destroys as well as the autumn ; 
 but it destroys only to bring forth the better fruits of the 
 summer. Our age will not be without its fifteenth-century 
 men its Columbus, its Faust, its builders, its creators ; and 
 it is from amongst our generation that they will be chosen. 
 
 March 21st. Your letter was punctually received 
 yesterday, and I may now consider it as pretty certain that 
 in a very few weeks we shall cross the Mont Cenis, and be 
 travelling through the north of Italy. If it were not from 
 Geneva that we go, my delight would be unmixed and 
 unqualified ; but after all it must end. By a most singular 
 and unexpected case and lot, I have returned to the place of 
 my youth while all its freshness was upon it, not a face 
 changed, not a heart estranged; but now at this second 
 parting, it seems that all is indeed past, the circle broken 
 up, its members dispersed, and the waters of the coming 
 tide washing away the little wall of sand which we had 
 built in the serious nothingness of early youth. The men, 
 now that they are men, will live a stronger life, and bear 
 burdens, and seek perils, and brave difficulty ; the women 
 for such is the imperious necessity of the time and place 
 will narrow yet more their fairyland of innocent love, and 
 cultivate above all things the steady virtues of the nursery. 
 And be it so. My first act is, or will be, complete, and I am 
 no stickler for dramatic unity. The next may begin any- 
 where, since it must begin somewhere. . . . 
 
 I like your tirade about ' dolls,' and do not doubt that 
 Anna Enfield merits all you choose to say about her. If 
 ever a ' doll ' has exercised any influence over me, and it is 
 not impossible that such has been the case, I beg you to 
 recollect that a young head has a whole wardrobe of fancy 
 
 c2
 
 20 LETTERS FROM GENEVA 1832 
 
 dresses a rich garb of imaginative gros de Naples in the 
 which all successive Chloes, Lauras, and Sophonisbas have 
 been dressed, and by which they have certainly been set 
 off to the best possible advantage. But, finally, there are 
 in the world stronger things than these. We must all leave 
 our isles of Calypso to brave the dangers of a stormy archi- 
 pelago ; the way to our Ithaca is dangerous and long. , . . 
 
 April 1st. C'e'tait a une soiree de noces chez Mme. 
 Gaussen-Huber qu'une jeune personne rayonnante de joie 
 me dit : ' Quand vous e"crirez a Mme. Reeve vous lui commu- 
 niquerez mes grandes nouvelles, et direz que si elle avait ete 
 un peu plus pres, je lui aurais envoye une communication.' 
 Bref, la jeune fille avec sa guirlande de fiancee au front 
 voulait que je vous disse que Mme. Diego de Combes ne 
 TOUS sera pas moins attachee que ne Test Constance Sauther. 
 Such is the change which is about to take place. In a 
 month or six weeks the damsel will espouse Diego de 
 Combes, the brother of her sister's husband. A goodly case 
 of matrimony, in truth ; a man endowed with a soul, a mind, 
 and a body ; and a lady ' re"unissant 1'esprit a la beaute,' as 
 the man says in the vaudeville. And few marriages have 
 caused more sensation. The young ladies have, of course, 
 been thrown into a delicate confusion by this early enteve- 
 ment of one of their virginal band ; puis, de I'autre cote, the 
 cohort of male admirers in dire dismay and disappointment ; 
 pale lovers gliding like ghosts with skulls in their hands, 
 and others flushed with wrath, breathing fury and revenge. 
 I, for my part, at the above-mentioned soiree, made my 
 congratulatory bow with all due gallantry ; but in my own 
 room I have felt that a very vain bubble, when it bursts, 
 leaves almost as great a chasm in a man's spirit as if a 
 mountain rose from its foundations and became air. J'ai 
 senti I'impossible ; why should I hide my head in the sand, 
 and deem myself unseen ? Such a reality, coming in all its 
 truth before me, has done away more illusions than five 
 years of most reasonable thought. . . , 
 
 Sigismond's eyes are somewhat better. We shall start 
 on May 4th at latest. He is much annoyed, and I much 
 amused, at the necessity of his being presented to his dear 
 cousin, Charles Albert, by the grace of God King of
 
 &T. 19 TRAVELS IN ITALY 21 
 
 Sardinia and Jerusalem. His father particularly desires it. 
 I shall grin on seeing him return from an interview with 
 the man who betrayed Santa Rosa, and sought to hang 
 Prandi & Co. 1 Much good such cousinship cannot do him ; 
 but it is no new discovery that he is the best of his family. 
 His father is put at the head of the Polish Government, 
 with the father of Zamoyski and two others. . . . 
 
 April '30th. You seem to find that the letter, to which 
 your letter of the 18th replies, was written in somewhat too 
 ferocious a mood. Perhaps so. I know not what it was 
 about. When the wind is strong, it makes the harp sing 
 loud ; and Heaven knows that this is a crisis for us young 
 ones, all all simultaneously torn from our habits and our 
 haunts, all going forth like labourers with tools upon their 
 shoulders going forth, but not to return like labourers at 
 the close of the day. I shall soon be able to vent myself in 
 the novelty and beauty of a material world, which will 
 amuse you better, and interest you more than my erroneous 
 opinions on things of which I know but little. 
 
 Turin, May Sth. It cannot enter into the heart of man 
 to conceive an Italian springtide ; it must be felt. To feel 
 Thought living upon air, an air which brings back all the 
 sweetness one has ever felt, and marries it to all Hope 
 can tell us of Heaven ; to lose oneself in exquisite listlessness, 
 as if one had already passed the cave of the Wonderful 
 Lamp, and was sleeping under the diamond trees in the 
 magical garden to dream of bright things for ever. . . . 
 
 Tout cela est bel et bon pour un voyage d'un mois. But 
 after one has felt the air they breathe, one readily allows that 
 the Italians can never be strong or sane, and one's memory 
 turns proudly to our own North, with its smoke, and its 
 fires, and its strength. Here all nature is in a fever ; there 
 man goes forth like a hale and hearty peasant on a frosty 
 morning. Truth to tell, I have been but twenty-four hours. 
 
 1 In the revolutionary government of Piedmont in 1821, of which Charles 
 Albert was the head, Santa Rosa was minister at war. When the prince 
 deserted or betrayed the cause, his associates had to look out for themselves. 
 Prandi got to England and stayed there ; Santa Rosa had also escaped, but, 
 though absent, was condemned to death. He was afterwards reconciled to 
 Charles Albert, and died in 1848. There is a curious account of his death in 
 the Edinburgh Review, vol. xciii. (Jan. 1851), pp. 175-8.
 
 2* IMPRESSIONS OF ITALY 1832 
 
 in Italy, so my impressions are rather hasty ; rnais en dix 
 coups de poumons on est furieusement lazaronise. 
 
 A longer experience taught the young traveller that even 
 in Italy, in May, the weather could sometimes be wet, cold, 
 and disagreeable, reminding him more of the winters of the 
 north than the summers of the south. But bursts of youthful 
 enthusiasm over the scenery, the landscapes, the Duomo of 
 Milan, the memories of history and literature, fill his letters. 
 
 Verona, May \lth. To-morrow we go to Vicenza, and 
 sleep at Padua ; the day afterward we shall get to Venice. 
 At every step on which I go in this wonderful Italy, I feel 
 more and more admiration possess me. Art and the 
 Beautiful come so seasonably after the Science and the 
 Strength of England. We are treading ground of immortal 
 remembrances. Did we meet neither Proteus nor Valentine 
 on their way to Milan ? Shall we not find Bellario, the 
 learned jurist, in the halls of Padua ? . . . Has not history 
 written her story on the face of these towns, more legibly 
 than in the books of the wise ? 
 
 Venice, May 22nd. Venice is not to me so sad a town 
 as Verona. The eternal motion of the water, and the fresh 
 breezes of the Adriatic, have in themselves something more 
 cheerful than the cold deserted pavement of the latter place. 
 I know of no description which gives one a physical idea of 
 Venice. One thinks of it as a place of a thousand remem- 
 brances ; as the throne of Dandolo, and the scaffold of 
 Faliero; but when one is in one's gondola, the luxurious 
 present hushes the sad voice of the past, and one is wrapt 
 in perfect enjoyment. 
 
 Venice, May 26th. I am almost surprised to find how fully 
 my own prophecies come true in the political world, I mean. 
 I have never for an instant doubted that we should come to 
 the breakers at last, and I think we are fairly arrived there 
 at the present time. The knell of the triple constitutional 
 power of England has rung ; the spirit of the age has 
 broken the balance, and it is absurd now to talk of Kings, 
 Lords, and Commons, when all exist in error or madness, or 
 rather do not exist at all. I beg your pardon for invading 
 you, in my turn, with a little bit of a political lucubration, 
 for you must be thoroughly drugged with that article ; but
 
 /El. 19 A ' POLITICAL LUCUBRATION ' 2* 
 
 I would only humbly exhort you, if I thought such exhorta- 
 tion necessary, to pay the king's taxes like an English 
 subject and a loyal one. I dare say you are not sorry, upon 
 the whole, that I am out of the way of all this toil and 
 trouble, and that I content myself with reading Galignani in 
 my gondola, instead of waging a war of words at the corner 
 of every street in London. For my part, I cannot sufficiently 
 rejoice at being out of word-shot of the two fierce parties 
 which I abhor and regard as equally destructive of the 
 national welfare and happiness. Happiness good God ! 
 what a word for us to write ! Perchance in thirty years 
 from the present time, peace and love may shine over the 
 cradles of our grandchildren ; but till then we may e'en 
 say ' Good-bye ' to anything like tranquillity in the old 
 island of England. I repeat, and will always repeat, my 
 dear mother, what I said in my last letter namely, that I 
 am here as one waiting for a summons to return to you ; let 
 it come to-day or to-morrow, but let it not come too late. 
 What do you wish me to do if war breaks out on the 
 Continent? There is to be as I have said already no 
 peace at home or abroad ; therefore, where stand we ? I 
 hate this paltry martyrdom for opinions of a day, for laws 
 which are but scrolls to be burnt or effaced in blood ; and I 
 believe that the spirit of Eevolution has never walked in our 
 days by the side of true religion. I would that I knew how 
 to walk steadier than walks our world. Our faith lives by 
 suffering, and not by crime; and all we can hope is, that 
 the prayers of those who suffer will be stronger than the 
 curses of those who persecute. 
 
 Surely, this is a very remarkable letter for a lad still four 
 months short of nineteen, who neither belonged to a political 
 family nor had been thrown by circumstances into the clash of 
 political factions. The bitterness and the cocksureness of 
 youth are indeed there, but the formulation of opinion is no 
 less noteworthy than the correctness of the diction or the 
 neatness of the handwriting. And having relieved his soul of 
 the ' political lucubration,' he continued in a more personal 
 narrative. 
 
 The Lido is an island about six miles long, which forms 
 a part of the circlet of islands which serve as so many
 
 24 IMPRESSIONS OF VENICE 1832 
 
 breakwaters to the town of Venice. On the side opposite 
 the city lies the burial-ground of the Jews ; and oftentimes, 
 seated on some Hebrew tomb, my friend and I have watched 
 the sun setting over the towers and churches of Venice, till 
 it is hid behind the faint line of the Alps in the distant 
 horizon ; or we walk along the beach on the other side, 
 whence one discovers nothing but the blue surface of the 
 Adriatic, speckled with the white lateen sails of the vessels 
 from the Greek islands, or here and there the broad white 
 
 canvas of some larger ship Every evening we visit 
 
 some new island in the neighbourhood of the city. Thus 
 we have seen the island of the Cemetery, to which the coffins 
 of all those who die in the Republic are brought ; the 
 Armenian convent, at about four miles from the city, with 
 its bright red church and walls ; the arsenal which sent 
 forth the armament of Lepanto, and a thousand others. 
 .... Last night we spent some hours in the botanical 
 garden, which is more like a pleasure garden than a stiff 
 place of classified plants. There was nobody there, for there 
 is nobody anywhere at Venice except on the Place St. Mark. 
 We were accompanied by an old gardener, who showed us, 
 with delight, his cacti and his pelargoniums di Inghilterra, 
 and his roses of Italy in full bloom. He gave us each a 
 nosegay of his best flowers, and took us to the sweetest 
 nooks you can imagine ; to an arbour, for instance, where 
 the tomb of some old abbot served for a table for the 
 garden is on the site of an abolished monastery and whence 
 we looked over the calm lagunes to the mountains of the 
 Tyrol, hiding their summits of snow in the mist of light 
 which haunts the horizon of the north of Italy. 
 Venice, May 30th. You will, no doubt, be delighted to 
 hear that I have given up all poetical scribbling, journalising, 
 and writing in general, which is a vast economy in stationery. 
 Nevertheless, when I am under the wings of Schelling, I 
 will try to pen something worthy of the 'Foreign Quarterly.' 
 I intend to write notes on the men I see in Germany, which 
 may serve to amuse you when we meet, and which I may, 
 at some later period, work up into a form analogous to 
 Mme. de StaeTs book, the which is now completely aged ; 
 for since her day religion has become philosophy, and
 
 ^T. 19 LIFE AT MUNICH 25 
 
 philosophy religion. The tree planted by Kant has borne 
 its fruits and flowers ; and in England people remain all the 
 while in marvellous ignorance of the land which sent forth 
 Luther, the printing-press, and gunpowder, and which will, 
 ID my opinion, be the mother of the great revolutions which 
 the signs of our own times announce. 
 
 His movements on leaving Venice are told, in a few 
 words, in the Journal : 
 
 At Innsbruck, Sigismond and I parted he for Vienna, I 
 for Munich ; and though we continued to correspond, I never 
 lived in his intimacy again. 
 
 I was charmed with Munich, and took lodgings in the 
 Friihlings Strasse. Schelling, to whom I had letters, 
 received me kindly, and I resolved to follow his lectures. I 
 wrote poetry in abundance and with great facility, some of 
 which is not absolutely worthless. 
 
 A fuller idea of his manner of life is given in his letters 
 to his mother. 
 
 Munich, June 23rJ. Here the king governs his people 
 by poetry and painting ; he invites them to walk in his 
 palaces and to feast upon the canvas of Italy and the marble of 
 Greece. He meets them nightly in the beautiful theatre, where 
 one hears none of the dramatic ribaldry of the nineteenth 
 century, but the pure and noble and grand poetry of Goethe 
 and Schiller and Korner, which alternates with the music of 
 Weber, or from time to time of Kossini. I know not what 
 it may be for the natives, but for a stranger it is the best and 
 politest Government I ever lived under, inasmuch as it 
 studies the art of giving pleasure, which is rare enough in 
 our days 
 
 From seven till ten I am engaged with my German ; 
 then till twelve I write letters or read. At twelve I go out 
 to read the papers, to call on Schelling or Lord Erskine, 1 or 
 to the picture gallery or the statue gallery. At two I dine 
 at the table d'hote of the best inn for 2 fr. 10 sous (with 
 wine), and mix a little with my fellow-creatures. The dinner 
 lasts two hours. From four to half-past six I walk with 
 
 1 The English Minister.
 
 26 LIFE AT MUNICH 1832 
 
 my beloved Trevor ' in the English gardens. At half-past 
 six I go to the theatre, which ends at nine ; and from nine 
 to eleven I prepare my German lesson for the following 
 day. My time, you see, is divided as regularly as Alfred's, 
 and nothing happens in this peaceful city to disturb the easy 
 current of the life I lead. 
 
 Gradually, as he made acquaintances, the young student 
 modified the rigour of this routine ; but he continued work- 
 ing hard at German, of which, by the end of August, he 
 had gained a fairly adequate knowledge. According to the 
 Journal : 
 
 In the autumn I went a tour to Dresden and 
 Frankfort. Spent some days with the Beckers at Offenbach 
 and on the Khine. At Dresden I called on the old poet 
 Tiedge, and I also made the acquaintance of Tieck, and 
 heard him read ' Borneo and Juliet ' in German, for which he 
 was celebrated ; but he read excessively fast and without 
 much effect. The Dresden and Munich galleries were my 
 schools of art, and gave me that strong taste for pictures 
 which has been one of the great pleasures of my life. 
 Goethe was dead 2 when I reached Weimar. Carlyle had 
 given me a letter to him. But I saw Mme. Ottilie v. Goethe,* 
 who received me very cordially. 
 
 Keboul and Prevost came to see me on my return to 
 Munich ; here I made the acquaintance of Edwin Hill 
 Handley, and he fell in love with Delphine v. Schauroth. 
 Count Max Taufkirchen took a fancy to me and presented 
 me to the Court society Mme. de Cetto's, Mme. de 
 Kechberg's, &c. and took me to the great winter chasse of 
 Prince Max zu Baiern. The winter was very gay. I was 
 ires lie with Michael Beer, 4 author of ' Struensee,' and he 
 introduced me to the artists, &c. I worked pretty hard, 
 however ; read and translated Mackeldey's ' Boman Law ; ' 
 attended Schelling's lectures ; learned German well ; and 
 wrote a great article (my first attempt) against the Beform 
 
 1 His dog. See ante, p. 13, and post, p. 30. 
 1 He died March 22nd, 1832. 
 
 1 Widow of Goethe's only son, who died October 28th, 1830. 
 4 A younger brother of Meyerbeer, at this time 32 years old, of some- 
 repute as a poet, and wealthy.
 
 ASx. 20 EDWIN HILL HANDLEY 27 
 
 Bill, which I sent to the ' Quarterly Keview.' It was not 
 published ; but Lockhart approved it, and old John Murray 
 called on me at Hampstead in consequence. 
 
 The flesh of this skeleton is supplied by the letters to 
 Mrs. Keeve : 
 
 Munich, November 3rd. I have made a new and very 
 remarkable acquaintance. This is a Mr. Handley, well 
 known to Arthur Martineau, Kemble, the Bullers, and fifty 
 other of our friends. You may imagine the pleasure with 
 which I met in this wide and lonely heaven a star 
 wandering, like myself, from the constellation to which he 
 belongs ; but my pleasure amounted to delight when I dis- 
 covered in this Mr. Handley the marks of deep and original 
 thought, considerable acquirements, and, above all, a vast 
 sympathy in my present and future tastes. If Sigismond is 
 th type of my past, I feel convinced that this individual, in 
 principle if not in person, is the representative of my future. 
 He is a feature in the countenance of England which I 
 must learn to know if I am to learn to live. We are at 
 issue on innumerable points, and so much the more united on 
 those on which we agree. He is republican and un Jiomme de 
 mouvement. Above all, the point which strikes me at the 
 present moment as the one of the greatest practical utility 
 to me, is the essentially communicable or catching ardour 
 which he displays in working out his knowledge. He is the 
 man who is necessary to me, and I feel him to be, in one 
 sense, my Messias, believing as I do that all men are sent 
 to their tasks, and brought to the field of action where 
 their free will displays itself. I am not in the habit of 
 engoueing myself to people. My friends have all been made 
 by slow stages, and I stand in the power of none of them, 
 not even of the dearest. My sudden attachment to this 
 man is merely an exemplification of our old Bonstetten's 
 very sensible remark : ' J'ai vu les amities les plus profondes 
 naitre presque instantanement ; c'est que le cceur a son tact 
 pour le sentiment profond comme le genie a le sien pour les 
 conceptions profondes.' This liaison, however, is but an 
 acquaintance at present an intimate one to be sure, and 
 which lacks nothing but confidence to make it a friendship ;
 
 28 IMPRESSIONS OF GERMANY 1832-3 
 
 but I never give confidence ; I sell it on grand occasions 
 only. I never, to tell the truth, remember to have confided 
 in any human being except yourself. I am, of course, very 
 curious to know what you will be able to learn as to this 
 man ; he may be an intellectual sharper, but, if he is, he is 
 a very clever one. . . . Handley is neither richer nor poorer 
 than myself ; older and wiser he is, and from those best of 
 fortunes I am free largely to borrow, as my Aunt and Uncle 
 Philip are with you. 
 
 Munich, December %lth. I have been meditating for the 
 last few days a proposition which will no doubt astonish 
 you ; it is, to speak without further preface, to ask leave of 
 you to return to England in March instead of in September. 
 My reasons are manifold. In the first place, the great 
 object of my tour in Germany is accomplished. I have 
 acquired the language sufficiently for all purposes of study, 
 and by the time I mention I shall have accomplished a 
 succinct but general view of the whole body of Roman Law. 
 I shall have heard the first metaphysician of the age 
 enough to see that I differ from him on many points, and 
 that there are no metaphysics in the world worth anything 
 except the readings of a man's own heart, except the work 
 and fruit of self-inspection. I have seen much of art, and 
 have arrived at some understanding of it ; and, above all, 
 I have caught a glimpse of my future which has co- 
 ordinated the developernent of such activity and capacity as 
 I possess. But my reasons for returning to England are, 
 that I am convinced that the system of German study is 
 essentially vague, and not practical; that there is little 
 intimate connexion between thought and action ; that the 
 lore of their schools is over-dusty, and the language of the 
 wise men over-dogmatical ; that, in short, the speculative 
 has overgrown and overtopped the real. I therefore question 
 whether the advantages I can gain in Germany are worth 
 the sacrifice of half your income, and whether it would not 
 be far more advantageous to me to keep my terms now, and 
 to leave myself a little space of time three years hence, after 
 the terms are kept, to be employed in travelling or as cir- 
 cumstances may dictate. If I return, I shall spend the 
 summer and autumn with you at Hampstead, and go into
 
 JEr. 20 GERMANY AND THE GERMANS 29 
 
 chambers and a special pleader's office at the beginning of 
 winter. 
 
 Munich, January 14th, 1833. I am still anxiously 
 waiting for your answer about my returning home. ... I 
 confess I look forward with great hope and longing to the 
 time of my leaving Germany, to which I am very ready to 
 bid a long adieu. . . . The Germans are the most unin- 
 teresting nation in the world. One gives them credit for 
 erudition because one rarely hears any foolishness in their 
 mouths ; but their ideas lie bedridden in their brains, and 
 when they come out in words they stumble about most 
 clumsily. The Germans are the owls who only come out in 
 the night, ' wherein no man shall work.' To-night, however, 
 I am going to see the Teutons the Suabian swains in a 
 new scene. Handley and I are going to a masked ball at 
 the opera, as Faust and Mephistopheles, to play off our 
 pranks with the rest. Thus much must be said for the 
 Germans, that their kings, princes, and beer-drinkers of 
 lowest degree are always ready to mingle together where 
 beer is to be had. For me, however, who am no beer- 
 drinker and not a great masker, this carnival brings little 
 besides that word which I hope other years and other 
 carnivals will bring me also : I mean the word ' study.' 
 
 Munich, January 23rd. Beer and I are actually begin- 
 ning to talk about trunks and post-horses "We intend 
 
 to start somewhere between February 25th and March 1st. 
 We shall go through Paris, stay there about a week, and be with 
 you the 10th or 15th of March. ... It is with true pleasure 
 indeed that I shall quit this strange outlandish vie de gargon, 
 and with deep joy that I shall again find myself beside you-. 
 .... Germany is the only country for which I have at any 
 time conceived, by experience, a positive dislike, because it 
 is the only country where one does not find the vulgar 
 virtues which oil the wheels of life. . . . It is the land which 
 has in it the least noble and generous feeling, and perhaps the 
 least truth in all Europe. I have read Mrs. Trollope's tour 
 in America ; but Mrs. Trollope may yet reserve herself for 
 Germany, where she will find a rich appendix to her former 
 volumes. 
 
 Returning to the Journal for a few lines :
 
 30 RETURNS TO ENGLAND 1833 
 
 Towards the end of the carnival, the King gave a masked 
 ball in lieu of Prince Max, and as I was going to the one I 
 went to the other. I had not been presented at Court 
 because I was a student. 
 
 I went in Madame de Taufkirchen's quadrille, en Boh&me, 
 and my lady was Baroness Bitter. Michael Beer was to 
 have been of this quadrille, but the king said he could not 
 receive a Jew, whereupon Beer took a fever and died [March 
 22nd]. I nursed him to the last. Handley, meanwhile, 
 engaged himself to Delphine v. Schauroth. 
 
 Many circumstances, and especially the death of his 
 friend Beer, concurred in delaying Reeve's departure from 
 Munich till March 29th, and the correspondence with his 
 mother ended, for the time, with a letter giving an affecting 
 account of Beer's death, announcing his probable arrival in 
 London on April 10th, and continuing 
 
 Nuremberg, March 3Qth. It has cost me much to quit a 
 place where all, from the King to my washerwoman, have 
 striven which shall oblige and befriend me most. What- 
 ever may be my opinion of Germans and Germany and 
 certainly I have acquired no great predilection for either one 
 or the other it would be most unfair, or rather most un- 
 righteous, in me not to bear a full testimony of gratitude to 
 
 the Munich people I have given away Trevy : first, 
 
 because it was impossible to take him with us, and secondly, 
 because he will be well taken care of where he is. Mais cela 
 m'a beaucoup coute. 
 
 On returning to England, where he remained during the 
 rest of 1833 and the whole of 1834, Reeve lived for the most 
 part with his mother at Hampstead, reading some law 
 and dabbling in literature. He was introduced to Mr. 
 Wentworth Beaumont, M.P. for South Northumberland, 
 who had lately started the 'British and Foreign Review* and 
 for this Reeve began to write regularly. He published also 
 some translations in the ' Monthly Magazine,' and wrote a 
 poem ' Laocoon ' which remained in manuscript. There 
 are, naturally, very few letters of this date ; but it appears 
 that in August 1833 he was visiting his uncle, John Taylor, 
 in North Wales, and went on to Liverpool, where he was 
 introduced to Roscoe, Mrs. Hemans, and some others, who 
 then gave a certain literary reputation to that essentially
 
 JEn. 21 ' BRITISH AND FOREIGN REVIEW ' 31 
 
 commercial town. Afterwards, probably in October, he 
 visited his friend Handley, who had married at Munich and 
 was then at Cambridge, where Reeve made the acquaintance 
 of Kemble, Whewell, Tennyson, and Christopher Wordsworth. 
 He then settled down at Hampstead for the winter, reading, 
 writing, philosophising, and smoking. 
 
 To Mr. E. H. Handley 
 
 Hampstead, December 3rd. 
 
 MY DEAR HANDLEY, This letter is professedly and ab 
 initio a troublesome one ; and to judge a priori,! should think 
 it would rather excite your choler than your kindness. You 
 hate shopping, I ask you to shop; you despise grocers, 
 I crave grocery; you are married, and I smoke tobacco. 
 In this lies, without more preface, the sum total of my 
 prayer. I have already consumed the store of stout tobacco- 
 coils with which I left Cambridge, partly in the elucidation of 
 Dante's theosophical opinions, partly in a comparison of 
 Odin, Fo, Buddha, and Hercules, and chiefly in the solace of 
 my lonely and inactive hours. Now, if you have either 
 affection or regard for any of my heroes, esteem for their 
 characters or friendship for myself, I must beg you, when 
 you come back to town, to bring me a pound of the 
 Varinas tobacco which John Kemble smokes. He will tell 
 you where it is to be gotten. 1 
 
 After this indecent merriment on grave subjects, I have 
 scarce any courage to enter upon loftier themes. I must 
 not, however, fail to say that I hope you have gotten the 
 portraits long ago, as I forwarded them to your father a 
 week since. 
 
 I had an argument the other night with an Anglo-Saxon 
 scholar on the derivation of the Saxon Alderman (quasi 
 elder-man or chief) and of the Norwegio-Danish Jarl, which, 
 after the Danish invasions, became Earl in English. I 
 maintained I know not with what truth that these two 
 words were strictly sisters, and that, as they both imply 
 supremacy, so they must both be formed from a root 
 signifying age, power, valour, or the like, by which supremacy 
 
 1 We now consider this form as peculiarly American. It is, therefore, 
 worth noting that in 1833 it was still familiarly used by a young literary 
 student, presumably quite up to date.
 
 32 ITALIAN POETRY 1834 
 
 may be acquired. I beg you to refer this matter to J. K., 
 and to favour me with your own lights upon the subject. 
 Camden seems to favour my opinion ; but my antagonist 
 maintains that they have no radical connexion. 1 
 
 I am immersed in the ' Paradise.' By the way, I have 
 been delighted by a commentary which, perhaps, even you 
 are not familiar with I mean Dante's own essay on the 
 ' Paradiso,' given in a Latin letter to the Can Grande della 
 Scala di Verona, to whom the third part of the ' Divina 
 Commedia ' is dedicated. From this letter, turn it and pervert 
 it as they will, the Allegorists have no appeal. Kossetti is 
 to Dante what Dupuis is to all mythology and Scripture a 
 blasphemous heresiarch. By the same arguments, one 
 might prove that Milton's ' Paradise Lost ' is a satire on his 
 times, Charles being represented by Lucifer, and Oliver 
 Cromwell by God. All I can say is, in Dante's own words, 
 'Vivit Dominus, quique movit linguam in asina Balaam, 
 Dominus est etiam modernorum brutorum.' What shall 
 we say of a man who, whilst the hierarchies of angels 
 and the hosts of Christ are passing before him, takes 
 them for fat Guelphs and lean Ghibellines ? Don Quixote's 
 illusions were rational aye, sublime compared to this; 
 inasmuch as it is better to take a wench for an angel than 
 an angel for a wench. Good-bye, my dear fellow. Kemember 
 me kindly to all the Transcendentalists, and present my 
 best regards to Mrs. and Miss Handley, to whom, as well as 
 to yourself, my mother desires to be particularly commended 
 and recalled. Believe me, yours ever, 
 
 HENRY KEEVE. 
 
 P.S. Don't forget the pigtail, as the sailor said. 
 
 February 7th. In the introduction to your translation, 
 since Schelling is the object and positive substance of the 
 work, I hope you will make due mention of Giordano Bruno, 
 and especially of Hamann, whom Goethe styled the father 
 of the German philosophy, and whom I have heard Schelling 
 himself mention as the Urquelle of his system. Of the man 
 and of his works I know nothing, except that he died in 
 1780 ; consequently a few years before Kant published his 
 
 1 According to the N. E. D., ' the notion that eorl is a corruption of ealdor is 
 wholly untenable.'
 
 JET. 21 GERMAN PHILOSOPHY 38 
 
 *Kritik.' I forgot to send you F. Schlegel's 'Philosophic 
 des Lebens,' which you can have if you please ; but as there 
 is nothing historical in it, I question if it will help you 
 much. For the worst of our dogmatising friends is, that 
 they all dogmatise at once, producing a rude chord which is 
 anything but an accord. 
 
 VOL. I.
 
 34 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 EARLY MANHOOD 
 
 LITTLE as there is for the biographer to record of 1834, the 
 year had a very singular influence on Reeve's life. It was 
 then, whilst living in London, that, primarily through the 
 Austins, he became acquainted with many of the best people 
 in the literary world ; among whom he names the Bullers, 
 Romillys, Grotes, Seniors, Sterlings, Carlyles, Hayward, 
 Prandi, 1 George Lewis, Bellenden Ker, and Mrs. Somerville. 
 Through the Taylors he also made several acquaintances- 
 more or less distinguished in science ; and his residence at 
 Hampstead brought him into contact with the Longmans, 
 Hodgsons, and Mrs. Joanna Baillie. It is difficult to over- 
 estimate the importance of these acquaintances many of 
 which ripened into intimacies and life-long friendships to 
 a young man just entering on a literary career. Nor was it 
 in London only that these openings presented themselves. 
 His Journal tells how 
 
 In January, 1835, I went to Paris and established 
 myself in the Place de 1'Odeon. Amedee Prevost introduced 
 me to Lamartine, Alfred de Vigny, the Deschamps ; and I 
 knew Augustin Barbier. I soon found myself in excellent 
 literary society. Thackeray was in Paris. I visited the 
 prisons and wrote an account of them. This led to an 
 intimacy with L6on Faucher, which only ended with his 
 life. 
 
 Reeve's principal object in visiting Paris at this time 
 was to obtain some insight into the practical working of 
 French criminal law, the effect of the ' circonstances 
 attenuantes,' and the management of French prisons ; as to 
 which he reported at length to his uncle, John Austin, then 
 a member of the Criminal Law Commission, and which 
 he afterwards made the subject of an article in the ' British 
 
 1 Cf. ante, p. 21.
 
 /Ex. 22 LETTERS TO HIS MOTHER 85 
 
 and Foreign Review.'' His letters to his mother contain 
 Speriences C of dnine 6 " 6 StU<IieS ' M We " ** of ^ is socTal 
 
 to H a , but y ' an s 
 
 to Handley, which were at this time 
 
 nenfort *." .^ * 
 
 iterestmg for the very frank opinions of the books he read 
 
 and of the men he met ; men familiarly known to us in the 
 full dress of society, but here introduced in dressing gown 
 and slippers The judgements were, of course, imrna uf e g bS 
 it was with the immaturity of youthful conceit, founded on a 
 singularly wide-extended reading and knowledge of soc^v 
 Manyyears afterwards, in a rei 
 
 stift than at the present day ; and also, that when a clever lad 
 of twenty delivers an opinion upon literature or politics it 
 apt, from its youthful superficiality, to appear mLeprigdsh 
 than it is in reality. Moreover, the letters are writ eft o 
 his mother, to whom the lad naturally desired to show h^ 
 iterary knowledge and political attainments." But apart 
 from these peculiarities incidental to twenty-one there 
 can be no doubt that in these familiar letters he was' tram! 
 ng himself, all unconsciously, to the quick insight and 
 ^Sle^S 1 * he ^ ^-rdsl turn fo suS! 
 
 To Mrs. Reeve 
 
 Paris, January Uth. -Thackeray is flourishing, and 
 after the opera we took tea, and had a long talk of the 
 domgs of French artists. He complains of the impurity of 
 their ideas, and of the jargon of a corrupt life which they 
 so unwisely admit into their painting-rooms. Thackeray's 
 drawing-* I may judge by his note-book-is as pure and 
 accurate as any I have seen. He is a man whom I would 
 willingly set to copy a picture of Raphael's, as far at least as 
 the drawing goes ; but he does not seem likely to get into a 
 system of massive colouring, if I may judge by what he said. 
 Yesterday (Wednesday) was a busy day for me. I spent an 
 our in the morning with M. de Vigny, author of 'Stello,' to 
 
 1 Vol. ii., Art. v. Moral Statistics Prisons of Paris.' 
 2 Edinburgh Rcvieiv, April 1890, p. 309. 
 
 D2
 
 36 LETTER TO HANDLEY 1835 
 
 whom Provost introduced me. I have long considered him 
 as the most delicate and satisfactory writer of the new 
 French school, and so I found him in conversation. I told 
 him such was the opinion of my best English friends and 
 myself. He is now bringing out a play founded on the 
 death of Chatterton that is to say, 'of Chatterton the 
 marvellous boy ; ' for of Horace Walpole's correspondent, 
 Beckford's assailant, and the booksellers' hireling, the 
 French poet knows but little. Lamartine is convinced that 
 party politics are his vocation, and a committee of the 
 Chamber his Parnassus, so he has given up his verses and 
 talks mighty things on the tobacco monopoly. Hugo has 
 fallen rather low, and is so mad, so childish, and so black- 
 guard that all his acquaintance have cut him, or he them. 
 I saw him at the Bibliotheque du Hoi, but did not care to 
 renew our acquaintance. 
 
 To Mr. E. II. Ilandley 
 
 Paris, January 1.7th. My business here is chiefly to re- 
 port to Mr. Austin on the nature of the application of capital 
 punishment in France, to visit the new normal schools, and 
 to pursue my old scholastic lore in the libraries here. These 
 several pursuits have contributed to bring me into closer 
 connexion with Cousin, who is good enough to receive me 
 into the cabinet of the philosopher, after he has terminated 
 his misplaced daily toil in the Chambre des Pairs. I am happy 
 to say that he still lingers in the groves, not of the Academic 
 Fran9aise, but of the Academy he has himself planted in 
 France. He is publishing a MS. of Abelard and a com- 
 mentary of Olympiodorus, which will be of great value. We 
 talked of Coleridge. Cousin, judging him from the ' Aids to 
 Reflection/ observed that 'en traversant 1'espace il a emprunte 
 les rayons du soleil, sans arriver a son globe merne.' This 
 globe, this true and massive sun, existed no doubt in 
 Coleridge's mind, and will perhaps be given to the world in 
 his posthumous work; but I think Cousin is right. The 
 abrupt and irregular style of Coleridge's philosophical essays 
 is like the chequering and reflected play of rays and 
 emanations from a great luminary, of which, as yet, we 
 know but little.
 
 Mt. 22 SOCIETY IN PARIS 37 
 
 January ISth. At this point yesterday, Barbier entered 
 and sat with me two hours. I could scarcely believe that 
 eighteen solemn months have passed since we three were 
 roaming together on Hampstead Heath; for this steady 
 pause and seclusion have so checked the more rapid habits 
 of my life that I watch the paces of Time and Man with 
 great wonder. Cras ingens iterabimus cequor. And yet I 
 know not why we should extend our mazes over the surface 
 of the world, when every point of earth or water over which 
 we linger for an hour has in its solid depths and pure 
 heights enough to fill and rule our lives. 
 
 But to return to Barbier. He is but little changed, but 
 that little is for the better. His spirit of rebuke is less 
 rough, but more stern ; his enmity to evil less rancorous, 
 but more inexorable ; his attachment clings less to the 
 blandishments and more to the wisdom of art. In the 
 workings which have thus far strengthened and secured his 
 mind, I doubt not that some good work, or at least the 
 materials for it, have been produced. But, as you know, I 
 never ask for admittance behind the scenes of my friends' 
 theatres, believing that, if I am ever to judge their works 
 fairly and honestly, I must sit where the world sits, in front, 
 in the pit. 
 
 I have been introduced to M. de Vigny, whom I like 
 exceedingly. I told him what you and myself thought of 
 his ' Stello,' at which he was much pleased. In the man I 
 find the same delicacy and graceful anticipation of pleasant 
 thoughts which characterise his book. I mean by this 
 anticipation, that he penetrates and harmonises in conversa- 
 tion with the person whom he listens to or addresses a rare 
 quality when it is in presence and amalgamated with the 
 insoluble salt of French wit. De Vigny is about to bring 
 out a little drama in three acts, on the story of Chatterton, 
 or rather on his version of that story ; for I soon found out 
 that his Chatterton was a mere abstraction founded on a 
 succinct account of the lad in a prefix to his works. I am 
 afraid that it will be too dreamy and bloodless a piece for 
 the French to applaud, and too ludicrously un-English for 
 me to approve.
 
 38 VISITS THE CRIMINAL COURTS 1835 
 
 To Mrs. Reeve 
 
 January 22nd. Just as I was sitting down to write this 
 morning the excellent Count Leo Thun came in, and we 
 have been to the Criminal Courts of Assize together. I felt a 
 pleasure in the company of one so good in a place where 
 levity, severity, and vice were so strangely mingled. The 
 more I read of criminal law, and the more I see of its 
 practice, the more horror do I feel for these false and 
 monstrous punishments, which tend to congeal the heart in 
 its worst form, and to close the mind in its worst ignorance. 
 The prisoner whom I saw tried to-day was condemned to seven 
 years' travaux forces for a robbery which he had committed 
 on the very day that he was discharged from prison for a 
 previous offence. They termed him incorrigible and who 
 in that horrible Bicetre had attempted to correct or reform 
 him? They taught him half his infamy, and they con- 
 demned him to bear the whole weight of it for ever. No 
 observations I have made on the insane have given me half 
 the pangs or recoil from human suffering that I endure in 
 this study of criminal procedure. . . . 
 
 January 28th. The most remarkable visit I have 
 recently made was to M. de Balzac, and I am indeed em- 
 barrassed by the attempt to give you the faintest idea of 
 this extraordinary man : such a singular contrast of pro- 
 found philosophy more of intuition than of analysis com- 
 bined with the variety and prodigality of an Eastern story- 
 teller, expressed in a copious and brilliant language, fre- 
 quently degenerating into the violence or rising into the 
 ostentation of positive insanity, I have never met with. 
 Balzac was seated in an elegant apartment, situated at the very 
 extremity of this side of Paris, which he took because from 
 some whim or strange reason the house is called ' La Fabrique 
 de 1'Absolu.' To this Fabrique we found our way, and at 
 the end of a long low room, as it were between a study and 
 a boudoir, we found the Magician himself, surrounded by 
 proofs and manuscripts which he was correcting and com- 
 posing with a rapidity that sets all the printers of Paris at 
 naught. He talked chiefly of himself, with the most bois- 
 terous and fantastical self-acclamation, for it was more than
 
 JEt. 5>2 INTRODUCED TO BALZAC 39 
 
 approbation ; above all, he drew out the lines and castrame- 
 tation of his great work l before us, to which all that he 
 has at present written belongs, and which will contain the 
 circumstances of human life in all their variety, the motives 
 and principles of human action in their irrevocable ten- 
 dencies, and, thirdly, the causes of activity, and of thinking, 
 and willing, in their permanent unity a work which will 
 reach at least to forty enormous volumes, and will in all 
 probability remain incomplete from the death or madness of 
 its author the builder of a Babel which he intends to be a 
 mark to all nations, and to overshadow the earth. . . . 
 
 To Mr. E. H. Handley 
 
 Paris, February 2nd. I was introduced to M. de Balzac 
 by Prevost about a week ago ; he resides near the Observa- 
 tory, in a house over which is inscribed ' La Fabrique de 
 1'Absolu.' This pertinent epigraph determined his choice of 
 an abode. In my conversation with him I tried to raise 
 him out of his detestable forms and his mendacious con- 
 ceptions of human life into the region of those abstruse 
 contemplations where I think him supereminently great. 
 It is strange that a man, more conversant than any of his 
 contemporaries with the Eomance of the Human Soul, 
 should so utterly degrade the activity of man by separating 
 it from all high principle. He has written in the godlessness 
 of a strong wit, saying, ' Let us form men and genii ; the 
 men of clay, the genii of smoke ; let us create ; let us people 
 the streets with a bad throng, for to-morrow we die.' But 
 the excess of his vanity prevented me from drawing any 
 distinct principle from him. He declaimed for an hour on 
 the extent of his labours, which, when terminated > will 
 consist of three parts : the first is to be the mirror of human 
 life, the vanities and vices and distinctions and sexes of 
 the world ; the second, of which the ' Physiologic du 
 Mariage ' is a specimen, will exhibit by an elaborate analysis 
 
 1 La Com6die Humaine. The history of the idea may be read in Mme. 
 Surville's Balzac, sa Vie ct ses (Euvres, p. 95. For a full prospectus of the 
 great work, drawn up in 1845, see Ch. de LovenjouPs Histoire des (Euvres de 
 Balzac, p. 217. It was only about three-quarters done at the time of Balzac's 
 death, in 1850.
 
 40 VICTOR COUSIN 1835 
 
 the principles (as Balzac calls them), the motives (as I term 
 them) of social mankind ; lastly, the causes and the efficient 
 generation of human ideas will be unfolded in a book of 
 more abstruse doctrine. If Balzac wants a title for this 
 great labour, which, he says, will reach to at least forty 
 large octavos, I shall beg to suggest the parody of Dante's 
 ' Divina Commedia ' for this modern ' Commedia ' is tutta 
 diabolica 'La Diabolique Comedie du Sieur de Balzac.' 
 Alas ! my friend, I can scarce find courage to laugh at a 
 theory which is dragging down hundreds of young souls 
 into its pit with the impure claws of a ghoul. . . . 
 
 I have found a most efficient aid in Cousin in the study 
 of my scholastic philosophies. I believe I told you that he 
 is publishing a book of Magister Petrus ' entitled ' Sic et 
 Non,' which, however, I take to be more curious than 
 valuable, and not worth Roger Bacon's little finger. If you 
 can obtain a list of such MSS. of Abelardus as exist in the 
 library at Munich, you will greatly oblige us. The MSS. of 
 Occam are extremely rare ; there are none at Paris ; 
 I believe only one of the ' Logic ' at Oxford, and I conclude 
 that Munich must have the larger portion of them, since it 
 was the place of his refuge and death. I should be obliged 
 to you for a list of them if any exist. You should also visit 
 his tomb, on which Cousin says there is a very grand 
 inscription. Probably Schelling can furnish you with some 
 of these details, and I beg you to present him with the 
 united salutations of myself and my illustrious friend. You 
 would smile to see me by the side of the great French trans- 
 cendentalist, in the recesses of his study, the doors shut 
 upon the whole world and the table covered with monkish 
 penmanships and mountains of metaphysic. I reproach 
 Cousin, however, for busying himself overmuch with the 
 erudition of philosophy, when he is as competent to reap in 
 the field as to thrash in the garner ; I reproach him still 
 more for the part these absurd philosophists have induced 
 him to take in politics. 
 
 I attend the Acade'mie des Sciences Morales et 
 Politiques every Saturday, where I see Mignet, of whom I 
 judge most favourably as an historical thinker. Schelling 
 
 1 Sc. Abelardus.
 
 ^ET. 22 KENELM DIGBY 41 
 
 and my uncle, Mr. Austin, are corresponding members. 
 With the exception of one or two strong heads, and a great 
 many splendid reputations, the itching and scratching of all 
 Academics is a disgusting spectacle. . . . 
 
 To Mrs. Reeve 
 
 February 12th. Last Thursday, in the evening, Prevost 
 accompanied me to the house of M. de Lamartine. The 
 poet was nearly alone, but it was not the less difficult to 
 discover the author of the * Meditations ' and the ' Har- 
 monies ' in the politician busy with his salt and tobacco 
 monopolies and his savings banks. Now and then a swell 
 of Parnassian enthusiasm reminds one ' of that large utter- 
 ance of the earlier gods ; ' and the isolation in which his 
 political creed has placed him becomes a poet and a thinker 
 more than it assists a debater and a philanthropist. When 
 you read ' Stello,' which I beg you to do, you will see all 
 that is to be said on the fatal alliance of public power and 
 the private energy of a pure and contemplative soul very 
 admirably illustrated by M. de Vigny ; when you visit Paris 
 you will see an hundred victims of this new Juggernaut, 
 who descend into the valley to fight instead of remaining on 
 the mountain to pray. Mine, de Lamartine is an English- 
 woman, devoted to her husband ; that is to say, devoted to 
 making him a political hero. Alas ! for those false Pagans 
 who leave the Hall of Apollo for the House of Mercury. . . . 
 
 February 19th. When I last wrote I was on the eve of 
 dining with Mr. Digby, 1 and going to M. de Vigny 's 
 ' Chatterton ' and so, indeed, I passed my Thursday evening, 
 February 12th. Kemble's enthusiasm had shed such a glow 
 of chivalrous distinction on the person of his friend, that I 
 was almost surprised to see him without armour, or at least 
 a juste-au-corps of chamois leather. Moreover, the table at 
 which we dined was neither round nor knightly ; but Digby 
 himself is a man well worth knowing, and I derived much 
 benefit from his stores of monastic lore. I left his party 
 
 1 Kenelm Henry Digby, born in 1800, author of The Broad-Stone of Honour 
 (first published in 1822), and at a later period of numerous other works.. 
 He died in 1880,
 
 42 DE VIGNY'S ' CIIATTEHTON ' 1835 
 
 early to go to ' Chatterton,' which was received with triumphal 
 honours. Some critics, indeed, have been malicious enough 
 to publish an authentic biography of the boy, knave and 
 poet, which contrasts monstrously with M. de Vigny's pas- 
 sionate and high-minded sufferer ; . and others have detected 
 a defence of suicide in the language and actions of a youth 
 who is thus presented to the attention of a nation of 
 Chattertons. For my part, I found in the piece more sen- 
 timent than principle ; and although the said sentiment is, 
 by rare exception, pure and noble, all the soliloquies which 
 ever rang round the garrets of Shoe Lane, and all the powers 
 of M. de Vigny, will never make a healthy example or an 
 honourable poet out of a man as weak and vain as Chatter- 
 ton. The drama is therefore false. Had the character of 
 the hero remained such as it really was, it would have been 
 true to nature, and we should have bestowed upon him our 
 natural contempt ; but by changing the workings of his mind, 
 by substituting external pressure for internal decay, M. de 
 Vigny has failed in justifying his catastrophe. It is, how- 
 ever, a play of wonderful beauty, full of magical language, 
 and hidden springs of passion and thought flowing under the 
 surface of each character ; the acting can scarcely be sur- 
 passed, particularly that of Mme. Dorval, who plays Kitty 
 Bell, the hostess of Chatterton. . . . 
 
 February 25th. M. de Tocqueville's book, 'De la 
 Democratic en Amerique,' is a work of first-rate order ; l 
 perhaps the most important treatise on the Science of 
 States that has appeared since Montesquieu; and nothing 
 can be more worthy of attention and of thought. I decline 
 translating it, because I am determined never to write a 
 sentence which I do not believe in my inmost heart ; and I 
 admire Tocqueville as a philosophical opponent, as a man in- 
 
 1 Alexis, Comte de Tocqueville, bora in 1805, having studied law at Paris, 
 was, in 1827, appointed ' Juge Auditeur ' at Versailles, where he contracted an 
 intimate friendship with Gustave de Beaumont, one of his colleagues. During 
 some years he and Beaumont made a careful study of the prisons and bagnes 
 of France, and from April 1831 to March 1832 they travelled together in the 
 United States. On their return they published Du Systemc Ptnitentiaire aitx 
 ]tats-Unis, et de son application en France. In May 1832 Beaumont was 
 dismissed from his appointment, and Tocqueville resigned ; and, thus free from 
 the ties of office, devoted themselves at first solely to literature, though later 
 on, as will be seen, they took an active part in politics. With Tocqueville 
 Reeve became more especially intimate, though always on friendly terms with 
 .Beaumont.
 
 ^Ex. 22 ALEXIS DE TOCQUEVILLE 43 
 
 finitely valuable to me, because he forces me to furbish all 
 my powers in the great debate which he propounds ; but I 
 will not promulgate an erroneous doctrine, nor enter the 
 world with a list of articles in my hand which my hand 
 refuses to subscribe. . . . 
 
 The Lamartines are very kind to me. I go there every 
 Saturday evening, and the old harp-strings sometimes 
 vibrate for my sake. The impressions which the East has 
 made on M. de Lamartine are of a high and pure kind ; he 
 tells his travels beautifully, but in a few weeks all the world 
 will know how he tells them, for his ' Notes de Voyage ' will 
 be published. I thought of them for translation, but I find 
 that it would be a work of art, and to copy artfully is neither 
 an easy nor a gainful process. 
 
 To Mr. E. IL Handley 
 
 Paris, March Qnd. You are mistaken in supposing that 
 MSS. of the ' Sic et Non ' are rare ; but not the less sincere 
 are our thanks to Schmeller and yourself for the communi- 
 cation of the Munich MS. It seems to be more extensive 
 and more ancient than those of Marmoutiers and the 
 Abbaj^e de St. Michel, from which Cousin publishes his text. 
 Yesterday Cousin read a splendid account of his scholastic 
 hero, and digressed into a copious improvisation on the 
 characters of those two philosophic bruisers of Brittany, 
 Peter Abelard and Bene Descartes. You know that in all 
 questions of state and thought, of society and of man, I am 
 more prone to side with the bull which grazes than with the 
 bull which fights ; with the mariner sounding the depths and 
 watching the stars than with the naked tar who launches 
 his broadside and boards his foe ; with the sages who collect, 
 combine, and construct than with those who divide, repel, 
 and deny. But, although the bump of philosophic combative- 
 ness is but partially developed on my skull, I am sensible 
 that tempests which were strong to purify monastic crypts 
 and to purge monastic miasmata in the twelfth century must 
 have been tempests pregnant with a divine and heaven- 
 clearing fire. Cousin's error consists, in my mind, in his 
 imperfect knowledge of that constructive philosophy of
 
 44 VIEWS OF PARIS 1835 
 
 which John Scotus Erigena was the faint representative, 
 Thomas Aquinas the teacher, and Dante the master and the 
 poet. . . . 
 
 Kemble gave me a letter to his friend Kenelin Digby, 
 of whom you may know something. Digby is the true 
 descendant of the great man whose name he bears, a 
 Christian knight, a Catholic philosopher. At his house I 
 made the acquaintance of M. Kio, a man whom I have long 
 esteemed for his works, and who knows Schelling and 
 Gorres well. Another ward has been opened in the strange 
 Panopticon of which I find myself the central point. 
 
 I have four windows to my cell. From the first I 
 descry the populace of Paris, disguised in ribald masks, 
 drunk with the lusts and follies of the closing carnival, 
 laughing without mirth, swearing without a knowledge or a 
 faith of that by which they swear, intemperate without 
 enthusiasm, fickle without hope. . . . 
 
 From the second, I discover a more melancholy scene 
 the prisons of Paris, the death-beds of the poor, the idiot, 
 and the maniac. I have descended into the dungeon of the 
 assassin, into the cell of the galley-slave ; and if the empty 
 hearts and dead souls of the nation repelled me with dismay, 
 the unmixed ferocity, the entire recklessness, of the criminals 
 of France has overwhelmed me with horror. You know, 
 my dear friend, that I am no vain philanthropist, and that 
 the shapes I love are those of angels, not of men ; but I will 
 acknowledge that I had hitherto no conception or belief of 
 sin and depravity as great as what I have witnessed here. 
 By Heaven ! ' Per me si va nella citta dolente ' I have seen 
 Hell. I have gone down the subterranean staircase, and all 
 that I had read or recorded before were things and passages 
 belonging to the warmer surface of our earth. 
 
 The third aperture, if I may continue my metaphor, is 
 the one from which I discover the groups of good and great 
 men, who grow like plants rich in their own vegetation on 
 the borders of the still glowing crater. With these men I 
 mingle, with them I converse of the past and of the future, 
 and by their backward intuitions and high prognostications 
 I console myself for the hideous present. Amongst them I 
 may quote some names and persons known to you, and others
 
 uEr. 22 RIO AND BALLANCHE 45 
 
 whom you are likely to hear of De Vigny, with his quiet 
 and elegant sensibility ; Barbier, with his compassionate 
 philosophy mixed with so rare a power of rebuke ; De Wailly, 
 his most intimate friend, the translator of ' Hamlet ; ' Antony 
 Deschamps, the translator of Dante, whose only madness is 
 to believe himself mad, and who actually lives in a mad- 
 house under this conviction ; the stately and benevolent 
 Lamartine, whose madness is to believe himself a statesman, 
 and who harangues me and the Chambers on the matters of 
 salt and tobacco, and who is the poet in the man, instead of 
 being what the true bard should be, a perfect man in a 
 perfect poet ; lastly, the excellent Ballanche, whom I see 
 very frequently and whom I like better every time I see him. 
 One of my greatest pleasures has been to find that all the 
 opinions I had adopted or maintained in my discussion 
 on Hercules are in accordance with his. I hope that, by 
 my mediation, a complete edition of Vice's works will appear 
 before very long ; Ballanche is most fit and most willing to 
 co-operate in this good work. 
 
 My last look-out turns to the Catholic and untainted 
 few who cherish, in their learned leisure, the traditions of 
 aristocracy, monarchy, and Christianity. To these Bio and 
 Digby belong, and the English Catholics in Paris and a few 
 of the most eloquent disciples of that congregation. In this 
 calm society I have found more reflection than I could have 
 hoped to find in France ; but I have seen little or nothing of 
 the gaiety of the Court, where I will not, or the crowds 
 where I cannot, go. ... I see a great deal of the Thuns, 
 who are excellent. 
 
 To Mrs. Reeve 
 
 March 4th. I have become acquainted with M. Rio, 
 whose ' Histoire de 1'Esprit Humain ' I read at Geneva on 
 Roget's recommendation, and I have seldom met with a 
 person more bent on the same path and errands as myself. 
 He has a book now in the press which will, I imagine, 
 contain pretty nearly all that I had expressed in my Essays 
 on the Christian Philosophy of the Middle Ages as in 
 Ballanche's works I now find the greater part of my views
 
 46 NOTRE DAME 1835 
 
 on the History of Keligions ; but if I hereby lose the credit 
 which might have attached to the novelty of some of my 
 lucubrations, I am amply compensated by the assurance 
 that the road I have chosen is one trodden by a few good 
 men. In a country which I believed myself to be exploring 
 for the first time, I meet not only with a sign that the point 
 I have reached is noted in the minds and charts of men, but 
 I meet with the traveller himself, older and stronger than I 
 am, whom I have been fortunate enough to overtake, and 
 who may henceforth be my guide or my companion. The 
 course of life and thought is not indeed to reach any point 
 of repose, but to pass a perpetual line of starting-points, the 
 furthest of which is only a beginning. 
 
 March 12th. For the last week I have scarcely stirred 
 out, having had a great inclination to labour, and no 
 extraordinary enticements to draw me from my fireside. 
 Moreover, I have so many near neighbours, that I never 
 need to go far for amusement. Yesterday I called on my 
 old and illustrious friend Mickiewicz, whom I found fat- 
 tening in a neat and happy menage ; he has been married 
 for some months, and with the exception of occasional fits 
 of absence, such as forgetting his wife on the wedding day, 
 &c., he thrives exceedingly. He gave me a translation of a 
 new poem, which is admirably worthy of him. 
 
 March 21st. On Sunday morning, after reading your 
 letter, I started for Notre Dame with Leon Thun. We 
 arrived at half-past eleven, and the service was only to 
 begin at one o'clock ; but the whole nave of that vast 
 building was already filled ; in a short time the aisles and 
 the furthest chapels and confessionals were crowded by the 
 audience. The nave was railed in, and reserved for the 
 men ; and here was gathered a motley group of poets, 
 priests, philosophers, historians, scholars, young soldiers, 
 eleves de I'Ecole Poly technique, and every class of men capable 
 of following an argument, or desirous of a pretext of reason 
 for belief ; in the side aisles the high ladies of the Faubourg 
 St. Germain, the Duchess and the Chanoinesse of the Bestau- 
 ration, were heaped together promiscuously with the late 
 comers. In the centre of the church sat the archbishop, 
 simply dressed, with the clergy of Paris. In all, the
 
 Mi. 22 TIIE ABBE LACORDAIRE 4T 
 
 building might contain five to six thousand souls. At one- 
 o'clock the Abbe Lacordaire entered the pulpit. He is a 
 young man of mean appearance ; his person is insignificant 
 and his voice feeble. Nevertheless, for an hour and a half 
 he sustained a discourse of remarkable logic and energy; 
 never did words slacken to vent his ready thought, never 
 did the elevation of his subject baffle his eloquence or his 
 sincere philosophy. I, who am but a slender admirer of 
 pulpit eloquence at any time, could not but acknowledge 
 the solid arrangement of his subject, and the courage and 
 propriety of his illustrations. I have rarely carried away a 
 sermon, or rather discourse, so perfectly ; indeed, on coming 
 out, I repeated nearly the whole of it to Leon Thun, who- 
 from his deafness did not hear a word of it. To-morrow I 
 hope to get a better place. . . . 
 
 On Monday evening I dined with M. de Tocqueville ; he 
 is a very agreeable man, and the more I see his book (which 
 I have now nearly finished) the more I like it. My first 
 impression as to its democratic tendency was entirely 
 erroneous. He regards Democracy as the inevitable lot of 
 Europe, and as an evil which we had best prepare to meet, 
 since we cannot escape it. He will be in England in a 
 month, and I shall hope to get him to Hampstead on my~ 
 return. 
 
 March 297* . The attack of sore-throat has made way 
 for a very severe ordinary cold in my head, and before you 
 get this epistle I shall be quite recovered. Barbier continues 
 his amiable visits, and he and my doctor want to persuade 
 me to go to Lyons and thence down the Rhone, to spend a 
 few weeks in Provence. The truth is that I do not want 
 much persuading, and if you see no objection I shall very 
 likely devote a month to this excursion. Besides the plea- 
 sure of the climate and of seeing our colony at Marseilles, I 
 want to stay a few days at Avignon and its neighbourhood, 
 which has so long ' detained my predilection,' as Win. Taylor- 
 says ; and I want to see one of the Bagnes, to complete my 
 studies on secondary punishments in France. 
 
 Last Wednesday was my friend Montalembert's first 
 soiree. I arrived late, having dined with Thackeray and his 
 grandmother at the other end of the Champs-Elysees ; but.
 
 48 MONTALEMBEIIT 183> 
 
 the rooms were still filled with a notable company, though 
 I met Ballanche on the stairs and Rio in the hall. The 
 Abbe Lacordaire, whose preaching I described in my last, 
 was there ; as simple and unaffected in the world as he is 
 puissant in the pulpit ; Digby, with his large person, and 
 quiet learned countenance ; and others of all sects and 
 schools and ranks. The rooms were simply decorated with 
 several old Italian pictures, a copy of the portrait of the 
 Virgin by ' Beatus Lucas,' vulgarly supposed to be St. Luke, 
 and that same little German lithography in three compart- 
 ments which we possess and admire. The library is a small 
 room most richly filled with the learning and the poetry of 
 the Middle Ages and the Church. 
 
 April 5th. It is clear for several reasons that the sooner 
 I return the better. My aunt's departure leaves you in a 
 solitude which is neither expedient nor agreeable for you. 
 The acquaintance of Lord Lansdowne is too important for 
 me not to catch at it ; and the intelligence you give about 
 Tocqueville's book decides me to come over and join 
 you in the translation of it. I was strangely mistaken in 
 my appreciation of its democratic tendencies when first I 
 read it ; I now know the author, and sympathise with his 
 views. 
 
 April 8th. Yesterday, par grand extraordinaire, a circle 
 of gentlemen who dine together once a fortnight thought 
 fit to honour me by waiving their custom and admitting a 
 stranger amongst them. The party consisted of Ballanche, 
 Paucher, Tocqueville, Ste.-Beuve, Ampere, Vivien, a deputy, 
 and another ; and I never enjoyed a dinner more in my life. 
 Tocqueville was incomparable with his stories of the Chicka- 
 ,saws. After dinner, Ballanche and I sallied on to our 
 friend Liszt's great concert. As we walked down the broad 
 quay in the moonlight I was more than usually struck by 
 the suavity of that old man's discourse, which is like the 
 voice of his own mysteries, a sound revealing, in slight 
 modulations and short lines of poetry, whole spheres and 
 schemes of life and truth, warmed by the cheerfulness of 
 .an affectionate heart. 
 
 When we arrived at the concert room, it was very full, 
 
 I stood the greater part of the evening. I do not know
 
 JET. 2-2 LISZT'S GREAT CONCERT 49 
 
 whether I ever described to you my friend Liszt. His 
 person is slight and tall, a delicate frame, not worn or 
 wasted by weakness and malady, but perpetually strained 
 by the flow of animated thoughts, by the violence of a 
 musical soul, for which no sound affords an adequate ex 
 pression. Liszt had already played a great Fantasia of his 
 own, and Beethoven's 27th Sonata, in the former part of 
 the concert. After this latter piece he gasped with emotion 
 as I took his hand and thanked him for the divine energy 
 he had shed forth. At last I had managed to pierce the 
 crowd, and I sat in the orchestra before the Duchesse de 
 Eauzan's box, talking to her Grace and Mme. de Circourt, 
 who was there ; my chair was on the same board as Liszt's 
 piano when the final piece began. It was a duet for two 
 instruments, beginning with Mendelssohn's 'Chants sans 
 Paroles,' and proceeding to a work of Liszt's. We had 
 already passed that delicious chime of the ' Song written in 
 a Gondola ' and the gay tendrils of sound in another lighter 
 piece, which always reminded me of an Italian vine when 
 Mrs. Handley played it to us. As the closing strains began, 
 I saw Liszt's countenance assume that agony of expression, 
 mingled with radiant smiles of joy, which I never saw in 
 any other human face, except in the paintings of our 
 Saviour by some of the early masters ; his hands rushed 
 over the keys, the floor on which I sat shook like a wire, 
 and the whole audience were wrapped in sound, when the 
 hand and frame of the artist gave way ; he fainted in the 
 arms of the friend who was turning over for him, and we 
 bore him out in a strong fit of hysterics. The effect of this 
 scene was really dreadful. The whole room sat breathless 
 with fear, till Hiller came forward and announced that Liszt 
 was already restored to consciousness, and was compara- 
 tively well again. As I handed Mme. de Circourt to her 
 carriage, we both trembled like poplar leaves, and I tremble 
 scarcely less as I write. 
 
 April 2CM/L I have got several ' Protestants ' ! (oh ! that 
 I should be the bearer of the like ! However, Protestants 
 they are, safely lodged at the bottom of my trunk) for my 
 uncle Richard. By the way, I never told you how the 
 
 1 Presumably Tracts. 
 VOL. I. E
 
 CO 'DEMOCRACY IN AMERICA' 1835 
 
 Paris City Missions have been visiting me, and how I fought 
 the battle of the Faith with a good man who talked about 
 Popish errors, and who did not know what I meant by the 
 Council of Trent, nor what was the reason the sacramental 
 cup was refused to the laity. After all he was startled to 
 find that, by his own showing, he was attempting the very 
 task which the friars were ordained and empowered to per- 
 form. 
 
 It has been seen that in returning to England it was 
 Reeve's intention to collaborate with his mother in the 
 translation of Tocqueville's 'Democracy in America.' For 
 some reason, the idea of collaboration was given up ; and 
 though written at Hampstead during the summer, the trans- 
 lation was Reeve's work throughout. We may, however, 
 presume that he received some assistance, or rather advice, 
 from Tocqueville himself, who came to England about the 
 same time, and, falling ill in London, took lodgings at 
 Hampstead, where the acquaintance between the two ripened 
 into friendship. The book was published by Saunders & 
 Otley, and was ' a great success.' 
 
 It may perhaps be thought, and it is certain that in 
 after years Reeve himself thought, that of greater value to 
 him than even the success of the work from the publisher's 
 point of view was the thorough discipline and training in 
 the opinions and methods of Tocqueville. In 1872 he wrote : l 
 ' If there be any truth or merit in the opinions I have 
 formed on the state of France and the history of her revo- 
 lutions, their value is due, in great part, to the author of 
 " Democracy in America." I had the good fortune to trans- 
 late it into English when I was about one-and-twenty ; and 
 from that time, till the date of his death in 1859, I lived in 
 the intimacy of unbroken friendship with Alexis de Tocque- 
 ville. I was well acquainted with his opinions on many 
 subjects which he never imparted to the world ; my own 
 opinions were no doubt affected by the influence of that 
 pure and subtle intellect; and the highest merit I would 
 venture to claim for them is their conformity with his 
 principles.' 
 
 The labour of translating was relieved by writing occa- 
 sional papers for different periodicals ; amongst others, one 
 for the ' British and Foreign Review,' on the establishment 
 of a consul at Cracow, in which Reeve was assisted by his 
 friend Zamoyski. This attracted some notice, and it was- 
 
 1 Royal and Ecpiiblican Fra-nce, vol. ii. p. 79-
 
 ,T. 22 LORD LANSDOWNE 51 
 
 understood that Lord Palmerston intended to act on the 
 suggestion. If so, he changed his mind, and nothing was 
 done. At this time, too, Reeve was introduced by his 
 aunt, Mrs. Austin, to Lord Lansdowne, then, and for the 
 next six years, President of the Council. During the 
 summer Lord Lansdowne showed him a good deal of 
 attention, frequently inviting him to dinner, and in Novem- 
 ber to Bowood. Afterwards, on his return to Paris, Lord 
 Lansdowne gave him also a letter to Lord Granville, the 
 English ambassador. Of Reeve's mental activity at this 
 period we have a good picture in his letters to Handley. 
 
 To Mr. E. II. Handley 
 
 July 8th. As there is some pleasure in connecting a 
 notion in topography with the position of one's friends, so 
 your letter from Worcester was not entirely disagreeable to 
 me. . . . Tis strange enough that the Fates should have 
 thrown you upon the very tract of country which is the 
 favourite and frequent haunt of my summer and autumn 
 excursions; and that I shall drive past your door many 
 times a year with the cheering hope of meeting you in the 
 hop-market at Worcester, or at the shop of Mr. Deighton, 
 who is beyond all compare the greatest literary celebrity of 
 Worcester. Talking of Mr. Deighton, I conjure you to 
 order through him No. II. of Cochrane's ' Foreign Quarterly 
 Review,' which has just appeared. It contains a very able 
 article of my aunt's upon the French Law of Education, 
 with a few additions of my own, and an article of mine 
 upon Quinet's ' Ahasuerus,' upon which I especially want 
 your opinion. I have none to give away, or I would send 
 you a copy. 
 
 Brougham's Bill on Education will soon be discussed. 
 I have made sundry excursions to the House of Lords to 
 hear the debate on it, which has, however, been deferred 
 from day to day. I was dining last night at Lansdowne 
 House, and Lord L. told me that it would assuredly pass 
 without difficulty. By the way, my introduction at Lans- 
 downe House is a novelty which affords me great enjoyment. 
 I dine there about once a fortnight, to meet a party which 
 has a thousand merits to compensate the solitary vice of 
 Whiggism. In England I have never seen such purely
 
 62 LETTERS TO HANDLEY 183-5 
 
 aesthetic society before. It is a mansion replete with works 
 of art, and with a good spirit of thought, fancy, and benevo- 
 lence not unworthy of the ranks of Roman statues which 
 fill the niches, the Canovas which sleep before you, or the 
 Raphaels and Leonardos on the walls. 
 
 I have seen a good deal of Raunier, the historian, there 
 and elsewhere ; a German of great penetration and singular 
 merit in conversation. He brings me to Rotteck. I have 
 read several portions of the volumes you lent me, and I 
 confess I have rarely been pleased with the style, never 
 with the stuff, of that author. A more godless denial of the 
 supernatural, or rather of the natural raised to its highest 
 power, in the flow of human history, I never met with ; he 
 breaks the rod of Moses, he petrifies the Gods of Etruria ; 
 and the whole range of theological and theistical tradition, 
 which is and which alone is the record of early time, is 
 evaporated to a whiff of delusion or condensed to a stone 
 lie. I do not advert to his political opinions, because I only 
 infer what they must be from such a commencement. Do 
 you remember what that Italian madman said, whose deep 
 wisdom struck us so much in Bedlam ? ' Les revolutions 
 viennent de haut en bas, et non de has en haut.' Such is 
 and always was my creed ; the direct antipodes of Rotteck. 
 I am not very deeply versed in history, and am incompetent 
 to offer an opinion on his general accuracy, but I do not 
 think that what he says of the Etruscan alphabet is correct. 
 ... I shall very soon have done my translation of the 
 second volume of Tocqueville. 
 
 Coed Ddu House, September 13th. It is clear that 
 my parcel and your last letter crossed one another on the 
 road, and I only hope that the former travelled as 
 safely and was as cordially received as the latter. But here 
 the parallel ceases ; for, if I hope you will find matter of 
 meditation consonant to my own in the tomes I have sent 
 you, I cannot the less frankly own that I dissent in toto, 
 imnio etiam toto calo, from the conclusions at which you 
 have arrived on the perusal of my second volume. As I 
 have not got a copy of the work in my possession, I cannot 
 refer to all your references, and point out others to you 
 which make for my side of the argument. But I again
 
 ^Et. 23 ' BRITISH AND FOREIGN REVIEW ' 63 
 
 repel your assertion that the work, either in foundation or 
 construction, is a stronghold of democracy. In the passage 
 which you quote, in which he says that no people has ever, 
 by its voluntary activity, called an aristocracy into being, 
 and that all aristocracies have been imposed or have imposed 
 themselves by constraint, the fact results ex natura rei. A 
 power emanating from the voluntary activity of the people 
 is a democratic power ; but the very nature of the aristo- 
 cratic principle is that it is self-generative. As to its being 
 opposed to natural equity, I cannot admit that the necessary 
 and constant results which arise from the collision and 
 subsequently from the subordination of the weak to the 
 strong, the foolish to the wise, is in any way opposed 
 to the law of nature by which those very differences of 
 strength and wisdom subsist. Tocqueville asserts, and with 
 truth, that the American community will never, perhaps, 
 constitute an aristocracy ; but in what he says of the legal 
 profession and the exclusive habits of the rich, you may 
 trace the power-generating tendencies which are inseparable 
 from the inequalities of technical skill, acquired knowledge, 
 and possessed wealth. 
 
 As I have six young ladies laughing round me whilst 
 I write, and as we are in a few minutes to sally forth on 
 one of those shooting, fishing, riding, eating, sketching, and 
 joking parties, which form the recreation of philosophers, 
 and the occupation of the Celias and Kosalinds of our 
 Ardennes, I herewith pitch democracy, ochlocracy, aristo- 
 cracy, yea, and monarchy itself, to the devil, and wish you a 
 very good morning. 
 
 I have, however, something to add which is of importance 
 to us both. I have entered into a somewhat intimate 
 connexion with the ' British and Foreign Review,' a journal 
 whose object is to introduce and propagate European ideas 
 of social and political amelioration in this island, whilst we 
 hope that it will obtain some success on the Continent. I 
 am about to undertake a journey, beginning with Paris, for 
 the purpose of obtaining the assistance of all the distin- 
 guished men in Europe, who may be inclined to write, and 
 to collect information for it. The proprietor is Mr. Went- 
 worth Beaumont, a man of singular activity, boundless
 
 54 LETTERS TO HANDLE Y 1835-6 
 
 munificence, ample wealth, an ardent metaphysician, 
 considerable talents, and views in politics which end in his 
 hating the Radicals, repelling the old Tories, and despising 
 the Whigs. Of course I am not responsible for all the 
 political opinions put forth in this ' Review ; ' many of them 
 will differ from my own ; but the great questions of foreign 
 policy and of general social amelioration on sound principles 
 of rational philosophy will meet with my hearty co-operation, 
 and I trust with yours. I have spoken to the parties about 
 your article on Education in Bavaria, and I entreat you to 
 review Comte Drechsel's books directly for our Christmas 
 number. I have not the power to say that your article will 
 be unconditionally accepted before it is written, but I have 
 very little doubt that it will, and that both parties will be 
 satisfied with each other. Beaumont pays a guinea a page, 
 and adds a bounty when he is pleased. No article on German 
 education has appeared in the ' Review ' at present. 
 
 I shall be detained in England longer than I had 
 expected, as I am going to stay at Bowood (Lord Lans- 
 downe's) towards the end of October. All here desire to be 
 kindly remembered to you. 
 
 Coed Ddu, September 23rd. I have been reading Basil 
 Montagu's ' Life of Bacon,' which I began some time ago. 
 I was better pleased with it at first than I am in the end. 
 It is Bacon larded. Montagu's mind and style are so grown 
 into the shape and manner of Bacon's, without reaching a 
 tenth part of his stature, or asserting the trace of a diversity 
 of opinion or conclusion, that you arrive at nothing which a 
 reader of Bacon does not know. It is my firm belief that 
 Bacon was ignorant of the entire scheme of transcendental 
 metaphysics, and that the denial or neglect of the super- 
 sensual which characterises his writings has had an evil 
 influence on the real philosophy of the English. In saying 
 this, I do not forget what Coleridge has upon the subject ; 
 but I doubt whether Bacon's own notions were ever raised 
 to so high a significance as Coleridge's method has shown 
 his principles to be capable of. 
 
 I do not think Montagu has satisfactorily defended 
 Bacon from the charge of corruption, though he loses no 
 opportunity of sinking the biographer in the advocate. My
 
 JEi. 23 VISIT TO BOWOOD 55 
 
 Lord St. Albans was a man fond of purple and good living, 
 and he never stirred without a fair train of the most gallant 
 company. In short, he lived as the courtier of a foolish 
 king and the friend of an unprincipled favourite ; and he 
 wrote like a sage who might have scorned James and 
 rebuked Buckingham. 
 
 Bou-ood, November 4th. Although I am just returned from 
 a long canter with Lord Lansdowne, and have my feet to 
 warm, my appetite to prepare, and my limbs to adorn before 
 dinner, yet how can I forbear to offer you my hearty con- 
 gratulations on the event which I have learned from your 
 letter of Saturday, forwarded to me here this morning ! 
 You have made another step in the initiation of life. Your 
 power to good and to evil is hereby increased ; your reason 
 has a new being to guide ; your foresight, a new track to 
 discern ; your arm, a new bosom to protect. New things, 
 before divined, but now known, are about you ; and in this 
 is the change greater than that of marriage ; for there you 
 were but joined to another in unity, here you are joined by 
 another to infinity a race of beings infinite, who will surely 
 rise up to fulfil in their turns the purposes of God and 
 man. I had no father ; but the world has nursed me with 
 extreme kindness in my orphanhood. Not the less do I 
 look upon the laws and the course of human descent as the 
 sacred stream which fills all cisterns with the waters of life ; 
 not the less do I look upon the father, the mother, and the 
 child as three divine monitors teaching each other lasting 
 truths in mutual harmony. 
 
 And now, may I hope, without offence, that at a moment 
 when you and Mrs. Handley are naturally filled and animated 
 by one sentiment of affection for one thing a sentiment not 
 only embracing each of you, but reaching still further to the, 
 being who is the child of both may I hope that I may 
 express even to her the pleasure and the hope with which I 
 have learned this event ? 
 
 We are going solemnly to drink the boy's health to-day 
 at dinner. Lord Henry Fitzmaurice has heard so much 
 about you he having arrived at Munich just after your 
 marriage that I hope you will some day or other meet him 
 at my house or elsewhere.
 
 66 SOCIETY IN PARIS 1835-6 
 
 I return to town on Friday, and we shall sail for 
 Boulogne about the 10th. Are you coming up to town ? I 
 would wait a day or two to see you. Write to me at 
 Hampstead. 
 
 Shortly after the date of this last letter, Reeve returned 
 to Paris, bearing as has been said a letter of introduction 
 from the Marquis of Lansdowne to Lord Granville ; and, 
 what with his literary work and a good deal of society, he 
 found himself fully occupied, as is outlined in the Journal: 
 
 1836. I spent the winter in Paris, where I had now a 
 large acquaintance. M. and Mme. de Circourt I had known 
 at Geneva. She had a capital salon, and that introduced 
 me to another class of persons the Duchesse de Rauzan, 
 the Duchesse de Mailly, Marquise de la Grange, Marquise de 
 Bellissen, in the Faubourg St.-Germain. I was intimate with 
 Count Jen ison- Wai worth, the Bavarian Minister saw at his 
 house Dr. Koreffe, and a good many diplomats. Hiller had a 
 good house for music heard Nourrit, Ernst, and Chopin 
 there ; knew Henri Lehmann and other artists. The 
 Czartoryskis were established at the Hotel Lambert. Tocque- 
 ville, G. de Beaumont, C. Lucas, were in Paris. Faucher 
 introduced me to M. Thiers. I also knew Dufaure, X. 
 Marmier, Mme. d'Agoult, 1 whose house was delightful, Mme. 
 Marliani, &c., and I spent a very brilliant winter. Lord 
 and Lady Granville were very polite. Kenelrn Digby must 
 not be forgotten. At his house I met Rio, Montalembert, 
 D'Eckstein and Lacordaire the Catholic world. 
 
 I left Paris in March because Mr. Young ceased to edit 
 the ' British and Foreign Review,' and I came back to take 
 a more active part in it. I now wrote a good deal and 
 largely increased my income. 
 
 All this is told more fully in his letters to his mother, 
 some extracts of which are here given : 
 
 Paris, December 6th, 1835. This very evening I have 
 been to dine with Meyerbeer. My aunt had seen Mme. 
 Beer at Boulogne in the summer, and as they talked about 
 
 1 The sister of Comte de Flavigny and, at this time, one of the leaders of 
 Parisian society rich, clever, enthusiastic, and, though past her first youth, 
 still beautiful. She was afterwards known as a democratic, or even commu- 
 nistic, writer, under the pseudonym of ' Daniel Stern. 1
 
 /Ex. 23 LIFE IN PARIS 57 
 
 me, I communicated my arrival at their hotel. Meyerbeer 
 immediately wrote me a very proper and even affectionate 
 note, inviting me to dinner ; so to dinner I went. I confess 
 that I suffered a little from the excess of their Judaism, 
 which put me in mind of Monmouth Street ' in gala ; but 
 Meyerbeer himself is less disagreeable than the rest of the 
 family, and I sat next him. He is immersed in the rehear- 
 sals of his great opera, 2 which is positively coming out in 
 January. The music is still a profound secret, but the 
 singers themselves say that it is transcendent. . . . 
 
 This morning I had [Gustave] Beaumont sitting with me 
 for a long time ; Tocqueville is not yet returned from the 
 country. I am happy to say that they are both very busy 
 Beaumont with his book on Ireland, which will, I think, be 
 capital, and Tocqueville with a third volume, which is to 
 treat more especially of the influence of democracy on the 
 manners of the Anglo-Americans. Before I knew this I had 
 attempted to do the same thing very cursorily in the article I 
 have been writing. You remember that in his second volume 
 he treats of the influence of manners in maintaining 
 democratic institutions, and it is evident that the reciprocal 
 influence is not less important. I shall probably translate 
 both these works, and certainly Tocqueville's third volume ; 
 but they will neither of them appear for many months. 
 Beaumont talks of next January twelvemonth for his. 
 
 Paris, December 20th. I am kept in hot water from 
 the difficulty of sending my numerous packets. There are 
 delays here, and delays in England ; secretaries protesting, 
 printer's devils waiting, and a thousand other miseries 
 because there is no means of sending parcels from Paris to- 
 England, except by the Embassy. Even Galignani sends 
 his bookseller's despatches by that conveyance. The upshot 
 of all this is that I shall always write to you by post. Not- 
 withstanding these delays, I am through the more active 
 part of my contributions to the ' Eeview,' having written in 
 all three long articles, which will all, I believe, appear. 
 That on Tocqueville will be fathered upon Young, at my 
 desire. I suppose they will add something about the trans-* 
 
 1 Then and for many years later the home of ' ole clo' ' shops. 
 
 2 Les Huguenots. See post, p. 64.
 
 ,% LETTERS FROM PARIS 1836 
 
 lation ; I have of course said nothing. You may believe from 
 this that I have still every reason to be satisfied with my 
 connexion with the 'Review.' A further negotiation is, 
 however, on foot, which may make my uncle Meadows's 
 prognostications prove true in the end. I have consented to 
 be put on the list for the Cracow appointment ; ' and though 
 I do not expect to get it, and if I did get it, it would only be 
 temporary, yet from the very strenuous manner in which they 
 have advocated me at the Foreign Office, it cannot but do 
 me good. 
 
 January 4th, 1886. When I say that I have no excuse 
 for not having written, I am afraid that I betray the real 
 do-nothingness, laziness, and torpor in which I have been 
 living ever since the cold began. Indeed, I am so ill-satisfied 
 with the idle life I have been leading for the last fortnight 
 that I am determined to come home much sooner than I 
 otherwise intended, if I do not pick up something to occupy 
 and stimulate my thoughts. I have been reading Michelet's 
 4 Me'moires de Luther ' with great interest, and I shall 
 probably write something about the book ; but I require my 
 own papers and the British Museum in order to set to work. 
 Du reste, I have not been reading, or writing, or hearing, 
 or seeing anything : the dead blunt cold pursues one into 
 the house. 
 
 I continue to see the Macaulays a good deal. The girls 
 are dreadfully like Tom Babington, and very amusing from 
 a mixture of saintship and politics, ignorance of the world 
 and knowledge of Parliament. ... I am now daily expecting 
 that Mr. [Wentworth] Beaumont will arrive in Paris, and the 
 arrangements which I may make with him will, in a great 
 measure, determine my future movements. 
 
 January 16th. Since the frost has disappeared, I have 
 become a little more lively. I have even been writing with 
 Faucher in the ' Courrier Fran9ais ' a little article on the 
 Municipal Elections, and I have laid out the trenches of a 
 long poem about Giordano Bruno. I have more things in 
 my head, and as it is now decided that Mr. and Mrs. 
 Beaumont will be here next week, I shall soon know what I 
 am going to do more precisely. . . . My present plan you 
 
 1 The proposed consulship. See ante, p. 50.
 
 J3T. 23 THACKERAY 59 
 
 know I make one a week is to come home about the end 
 of March, before I go to Germany, if I go there, in the 
 summer. One of the things which may disturb this arrange- 
 ment is, I am sorry to say, the Handley business. 1 Matters 
 have arrived at the highest pitch of inconvenance, and a 
 public expose may be dreaded. As for myself, I have made 
 up my mind to stand by Handley to the last, if I find 
 nothing to shake my present conviction that he has been the 
 victim of atrocious calumnies and intrigues ; and I have 
 written to him and to his father by the same post to that 
 effect. You need not be alarmed at anything which is likely to 
 happen, for I cannot yet believe those women to be so mad 
 as to draw down all the shame and expense upon their own 
 heads, when advantageous terms are offered them. With 
 these matters pending, I may be forced to come home at a 
 moment's notice ; but the present plan is for me to meet 
 Handley at Dieppe, or some port of France, which will I 
 hope do. My wish is if you see nothing to the con- 
 trary that you should call on the old Handleys and pay 
 them every attention, without alluding to anything you 
 may hear from me. They will probably be open-mouthed 
 enough. . . . 
 
 I have seen a good deal of Thackeray this last week. 
 That excellent and facetious being is at the present moment 
 editing an English paper here, in opposition to Galignani's. 2 
 But what is more ominous, he has fallen in love, and talks 
 of being married in less than twenty years. What is there 
 so affecting as matrimony ! I dined yesterday with his 
 object, who is a nice, simple, girlish girl ; a niece of that old 
 Colonel Shawe whom one always meets at the Sterlings'. I 
 beg Simpson's 3 pardon, as well as yours, for not having said 
 more about him. His only subject of melancholy arises from 
 a lack of dancing exercise, and I cannot induce him to join 
 the ' Bals a 1 franc pour le Cavalier, avec 30 centimes en 
 
 1 A matrimonial quarrel. See post, p. 66. 
 
 y This seems to be a mistake. There is no other record of anything of the 
 sort, and it is believed that Thackeray was at this time actually writing for 
 Galignani. 
 
 3 John Palgrave Simpson, known to Mrs. Reeve as son of the town clerk of 
 Norwich. As he was six years older than Reeve, their acquaintance as boys 
 must have been slight ; but at Munich and during the past year in Paris they 
 had naturally become intimate friends.
 
 r,o LIFE IX PARIS 183 
 
 consommation,' which abound at this season in every 
 street. For my part, though I have bought a cocked hat 
 with a tassel on it, I have not been out more than last year. 
 To-night we are going to the Embassy to meet the Duke of 
 Devonshire, who is here ; and I have been introduced into 
 one or two Chaussee d'Antin houses, which are warm, cheer- 
 ful, nicely gilt and painted one of them, at least to imitate 
 the houses in Pompeii. 
 
 Saturday, January IQth. The party at the Granvillea' 
 was horridly dull, and the only amusement I had was 
 treading on the D. of D.'s toe, in scrambling for a cup of 
 tea, and chatting a little foppery with Bulwer, to whom I 
 introduced myself as Mrs. Austin's nephew. By the way, 
 what trash his last book about Eienzi is ! 
 
 Paris, January 21th. I am writing a little notice ' 
 of a book of poems, accompanied by a long philosophical 
 preface, by a young Italian, Count Mamiani, a descendant 
 of Julius II. By the way, the book is dedicated ' all* illus- 
 trissimo Signer Barbier, Clarissimo Poeta.' That, however, 
 is not my reason for reviewing it ; but I was glad to find so 
 good an opportunity of mentioning that school of thinking 
 and religious patriots of which Manzoni may be considered 
 the chief, Pellico the martyr, and Mamiani a disciple. I 
 hope I shall be allowed to say in our ' Review ' what I think 
 of the Catholic and Christian spirit of these men, and of its 
 probable influence in a country where the question is not 
 between Peter and Paul, between Luther and Leo, but 
 between Christ and Voltaire. 
 
 Leo Thun has sent me from Prague a very interesting 
 and edifying book on the possible fusion of Protestant and 
 Catholic Christianity. It is well worthy of notice from its 
 intrinsic merit ; but its interest is heightened by the 
 circumstance of its being published anonymously by an 
 excellent and learned Catholic professor, who has for a 
 series of years drawn down unheard of persecutions upon 
 his head by the orthodoxy of his doctrine, joined to the 
 liberality of his views, which it seems did not suit the 
 fathers at Vienna, who had him deprived of his chair, and 
 even secluded him in an abbatial prison. 
 
 1 ' lUlj,' in British and Foreign Review, vol. ii., art. vii.
 
 ^ET. 23 TRIAL OF FIESCUI 6t 
 
 February Sth. Fieschi's ' trial has, as you know, long 
 been announced for this month, and you have no doubt read 
 reports of it in the ' Herald.' I have been twice, and 
 nothing is more striking than the rude but forcible eloquence 
 of Fieschi. His manner is not unlike that of Rossi, but 
 somewhat less insinuating. His appearance is mean and 
 ugly ; his veracity, which is now his only remaining pride, 
 is striking. By the way, how one observes, in all these 
 great criminals, that the ruling passion in their defence and 
 in their last moments is not revenge nor repentance, nor 
 even regret, but a cold unmitigable pride. Christianity 
 would be the wisest of all religions if it had said no more 
 than that pride is the mother of all sins. Fieschi, however, 
 is a man of warm feelings. I was present at the deposition 
 of his friend and benefactor, M. Lavocat, during which he 
 was exceedingly excited. It was at the beginning of the 
 first seance which I witnessed, and I had not heard the 
 prisoner speak before. When Lavocat had done, Fieschi 
 rose and spoke with great force of the effect produced on 
 him by the kindness of his old master. He afterwards 
 resumed the discussion of circumstances concerning the 
 event, and his accomplices, with the greatest coolness. Nina 
 Lassave 2 is quite a heroine. I was not fortunate enough to 
 hear her deposition, but Jeanie Deans was nothing to it, and 
 that old musty, iron-cheeked House of Peers wept to hear 
 her. The trial will last some days longer, and it is expected 
 that at least three of the prisoners will be decapitated. 3 
 
 February 18th. Did you ever read that very mad clever 
 book ' Vivian Grey ' ? I sometimes think that D 'Israeli 
 
 1 Fieschi, a Corsiean, a discharged soldier, together with four other 
 scoundrels, had constructed a machine by which twenty-five musket barrels, fitted 
 in a frame, could all be fired simultaneously. These barrels, loaded to the 
 muzzle with bullets and slugs, he fired from a window at the king, Louis 
 Philippe, on July 28th, 1835, as he was returning from a ceremonial review. 
 The king was uninjured: but of his staff and the bystanders more than forty 
 were killed or wounded. 
 
 " Fieschi's mistress, ' a rather pretty young woman,' who, though quite 
 ignorant of the plot, gave evidence which conclusively established the guilt of 
 the accused. After the trial it was announced by the enterprising proprietor 
 of a cafe that he had engaged her as a waitress ; on which the girl wrote a 
 denial in the papers. Offers, she said, had been made to her, but she had 
 declined them, having no wish but to hide herself from public notice ; the 
 woman who was advertised as serving in her name was an impostor. 
 
 3 Fieschi and two of his accomplices were guillotined ; a third was 
 condemned to twenty years' hard labour. The fourth was discharged.
 
 2 DINNER TO THE POLES 1836 
 
 has hit upon points of resemblance between his hero and 
 the life I lead. These points are however few, and God 
 forbid that they should be more numerous. But the natural 
 illusion of young men who rise from Plato to rush into 
 politics is the formation of an honourable and enlightened 
 party, till they find that the materials of which parties are 
 built are only mud and straw, like the bricks of Babylon ; 
 or at best, the creation of their imagination and their efforts 
 shines and perishes in times as critical as ours, like the 
 Gironde. 
 
 Young has destroyed the peroration of my article on 
 Tocqueville ; for which act I hate him with an author's 
 hatred; but he has taken an engagement to respect me 
 more for the future. 
 
 To Mr. E. H. HandLey 
 
 Paris, February 21th. Mr. Beaumont has been spend- 
 ing a fortnight with me in Paris, and we employed the time 
 very brilliantly. We were present at the great debate 
 which led to the astounding fall of the doctrinaires ; we saw 
 Fieschi day after day haranguing the Court of Peers with 
 humorous familiarity from the pedestal of death and dis- 
 honour which his machine had made for him ; we frequented 
 the salons of Lamartine, Dupin, and a crowd of deputies ; 
 we penetrated into the haunts of Cousin, now installed in 
 the precincts of the Sorbonne, from which he has ejected the 
 Facult6 de The'ologie to make himself chambers ; we dined 
 with that club of beaux-esprits projected by our kind and 
 meek Tiresias, Ballanche, to which I have so often alluded ; 
 and, lastly, Beaumont gave a banquet at the Rocher de 
 Cancale to his Polish friends and many others, at which old 
 Niemcewicz, the friend of Kosciusko and aide-de-camp of 
 Washington, Odilon Barrot, and my friend Dufaure, the 
 Deputy of the Gironde, one worthy of the name, spoke with 
 amazing warmth and truth for Poland, for constitutional 
 liberty, and for mankind. These are things which have left 
 a lasting impression on my mind ; and when I consider the 
 position in which I stand in Paris and even in London, I 
 tremble to think how I can remain worthy of such high 
 associates and live up to such great purposes.
 
 JEi. 23 LAMARTINE AS POET 6S 
 
 Since Beaumont departed I have devoted myself wholly 
 to the revisal and almost rewriting of the satire which I 
 believe I mentioned to you two years ago. I sadly want a 
 title : that of ' Laocoon ' is not sufficiently descriptive ; that 
 of ' The Sorrows of a City ' not sufficiently striking. If 
 Providence sends you a title, pray give it me. Bating this- 
 difficulty, I believe I shall publish the poem on my return 
 to London, or at any rate after the dissolution which is 
 positively announced for April. 1 I am in doubt whether I 
 should take anybody's opinion on this matter. Have you 
 any objection to read the MS. and give me yours unre- 
 servedly? . . . 
 
 M. de Lamartine has just published his long-expected 
 poem, entitled 'Jocelyn, Episode trouve chez un Cure de 
 Village.' It is certainly the most complete poetic work 
 that the modern French poets have produced. The delicacy 
 of the language and of the details, as well as the noble 
 simplicity of the theme, reminded me of Wordsworth ; but 
 it is more full of human passion and less glowing with a 
 divine, though sometimes cold, elevation than the works of 
 our great poet. There is more of the South, more of the thrill 
 of love, more of the corporal and tangible in Lamartine, in the 
 place of that contemplative and spiritual love, expanding to> 
 universals, even in the smallest speciality, which charac- 
 terises Wordsworth. But they agree in their common love 
 of Nature, their common vindication of the law of duty, 
 and their common purpose of beautifying life by ennobling 
 man. Both write, as it were, in the presence of God and 
 in the language of Providence ; the Frenchman, as an 
 angle subtended by the abyss of infinite love and truth ; the 
 Briton, as a sphere comprising and collecting within itself 
 the attributes and the qualities of perfect humanity ; for to 
 the perfection of humanity does the work of either tend, and 
 the failings of the instrument do not so far fall short of their 
 purpose as to render their labour vain. 
 
 The literary events of this month have been somewhat 
 overlooked in the turmoil of political intrigue ; 2 and the 
 
 1 See ante, p. 30. The poem was not published, nor is it again mentioned ; 
 but the MS. has been preserved. 
 
 2 The break-up of the French Ministry ; the retirement of Broglie and of 
 Guizot ; and the nomination of Thiers to form a Government.
 
 64 'LES HUGUENOTS' 1836 
 
 result of the recent change is one which affords a subject 
 of very sad speculation to the reflecting European. To see 
 a man like Thiers rise in five years from the dregs of edu- 
 cated society to his present lofty position, bringing with him 
 to that position all the popular vices of excessive arrogance 
 joined to excessive versatility ; to see this man occupy by 
 the excess of his unprinciple and the perfidy of his ability 
 that station which belongs of right not only to the wisest 
 but to the most honest to see all this is to witness another 
 and a shameful passage in the history of democratic States. 
 I cannot describe to you the indignation with which this 
 Ministry of able knaves and servile courtiers has been 
 received by the French as well as by the representatives of 
 foreign Powers in Paris. AS to the line of policy to be 
 pursued, that lies wholly with the King ; the Ministry has 
 been formed on the principle of everyone's abandoning 
 the points to which he was individually most solemnly 
 pledged ; and as the dynasty has been termed ' La Res- 
 tauration moins la Kestauration,' so this Cabinet may be 
 baptised ' Le Systeme moins les Doctrinaires.' 
 
 March 2nd. As for Meyerbeer's opera ' Les Huguenots,' 
 which was brought out last night, all I know is that stalls 
 were selling from 80 to 200 francs ; and that all who were 
 fortunate enough to get in came out clamorous in their 
 delight. As for the Salon, which opened yesterday at 
 12 o'clock, with more than 2,000 pictures, Thackeray and 
 I breakfasted together, and then passed two hours there, 
 till I was so tired with staring that I came home and went 
 to sleep. There are about forty great battle-pieces, with 
 heroes, and cannon-balls flying in all directions. These 
 works have for the most part been ordered by the king for 
 his national museum at Versailles; and some of them, 
 particularly Horace Vernet's, are remarkably fine. In land- 
 scape there are as usual but few pictures, but some of them 
 have great merit ; what struck me most was that the best 
 of them are in Constable's style; and if ever our friend 
 quits his native fogs, he will find a very promising and 
 sympathising school on this side the Channel. The portraits 
 are not numerous, and the majority of them are of young 
 ladies in white muslin.
 
 ^T. 23 TOCQUEVILLE ON DEMOCRACY 65 
 
 About the middle of March Keeve returned to London, 
 and, as his mother was then at Boulogne, he took lodgings 
 in King Street, St. James's, to be near his aunt, Mrs. Austin, 
 who was then living in Bury Street. A couple of letters 
 from Tocqueville of this date are interesting as showing the 
 footing the two men were on, rather than from any par- 
 ticular importance in themselves : 
 
 From M. de Tocqueville 
 
 Cherbourg, April 17th. ~L received your letter, my dear 
 Keeve, a few days before my departure from Paris; and 
 not having been able to answer it at once, to thank you 
 for the interesting details you send me, I do so now, taking 
 advantage of the quiet of the country if, that is to say, a 
 miserable, little, badly paved, provincial town can be called 
 country. . . . What you tell me about the London parishes 
 is all the more interesting that it completely confirms the 
 ideas I formed on the subject during my visit to England, 
 and it is very satisfactory to find that my first impressions 
 were correct. Your nation certainly presents a singular con- 
 trast to ours. Your social condition is much more aristocratic 
 than ours, but part of your laws is more democratic ; you 
 have only to extend and generalise what we must create. 
 
 Pardon me, my dear friend. Here I am, harping again 
 on that damned democracy, which I've got on my nose like 
 a pair of spectacles through which I see everything. One 
 step further, and there will be nothing left for my family 
 but to have me declared incapable, and remove me to 
 Charenton. Let us talk of yourself, of whom you don't say 
 one word in your otherwise charming letter. When are you 
 coming to Paris ? for it is not to be supposed that a man 
 who speaks French as well as you do, and has so many 
 friends among us, will abandon us for long. Why did you 
 not save the fourth page to tell me this and speak of your 
 present occupations ? How is Mr. Beaumont's Eeview 
 getting on ? You see I ask many questions to oblige you to 
 write again. 
 
 J'espere que vous avez bien parle de moi a Madame 
 Austin, et que vous avez dit a Madame Reeve tout le plaisir 
 que j'aurais a la revoir. Je crois vous apercevoir d'ici, 
 VOL. i. . F
 
 66 TOCQUEVILLE ON POLITICS 1836 
 
 vous et elle, dans cette petite maison de Hampstead que j'ai 
 visite il y a prcis6ment un an. Je vous decouvre dans votre 
 observatoire, dominant en philosophe les fumees de Londres ; 
 et je vois plus has dans le salon, Madame votre mere faisant 
 bon visage a ses h6tes. Je n'oublierai jamais Hampstead ; 
 il se rattache indirectement a une epoque de ma vie dont je 
 ne saurais jamais perdre le souvenir. 1 
 
 Adieu, mon cher Keeve; parlez de moi a toutes les 
 persounes de votre connaissance qui m'ont si bien re9U, et 
 croyez a des sentiments d'une bien sincere amitie. 
 
 To Mr. E. II. Handleij 
 
 May tli. You will by this time have seen the Eeview ; 
 but I am sorry to say my article on Mamiani is so maimed 
 and so squeezed of all juice of apostolic doctrine, that I 
 disavow it as perverse and heretical. I am vastly annoyed 
 at the absurd remarks on Sedgwick in the article on 
 Universities ; and altogether I think it a very bad number. 
 
 Shortly after the date of this letter a long pending 
 quarrel between Handley and his wife came to a head. 
 Mrs. Handley does not appear to have been false, in the 
 ordinary acceptation of the word, though grievously false in 
 regard to the clauses of the marriage vow which bound her 
 to love, honour, and obey her husband. She was insolent to 
 Handley and his father, self-willed, greedy and unscrupulous, 
 and her mother, who fostered and aggravated the quarrel, 
 was worse. Mrs. Handley, leaving her husband and her 
 baby, returned with her mother to Munich, where they were 
 coldly received by society. Handley was for some time 
 anxious to bring the matter to a public trial, but was even- 
 tually persuaded by Keeve and his other friends to let it 
 rest. This forms the principal subject of Reeve's later 
 letters, which it is unnecessary to repeat. 
 
 From M. de Tocqueville 
 
 May 22nd. What you tell me of the tendency of our 
 Cabinet to drift apart from yours appears to me only too 
 likely, but I cannot share the satisfaction which you show. 
 In my opinion, the union of the two people is essential to 
 the maintenance of free institutions in Europe a considera- 
 
 1 Cf. Notice ur Alexis de Toequevllle, par O. de Beaumont, pp. 43-4.
 
 .El. 23 STARTS FOR BOHEMIA 67 
 
 tion which, in my eyes, surpasses all others. As to the 
 desire which the aristocratic party in England is said to 
 have to plunge their country into war, in order to occupy 
 the minds of the people, I can understand it, but only by 
 considering the desperate state to which that party seems to 
 be reduced. In the position it is in, it may seem better to 
 play double or quits than to keep on everlastingly losing 
 petty stakes. But war is better fitted to prevent a revolu- 
 tion than to stop one when it has begun. Now it appears 
 to me that among you revolution has been in full swing for 
 the last five years ; and I cannot believe that the disquiet 
 necessarily attendant on a state of war even supposing the 
 issue of it to be fortunate, which must be doubtful will not 
 give fresh activity to the spirit of faction, and set free 
 demagogic passions such as, at present, you have little idea 
 of. Besides, you are not yet at war ; and nowadays, it takes 
 more than a wish to be so. 
 
 But enough of politics. What did our fathers talk about 
 fifty years ago ? I cannot imagine. Take politics from our 
 conversation, and nothing is left but monosyllables and 
 dumb show. Yet they talked as much as we do, and often 
 better than we do ; they found a hundred things to say 
 where we do not find one to think ; they had the gift of 
 treating serious matters gaily ; very different from us, who do 
 our fooling so sadly. 
 
 Whilst in Paris, Eeeve had made an engagement with 
 the Thuns to visit them in their Bohemian home at Tet- 
 schen, and early in August he started for Germany. In the 
 following summer he published some account of his tour in 
 the ' Metropolitan Magazine ; ' l but his letters to his mother, 
 though covering the same ground, have a personal interest 
 which is wanting from the more finished narrative. 
 
 To Mrs. Eeeve 
 
 4 King Street, August 4th. I still adhere to my plan of 
 starting on Saturday. ... I look forward with much plea- 
 sure to a fortnight's repose at the good Thuns' at Tetschen, 
 for I begin to find the life of an independent man a terribly 
 
 1 ' Sketches of Bohemia and the Slavonian provinces of the Austrian Empire.' 
 
 F2
 
 68 VISITS DRESDEN 1836 
 
 busy one. I hope to get from Prague to the Carpathians 
 before the season is too much advanced ; but if the autumn 
 is a bad one, I must give up that part. You shall hear 
 from me as often as I can [manage it], but do not be 
 alarmed if I do not find post offices every week. Write to 
 me at Prague for September 1st. I shall pass my birthday 
 there, I dare say, and have my health drunk in imperial 
 Tokay. . . . 
 
 Handley wants to know whether you will take him as a 
 lodger for part of the time of my absence. You might 
 write to him. The baby will stay with the old people ; but 
 if you can be of any use to it, I am sure you will treat my 
 little ward as you would my son. 
 
 Crossing over to Hamburg, he met on board the steamer 
 Christopher Wordsworth, at that time head-master of 
 Harrow, whose acquaintance he had made at Cambridge two 
 years before, and Hymers, the tutor of St. John's College, 
 whose name was long familiar to Cambridge men as the 
 author of several mathematical text-books. With them he 
 travelled to Berlin and Dresden. 
 
 To Mrs. Reeve 
 
 Dresden, August 16th. [At Berlin] I was introduced to 
 Count Baczynski, a very wealthy and agreeable connois- 
 seur, who has a very fair gallery, and is publishing a splendid 
 work on modern German art, of which I straightway for- 
 warded a review to the ' Athenaeum.' Banke I did not see, 
 as he was out, but his bookseller told me that no term is 
 assigned to the length of the book, of which two volumes on 
 the Popes have already appeared, exclusive of the first 
 volumes. Tell this to my aunt. . . . We met in a beer 
 garden at Berlin my very agreeable Worcestershire acquain- 
 tance, Mr. Galton, with his two boys, 1 and he proved to be a^ 
 friend of Wordsworth's also; so our caravan was at once 
 increased by three members, and we are now all living 
 together in the hotel here (Dresden), and lionising and 
 laughing all day long. . . . To-morrow, however, this agree- 
 able party will, I fear, be dispersed. The Galtons return to 
 England, Wordsworth and Hymers go on to Prague, and I 
 1 The younger of these boys was the present Sir Douglas Galton, K.C.B.
 
 ,ET. 23 IMPRESSIONS OF PRAGUE 69 
 
 am waiting for further tidings from Franz Thun, who has 
 written to say he shall come over to fetch me. The 
 Tetschen plan fails, however, for the present, as (contrary to 
 what Leo Thun had told me) the family are already gone to 
 Prague, whither I shall consequently follow, either with 
 Wordsworth or Franz Thun. . . . 
 
 The Gallery here is in confusion worse confused ; and 
 bad as was its arrangement when I was here before, the 
 changes which have been made have in no wise improved it. 
 Yet what an overpowering -mass of pictures of the highest 
 kind is here ! The mind is stunned by the impressions 
 which crowd upon the sense as by the sustained total music 
 of some vast orchestra. It is not till the memory has 
 relieved itself by subdivision that one is at ease to revert to 
 the chief treasures of the collection. 
 
 Prague, August %5th. Shortly after I had despatched 
 my last letter from Dresden, our very pleasant party dis- 
 persed itself; the Galtons to Munich, Hymers and 
 Wordsworth to Prague, and I into the Saxon Switzerland 
 and the Bohemian mountains under the excellent care of 
 Count Franz Thun, who came over to Dresden to fetch me. 
 I cannot now describe at length all the beautiful scenery we 
 wandered through on the wild and woody banks of the 
 Elbe. . . . The first view of Prague is an epoch in one's life, 
 only to be compared to the first view of Venice, or of Geneva 
 from the Jura ; as striking, indeed, though nowise re- 
 sembling either. The thousand towers of the churches and 
 convents and the whole character of the scene reminded me 
 of what one hears of Eastern cities ; and the swart beauty 
 of the neighbouring peasants, the women with their thick 
 white veils turned back over their brows, the fiery horses, 
 and the animation of the people sufficiently indicated that I 
 had left all traces of the German character at the frontier 
 behind me. I cannot describe my delight as we drove across 
 the bridge built by that Charles IV. who was the friend of 
 Petrarch, and adorned at a more recent period with noble 
 statues of the favourite saints of Bohemia, and in the middle 
 with a huge altar surmounted by a splendid crucifix, at the 
 foot of which, in the midst of the press and hurry of a 
 metropolis, the afflicted and the devout were counting their
 
 70 CORONATION OF THE EMPEROR 1836 
 
 rosaries and offering up their prayers. Although the pre- 
 parations for the emperor's triumphal entry are already far 
 advanced, as it will take place on September 1st, I found no 
 difficulty in getting a room in a decent inn, and I shall 
 probably remove in a day or two to a private lodging. I 
 found my friend, Leo Thun, very busy with his judicial 
 functions, and I have plenty of time to myself, which I am 
 likely to employ very agreeably in reading up the history of 
 the country, in visiting the endless wonders of a city where 
 every house is a work of art, and in observing the manifold 
 peculiarities of a people which interests me more every day. 
 Prague, September Itli. I have delayed writing till I 
 should think myself sure of catching you at Norwich, and 
 till the ceremony which I have been so fortunate as to 
 witness was terminated. I am this moment returned from 
 the cathedral, where I have seen with these eyes the crown 
 of Bohemia placed upon the head of the emperor. The 
 scene was equal to the height of my conceptions of earthly 
 grandeur ; and whether I looked to the prince-archbishop 
 on his throne at the altar, surrounded by the vast mitred 
 clergy of the realm, or to the emperor kneeling opposite, in 
 the midst of the ministers, nobles, and knights of the Golden 
 Fleece, the feeling of the olden time stirred me in these living 
 symbols. I beheld the junction of the two great potentates of 
 Christendom, and I could not but delude myself into re- 
 garding them as the substance of that power of which they 
 are now but the shadows the Roman emperor and the 
 Catholic pontiff. As this first impression subsided, however, 
 the feeling of the national dignity of this noble Bohemia, 
 here consecrated and recognised, came over me with a 
 scarcely less elevating excitement ; the whole pageant, the 
 regalia which have been worn under such different and 
 perilous circumstances by so many of the greatest of princes, 
 the nobility still retaining their aristocratic bearing, and 
 assisting the archbishop, in the person of their chief peer, to 
 place the crown upon their sovereign's head, the herald of 
 the kingdom with his tabard and two-tailed lion, and the 
 solemnity of the Bohemian oath, with the enthusiasm of the 
 people, made one forget the imperial character of the actors 
 to admire the national splendour of the scene.
 
 Mi. i?3 THE RELIGIOUS CEREMONY 71 
 
 Nor was the religious impression the least profound effect 
 of the ceremony ; to me, at least, these things are not merely 
 shows and plays, but acts of solemn worship, tenfold 
 heightened by the gorgeous ornaments with which they are 
 surrounded. The political character of the ceremony had, 
 indeed, changed from the days of Charles IV. or of George 
 of Podiebrad ; but that religious truth, that blessed Christian 
 rite, the divine melody of the service, the chorus of anthems, 
 and the glorious initiatory character of the spiritual power, 
 were still the same as they shall ever be under Him by 
 whose grace all kings wear their diadems and all states exist. 
 When, in the midst of the glitter of earthly regality, the 
 Eucharist was raised and imparted in its mystical simplicity, 
 and all the people, together with their new crowned king, 
 dropped down in honour of the bloodless sacrifice, he could 
 be no Christian man who did not feel himself moved by a 
 tremor of devotion and of love. 
 
 I have not room to describe the details of the ceremony, 
 or of all the spectacles which I have witnessed since the 
 emperor made his triumphal entrance into Prague on 
 September 1st. The city has been in one continual festivity; 
 we have had the ' Crociato ' at the Opera, attended by all the 
 Court, where I saw for the first time those remarkable men 
 whose names will live in the history of Austria and of 
 our time the Archdukes Charles and John and Prince 
 Metternich. 
 
 On Sunday morning High Mass was performed on an 
 immense plain near Prague, on which were met the court, 
 the army, and the city, in all about 50,000 souls, kneeling 
 round the same altar in the face of open day. To-night we 
 are to have an illumination ; on the 12th the empress is to 
 be crowned ; and the whole will conclude with a great 
 national festival; the court will leave Prague on the 15th. 
 
 To descend to minor particulars, I must tell you that I 
 am very well lodged, in one of the best streets; not far 
 from the Thuns, who are unceasingly kind to me. If you 
 hear anything about the cholera, I beg you not to be 
 alarmed, as I am not. People here make a good deal of 
 fuss about it because the Archbishop of Olmiitz died of it 
 the day before yesterday; but with a regular diet and
 
 w FESTIVITIES IN PRAGUE 1886 
 
 tolerable precautions, I do not think it is more to be feared 
 than the thousand and one events to which one is everywhere 
 
 exposed. 
 
 Sir Frederick Lamb 1 is exceedingly polite to me. 
 dined with him yesterday to meet Lady Jersey, Prince 
 Esterhazy, Prince Schwartzenberg, M. de Sainte-Aulaire, 
 and the Prussian ambassador ; and talked a great deal with 
 Prince Esterhazy, who you know is half an Englishman. 
 The Molesworths are here, and Sir William and I have 
 interchanged visits. I expect the Milmans shortly. . . . 
 
 I am working very hard at Bohemian history and the 
 present state of the country, and have already got nearly a 
 volume of notes. My love of the Slavonians increases every 
 half-hour ; and I shall bring home a head full of Bohemian 
 heroism, and a trunk full of Bohemian books and antiquities, 
 to be elaborated this winter in the little room at Hampstead. 
 
 Prague, September 2Qth. The festivities are over, and 
 the court left Prague yesterday ; but since my last letter I 
 have assisted at a variety of scenes even more striking than 
 the one I attempted to describe. The coronation of the 
 queen was embellished with all the ladies of the court and 
 all the diamonds of the empire. I was at an immense ball 
 at court, where more than 3,000 persons were very 
 pleasantly entertained in two rooms, with plenty of refresh- 
 ments, and the divine Strauss in the orchestra. I have also 
 been at sundry private parties, where we trod on archdukes 
 and archduchesses, and had one's partners taken away 
 from one by imperial command. I have seen Prague 
 illuminated, with all its great amphitheatre of palaces 
 glittering with lights, its broad river rolling between walls 
 of Bengal fire, and its towers decked with vases of coloured 
 light up to their very summits ; and, to crown the whole, I 
 was present at the Volksfest, or people's festival, where 
 Bishop Blaise, and the Vignerons, and the Lord Mayor's 
 show, and all the shows that ever existed since Noah's 
 triumphal procession out of the Ark, were collected in one 
 vast pageant, which took two hours to defile before the 
 empress at a rapid pace. The peasants and the workmen, 
 
 1 The English ambassador, created Lord Beauvale in 1839. He was the 
 younger brother of Lord Melbourne, whom he succeeded in the title in 1848.
 
 Mi. 24 VISITS THE SYNAGOGUE 73 
 
 weavers, labourers, and miners, were collected in parties, 
 one from each of the sixteen circles of Bohemia, headed by 
 a bride and bridegroom from each circle, who were chosen 
 for the occasion, with a train of twenty bridesmaids and 
 bridesmen apiece, and followed by carriages very prettily 
 adorned with all the various productions of the country- 
 all which, I beg to state, I have described at great length in 
 my notebook. 
 
 The festivities are over, but I am still so busied in 
 Prague that I shall not leave it for ten days more. I have 
 yet to go to Karlstein, an old palace of the Bohemian kings, 
 and to the convent of St. Ivan near it ; and I shall perhaps 
 take a couple of days' shooting on one of the Thuns' estates 
 in the Rakonitzer Kreis. But the Thuns are now gone 
 back to Tetschen to receive the Archduchess Sophie, who 
 went to stay there immediately after the ceremony. I 
 expect them to start on the 30th inst. for Olmutz, Troppau, 
 and Cracow. . . . 
 
 The Milmans arrived here the day after the fair, and 
 only saw the peasants getting drunk after their rejoicings ; 
 but I had the pleasure of acting as their cicerone for two 
 days ; and they went away as convinced as I could wish 
 them to be that Prague is the finest city in the world. We 
 visited the city of the Jews together in great detail, where 
 we found a synagogue which Rembrandt might have painted 
 and filled with his own wrinkled and bearded Rabbins. I 
 am sure they took Mr. M. for a foreign Rabbin of distinction, 
 from the knowledge he showed of their language and 
 customs ; and they were very near giving him the Torah ' to 
 carry. For my part, I was very near destroying all the 
 sorcery by crossing myself and pulling off my hat ; and if 
 the historian had not cautioned me in time, I should 
 inevitably have shared the fate of St. William of Norwich. 2 
 
 He adds in the Journal that whilst at Prague he became 
 intimate with General Skrynecki, who had commanded the 
 Polish armies in 1831, dined with him almost every day, and 
 
 1 The Book of the Law the Pentateuch. 
 
 2 According to the hagiology, a child who was kidnapped by the Jews, 
 tortured and crucified 'in derision,' anno 1144. His grave is in Norwich 
 Cathedral. See Stanton's ' Menology,' p. 132.
 
 74 IMPRESSIONS OF VIENNA 1836 
 
 received from him ' a course of military instruction,' which 
 was afterwards useful. 
 
 Vienna, October 7th. I can anticipate, my dear mother, 
 a slight movement of surprise on your part when you read 
 the date of this letter, and I am almost as much surprised 
 at finding myself here as you can be. Circumstances, how- 
 ever, seemed to point out the expediency of this addition to 
 my original plan, which only lengthens my tour by about 
 two hundred miles, and I hastily decided to spend a few days 
 in the imperial city. The last days of my stay in Prague 
 were very agreeable, and I need not tell you with what regret 
 I left a city which had awakened all my admiration, stimu- 
 lated my inquiries by its inexhaustible treasures, and opened 
 to my eyes an entirely new view of history and of Europe. 
 I have sent off my trunk to Dresden, laden with spoils of 
 various kinds, and with a collection of fine old Bohemian 
 psalmody, which I flatter myself you will allow to surpass 
 the unfortunate author of the 'Old Hundredth' himself. 
 Thus disembarrassed of my luggage, I wrapped myself in my 
 furs, which we are beginning to wear in these regions, and 
 took my place in the mail a vehicle which is really 
 preferable to a private carriage which speedily brought me 
 to Vienna. . . . 
 
 I expected so little from Vienna, especially at a season of 
 the year when it is as deserted as London, that I cannot say 
 I have been disappointed. The Cathedral of St. Stephen, 
 with its exquisite cone of Gothic architecture, is alone worth 
 the journey ; but it is a solitary exception, and of all the 
 capitals of Europe, Vienna is that which I shall least care to 
 revisit. My pleasures are not increased by the circumstance 
 of my not finding a soul in the city I know, except the 
 ambassador, 1 and an Austrian entomologist whom I met on 
 the road, who shows me kindnesses for the pure love of 
 Messrs. Kirby and Spence. Me med virtute involve, and I 
 shall leave Vienna as wise as I came into it, with the 
 acquired right, however, of saying that I have been there. . . 
 I have not recovered from the emotion with which I 
 have just learned the death of Malibran. I keep turning 
 
 1 Sir Frederick Lamb.
 
 ,T. 24 DEATH OF MALIBRAN 75 
 
 over in my mind the various occasions and parts in which I 
 saw her, just as one recalls every passage in the life of some 
 dear departed friend ; the whole array of her powers passes 
 before me like a pageant ; the wasting grief of her 
 Desdemona, the passion of her Amina, the heroism of her 
 Arsace, the truth of her Fidelio it was in that part I saw 
 her for the last time ; and all these several shapes are like 
 the vanities of a dream, having one soul to animate them. . 
 
 Malibran was not made for age, and I never saw her 
 without feeling that the light was wasting rapidly in 
 proportion to the intensity of its splendour. She snapped 
 like a spring, she is fallen like a bird from its perch ; and I 
 trust I am not wrong in thinking that, of all the blessings 
 with which Providence gilds and enriches the children of 
 genius, that of early death, in the glory of the bright sunshine 
 of their lives, is not the least. Those whom the Gods love 
 die young ; and Malibran is gone to join the Kaphaels, the 
 Novalis, and those happy spirits who shared the gifts of the 
 angels upon earth. We shall tell our children's children of 
 her incomparable sweetness ; an<3 I trust that England will 
 build a monument of pure silver over her grave. 
 
 Cracow, October 18th. It is all true as I said in my last 
 letter, my dearest mother, and I have the unspeakable satis- 
 faction of addressing a letter to you from the ancient capital 
 of old Poland ! Whether I consider the beautiful antiquity 
 of the city, the kind reception I have met with in a country 
 where to me there are no strangers, or the manifold asso- 
 ciations which hallow this spot in my mind, I cannot but con- 
 sider this little sojourn in Cracow as the crown and flower 
 of all my journeys, and as one of the most pleasing and 
 remarkable passages in my life ; and in a very few weeks, 
 one may almost say days, I hope we shall talk it all over 
 together. 
 
 My stay at Vienna displeased me mightily ; but the last 
 two days of it were rendered more agreeable by the very 
 Welcome company of John Murray fils, whom I found eating 
 a sweet dish in the hotel where I lodged. I wish he had 
 arrived sooner, for he is a very agreeable person, and the 
 most thoroughgoing sightseer, that ever trod the deck of a 
 packet-boat. . . .
 
 76 VISITS CRACOW 1830 
 
 From Brunn to Olmutz we passed hard by Austerlitz, 
 now a silent earth, seemingly unconscious of the great 
 harvest of glory which it once bore. ... At length we 
 crossed the Galician frontier, and at dawn on the following 
 day the magnificent valley of the Vistula lay at our feet, 
 with the huge old walls of the royal castle, and the towers of 
 the city, and the churches of Cracow glittering in the early 
 beams of the sun. It was to me one of the most elevating 
 and joyful sights that I ever remember to have witnessed. 
 I was allowed to cross the Vistula without difficulty, and I 
 was presently within the walls of the venerable, but, alas ! 
 the ruined city. I have no space to tell of half the admirable 
 remains of architecture, connected with innumerable 
 historic recollections, which I have found here almost a 
 second Prague the same romantic character, the same 
 Italian magnificence, the same ecclesiastical splendour, and 
 the same deserted condition. 
 
 The Journal briefly mentions ' a dinner and four evening 
 parties at Cracow ; ' but the letter gives an interesting 
 account of a visit, on a Sunday, to Ruszcza, a neighbouring 
 village, the country seat of a gentleman whose acquaintance 
 he had made. It tells of the pleasant drive, of fantastic 
 legends, of stalwart peasants ' tall, well-made, with strong 
 marked features, and an air of heroism ' and of the house, 
 the object of the visit. 
 
 To Mrs. Reeve 
 
 October 18th. A more simple and elegant dwelling I 
 have never entered. The furniture was made of a beautiful 
 white wood of the country, and the rooms were scented 
 from the rich perfumes of the flower beds under the large 
 windows. We spent the morning in the contemplation of 
 an excellent collection of prints from the early German 
 masters, and in talking of art, of the countries which are so 
 far off, and yet so near to the minds and hearts of this 
 extraordinary people. Nothing is more astonishing than to 
 find, at this distance from France and England, a whole 
 circle of society better acquainted with the novelties in 
 literature, with the remarkable men of the time, and all the 
 changes and ideas of the world, than any of the departments
 
 /Ex. 24 CHU11CH OF RUSZCZA 77 
 
 of France, or than the ordinary run of society in the country 
 in England. I could have imagined that Kussia was not 
 further from Paris than Montmorency, and at the same time 
 as near London as Richmond. Our party was increased in 
 the course of the day by some very delightful women, and 
 we sat down to an excellent Polish dinner, accompanied 
 with potent draughts of that celebrated wine 'Hungari& 
 natum, Cracovia educatum.' The evening was deliciously 
 clear and still, and I stole away from the merry party to 
 attend vespers in the village church close by. 
 
 The church of Euszcza is one of the oldest in Poland, 
 and under its simple roof it contains not a few monuments of 
 good and great men, with a fine picture by a Polish artist of the 
 beginning of the fifteenth century. The peasantry of the 
 hamlet were assembled at their evening prayer : the priest, 
 a worthy monk called Brother Florian, from a neighbouring 
 abbey, was reciting the service of the close of the day, 
 and the peasants (as is the custom in all the Slavonian 
 countries) joined in the harmonious chant of the responses. 
 The women, in their white dresses and peculiar white head- 
 dresses falling back upon their shoulders, were devoutly 
 kneeling side by side on the bare pavement ; and the men 
 those strong and brave Cracovian peasants of whom I spoke- 
 just now were praying with equal devotion a little lower 
 down the church. There was a serenity in their looks, and 
 a fervour in their worship, which surpassed, to my mind, all 
 the most splendid rites, and awakened the sweetest feelings 
 which accompany that piety most acceptable to Heaven. 
 The priest concluded the service, sprinkled the holy drops, 
 over the heads of his flock, and as we left the little church 
 the peasants did homage to the lord, with a look of affec- 
 tionate respect, kissing his hand as he passed, and touching 
 his foot with the left hand. As we drove back to Cracow 
 that night in the calm light of the horned moon, I could 
 think of nothing but the patriarchal and holy scene which 
 I had witnessed. . . . 
 
 I shall be at Dresden about this day week, and I count 
 upon your letters. Who knows that I shall not find a whole- 
 bundle, if my correspondents have been faithful ? I expect 
 to embark at Hamburg on November 12th,. but perhaps I
 
 78 BACK 'INTO EUROPE' 1886-7 
 
 shall wait for the ' John Bull ' on the 20th. I have now only 
 two more perils to escape the one is from the fleas, which 
 I find very hungry in Poland at this season, and the other is 
 from a descent into Hades, four stories deep i.e. into the 
 salt mines of Wieliczka, which I project for to-morrow. You 
 know that the mines are so vast that you can scarcely walk 
 round them in a fortnight ; three hours, however, will suffice 
 for me, who hate salt, and hold a salt cellar to be a world 
 too big for my wants. 
 
 Dresden, October 28th. I cannot get rid of the feeling 
 that I am come back into Europe, after having set foot in 
 some remote corner of the globe ; yet when I remember the 
 reception I found at Cracow ' The fathers in the old I met, 
 and brothers in the young ' there is nothing to remind me 
 that I was a stranger there. And now that I am once more 
 within call I already hear the signals of friendship and 
 encouragement from you all aye, and the good mother bird 
 chirping upon her nest too. God be thanked you are all 
 well, and that in the midst of personal honours and enjoy- 
 ments which are heaped upon me, like the jewels upon 
 Aladdin in the cave, there is no sting to wound me in the 
 persons of others not less dear, and no cloud visible at least 
 above the horizon. When shall I learn whether the springs 
 which are well tempered for prosperity and pleasure are as 
 strongly formed for evil times ? I strive daily to temper my 
 long overflow of happiness by the thought of death, and 
 changes for the worse ; by sympathy with the sufferings of 
 those about me, and by the contemplation of those immortal 
 sufferings which saved the world. But the devil who 
 tempts by making rich is a wise devil, and it is no light 
 task to be the spoiled child of the world and to live to some 
 purpose in it. 
 
 The Journal winds up the story : 
 
 Got back to Hampstead on November 9th. I wrote a 
 paper on the consulship at Cracow, which I gave in to 
 William Strangways, then Under Secretary at the Foreign 
 Office. It was circulated to the Cabinet and made me known 
 to Ministers. 
 
 I went to Bowood on December 29th, where I found
 
 ^Ei. 24 VISIT TO BOWOOD 79 
 
 Senior and Miss Fox, and ended this Annus Mirabilis by 
 drinking soda-water in the Oval room there. Tom Moore, 
 Luttrell, Eastlake, and Spedding were also there. 
 
 To Mr. E. H. Handley 
 
 Boivood, December 3Qth. It is a wonder that I have not 
 been buried in the snow ; but in Wales the fall was very 
 slight, and I was in no great danger till I entered the park 
 here, which is a positive Mer de Glace . . . but the natives 
 are sledging about gaily. In my way from Cheltenham, I 
 made a pilgrim's visit to the venerable abbey of Malmesbury, 
 and I expect that you will all honour me the more for 
 having visited the tomb of King Athelstan. To me the 
 place afforded food for melancholy reflection. . . . The 
 abbey, or all the brutal Koundheads left of it, contains rich 
 and rare wealth of arch and image, differing by their purely 
 English character from the edifices I have mostly seen, and 
 all the dearer to me on that account. . . . 
 
 I am here in clover, as you may suppose. To pass over 
 the cookery in silence, I cannot conceive anything more 
 exquisitely delightful than a dwelling in which the splendour 
 of opulence is only the foil to the splendour of art, and in 
 which one breakfasts with Titian, Eembrandt, and Michael 
 Angelo. I roll on soft cushions, and see real visions. 
 We are a small party, but Eastlake is coming to-day or to- 
 morrow. 
 
 The first six months of 1837, ' spent in London, or at 
 Hampstead, or in visits : a good deal in society,' call for no 
 further notice. 
 
 To Mr. E. IL Handley 
 
 Parthenon, April IQtli. I dined last night at the 
 Geological Club, with a very distinguished party, to meet 
 the new Bishop of Norwich [Stanley], with whom I was 
 much pleased. I talked with him with that warm interest 
 which hangs about a man all his life touching the place 
 and the recollections of one's earliest years. That old palace 
 of Norwich was to me, a child, the seat of an august and 
 amiable being [Bishop Bathurst], whom I regarded as the 
 model of goodness and greatness. Our garden joined the
 
 80 MEMORY OF BISHOP BATHURST 1837 
 
 
 
 palace grounds, and amongst those old ruins and quaint 
 walks we were let to play our childhood away. When we 
 left Norwich for Geneva, nine years ago, that venerable 
 prelate gave me a blessing which I would fain believe to be 
 still upon me, and he added, 'You are going, my dear boy, 
 to the land which has been a world of visionary delight to 
 me ever since I was a young man, and read Rousseau, and 
 wept passionate tears under the fancied rocks of Meillerie ; 
 to you those delights and those scenes will be charming 
 realities ; to me, they still exist in imagination. You should 
 take me with you as your chaplain. Take my blessing with 
 you wherever you go, and my advice to love your good 
 mother always ; she is your best friend.' Was not this 
 sweet counsel ? Am I not right to cherish the memory of 
 Dr. Henry Bathurst ? 
 
 ' I was at my uncle Thomas Reeve's, at Ray don,' he 
 wrote in the Journal, ' when William IV. died and the Queen 
 was proclaimed. On July 9th we started my mother and 
 I for Geneva, by the Rhine.' 
 
 To Mr. E. 11. Handley 
 
 Frankfort-a.-M., July Wth. I met Dr. Bernaj's on 
 board the steamer from Coblenz to Mainz, and we have 
 been busy here together examining the public schools for 
 the middle classes, which, you know, is an object of my 
 peculiar attention. Is it possible that we have no public 
 schools in England for the very class of the community 
 which requires instruction most ? The Muster-schule here 
 is indeed a muster for us to follow. I was not aware to 
 what an extent the system of public day schools for girls of 
 the middle classes is carried in Germany. The school here 
 contains two hundred girls from eight to seventeen years of 
 age. I am inclined to think that this is a very bad thing. 
 It is a Spartan education, though it does not make Spartans 
 of the women. It may be well for the body and character 
 of a young female child, to give her a large share of childish 
 sports and school discipline ; but from the age of thirteen, 
 when the woman begins to exist, the hoop and ball of the* 
 playground ought surely to be given up for the more serious 
 and tranquil education of domestic life.
 
 ifiT. 25 IS SUMMONED TO LONDON 81 
 
 I find all Germany in considerable agitation from the 
 insane patent of the King of Hanover. 1 H.M. has undertaken 
 a siege of Troy in this campaign against the institutions 
 of Hanover, and he has begun it by burning the ship which 
 might have brought him back to England. If I was in 
 Parliament, I would support a Bill of Exclusion ; for true 
 Conservative principles consist in the maintenance of 
 constitutional rights to all existing institutions, by warding 
 off the aggressions of persons, and maintaining the funda- 
 mental principles of the realm amongst which I place the 
 elective character of the English monarchy, as sanctioned 
 by the precedents from William the Conqueror to the 
 present day. 
 
 In 1837 the unity of English history was but little 
 understood, or Reeve would have carried his precedents 
 back, not to William the Conqueror, but to the historic 
 Egbert and the semi-mythical Cedric. 
 
 The autumn was passed, for the most part, at Geneva ; 
 and Reeve, with his mother, was still there when, on 
 November 2nd, he received a letter from Lord Lans- 
 downe offering him the Clerkship of Appeals. He im- 
 mediately started for London, where he arrived on the 12th, 
 and took up his old quarters in King Street. On the 14th 
 he saw Lord Lansdowne, but hesitated about accepting the 
 appointment, feeling some doubt of his competency, as 
 he explained in his letters to his mother, who had remained 
 at Geneva. 
 
 Parthenon Club, November 15th. 
 
 I saw Lord Lansdowne yesterday, who was as kind as 
 possible, and I had the satisfaction to find that I was arrived 
 in time at any rate. The place vacant is that of Clerk of 
 the Appeals to the Queen in Council, or rather to the Judicial 
 Committee of the Council. You may remember that I con- 
 templated the offer of a legal post in the Council Office with 
 extreme diffidence, amounting to a determination to refuse 
 an appointment for which my studies have not fitted me. 
 This clerkship is precisely the case I had foreseen and 
 
 1 Ernest Augustus, Duke of Cumberland, eldest survis-ing brother of William 
 IV., on announcing by letters patent, of July 8th, his accession to the throne of 
 Hanover, declared also his intention of abolishing the existing constitution 
 and representative government. The intention was carried into effect in the 
 following November. 
 
 VOL. I. G
 
 82 APPOINTED CLERK OF APPEALS 1837 
 
 negatived in iny own mind. It is very high in the office 
 the second in rank. It is the head of the legal department 
 of the Privy Council, and it is, of course, very important, 
 very responsible, and very well paid. If it was an affair of 
 English law the thing would be settled directly. I told 
 Lord Lansdowne that I knew nothing of the practice of 
 English laws or English courts. But this ignorance is not so 
 misplaced in this case as I had anticipated. The Judicial 
 Committee of the Council is an anomalous court, which 
 hears none but colonial appeals, and appeals to be decided 
 by Indian law, Civil law, and French law, &c. My Roman 
 law consequently places me in a better position than half the 
 great English lawyers, who would find no use for their 
 knowledge of the law of real property, &c. ; and after all, 
 whoever they appointed must have time to understand the 
 business of the office before much is expected of him. 
 Kemble, whom I have consulted, observes with truth that 
 in public affairs routine is everything, and that you have 
 only to allow yourself to float with the stream. I think, 
 therefore, that I shall accept. Lord Lansdowne evidently 
 urges it ; and, after all, if he makes a bad appointment, I 
 am not to blame. ... It is probable that if I accept the 
 place my functions will begin forthwith, and you must 
 wait for an opportunity to return en poste. I will send you 
 money enough. If I do not get the place, I shall probably 
 start for Paris about next Thursday to-morrow week. 
 
 November 17 th. The whole affair is arranged and I am 
 now Clerk of Appeals to the Privy Council, with a handsome 
 salary and all sorts of consideration. I went down to the office 
 again yesterday, where all the people (i.e. the subordinates) 
 already receive me cap in hand, and saw Mr. Greville, the 
 senior Clerk of the Council, which corresponds in rank to an 
 Under-Secretary of State. He was as civil as Mr. Lennard 
 had been the day before, offered every kind of assistance, 
 said all kinds of flattering things to his new colleague, and 
 quite settled my determination. I saw Lord Lansdowne in 
 the evening, and I shall be entered on the books to-day. 
 I need not conceal from you, my dear motherly friend, that 
 I am satisfied with myself in this matter. I feel a pleasant 
 consciousness that I have not allowed myself to be elated or
 
 JE-t. 25 ENTERS ON THE OFFICE 83 
 
 made giddy by these events ; that I have remained as I 
 always try to be, the master of my boat across this rapid 
 current of circumstances ; and that I enter office with as 
 much independence of spirit and discernment as I have in 
 my nature. The only thing which has occurred to disturb 
 my serene enjoyment in this singular elevation is the colossal 
 joy of Handley, which bursts forth in grotesque symbologies, 
 in bolts of poetry, in storms of metaphysics, and in hearty 
 tugs of friendship which are better than all the rest. We 
 dined together yesterday after it was all settled : drank the 
 Queen in champagne, and the Lord-President in claret, and 
 went to the Buffa Opera, which has just opened and is very 
 charming. 
 
 Downing Street, November 27th. 
 
 MY DEAREST MOTHER, Your letter of Wednesday last 
 is this morning arrived, and very welcome it is to me. It 
 had scarcely occurred to me that your joy would be of so 
 great and intense a kind ; because to myself these events, 
 however flattering and prosperous, have appeared as a 
 change from a state of known happiness, and liberal pursuits, 
 to a condition of more worldly consideration certainly, but 
 perhaps of less individual value. Therefore, upon the whole 
 the balance appears to me to be nearly equal ; and as I was 
 never possessed with an overweening ambition to change 
 my former manner of life, so now I should not feel it as a 
 calamity if I had to return to it. Therefore my joy is 
 moderate though deep, and I am most moved by it when I 
 read the measure of this success in your letters or in my 
 friends' faces. 
 
 The notices of all this in the Journal are very short, and 
 add nothing beyond 
 
 On Monday, December 4th, the Judicial Committee 
 began to sit Brougham, Parke, Bosanquet, and Erskine. 
 Brougham was furious at my appointment and did all he could 
 o oust me. But Greville and the other judges defended me. 
 
 This year decided the course of my life.
 
 CHAPTEK III 
 
 CLERK OF APPEALS 
 
 THE appointment of Henry Keeve to the clerkship in the 
 Council Office began a new chapter in his life ; it marked 
 the end of preparation, the commencement of real work. 
 Hitherto he had been a student, acquiring and garnering 
 knowledge of different kinds, without any clear idea of 
 where or how it was to be used. And yet no prescription 
 could have better fitted him for the path he was destined to 
 tread. His education at Geneva, at Munich, and at Paris 
 had given him a mastery of French and German of French 
 especially, which he spoke and wrote as a native ; he had a 
 competent literary knowledge of Italian ; he had been well 
 grounded and exercised in Latin, which he read with facility ; 
 but his knowledge of Greek was limited, and probably did 
 not extend much beyond Person's ' four plays ' which he had 
 worked through as a schoolboy. In music and painting he 
 had a cultivated taste, though it does not appear that he 
 had any personal skill in either art ; and the frequent 
 writing of very long letters on passing events ordered, we 
 may suppose, by his mother had given him a remarkable 
 ease and readiness in the use of the pen, which his literary 
 aspirations enabled him, at an early age, to turn to profitable 
 account. But more than these were the habit of society, 
 which had been cultivated almost from infancy, and the 
 chance which had everywhere made him acquainted with 
 men who either already were or in due time came to be 
 amongst the foremost in Europe, in politics, in literature, or 
 in art. It often occurred, even to himself, that there was 
 something unusual and extraordinary in a lad of eighteen or 
 twenty, or even twenty-four, with no particular advantage 
 of birth, associating familiarly with men of European reputa- 
 tion, ambassadors, ministers of state, poets, painters, or 
 musicians. 
 
 That he had made the most of his opportunities appears 
 in the story already related ; and he owed his appointment
 
 JET. 25 THE JUDICIAL COMMITTEE 85 
 
 in the Council Office to no family interest, but to the favour- 
 able impression he made on the Marquis of Lansdowne, 
 the President of the Council ; an impression which a longer 
 acquaintance confirmed and strengthened ; so that we find 
 him in future years not only a frequent visitor at Bowood, 
 but selected by Lord Lansdowne and other presidents of the 
 council as an agent trusted with the conduct of unofficial, 
 but delicate and even critical, diplomacy. 
 
 During the first year of his service, however, we may 
 assume that his time was fully occupied in learning the 
 routine of the office, the work of which was of a most 
 complex and varied description. The Judicial Committee 
 of the Privy Council was called into being in 1833 by Lord 
 Brougham's ' Act for the better Administration of Justice 
 in His Majesty's Privy Council,' by which it was enacted 
 that all appeals to the King in Council should be heard and 
 tried, with full powers, by a committee presided over by the 
 President of the Council, and consisting of all the high legal 
 authorities of the realm, together with some few others 
 named by the sovereign. Modifications in the constitution 
 of the committee have been made from time to time, the 
 most important of which was perhaps the introduction of 
 bishops of the Established Church at first as judges, and 
 afterwards as assessors and advisers in ecclesiastical cases ; 
 but in its essential features the committee remains the same 
 as that ordered in 1833. 1 
 
 It may be safely asserted that, not even excepting the 
 Supreme Court of the United States, there is not and never 
 has been any tribunal in the world which has been called 
 on to administer laws of such variety, extending over so 
 large a portion of the earth, or affecting such vast multitudes 
 of people as does the Queen in Council through the Judicial 
 Committee. In the United Kingdom the jurisdiction is not 
 very large ; it extends to the prolongation of patents and to 
 ecclesiastical appeals, and, during some time of Keeve's ser- 
 vice, it included appeals from the Admiralty Courts. But 
 from every other part of the British Empire appeals lie to 
 the Crown ; and the laws applicable to the several depen- 
 dencies are not only English Law as modified in each 
 dependency by its own legislation, but French Law, Dutch 
 Law, Roman Law, Canon and Civil Law, Hindoo Laws of 
 various schools, Mohammedan Law and Buddhist Law. 
 Besides this, the Crown may refer any question to the Judi- 
 cial Committee for advice ; and though such references are 
 
 1 W. Macpherson's Practice of tlw Judicial Committee, pp. 10, 11.
 
 86 THE QUEEN'S C0110NATJON 183$ 
 
 not very frequent, when made they are usually of great 
 importance. 1 
 
 It was, of course, no part of Reeve's duty to form any 
 opinion of the merits of the cases, nor to study them for that 
 purpose ; but it was necessary for him to understand their 
 nature, in order to provide for their hearing by qualified men*, 
 and this demanded a clear intelligence as well as industry. 
 He had to arrange the business of the Court in its minutest 
 detail, and especially he had to ensure the attendance of a 
 quorum of the committee, which was not always easy ; for, 
 though the number of members was large, they were all men 
 who had their own specific work to do, or their holidays to 
 take ; and were often unwilling to put themselves out of the 
 way to perform a duty which seemed to be somewhat unfairly 
 laid upon them. All this involved a great deal of correspond- 
 ence and a great deal of tact, and must at first have given the 
 young clerk a good deal of trouble. It is thus not surprising 
 that he had but little leisure for other work ; and though 
 he brought out (privately printed) ' Graphidae, or Character- 
 istics of Painters/ a small collection of poetical apostrophes, 
 it appears from incidental references in his letters that 
 at least some, probably most of them, were written at 
 Munich in 1832-33, while the spirit of Italy and Venice 
 was still on him. Very few letters of the year have been 
 preserved, and the Journal speaks for itself. 
 
 1838. I have no diary for this year and but a faint re- 
 collection of it. But early in the year Henry Chorley 2 and 
 I agreed to take lodgings in common, and established our- 
 selves at No. 9, Chapel Street, Grosvenor Place. We set to 
 work to make our house agreeable. He supplied the music 
 and I part of the company. Through Chorley I became 
 intimate with the Procters, Browning, Moscheles, and 
 especially at Gore House. 3 
 
 The coronation took place on June 28th. Faucher and 
 his wife came over to stay with me in Chapel Street. I was 
 one of the Earl Marshal's men in the abbey, and escorted 
 the ambassadors &c. to their seats. Stood behind the 
 throne during the ceremony with the maids of honour. 
 
 1 For this note on the business of the Court the author is indebted to the 
 kindness of Lord Hobhouse. 
 
 * Henry Fothergill Chorley, born in 1808, was by five years Reeve's senior. 
 He wag a writer of taste and refinement, but wanting the verve which could 
 make hia works acceptable to the public, and was perhaps best known in his 
 onnexion with the Atlienaum. 
 
 1 The Countess of Blessington's. Cf . The Grevilk Memoirs, 2nd part, i. 167.
 
 ~Mt. i>5 TOCQUEVILLE 87 
 
 I first met the Bichardsons in this year at a party at 
 Mrs. Martineau's in Fludyer Street. I afterwards saw them 
 at Mrs. Spottiswoode's ball and at Lansdowne House. 
 
 The following letter from M. de Tocqueville refers to the 
 concluding part of the 'Democratic en Amerique,' which was 
 translated and published in 1840 : 
 
 Baujy par Compiegne, March 2nd. You ask when my 
 book will be finished. I can only repeat what I have already 
 told you, my dear translator, that I know nothing about it. 
 I am most anxious that it should be printed next winter ; 
 but, from past experience of such things, I feel quite unable 
 to say that this will be possible. Day after day I find 
 myself altogether wrong in my calculations a thing you 
 will easily understand, as you know that I do not prepare 
 my work in advance, but that it is my custom only to 
 arrange the plan and principal ideas, and then to follow the 
 current of my thoughts, quickly or slowly, as they serve me. 
 So that I never know beforehand how much time or how much 
 paper will be needed for what remains to be done ; and I can 
 only say that I left Paris for the whole winter and came and 
 shut myself up here with Mme. de Tocqueville ; that I work 
 from morning till night ; that I am doing my best, and cannot 
 possibly go any quicker, except by turning out inferior work 
 which is not to be thought of. For, naturally, I want to 
 succeed ; and if I must fail, will fail according to rule. So 
 I come back to where I started from, which is to tell you of 
 what I wish : and that is to finish my work by the end of 
 autumn, so that the printing may begin next December. 
 But I cannot answer for this till I have passed the first sheet 
 for ' press.' 
 
 Tocqueville, August 12th. It is indeed treating you as a 
 friend to propose that you should come to us in the midst of 
 all the pulling down and building up again now going on in 
 this old hall, which was always ugly, and which half a 
 century of neglect has reduced to a ramshackle farmhouse. I 
 think I have already told you what to expect. On one side, a 
 heap of litter, tenanted by pigs, ducks, and geese ; on the other 
 side, some beds of peas ; and between the two, a dilapidated 
 old house re-echoing with the hammers of workmen. This
 
 88 SOCIETY IN LONDON 1889 
 
 is the only shelter I can offer you ; but I can assure you of a 
 hearty welcome ; you will share our present misery, and try, 
 like us, to see this place, in imagination, as it will be in 
 eighteen months' time. 
 
 Office work, reading, writing, and society this last 
 especially occupied Keeve's time, and the months slipped 
 away without any noteworthy occurrence. He was, in fact, 
 strengthening the foundations of his future success. His 
 Journal shows him as associating on friendly terms with 
 artists and men of letters, and becoming known to members 
 of the aristocracy of rank and intellect. 
 
 1839. Our house in Chapel Street continued to be 
 agreeable. January 31st we received Carlyle, Eio, Austin, 
 the Grotes, the Melvilles, Von Glehns, Herbert (R.A.), Bell, 
 Phillips, Thackeray, Sydney Smith, and Doyle. I was con- 
 tinually at Gore House, where I met the Duke of Beaufort, 
 Brougham, Lyndhurst, Lord Stuart de Rothesay, Alfred 
 Montgomery, Prince Louis Napoleon, Landseer, Countess 
 Guiccioli, Maclise, John Forster, Lord Normanby, Lady 
 Charlotte Bacon, 1 Landor. 
 
 On May 4th I was called to the Bar Middle Temple ; 
 and took to reading law with Alfred Austin. May 22nd and 
 23rd I went to the Levee and the Drawing Room ; but I had 
 been presented by Lord Lansdowne in the preceding year. 
 Saw the rehearsal for the Eglinton Tournament at St. 
 John's Wood. 
 
 In August went to Scotland for the first time, with 
 Charles Hamilton. 2 
 
 With knapsack on back Reeve wandered from Callander 
 to the Trossachs, where he stayed a couple of days, ' doing ' 
 the ' Lady of the Lake ' country, then still comparatively 
 unknown to Englishmen. His letters to his mother are 
 filled with descriptions of it, which it is unnecessary to 
 repeat. The short tour ended at Glasgow, whence he 
 wrote : 
 
 1 Lady Charlotte Harley, daughter of the fifth Earl of Oxford, was, as a child 
 of eleven, celebrated by Byron as lanthe in the dedication to Childc Harold. 
 In 1823 she married Major Anthony Bacon, and died in 1880. Her portrait by 
 
 fltall is engraved in Finden's Illustrations of the Life and Works of Lord 
 
 ,! Ctarl e8 Anthony Hamilton, born in 1609, a cadet of the family of Lord 
 Eelhaven, was Deputy-Clerk of the Privy Council. He died in 1860.
 
 .-Ex. 26 FIRST VISIT TO SCOTLAND 89 
 
 August nth. We passed Loch Katrine in a row-boat. 
 The party from the inn was large, and we had a small 
 boat to ourselves, rather more swift and secure than 
 the Swiss lake boats we have been in under similar circum- 
 stances. When we arrived at the other end of Loch Katrine, 
 we walked about five miles to Inversnaid, through a wild 
 bleak pass, from which we took our leave of Benvenue. 
 Amongst our party were two couples who soon excited our 
 attention. The women, both handsome, and dressed alike 
 in the Lennox plaid, were mounted on the Highland ponies 
 which are kept to take people over that pass, and each one 
 was attended by her most faithful and attentive squire, 
 holding her bridle over the gullies and burns. They were 
 sisters, we thought. Then we thought they were brides. 
 At last, while we were waiting for the steamer at the foot of 
 the Inversnaid waterfall on the bank of Loch Lomond, 
 Charles Hamilton made a brilliant guess which explained 
 the whole ; and I then recognised them as the sister-brides, 
 Sir S. Glynne's sisters, who were married the other day 
 [July 25th], at the same hour, to W. Gladstone and Lord 
 Lyttelton. A prettier or a happier party never journeyed 
 across the heather. But this is not all. Before we could 
 get from the shore to the steamer, I descried on board the 
 other pretty bride, Thomasina Hankey, now Mrs. Maxwell, 
 whom we were talking about at Eichmond the other day. 
 She only crossed and landed where we got on board ; but I 
 thought that it was a large sum of human happiness to 
 have met in one day. 
 
 But, notwithstanding all the happiness, the wind was 
 intensely cold, and I let the Hamiltons and the brides land 
 at Tarbert and proceed to Inverary without me. I spent 
 two or three hours more in taking a complete survey of Loch 
 Lomond, which is exceedingly picturesque ; then came 
 from Balloch to Dumbarton, where I found a steamer which, 
 for one shilling, brought me here to a late dinner. I never 
 in my life met with anything like the cheapness of the High- 
 lands. Since I left Edinburgh I have not spent 10s. a 
 day, including conveyances. Accordingly I have spent the 
 difference in divers stuffs of many colours and incredible 
 cheapness a magnificent plaid, a yard and a half wide and
 
 90 SLAVE-TRADE FRENZY 183& 
 
 three yards and three-quarters long, for 17. ; waistcoats, 
 3*. Qd. each ; trousers, 10s. just what I give two guineas- 
 for in London. 
 
 He had intended prolonging his stay in the North for 
 another week ; but an attack of gout the first assault of a 
 tyrant to whose sway he remained subject throughout his 
 life suggested that if he was to be ill, he might as well 
 be so in his own rooms, with his home comforts and his 
 books beside him. So as soon as he could move he took 
 the steamer to Liverpool, and thence by train to London ; 
 making this last journey in the amazingly short time of 
 eleven hours, and reaching his lodgings on the 22nd. 
 
 The letters which follow were all written to his mother, 
 and, whilst illustrating the almost child-like trust in her 
 preserved by a man now of mature years a trust and 
 affection which lasted to the end they afford also a singu- 
 larly clear view of what he was doing, reading, hearing, 
 saying almost, indeed, of what he was thinking. 
 
 C. 0., August 28/i. The Queen certainly was received 
 yesterday with marvellous acclamations a more numerous 
 and respectable crowd than I ever saw before on the same 
 occasion a circumstance I can hardly account for, unless 
 from the notion that she was to be unpopular, and so people 
 went to shout with all their might. The provinces and the 
 parsons all firmly believe that she can't go to church without 
 being hooted. 
 
 I have got a decided attack of the Slave-trade frenzy, or 
 Abolitionist fever ; and I think of Mr. Clarkson, who got off 
 his horse to roll on the turf for sheer thinking of the horrors- 
 of the middle passage. I am now far advanced in my article, 
 which will contain a vast quantity of fine parliamentary 
 horrors, and a most hopeless view of the case, which I reduce 
 to this dilemma : either men will seek a profit by draining 
 blacks out of Africa, which is the slave trade ; or they will 
 seek a profit by exploring Africa, introducing whites into 
 that continent, and probably extirpating the aborigines on 
 their own soil. 
 
 A curious forecast of what is actually taking place now 
 that the slave trade has' been put an end to ; when the cap- 
 tive negro, no longer a marketable chattel, is converted into 
 butcher meat or a sacrifice to a debased and foul superstition,.
 
 Mi. 26 BUKNIIAM BEECHES 91 
 
 and the nations of Europe are standing in arms, ready to 
 fight for the heritage of the man and the brother. 
 
 C. 0., September 3rd. On Saturday I flew on the wings- 
 of fire, which is the Pindaric way of saying I went per rail- 
 road, to Slough, and was driven through a tornado to Burn- 
 ham. 1 Poor Chorley sailed at three that morning for 
 Hamburg ; whereupon the Devil, who loves to subvert weak 
 stomachs, Jbrushed up the wind ; and I expect to hear either 
 that H. F. C. is Kobinson Crusoing it at Heligoland, or that 
 he died on the passage of retching. I have not heard such 
 a gale for months. Happily it blew the right way for my 
 poor mate. 
 
 The next day I went to church at Farnham Koyal ; and 
 in the afternoon Mr. and Mrs. Grote and I took an immense 
 ride. It is the sweetest sylvan spot in England a vast 
 range of tangled glades of beeches of immense size, all 
 pollarded centuries ago, and now twisted in huge volutes 
 with groves rising out of their heads, like antlers of trees. 
 The whole ground is thick with fern and ling, which em- 
 purples the forest, and is intersected with the greenest paths, 
 winding under the big beeches ; whilst, here and there, 
 clumps of juniper trees, some of which are twelve feet high, 
 give some break in the wood the air of a trim shrubbery. 
 All this belongs to nobody but old Nature ; though I would 
 fain have thought that I saw the lord of the manor in a 
 green baldric chasing a roe up the dargle, or some Jacques 
 dreaming in this other Ardennes. ... I need not add how 
 much I enjoyed the exhilarating exercise, the fresh and 
 active air, the witty and wise conversation of my hosts, with 
 whom all topics were discussed, from Mehemet AH to the 
 propriety of wearing top-boots. 
 
 I walked over the fields yesterday with my gun, saw no 
 game, the harvest being in the fields, and came to town to 
 dine at Mr. Greville's which, as you may suppose, I made 
 rather a point of, from his perpetual kindness to me. The 
 party consisted of Mr. Stephen, Henry Taylor, 2 Poulett 
 
 1 Where Mr. Grote, the future historian of Greece, but already well known 
 in the world of letters, was then residing. 
 
 2 No relation. A clerk in the Colonial Office ; K.C.M.G. in 1869 ; but already 
 known as a rising man in the service, and as the author of Philip van 
 Artevelde.
 
 t 11EVISIT8 NORWICH 1839 
 
 Thomson, 1 Tom Baring, and myself. We talked, of course, 
 of Canada and colonies with all our might. I asked 
 Pou. to send me a bear ham, which I am dying to taste ; 
 and that made everybody talk about wild beasts, from Lord 
 Waterford's pet lions to Mrs. Stephen's cat. ... To judge 
 from appearances, P. T. means to set about his governor- 
 generalship in just the contrary way to Lord Durham ; and 
 I was pleased by several little things which indicated in him 
 a sense of what was kind and wise in the omission of that 
 parade and ostentation which Lord Durham stuffed his 
 empty embassy with. 
 
 Shortly after the date of this letter he visited his uncle 
 at Dedham, joined his mother in Norfolk, attended the Nor- 
 wich festival, and, after some more visits, was back in 
 London by the beginning of October. 
 
 C. 0., October 1th. Nothing but my frequent changes 
 of bed and abode, and the want of proper writing materials, 
 prevented me from giving you the history of my adventures 
 long ago ; for, though the circuit was small, the scenery was 
 pretty well varied. The horse and gig plan from Norwich 
 answered capitally; it conveyed me rapidly, and it made 
 me quite independent. 
 
 I left Norwich full of the strong impression which my 
 visit to the Octagon gave me ; a stronger one than I can 
 well describe. The voices all haunted me . . . and the 
 vulgarest drawl of the clerk, giving out a hymn, was 
 mellowed by such old association that it melted into my 
 heart. I disapproved the service and the sermon exceed- 
 ingly ; it chilled me ; but there was infinite devotion, to my 
 mind, in the re-awakened teachings of those early days. 
 The marble slabs, too, over those who are dead, speak not in 
 vain from the walls. 
 
 I drove to Buckenham through a storm of rain. How- 
 ever, since I was last in Norfolk, Mackintosh has apparelled 
 the world, and society may face the deluge without getting 
 wet. Nothing is so little changed as Buckenham, unless it 
 be changed for the better. My aunt is rather weak, and 
 
 Afterwards Lord Sydenhain ; at this time newly appointed Governor- 
 general of Canada.
 
 /Ex. 27 GOES INTO WORCESTERSHIKE 93 
 
 very deaf ; but my uncle, quite unaltered. Emily in good 
 spirits, with pleasant neighbours, pleasant prospects, and a 
 very pleasant ally in Miss Brereton, who really has found 
 her mission in tending those old people. On Monday 
 Emily and I went to Quiddenham. I shot with Mr. Keppel k 
 on that day and the next, and though we found but little 
 game, I liked my host and my perambulation. Lady Maria, 1 
 too, gains by being known ; or, rather, one gains a great deal 
 by knowing her. She has the most strictly logical head I 
 ever met with in woman ; this quality is, to be sure, dearly 
 purchased at the expense of all the imaginative and most of 
 the sensitive part of human nature ; but it gives a high and 
 invigorated tone to the character. . . . 
 
 From Diss to Graf ton (in Worcestershire), I went at 
 one bound; 272 miles in about twenty-six hours, allowing 
 time for afternoon service at Norwich Cathedral, and two 
 hours for breakfast at my own house in town. The chief 
 incident was the presence of Mr. Kobberds 2 in the maiL 
 We talked a great deal, and he seemed to wish to insert Mr. 
 Taylor's discourse on my father's life in his works. I believe 
 I have the copy of it, which exists in your handwriting. I 
 shall have it copied for Mr. Eobberds. At Grafton we found 
 that the partridge epidemic had not prevailed to the same 
 extent, and we shot a great many pheasants. William and 
 Tom Collett were there, whom I like very much. They have 
 quite as much talent as Ben ever had, with more polish and 
 knowledge of the world. I came home on Friday night, to 
 what Mrs. Smith declares to be the cleanest house in 
 London I believe with entire truth. . . . 
 
 On Saturday I went over to neighbour Grote's, to chat 
 an hour. They are going to Belgium and Paris in a few 
 days, and I am to keep and ride the celebrated steed Nimrod 
 during their absence. 
 
 C. 0., October 12th. I presume that your visit to 
 Dedham will have closed with the week, and that you are, 
 by this time, either arrived at Lowestoft or on your 
 
 1 The Hon. and Rev. Edward Keppel, rector of Quiddenham, married Lady 
 Maria Clements, second daughter of the second Earl of Leitrim. 
 
 - John W. Bobberds, of Norwich ; author of A Memoir of William Taylor,. 
 who, though a Norwich man and a member of the Octagon congregation, was 
 not in any way related to the family of Mrs. Reeve.
 
 34 LIFE IN LONDON 1839 
 
 way thither. ... I have now got Mr. Grote's horse 
 Nimrod to ride for two months, whilst they are abroad ; 
 and I am going to do wonders before anybody else in 
 London is up or awake. ... I have reason to be 
 satisfied with the success of my Slave-trade article. Mr. 
 Stephen came here to talk about it, and Mr. Hamilton has 
 read and approved ; so I have two under-secretaries to begin 
 with. I now turn my attention to the composition of a 
 practical article on Education, which I wish to make as 
 unpolemical and conciliatory as possible. It will appear in 
 the next number, if I can complete it to my mind. Emily's 
 * Schoolmistress ' will appear in a month, and will furnish 
 me with some valuable practical extracts. I read the MS. 
 at Buckenham with great satisfaction. The Bishop of 
 Norwich and Lady Maria Keppel have also given it their 
 imprimatur. 
 
 My engagements have been few. I spent an evening at 
 Mrs. Jameson's with Ellen Tree and the Procters. I can't 
 conceive that Miss Tree is an actress of much grace or 
 ingenuity, but she is very handsome, and full of dignified 
 talent. Perhaps a woman of more solid parts than any 
 other now upon our stage. Young has been to force me to 
 go to assist at the debut of a protegee of his a Miss Austin 
 at Covent Garden. This involves my sitting out the 
 opera of ' Artaxerxes,' which terrifies me unspeakably. 
 However, the old gentleman was so emphatic on the 
 occasion that I dared not refuse, and there are too few 
 people in London for a sociable being to quarrel with any of 
 them. 
 
 At Richmond, on Charlotte Austin's birthday, which was 
 Wednesday, we had all the Austins, Charles and Alfred to 
 "boot. Alexander and Francis Thun and I slept at the Star 
 and Garter, which is perfect as a country house, for three 
 shillings a night one can't be better anywhere. Mr. Austin 
 was in great force, as he generally is when there is some- 
 body else to drive him to the right side by taking the wrong 
 one against him, and defeating his predilection for perverse 
 judgements and paradoxical opinions. 
 
 I am feeding my sympathies for Charles I., and Arch- 
 l)ishop Laud by reading Clarendon, which enchants me ;
 
 yET. 27 MADAME DE GUICCIOLI 95 
 
 such ease of discernment, such wit in describing character, 
 such a flow of words and feelings, that I don't know when I 
 have flirted with the Muse of History in so agreeable a 
 dress. 
 
 C. 0., October 15th. I have been a good deal at Gore House 
 lately, attracted and amused by Mme. de Guiccioli, who is stay- 
 ing with my lady. Having recently made the acquaintance of 
 Lady Byron, it is very curious to me to compare the manners 
 and character of her celebrated rival. The Guiccioli is still 
 exceedingly beautiful. She has sunbeams of hair, a fine 
 person, and a milky complexion. Her spirits are wonderful, 
 and her conversation brilliant even in the most witty house 
 in London. Besides which, she alone of all Italian 
 women knows some things. Besides a fine taste, which 
 belongs to them by nature, she has a good share of literary 
 attainments, which, as her beauty fails, will smooth a track 
 from coquetry to pedantry, from the courted beauty to the 
 courted blue. 
 
 On Sunday evening D'Orsay drew my likeness. They 
 say it is capitally done. I smiled to think of the last time I 
 sat. It was to Mile. Merienne ; Mme. Ivanowska, Mile. 
 Moultou, and poor dear Augusta Eoguin sat with me for 
 hours, to make me look pleasant, and to get you a nice 
 drawing. Now, in the same position, there sat Lady 
 Blessington, Mme. Guiccioli, and Miss Power, the same trio 
 raised to a higher expression. This Miss Power has just 
 arrived in England, and appeared on my horizon. She is 
 Lady B.'s niece and god-daughter. Imagine a girl 
 of seventeen, brought up in New Brunswick, in a small 
 family circle in a small colony, of extremely cultivated mind, 
 earnest sense, extreme serenity of manner, and very un- 
 common beauty ; imagine her transported at once from 
 polar twilight to the tropics, launched at a bound in the 
 vivacity and splendour of our painted artificial life, where 
 everything is a contrast to her childhood and herself. I 
 enjoy to see that security of simple hearts gazing, like deer 
 in a glade, at what is going on about them. It is by such a 
 demeanour that the Queen has learned to queen it. I 
 accordingly watched my trio with uncommon interest, but 
 perhaps there is more reflection than animation in the
 
 !',; SOCIETY IN LONDON 1839 
 
 expression of the face which was transferred at that moment 
 to paper. The person with whom Miss Power was most 
 intimate in her colony was Mrs. Carter. I naturally 
 mentioned the Judge, but I had soon said all I had to say 
 about him. The other night Brougham was there, and of 
 course very much struck by the newcomer. After sundry 
 attempts at an introduction, he drew back, and said to my 
 lady, ' I don't know what to say to these young things ; 
 I should feel like the old Devil talking to an angel.' 
 
 C. 0., October 18th. I went on Wednesday to see a 
 Miss Austin debute at Covent Garden as Mandane in 
 ' Artaxerxes,' being thereunto moved by her patron and 
 instructor, Mr. Young, and having likewise moved Mrs. 
 Jameson to let me escort her. The whole thing was very 
 successful. An opera without a chorus is a good deal like a 
 picture without a background ; and the instrumental 
 resources put me a little in mind of Giotto's perspective. 
 But the recitative was very fine, and the airs very sweet. 
 The English audience, who think airs are music, and music 
 airs, began to applaud at the first notes of the symphony of 
 1 In Infancy,' and ' The Soldier tired.' Miss Austin is really 
 very good a pupil of Welsh's, with a fine high soprano 
 voice, with a good command of it, even in that old bravura 
 which is so laborious except when she sang out of tune for 
 fright. 
 
 C. 0., October 19/t. I dined yesterday at John Murray's 
 the younger, with Charles Fellows and Paget. Both of 
 them leave England on Tuesday ; the former returns to 
 Asia Minor, to prosecute his researches in that forgotten land, 
 backed by Government money and Queen's ships : the latter 
 goes to Hungary. 
 
 The story which follows is not new, and is told in outline 
 in the ' Greville Memoirs ; ' ' but nowhere has it been related 
 with the fulness of detail here given by Reeve. 
 
 C. 0., October 22ncZ. So rapid and so mysterious is the 
 flight of all rumours which have grief in them, that I shall 
 probably not be the first to announce to you the death of Lord 
 Brougham ; but as few occurrences have ever made a more 
 
 1 Second Part, i. 243.
 
 JEr. 27 THE BROUGHAM HOAX 97 
 
 forcible impression on my mind, have more suddenly and 
 strongly arrested the current of daily circumstances, I sit 
 down to express at length what fills me with so strange a 
 mixture of grave thoughts on the occasion. 
 
 Yesterday morning Alfred Montgomery, Lord Wellesley's 
 private secretary, a youth on whom Brougham doated, rushed 
 over from Kingston Terrace to Gore House, before they had 
 sat down to breakfast, with the letter in his hand. Poor 
 Alfred was in a state of distraction. Their first impression 
 at Gore House was, that something had happened to Marquis 
 Wellesley. The letter, however, told the whole truth. It 
 was from Shafto, the only uninjured survivor of the party. 
 Brougham, Leader, 1 and Shafto 2 hired a bad hack carriage to 
 go from Brougham Hall to see a ruin in the neighbourhood. 
 It was so like him to choose to go in a wheelbarrow instead 
 of a coach and four. They had not gone far when the 
 splinter-bar broke ; they were thrown out, and one of the 
 horses kicked Brougham on the head, which made him 
 insensible, so that he could not get out of the way of the 
 carriage, which turned over on to him in the ditch, crushed 
 his head, and killed him on the spot. Leader was so much 
 hurt that his life is despaired of. 
 
 It seems that this letter from Shafto to Alfred Mont- 
 gomery was the only one received in London. Leonard 
 Edwards was at Brougham, but he was gone shooting in 
 another direction. The ' womankind,' as he called them, 
 were at Brighton. No sooner had Montgomery read his 
 letter to D'Orsay and Lady Blessington than a post-chaise 
 came to take him up at their door and convey him post- 
 haste to Fern Hill, where the Marquis W. is staying. The 
 consequence of this was that nobody knew anything about 
 the event till the afternoon, when D'Orsay went out and 
 told people. In an hour a rumour distorted in a thousand 
 ways pervaded London. I heard, whilst I was dining at 
 my club, that Brougham was dangerously ill. Upon this I 
 went to Gore House, where I found them in possession of 
 these details. 
 
 1 John Temple Leader, born in 1810, and in 1839 M.P. for Westminster, 
 He is still alive in 1898. 
 
 2 Robert Duncombe Shafto of Whitworth Park, Durham. 
 
 VOL. i. n
 
 98 THE BROUGHAM HOAX 1839 
 
 It was the most melancholy evening I ever spent there. 
 In no house was Brougham so entirely tamed ; in none, 
 except his own, so much beloved. Only last Sunday week 
 not ten days ago just six before his death he dined 
 there, and stayed very late, which he rarely did, leaving 
 them dazzled with the brilliancy of his unflagging spirit. I 
 was to have dined there too; they very earnestly pressed 
 me ; but I had promised to go to Richmond. They tried 
 hard, too, to get Sir A. Paget ; but we both stayed away, and 
 they sat down to table thirteen. I can only say that the 
 deaths which have struck me most in my life have always 
 been preceded by a dinner of thirteen, in spite of efforts to 
 avoid it. Everybody will bear witness to the splendour of 
 the genius which is now set and quenched. On that head I 
 can add nothing to the general sense that England will be 
 long before she nurses such a son again a son, indeed, 
 most prodigal of all his gifts, yet supplying from his own 
 resources an unexhausted store. 
 
 October 23rd. I suppose by this time you know it is all a 
 hoax ; but I go on with my letter to give you an idea of the 
 strange states of mind through which we had been passing, 
 I had not half done my reflections on Brougham and his 
 gifts, when I discovered that a letter had arrived at this 
 office on Monday morning, dated from Brougham on 
 Sunday. This was tolerable evidence that he did not die on 
 Saturday. I galloped up to Gore House with this letter, 
 and we instantly despatched an express to Alfred Mont- 
 gomery, at Fern Hill, to recall him to town, without telling 
 the Marquis, who is very weak and ill. Further evidence 
 was soon received ; in the afternoon everybody learned it 
 was a hoax, of which no one but Brougham himself was 
 capable. So it proved. When the express returned from 
 Fern Hill, he brought us word that Montgomery had 
 received a letter from Lord B., saying that it was all a 
 thoughtless jest of his own ! 
 
 Just conceive the vapidity, the vanity, the contrasts of 
 all the false emotions that everybody went through ; a very 
 pretty piece of Devil's amusement, for I can call it no better. 
 Sheil rushed from the Athenaeum on Monday evening to pen 
 a magniloquent obituary, which appeared in the next day's
 
 JEi. 27 THE BROUGHAM HOAX 99 
 
 * Chronicle.' Trelawny, hearing that there was still some life 
 left in Leader, starts off for Westmorland to attend his last 
 moments, and the chairman of the Westminster Election 
 Committee does the same. Windsor Castle shook with glee, 
 and Lord Holland began to think that he should venture to 
 speak again in the Lords'. For the first time, for five years, 
 all the world talked for a whole day about Brougham's 
 virtues, and there was wondrous forgiveness of injuries in the 
 whole metropolis. To the Continent the news was borne 
 with signal rapidity, and the story, followed by a lagging 
 contradiction, will take at least two months to be echoed from 
 paper to paper round the globe. For my part, I con- 
 templated the inquest sitting on the body, and I had selected 
 the 12th and 13th verses of St. Jude's Epistle for the 
 funeral sermon. D'Orsay drew a capital sketch of Brougham 
 in his plaid trousers, from memory, which we thought 
 invaluable ; and nobody could look at his wild, uncouth 
 handwriting without tears in his eyes. In short, so bad a 
 joke was never played off on so large a scale before ; but 
 one can't look forward without a good deal of amusement 
 to Brougham's telling the story, which he will infallibly do 
 at all dinners, councils, and convocations for the next six 
 months. H. B. will immortalise it by a sketch ; and as we 
 all cried on this occasion, the next time he dies we shall 
 have the laugh all our own way. 
 
 Voila I'histoire de vingt-quatre lieures ! and I hope you 
 will be as melancholy and as much annoyed and diverted as 
 we have all been. 
 
 This curious hoax forms the subject of many succeeding 
 letters, which trace the various scraps of evidence proving 
 conclusively that Brougham was himself the author of it. 
 Reeve seems to have fancied that the letter might have 
 been actually written by Mrs. Shafto, but the weight of 
 the evidence fixes it on Brougham. He tells, too, how, on 
 November 23rd, after the Queen had withdrawn from the 
 Council, ' the Duke of Cambridge ran round the room after 
 Brougham, vociferating at the top of his voice, " By God, 
 Brougham, you did it ; by God, you wrote the letter yourself; " 
 to which Brougham could not well reply. However' he adds 
 ' he had actually challenged his old friend Sir Arthur Paget 
 the week before, for saying as much ; probably well knowing 
 
 B 2
 
 KX) A FIRE AT THE AUSTIN'S' 1839 
 
 that Sir Arthur would never fight him. As I go about 
 everywhere, stating not only the fact, but giving perfect 
 legal proof of it, I wish he may challenge me.' 
 
 C. O. t October 4 29fA. On Sunday, at Richmond, I found 
 the Austins recovering from the fatigue of putting out a fire. 
 Lucy's bed was wholly consumed, and it seems incredible 
 that the house escaped ; but they (i.e. the women mother 
 and daughter) exhibited their wonted energy and presence 
 of mind, to the astonishment of admiring ostlers from the 
 Star and Garter. My aunt pushed a man with a pail in his 
 hand into the thickest smoke, and then followed him with 
 another. Lucy signalised herself at the pump, and raised a 
 flood of water from the bowels of the earth. In short, they 
 got the fire under ; Mr. A., of course, teeth chattering, 
 knees shaking, paralysed. And then, on the following day, 
 he had the face to use big adjectives, and talk of energy. . . . 
 
 Chorley came to town on Friday, but he is gone to 
 Liverpool for a few days. He is in great strength. 
 
 C. 0., November 2nd. Chorley comes home to-night, to 
 put an end to the very solitary life I have been leading for a 
 month perhaps more solitary than any other month I 
 can remember, without seeing a single kinsman in town, 
 and with London like an exhausted receiver. Under these 
 circumstances I ought to have done more than I have done ; 
 but I find the treatment of this matter of Public Instruction, 
 on which I am engaged, very uphill work, and what I have 
 been doing is not good. Last night I disinterred our old 
 article on Madame Necker's book, 1 which was never 
 published. I re-read it with pleasure and some astonish- 
 ment ; for with a strong tinge of those philosophical studies 
 which then filled my life, there is a freshness of pure thought 
 about it, which has been subsequently lost in the attempt to 
 square my style and habits to the business of the world. 
 However, one cannot always wear singing robes, and I am 
 content with the unadorned fustian of middling common 
 sense. By the way, I know not how that word fustian ever 
 came to be used to denote a pretentious style, since the 
 thing is only used for shooting-jackets and grooms' inex- 
 
 ' Presumably Mme. Necker de Saussure's L'KJitcation progressive, ou 
 Stiuk du Cows de la Vie (Paris, 1828-32).
 
 ^Ei. 27 BULWER'S ' SEA CAPTAIN ' 101 
 
 pressibles. I suppose because it is a sort of synonym of 
 stuff. 
 
 A good deal of both these commodities was to be heard 
 in Bulwer's new play, which we attended last Thursday ; ' 
 but it was finely acted by Macready and Mrs. Warner, and 
 you shall have the ' Examiner ' account of it, all couleur de 
 rose. Bulwer, notwithstanding his deafness, could hear the 
 solitary hiss which mingled with the thousand plaudits. 
 The sweetest flowers prick him with a thorn, and the gayest 
 insects sting him as they pass. He came into our box after 
 having received a complete ovation, and the first words he 
 uttered were : ' A great many enemies in the house to-night.' 
 Poor fellow ! who has so much talent with so little great- 
 ness ; so much success, and so little happiness. That asp, 
 his wife, sends over an abusive letter from Paris to the 
 ' Morning Post,' just so that it may appear on the morning of 
 the day fixed for bringing out his play. 
 
 C. 0., November Gth. At this moment I am very busy, 
 Alfred Austin has kindly resumed our readings of English 
 procedure, and I am now stringing together my article on 
 Education with more difficulty and despondency than self- 
 satisfaction. 
 
 November YLtli. Chorley's play is making a furore in 
 the Green Boom, and it is almost certain that Mathews will 
 bring it out at Covent Garden. This is a great subject of 
 rejoicing, and we won't let it be damned. 2 
 
 November ISth. I am just entering on a mighty series 
 of businesses and negotiosities, as Cudworth called them. 
 My educational paper is still in the hands of the composi- 
 tors, and I am in warm water about it. My Council is 
 going to sit, and I have my usual course of judge-hunting 
 thrown on me, Greville being gone with D'Orsay to shoot ; 
 Brougham less manageable than usual ; for, though he has 
 had a resurrection, he may and must despair of an ascension ; 
 and Baron Parke, my sheet-anchor, going to hang some of 
 the blackguards at Newport. In the midst of all this comes 
 
 1 October 31st. The play was The Sea Captain, or the Birthright. 
 
 * It was not brought out, either at Covent Garden or elsewhere, and the 
 editor of Chorley's Autobiography (vol. i. p. 132) says that he ' wisely ab- 
 stained from giving it publication.' It does not appear that Reeve knew 
 anything more about it than that it was written by his friend.
 
 102 LADY CHARLOTTE BACON 1839 
 
 Tocqueville's letter to announce the completion of his 
 labour, and the commencement of mine; and instead of 
 living in a sober, pugilistic state of training for all this, my 
 wits are wool-gathering and my pen song-writing all day 
 long. However, I am never better than when I am worked 
 to the full point of ebullition ; and I hope nothing will suffer, 
 not even my letters : and, thank God ! the lengthy orations 
 of our lawyers will leave me reasonable time to translate 
 while they are quoting the Byabasthas ' of pundits and the 
 conditions of the Dayabhaga. 2 
 
 C. 0., November *2Qth. Last night we summoned the whole 
 Privy Council for Saturday, when the Queen is to make her 
 declaration of marriage a stranger position, I think, than 
 any woman was ever placed in. They say she is excessively 
 in love with Prince Albert, and that may help her; though, 
 -indeed, it makes it worse in some respects ; and, though I 
 am a man, I had rather marry without making a speech to 
 my Council on the subject at all. 
 
 C. 0., November 23rd. Last night I dined at Gore House 
 with Greville. Lady Charlotte [Bacon] and Mme. Guiccioli 
 are both on the eve of their departure. After dinner we made 
 Lady Charlotte read Lady Macbeth to us, Greville doing 
 Macbeth with two paper-knives for daggers. It began in a- 
 joke ; but such was the power of her art that it well-nigh 
 ended in tears. I never heard finer touches of pathos. 
 Then she healed this grisly tragic terror by the love of 
 Juliet, and the naive devotedness of Imogen ; and we 
 band of bold talkers sat listening as if we heard it all for 
 the first time. . . . 
 
 Meadows Taylor writes to me of one of his Indian 
 friends, who swallows his tongue from time to time, sus- 
 pends respiration, and is buried for three months or so : in 
 order, as he says, to meditate. I am going to do the same 
 thing, only it is in order to translate ; and as soon as I have 
 got my first sheets of Tocqueville I shall renounce dinners, 
 forswear theatres, eschew routs, and avoid mankind with a 
 reserve for the Austins and Gore House. . . . 
 
 The Queen has just made her declaration of marriage at 
 the Council to-day. It was, I think, the largest Council 
 
 1 Legal decisions, precedents. * A law-book.
 
 vEi. L>7 TIIE QUEEN'S DECLARATION 103 
 
 ever held eighty-five present; amongst others, the two 
 dead men, Brougham and the Duke, 1 whom the papers all 
 but slew last Monday. I like what she said, though there 
 is nothing about the Protestant line, and a good deal about 
 her own feeling and her own happiness. You will see the 
 speech in the paper. I am busy at this instant in correcting 
 the proof of the ' Extraordinary Gazette,' and I hope to have 
 some copies here before post time. The Queen read it in her 
 usual clear, sonorous voice ; but her hand trembled, and she 
 could hardly hold the paper. She wore the bracelet with 
 Prince Albert's portrait on her arm. Not the least interesting 
 part of the scene was the Duke of Wellington, who is really 
 very ill and weak ; but the gallant old man ivould be there. 
 
 C. O., November %7th. I have been busy with the house- 
 hold of Prince George of Denmark, which was enormous : a 
 master of the horse, a master of the robes, six lords of the 
 bedchamber, and eight grooms all the first people of the 
 time. I am afraid we shall not get anything so handsome 
 for Queen Victoria's spouse. 
 
 C. 0., November 30th. Your spirits seem, I think, to be 
 a little affected by the moist weather, and even the prospect 
 of the black-satin robe does not entirely restore the lumen 
 siccum which generally enlivens the correspondence. For 
 my part, through fair weather and foul, I have been making 
 a sort of carnival before my forty days in the wilderness ; 
 and I shall almost be glad of a Lenten diet before we get 
 to Christmas. 
 
 This week, all on a sudden, I have begun to know and 
 got at home with our paulo-post-futurum connexions the 
 Gordons. 2 On Sunday I met Miss Gordon at Bayswater ; 
 on Tuesday I dined there; on Wednesday I went to see 
 Mrs. Jameson, in their company ; and on Friday we all 
 went to the play together. They are merry people, le cceur 
 sur la main, and I dare say I shall find the house a pleasant 
 encampment when they come back to town in the spring. 
 For the present they are going to Herefordshire, carrying 
 Lucy with them, to share the winter quarters. 
 
 1 At this period ' the Duke ' always meant the Duke of Wellington. 
 * Sir Alexander Duff Gordon married Mrs. Austin's daughter Lucy, on 
 May 16th, 1840.
 
 104 MACAULAY 1839 
 
 On Thursday I dined at Tom Longman's, amid sheet light- 
 ning of wit. Sydney Smith, Forster of the 'Examiner/ 
 McCulloch, Fraser Tytler, Miss Kogers, and self, composed 
 the party, besides our host and hostess, dummies senior 
 and dummies junior. Tom Longman made two puns, but, 
 thank God, they were put down. We got Sydney on the 
 overpowering topic of Macaulay. Macaulay is laying waste 
 society with his waterspouts of talk ; people in his company 
 burst for want of an opportunity of dropping in a word ; he 
 confounds soliloquy and colloquy. Nothing could equal my 
 diversion at seeing T. B. M. go to the Council the other day 
 in a fine laced coat, neat green-bodied glass chariot, and a 
 feather in his hat. Sydney S. had said to Lord Melbourne 
 that Macaulay was a book in breeches. Lord M. told the 
 Queen ; so whenever she sees her new Secretary at War, she 
 goes into fits of laughter. I said that the worst feature in 
 Macaulay's character was his appalling memory ; he has a 
 weapon more than anyone else in the world's tournament. 
 1 Aye, indeed,' said S. S. ; ' why, he could repeat the whole 
 History of the Virtuous Blue-Coat Boy, in 3 vols. post 
 8vo. without a slip. He should take two table-spoonfuls 
 of the waters of Lethe every morning to correct his reten- 
 tive powers.' . . . 
 
 Lady Gordon had Miss Coutts's box at Covent Garden, 
 so we all went to see the ' Beggar's Opera.' A charming 
 performance it was; the dress of our great- grandmammas 
 so becoming, the language so pure, the dialogue so witty, the 
 music so enchanting. When Polly had done her last song, 
 we wished it all to begin over again, which is no joke, con- 
 sidering that we had previously undergone I for the second 
 time the whole five acts of Knowles's 'Exposition of Love ; ' 
 a loveless piece, indeed, it is, particularly the second time of 
 hearing ; and I have been abused on all hands for not having 
 done what I could to damage it on its first appearance. 
 But the ' Beggar's Opera ! ' May it live for ever ! 
 
 C. O., December 2nd. There never was a country like 
 England. I enjoyed my skip into Hertfordshire very much, 
 as one always does a foray from London, in whatever direc- 
 tion it may be. The floods had shaken the embankments 
 of the road a little, and our huge train had to ivkeedle over
 
 /Ei. 27 A SKIP INTO HERTFORDSHIRE 105 
 
 the difficult place, at the cost of some delay ; but by eight 
 o'clock we sat down to dinner at Lockyer's house. It is the 
 house in which all the Colletts were born, within hearing 
 of the Hemel Hempstead chimes ; and it is now occupied by 
 Mr. and Mrs. Sanders and their quiverful of children 
 some almost grown up. She was the eldest Collett. They 
 were very cheerful and hospitable, and some of the Long- 
 mans met me there. The next morning we went to the 
 finest Saxon church I remember to have seen, and who but 
 John Yelloby should read prayers. Mrs. Sanders laughed 
 herself into fits to see me bowing to all the people of that 
 ilk as I came out ; but I was en pays de connaissance 
 Longmans, Dickinsons, and the curate to boot. 
 
 The object of my going down was to see a horse which I 
 think of buying for Franz Thun he having sent me 300Z. 
 to spend for him in horseflesh. Tom Collett and I rode in 
 the afternoon to Ashridge Park, old Lady Bridgwater's 
 place.; I on this magnificent animal, for which I am to give 
 150Z. if I buy him. It was like riding a large bird. We 
 crossed the lovely soft lawns for miles, over park and 
 common, till we got to Ashridge itself ; a good, solid, modern 
 castle, by Wyatt, as fit for a noble as Windsor is fit for a 
 king. Then we came home, dined merrily, and I left them 
 this morning, after breakfast, and got here in about as good 
 time as I should have done from Hampstead. 
 
 December 3rd. I have been breakfasting this morningvery 
 agreeably tete-a-tete with Lord Lansdowne, of whom I had 
 seen little or nothing since his return from the Continent. 
 Indeed, I had laboured under some apprehension that in 
 these falling days of Whiggism he imputed to me a laxity of 
 Whig .views, which, Heaven knows! I felt and professed 
 quite as strongly when they were at the height of Eeform 
 Bill power. The danger I now fear in politics is the too 
 great reaction, over which Peel with his personal unpopularity, 
 and the Duke with his failing health, cannot exercise a 
 sufficient control. However, to return to Lord Lansdowne. 
 I found him remarkably kind. His Continental journey 
 appears to have succeeded in its chief object that of meeting 
 Prince Metternich, with whom he spent several days at 
 Johannisberg I presume between the cellar and the
 
 !00 FIRST AFFQHAN CAMPAIGN 1839 
 
 cabinet, or in perpetual libations of what the Germans call 
 4 Cabinets Wein.' Nobody who ever heard Metternich con- 
 verse was disappointed with him ; and Lord L. was 
 enchanted. He (M.) was much interested about our great 
 Indian war, though the splendid completion of those British 
 achievements was then unknown in Europe. 
 
 If people would but care a little for Indian glories, that 
 war is the chiefest of them all. It is barely fifteen months 
 since the Cabinet met at Windsor, and stayed there three 
 days to talk over the whole question of the Russian 
 aggression on India through Persia. The result was a 
 despatch to Lord Auckland directing the course he was to 
 adopt to meet the emergency. Before that despatch reached 
 Simla, Lord Auckland had adopted, on his own responsibility, 
 the very measures which were suggested to him from home. 
 Three armies moved over the vastest extent of territory ever 
 crossed by British troops ; swept central Asia ; united under 
 the walls of Ghuznee and Cabul ; restored a dynasty ; and, 
 having provided for the future security of the Empire, 
 returned almost unhurt within its frontiers. 1 .... 
 
 Mme. Guiccioli went back to France last night. It 
 was Lady Charlotte Bacon who sailed for Spain on Saturday ; 
 I think I had mentioned her before more than once. She 
 was Lord Byron's lanthe. One can't help loving the 
 Guiccioli for her bonhomie ; and though we have all been 
 hoaxing her for six weeks, I am sure she likes us all the 
 better for it, except that she never quite forgave Miss Power 
 for being three times as handsome as herself. I am going to 
 dine at Lady Gordon's this day. I have only seen the elder 
 daughter yet of the ladies of that family. 
 
 This morning we had M. de Schomburgk to breakfast ; 
 an agreeable little Dutchman, who has been exploring all 
 the creeks of the Orinoco and the sources of the Essequibo. 
 He has three real Indians with him, who, poor things, as 
 they happen to be of three different tribes of natives, neither 
 understand each other nor anyone else. However, they are 
 going to be exhibited with other wonders from Guiana ; and 
 
 The brilliance of this first Affghan campaign is an established fact, 
 though, in popular memory, it has been dimmed by the blunders and disasters 
 of the next two years.
 
 JET. 27 STORIES OF THE ORINOCO 107 
 
 that is, e converse, the same thing as exhibiting London to 
 them. 
 
 C. 0., December 7th. I generally contrive, my dear 
 mother, to salute you on Sunday morning ; nor will I omit 
 so good a custom to-day, though I have to snatch an instant 
 from a day full of business. For the last four days I have 
 been worked to the utmost stretch one day eighteen hours, 
 without stoppage or rest, a quantity of private or semi-public 
 matters coming in, of course, to interfere with my time while 
 my court was sitting. . . . 
 
 My breakfast on Wednesday was very successful. Mr. 
 Stephen charming ; but our Guiana guest made our blood 
 run cold with mulatto horrors beyond all that was ever 
 dreamt of for Paul Jones or Blue Beard. How strange it is 
 to us who dwell between May-Fair and Kensington, that 
 the earth should be so vast and so wild ; that there be 
 rivers like the Orinoco ; and tribes of Amazons ; and savages 
 and savannahs, and all that Adam found outside Eden ! . . . 
 
 My court began to sit on Thursday. Brougham had 
 just buried his daughter, 1 on Wednesday afternoon, and the 
 next morning came here as frisky as usual and most 
 peculiarly civil to me. He and Dr. Lushington don't speak 
 now, and between his peace with some of us, and his hostility 
 to others, he is quite as droll as ever. 
 
 C. 0., December Wth. Since Brougham has been broken- 
 hearted he is really so pleasant to mankind in general that 
 one wishes he had a calamity two or three times at least in 
 the course of the Session. We have now been sitting here 
 nearly a week, and have had great diversion ; only that I 
 have caught an insufferable cold from sitting in this 
 mausoleum-like edifice without a wig. I declare I think I 
 must wig it next winter ; and if so, I'll have a silk registrar's 
 gown, though I am afraid it costs at least as much as a 
 parson's. 
 
 C. 0., December 13th. ... I have been weighing in 
 my mind the evils of want of energy in woman, . . . and, 
 captivating as is the notion of woman's reliance on man as 
 
 1 She died on November 30th. In reality Brougham felt the loss deeply, but 
 he was not the man to make any parade of his grief, and may, possibly enough, 
 have overdone his affected stoicism.
 
 108 SI1EK1DAN KNOWLES 18i 
 
 the actor, that same bewitching languor is the nurse of 
 ignorance and inaction, which inar all self-knowledge and 
 all self-command. Women who have nothing else in them 
 are sure to have a good deal of mischief ; and all the demon- 
 strations of a coquette, or the indiscretions of an energetic 
 mind, are infinitely less dangerous than the simper of a weak, 
 predestined victim. I once cured myself of a strongish 
 liking for a person, which had resisted several other excellent 
 remedies, by remarking that she was unpunctual ; from 
 thence I inferred a want of energy in things more important 
 than time, and I traced this weak fibre through the whole 
 character. After all, is not this habit of minute observation 
 a very fatal one ? After talking with Emily at Buckenham 
 the other day, I felt almost ashamed of using so much selfish 
 prudence in almost all the affairs of life ; and I do so entirely 
 repudiate and disavow all negative principles in my life that 
 I am ashamed of that safe form of them which perpetuates 
 a bachelor's peace. . . . 
 
 While my court sat I went out but little. Last night I 
 met Bulwer and Fonblanque at Gore House the former 
 very deaf, the latter very droll. They related that when 
 Sheridan Knowles was introduced to Bulwer, he said, ' Sir, 
 you lead a very artificial life.' Bulwer, a bow, to own the 
 soft impeachment. ' Shakespeare and I, sir,' added Mr. 
 Knowles, ' are the children of Nature.' 
 
 Dr. Lushington talked to me for half an hour, the other 
 day, about my Slave-trade article, and my strictures on the 
 Portuguese Bill, which he mainly promoted. One can't 
 argue with an author who is at the same time a legislator 
 and a judge ; but he did not convince me that I was wrong, 
 and he was extremely kind in what he said. We are now 
 intent on the reconstitution of my court. Fortunately, I 
 am now strong enough to bear a hand in the operation, not- 
 withstanding the anticipated resistance of the tongue fiend. 1 
 But the Chancellor and Dr. Lushington are extremely bien 
 disposes to me. 
 
 C. 0., December IGth. Your letter of yesterday is very 
 delightful. There certainly is something in the deliberate 
 flow of written intercourse which gives it a satisfactory 
 
 1 Lord Brougham.
 
 JT. 27" THE CHARM OF LETTERS 100 
 
 completeness rarely attained in conversation. Somebody 
 breaks in, or something breaks off, long before one has talked 
 out a subject of interest, unless you have the happier chance 
 of a long ramble in the fields. But I doubt whether either 
 you or I ever speak to each other so thoroughly what we 
 feel as when we are an hundred miles removed from speak- 
 ing distance. I need not say how thoroughly I agree in 
 what you enlarged on yesterday. But, as far as the observa- 
 tion can be generally applied, the thing most difficult to 
 discern in a woman's character is the presence of strong, 
 fixed principles ; I mean before you have reached entire 
 intimacy. There is so much in woman's manner of life 
 which looks like principle, but is only a form of education ; 
 so much that is conventional instead of being fundamental, 
 that it is hopeless to search for what no outward eye can 
 with certainty detect. . . . 
 
 Lord Lansdowne seems to say that my visit to Bowood 
 will be more opportune this week than at the end of the 
 month : so I shall go down on Wednesday [18th], and pro- 
 bably come up on the following Tuesday in time for the 
 Christmas dinner at Bedford Bow. 1 We have a little 
 theatrical scheme, too, on foot for the end of the week. 
 Jack comes to town from Coed Ddu. 
 
 Your letters had better be sent here, as usual, and Mr. 
 Greville will forw r ard them. Lord John Bussell is at Bowood 
 this week, which is great additional inducement, for he re- 
 quires the warm temperature of a circle in a country house 
 to thaw his icy manners. I am sure, in writing to you, I 
 may be pardoned for noticing my own position with Us 
 personnages : but it is strange that at twenty-six I should 
 find myself on terms of acquaintance with the whole Cabinet, 
 except Lord Melbourne and Baring. I rode down to the 
 office with Lord Normanby this morning; he was very 
 chatty and undignified a word I use half in blame, half in 
 praise. 
 
 Boivood, December 18th. Lady Lansdowne is delighted 
 with ' The Schoolmistress,' and has sent for a number of 
 copies ; but Darton seems to have made a mess of it, or the 
 
 1 At the house of his uncle, John Taylor, a civil and mining engineer, also 
 of Coed Ddu, in North Wales.
 
 HO VISIT TO BO WOOD 1839-40 
 
 book has not been properly advertised, for Lady L.'s 
 bookseller can't hear of it, and I can't get six copies 
 I ordered a week ago. I think its success is, however, 
 pretty secure. . . . l 
 
 C.O., December 26th. We had great drollery at Bowood, 
 with charades and Christmas pranks, the last evenings of my 
 visit. Lord John's children grew more and more diverting 
 every day, and though some of the days were dreary, there 
 was always sunshine in the house. Je me suis particuliere- 
 ment rapproche des dames, and the more I see of them the 
 more I appreciate Lady Lansdowne's extreme good heart, 
 Lady Louisa's good sense, and Lady Kerry's beauty. 
 
 Carlyle said of somebody the other day who shut himself 
 up because he was out of humour, that ' it is well for a man 
 to consume his own smoke.' . . . He is writing an opusculum 
 on Chartism, and as his theory places omniscience in numbers, 
 providential teaching in loud clamour, and political power in 
 all gatherings of sturdy rustics or colliers on the hill-side, I 
 apprehend it will be a book to do himself and the cause of 
 rational government no good. 
 
 No news of Tocqueville's sheets, though I have got the 
 Slave Abolition report, and have written a long article on it 
 for the ' Athenaeum.' 
 
 C. 0., January 3rd, 1840. My hermit life has begun > 
 for I have declined almost all invitations; but I had 
 Alfred Austin and Gordon to dinner the other day, and last 
 night I went to the Austins to meet what the Canon 
 Residentiary calls the pleasantest society in London Mil- 
 mans, Empsons, Seniors, &c. What, however, I found still 
 pleasanter was Landor, who arrived yesterday on a visit to 
 Gore House, where I dropped in after eleven o'clock, on my 
 way home from Kensington. His face reminds me a little 
 of Michael Angelo's. We were talking of that brilliant 
 society of Leo X.'s Court, with its Bembo and its 
 Mirandola, and I could not help thinking how truly Landor 
 belongs to those scholarlike gentlemen in tastes and tone, 
 and even in his whimsical faults. There is something of 
 perpetual youth in his age ; and he has that clear spirit of 
 
 1 Help to the Sclioolmiatress, by Emily Taylor; published in 1839 by 
 Harvey A Darton.
 
 /Ex. 27 TRIAL OF THE CHARTISTS 111 
 
 thought in him which shines like the eye of some large bird 
 in the twilight. I anticipate much pleasure from his visit. 
 
 I am going seriously to take up the musical instruction 
 of one of the great metropolitan schools (a new one) : I 
 helping with the powers, Chorley with writing, and Hullah 
 the actual musical teaching, on which he seems much bent. 
 I can't say that I am very zealous about sol-faing, and as I 
 have not been able to get a capable teacher, that method 
 must be given up, else I would try one plan against the 
 other. Kay has given us full power, and, entre nous, there 
 is yet one field for us to work in, without any dread of inter- 
 ference, and there the first stone even of a normal school is 
 as good as laid. But this is quite in confidence to you and 
 Emily. 
 
 Nothing can equal the absurdity of Maule's blunder in 
 managing the case against Frost, 1 which will very likely let 
 the fellow escape. The best opinion seems to be that it 
 invalidates the whole proceeding, and that the prisoner 
 might be arraigned again and convicted ; but the public 
 feeling won't allow the Government to discharge two barrels 
 at a man accused of treason* 
 
 C. 0., January 7th. We have just received a very ill- 
 written, troublesome Treasury letter, by which it appears that 
 each office is to pay its own public postage, and private letters 
 are to be sent back, charged, and re-delivered. The shortest 
 way will be to write to me in future at my house. I am having 
 a hole and a box made to my hall door, and I think I shall 
 not take in any but prepaid letters. But you can have no 
 conception of the immense quantity of trouble and embarrass- 
 ment which the application of what is called a simple 
 principle creates. However, it will get right in time, 
 and future generations will smile at our distress, when 
 franks, double letters, and thick writing papers shall be as 
 remote as the darker ages of the mythology or the origin of 
 the alphabet. Why, it will cost hundreds of thousands of 
 pounds to provide the nation with letter-scales. I have got 
 
 1 John Frost, the Chartist. He and two others with him were sentenced to 
 death, but in view of the doubt held, by a minority of the judges, as to the 
 validity of the trial, the sentence was commuted to one of transportation for life. 
 In 1856 Frost received a free pardon and returned to England, where he died 
 in 1877, at a very advanced age.
 
 112 THE LAST OF THE FRANKS 1840 
 
 a balance at my office, which the Stationery Office supplied 
 me with ; and at home I have established a neat bronze 
 machine on the principle of a steelyard. My Uncle John 
 has, of course, taken a line of his own, and invented some- 
 thing, with a mercurial column, which is cheap and 
 convenient. . . . 
 
 C. 0., January 9th. There is something melancholy 
 about the last of everything, and I enclose a sigh in this, 
 the Last of the Franks. The privileged classes know how 
 to be obliging to their neighbours. The great vehicles of 
 correspondence are all to be stopped, and the penny level 
 rises over them like a tide. It is the most democratic 
 resolution we have had to sustain ; it affects more than our 
 laws, our very manners. And such is the love of the English 
 people for tout ce qui tient du, privilege, that, instead of the 
 ferocious triumph of French democrats over all exclusive 
 rights and favours, there is a sort of reluctance to share a 
 cheap benefit which rank and office have dignified while it 
 was more confined. 
 
 Miss Edgeworth has been in the habit of sending all her 
 correspondence here to be franked for many years, far 
 beyond the memory of clerks of the Council or anyone else. 
 I believe it was some hereditary privilege inherent in the 
 Edgeworth family ; for aught I know M. 1'Abbe Edgeworth 
 did the same. It had no beginning ; alas ! to-day it has its 
 end ; or rather yesterday. A packet was received from 
 Edgeworthstown of unusual dimensions, accompanied by a 
 very pretty note to the clerks of the Council, thanking them 
 for their unwearied politeness and industry, and begging 
 them each to select and accept some one of Miss Edge- 
 worth's books, as an acknowledgement of her sense of their 
 kindness. I recommended the Memoirs of her father as the 
 work most flattering to her family, and a letter has been 
 despatched to ask for it. 
 
 I am amused to find Carlyle fairly brought before the 
 world as a political writer, nay, even a political philosopher ; 
 for his writings have convinced the ' Morning Post ' that such 
 a thing as political philosophy exists. His little tractate on 
 Chartism seems to have a great success. It is very genuine 
 Carlylee.
 
 My. 27 THE PENNY POSTAGE 113 
 
 C. 0., January Wth. Le roi est mort ; vive le roi ! 
 I wrote to everybody yesterday to bewail the Last of the 
 Franks, and to-day I write to everybody for the sake of 
 paying my penny. Man is such a pouting animal that he 
 always quarrels with you for taking thorns out of his feet, 
 and for services which would make wild beasts love you for 
 ever. People have not sincerity enough even to tell them- 
 selves that their objections to improvement are lies. You 
 would suppose, to hear them talk of postage, that the 
 greatest pleasure in life had been the payment of ninepence 
 per letter ; unless, indeed, the periodical visit of the tax- 
 collector be, to some well-regulated minds, a source of higher 
 and more lasting enjoyment. I have had a box and a slit 
 fitted to my hall door, and intend soon to refuse all letters 
 not prepaid. 
 
 Our dinner last night was very good fun, but we made 
 rather too many puns. Landor rode several fine paradoxes 
 with savage impetuosity ; particularly his theory that the 
 Chinese are the only civilised people in the world. I am 
 sure the Ching dynasty has not a firmer adherent than 
 Landor within its own imperial capital. Landor, you know, 
 is quite as vain of not being read, as Bulwer is of being the 
 most popular writer of the day. Nothing can equal the 
 contempt with which he treats anybody who has more than 
 six readers and three admirers, unless it be that saying of 
 Hegel's, when he declared that nobody understood his 
 writings but himself, and that not always. Lady B. said 
 the truest thing of Carlyle's productions that ever was 
 uttered; she called them 'spangled fustian' a homely 
 rough stuff, sparkling with genius in the seams. 
 
 The translation of the second part of Tocqueville's 
 * Democracy ' filled up Keeve's time during the early months 
 of the year. It was published in April. 
 
 Both before undertaking it and during the progress of 
 the work he must have written several letters to the author, 
 but the following is the only one that has been preserved. 
 As all his letters to Tocqueville, the original is in French. 
 
 C. 0., February 22nd. I have received the sheets up to 
 and including No. 18, which arrived last Monday. Thurs- 
 day's post brought me none. I suppose this simply means 
 
 VOL. I. I
 
 1U 'DEMOCRACY IN AMERICA' 1840 
 
 that none were ready, but I mention it for safety's sake. 
 The little delay is not unwelcome to me ; I can breathe for a 
 few days very much at my ease. The eighteen sheets are in 
 the printer's hands. 
 
 I now venture to tell you of my great admiration for 
 this work. I am honoured by being in a position to be 
 the first to express to you a sentiment which will soon be 
 shared by all the thinkers of the world. The chapters on 
 the sources of poetry, the melancholy of democratic nations, 
 and their public works, I find particularly striking ; it is 
 perhaps the only modern book I have seen in which there is 
 not a word to be cut out that is, with very few exceptions. 
 For instance, I regret that you should have said that Milton 
 added six hundred words to the English language, because 
 I do not think the statement is quite correct. I am very 
 anxious to know where you got this idea. If it were not too 
 late, I should venture to suggest your cutting the line out. 
 
 What will your democratic readers say of your book ? 
 AVhat will France say of it ? France so seldom named and 
 so constantly portrayed? Does the world contain a more 
 melancholy picture than that which you draw of a people 
 having all the elements of democratic decadence, without 
 the spirit of order, association, and religion which has pre- 
 served (will it always do so ?) the American Eepublics ? 
 There is too much feeling in your words for it to be imagined 
 that the picture is imaginary. It will be understood that 
 you have written the book of the People for France, as 
 Machiavelli wrote the book of the ' Prince ' for Csesar Borgia. 
 This expression may seem to you rather too strong, and I 
 should perhaps have crossed it out, were it not for spoiling 
 my page. But you will understand that I only compare 
 you to Machiavelli as I compare France to the Duke of 
 Valentinois that is to say, two great writers and two great 
 powers. 
 
 So the washing of the king's dirty linen is beginning 
 again. 1 A humiliating spectacle for gods and men ! I 
 
 1 ' Louis Philippe, more anxious to provide for his own children than to 
 further French interests in the East, persuaded Soult to apply for a dotation 
 of 500,000 francs a year for his second son, the Due de Nemours. The French 
 Chambers threw out the proposal, and Soult resigned.' Walpole's History of 
 England, iii. 646.
 
 ^Ei. 27 'DEMOCRACY IN AMERICA' 115 
 
 suppose a minister will be appointed ad interim then 
 there will be a two months' crisis, and the end of the Session. 
 And with all this France expects to be included in the 
 negotiations and arrangements of Europe ; although she 
 never waits for the return of a courier sent by the Cabinet 
 to Constantinople, and the reply to a despatch rarely finds 
 the minister who sent it in office. Would to heaven we 
 might see a ministry whose first policy would be to last ! it 
 would be the first step towards doing much. We shall all 
 be sorry if the fall of the ministry prevents M. Guizot from 
 coming to London ; his presence would have been useful to 
 both countries and agreeable to society. 
 
 To return to the book. I now see that I can just about 
 keep pace with your printers, so that if you will give me some 
 ten days between sending the last sheets and the French 
 publication, the two books will appear together. 
 
 Later letters, subsequent to the date of publication, are 
 referred to in the following from Tocqueville : 
 
 Paris, May 23rd. Thank you for all your enclosures. 
 By sending me everything that appears on my book you do 
 exactly what I wish. I am not afraid of criticism ; I am 
 quite prepared for it. There is but one thing thoroughly 
 annoying to an author silence. I beg you therefore to 
 continue as you have begun, and send me everything that is 
 published. I should have written sooner, but I wanted to 
 be able to speak about your translation. I have not yet 
 seen the whole of it, but from what I have seen, I can 
 honestly assure you that I am very much pleased with it. 
 You have rendered my thoughts, in their most delicate 
 shades, with a fidelity and clearness that seem to me perfect. 
 As for the style, of which I am less able to judge, Mme. de 
 Tocqueville assures me that it is excellent clear, simple, 
 and, in short, exactly what it ought to be for a book on 
 political philosophy. 
 
 Meanwhile the current story of events is given by the 
 Journal : 
 
 On March 27th I dined with Prince Louis Napoleon in 
 Carlton Gardens, withD'Orsay, Sir Eobert Wilson, and Lord 
 
 t 2
 
 116 THE KICHAKDSONS 1&10 
 
 Fitzharris. M. Guizot arrived in April as ambassador, after 
 the great coalition. I knew him through Herbet, and dined 
 at Hertford House on April 10th. I translated his 
 Washington,' and this contributed to our acquaintance, 
 which soon ripened into friendship. 
 
 To Mrs. Reeve 
 
 C. 0., April 13th. On Friday I went to call on the 
 Richardsons, in Fludyer Street. My acquaintance with them 
 has long been in growth at other people's houses, and I was 
 determined to go at last to their own. While I was there 
 Mrs. Hudson Gurney came in, and I introduced myself, and 
 she was on ne pent plus aimable. These Kichardsons lived 
 at Hampstead whiles ago ; then removed to Scotland, to be 
 near Sir Walter Scott during the recess, he being a parlia- 
 mentary attorney. They are great friends of the Mintos, 
 Mrs. J. Baillie, and all sorts of mutual acquaintances. The 
 young ladies they have no mother will suit you precisely, 
 which is more than can be said of all young ladies. 
 
 That same day I dined with M. Guizot. Nobody there 
 but the people of the Embassy. I cannot tell you how 
 much I was flattered and pleased ; nobody else has dined 
 there at present, and to be asked in this easy manner, with- 
 out any English people, was really charming. I sat next 
 him, and we talked a great deal about Eossi, Switzerland, 
 Prevost, and a multitude of topics of common interest. His 
 conversation is certainly about the best I have heard; so 
 full, so vigorous, yet not unpleasantly surcharged with learn- 
 ing or spirit. You think I am at the end of my French 
 felicities. No such thing ! Tocqueville himself will be here 
 in a few days, and we shall keep him as long as we can. I 
 have asked him to come to me if he is coming without his 
 wife. The book will be out in France and in England on 
 the 20th this day week. 
 
 Journal 
 
 Liszt was in London, and our musical parties were very 
 brilliant. 1 We had Liszt, the Battas, Ole Bull, Moscheles, 
 
 ' Cf. Chorley's Autobiography, vol. i. pp. 268-9.
 
 /Ex. 27 M. GU1ZOT 117 
 
 Benedict. On June 1st, M. Guizot and the Richardsons 
 came. Liszt and Batta played the great Beethoven Sonata, 
 en doublant les passages. I took Mme. d'Agoult to his 
 recital on June 9th. 
 
 The translation of ' Washington ' was finished while on 
 a visit to Mrs. Austin at Eichmond. Its publication in July 
 brought Reeve the following note from its author : 
 
 Londres, 1 juillet. Je ne vous remercie pas, Monsieur ; 
 je vous ai remercie en lisant vos epreuves. On est rarement, 
 bien rarement content de son traducteur. Moi je suis 
 heureux que vous ayez pris cette peine, et votre travail me 
 cause une vraie satisfaction. Recevez, je vous prie, 1'assu- 
 rance de mes sentiments les plus distingues, et les plus 
 affectueux. GUIZOT. 
 
 On August 6th Louis Napoleon made the abortive 
 attempt at Boulogne which won for him and his companions 
 the derisive nickname of Les hommes de six sous. Reeve 
 noted in the Journal 
 
 My servant, who knew the prince's servant, told us when 
 we were dressing to go to the opera that the prince was 
 going to France : ' that seemed impossible, but it turned out 
 to be true. 
 
 1 Chorley's Autobiography, vol. i. pp. 271-2.
 
 118 
 
 CHAPTEK IV 
 
 EASTERN POLITICS 
 
 MEANTIME the threatening aspect of our relations with 
 France, arising out of the perennial Eastern question, was 
 finding Reeve a new and, for the time, an engrossing occu- 
 pation. So far as it is possible to explain a very complicated 
 matter in a few words, the case was this. The war between 
 the Porte and its too powerful vassal, Mehemet Ali, which 
 had raged intermittently for the last eight years, took a more 
 active course during 1839. The Turkish army had been 
 annihilated in the battle of Nezib on June 24th ; the Sultan 
 had been murdered on June 29th ; and the Capitan-Pasha, 
 fearing or pretending to fear the possibility of a Russian 
 intervention at Constantinople, had taken the fleet to Alex- 
 andria and delivered it over to Meheinet Ali. On August 3rd 
 Lord Palmerston, the then Foreign Secretary, wrote a 
 despatch to Sir Robert Stopford, in command of the English 
 fleet on the coast of Syria, giving him orders to demand, 
 and, if necessary, to enforce, the restoration of the Turkish 
 ships, and sent this by way of Paris, hoping and, in fact, 
 believing that Marshal Soult, the president of the French 
 ministry, would cordially agree with its purport, and would 
 send identical instructions to the French admiral. Soult, 
 however, refused, and the despatch to Stopford was not 
 sent on. 
 
 In the negotiations which followed the difference between 
 the English and French Cabinets widened. Mehemet Ali 
 had been under the non-official protection of France, and his 
 army was largely officered by Frenchmen. French feeling 
 was in favour of establishing Mehemet Ali as an independent 
 sovereign, with a territory extending to Mount Taurus. 
 Palmerston understood this independence as involving a 
 French suzerainty, if not sovereignty, in Egypt and the 
 Euphrates valley, and was determined to maintain the in- 
 tegrity of the Sultan's dominions, with the assistance of the 
 French if possible, without it if necessary. The matter was
 
 .Ex. 27 DANGER IN THE LEVANT 119 
 
 still unsettled when, in March 1840, Soult resigned office, 
 and was succeeded by M. Thiers, in his day a politician of 
 considerable weight if of doubtful honesty, but best known 
 now as the writer of a voluminous, utterly untrustworthy 
 and extremely chauvinistic history of the Revolutionary and 
 Napoleonic wars. At the same time M. Guizot was sent to 
 London as ambassador. 
 
 The policy of Thiers was still more antagonistic to 
 Palmerston's than Soult's had been. Palmerston resolved to 
 act independently of France ; and on July 15th a ' quadrilateral ' 
 treaty was signed in London by himself for England, and by 
 the representatives of Austria, Prussia, and Russia, pledging 
 these four Powers to enforce the restoration of the Turkish 
 ships and the withdrawal of the Egyptian troops from Syria. 
 This treaty was signed without the concurrence or even the 
 knowledge of France, and the indignation of the French was 
 very great. 
 
 The danger was much increased by the weakness of the 
 English fleet in the Levant. The ships had been commis- 
 sioned on a system of false economy then known as ' the 
 peace establishment,' with very reduced complements of 
 men, and naval officers were doubtful if they could hold 
 their own with credit against the French fleet, which was in 
 the highest state of efficiency. 1 It has been said that it was 
 suggested to the French admiral and to the French Govern- 
 ment to seize the English ships as a basis for further nego- 
 tiation, and there is no doubt that, at one time, some 
 alarm was felt lest an attack of this kind should be made 
 and the English fleet be found wanting. If there was any 
 such suggestion, it was not entertained. The French admiral 
 must have understood that the English fleet, even if under- 
 manned, could not be seized without the French fleet being 
 rendered unserviceable in the immediate future; and the 
 French ministry recognised that the English fleet, such as 
 it was, was but a detachment of England's naval power ; a 
 branch which, like the branch of gold priino avulso non 
 deficit alter would, if torn off, be succeeded by another and 
 stronger ; whilst, on the contrary, the French fleet, however 
 excellent, represented the whole available force of the French 
 navy. 
 
 The familiar knowledge of this by the French ministers 
 was a powerful incentive to peace, and had probably much 
 more to do with its maintenance than all the efforts of all the 
 
 1 In Jurien de la Graviere's La Marine dSautrefois (chaps, vi. and vii. 
 there is an interesting account of the French fleet in the Levant at this time.
 
 120 IS INTRODUCED TO BARNES 1840 
 
 diplomatists of Europe ; but what really settled the matter 
 was the prompt and decisive action of Stopford. In the 
 middle of September Beyrout was forcibly occupied ; on the 
 26th Sidon was stormed by a party landed under the com- 
 mand of Commodore Napier ; and on November 3rd Acre 
 was reduced after a few hours' bombardment. This was 
 decisive. The possession of these three important points on 
 the coast commanded the military route, and compelled the 
 immediate evacuation of Syria by the Egyptian troops. 
 But of greater weight than even the military advantage was 
 the fame of the success. In France, at least, it was remem- 
 bered that in 1799 this same Acre had baffled the French 
 army under the command of Bonaparte himself; and it was 
 still known that in 1831, when defended only by disorganised 
 Turks, it had held out against the forces of Mehemet AH for 
 six months. That it should now fall to the English in three 
 hours seemed to tell of a power whose existence they had not 
 realised. The prestige of the victory put a very practical end 
 to the war and the threat of war, with all the less strain 
 as in the middle of October Louis Philippe, becoming 
 thoroughly alarmed by the threatening appearance of the 
 political horizon, dismissed Thiers and his colleagues, and 
 recalled Soult to form a government in which Guizot was 
 Ministre des Affaires etrangeres. 
 
 Beeve, who had been introduced by Greville to Barnes, 
 the editor of the ' Times/ on May 15th, began to write for 
 that paper in the end of July. The treaty of July 15th 
 became known on the 25th, and on the 31st he contributed 
 an article on it. ' The views I supported,' he says in the 
 Journal, ' were those of Lord Holland and Lord Clarendon, 
 who thought that a success in Syria would be too dearly 
 purchased by a quarrel with France.' Of a longer article, 
 which appeared in the ' Times ' of August 3rd, some 
 sentences may properly be quoted as illustrating the position 
 which, from the beginning, Beeve took up : 
 
 ' The details of the Eastern question are in themselves so con- 
 temptible, the rival Powers so similar in their badness, that this 
 apple of discord is not even an apple of gold. The loss of one 
 drop of Christian blood shed in war in the heart of Europe is 
 followed by more calamities, and is more grievous to humanity 
 than the massacre of a horde of Mussulman insurgents. The evils 
 of war are exactly proportioned to the civilisation of the countries 
 engaged in it. The nations which have made most progress in 
 the arts of peace are most afflicted by the interruption of them ; 
 and i France and England stoop to share the violence they ought 
 to moderate, the advantages even of victory will be shared or
 
 JET. 27 VISITS FUAXCE 121 
 
 engrossed by Powers quite unable as yet to compete with either of 
 them in benefiting mankind, though ready to surpass them in 
 bloodshed; the burden and the ruin will rest upon themselves. 
 But although it cannot be concealed that the utmost foresight 
 cannot insure the avoidance of so fatal a rupture, is it too much to 
 ask, and to hope, that a social and Christian spirit may yet com- 
 mand the elements of political strife ? If we are separated from 
 France on this question, that is no reason for severing the great 
 and numerous interests by which we are now, and for the future, 
 as much united to that nation as we were yesterday. If, on the 
 other hand, we find ourselves sti'angely combined with Russia in 
 this particular treaty, that is no reason for laying aside our long 
 vigilance of her designs and our protestations against the spirit 
 manifested by so many of her previous and her present actions. On 
 the contrary, that vigilance requires to be redoubled, especially if 
 we have to deal with her, either as friend or foe, single-handed. 
 We have ere this contracted alliances with Russia, from which 
 she has extracted all the benefit she sought ; we have ere this 
 fought battles, of which she has reaped the spoil. England is not 
 more inclined now than she has ever been before to tolerate 
 Russian dominion in Constantinople ; and great as is the respon- 
 sibility of those who have ventured on so bold a course for the 
 attainment of its immediate object, that responsibility binds them 
 under the heaviest and most solemn obligations to provide against 
 the possibility of being deceived by its ultimate results.' 
 
 On August 30th Eeeve started for France, and in com- 
 pany with his mother went by sea from Havre to Bordeaux. 
 Thence through the south, of France to Marseilles, where 
 Mrs. Reeve remained, on a visit to her brother Philip, who, 
 in 1836, had established some engineering works, which 
 subsequently developed into the Societe des Forges et 
 Chantiers de la Mediterranee. Eeeve himself went on to 
 Toulon, where he wished to visit the dockyard, but was refused 
 with scant courtesy, as under the circumstances was, 
 perhaps, not to be wondered at. By October 2nd he was in 
 Paris, and noted in the Journal- 
 The agitation in France was extreme. I dined ac 
 Auteuil, where Thiers was living, on October 6th. He made 
 a grand appeal to me at dinner, and on the 10th gave me his 
 Note, which I [afterwards] translated for the Times.' All 
 this visit to Paris was very animated. Victor Cousin was 
 Minister of Public Instruction. Dined with Lord Granville 
 pere on October 15th Sebastiani, Due de Broglie, &c. 
 Back to London October 21st. 
 
 The story of this visit to Paris, important as it was to 
 his future career, must be read in his correspondence. It is
 
 !!>:> AT MARSEILLES AND TOULOX 1840 
 
 not directly stated, but we are permitted to infer that he had 
 been asked, perhaps indirectly, by Lord Lansdowne, to write 
 to him on the state of France, and some of his letters have 
 thus an exceptional value. 
 
 To Mrs. Reeve at Marseilles 
 
 Toulon, September 23rd. I found the Sous-Prefet very 
 civil, but he has nothing of interest under his dominion. 
 He took me to the Prefet Maritime, when the old Admiral 
 very coldly informed me that he could not allow me to see 
 the arsenal, bagne, or anything else, under existing circum- 
 stances ; at which I am not a little disgusted. I have, 
 therefore, ordered a carriage to take me to dine and sleep at 
 Hyeres, which I have always wished to see ; and I shall 
 return here to-morrow to sail round the port with the 
 English Vice-Consul, who is very civil. 
 
 Paris, October 3rd. Affairs are very gloomy. I suppose 
 you know that Beyrout has been taken by the allies, after 
 a bombardment of nine days. 1 Still, there will be no 
 immediate declaration of war. The council sat late yester- 
 day, but it seems the discussion was as to the convocation 
 of the Chambers. Lord Palmerston is more buoyant than 
 ever, and no concessions whatever will come from our side ; 
 hence the chances of peace are neither more nor less than 
 the chances of a complete humiliation of France, equal, in 
 my opinion, to zero. I write this because I feel that my 
 uncle and all of you must be very anxious. If one was to 
 live an hundred years one could never be witness to a more 
 frightfully critical position unhappily with very little hope 
 of parrying the stroke. 
 
 To the Marquis of Lansdowne 
 
 Paris, October 5th. 
 
 MY LORD, I hope you will pardon me for troubling you 
 with an account of what I see passing around me in Paris. 
 My private relations give me, perhaps, a more complete 
 insight into the views of the present French Administration 
 than an official agent could obtain, and the importance of 
 
 1 This, of course, was puhlic gossip. Beyrout was certainly taken, but the 
 details are imaginary.
 
 ./ET. 28 LETTER TO LORD LANSDOWNE 123 
 
 the crisis, joined to my strong desire to furnish your lord- 
 ship with correct information, must furnish me with an 
 excuse, if it be needed. 
 
 .' I arrived in Paris late on Friday night, just in time to 
 witness the effect of the news from Beyrout, the struggle 
 which is taking place in the Government here, and probably 
 its settlement. In my journey through the whole of the 
 South of France I have been very much struck by the 
 moderate and pacific views of all parties and classes, except 
 in towns like Marseilles and Toulon, which have direct 
 sympathies with Egypt, or direct interest in war. But 
 though no one is eager for war, and a war would not be 
 commenced with the enthusiasm which broke out in 1793, 
 and which was restrained in 1830, yet it would be supported 
 by public opinion, especially if that public opinion is to be 
 represented by the convocation of the Chambers in Paris, 
 where it would predominate over the influence of local or 
 individual interests. The convocation of the Chambers is, 
 therefore, the first grand point which M. Thiers is now 
 making a sine qua non. He consented to suspend it for 
 three days upon a strong representation from the British 
 Embassy, which gave him hopes that more pacific proposals 
 would be tendered to him in the interval. We are as yet 
 ignorant of the decision which, it is presumed, the Cabinet 
 adopted on Friday ; but the Government here have made up 
 their minds as to the course they intend to propose if that 
 decision is unfavourable, or if no fresh proposals are 
 tendered. It is feared that the last news of the complete 
 success at Beyrout, which has passed through Paris to-day, 
 may induce the Allies to be less inclined to an accommoda- 
 tion. 
 
 In the meantime the situation of the French Cabinet 
 with regard to the King has become extremely difficult. 
 Certain conditions and measures have been proposed, to 
 which Louis Philippe is most unwilling to accede. The 
 Government resign if they are not accepted. During the 
 greater part of yesterday this question was evenly balanced. 
 It is not yet decided. I know that the first of these proposals 
 is the convocation of the Chambers, to which, I apprehend, 
 no very great resistance is offered. Of the others I am
 
 124 THE EASTERN QUESTION 18 10 
 
 at present ignorant, but I have reason to suspect they go to 
 the length of concentrating the French fleet at Alexandria, 
 and even of landing 20,000 men in Egypt. This, however, 
 I have learned from a doubtful source. On the other hand, 
 the King is embarrassed. The Duke of Orleans is very 
 decidedly with Thiers. The resignation of the Ministry 
 would be looked upon in France as a complete triumph 
 granted to Lord Palmerston. The army is said to be so 
 excited and so impatient that the chance of a military 
 revolt is an event of sufficient probability to weigh heavily 
 in the calculation. The Chambers themselves would (I 
 think) support Thiers, though some men of judgement and 
 experience hold an opposite opinion. The ex-Administra- 
 tion would become enormously powerful and formidable in 
 opposition ; an hundred times more powerful and formidable 
 than Thiers was when he went out on the Spanish question 
 in 1836. Lastly, it is difficult to see who would consent to 
 take office on such terms at such a time. No civilian will 
 attempt it. Soult may possibly attempt it and succeed. 
 The King will probably struggle for a time; but I doubt 
 whether the Cabinet will give in, even on that head. 
 
 I do not believe that hostilities are inevitable if M. 
 Thiers remains in power, or that they are certain to be 
 avoided if he retires. So strong is the desire of the French 
 Government to remain at peace with England, that I cannot 
 conceive that the British operations in Syria will be met by 
 decided measures of resistance. But the moment Eussia 
 assumes a more active part, either by her army or her fleet, 
 M. Thiers will not, and Louis Philippe cannot, avoid making 
 a positive demonstration ; for the measures of England have 
 no character of direct aggression on France, and England 
 disclaims all such intentions ; but the hostile feeling and 
 purposes of Russia to France are avowed and undoubted. 
 It is felt that the British Government have it now in 
 their power to make a concession to which the recent suc- 
 cess at Beyrout would give an air of magnanimity and for- 
 bearance ; but if the operations are to be extended from 
 Syria to Egypt itself, no Government in France can remain 
 neutral. 
 
 Half-past Two. Since the above lines were written two-
 
 ^Ei. 28 LETTERS TO LORD LANSDOWXE 125 
 
 accounts have reached me from England. By the one I am 
 informed that you have decided to make immediate pro- 
 posals of an amicable nature to M. Guizot ; by the other 
 (subsequently received) these hopes are not confirmed. I 
 have, however, thought it best to act on the pacific supposi- 
 tion, and by that means I have elicited from my friends in 
 the Cabinet (not including M. Thiers) the strongest and 
 most vehement assurances of their desire for peace. I 
 cannot convey to you, my lord, by my own language, any 
 idea of the vehemence with which M. Cousin, speaking in 
 his own name and in that of M. de Broglie, protested that 
 he regarded the rupture of this alliance with the horror it 
 must inspire in every enlightened statesman. But I am 
 well assured that with a slight demonstration of amicable 
 concession on the part of England, no concessions will be 
 refused by France to restore a firm alliance against Russia. 
 The King is for peace ; a portion of the Cabinet is for peace ; 
 and though that portion does not include Thiers, it can 
 control him. At the same time, that Cabinet the whole 
 Cabinet man by man, have decided for war, as the cruel 
 but inevitable necessity of the government of France, unless 
 some overtures are made. The Conseil meets to-day at 
 Auteuil (Thiers's house) at four, and it will sit late. We 
 have spent the morning in trying to invigorate and encourage 
 the pacific party. If the proposals arrive, or if there is any 
 reasonable hope of their arriving, peace may yet be saved. 
 If not, the convocation of the Chambers will probably be 
 decided upon, and I know not what hope then remains ; for 
 the concessions (even in Egypt) which France can make 
 now, she will not be able to entertain when the Chambers 
 are collected. 
 
 M. de Broglie's influence with the Cabinet is very great ; 
 and as he belongs neither to the Government nor the Opposi- 
 tion, it might be most usefully employed in resuming the 
 negotiations. The extreme gauche part of the Cabinet here 
 are not very tractable, nor is the extreme anti-Egyptian 
 party in Downing Street very easy of control ; but I most 
 fervently and humbly hope that between these two hostile 
 elements, some voices of moderation, some counsels of con- 
 cession, may yet be heard and not only heard but brought
 
 120 AFFAIRS IN THE EAST 1840 
 
 into action ; and I trust I do not err in turning all my hopes 
 upon your lordship's influence at such a juncture ; for in 
 the contrary event, even those ministers who most abominate 
 the accursed evils of war between our two countries have 
 declared to me, upon their honour, before God, that before 
 they witness the conflagration of the port of Alexandria, 
 they must set their hands to a declaration of war, not for the 
 sake of the Pasha, but for the sake of the balance of power 
 in Europe. 
 
 I entreat your lordship, if possible, to do me the honour 
 to answer this letter by a line to suggest to me the language 
 which it may be most suitable for me to use here. 
 
 I remain always your most obedient and attached servant, 
 
 H. BEEVE. 
 
 To this letter Lord Lansdowne replied on the 8th in a 
 friendly note, to the effect that any fresh negotiation must 
 be on a new base, which it was for the French to propose. 
 The excitement about Beyrout seemed to him fictitious or 
 factitious; for what had been done there was strictly in 
 accordance with the treaty, and the action of England rested 
 on this : that ' We considered it unworthy of a Great Power 
 to make promises to the Porte and hold out expectations, 
 and then leave her at the mercy of events.' At present he 
 did not see anything out of which France could make a 
 casus belli, assuming that the French ministers and the 
 French people were not eager to fight all Europe without 
 any assignable provocation ; and that, as a plain fact, 
 France had never declared that ' she sided with Mehemet 
 Ali.' 
 
 Meanwhile, and before this was written, Reeve had sent 
 off a second letter to Lord Lansdowne, sketching the situa- 
 tion as seen by him. 
 
 October Qth. I spent the morning of yesterday with the 
 Garde des Sceaux and the Minister of Public Instruction, 
 the evening at Auteuil with the President of the Council. 
 In the interval the Cabinet sat at Auteuil, not presided by 
 the King. But since the Cabinet of the preceding day, the 
 King had surrendered to the terms proposed by the Ministry, 
 in the event of no proposals or inadequate proposals arriving 
 from England. The Chambers will be convoked for 
 November 1st ; but he ulterior measures may be regarded
 
 MT. 23 LETTER TO LORD LAXSDOWNE 127 
 
 in abeyance as long as these hopes of adjustment can be 
 maintained, and I was happy to find that Mr. Bulwer's l 
 instructions and M. Guizot's despatches tallied precisely with 
 my own information. Lord Palmerston's article in the 
 ' Chronicle ' was calculated to do a great deal of harm, and I 
 believe it materially accelerated the hostile resolutions of 
 the French Cabinet ; but I also believe that means have 
 now been found to neutralise its effect here. 
 
 It will perhaps be satisfactory to your lordship to know 
 exactly what passed between M. Thiers and myself, as he 
 honoured me with a very long conversation. I shall there- 
 fore enter into some details. He began by a full statement 
 of the course of negotiation on the Eastern question front 
 March 1st to July 17th. He repeated all that was published 
 in the ' Revue des deux Mondes ' six weeks ago ; but he most 
 positively disclaimed any intention of negotiating a direct 
 arrangement between the Pasha and the Sultan by the sole 
 intervention of France ; he quoted a despatch of April 17th, 
 in which he had plainly told the Pasha that if he did not 
 accede to the terms which it was then supposed would be 
 offered, the Four Powers would act without France and less 
 favourable conditions would be imposed upon him. He- 
 denied having any previous knowledge of Sami Bey's mission, 
 which emanated from the Pasha alone. He declared that 
 he had repeatedly instructed M. de Pontois at Constantinople 
 and M. Cochelet at Alexandria scrupulously to refrain from 
 all attempts at direct or isolated negotiation, which might 
 awaken the jealousy of England ; and he repeated exactly 
 what he said to me in April 1839 that he had always 
 thought, and does still think, that the maintenance of the 
 English alliance is a matter of immeasurably more impor- 
 tance than an allotment of land about the Lake of Tiberias. 
 The conversation then turned on the intentions of the authors- 
 of the treaty. He expressed his convictions that Russia and 
 Russia's policy were mainly bent on disturbing the relations 
 between our two countries. He professed his readiness to meet 
 half-way any clear, straightforward declaration of English 
 
 ' Afterwards Sir Henry Bulwer and Lord Bailing. At this time Secretary 
 of the Embassy at Paris and Clutrgt d' Affaires, in the temporary absence of 
 Lord Granville.
 
 128 AFFAIRS IN THE EAST 1840 
 
 views : he declared that he looked upon those views without 
 jealousy and without apprehension. I am convinced from 
 his language, and that of his colleagues, that provided Russia 
 can be made to bear the burden which rightly belongs to 
 her, provided the French nation can obtain from England a 
 due admission of the value of the alliance, the Government 
 will be ready enough to assume the defensive, and to direct 
 its protestations in that direction, and in that alone, in which 
 it believes hostile intentions to exist. The state of public 
 feeling is hourly becoming more critical. Before many days 
 elapse, the French Government will be forced to make a 
 demonstration somewhere, either by the dismissal of the 
 ambassadors and a diplomatic rupture, or by ordering the 
 fleet to leave its quarters at Navarino ; but it is yet time to 
 direct the brunt of this demonstration from England against 
 Russia ; and if the Russian fleet approaches the west of 
 Europe, that occurrence will perhaps be seized upon as the 
 most favourable opportunity for decided resistance, without 
 provoking a direct collision with England. 
 
 I may add what M. Thiers said to me as to his relations 
 with the King. On the preceding day he said to the King 
 in Council, ' If, Sire, you think that by my resignation peace 
 can more easily be maintained, I shall most willingly resign ; 
 and I give you my word of honour that I will not head a 
 violent opposition to the course my successors may advise 
 your Majesty to pursue. I must state my own opinion, but 
 I will do it moderately ; and I readily admit that there is 
 much to be said in favour of a more submissive policy, 
 though I and my friends are not in a position to adopt it.' 
 The King replied with great kindness, but he refused the 
 offer, saying, ' We must not part now ; you must not abandon 
 me, nor I you.' I should add that the King is still extremely 
 irritated against Lord Palmerston, though there is no 
 appearance that this irritation extends to the other members 
 of the Administration. He says that all the mischief comes 
 from ' that cursed expression calling the Mediterranean a 
 French lake ; ' and that if he had never heard those words 
 * French lake,' we should never have heard of the treaty of 
 July 15th. 
 
 And now, my lord, allow me to add one word as to my
 
 /Ei. 28 LETTERS TO HIS MOTHER 129 
 
 own position. I am conscious that it is an anomalous 
 and difficult one. I am not sure that your lordship, to 
 whose judgement in these matters I shall always most 
 respectfully and gratefully defer, will not think it a dangerous 
 one. I cannot but feel, however, on the other hand, that I 
 am honoured with the confidence of the most influential 
 members of the French Cabinet ; that I am animated by no 
 object on earth but the maintenance of peace, and that, as I 
 am too insignificant a person to speak to them in anything 
 but the language of private friendship, so my observations 
 have a chance of doing some good here without compro- 
 mising anyone in England. Nevertheless I await with some 
 anxiety the receipt of a few lines from your lordship, which 
 will decide whether it is better for me to remain here a few 
 days longer, or to return immediately. 
 I dine with M. Thiers to-day. 
 
 Lord Lansdowne replied to this on the 9th, the day 
 following his former letter, saying that ' he had communi- 
 cated the substance of it where it would be useful ; ' a 
 remark which, meant as an encouragement to Reeve, shows 
 also the value already placed on his services. For the rest, 
 Lord Lansdowne said he had nothing to add to what he had 
 written on the previous day ; except that, ' if he found it 
 convenient to stay a little longer in Paris, he could do nothing 
 but good by speaking strongly ' of the wish in England to 
 act in unison with France. 
 
 At the same time that Reeve was writing these letters 
 to Lord Lansdowne, he was writing also to his mother. 
 The subject was uppermost in his mind, so of course he 
 spoke of it, with greater freedom, with greater self-assertion, 
 as was only natural to a young 'man who felt himself, by a 
 singular train of circumstances, suddenly placed in a position 
 to sway the equilibrium of Europe. 
 
 To Mrs. Eeeve, at Marseilles 
 
 Paris, October Qth. I thank God I did not take a day 
 more holiday. I arrived in time, but only just in time, to 
 play the last cards of this deal. When I wrote last they 
 were on the brink of the most vehement resolutions. 
 They have been checked for a few days. The news 
 from Beyrout is received with tolerable calmness, and 
 
 VOL. I. K
 
 130 COUSIN AND THIERS 1840 
 
 we arc at present in rather a more hopeful condition, because 
 we are expecting amiable overtures from England. They 
 have received me with great kindness and friendship, and 
 I have had long confidential conversations with Vivien, 
 Cousin, and Thiers. The scene of Cousin shaving in his 
 ministerial bedroom of purple and gold, vociferating as usual, 
 and talking till he grew pale with excitement, I shall never 
 forget. I was with him three hours, before the Cabinet met. 
 He is pacific to the last degree. 
 
 I dined yesterday with Zamoyski and met Urquhart, a 
 mad political dervish, who, I am sorry to say, has infected 
 better minds than his own. But I listened to his fatidical 
 harangues and was amused. In the evening I went to 
 Auteuil, where Thiers received me with great empressement, 
 and talked at great length. I met Cousin again there, Mignet, 
 Leon de Malleville, &c. To-day I am to dine there. 
 Cousin says, ' Mon cher Henri, vivez, vivez un peu avec 
 Thiers et moi.' In fact, I may be said to have my board and 
 lodging in the Cabinet. In the meantime, I have got Sir 
 W. Follett here to act upon the Tory party at home ; and I 
 write a long letter to Lord Lansdowne every morning. 
 
 Paris, October 8th. I am over head and ears in the great 
 business of this crisis. Here I meet with nothing but sense, 
 moderation, and goodwill ; from England I receive nothing 
 but fresh instances of desperate folly and violence. M. Thiers 
 is everything I could wish, and I am in the most constant 
 communication with him, as well as Cousin and Vivien. 
 We shall fail, but not without a vigorous and honest 
 struggle. Even the news from Beyrout has been received 
 here with tolerable calmness. I arrived, fortunately, at the 
 same instant, and I was able to check the contre-coup of that 
 blow ; but the next will be fatal. If I had half the influence 
 over the Cabinet at home which I have here, peace would 
 be preserved ; but in Downing Street nobody has any 
 influence but the devil. Mr. Greville has been excellent, 
 and our party in the Cabinet has made a stout fight, but has 
 ntterly failed. Palmerston triumphs. I have rejoined Sir 
 AV. Follett here, and have flung myself into his arms, for 
 nothing can exceed his good sense and good feeling. At 
 such a time I have felt the full value of his support, and it
 
 JSi. 28 LETTERS TO HIS MOTHER 131 
 
 has not failed me, for we are perfectly agreed on all the 
 questions at stake. 
 
 Yet I have no hope of peace. The Ministry here has been 
 all but out ; but the King has never decidedly given way, and 
 I believe feels that the man who sits upon the throne of 
 France has no more waverings to make. To-day it has been 
 proposed that I should return instantly to England. This I 
 shall discuss to-night with Thiers ; but I am for staying, 
 because Mr. Greville can do all I could do at home and 
 more. . . . 
 
 The Ministre de la Marine has sent me a formal 
 apology for the incivility of the Prefet Maritime at Toulon .> 
 
 Paris, October 14th. Without being over-sanguine, we 
 have reason to believe that all the efforts of the peacemakers 
 will be crowned with success. I don't know whether the 
 Sermon on the Mount was intended to promise a beatitude 
 to diplomatists, but in this cause I am sure that peacemakers 
 are not unblest. . . . 
 
 I dined again at Auteuil last night. Thiers is everything 
 that is obliging. I maintained most vigorously, on the 
 strength of Stopford's despatches, that Beyrout (i.e. the 
 town) has not been bombarded at all; and, in fact, the 
 French Government have no real reason to suppose that all 
 the violent accounts which reached Marseilles are not hum- 
 bug. Stopford fired on the fort ; Napier landed his men, 
 and that is all. I met Lord Granville last night, and shall 
 dine with them to-morrow. He was very civil, and this 
 invitation relieves me from the unpleasant feeling of having 
 been playing the busybody here without the knowledge of 
 my own ambassador. 
 
 Paris, October 18th. Who should arrive yesterday in 
 this very hotel but Handley ! I always predicted he would 
 start as I got home ; but, as it now turns out, we are spend- 
 ing three days together very pleasantly. He, Simpson, and 
 I had not met for eight years. You will see him in about a 
 week. I dined on Thursday at the Embassy. M. de Broglie 
 and M. Sebastiani were there. Just before dinner the King 
 had been shot at. The atrocity of this attempt at such a 
 crisis is beyond all conception. Dear good Lady Granville, 
 who is the most affectionate and motherly of women, was 
 
 K 2
 
 132 RETURNS TO ENGLAND 1840 
 
 greatly affected, and especially for the Queen. What a posi- 
 tion ! the Duchess of Orleans on the point of being confined 
 after a very bad and dangerous pregnancy ; the Count de 
 Paris in wretched health; the Duchess de Nemours near 
 her first confinement ; the King nearly murdered ; the throne 
 tottering ; peace in danger. The King said, the moment the 
 ministers arrived at St. Cloud, 'Messieurs, c'est la paix 
 qu'on a voulu tuer en moi ! ' Alas ! it is so. I find on 
 almost every side that the internal situation of the country 
 excites even more dread than the chance of war. Between 
 war and an anarchical revolution, the former is at least pre- 
 ferable. The winter will be troubled ; blood will be shed in 
 the streets ; and we may have war under aggravating cir- 
 cumstances in the spring. At that point my sympathy with 
 France ceases ; the day the revolution makes another stride 
 I, for one, am ready to recommence the war policy of Pitt ; 
 but our Whigs make war not on the French democracy, but 
 on the power which alone controls it. 
 
 C. 0., October 27th. I hope you will have received a 
 note from me, which I despatched to Paris per Embassy, 
 and which will have assured you that I am neither blown up 
 on a railroad nor sunk in the ' Phenix.' That fine vessel, with 
 its incomparable cook, came into collision with the ' Britannia * 
 off Dungeness, and went to the bottom. All on board were 
 saved. You will see the details in the papers. M. Guizot 
 had actually taken his places on board her, and was going to 
 Havre in order to take his family with him to Paris, when 
 he received ' the news of Thiers's resignation, and the King's 
 entreaties to go by the shortest road to Paris. But for this 
 he must have been on board, and might have been drowned. 
 When I got to London he was at Windsor, but he sent for 
 me to breakfast on Saturday morning [October 24th], and I 
 stayed full two hours. He communicated to me his whole 
 views of the great external and internal questions the 
 greatest mark of confidence, as he said, which he could give 
 me. And, indeed, I felt it so. So ended that short and 
 eventful embassy ! He is gone, with the calm and devoted 
 
 1 On October 24th the King had written, in his own hand : ' Je compte sur 
 YOUS, mon cher ministre, pour m'aider dans ma lutte tenace contre I'anarchie.'' 
 Crerillt Memoirs, II. i. 343.
 
 yET. 28 DEATH OF LORD HOLLAND 133 
 
 courage which the posture of affairs demands, to take the 
 King's government, or, at least, to assist him in forming it. 
 It is hardly probable that he will return hither in any case. 
 He will have a substitute ; certainly no successor ; and to 
 me individually the loss is extreme. 
 
 Fancy what it is in one week to have M. Guizot and 
 Lord Holland l taken away from us the two greatest losses 
 London society could possibly have sustained. At no 
 moment of Lord H.'s life was his political importance what 
 it has become just now ; but the burden of his champion- 
 ship was too heavy, and it killed him. He died of that 
 accursed treaty, and especially of the last vehement effort of 
 the peace party, which had been attended with a hot alter- 
 cation between Palmerston and himself. In his last moments 
 he began to wander, and talked of nothing but France and 
 Syria ; but the consciousness of his false position, in not 
 Laving insisted on resigning before the mischief was perpe- 
 trated, hung about him with a killing weight. 
 
 I have had one of my worst colds, proceeding from the 
 throat to the nose, which is only now upon the turn. I 
 have not for years felt such a degout momentane for England 
 as I do at this moment. The climate, the architecture, and 
 the cookery are more than I can endure ; add to which, I do 
 not find une dme de connaissance, so that the contrast from 
 Paris is rather more than is pleasant. 
 
 C. 0., November 5th. Lord Lansdowne is admirably 
 disposed ; I was with him a long time yesterday, and we 
 may rely on him, Lord John, Lord Clarendon, Baring, and 
 Labouchere ; add to which, Prussia and Austria are very 
 favourable to the arrangement which is not yet proposed. 
 But the unaccountable thing is that such mighty efforts 
 should be needed to achieve such obvious and desirable 
 objects ; the right side seems to require a vast deal more 
 shouldering and bolstering than the wrong. However, I 
 hope, in spite of Mr. Greville's gout, which is frightfully 
 bad, that some energy will be infused into the mean-wells. 
 Was there ever such an instance of meaning-well as what 
 has occurred for the last three months ? 
 
 1 Died October 22nd. Just before he died he said : ' These Syrian affairs will 
 be too much for me. Mehemet Ali will kill me.' Greville Memoirs, II. i, 341.
 
 11)4 THE EASTEKX CRISIS 1840 
 
 A last letter to Lord Lansdowne at this time seems to 
 have been intended rather as a record of opinions already 
 offered vivd voce a couple of days before, than as throwing 
 new light on the situation. 
 
 November 6//. As you have done me the honour to 
 listen to some of the impressions I have received in various 
 communications with some of the more able and prominent 
 actors in public affairs in France, I venture to trouble you 
 once more with a few rough notes which the importance of 
 this juncture drives me to commit to paper. 
 
 The prospects of M. Guizot's Administration do not 
 improve. I have written to Tocqueville to learn what sida 
 he is going to take, but the papers of to-day assert that he 
 and his friends that is, the most moderate and enlightened 
 men of the Gauche, and indeed, in the country have joined 
 the Opposition. If this be so, I cannot conceive that the 
 Government can long be carried on. If M. Guizot had been 
 able to tell those members, that he brought with him or at 
 least confidently expected, or had received an assurance of 
 the goodwill of England and the natural termination of the 
 treaty by its fulfilment, without doubt they would have 
 listened to him. But could he give them any such assurance ? 
 Has the support afforded him been prompt ? Has it been 
 considerable? 
 
 The language of the French is this : ' We have reason 
 to believe that Lord Palmerston's policy contemplates a 
 rupture with France as an event which is neither to be 
 dreaded nor avoided by England, if indeed it is not posi- 
 tively contemplated and intended. The British Cabinet, 
 by adopting his measures, has of course adopted his views. 
 We therefore assume a defensive position.' Is it wonderful 
 that Frenchmen should entertain these notions when it is a 
 matter of doubt and discussion among Englishmen, among 
 English politicians, among the English ministers, whether 
 Lord Palmerston does or does not entertain these projects of 
 direct hostility to France ? Part of the time during which it 
 was possible to make a strenuous effort to deny the imputa- 
 tion of such a policy, if it be false, or to defeat it if it be 
 true, is already gone. It may be doubted whether the 
 hours, the minutes, that remain will suffice; for, as a
 
 JET. 28 LETTER TO LORD LANSDOWNE 135 
 
 great diplomatist said yesterday, ' Cette affaire doit se decider 
 la montre a la main.' The French Government is on the 
 slope of revolution; the silence, the morne attitude of the 
 populace yesterday at the opening of the Chambers, is the 
 most frightful of all symptoms in France ; it accompanied 
 Louis XVI. from Versailles and from Varennes ; it followed 
 Charles X. to Cherbourg. 
 
 Yet as far as the Eastern question is involved, the 
 moment is most favourable to adjustment. Syria is occu- 
 pied, Ibrahim subdued, and the negotiation would of course 
 re-open on a new basis. The precautionary measures are 
 consummated ; nothing but what is penal and vindictive 
 remains to be performed. No one can now assert that 
 Ibrahim menaces Constantinople ; and his moral defeat 
 would seem to be more complete than his physical one. 
 
 If, then, the object of England in the Levant has been 
 attained, is the object of the alliance attained ? I was glad 
 to hear your lordship say it was ; but the acts of the Govern- 
 ment must prove it to be so. Suppose, for instance, that 
 you leave the viceroy in possession of Egypt, and give two 
 Syrian pashaliks and perhaps Candia to various members of 
 his family for their lives. I merely put the case hypotheti- 
 cally. Austria and Prussia would agree after the English 
 Cabinet had acceded. I believe I may venture to affirm 
 (but quite confidentially to your lordship), that Russia will 
 not resist, or at least not pertinaciously, and that M. de 
 Brunnow requires no fresh instructions from St. Petersburg 
 for that purpose. The reason will at once strike your lord- 
 ship. If Russia were to resist as decidedly and on the same 
 grounds as on the former occasion, she would show the 
 cloven foot too openly. She would openly and directly place 
 obstacles in the way of an arrangement, which would dis- 
 close the darker side of her policy to her allies and perhaps 
 hasten the very arrangement she deprecates. She will 
 probably yield in London, because by this time she may be 
 provided with other means of defeating the combination for 
 the readmission of France. Those means are perhaps at 
 Constantinople ; for there, under existing circumstances, she 
 is certain of finding no British agent desirous of reinstating 
 the pasha or of effecting a reconciliation with France.
 
 136 THE EASTERN CRISIS 1840 
 
 If then the policy of peace is to prevail, if these measures 
 are to be taken, they must not only be taken, but secured in 
 their execution, in London and in Constantinople. It is not 
 possible that Lord Ponsonby should represent the same policy 
 as Lord Granville, nor indeed the policy of the Cabinet to 
 which your lordship, Lord John Eussell, Lord Clarendon, 
 Mr. Baring, and others belong. As well make Lord West- 
 meath Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland while Lord Morpeth is 
 Irish Secretary. And indeed, whatever proposals are made to 
 the French Government from London, they will be received 
 with infinite distrust if their execution is liable to be frus- 
 trated by an ambassador who openly declared to Admiral 
 Roussin, more than a twelvemonth ago, that if instructions 
 came to him to act in harmony with France, he should 
 disobey them. With such a diplomatic representative the 
 fullest measures must fall short of conciliation ; without 
 him the least may suffice. England may be tied up to her 
 allies on questions of Eastern policy, but the recall of a 
 minister is her own affair ; the recall of a minister who has 
 exceeded his instructions (at least his acknowledged ones, 
 for I am not unacquainted with another channel of com- 
 munication) twice at least in the last six weeks. 
 
 I trust, my lord, I have not allowed my pen to outrun 
 my discretion ; but I have not the courage to look with 
 silent composure on the horrid aspect of the world if these 
 things are not done ; done, for the most part, before you 
 rest to-morrow night ; and if it come to the worst, I believe 
 that those who are most warmly attached to the members 
 of the present Government, and most jealous of their fame, 
 would rather see the Cabinet broken up by a resolute de- 
 fence of peace than exposed to future destruction by having 
 sacrificed it. 
 
 To Mrs. Reeve 
 
 Novetnber 1th. To-day the Cabinet meets, and we think 
 ourselves certain either of carrying our conciliatory measures 
 or of breaking up the Government. But if the plan of 
 operations is steadily adhered to, I am pretty confident of 
 success. However, our hopes are overcast by the storms 
 which are lowering in France. I have very little confidence
 
 ST. 28 PALMERSTON'S DESPATCH 137 
 
 in the stability of M. Guizot's Government, especially if men 
 of Tocqueville's opinion vote against him. It is not yet 
 determined when our Parliament is to meet, but the Cabinet 
 are at this instant sitting on the question ; this being nota 
 bene the first time they have sat at all since I have been 
 home! 
 
 November 13th. The accounts from Paris are very 
 encouraging. The Ministry may well gain strength and 
 confidence in the presence of so disjointed an Opposition, and 
 I think it is a great mistake for Tocqueville to have joined 
 the latter. However, he is excessively frightened, and falls, 
 I think, into the old Girondin error of joining a wrong party 
 to set it right. 
 
 When Reeve wrote these letters he had not seen, and 
 apparently had no knowledge of, Palmerston's despatch of 
 November 2nd, which, in official language and bitter irony, 
 had pointed out to the French Minister for Foreign Affairs 
 that maintaining the independence of Egypt was not 
 exactly the same thing as maintaining the independence of 
 the Turkish Empire ; that Mehemet Ali was nothing but a 
 subject of the Sultan, and that the Sultan's Government, 
 which was better able to judge than any other, believed that 
 the military power and hostile attitude of Mehemet Ali 
 were ' incompatible with the internal peace and integrity of 
 the Ottoman Empire. It rests,' it concluded, ' with the 
 Sultan, as sovereign of the Turkish Empire, to decide which 
 of his subjects shall be appointed by him to govern particu- 
 lar portions of his own dominions, and no foreign Power has 
 a right to control the Sultan in the discretionary exercise of 
 one of the inherent and essential attributes of independent 
 sovereignty.' l 
 
 It was certainly not a conciliatory despatch, and drove 
 the French Foreign Minister to despair. Turn it how he 
 liked, he could get no comfort out of it. Lord Granville 
 could give him none, but reported his views to Palmerston 
 in very nearly the same words which Guizot wrote to 
 Reeve. 
 
 Paris, 20 Novembre. 
 
 MY DEAB SIR, M. le baron Mounier, membre de la 
 chambre des Pairs, 1'un de mes amis particuliers et 
 
 1 The whole despatch, which is well worth referring to, for the manner, 
 more even than for the matter, will be found in the Annual Register, 1840, 
 pp. 531-3.
 
 138 LETTER FKOM GUIZOT 1840 
 
 1'un des homines les plus distingues de notre pays, 
 va passer quelques semaines en Angleterre. II verra vos 
 Ministres, vos homines considerables. II causera avec eux. 
 Je desire beaucoup qu'il vous voie aussi et qu'il cause avec 
 vous. Je vous le presente d'ici, et je vous demande 
 pour lui vos bons avis. Personne ne peut 1'eclairer mieux 
 que vous ; et il vous comprendra parfaitement, et j'espere 
 que son sejour a Londres ne sera pas inutile pour que 
 
 la France et ses dispositions y soient comprises un 
 
 peu comprises. 
 
 The note of November 2nd has seriously injured my 
 position and increased the difficulties which surround me. 
 I do not know if there is any intention of repairing the 
 evil ; if whilst repeating that the Porte is strongly advised 
 to leave Egypt to the Pasha, it will be said or left to me to 
 say that this is done out of consideration for France. Such 
 a declaration would have a good effect. Indirectly and 
 unofficially many fine words reach me, but nothing of any 
 practical use ; no words of a public character, which I can 
 turn to account. I am engaged in a great struggle for the 
 cause of peace, of civilisation, of a straightforward and mode- 
 rate policy. I am striving for the general good. Nothing 
 shall discourage me. I do not know if I shall succeed, but 
 if I do, I shall owe no gratitude to anyone ; at least I have 
 the right to say so, at present. . . 
 
 Adieu. Mille amities vraies. GUIZOT. 
 
 To Granville's letter conveying Guizot's wish, Palmerston 
 replied decidedly that he would not authorise him to make 
 any such declaration : first, because it was not true ; and 
 secondly, because it was impossible to admit that ^France 
 was, in any sense, the protector of Mehernet Ali a rebellious 
 subject of the Sultan. 1 But meantime the news of the 
 taking of Acre had arrived, 2 and the position was changed. 
 Thiers might shriek hysterically for War ! but Guizot, as 
 the responsible minister, recognised the necessity of accept- 
 ing ihefait accompli. 
 
 A little adventure of family interest, as related at this 
 time by Reeve to his mother, lightens the strain of politics : 
 
 Life of Lord Pahnerston, vol. ii. pp. 363-4. 
 1 It reached Paris on the 23rd, and London on the 24th.
 
 iT. 28 A FOREIGN OFFICE BOX 139 
 
 C. 0., November 21sf. I intended to have written you an 
 account of a most marvellous adventure which has occupied 
 and diverted us for a couple of days. My uncle Edward 
 Reeve, as Mrs. Merry's executor, had in his possession two 
 cabinet-boxes and the cabinet key. The key being broken, 
 he sent the box to a smith to have another made. The 
 smith denounced him at the Foreign Office ; and when he 
 went for his box he was arrested by a police inspector, and 
 conveyed to Downing Street. The whole proceeding was 
 totally illegal and unjustifiable ; and though they of course 
 dismissed him as soon as it was known who he was, yet I 
 have taken up the cudgels with some vigour in his behalf. 
 The Foreign Office was thrown into consternation by the 
 onslaught I made there. Colonel Eowan of the police is 
 very civil, and he made every kind of apology, and it will be 
 some time before these clumsy tyrants dare to offer another 
 indignity to one of my family. Of course the story makes 
 a good deal of sensation, for to drag an Englishman from his 
 dinner, without a warrant, to a Secretary of State's office, is 
 the most monstrous action in the eyes of this people that a 
 minister can commit : and neither the police nor Lord 
 Palmerston will soon hear the end of it. 
 
 To Mr. C. C. Greville 
 
 C. 0., November 24/j. Certainly Lord Palmerston's 
 position se bonifie a vue d'ceil, and our friends, the French, 
 are in the slough of despond, eating dirt, as the Orientals 
 have it, in large quantities. You will see by the ' Chronicle ' 
 of to-day that a new proposal is to be made to the pasha by 
 Stopford, which I suppose he will accept, as it is to have 
 even the moral support of France, if the ' Chronicle ' speaks 
 the truth. On the other hand, the evidence that Thiers 
 was playing a double game is more and more apparent ; but 
 I cannot satisfactorily explain to myself how Guizot, as 
 ambassador, held a language and defended a policy so entirely 
 at variance with the principles of his speech. The speech is 
 no doubt sound and right, but it cannot efface the impression 
 of the effervescence of the autumn, in which I still believe 
 Guizot was sincere. 
 
 You will see by the 'Courrier' the frantic state of the
 
 140 PALMERSTON VICTOUIOUS 1840 
 
 Opposition. They write me word that they give up the 
 Eastern question as utterly lost ; and as the debate will 
 degenerate into personalities, they intend to muster their 
 forces to begin the labour of opposition over again on home 
 questions. With that we have nothing to do ; but a 
 Sisyphean labour they will find it, if every time they get 
 into office is to be followed by such a downfall as this has 
 been. The despatches anterior to the treaty which appear 
 in the ' Post ' of to-day are very interesting, and would 
 materially have elucidated the question if they had been 
 laid before Parliament in August ; as they might have been. 
 From all that has now been said and published, it 
 results that I, for one, have been in great part mistaken ; 
 mistaken as to the danger of Eussian interference, mistaken 
 as to the result of the operations in Syria, and mistaken as 
 to the real policy and feeling of France. Was I altogether 
 wrong? Have Palmerston's opinions been justified by an 
 extraordinary good fortune or by superior knowledge ? It 
 is difficult to decide ; but I still flatter myself with the 
 notion that something was done, even by these unreal 
 apprehensions, to prevent them from assuming a more 
 serious and menacing shape. And whilst I cannot but 
 applaud that success in the East which is due to Lord 
 Palmerston's rare firmness, I am as fully convinced as ever 
 that such hazards should not be incurred for the sake of 
 such results. 
 
 The fact, of course, was that Palmerston had the ' superior 
 knowledge.' Reeve had considered the dispute as one to be 
 decided whether for peace or war by the diplomats of 
 England and France ; for, ignorant of the effective force on 
 which Palmerston relied, he accepted the belief of his French 
 friends that the Egyptian army was, for the time being, 
 master of the situation. It was a first lesson for him in the 
 4 influence of sea-power ; ' and, after conning it for three 
 days, he expounded it imperfectly indeed, but with right 
 understanding in a leading article in the ' Times ' of the 
 "28th. To his mother he had previously written : 
 
 November 25th. After all, we are brought to confess 
 that Lord Palmerston's star is in the ascendant ; that there 
 will be no war ; that the question of the East will soon be
 
 JET. 28 TALMEIISTOX'S VICTORY 141 
 
 settled, and that all the other Powers of Europe will shrink 
 into the second rank beside the daring and overruling policy 
 of England. As I have been all along among the warmest 
 opponents of a scheme which, if it had not succeeded, would 
 have consigned its authors to infamy and the world to- 
 misery, I am bound to acknowledge the superior knowledge 
 or the superior luck of the Foreign Office. If it were to do- 
 over again, I do not know that I should think otherwise than 
 I have done ; but as it is now well nigh accomplished, I 
 cannot but rejoice in whatever chances have turned out so 
 well for England. 
 
 M. Guizot's speech is certainly a great deal more philo- 
 sophical and resigned than his conversation was in London- 
 three or four months ago; and though I am very much 
 obliged to him for preaching peace, I confess Montalembert's 
 oration is more to my own taste. Lord Palmerston has now 
 bowled everybody out ; and the consequence is that the 
 earth can scarcely contain him. He is as proud of success 
 as other men would be of deserving it. Wolsey himself was- 
 not more formidable, except that the Tower and the block 
 are out of date. 
 
 However, to complete the story which I began in my 
 note of the other day. I have extorted from the lower 
 grades of the Foreign Office a full written apology to my 
 uncle Edward for their offences towards him, and they are 
 thought to have eaten large quantities of dirt at my hands. 
 In which I mightily rejoice. 
 
 Bowood, Christmas Day. My Court went on to sit with 
 such vivacity ever since my last letter, that I hardly saw 
 anybody or anything but judges, wigs, and Indian records. 
 Indeed Lord Brougham threatened to sit till Christmas Eve ; 
 but his colleagues relented, and I came down here yesterday 
 with Lord Duncannon and Miss Ponsonby, whom I met in 
 the railroad carriage. The line is now open to Wootton- 
 Basset, which brought us to within fifteen miles of Bowood, 
 and the journey is performed in five hours instead of nine or 
 ten. Charles Austin and Senior came down a little before 
 us, and as I lay in bed this morning I smiled to think of the 
 whimsical contrast between two Suffolk millers l meeting in 
 
 1 The Austins, John, Charles, and Alfred, were sons of Jonathan Austin, of 
 Greeting Mill, in Suffolk.
 
 Hi> CHRISTMAS AT BOWOOD 1841 
 
 Ipswich market and the meeting of their immediate de- 
 scendants in this abode, which is more commodious and 
 oni every time one conies. ... I left London without 
 much regret, for the party at Bedford Kow is large enough 
 without the collaterals. . . . John and Kichard are both in 
 the height of happiness, 1 and I rejoice to see my uncle and 
 aunt at the head of so numerous a group of descendants, 
 still united by as much love and confidence as if they had 
 none of them left the nursery. . . . 
 
 Great aigreur prevails between France and the other 
 Powers on the subject of her disarming, which I fancy M. 
 Guizot is neither willing nor able to do. If we escape a con- 
 flagration, it will be because no spark falls on the train ; but 
 politics are like a blacksmith's shop, where sparks are always 
 spurting from the anvil, and I can scarcely conceive that 
 some evil will not occur ; for it is certain that the evil dis- 
 positions on both sides tend rather to increase than to 
 decline. However, the meeting of Parliament may do some 
 good, by convincing even the French that the reluctance to 
 go to war is universal. 
 
 I have been reading a good deal lately about Spanish 
 history, especially during the War of Succession. M. Ville- 
 main has given me a copy of Mignet's collection of docu- 
 ments on that period, which are most interesting. I have 
 likewise bought the ' Lettres edifiantes,' which revive my 
 ancient veneration for the Jesuits. 
 
 You will be glad to hear that, in spite of our journey and 
 divers other expenses, my budget for this year is a satisfac- 
 tory one, and that I find myself a couple of hundred pounds 
 within my income. To be sure I cannot hope for so profit- 
 able a literary year again. That reminds me of Tocqueville, 
 whose speech and conduct in the recent debate have inflicted 
 a most severe blow on his reputation here, and I deeply 
 regret that he should have blundered into such a course. 
 
 1841. The early part of the year in the usual routine of 
 London society. I wrote a great deal in the ' Times ' to 
 endeavour to make up the quarrel with France. In March 
 I went to Paris, and first made acquaintance with Princess 
 
 1 Reeve's cousins, recently married.
 
 JEr. 28 PRINCESS LIEVEN 143 
 
 Lieven. 1 Dined with Montalembert and Mounier, and saw 
 a great deal of Tocqueville. 
 
 So says the Journal, and so far as action is concerned 
 there is little more to be said. The details are filled in by 
 extracts from Reeve's letters to his mother : 
 
 C. 0., January 9th. Louis Philippe says, as I am given 
 to understand, that matters are rapidly subsiding, and im- 
 proving in France ; but what I am sure of is, that in both 
 countries a mass of petty plots and personal ambitions are 
 en jcu, which will probably defeat all the precautions of 
 honesty and virtue. Here people are not ashamed to avow 
 that the object of keeping France down is a very praise- 
 worthy end, in their opinion ; and the most peace-loving and 
 prudent ministers in the world go on to sit side by side with 
 the firebrands. I am disgusted to the last degree with 
 everything in politics, and I read De Vere and revert with 
 all my soul to a quiet study in a sunny country. 
 
 C. 0., February 8th. My first edition of ' Washington ' 
 totally disappeared the other evening in the convivial enjoy- 
 ments of John Murray's annual sale, and we are going to 
 bring out another, cheap, and on a large scale. 
 
 My party the other night was a good deal agitated by 
 tidings of the Duke of Wellington's illness. He had another 
 touch of epilepsy in the House. The night before I heard 
 him speak with unusual ease and distinctness on the Syrian 
 operations. He had told Lord Aberdeen that he had not 
 felt so well for months ; but whilst Brougham was speaking 
 he observed a twist in the Duke's face, and a few minutes 
 afterwards he was speechless. However, the attack is much 
 slighter than the preceding one, and he has already nearly 
 got over it. 
 
 You would laugh to see the agreeable terms I am on 
 with my quondam foe, the Great B. 2 I receive a couple of 
 
 1 Widow of the Russian Ambassador in England 1813-35. After her 
 husband's death she settled in Paris, where, by the charm of her manner, her 
 interest in politics, her ability and wit, she dominated society as she had pre- 
 viously done in London. She died in Paris in 1857. A Portrait do Madame la 
 Princessc de Lieven, a la manttre du Due dc St.- Simon, by Ralph Sneyd, was 
 printed by the Philobiblon Society. See also Greville Memoirs, III. ii. 76-83 ; 
 and Edinburgh Review, April 1890, p. 453. 
 
 2 Lord Brougham.
 
 144 VISIT TO PAltIS 1841 
 
 little notes from him every morning, and we are as 
 affectionate as turtle-doves, or, rather, as turtle-doves 
 suspecting to see the hawk's beak every moment. The 
 amnesty, however, has been general, and he has absolutely 
 included in it all his oldest friends ; and though it is excel- 
 lent sport to fight him, it is even better to be at peace. 
 
 C. 0., March 4th. By the time you receive this, 
 Chorley and I shall be installed in a new dwelling. Mrs. 
 Smith's altercations with our servants were so frequent, and 
 her presumption that we should remain a tout prix was so 
 unpleasant, that we summoned up our strength last Monday, 
 and in the course of a few hours hired a house No. 2, 
 Wilton Street, Grosvenor Place for a twelvemonth, with 
 option to renew the occupation. Eent, 180 guineas ; which is 
 what we pay now for part of a house. Furniture very good, 
 handsome and abundant. Offices convenient. ... I have 
 brought down to my new room in the office a few shelves- 
 ful of the larger books ; and our removal will be completed 
 next Monday, I visited your chattels at the Pantechnicon, 
 and took the linen-chest, which, for the present, I shall 
 venture to use I trust with due care. We are very well 
 pleased to be on the sunny side of the street, and we hope 
 that the glories of the new temple will not be eclipsed by the 
 recollection of our former success. When you come I shall 
 be perfectly able to receive you, as we have five bedrooms, 
 one of which I shall convert, for the present, into a summer 
 study. Our landlady, Mrs. Morris, is very liberal, and will 
 do, or allow to be done, whatever we please ; so that I may 
 consider myself housed, I trust, for some time to come. 
 
 Paris, March 19/i. There is no chance of a war with 
 France at present. The thing is now settled. You will 
 have seen by the papers what a hornet's nest we brought 
 down on Lord Ponsonby about the Hatti-Sheriff ; and I 
 came here very sufficiently authorised to reprobate his 
 conduct in the strongest terms. M. Guizot is very cordial. 
 I dine or breakfast with him every day ; and I may confess 
 to you how much I am gratified by his strong acknowledge- 
 ments of my humble but unremitting exertions. I shall 
 meet M. de Broglie and M. de Bresson at his table this 
 evening.
 
 jEi. 28 IMPRESSIONS OF PARIS 145 
 
 Paris, March 26th. Tout le monde m'a comble de 
 bontes ; and nobody more than Lady Granville, who has 
 made me call on her almost every day. Yesterday Baron 
 Mounier gave me a great dinner of prodigious Dons. . . . 
 Yet, upon the whole, my visit leaves a most melancholy 
 impression. The dissolution of parties, the rancour of 
 enmities, the absence of political convictions, or of courage 
 to avow them, the excess of luxury, and the violence of a 
 false excitement appear to me to augur nothing but the 
 worst for the country. No man is respected. No govern- 
 ment is permanent. And with all my liking for the people, 
 there is an absence of truth and uprightness which convinces 
 me that no serious or solid relation can ever unite the policy 
 of England with that of France. The avenues to power are 
 choked with adventurers struggling for the shattered prize. 
 The accursed past throws its shame and terror over the 
 future, and there is nothing great left in the nation but its 
 splendid vices and defects. Tocqueville himself says that, as 
 nothing remains to them but their national pride, that being 
 shaken, they must fall below the average level of mankind. 
 
 C. 0., April 21th. I have seen a good deal of the 
 Richardsons lately ; for their children and the younger 
 Elliots (Mintos) have been making a bazaar for the Poles at 
 the Admiralty, 1 which produced 351., and Lady Fanny Elliot 
 and Miss Eichardson asked me to distribute the fund for 
 them. I must say I like them more and more ; and the 
 only fault I find in them is that there are seven of them, 
 and multicity is a heavy grievance in families ; from which 
 I esteem it the chief of all my blessings to have been 
 exempted. 
 
 This is the first recorded mention of Miss Eichardson, 
 though, since first making their acquaintance, three years 
 before, he had been gradually growing intimate with the 
 family, and in the previous summer he would seem to have 
 been thinking that here was the place to look for a wife. It 
 is possible that he had mentioned this to his mother ; but, in 
 any case, we may be quite sure that she would understand 
 the reference to ' seven of them.' To Eeeve, on considera- 
 tion, the objection did not seem fatal ; and on May 15th, 
 
 1 The Earl of Minto was at this time First Lord of the Admiralty. 
 VOL. I. L
 
 146 BITTER DISAPPOINTMENT 1841 
 
 acting on the suggestions of his foreign education, he wrote 
 to Mr. Richardson, making his proposal in form. 
 
 Mr. Richardson was a most kind-hearted and estimable 
 man, a parliamentary agent with a large practice, of literary 
 tastes, a friend, a correspondent of Scott, of Campbell, of 
 Jeffrey, 1 and devotedly attached to his eldest daughter to 
 such a degree that he considered her presence in the house 
 as an absolute necessity. She, with a high standard of filial 
 duty, put aside her own feelings, and acquiesced in a refusal 
 of Reeve's offer. Reeve had, meantime, gone to Richmond, 
 but returned on the Sunday evening to find Mr. Richardson's 
 answer waiting for him. The disappointment was no doubt 
 bitter, but he does not seem to have spoken of it. In his 
 letters to his mother the subject is not alluded to, though 
 we may perhaps think that we trace its effect in the 
 moralising on the worthlessness of exalted position. But, 
 in fact, the correspondence was broken for nearly a month 
 by Mrs. Reeve's wanderings, and the first letter to her at 
 Geneva is filled with no very important gossip. 
 
 C. 0., June Isf. I don't complain of London this year 
 for I have never been so much out of it. One week I per- 
 suaded the Taylors to spend at the Star and Garter, where 
 I often joined them, to drive through my favourite park, or 
 saunter to the meadows and the huge poplars by the brink 
 of the river. For the last two days I have been riding over 
 a part of Kent. Foot's Cray and Chiselhurst bewitch me, 
 and I rejoice in cheese and cider at a country inn. As I am 
 very well mounted this year, these excursions are easy to 
 me, and they are the greatest pleasures I have. . . . 
 
 I have been concocting a performance for the Poles with 
 Lord Dudley Stuart, and the Duke of Sutherland has very 
 kindly lent us the great gallery of Stafford House for the 
 occasion. Mile. Rachel will declaim ; Vieuxtemps and Liszt 
 will play, and Adelaide Kemble will make her dSbut in 
 London. C'est une grande affaire. We have put the tickets 
 at two guineas ; and, as they are limited to four hundred, 
 everybody is in fits to go. ... 
 
 Nothing ever occurred in England so strange as the heat 
 of the last ten days and nights. We sit abroad as late as 
 you can do, eating ices in balconies ; and in the middle of 
 
 1 Cockburn's Life of Lord Jeffrey, i. 170.
 
 ,ET. 28 LETTERS TO HIS MOTHER 147 
 
 the day one sees nobody walking about but a few lizards 
 like myself. ... I have now no doubt whatever that I 
 shall join you at Geneva, and probably pass through Ger- 
 many to get there I hope before the end of September. . . . 
 Aldeburgh, July 19th. I have been here three days, 
 sitting on the sand in the sun, with nothing in life to per- 
 plex me and a free course for all my thoughts, rocked by the 
 great waves of our coast. Yet repose on the sea-coast of 
 Britain is not like repose on the margin of the Mediterra- 
 nean ; the sea itself is more masculine, and there is a sort 
 of energy in it which belongs to the island and the people. 
 This life has a singular charm for me. In proportion as I 
 have acquired and enjoyed most of the things in life which 
 men court I have ceased to esteem or to desire them. I return, 
 with more deliberate reflection, to earlier and more solitary 
 tastes, which I encouraged years ago in the belief that I 
 should have few opportunities of struggling for the world's 
 pleasures and distinctions. That belief was erroneous. On 
 few men have opportunities been more abundantly bestowed. 
 1 believe I have not neglected any ; and from most of them I 
 have derived more power at twenty-seven than I ever dreamed 
 of in visions at seventeen, and this without a serious conflict 
 or one stunning reverse. But I remember in going up some 
 lofty tower as that church at Toulouse which we ascended 
 last year I remember that I have looked out from some 
 belfry at mid-height, and, having ascertained that a few 
 twisted streets and roofs of houses, with a vague horizon 
 beyond, were all I should see from the very highest pinnacle, 
 I have left the ball and cross to others, and sat waiting for 
 them below in the grass of the churchyard. Thus it is with 
 me in my present notion of life. The view which I can see 
 by looking from any low belfry is not so different from that 
 which men climb for to the highest spire, as entirely to mis- 
 lead my judgement, nor certainly so encouraging as to 
 embolden me to much more exertion. 
 
 With these thoughts in my mind, which have not been 
 suggested by my present sea-side leisure, though it is only 
 in such a retreat that one cares to put them into shape, I 
 have taken little part in the ferment of the political world. 
 Yet I have rejoiced in my heart to witness once again in 
 
 L 2
 
 148 VISIT TO ALDEBURGH 1841 
 
 England the strenuous revival of those great principles of 
 aristocratic government which constitute, as I believe, the 
 solid framework of this commonwealth. The function of 
 the Conservative party has ceased to be one of mere resist- 
 ance and defence. Masters of the field of battle, they would 
 ill deserve their victory if they could not spread their tents 
 and raise their standard upon it. I confess that I had barely 
 hoped ever to see a Tory government again strong enough to 
 govern the country on its own fixed principles. But the 
 thing is now almost assured ; and the time invites me to put 
 forward as much as I can those principles which I have 
 thought of a good deal for many years, and which men 
 engaged in active political life are apt to forget. In short, 
 without going higher than my belfry I can ring the bells ; 
 and the best service I can render is, I think, by my influence 
 over the press. The effect more than meets my hopes and 
 wishes. 
 
 I came here to spend a few days with the Edward Keeves, 
 instead of going to Dedham. They are remarkably well ; 
 my uncle in high spirits. Perhaps he is a good deal dis- 
 appointed that his son should prove so blank a young 
 gentleman for he is a mere candidate for the humbler 
 honours of squirearchy. But Edward James is a good 
 fellow, and his father is not much surprised that he should 
 follow in the track of most of his kinsfolk. The day I 
 arrived here a Mr. and Mrs. Clarke came to call. Mr. C. 
 said that, hearing my uncle was arrived, he could not forbear 
 paying his respects to the brother of Dr. Reeve, to whose 
 memory he bore the strongest regard. 'Why,' said my 
 uncle, ' there sits his son, kicking his heels in the sun on the 
 low garden wall near the beach.' With some difficulty the 
 worthy man screwed up his courage to be introduced to me. 
 I looked suddenly round, rather astonished at his address, 
 for I knew nothing of what had passed. The poor man was 
 quite overset. He shook my hand and burst into tears. 
 They were obliged to support him, for a giddy fit came on ; 
 he was cupped that evening, and has kept his room ever 
 since. You will recollect this Mr. Clarke, who was a lunatic 
 patient of my father's ; I believe you once stayed at his 
 house near this place. He is, of course, a weak and excitable
 
 /Ex. 28 GOES TO GENEVA 149 
 
 being ; and I was sorry this surprise came so suddenly upon 
 him. 
 
 Brussels, August 25^/t. Chorley and I sailed from London 
 to Antwerp on Sunday [22nd]. Our vessel was good ; the 
 weather propitious, and our party a good deal diversified, 
 but vastly agreeable. . . I never started on a journey in 
 more health and spirits ; and everything moves onwards as 
 smoothly as usual. In ten days I shall be at Munich, and 
 probably plunge into the Tyrol about September 5th, if the 
 weather be not too cold. For here, already, there is a chill 
 which reminds us we are on the confines of autumn. At 
 any rate I hope to be at Geneva on the 20th. 
 
 Munich, September 9th. I have now been installed for a 
 few days in my old favourite city, where, in spite of the 
 changes of nearly nine years, and the manifold and marvellous 
 incidents which have arisen out of my first unpremeditated 
 stay here, I find a great many old friends and a hearty 
 welcome. . . It is very agreeable to me to find that Handley 
 is everywhere very handsomely spoken of, and that she has 
 her desert in her own country. Du reste, it is not very 
 probable that we shall meet ; and if we do, I am not the 
 crockery jar. I expect to start for Innsbruck on Saturday, 
 and I shall travel onwards as straight as the Alps will allow 
 me to do. I shall go through the Grisons if the weather is 
 good, and pass from Dissentis to the St. Gothard, whence I 
 must proceed northwards to get into a more beaten track 
 and find more rapid conveyances than a mountain char-a-banc. 
 
 I am glad you will not have the bore of a double removal, 
 and I shall find you at your campagne. I wish to leave 
 Geneva not later than October 5th ; and if you have no 
 objection, it will be a vast economy of time and money to go 
 from Basle to Strasburg by the railroad, and from thence 
 to descend the Ehine stopping, if you please, to eat a few 
 grapes at Johannisberg. 
 
 Adieu, my dear mother. In less than a fortnight I trust 
 that I shall be with you, and I reckon the days very cheer- 
 fully from this my 28th birthday. 
 
 The itinerary of this tour is given in the Journal, which 
 then passes on to speak with excessive brevity of the 
 important step which Keeve was now taking :
 
 150 RECALLED AND ENGAGED 1841 
 
 Left London with Chorley August 22nd, to Antwerp, 
 Brussels, Treves, the Moselle, Heidelberg, Augsburg, Munich, 
 Tyrol, Ragaz, and so to Geneva, where my mother was. 
 There I got Mr. Richardson's letter of recall. 
 
 The fact was that the strain on Miss Richardson's feelings 
 had very seriously affected her health ; and when the family, 
 going down to Kirklands, Mr. Richardson's place in Rox- 
 burghshire, were joined there by their old friends, Sir 
 Charles and Lady Bell, the physician's trained intelligence 
 at once saw the necessity of immediate action. Lady Bell 
 took on herself to represent this to Mr. Richardson, and the 
 result was the letter which came to Reeve at Geneva ; as to 
 which he wrote in the Journal : 
 
 Stayed at Geneva till October 4th. Had a bad journey 
 home by Holland. Went down to Kirklands on October 
 22nd, and was engaged to Hope Richardson on the 26th. 1 
 returned to town on November 2nd. 
 
 Reeve's letters to his mother at this time have not been 
 preserved : here is one to his friend Tocqueville : 
 
 C. 0., 8 Novembre. Je vous aime trop, mon cher ami, 
 pour ne pas vous dire moi-meme une chose qui interesse 
 aussi profondement mon sort et ma vie que mon menage. 
 
 Je crois avoir rencontre 1 cet etre que Ton cherche toujours 
 et que Ton trouve si rarement, qui est le complement de 
 1'existence individuelle ; et s'il y a foi dans les augures de ce 
 monde, le bonheur qui m'attend est bien au-dessus de ce que 
 je m6rite. 
 
 Savez-vous le grand role dans les projets d'amoureux que 
 jouent les e'largissements des amities, et la satisfaction avec 
 laquelle on espere un jour faire connaltre ce qu'on aime a ce 
 qu'on aime ? C'est un des plaisirs dont je jouis deja, et le 
 voyage de Normandie est un de ceux qui me sourient le plus 
 en fait de course conjugale. 
 
 Plus d'une fois j'ai et6 frappe de certains petits details de 
 langage et de maniere dans Mile. Hope Richardson c'est 
 le nom de ma future qui lui donnaient un air de famille 
 avec vous-meme ; et sans avoir tout a fait votre tete, elle a 
 au moins votre coaur.
 
 JET. 29 IS MARRIED 151 
 
 Faites, je vous prie, bien des amities de ma part a Madame 
 de Tocqueville, et donnez-moi bientot de vos nouvelles. 
 
 Tout a vous, H. REEVE. 
 
 Je me marie a la fin de 1'annee, en Ecosse. 
 
 It is unnecessary to refer more particularly to the many 
 congratulatory letters which Reeve received at this time. 
 We may, however, quote one from Lord Jeffrey to Mr. 
 Richardson ; remarkable not only as showing Jeffrey's appre- 
 ciation of the bride, as illustrating the relations between her 
 and her father already spoken of, but also from the singular 
 tone of the congratulations he offered. 
 
 November 1st. MY DEAR RICHARDSON, I really cannot 
 wish }^ou joy of your impending loss of such a daughter as 
 my gentle, sensible, dutiful and cheerful Hopey, and I do not 
 know that I can even wish her joy of such a separation. Yet 
 I feel assured that there will be joy, lasting and growing for 
 you all, and that in no long time we shall wonder that any- 
 body thought of murmuring at so happy a dispensation. In 
 the meantime, however, the only person I can candidly con- 
 gratulate is Mr. Reeve, whom I think far better entitled to 
 the name of ' the fortunate youth ' than any to whom it has 
 ever been applied. I have scarcely the honour of his ac- 
 quaintance (though if I live I hope to have), but I perfectly 
 remember of meeting him at dinner at your house, and being 
 struck with his vivacity and talent, and also of breaking in 
 upon him in a morning call on Hopey and her sister, when 
 certain vague suspicions and envyings did pass across my 
 imagination. Do tell my dear Hopey how earnestly I wish 
 and pray for her happiness, and that I hope she will not en- 
 tirely cut me, now that she is to become the centre of a 
 separate circle. Ever affectionately yours. 1 
 
 For the rest, the entry in the Journal tells the story with 
 sufficient completeness and brevity : 
 
 I went back to Kirklands on December 18th, and was 
 married there on the 28th. Lord Minto lent us Minto for 
 our honeymoon. We stayed there a few days, the Elliots 
 coming to Kirklands. 
 
 Hope Richardson was born April 16th, 1815. She was 
 the second, but eldest surviving, daughter of John Richardson 
 
 1 Lord Cockbum's Life of Lord Jeffrey, vol. ii. p. 347.
 
 162 MARRIED LIFE 1842 
 
 of Kirklands, born May 9th, 1780, and of Elizabeth Hill, 
 who died November 26th, 1836. Mr. Richardson's mother 
 was Hope Gifford, a niece of Principal Robertson. 1 Hence 
 the name of Hope came into the family. 
 
 The year opened on Hope and myself as we were 
 travelling south. Our first visit was to the Taylors at Coed 
 Ddu, and we reached London early in January. I had taken 
 the house No. 16 Chester Square, and there we were in- 
 stalled on February 13th. 
 
 Society chiefly domestic ; but on February 22nd we dined 
 at the Sainte-Aulaires', then French ambassador, with the 
 Clanricardes, Cannings, Stuart of Rothesays, Bunsens, 
 Rehausens, 2 and Neukomm ; and on March 3rd at Lans- 
 downe House. We spent Easter at Waverley Abbey and 
 Whitsuntide at Bracknell. Mendelssohn was in London 
 and played the organ at Christ Church. We saw a good 
 deal of Winterhalter. Went to stay at Edward Reeve's at 
 Dedham in July. The summer of 1842 was one of singular 
 beauty. 
 
 No family or private letters of this period have been 
 preserved, with the exception of a few from his Aunt Sarah, 
 Mrs. Austin, then living in Germany, and these are filled, 
 for the most part, with her own literary projects or occu- 
 pations. It was only occasionally that she wrote of personal 
 matters, as in this, dated at Bonn on May 3rd, when, after a 
 long list of articles or translations which she had in contem- 
 plation, she broke into raptures about her eldest grandchild, 
 Janet Gordon, afterwards Mrs. Ross. 
 
 So much for business. At present it is all gone to the 
 winds. The baby takes the place of all affairs and all 
 pleasures, and is her little self the greatest. I never saw 
 such a perfect little specimen of a Mensch. I hear, my 
 dear Henry, you are in the way to possess one of these 
 strange little creatures whose weakness and ignorance and 
 imperfection is so infinitely engaging and interesting. May 
 it bring blessings to you and your sweet wife, of whom I 
 hear more and more praise, admiration, and love ! It 
 seems you have caught the phoenix. My best love to her. 
 
 1 William Robertson, better known, perhaps, as the historian. 
 Counsellor of the Swedish Embassy.
 
 /ET. 29-30 DEATH OF HIS WIFE 153 
 
 The sad conclusion of this story is told in the Journal. 
 More words would be out of place. 
 
 On September 3rd we started for Scotland by sea, taking 
 the carriage with us, and reached Kirklands on the 6th. Sep- 
 tember 15th shot my first grouse at Todrig with John 
 Elliot. So passed the last six weeks. 
 
 On October 27th, at half-past 10 P.M., Hopie was born. 
 All went right at first ; but bad symptoms came on about 
 November 6th, and at half-past 11 A.M. on November 27th 
 'H. expired. On December 3rd we laid her in Ancrum 
 churchyard. The pall-bearers were John Richardson, James 
 Hill, Lord Melgund, Lord Polwarth, John Elliot, Gilbert 
 Elliot, and Sir William Scott. On December 7th I left 
 Kirklands with baby in the carriage, and got home on the 
 9th. How small is the record of so much happiness ! 
 
 The disruption of the Scotch Kirk was impending, and 
 interested me. I deterred the minister of Ancrum from 
 joining it. The question of a Customs union between 
 France and Belgium was also under discussion. I remember 
 that all through this period of deep anxiety I continued to 
 write a great deal on public affairs. 
 
 It is unnecessary to dwell on the intensity with which 
 Eeeve felt this terrible blow, or to cite the long letter in 
 which he poured forth his soul to his sympathetic friend, 
 Handley. Time alone brings the remedy ; and the only 
 alleviation was suggested by Guizot travaillez. 
 
 From M. Guizot 
 
 Paris, 13 Decembre. 
 
 MY DEAR SIR, J'ai besoin de vous dire un mot, un seul 
 mot. Que j'ai pitie de vous ! Neuf ans se sont ecoules 
 depuis que le meme coup m'a frappe, exactement le meme 
 coup, deux mois apres ses couches au lieu d'un mois. 
 Depuis, ma vie a ete bien active, bien pleine. Des affections 
 bien cheres, bien douces sont sorties ou entrees dans mon 
 coaur. Le vide est toujours la. Bien ne remplace le bonheur 
 vrai et complet. Que j'ai pitie de vous ! Je voudrais que 
 cela put vous faire quelque bien. Soignez votre enfant et 
 travaillez. Ecrivez-moi si vous y prenez le moindre plaisir. 
 Je vous ecrirai. Le temps ne me manquera jamais pour
 
 154 4 TRAVAILLEZ' 184:2 
 
 vous dire ce que je sens pour vous de pi tie et d'amitie. 
 Adieu. Adieu du fond du coeur. 
 
 GUIZOT. 
 
 The following, too, is noteworthy : 
 
 From Lord Jeffrey to Mr. John Richardson 
 
 November 30th. MY DEAR RICHARDSON, A great sorrow 
 has fallen upon you, and you must bear it ! And what more 
 is there to say ? I need not tell you that we mourn over 
 you, and over the extinction of that young life, and the sudden 
 vanishing of those opening prospects and innocent hopes that 
 shed a cheering influence on our old hearts, and seemed yet 
 to connect us, in sympathy and affection, with a futurity 
 which we were not ourselves very likely to see. And all 
 this is over, and she is gone ! and we are left to wonder and 
 repine and yet to cling to what is left us of existence, and to 
 feel that there are duties and affections that yet remain to 
 us, and interests and sources of enjoyment too that will 
 spring up anew when this blight and darkening have passed 
 over. God help us ! ... 
 
 God bless and support you, my dear and kind-hearted 
 old friend. 1 
 
 1 Life of Lord Jeffrey, vol. ii. p. 375.
 
 155 
 
 CHAPTEK V 
 ON THE 'TIMES' 
 
 So FAR we have followed Keeve's life in somewhat close 
 detail. We have traced the unusual education and the 
 extraordinary chances which fitted him in a very remarkable 
 manner for the part he had to play ; we have seen him ap- 
 pointed to an important and confidential post under Govern- 
 ment, one which though not prominent brought him into 
 familiar contact with many of the most powerful intellects 
 in the country, and with many of the leaders of the people, 
 men of high social rank and of political eminence ; with 
 many, too, of similar standing in other countries. The 
 names of a few will emphasise the statement. They include 
 the Marquis of Lansdowne, President of the Council ; the 
 Marquis of Normanby, Home Secretary ; the Earl of 
 Clarendon, Chancellor of the Duchy, but afterwards to be, 
 for five eventful years, Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, and for 
 five more Foreign Secretary ; M. de Tocqueville, known 
 both as a writer and a politician ; M. Guizot, Ambassador, 
 and afterwards, in France, Foreign Secretary and President 
 of the Council ; Lord Brougham, ex-Lord Chancellor, a man 
 of erratic, though singularly powerful, genius ; Earl Gran- 
 ville, Ambassador at Paris, and his more distinguished son, 
 so long Secretary for Foreign Affairs. We have been taught 
 that ' as iron sharpeneth iron, so a man sharpeneth the 
 countenance of his friend ; ' and the being thrown into 
 familiar intercourse with men of this calibre necessarily 
 sharpened the intellect of one whose early training had 
 admirably tempered the metal. 
 
 Many others might be mentioned, and as years passed 
 on the list was continually enlarged, till it included nearly 
 every man of eminence in politics, in literature, or in society, 
 whether in England, in France, or in Germany. And in 
 himself the three elements were so mixed together that it 
 would be difficult, if not impossible, to separate them. It 
 may, however, be maintained that he was primarily and of
 
 166 ON TIIE 'TIMES' 1842 
 
 freest choice a man of letters, but in a very practical form. 
 Had fate gifted him, at the outset, with an independent 
 income, it is conceivable that he would have devoted himself 
 to works of history and philosophy similar to those of his. 
 friend Alexis de Tocqueville, for whom he always expressed 
 and felt a profound admiration. We find a distinct evidence 
 of such a tendency in his earlier writings on education, on 
 criminal procedure, and other similar essays and it was 
 probably the same impulse which, at a very early age, turned 
 his attention to politics as the study of man, the proper 
 study of mankind. But the necessities of life, which com- 
 pelled him to undertake remunerative work, forced him into a 
 more practical course ; and his surroundings at the Council 
 Office thrust him into the stream. It was thus that he was 
 thrown into contact with and became a contributor to the 
 ' Times ' not as a journalist working his way up from small 
 beginnings, but taking the highest rank at once, as a leader 
 writer on the most important topics of the day. Of the 
 extent of his contributions it would be difficult to make any 
 exact estimate ; but after an experience of fifteen years, he 
 noted in his Journal that he had frequently written four or 
 five articles in the week, and that the payments made to 
 him by the paper had averaged close on 1,000/. a year. It 
 would be uninteresting, even if it were possible, to follow his- 
 proceedings in any detail. Extracts from his Journal will 
 be a sufficient indication of them. But the life of a literary 
 man is in his work, and the interesting part of this period of 
 Reeve's career is the constant preparation for the exhaustive 
 and exhausting articles which were so copiously poured 
 forth to the ' Times ' in years when to an extent which can 
 now scarcely be understood the ' Times ' was the guide of 
 public opinion ; when its voice was mighty in the Cabinet, 
 not only of England, but of France and throughout Europe. 
 It is very clear that these articles could not have been 
 produced without a great deal of study and of thought, sup- 
 ported by very unusual sources of information. No one 
 better than Reeve knew and appreciated the tremendous- 
 power which the ' Times ' wielded ; and he wrote with a full 
 sense of the responsibility which attached to the service he 
 performed. His judgements, as those of a fallible man, 
 were not always correct ; his information was sometimes 
 inaccurate ; but it is certain not only from the esteem in 
 which he was held by his wide circle of friends and acquaint- 
 ances, but from his own intimate letters, that what he 
 wrote was what he thought and what he believed. His.
 
 JET. 30 THOMAS BARNES 157 
 
 criticisms and opinions came from his heart as much as 
 from his head ; they were the best he had to dispose of, and 
 their transparent honesty gave them weight and value. 
 
 The strain of continual preparation, of being always 
 ready, liable to be called on at a moment's notice, added 
 to the duties at the Council Office, which were frequently 
 troublesome, left him little leisure for other work ; and for 
 fifteen years his output, important as it was at the time, 
 makes now no show, and is unknown except to those who, 
 intent on working up the details of some incident in our 
 foreign relations, turn to the files of the ' Times ' and read 
 his commentary, written with the verve of youth and the 
 solid judgement of manhood written, too, with extreme 
 rapidity. It was not unusual for him, coming home from the 
 theatre or a dinner party, to find a messenger waiting for 
 him with a note that an article was required at once. On such 
 occasions he would throw off his dress coat, pull off his dress 
 boots, sit down to his desk and write. When the messenger 
 w r as dismissed with the MS. he could go to bed. Now, a 
 leading article in the ' Times ' commonly runs between 1,500 
 and 2,000 words, an amount which as we have been lately 
 told by novelists of repute is considered a good day's work, 
 after weeks and months of preparation. But neither fiction 
 nor special forethought was permitted to Eeeve. The 
 articles were put forth without stay, without hesitation, and 
 with a truth and accuracy which he knew would be closely 
 examined ; any flaw in which he knew would be loudly 
 complained of. Much of the information on which he 
 wrote was, of course, furnished from the ' Times ' Office, 
 but much also from personal and private sources, a fact 
 which gives a peculiar interest to his extensive correspon- 
 dence, independent of and in addition to the interest which 
 it has, as showing the inner working of the great political 
 machine, and often as throwing new light on questions or 
 incidents that still remain obscure. 
 
 It has already been said that Reeve's connexion with the 
 ' Times ' began in July 1840, under the editorial rule of 
 Thomas Barnes ; but his visit to France followed shortly 
 afterwards, so that he can scarcely have written much for 
 the paper 1 during that year, and in the following May 
 Barnes died ; ' a man,' Eeeve noted on his last letter, ' who 
 used the utmost power of the press without arrogance and 
 
 1 One article, on Bonapartism, which appeared on December 18th, may be 
 especially mentioned. The publication of such an article shows clearly enough 
 the standing which Reeve had at once taken.
 
 158 J. T. DELANE IS42 
 
 without bitterness to anyone I deeply lamented his sudden 
 andpremature death.' 
 
 Barnes was succeeded by John Thaddeus Delane, who 
 had already been employed on the paper, and of whose 
 ability Walter, the proprietor, had conceived a high opinion, 
 which was, in fact, fully justified by the success of what 
 appeared the dangerous experiment of appointing a young 
 man, not yet twenty-four, to such an important and respon- 
 sible position. With Reeve and Greville, Delane quickly 
 became intimate, and, so far as the foreign policy of the 
 paper was concerned, placed great confidence in them and 
 in their sources of information. With Reeve he was more 
 closely associated, and to a great extent entrusted him with 
 the exposition of Continental affairs, the general line to be 
 adopted being worked out in concert. When the two men 
 were in London the more important discussions were 
 naturally in the form of conversation. When one or 
 other of them was out of town letters had to take its place, 
 and the following from Delane has the peculiar interest of 
 being written to Reeve whilst in Scotland by the death-bed 
 of his wife. It is a curious commentary on Reeve's note 
 that ' through this period of deep anxiety I continued to 
 write a great deal on public affairs.' 
 
 November 18th. I had a very long interview with Lord 
 Aberdeen to-day, principally on the commercial treaty 
 between France and Belgium, which I should wish you 
 to make the subject of three or four more artjples. He 
 spoke very highly of those you have already written, but 
 complains that the matter had never been regarded other 
 than as it might affect commerce. It is, however, he 
 says, of the very gravest political importance, being viewed 
 by the Four Powers as, if carried, an infraction of the 
 Protocol of 1831, by which the perpetual neutrality of 
 Belgium was guaranteed. He hints, therefore, at an inter- 
 ference on their part, if necessary ; but would, of course, 
 greatly prefer that the progress of the treaty should be 
 stayed definitively by the same causes which have now 
 deferred its execution. That it will ultimately be concluded 
 unless something is instantly done to bring these causes into 
 more active and efficient operation, there is no doubt, as both 
 kings, Louis Philippe and Leopold, are represented as fully 
 determined to carry it through, if possible. One cannot
 
 Mr. 30 LETTER FROM DELANE 159 
 
 blame the former, though from Leopold one has been accus- 
 tomed to expect better things. 
 
 The best way to effect the object would, I think, be to 
 have one article addressed principally to the Belgians, re- 
 minding them of their independence, and appealing to their 
 nationality that they should not again permit their country 
 to become a French province, as it would virtually be, and, 
 in short, awakening all the vanity by which the Braves have 
 always been distinguished. A second article might assist 
 the fears of the French manufacturing interest, already some- 
 what strongly excited by the prospect of Belgian competition, 
 and suggest the certainty that the Belgian factories would 
 instantly acquire additional vigour from the importation of 
 British enterprise and capital, for which France would afford 
 a new field, and for which a means of employment is now so* 
 anxiously sought. 
 
 The remaining subject is one of such extreme delicacy 
 and difficulty that I doubt whether it had not better be- 
 entirely passed over. I mean the political expediency of 
 either nation venturing upon a treaty which, as contrary to- 
 that already existing, has so direct a tendency to disturb the 
 peace of Europe. I am afraid that if this be suggested it 
 will instantly be seized on as a reason not for stopping, but 
 for going on, and that a plan which promises to secure to* 
 France, .by peaceful conquest, all but the frontier of the 
 Rhine, will become at once too popular for any commercial 
 considerations to stay its progress. It will probably be 
 argued that Belgium, though neutral, is independent, and 
 therefore has a right to make what treaties she pleases ; but 
 the Government is prepared to answer that a Customs Union 
 which binds her hand and foot to France which would 
 cover the country with French custom-houses is not to be 
 regarded in the light of a mere treaty ; and that, therefore, 
 they are called on to interfere. I doubt whether I have 
 made myself intelligible, as I am writing in much haste to 
 save the post; but there is, I dare say, enough of text 
 for you. 
 
 Delane's letters were, of course, as guide-posts, indicators 
 of what seemed the best line to take ; but it was largely on 
 his own judgement that Beeve had to depend, and from his.
 
 160 LETTER FROM GUIZOT 1842 
 
 private information that he had to draw his material. His 
 correspondence during these years is thus very much of the 
 nature of an old-fashioned panorama, or a modern kinemato- 
 graph, in which the scene, always vivid, always life-like, is 
 constantly changing. 
 
 At this period it is M. Guizot who holds the stage M. 
 Guizot, who, though nominally Minister for Foreign Affairs, 
 was virtually the head of the French Ministry, Soult's 
 advanced age and weak health preventing his taking 
 any very active part in public business. His letters, 
 always interesting, are thus important, as emanating from 
 the premier ; but it must be remembered that Guizot him- 
 self did not forget his position, and was quite alive to the 
 advantage of obtaining the support of the ' Times,' and of 
 making private friendship serve his official policy. The 
 following is an instance more open than most : 
 
 Auteuil, September I5t7i. Here are the two volumes 
 you want. I have only looked through them, but I think 
 they are interesting. That was certainly a great diplomatic 
 school. Together with this, you ought to read the Dutch 
 diplomacy of the same period of John de Witt and 
 William III., two 'very great men, greater than their fame, 
 for they upheld their cause, which was often the right cause, 
 through its worst days, without doubting or faltering. You 
 see I am a very impartial Frenchman. 
 
 Thanks for the details you give me of your internal 
 policy ; they have greatly interested me, and I perfectly 
 believe in them. When truth appears, it is recognised even 
 from afar. I greatly desire the success of Sir Kobert Peel ; 
 it is as important to us as it is to you. I have passed 
 through two very difficult years ; we had to pay the price of 
 Lord Palmerston's policy. Up to the present I have only 
 succeeded in preventing evil, a sad and unprofitable task. I 
 hope that something better will be possible in future. Our 
 last misfortune has given the public spirit a wholesome 
 shock. Men will never learn to be wise of their own free- 
 will and foresight ; they must therefore content themselves 
 with the wisdom which springs from necessity, in the hour 
 of danger. I shall have great difficulties in the next Session, 
 difficulties of jealousy, ambition, and intrigue. I shall 
 walk among snares, surprises, and secret attacks. I shall do
 
 JEx. 30 THE DUC DE BORDEAUX 161 
 
 my best to turn all these into public contests, so as to compel 
 those who are whispering conspiracy in the lobby to speak 
 out before the whole Chamber. I hope I shall succeed. Help 
 me still, ' my dear Sir,' l as you have often done before, and 
 
 to such good purpose., . *. . 
 
 p 
 
 Of the months immediately following the death of Keeve's 
 wife, the little that is to be said is said in the fewest words 
 in the Journal. 
 
 1843. I lived of course in great retirement. Florence 
 Nightingale came to stay with Helen. At Easter, Helen, 
 Lizzie, 2 and I went to Paris, where I found Tocqueville, 
 Guizot, Faucher, Cousin, and Thiers. This brought me 
 back to society, and I resumed the current of my life. 
 Lavergne came to stay with me in London. 
 
 On May 17th I got the news of Handley's death at 
 Cadiz. Christopher Wordsworth and myself were the 
 executors. The Bracebridges 3 soon after came to town. 
 The Fauchers came to London. Winterhalter introduced 
 me to Munro of Novar, who afterwards became a great 
 friend. 
 
 Lady Smith 4 came more than once to stay in Chester 
 Square. I shot at Beaumont's Moor at Allendale, with W. 
 Longman, and then went on to Kirklands. Lord Cockburn 
 came there. Shot at Todrig. Back to town. Went to 
 see the Austins at Boulogne and met V. Cousin there. I 
 bought a brougham my first carriage and jobbed a horse. 
 An ugly attack in the head, for which I was cupped the 
 only time in my life. 
 
 The Due de Bordeaux's visit to England in December 
 and the great demonstration of the Legitimists amazed the 
 French Government very much. I wrote an article in the 
 ' Times ' on the affair, which fell like a shell among them. 
 
 1 The few words ' quoted ' in Guizot's letters are in English in the original. 
 
 2 Eichardsons ; Eeeve's sisters-in-law. 
 
 3 Mr. Charles Holte Bracebridge, of Atherstone Hall, Warwickshire, born 
 in 1799, had travelled much, was a man of varied accomplishments, and was 
 well known as a philanthropist and a philhellene. His wife shared his tastes. 
 They were intimate friends of Florence Nightingale, accompanied her to 
 Constantinople in the winter of 1854-5, and largely contributed to the success 
 of her work. 
 
 4 Widow of Sir James Smith, the botanist. She lived to an extreme old 
 age, and died in 1877. Several of her letters will be found later on. 
 
 VOL. I. M
 
 162 LEGITIMIST DEMONSTRATION 1848 
 
 The French Government was more than amazed ; it was 
 indignant, and with good cause. The Due de Bordeaux, 
 afterwards better known as the Comte de Chambord, was at 
 this time twenty-three, accepted as the representative of the 
 elder branch of the Bourbons, and, as such, the hope of 
 the Legitimists. On the abdication of Charles X., in 1830, 
 
 he then a mere child had been proclaimed king as 
 
 Henri V. ; and though, at the time, this had been rightly 
 regarded as a vain pretence, it seemed to have some 
 significance now, if the young man was to be made the 
 subject of popular display in England and to be received by 
 the English Court. The demonstration thus drew from M. 
 Guizot a strong letter to his personal friend, Lord Aberdeen, 
 then Foreign Secretary ; and to Eeeve the following, which 
 the recipient endorsed ' Communicated to Lord Aberdeen 
 on December 5th. This very remarkable letter was the 
 basis of the subsequent proceedings against the Carlists, 
 both in the " Times " and in Guizot 's speeches soon after.' 
 
 Paris, December 1st. 
 
 ' MY DEAE SIB,' I cannot bear to have any real disagree- 
 ment with a friend without doing my best to put an end to 
 it. Above everything, I wish to be understood and approved 
 by those whom I esteem and love, and who esteem and love 
 me. So I put on one side many things that call for my 
 attention, in order to talk to you about the Due de Bordeaux 
 and the ideas which you entertain concerning him. 
 
 If the Due de Bordeaux was simply an exiled and un- 
 fortunate prince travelling without any political object, we 
 should think it very right and proper for you to pay all 
 possible respect to his misfortunes and his rank. We should 
 say nothing about it ; we should not even notice it. But 
 this is very far from being the case. Whether the Due de 
 Bordeaux wishes it or not, whether the step is conceived 
 by him and his immediate advisers, or whether they are 
 guided by his partisans in France, it is clear that he is, in 
 fact, a Pretender, carrying out or preparing a policy of 
 intrigue and conspiracy. Nothing can be more significant 
 than this gathering round him of all the leaders of the 
 faction great and small, young and old, deputies, men of 
 the world, journalists. Even the age and weakness of M. 
 de Chateaubriand have not absolved bim from the demands
 
 ^T. 31 GUIZOT'S LETTER 168 
 
 of his party. The oath they swore to the King has not 
 prevented MM. Berryer, de Valmy, 1 and the rest, from 
 offering their homage, their allegiance, their devotion to the 
 Due de Bordeaux. And not only have they thus assembled 
 round him, but they take pains to noise it abroad in their 
 newspapers. Day after day they describe, they make capital 
 of, the Duke's journey and their own also. Every morning 
 they cry Henry V. is our King ! 
 
 Here then, beyond any doubt, is a declared Pretender ; 
 here is a factious display, intended to stimulate and nourish 
 the passions and the hopes of the party, and to prepare them 
 for an attempt on some future day. Consider too what, pre- 
 vious to the Duke's arrival in England, the Carlists have 
 done on the Continent in order to give a political significance 
 to his journey. They summoned the Comte de St.-Priest to 
 Berlin the same who was minister under the Restoration. 
 Before leaving Paris, M. de St.-Priest called on Count 
 Arnim, the Prussian minister, and told him that the King 
 of Prussia had invited the Due de Bordeaux to Berlin 
 which the Prussian Government has formally denied. They 
 arranged for the Duke to arrive at Berlin while the Emperor 
 of Eussia and a number of other princes were assembled 
 there. They evidently wished to exhibit their Pretender 
 in the company of foreign sovereigns, and to give him an 
 appearance of being on terms of friendly intimacy with 
 them. These are facts, ' my dear Sir ; ' visible, palpable 
 facts. It is impossible not to take them into account. 
 What would happen were your Queen to receive the Due de 
 Bordeaux, even if only privately, in a simple visit? The 
 Carlists would seize upon the visit, they would misrepre- 
 sent it, they would multiply it in their letters and in their 
 newspapers. They would lie and deceive. And in spite of 
 every possible explanation and disavowal, their twofold 
 purpose would be gained; abroad, they would have given 
 their Pretender an air of importance ; at home, they would 
 have flattered and inspirited the hopes of their faction. If, 
 on the other hand, the Queen of England does not receive 
 the Due de Bordeaux at all, this fact alone will defeat the 
 aims of the party both at home and abroad ; it will show 
 
 1 Franpois de Kellerman, Due de Valmy, grandson of Napoleon's Marshal. 
 
 M 2
 
 164 THE LEGITIMIST DEMONSTRATION 1843 
 
 the vanity of the rumours they have circulated ; it will make 
 an end of the pretences they have put forward. Such a 
 result, happy for us, will be happy also for the relations 
 between our two countries. It will be a striking proof of 
 the cordial friendship of the Queen of England for our royal 
 family, of your Government for ours, of England for France. 
 It will be the complement of the visit at the Chateau d'Eu ; l 
 and from these two facts we shall deduce the most striking 
 and convincing answer to loud-voiced invective and blind 
 distrust. 
 
 But all these Carlist gatherings, these demonstrations, 
 this factious agitation, afford the English Government not 
 a pretext, but a positive reason for the Queen's refusing to 
 receive the Due de Bordeaux. Nowhere else has the party 
 done so much. The prince, indeed, visited Vienna, Dresden, 
 and Berlin ; but there was there no word of the party. In 
 England it has shown itself openly and noisily. You may 
 be quite sure that if, on the recent occasion at Berlin, the 
 Carlists had attempted to make a quarter of the disturbance 
 they are making in England, they would have been imme- 
 diately requested to hold their tongues and to take them- 
 selves off. Because England is a free country where no one 
 can be compelled to keep silence or depart, is the English 
 Government obliged to allow a foreign faction to use 
 English liberties for a political end without showing to 
 them any mark of disapproval, to France any mark of 
 friendship ? 
 
 On the 28th of last September, after the Due de Bor- 
 deaux had left Berlin, M. de Humboldt wrote to me, by 
 order of the King of Prussia, who read the letter : ' I do not 
 think I go too far in saying that the young prince's visit 
 would have been declined had not his uncle been still alive ; 
 had he been dead, 2 the nephew's importance in the eyes of 
 his party would have been greater, and he would have been 
 regarded as a Pretender.' Does the Due de Bordeaux pre- 
 
 ' The visit of the Queen and Prince Albert to Louis Philippe at the Chateau 
 d'Eu, September lst-7th, 1843. An account of the fates Ac. is in the Annual 
 Register, 1343, Chronicle, 120-5. 
 
 1 The Duo d'Angoulme the elder son of Charles X. and the natural heir 
 to the throne, though he had resigned his right in favour of his nephew was 
 still alive at the date of this letter. He died at Goritz in Illyria, on June 3rd, 
 1 s l i.
 
 Mt. 31 GUIZOT'S LETTER 165 
 
 sent himself to England as a Pretender ? is he so presented 
 by England to France and Europe ? ' That is the question ! ' 
 Have you any doubt about the answer ? 
 
 But it is said that there is no danger to France, and 
 that England is accustomed to show herself hospitable to 
 misfortune. No ; there is no danger to us, but there is scandal ; 
 and to that we neither can nor ought to show ourselves 
 indifferent. The dignity of a government is part of its 
 strength ; and in this world, respect is due to other things 
 besides misfortune. And, danger apart, excitement of this 
 kind is embarrassing to a government ; for the stirring up of 
 passions on one side awakens opposing passions on the other. 
 The Carlist spirit cannot show itself here without the re- 
 volutionary spirit reappearing to embitter discussions which 
 would otherwise pass quietly and orderly. 
 
 I know and highly esteem the sentiment of generous in- 
 terest, of free and noble hospitality, which prevails so strongly 
 amongst you. But you also know what a king, what a royal 
 family, what a government owe to their own dignity and the 
 dignity of their country. You are accustomed to conduct 
 your affairs soberly, to respect yourselves and to make 
 others respect you. This is what we are doing ; it is this 
 which regulates our conduct on the present occasion. 
 
 I have written at great length, ' my dear Sir,' but I am 
 anxious that you should know the truth and understand our 
 attitude. I am also anxious that your Government's kind 
 and friendly attitude towards us should not be to it a source 
 of annoyance and vexation. I own that I shall be astonished 
 if I have not convinced you ; and if you are convinced, I 
 beg you to employ yourself in convincing others. I count on 
 your good judgement and your good friendship. 
 
 ' Sincerely yours,' 
 
 GUIZOT. 
 
 The representations of Guizot were either unnecessary 
 or effective. The Due de Bordeaux was not received by the 
 Queen, and he was warned by Lord Aberdeen that he could 
 not be permitted to make England the base of his intrigues 
 against a friendly Government. The affair, however, caused 
 great excitement in Paris and in the Chamber, to which 
 Eeeve referred in his Journal :
 
 166 THE MARLBOROUGH PAPERS 1844 
 
 To Paris at Christmas. I was at the opening of the 
 Chambers on December 27th. The Comte de Paris was 
 there for the first time. On the 30th I was presented to 
 Louis Philippe at the Tuileries [when the King personally 
 thanked me for the article in the ' Times ' of the 7th]. 
 
 1844. The year opened brilliantly in Paris, M. Guizot 
 was at the height of his power, and society very agreeable. 
 The great debate on the Address took place on January 
 15th. I breakfasted with Guizot and went to the Chamber 
 with him. It was on this occasion Berryer broke down. 
 I was at Mme. d'Agoult's, Duchesse de Kauzan's, Mme. 
 de Circourt's, the Embassy then filled by Lord Cowley, 
 the father ; dined at the Harcourts' ; saw the Marochettis, 
 Wheatons, Austins, Vivien, Kemusat; heard Lacordaire 
 preach. Came back to London on January 24th. 
 
 He does not mention having met Mignet at this time; 
 but the following letter from Greville shows that he was at 
 least in familiar communication with him. That the appli- 
 cation which he made, or got Greville to make, on Mignet's 
 behalf was not successful will not appear strange to any 
 student of history who has had a similar experience, and has 
 learnt how morbidly jealous the public or private possessors 
 of such papers commonly are. 
 
 January ~L3th. I have been with Sir George Murray 
 to-day, but he turns a deaf ear to your proposal of allowing 
 M. Mignet to inspect the Marlborough papers. There are 
 twenty-nine large volumes, from 1702 to 1710-11 a corre- 
 spondence both voluminous and miscellaneous. He has now 
 nearly completed the perusal of them ; will not think of 
 publishing anything till he has, but looks forward to doing 
 so then, though he says there will be great difficulty in 
 selection. He has, however, looked into the last books, and 
 he assures me that they contain nothing which would be of 
 any service to M. Mignet. I could not, of course, urge him 
 very strongly ; but I did suggest that there must be much 
 matter of a purely diplomatic character e.g. the ineffectual 
 attempts of Torcy and his negotiations with Buys and 
 Vanderdussen, and all the political transactions which took 
 place during the two last years of Marlborough's being in 
 command of the army. He said, however, that it was
 
 JET. 31 THE MABLBOROUGH DESPATCHES 167 
 
 impossible to open these sources of information to anybody 
 till they had been examined throughout, and some deter- 
 mination come to as to their publication. He says they 
 greatly exalt the character of Marlborough, who had 
 difficulties and obstacles to overcome not less than those 
 which beset the Duke of Wellington in Spain, and which he 
 encountered with the same mixture of firmness, admirable 
 sense and patience which so distinguish the great man of 
 our time. You will assure M. Mignet that you and I have 
 done all we can do. I long for some more of his work. 
 
 Sir George Murray's 'Letters and Despatches of the 
 Duke of Marlborough ' was published in the following year, 
 but was edited with such extreme prudence as to leave it 
 deprived of much of the value which the work might other- 
 wise have had. The Journal continues : 
 
 Pleasant expedition to Chenies at Easter. I subscribed 
 to the Philharmonic this year. 
 
 June 6th. I had the Grotes, Sartorises, 1 Mendelssohn, 
 Gordons, and Galton to dinner ; in the evening T. Carlyle 
 and the Nightingales. 
 
 ZZnd. The seven Taylors John, Kichard, Edward, 
 Philip, Susan, Arthur, and Sarah dined at Greenwich for 
 the first and last time ; a curious meeting. The youngest 
 of them was 50. 2 John Edward, myself, Nora Taylor, 
 Arthur, Edgar, Chorley, and Kigby made up the party. 
 John Taylor presided. 
 
 28th. Mendelssohn's ' St. Paul ' was given. He con- 
 ducted. 
 
 July 2nd. Saw the launch of the ' Retribution ' frigate at 
 Chatham. 
 
 August IQth. Agreeable party at the Bracebridges', at 
 Atherstone. 
 
 IQth. I went to Normandy on a visit to TocqueviDe. 
 Walked with him to Barfleur, Cherbourg, &c. 
 
 To Mrs. Reeve 
 
 Tocqueville, August 2Qth. I never wished to draw more 
 than to give you an idea of this place. In size it is about 
 
 1 Mrs. Sartoris is better known by her maiden name Adelaide Kemble. 
 
 2 Sarah (Mrs. Austin), the youngest of the family, was born in 1793.
 
 168 VISIT TO TOCQUEVILLE 1844 
 
 a match for Sir W. Scott's of Ancrum, and probably built 
 at a similar period and for similar purposes of defence ; for 
 the Cotentin, lying within eighteen leagues of the Isle of 
 Wight, may be considered as a border district in relation to 
 England ; and the manor houses, which are exceedingly 
 numerous, bore the same office of defence as the Peelhouses 
 of Teviotdale. This chateau, however, has a more seigneur- 
 ial character. It is a long irregular building, flanked on 
 the left by two large round towers with conical roofs, and 
 another tower behind contains the great staircase of colossal 
 granite steps. The habitable part consists of a very good 
 suite of half a dozen rooms on two floors. On the right are 
 the stables, and the remains of another tower, which was 
 the colombier, and lost its roof in the Revolution, so that the 
 whole place has an aspect of strength and dignity. I found 
 Tocqueville very well, and we are all ready to talk for a 
 week without ceasing. 
 
 The story is continued in the Journal : 
 
 From Tocqueville I went on to Paris, where there was 
 some excitement about the war with Morocco. I saw M. 
 Guizot and Lord Cowley daily. "Went with Winterhalter 
 to see the castles of Touraine Chambord, Blois, Loches. 
 Meanwhile the squabble about Pritchard and Tahiti was 
 arranged. 
 
 Politically speaking, this squabble was the event of the 
 year, and at one time threatened to cause a rupture between 
 the two countries. In itself, and at first sight, the circum- 
 stance seemed to warrant a decided attitude. Mr. Pritchard, 
 the British Consul at Tahiti, had been summarily arrested 
 by order of the French Resident, M. d'Aubigny, and been 
 released only on the condition that he would depart from 
 the island and never more return. "When he arrived in 
 England, the Government and the press denounced the 
 action of the French as a gross outrage, and demanded a 
 public apology, the recall and disgrace of D'Aubigny, and 
 substantial reparation to Pritchard. All this the French 
 Government could not and would not concede. Eeeve had 
 several interviews with M. Guizot, and wrote to Lord 
 Wharncliffe, president of the Council, that Guizot would 
 resign sooner than yield ; that if he resigned, the question 
 of peace or war would mainly depend on whether he was
 
 JEn. 31 THE TAHITI QUESTION 169 
 
 succeeded by Mole or Thiers, as to which Guizot said 
 * Si Thiers me succede, il fera la guerre ; si c'est Mole, il fera 
 une lacheteV This Reeve thought an exaggeration, and 
 believed that even Thiers would do what he could to pre- 
 serve peace ; at the same time he urged the advisability of 
 not forcing Guizot from office. 
 
 What probably had greater weight with the Cabinet was 
 the reflection, slowly forced on them, that though, as a 
 matter of form, D'Aubigny was quite in the wrong, as a 
 matter of common sense, Pritchard had got no more than he 
 deserved. He combined the office of consul with the duties 
 of missionary and Methodist preacher, and having both 
 political and religious objections to the French, who had 
 assumed the protectorate of the island, he was suspected, 
 and probably not without reason, of intriguing with the 
 natives against them. Delane's account of the final settle- 
 ment is, of course, from the point of view of Printing House 
 Square. 
 
 From Mr. Delane 
 
 September 3rd. The Cabinet met yesterday, but, as I 
 learn, no actual decision was come to, although there was 
 enough settled to warrant the article of to-day. My impres- 
 sion is that both Lord Aberdeen and Peel regretted the very 
 strong observations they had made in Parliament, and, 
 finding that the case scarcely justified them, were glad to 
 escape from the difficulty. The terms are an apology for 
 D'Aubigny's conduct, a censure upon him, and a pecuniary 
 compensation for Pritchard. They take the two first as a 
 satisfaction as between the Governments, but require the 
 last as a salve for Pritchard's personal ill-usage. This, as 
 the most practical admission of error, would, of course, be 
 most offensive in France, and I have therefore blinked it 
 as much as possible with the public. As an excuse for not 
 granting more ample reparation, the French Government 
 allege against Pritchard a variety of overt acts, and a multi- 
 tude of evidence to prove him the author of a plot for the 
 extermination of the French all palliating D'Aubigny's 
 fault in seizing and imprisoning him, and reducing his 
 offence very much to a mere error in judgement, for which 
 the censure of Bruat, 1 renewed by the home Government, is, 
 they contend, a sufficient punishment. 
 
 1 Then Governor of the Marquesas.
 
 170 A GROSS OUTRAGE 1844 
 
 I confess that for the last week or two I have been 
 coming round very much to this opinion, although it 
 especially convicts me of having made a great deal too 
 much of the ' outrages ' in the first place. Of course we 
 shall be well abused for accepting such slight reparation, 
 but public opinion will, I think, be with us in deprecating 
 war upon such a ridiculous squabble. 
 
 September 5th. I am very much vexed and annoyed 
 indeed about this so-called settlement of the Tahiti question. 
 It is hard to say whether that or the reversal of the judge- 
 ment in O'Connell's case is the more provoking. Personally, 
 however, I think the latter rather a gain than a loss i.e. I 
 could see no good in keeping O'Connell in gaol. As to Tahiti, 
 I can find no such grounds for consolation. We [' Times '] 
 were put in the position either of quarrelling irreparably with 
 the only department of the Government with which we have 
 been able to keep on terms, or of drawing in our horns after 
 a fashion I by no means approve. True it is that if we 
 succumb, so do Sir E. Peel, the Duke, and Lord A. Their 
 big words ' gross outrage, &c.' bear no better proportion to 
 the reparation they have obtained than our first article on 
 D'Aubigny's misconduct to our last. The fact is, we were 
 all wrong at both ends of the transaction. Both they and 
 we said too much at first, and we have both assented to too 
 little at last. Our only saving point is the compensation to 
 Pritchard. Whatever else in the way of apology is shadowy 
 and obscure, that, at least, is a tangible confession of wrong 
 doing, and if to a tolerably handsome amount, it may salve 
 all over. I am the more vexed at our Government having 
 accepted shabby terms because I am convinced that better 
 might have been had. Mol6 would have been much more 
 conceding, and even Guizot, in spite of his protestations, 
 would surely have rather advanced upon his offer than go 
 out. 
 
 Reeve's personal interest in the affair had, however, 
 ceased when he left Paris ; and from Touraine he went on 
 to Avignon and Marseilles, which he reached on September 
 14th. His Journal gives an outline of the tour. 
 
 From Marseilles to Genoa and Leghorn by sea. Posted 
 to Florence. Delightful evening at Fiesole, September 25th.
 
 Ms. 32 FIRST VISIT TO THE GROVE 171 
 
 Thence to Bologna, Parma, Milan, and Vercelli, whence I 
 went to visit the Abercrombys at Caluso. He was minister 
 at Turin, and married to Lady Mary Elliot. Crossed the 
 Mont Cenis, in the mail, and reached Geneva October 12th. 
 Returned to England by the Rhine absent 69 days. 
 
 Visit to Atherstone in October ; and in November, to 
 Kirklands for a week. 
 
 November 30th, my first visit at the Grove. 1 C. Greville, 
 Senior, C. Villiers, 2 and F. Cadogan there. 
 
 From Lord Clarendon 
 
 The Grove, December I0th. The state of things in Paris 
 is certainly unexpected, absurd, shallow, and unreliable as 
 the Americans say. It is really curious that a set of men like 
 Thiers and his friends, at twenty-four hours' distance from Lon- 
 don, and with every means,of information at their command, 
 should be gravely expecting by any manoeuvre of theirs to 
 influence or determine, for aught I know the fate of an 
 administration here ! Guizot may perhaps profit by the 
 delusion ; but it will be more by turning the tables upon his 
 opponents than by giving effect to his dispositions uswards. 
 
 I have read the article on Greece with great interest, 
 but I should like to know what Mr. Bracebridge now thinks 
 of the constitutional prospects of Greece, and the working 
 of representative government there. 
 
 Many thanks for what you say of your visit to the Grove. 
 Lady C. and I are delighted that it was agreeable to you. I 
 assure you the pleasure was quite reciprocal, and we hope 
 often to see you here again. 
 
 The personal items in the Journal for the spring of 1845 
 are few, but include the purchase of ' a phaeton and pair of 
 horses ' early in the year, and on April llth election to 
 the Athenaeum. Politically, the question of the day was the 
 Government bill for increasing the grant to Maynooth, 
 which excited a very strong and general feeling of opposition, 
 especially from the clergy of the Church of England and of 
 all Protestant denominations. The obloquy showered on 
 
 1 Near Watford, the country seat of the Earl of Clarendon. 
 
 2 Charles Pelham Villiers, Lord Clarendon's brother, who, after being M.P. 
 for Wolverhampton for sixty-three consecutive years, died on January 16th, 
 1898, at the age of ninety-six.
 
 172 THE MAYNOOTII GRANT 1845 
 
 Peel was outrageous. One popular preacher compared him 
 to the ' young man void of understanding,' who was cap- 
 tured by ' a woman with the attire of a harlot,' as described 
 in Proverbs vii. 7 et seq. The bill was none the less passed 
 in both the Commons and the Lords by a large majority. It 
 is to this popular opposition that M. Guizot referred in the 
 following 
 
 From M. Guizot 
 
 Paris, February 15th. I am most grateful, my dear Sir, 
 for your kindness. Thanks to you I realise your situation 
 almost as clearly as if I was at Hertford House. As you 
 say this morning, the only question is what will happen 
 when once the bill is passed. And unless I am mistaken, 
 this question as to the future depends on the personal wish 
 and on the will of Sir Eobert Peel. If he is determined to 
 remain in power, and for that end to endure all the worries, 
 the disagreeables, and the misunderstandings which a strong 
 will despises, I am disposed to think he will succeed, and 
 that no one is in a position to overthrow him. But is he so 
 determined ? I hope so, but I do not know ; I beg you to 
 send me all the information, indications, and ' hints ' you 
 can collect upon this knotty point. 
 
 I have always supposed that if the Whigs returned to 
 power Lord Palmerston would go back to the Foreign Office. 
 ... I have told you frankly my opinion of him, and my 
 reasons for some uneasiness. The more I consider it, the 
 more firmly I am convinced that his policy towards France, 
 the King, and myself will be fair and friendly ; and I have 
 no doubt that his colleagues, especially Lord John, will use 
 all their influence for the same end. On our side, we should 
 lend ourselves to it with absolute sincerity. Will all this 
 good will and these united efforts be able to change the 
 characters, inclinations, habits of thought, traditions and per- 
 sonal passions, which insensibly bias and complicate policy 
 without the knowledge of those actually looking on, contrary 
 even to the wish of the principal actor ? 
 
 ' That is the question.' If the attempt is made we shall 
 see. Meanwhile I, on my part, am taking, and will con- 
 tinue to take, care neither to say nor do anything which 
 may increase the difficulty, should the case arise. . . .
 
 Mi. 32-3 GUIZOT ON THE SITUATION 173 
 
 It is more than a little amusing to find by the next 
 letter from Lord Clarendon Eeeve in the position of an 
 unsuccessful suitor to the ' Edinburgh Keview,' over which 
 he so long reigned supreme. 
 
 Grosvenor Crescent, May 31st. You see you were quite 
 right in supposing that your opinions upon the war policy 
 of Mr. Pitt would be an obstacle to an article from you on 
 Thiers being received by the ' Edinburgh Eeview ; ' and 
 upon that point I think Napier J right, as he would have done 
 himself irreparable injury with his old friends and supporters 
 by departing from what is a sort of fundamental principle of 
 the journal. However a communication is, I trust, opened 
 with Napier, if you like to make use of it, and I am sure he 
 will be glad if you do. 
 
 The Journal fills up the latter half of the year : 
 
 June 21st. Went to Portsmouth with the Lochs and 
 saw the squadron then all sailing vessels. On the 23rd the 
 Queen reviewed the fleet. 
 
 I was laid up for some days with gout &c., and started on 
 July 27th for Aix-la-Chapelle my first visit there. Crossed 
 to Antwerp. 
 
 The Queen came to Germany ; and I went with Chorley 
 and Maude to Bonn, to the Beethoven Fest, conducted by 
 Spohr, but mainly animated by Liszt. On August llth the 
 Queen arrived at Briihl. I went with the Eigbys and we 
 heard the great ' Zapfenstreich.' The festival continued 
 12th, ' Missa Solennis ' of Beethoven ; 13th, Liszt's Cantata. 
 Afterwards travelled with the Eigbys through the Eifel; 
 went back to Aix, and returned to England on August 
 26th. 
 
 Spent September in and about] London ; went to Kirk- 
 lands on September 24th, and thence to Edinburgh. 
 
 November 15th. Forster and Dickens acted in Ben Jon- 
 son's ' Every Man in his Humour.' I met Lucy Gordon 
 there, with Lord Melbourne and Lady Charlemont. [Before 
 the curtain rose, Lord Melbourne said that it was a dull 
 play, ' with no fivdos in it.' Between the acts he exclaimed 
 in a stentorian voice, heard across the pit : 'I knew this play 
 1 Macvey Napier, the editor of the Edinburgh Review.
 
 174 GUIZOT ON HIS POSITION 1845 
 
 would be dull, but that it would be so damnably dull as this 
 I did not suppose.' '] 
 
 From M. Guizot 
 
 Paris, November 2Qth. ... I shall be delighted to see 
 you again in January. You will find me in the midst of 
 battles. There will probably be all the more because fewer 
 are spoken of, and there is really less cause for them. Con- 
 trary to the expectation of my opponents, all important ques- 
 tions have been settled, and, I venture to say it, to the 
 advantage of the country. But a good many minor ques- 
 tions still remain Texas, Albreda, Madagascar, La Plata, 
 Tahiti, and some others. The Opposition will bring them 
 all forward, and do what they can to exaggerate their im- 
 portance. Quantity will make up for quality. It will be a 
 continuous series of skirmishes and surprises ; of invective 
 and of criticism of details. In the beginning, at least, le 
 parti conservateur will not be stimulated by the apprehen- 
 sion of any great public danger ; they will not at first see the 
 indirect importance of the questions raised. In democratic 
 and inexperienced societies, such as ours, political firmness 
 and foresight are developed only in the presence of a pressing 
 danger and an evident necessity. 
 
 For all these reasons, which are strong rather than good, 
 and in spite of the excellent position of the Cabinet, I expect 
 a very laborious and very ' intricate ' session. I feel sure 
 that I shall surmount all obstacles and win the battles ; for 
 I have confidence in the goodness of our cause, and in the 
 soundness of our arguments. Supported by this confidence 
 I have persevered through many trials and have succeeded. 
 I cling to it myself ; I carefully nourish it in those around 
 me; and five years of success is a powerful argument. 
 But I continually repeat to myself and to my friends, that 
 in the present state of public morality, and under our 
 present form of government, neither a good cause, good 
 reasons, nor even success, will ever prevent attacks, in- 
 trigues or insults, and that the battle has always to 
 be begun again, as if no victory had been won. . . . 
 
 1 Greville Memoirs, second part, ii. 302n.
 
 VT. 33 REPEAL OF THE CORN LAWS 175 
 
 The Journal notes that 
 
 Early in December Peel announced to his colleagues his 
 intention to repeal the Corn Laws. Lord Aberdeen told 
 Delane on December 3rd, and on the 4th the ' Times ' pub- 
 lished it. The agitation was extreme, and Peel resigned on 
 the 6th, but soon to come back again. 
 
 This announcement in the ' Times,' which, in point of 
 fact, was a little premature for at the time, the decision 
 of the Cabinet had not been actually formed was mainly, 
 if not entirely, a piece of diplomatic strategy on the part 
 of Lord Aberdeen, who, in the negotiations then pending, 
 wished to soothe the Government of the United States 
 by this indirect intimation of the market which was 
 opening for their corn stuffs. The date was determined 
 simply by the sailing of the American mail. 1 But this was, 
 of course, not known then ; and out of the many specula- 
 tions as to how the ' Times ' had obtained its very early 
 information was born a scandalous story, to the effect 
 that Delane bought the secret from Mrs. Norton, to whom it 
 had been confided, in a moment of weakness, by one of her 
 admirers ; and when several years afterwards Mr. Meredith 
 introduced such an incident into ' Diana of the Cross ways,' 
 the story was supposed to have received the highest possible 
 confirmation. The falsehood of it had been repeatedly ex- 
 posed ; but as lately as 1894 it cropped up again, and drew 
 from Lord Dufferin the following note to Eeeve. 
 
 December ~L9th, 1894. I wonder whether you could help 
 me to solve a literary problem ? In his autobiography 
 Gregory has revived that scandalous story about Mrs. Norton 
 having sold to the ' Times ' the secret, supposed to have 
 been confided to her by Sidney Herbert, of Sir Eobert Peel's 
 change of policy in regard to the Corn Laws. The whole 
 story is an absolute myth, as I am, fortunately, able to 
 prove ; but what I want to find is, how the story originated. 
 
 I cannot help suspecting that it was who set it going, 
 
 he probably having heard some suggestion of the kind at a 
 club where people were speculating as to how Delane got 
 hold of the news. 
 
 It was presumably in consequence of this letter that, in an 
 article on Meredith's Novels in the next number of the 
 'Edinburgh Eeview,' Eeeve referred to the incident in 
 
 1 Cf. Greville Memoirs, second part, ii. 311-15.
 
 176 A SCANDALOUS FALSEHOOD 1846-6 
 
 ' Diana of the Crossways ' as ' suggested, not by facts, but 
 by calumnies which were exposed and refuted, though for a 
 time they obtained circulation and a certain credence,' and 
 added the following note : ' 
 
 We observe with regret that the late Sir William Gregory 
 in his interesting autobiography has revived a calumnious 
 and unfounded anecdote, to which Mr. Meredith had pre- 
 viously given circulation in this novel. We are enabled to 
 state, and we do state, from our personal knowledge, that 
 the story is absolutely false in every particular, and that the 
 persons thus offensively referred to had nothing to do with 
 the matter. The intention of the Government to propose 
 the repeal of the Corn Laws was communicated openly by 
 Lord Aberdeen to Mr. Delane, the editor of the ' Times ; ' 
 there was no sort of intrigue or bribery in the transaction. 
 
 Lord Dufferin answered this with 
 
 January Zdth, 1895. I have to thank you ... for 
 having written that most interesting and able article in the 
 'Edinburgh/ and more especially for the note which you 
 have appended to it about Mrs. Norton. You have rendered 
 us all a great service, for the contradiction coming from such 
 a source will now be universally accepted as final. 
 
 Mr. Meredith has also added a note in the last edition of 
 'Diana of the Crossways,' to the effect that the story is 
 fiction ; but whether this any more than the authoritative 
 contradiction by the ' Times ' and the ' Edinburgh Eeview ' 
 will finally crush the scandal is very doubtful. A lie, once 
 well started, has more lives than a legion of cats, and it may 
 be confidently prognosticated that this lie will reappear, 
 perhaps fifty years hence, as matter of certain fact. 2 
 
 The Journal continues : 
 
 December 8th. I dined with Forster, Dickens, and Crowe 
 
 1 Edinburgh Review, January 1895, p. 48. 
 
 * It is curious to note how persistently misrepresentation and inaccuracy 
 have haunted the life and the memory of Mrs. Norton. Even in the Quarterly 
 Review of July 1897 (p. 178) the story of Diana of the Crossways is referred to 
 as ' Mrs. Norton's betrayal of the secret communication to Barnes,' who died 
 more than four years before the supposed date : and in Women Novelists of 
 Queen Victoria's Reign it is said (p. 289) : ' She did not succeed in obtaining 
 the relief of divorce until about 1853 : ' whereas, in fact, she not only never 
 obtained, but never sought for, such relief. She wore the chain till Norton's 
 death broke it in 1875.
 
 ^Ei. 33 LONDON SOCIETY 177 
 
 about the ' Daily News ' then starting ; and started on the 
 llth for Paris. I saw a great deal of the Maberleys, the 
 Cowleys, Guizot, Mrs. Austin, the Bracebridges, Princess 
 Lieven, the Foxes, the Circourts, the Czartoryskis, Fanny 
 Butler, Faucher, Lavergne, Lady Elgin, Kouher all in 
 Paris. The Lamartines were there. The Tocquevilles 
 arrived a little later. 
 
 Lord Wharncliffe died, suddenly, on December 19th, 
 partly from the excitement he had undergone on the Corn 
 Law question. It was on December 5th he came into my 
 room after the Cabinet to say we were all mistaken ; and 
 so, in truth, we were, as Peel resigned ; but his return to 
 office, on the failure of the Whigs, set things straight. The 
 Duke of Buccleuch succeeded Lord Wharncliffe as Lord 
 President. 
 
 1846. The year opened in Paris. On January 6th, M. 
 Guizot gave a great dinner to the Morocco ambassador, 
 where I met Soult, Due de Broglie, Delaport, Morny, 
 Dwarkanath Tagore, 1 and Disraeli. I sat by Morny. 
 Curious combination. The Conservatoire sang in the 
 evening. I got the Maberleys invited. Brougham came to 
 Paris, and brought Dr. Giffard 2 to Guizot. A brilliant and 
 interesting time. Eeturned to England on January 28th. 
 
 January 31s t. Dined with Lord Clarendon, to meet 
 Sainte-Aulaire, Lord Lansdowne, and Panizzi. My 
 intimacy with Lord Clarendon dates from this time. 
 
 February 13&. I had Wheaton, Lord Clarendon, 
 Greville, Charles Fox, and Gordon to dinner. 
 
 March 4th. Dined at the Foxes', with Lady Morley, 
 Lord John Eussell, Lord Glenelg, Panizzi, and Dedel. 
 
 Severe attack of gout in March. Took half a stall at the 
 Opera this season. I dined several times with Sir Henry 
 Webster at Putney, and met at one of these dinners Louis 
 Napoleon, just escaped from Ham. His moustache, which 
 he had shaved, was just beginning to reappear. He said, 
 
 1 A Brahmin of noble family, great wealth, and enlightened views, who had 
 crossed the ' black water,' settled in England, and was much consulted by the 
 Government on questions relating to India. It was said to be in a great measure 
 his advice that led to the abolition of Suttee. He died on August 1st, seven 
 months after this dinner. 
 
 2 Stanley Lees Giffard, LL.D., then editor of the Standard. 
 
 VOL. I. N
 
 178 THE CORN-LAW BATTLE 1846 
 
 4 What does a man in prison think of ? How to get out of 
 it.' 
 
 June 2nd. Baron Beust, Panizzi, Lord Dudley Stuart, 
 and Zamoyski dined with me. 
 
 June 18th. Dined at the Lewises' (Kent House), with 
 Lord Clarendon and Cobden the first time I met Cobden. 
 
 June 25th. Peel was defeated by 73 majority, 
 and his Ministry came to an end. Lord John Eussell 
 formed the new Cabinet, and Lord Palmerston returned to 
 the Foreign Office. The result was a speedy quarrel with 
 France about the Spanish Marriage, and a total change 
 in the relations of the two countries. I did not approve 
 Palmerston's conduct, but I could not defend M. Guizot. 
 
 From Lord Clarendon 
 
 Grosvenor Crescent, July 4th. I don't think the 
 
 I Times ' is quite fair in altogether omitting my brother 
 Charles in its resum& of the Corn Law battle. Charles, 
 long before Cobden was heard of, persisted in bringing 
 this question every year before the House, notwithstanding 
 the sneers and the opposition of the Liberals; and as 
 Peel at the beginning of the session said he could no longer 
 resist the arguments of the member for Wolverhampton, 
 it is not just to say that ' Cobden was bearing the brunt 
 of the battle in the H. of C., and unconsciously convincing 
 the Prime Minister.' The subject will probably again be 
 reverted to in the ' Times,' and if you will mention Charles 
 to Delane I have no doubt he will do him justice as a par- 
 liamentary leader, opponent of the Corn Laws ; and Charles 
 cannot, like the manufacturers, be supposed to have had the 
 slightest interest in their abolition. 
 
 From M. Guizot 
 
 Paris, 24 Aodt. 
 
 MY DEAB SIB, Je n'ai que le temps de vous envoyer 
 la lettre que vous d^sirez pour M. de Flahault. 1 Jeregrette 
 que vous ne passiez pas par Paris. Nous aurions caused 
 
 II y a de quoi. Bon voyage sur le Danube. L'Autriche 
 
 1 The French ambassador at Vienna.
 
 JEn. 33-4 A TOUR IN AUSTRIA 179 
 
 merite bien d'etre observe en ce moment. C'est 6videm- 
 ment un Etat plus agite interieurement qu'on ne le croyait, 
 et peut-etre que vous ne trouverez vous-meme en y regar- 
 dant, car les choses ne se voient la que lorsqu'elles eclatent. 
 
 Mille amities. GUIZOT. 
 
 The outline of this Austrian tour is given in the Journal. 
 
 August 31st. I started for Germany by Nuremberg and 
 Eatisbon, where I met Bonar. Thence down the Danube 
 to Linz and Vienna. Met Prince Esterhazy, Prince Hohen- 
 lohe (the miracle- worker), and SirB. Gordon 1 on board the 
 steamer. After a day or two at Vienna, went on to stay 
 with Count Zichy Ferraris at Sandorf in Hungary kind 
 reception. She was Charlotte Strahan. Thence by Babolna 
 (saw the stud) to Komorn and Pesth. I gave up going to 
 see John Eichardson in Transylvania, and proceeded alone, 
 posting to Croatia, "Warasdin, Agram, and Fiume ; went to 
 Porto Be and Buccari, and returned to Vienna on October 
 4th. 
 
 To Mrs. Reeve 
 
 Warasdin, September 26th. I suppose I shall not write 
 many letters in my life from the wilds of Croatia, and there- 
 fore I sit down to give you this indicium of my progress, to 
 be put in the post at the first opportunity. . . . 
 
 Travelling alone, when one has the courage to undertake 
 it, has its peculiar pleasures and merits to me especially, 
 who spend my whole life in company. I have an excellent 
 strong carriage which I hired in Vienna for only 51. A 
 large basket contains the roast chickens and the ham, and 
 the remains of a bottle of sherry, for without these necessaries 
 you may be starved. I have books and plenty of things to 
 think about ; and the changes of the country or the incidents 
 of the way afford sufficient variety. Do we not, after all, 
 travel though life alone, and for the most part in less easy 
 vehicles ? Not often, indeed, on rougher roads. The roads 
 in Hungary are sometimes good, but just as you are 
 beginning to admire the progress of Macadam, the chaussee 
 stops, and you are up to your axles in sand, or threading 
 the mazes of an unhewn forest. 
 
 1 Brother of the Earl of Aberdeen ; at this time ambassador at Vienna. 
 
 N 2
 
 180 THE ' WILDS OF CROATIA ' 1846 
 
 The banks of the Flatten See are not very striking ; but 
 such an expanse of water (bigger than the Lake of Geneva) 
 is always beautiful. The Monastery of Tihany, standing 
 out in the middle of the lake on a promontory, which I 
 thought must be like what they call ' Ireland's Eye ' (I 
 only know that from your sketches), is a fine object. 
 
 South of the Flatten See I entered immense forests of 
 oaks, the largest and wildest I ever beheld. The forest 
 seems untouched by man, for the old trees die where they 
 stand, and the elder generation rear their bare or blasted 
 arms high above the thick foliage of the grove. Night was 
 coming on as I reached the banks of the Drave. The 
 young moon stood high as the sun set. The postilion 
 wound his bugle from the heights to warn the boatmen 
 at the ferry of our approach. The boat was already 
 nearly full of peasants and oxen and carts returning 
 from the vintage. I lit the lamps as we were crossing 
 the river, and the strong light fell on as beautiful a 
 group as a painter could have chosen. Beside me, a young 
 peasant mother of great beauty, with her infant at her 
 breast, reclining in her cart; beyond [at] the stern, long- 
 haired husbandmen in their white draperies with crimson 
 borders, the grey oxen, the rough boatmen. I fell asleep 
 when we had crossed, and only woke at Kopremitz, where I 
 stopped for the night. To-day I only came on here. To- 
 morrow I hope to sleep at Carlstadt, and on Sunday at 
 Fiume on the Adriatic. I expect to be in Vienna again on 
 the 5th. 
 
 To continue the Journal : 
 
 At Vienna I saw Count Kolowrat, 1 then Home Minister, 
 and dined at the Embassy with Lord Jersey, Lord West- 
 morland, 2 and Mr. Peel. October llth went to Pottendorf 
 (Prince Esterhazy's) to a shooting party, consisting of Sir 
 B. Gordon, Magenis, 3 William Grey, Count Kolowrat 
 (the son), M. de Flahault, Lord Jersey, Lord Westmor- 
 
 1 Count Kolowrat-Liebsteinsky retired from public life in 1848, and died, at 
 the age of 73, in 1861. His son had predeceased him, and this branch of 
 the family then became extinct. 
 
 1 Lord Westmorland was at this time ambassador at Berlin. Lord Jersey 
 was his brother-in-law. 
 
 1 Magenia was secretary of the Legation : Grey, an attach^.
 
 ^ST. 34 THE SPANISH MARRIAGES 181 
 
 land and Bourqueney twelve guns. We shot on the 12th 
 at Eisenstadt, and killed 327 partridges, 58 pheasants, 
 and 91 hares. I returned by Prague to Dresden. At 
 Leipzig I went to a concert. Moscheles and Mendels- 
 sohn found me out, seized me and made me sup with them 
 a pleasant evening October 22nd. Then to Berlin, 
 where I saw Dr. Zinkeisen of the ' Staatszeitung,' and dined 
 with Lord Westmorland. Sailed from Hamburg to Hull, 
 and joined my mother and Hopie at Filey on October 30th. 
 November 1th. Party at the Grove. 
 
 and 20/i. Shot at Sir James Flowers' at Eccles. 
 
 The following letter from M. Guizot refers to the very 
 bitter feeling which had been excited in England by the 
 marriage of the Due de Montpensier, son of the French 
 King, to the Infanta Fernanda, sister of the Queen of Spain, 
 in shameless violation, it was generally believed, of the 
 distinct pledge of Louis Philippe and of Guizot. The 
 question of ' the Spanish marriages ' had agitated the 
 statesmen of England and France for the last five years, but 
 had become more urgent as the girls approached the 
 marriageable age. It was clearly understood on the part of 
 the Queen of England and Prince Albert that a definite 
 agreement had been come to at Chateau d'Eu in 1845, that 
 Leopold of Saxe-Coburg a cousin of Prince Albert and 
 brother of the King Consort of Portugal should not marry 
 either of the princesses, and that the Due de Montpensier 
 might marry Fernanda, but not till the Queen, her sister, 
 was married and had issue ; till, in fact, Fernanda w T as no 
 longer next in succession to the throne. When, however, 
 in July 1846, Lord Palmerston became Foreign Secretary, 
 Guizot, whose dislike and distrust of Palmerston amounted 
 to monomania, assumed that he was only waiting for an 
 opportunity to break the convention in the interest of 
 Leopold. He resolved to anticipate him, and pushed for- 
 ward the marriage of the Due de Montpensier and the 
 Infanta, which was celebrated on September 14th, at the 
 same time as the marriage of the Queen to her cousin, the 
 Duke of Cadiz. Under the circumstances, it is not sur- 
 prising that public opinion in England took a very unfavour- 
 able view of Guizot's conduct in this matter. And this is 
 what Guizot said about it : 
 
 Paris, November 19th. . . . Your country, or I should 
 rather say some of your countrymen, are at present giving
 
 182 OUTCRY AGAINST GU1ZOT 1846-7 
 
 one more example of the degree to which fickleness, blind 
 credulity, and ingratitude may be carried by passion and per- 
 sonal feeling. For the last six years England has fully believed 
 in my sincere attachment to the entente cordiale, and in the 
 uprightness and integrity of my character. A question arises 
 in which I, a Frenchman, have thought and acted in a way 
 that does not happen to suit England, and in a moment I 
 am not only attacked, which is quite right and natural, but 
 I am no longer supposed to have any integrity, uprightness, 
 or sincerity. All that has occurred during six years, all that 
 I have said and done, all the struggles I have maintained 
 it all disappears like a puff of wind. In the twinkling of 
 an eye, your people forget all that they have thought, 
 believed, said, written, published ; and they think, say, and 
 write the exact opposite. 
 
 I have lived too long to be astonished at this ; but I 
 have too much esteem and real friendship for your country 
 not to be grieved and hurt by it. I shall not be guilty of the 
 same fault. I shall not change my feelings and language 
 towards England and my English friends because I find 
 myself at variance with them on some particular question. 
 I have still so much confidence in the sound judgement and 
 integrity of the English people, that I count upon finding 
 their opinion of me the same as it was, as soon as the 
 papers relating to the Spanish marriages have been issued, 
 and the facts which, for the past three months, have been 
 ignored, misrepresented, and misunderstood, in so strange 
 and incredible a manner have been publicly discussed. I 
 await that day with perfect tranquillity, and am now as 
 friendly to your country as ever I was. . . . 
 
 Endorsed Lord Clarendon and Lord John Eussell saw 
 this note. 
 
 Most quarrels arise out of a misunderstanding ; and in 
 this case a full knowledge of the correspondence and negotia- 
 tions relating to this tangled affair does, to a great extent, 
 clear the French Minister from the charges of deceit and 
 duplicity which were hurled at him ; but not of having 
 acted hastily, unadvisedly, and in an unstatesmanlike manner, 
 on the promptings of personal dislike and ill-will. In Eeeve's 
 biography, however, the affair has no further place, and
 
 Mi. 34 INTIMACY WITH BUNSEN 183 
 
 indeed is brought forward here mainly as an illustration of 
 the very peculiar and confidential manner in which Guizot 
 endeavoured to utilise his correspondence with Reeve 
 known to him, it must be remembered, as a leader-writer on 
 the ' Times.' 
 
 The Journal for the concluding months of the year 
 mentions a few matters of social interest : 
 
 November 23rd. Dined at Lord John Russell's. Duchess 
 of Inverness, Pr. Lowenstein, Ashleys, &c. 
 
 December 4th. Met Tennyson at the Procters'. 
 
 8th. Dined with Thackeray to meet Tennyson. 
 
 Towards the close of this year I became more intimate 
 with Bunsen, who recommended me to Prince Albert, to 
 write a paper on our relations with Portugal. 
 
 December ZGth. Dined with Bunsen. 
 
 27th. Went to the Grove, where I met the F. Elliots, 
 Lady Macdonald, and the Lewises. 
 
 31st. To Bowood, where I ended the year. 
 
 From Chevalier Bunsen 
 
 Carlton Terrace, January 1st, 1847. 
 
 MY DEAE ME. REEVE, I have to thank you for 
 your kind letter. I returned yesterday from Windsor, 
 and hastened to communicate to you that the Prince, 
 to whom I had occasion to communicate the tenour 
 of your letter, will be very happy to confer with you person- 
 ally on the subject. He finds your proposal perfectly just, 
 and intends without delay to make the necessary communi- 
 cation to Lord John Russell. He is very desirous to see 
 you. If you could be at Windsor, for instance, to-morrow, 
 either very early, viz. about half-past nine or ten, or a little 
 before two o'clock, you would probably have the best 
 opportunity of seeing His Royal Highness quite at leisure. 
 Baron Stockmar is the person after whom you will have to 
 inquire when you arrive at the Castle. The Prince has 
 spoken to him on the subject very fully, and Baron Stockmar 
 will be happy to enter into communication with you on the 
 same. 
 
 I shall probably go on Monday to Broadlands, and should 
 be very happy to see you before ; for instance, on Sunday (by
 
 184 SUMMONED TO WINDSOR 1847 
 
 2 o'clock) if you go to-morrow to the Castle, or on Monday 
 morning, if that suits you better. This evening I have 
 four German philologers and philosophers and one English 
 (Donaldson, the Varrionianus) at dinner : it is too late to 
 take the liberty of inviting you to dinner, but should, against 
 all probability, you be quite alone this evening, we should 
 think it a particular kindness if you would treat us as friendsi 
 and join our German party. 
 
 P.S. The Prince sends me word this moment that 
 there is a great hunting to-morrow ; but that he hopes you 
 will be able to come on Sunday, either a little before 10 
 o'clock or a little before 1 o'clock. 
 
 This letter Keeve got as he came back from Bowood, 
 and noted in the Journal : 
 
 January 4th. Eeturning to town, I found a summons 
 to Windsor, and went down at once. I saw Baron Stockmar, 
 lunched at the equerries' table, and then had a long political 
 talk with Prince Albert. He asked me to examine the 
 Portuguese treaties for him. 
 
 February 8th. The Prussian Constitution arrived. Bun- 
 sen greatly excited. 
 
 12th. I went to a Levee. The Queen very gracious. 
 I had not been to Court for five years. 
 
 23rd. Breakfast with Milnes. Sir Stratford Canning, 
 Bancroft, Buller, Lord J. Manners. 
 
 27 th. The Prince was elected Chancellor of Cambridge. 
 During all this time I saw him frequently. 
 
 Hunted a good deal with the Queen's hounds. Bought 
 my horse Hazard for 70 guineas. Intimate with Prince 
 Lowenstein, Prussian Secretary. Mendelssohn was in 
 London. 
 
 From Lord Clarendon 
 
 April 1st. I had some talk with Lord John about the 
 expediency of rousing public opinion and informing the 
 people of England that they are not the powerless, effete 
 community which Foreign Powers delight in thinking them. 
 I told him that this, although difficult, might be possible if 
 the Government and the press acted together ; but that the
 
 JEx. 34 CONSULTED BY PRINCE ALBERT 186 
 
 latter would become ridiculous, and perhaps mischievous, if 
 it blew up a great fire and the former had nothing to cook 
 by it. He quite agreed, and was very glad to hear I thought 
 the ' Times ' would assist in this national work ; but he 
 wished it to be postponed for a while, and until its absolute 
 necessity was demonstrated. There is something like an 
 entente proposed by France respecting Portugal and Spain, 
 and it has been responded to in a becoming spirit. We 
 shall see what ensues, but I do not expect that the divergent 
 interests of England and France will ever run in the same 
 line. As we have not, or ought not to have, anything to 
 be ashamed of in our foreign policy, I believe that a frank 
 avowal and steady pursuit of our intentions would be the 
 best way to keep on good terms with France. 
 
 Grosvenor Crescent, April 2Qth. I have spoken to Lord 
 Lansdowne, who is as certain as I am that no such instructions 
 have been given as those you mentioned to me this morning. 
 Seymour has only been told that, in the event of our media- 
 tion being declined by either party, the three Powers 
 England, France, and Spain would then take counsel 
 together as to the course they should pursue. So Delane 
 may be easy as to anything that has hitherto been published. 
 I asked Lord Lansdowne what he thought of the articles in 
 the ' Times ' upon Portugal ? He said they told the exact 
 truth in the best possible tone, and that he thought, on 
 reading them, there was not a word that he would wish to 
 alter. 
 
 The Journal here notes : 
 
 May 4:t7i. Jenny Lind's debut in ' Eobert le Diable : ' 
 triumphant success. I was in Delane's box. On the 13th 
 saw her in ' La Sonnambula.' That was her best part. 
 
 14th. Prince Albert had me asked to the Queen's Ball. 
 
 ~L$th. Party at Mrs. Grote's to Jenny Lind. 
 
 29^. The Prince held a Stannaries' Court in the Council 
 Chamber. 
 
 At Holland House a good deal. Austrian Embassy Ball. 
 Kirkman Hodgson had recently married Miss Butler. "Went 
 to see them at Kingston Hill. 
 
 July 30th. To Norwich. Dined with Bishop Stanley.
 
 186 STATE OF IRELAND 1847 
 
 Meantime Lord Clarendon had accepted the office of 
 Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, vacant by the death of the Earl 
 of Bessborough on May 16th ; and his letters have thus a 
 very singular interest in their relation to the history of 
 Ireland during the troubled years which followed. 
 
 From Lord Clarendon 
 
 Vice-Begal Lodge, July 19th. I ought long ago to have 
 thanked you for your two interesting letters, but I have 
 almost less time at my disposal here than in London. The 
 whole day is taken up in talk, for my new acquaintances are 
 garrulous, and nothing satisfies them but interviews. Then 
 there is a great deal of general business, including the Poor 
 Law, which latter is about to become the real government 
 of the country; and with splendid hospitalities, as the 
 lord mayor would say, and the long evenings they entail, 
 my working hours are pretty well occupied. As yet I 
 have no cause for complaint; men are civil and things 
 are smooth; but the rub will be a month hence, when 
 3,000,000 persons now receiving daily rations are thrown 
 upon the rates, which depend upon the resources of the 
 country, which are nil \ There will be work for all the 
 Queen's horses and all the Queen's men to collect the 
 rates, which they of course won't do ; and then to keep the 
 peace, in which, I have no doubt, they will equally fail. 
 
 The wounds inflicted by the articles in the ' Times ' are 
 by no means healed, and I have had to endure many jere- 
 miads upon the injustice to Ireland that has been committed. 
 It certainly would have done good if there had been more 
 discrimination between the good and the bad landlords. 
 The former do exist, though Delane may not believe it ; and 
 I have evidence of the zealous, self-sacrificing way in which 
 they have performed their duty throughout the late period 
 of suffering. Old and young Ireland have a quarrel, which 
 may eventually be of public advantage, by breaking up 
 the organised agitation which has so long been the curse 
 of this country. In the meanwhile, moral persuasion always 
 waylays physical force, and beats it within an inch of its life. 
 The former i.e. old Ireland called in the navvies in support 
 of their candidate, Mr. M'Tavish (a Yankee convert to
 
 Mi. 34 RESULTS OF THE ELECTION 187 
 
 Repeal), and against Mr. Torrens M'Cullagh, a most respect- 
 able man, author of the ' Industrial History of Free Nations.' 
 Upon this Dr. Cloyne, the R. C. parish priest, issued an 
 address, which I enclose, for I think it excellent; and if 
 Delane would take notice of it, and make it the text of a 
 short sermon to the priests, with words of encouragement 
 upon the wide field of good now open to them, it would have 
 a most beneficial effect throughout Ireland, and I should be 
 very much obliged to him, as the young priests now are the 
 quarter from which most mischief is to be apprehended. . . . 
 
 V.-R. L., August 2nd. Judging by the spirit in which 
 this new Parliament is being procreated, it will be a charm- 
 ing composition when it comes to maturity. The constitu- 
 encies are like the witches in ' Macbeth,' each throwing some 
 detestable condiment into the cauldron. ' How the Queen's 
 Government is to be carried on ' I don't exactly see ; but I feel 
 sure that neither Lord John nor any of his colleagues will at- 
 tempt it discreditably ; and, if they have not an efficient sup- 
 port, and a fair prospect of doing the business of the country 
 in a manner the very reverse of last session, they will make 
 way for those who think they can do better. Unfortunately, 
 however, this will not solve the difficulty ; for if conservative 
 progress, which is the character of the present Administra- 
 tion, cannot form a strong government, I know not in what 
 quarter that desiderandum is to be looked for ; and as I care 
 nothing about party, and very much about the country, I 
 confess I feel very uneasy about our prospects, with all the 
 foreign and domestic troubles that are in store for us. 
 
 It is impossible to tell what will be the result of the 
 elections here. We ought to have gained, and we shall 
 probably lose, a few seats, entirely owing to the malevolence 
 of the Repealers, who have just enough power left to do 
 mischief. The physical force men, whenever they meet for 
 spouting, have to be escorted home by two or three hundred 
 police, or not one of them would escape alive from the moral 
 persuasion party, who miss no opportunity of getting up a 
 ferocious row. They very nearly killed Sir William Somer- 
 ville, the other night, at Drogheda, the mob having been 
 excited against him by Maurice O'Connell. . . . Everything 
 is in a state of gdchis just now. Nevertheless, I believe that
 
 1S8 NORMANDY'S FORECAST 1847 
 
 delusions are gradually becoming fainter, and that in time 
 the people will understand their real friends and their true 
 interests. The Repeal feeling is still strong throughout the 
 country. It could not be otherwise after so many years' 
 agitation ; but the Repeal party is weak in talent, influence, 
 and money. They are all jealous of each other, and quar- 
 relling among themselves ; and though the bubble may not 
 actually burst, I look to its gradually disappearing. . . . 
 
 Normanby ' says, in a letter I received yesterday : ' Here 
 [Paris] the ministry may struggle on for a few months, but 
 it is doomed. A government may recover a sudden fall, but 
 this one has been gradually sinking deeper and deeper in 
 the mud, and would have disappeared altogether but for the 
 royal hand under their chins. Nothing can be more dis- 
 affected than public opinion throughout France; and, 
 depend upon it, the dynasty of July never saw so sickly an 
 anniversary.' I dare say this is true, and that a vast deal 
 of smouldering discontent exists. 
 
 In August Reeve went for a six weeks' holiday, of which 
 the Journal gives a very brief notice : 
 
 August IGth. To Scotland. Landed at Invergordon on 
 the 19th. Drove by Tain to Meikle Ferry and Uppat. 
 25th. Met G. Dempster. 27th. First visit to Novar. 
 Shooting there with Butler-Johnstone. 2 Stayed there till 
 September 5th ; then to Dunoon by the Caledonian Canal. 
 Bad sprained ankle. Back to Kirklands on the 22nd, and to 
 London on the 25th. 
 
 From Lord Clarendon 
 
 V.-E. L., September 18th. I have hitherto had a tolerably 
 prosperous time here. The relief committees have given 
 food ; the harvest has given work ; and a glorious summer 
 has checked fever among the people and disease in the 
 potatoes. But ces beaux jours sont passh, or nearly so ; for 
 repudiating ratepayers are to take the place of undiscrimina- 
 ting committees ; landlords and farmers declare they can't 
 
 1 At this time ambassador at the French Court. 
 
 * The Hon. Henry Butler, younger son of Lord Dunboyne, took the name 
 of Johnstone in 1834, on marrying Isabella Margaret, sister of Munro of Novar, 
 and niece and heiress of General Johnstone of Corehead.
 
 Mi. 35 VISIT TO IRELAND 189 
 
 employ labourers ; doctors promise pestilence again ; and if 
 the wet weather does not destroy the potatoes, their price 
 will place them beyond the reach of the poor, for not above 
 one-fourth of the usual amount were planted. So I look 
 forward to a troublous winter, the difficulties of which will 
 not be smoothed by England ; for even if John Bull were 
 willing to give, Charles Wood is unable. 
 
 The real difficulty, however, lies with the people them- 
 selves. They are always in the mud ; and when they have 
 screamed out to Hercules, they have no doubt about having 
 done everything necessary for extricating themselves. Their 
 idleness and helplessness can hardly be believed. Still I 
 cannot bring myself to despair. I can already detect germs 
 of progress, which, if they can but be protected from their 
 numerous assailants, may ripen into something good. A 
 spirit of exertion and self-reliance, altogether new in Ireland, 
 is manifesting itself ; landlords are beginning to bestir 
 themselves, and to understand why hunting, drinking, and 
 mortgaging bring their estates to auction, and themselves 
 to jail. 
 
 After a short stay, Eeeve again left London, as is told in 
 the Journal : 
 
 October $th. To Windsor to see the Prince. Visits to 
 Hadzor (Galton's), and Crewe, where I met Sir Brooke 
 Boothby. Thence to Dublin on the 30th, on a visit to 
 Lord Clarendon, who was Lord-Lieutenant. Major Mahon 
 murdered l [on the evening of November 2nd]. Home on 
 November 7th. 
 
 Called on Lord John Eussell in Kichmond Park, by 
 Clarendon's desire. 
 
 From Lord Clarendon 
 
 V.-H. L., November IZth. Many thanks for your letters 
 and for telling me that your visit here was agreeable. It 
 was so, particularly so to us all, and its only fault was being 
 much too short. I was glad on every account that you 
 came here, for I know it is impossible to understand Irish 
 
 1 Shot by two masked men as he was returning from a meeting of the 
 Boscommon Board of Guardians.
 
 190 'A CURIOUS PRESAGE' 1847 
 
 difficulties without learning something about them sur le 
 lieu ; and they are so numerous and so odd, that I am sure 
 you would have become immensely interested in them if 
 you could have stayed a little longer. Things have so far 
 improved since you went that no one has been murdered ; 
 but many have been threatened, and a terrible, though most 
 natural, panic prevails. Even the Kepealers are all in favour 
 of restricting the indiscriminate possession of arms, and I 
 am convinced that the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act 
 would not be unpopular, because people would have a 
 certain sort of confidence that it would not be abused or 
 made ancillary to landlord outrages, but that the prevention 
 and punishment of crime would be the sole object of those 
 to whom the extraordinary power was confided. If order 
 can be restored without such power, and simply by an Act 
 of Parliament, which partook more of a police regulation 
 than a suspension of the law, it would, of course, be greatly 
 preferable ; and that is what I should like to try first. But, 
 in one way or other, security to life and property must be 
 given ; and I certainly won't remain here for the purpose of 
 not maintaining order or vindicating the law. 
 
 And so, according to the Journal 
 
 Closed the year at the Duff Gordons', with Thackeray 
 and Higgins. 1 
 
 My diary ends : ' Eemarkable depression in the last 
 months of this year in society ; general illness ; great 
 mortality ; innumerable failures ; funds down to 76 ; 
 want of money ; no society at all.' A curious presage of the 
 impending storm ! 
 
 1 More generally known now as ' Jacob Omnium.'
 
 191 
 
 THE storm was not long in following the presage of the old 
 year. In February 1848 the Revolution broke out in Paris, 
 and quickly spread through France and through Europe. 
 Eeeve was laid up at the time with a severe fit of gout, but 
 during his illness he took the keenest interest in the current 
 history, and wrote constantly in the ' Times ' about it. ' My 
 articles there,' he entered in the Journal, ' would be the best 
 key to what I thought of those events.' They form, in fact, 
 the only one ; for in the Journal itself they are barely even 
 mentioned. But he was fortunate in his friend Simpson's 
 being still in Paris, and from him he received very full 
 accounts of what was going on. Simpson's letters were 
 charming, and Reeve considered he was doing a good 
 turn to his two friends Simpson and Delane by bring- 
 ing them acquainted with each other. Simpson became 
 the ' Times' ' correspondent in Paris ; and continued so 
 during the revolutionary frenzy. His letters to Reeve, the 
 letters to the ' Times,' with some articles contributed to 
 ' Blackwood's Magazine ' and ' Bentley's Miscellany,' were 
 afterwards recast and published under the title of ' Pictures 
 from Revolutionary Paris,' perhaps the best account of the 
 state of Paris and of the Revolution of 1848, as they appeared 
 to an intelligent looker-on. On his return to England, Simp- 
 son settled in London, where he attained both reputation 
 and profit as a dramatic writer. Living in South Kensington, 
 and a member of the Athenaeum Club, he continued on 
 intimate terms with Reeve till his death, at the age of 80, 
 in 1887 ; though the personal intercourse and his literary 
 engagements put an end to the interesting correspondence. 
 
 Through 1848, however, the most valuable of Reeve's 
 papers are the letters which he received from Lord 
 Clarendon, or from Lord Clarendon's mother, Mrs. Villiers, 
 who, in the pressure of business, frequently acted as her 
 son's amanuensis. These letters have an extreme interest,
 
 192 ATTITUDE TOWARDS GREECE 1848 
 
 not only with reference to the affairs of Ireland, which Lord 
 Clarendon himself was conducting or studying at first hand, 
 but also as to affairs on the Continent, which, though from 
 a distance, he examined and discussed as a diplomat of the 
 past, a foreign minister of the future. 
 
 From Lord Clarendon 
 
 Dublin Castle, January 'Ast. I don't defend the line 
 taken with regard to Greece ; x not because I think anything 
 has been said that the Government of Greece does not deserve, 
 but because things may be set forth in a manner to defeat the 
 object in view, and to create sympathy with the offenders. 
 Bad results must ensue from the use of language that 
 diplomacy and society are alike interested in repudiating. I 
 cannot, however, agree with you that the exasperation of 
 people abroad against Palmerston is perfectly boundless. It 
 is the policy of Guizot to proclaim that such is the case ; 
 and through his many agents he has everywhere the means 
 of exacerbating the jealousy that exists against England. 
 We may be isolated at this moment ; but if Palmerston were 
 the blandest of God's creatures, with what Power could we 
 at this moment fraternise ? With respect to Spain, Italy, 
 and Switzerland, are we not compelled to oppose France and 
 Austria ? and as regards the two latter, have we not done so 
 successfully ? and must we not be prepared for all the phials 
 of wrath that Metternich and Louis Philippe can pour upon 
 us? 
 
 Up to the time I left London there was little to object to 
 in Palmerston's despatches, and such objections were gene- 
 rally removed ; but for the last six months I know absolutely 
 nothing of what he has done beyond what I have seen in 
 the newspapers ; and unless you are certain of the fact, I am 
 unwilling to believe that all he writes is now in the tone of 
 the Greek despatch, and that Lord John has consequently 
 ceased to exercise any control. 
 
 The tone taken by the ' Times ' in the Hampden 2 con- 
 
 1 The Greek dispute came more prominently before the public in 1850, when 
 much of the correspondence relating to it was officially published (Parlia- 
 mentary Papers, 1850, vol. Ivi.). See post, p. 218 et seq. 
 
 1 ' Dr. Hampden, who was accused of heterodox opinions, and whose appoint- 
 ment to a canonry at Oxford had already occasioned an explosion of bigotry
 
 JEr. 3-> THE IIAMPDEN CONTROVERSY 193 
 
 troversy has grieved me very much, not on account of the 
 Government alone, and still less on Dr. H.'s account, about 
 whom I know nothing, but upon public grounds ; and I 
 attach such immense importance to the tone taken by 
 the ' Times ' upon any great question, that it afflicts me 
 when that tone is in my opinion leading to mischief. The 
 contest is an open manifestation of a revival of [the struggle 
 between] Protestant and Roman Catholic principles, within 
 our own Church. The predominance of the latter would be 
 quite fatal to all we are accustomed to regard as most 
 precious. Yet that is what our High Church is now 
 aiming at, in emancipation from the State. It intends to 
 fee all things to all men, not only in the next world but in 
 this ; to supersede virtually the actual governing powers, 
 and to establish in their stead the worst of all despotisms- 
 the theocratical. That at least is the tendency of its present 
 movement ; it soon will be its undisguised object ; and I 
 can't bear to see the ' Times ' throwing its weight into 
 the anti-social scale. 
 
 However, I won't embark on this subject, for it would 
 carry me far beyond the time I can crib from other things, so 
 I will conclude by saying, what I know you will be glad to 
 hear, that the Commission and the new Bill 1 together have 
 
 and intolerance in the Church, was raised to the See of Hereford by Lord John 
 Russell, chiefly, as it would seem, as an act of defiance to the clerical party. 
 Hampden was a dull, heavy man, who made more noise in the world than he 
 deserved, but he was not a bad bishop.' Greville Memoirs, second part, iii. 109, 
 note by Reeve. The objection at Oxford was to the appointment of Hampden 
 &s regius professor of divinity rather than as canon of Christ Church ; but the 
 controversy over this was now eleven years old, and Lord John possibly sup- 
 posed that it was dead. As regius professor and rector of Ewelme, Hampden 
 had been doing good work, and was popular ; but, on the appointment to Here- 
 ford being made known, thirteen of the bishops presented an address of remon- 
 strance, and the Dean of Hereford wrote to Lord John Russell, saying that he 
 should vote against the election of Hampden. Lord John replied, ' I have had 
 the honour to receive your letter of the 23rd [December], in which you intimate 
 to me your intention of violating the law ; ' on which Punch neatly remarked 
 
 ' If brevity's indeed the soul of wit, 
 Lord John has made a most tremendous hit.' 
 
 Hampden was elected in due course on December 28th, but the question was 
 fought out at great length, and with much bitterness. 
 
 1 The Coercion Bill, passed through Parliament in December 1847. On the 
 state of public feeling at the time see Greville Memoirs, second part, iii. 103-6. 
 For an outline of the condition of Ireland, Walpole's History of England, 
 i\. 325-7. 
 
 VOL. -I. O
 
 194 COSAS DE IRLANDA TSl* 
 
 far exceeded my most sanguine expectations. The convic- 
 tions have put an end to the reign of terror, and the justice 
 of the sentences has been so clearly established by the 
 evidence that hardly any sympathy has been manifested for 
 the guilty. All the firing at marks and carrying about arms- 
 have completely ceased ; the guns are all stuffed into bogs 
 and ditches ; the farmers declare they can now sleep quiet 
 in their beds, and the fear of having police quartered is 
 manifested by resolutions to keep the peace and arrest evil- 
 doers. Everything has been done in the manner and even 
 at the hour that I intended ; and from all quarters, even 
 from people most confident that the Bill would fail, I learn 
 that the people are completely cowed and admit that they 
 must be quiet, for the law has got above them. 
 
 The ' Times ' has w r ritten most admirably, and I wish 
 you would tell Delane from me what great service he has 
 done, and how particularly obliged to him I am for the 
 articles on the Agricultural Instructor, which were really 
 jewels of the first water. I am very glad he has taken up 
 the Repeal rent paid by those who clamour the loudest for 
 English money. That line will tell here, and if we could 
 knock up the Association it would be a heavy blow and great 
 discouragement to agitation. With little money in their 
 till, and that vapouring fellow, J. O'Connell, for their cham- 
 pion, such an establishment ought not to exist much longer > 
 
 Many thanks for telling me what is thought in England 
 of my goings on here. It is very agreeable to me, but always 
 rather alarming to me, for fear of not coming up to the mark ~ r 
 and people who have bestowed an undue amount of confi- 
 dence would consider themselves entitled to cast an unjust 
 amount of censure ; besides which, las cosas de Irlanda, like 
 those de Espana, sometimes baffle all foresight or precau- 
 tion ; and the vis inertia and the great thwarting principle 
 which animate ninety-nine out of every hundred Irishmen 
 prevail over the best acts and intentions. It is a daily fight 
 and one must never be caught sleeping at one's post. I should 
 not despair of eventually doing some good by constantly 
 making people do their duty, if it were not for the destitu- 
 tion. That increases daily, and threatens to swamp all men 
 and things. Unless the social system is re-established upon
 
 A?T. 35 BUNSEN ON GERMAN POLITICS 195 
 
 its potato basis, I don't see how we are to get on ; and yet 
 what a thing it is after the experience of the past to build 
 again upon rottenness ! 
 
 From Chevalier Bunsen 
 
 March 1th. I have Lamartine's manifesto and all 
 attaching to it, &c., &c., to our interview at Carlton Terrace 
 or the Council Office. What I have uppermost in my mind 
 to tell you is GERMANY. The English begin at last, and 
 slowly, to discover that there is such a country yea, in 
 Europe ; yea, the land of their fathers having now forty 
 millions, and those, by the law of Europe, and by the spirit 
 within them, as well as by mother-language, history of a thou- 
 sand years, and literature of seven hundred, ONE nation. You 
 know the demands of Germany in 1813 and 1814 : you re- 
 member the (now incredible !) State Papers of Austria not 
 only Prussian in 1814 and 1815 respecting the erection of 
 a Bundcsstaat, to all intents and purposes united towards the 
 Ausland. You know how Talleyrand and Count Miinster 
 succeeded to blind and seduce Lord Castlereagh, and how the 
 whole ended in that mauvaise plaisanterie called Bundesver- 
 fassung. Kliiber says much about it ; Stein will soon tell 
 his own story in his Memoirs, now about to be published by 
 Pertz. You know how we started from liberty of the press 
 as principle, and from unity of commerce and trade equally ; 
 how the ' Zollverein ' was the effort to do inorganically and 
 incompletely what the Pact had ordered the Diet to do 
 organically ; how the liberty of the press was abrogated by the 
 Carlsbader Beschliisse hypocritically called provisorisch in 
 1820 ; how the twenty-two millions of good florins two and a 
 quarter million sterling taken from the French contribution 
 and consecrated for this purpose, were given feloniously, but 
 not inconsiderately if that means ' without consideration '- 
 by Prince Metternich to Eothschild, first without interest 
 and then at 2 per cent. ; how the fortresses were not built, 
 because Austria held out against the whole of Germany that 
 the Khine was to be covered by Ulm and not by Bastatt ; 
 how, even in 1840 twenty-five years after the Congress 
 Frederick William IV. could not carry this point except by 
 giving 800,000?. sterling of his own to have both fortresses 
 
 02
 
 196 STATE OF GERMANY 1848 
 
 built instead of one : how Austria then was obliged to 
 regorge the money with the scanty interest, and how, in 
 1848, neither liastatt nor Ulm is completed. What you 
 cannot know, not being a German, is how, from 1820, there 
 began a most systematic reaction, instigated by Metternich, 
 executed by Prince Wittgenstein and Kampz, against all 
 Liberal ideas, called demagogische Umtriebe, to find out the 
 universal republican conspiracy directed by the Comite 
 Directeur de Paris ; how a whole generation was nipped in 
 the bud by the orgies of police absolutism, from 1820 to 1840. 
 Bead Arndt's ' Erinnerungen,' as the faint, most loyal, and 
 moderate expression of that feeling, and Vetter Michel the 
 most genial produce of that sort of the age as the most 
 extreme, and you have the never-yet-written history of 
 German woe, and you can have a faint idea of what a Ger- 
 man of the present generation feels. 1840, Vetter Michel 
 began to breathe, and that breathing was a mild one. ' Er 
 nahni sich vor die Geduld zu verlieren ; ' but he did not. 
 Frederick William IV., 1847, had the immortal merit of 
 showing the German mind in a sufficiently great fragment 
 to give him a European voice. Let all Germans thank 
 Frederick William IV. for having thus prevented Vetter 
 Michel now appearing with the flaming sword of Archangel 
 Michael, as in the last chapter of that popular prophet. 
 But N.B., N.B., N.B., let the smaller princes ' bedenken zu 
 dieser ihrer Zeit ' as the Gospel says, not to Jews only 
 that if they survive this present storm, instead of Ernest 
 Augustus's brutal revolution and absolutism ; in spite of 
 Brunswick pranks in 1830 and dulness since ; in spite of 
 Hesse's atrocities, renewed in 1847, and all the velleites and 
 open violations of charters, in Bavaria, Wiirtemburg, Baden, 
 Darmstadt, Nassau, they may thank for it Vetter Michel's 
 angelic patience and Frederick William IV.'s chevaleresque 
 generosity and mediaeval loyalty to Austria. Bassermann 
 a Baden Liberal, brother to the bookseller spoke the word 
 before the French Bevolution, in the Chamber : ' Germany 
 is defenceless and the German lawless reclitslos because 
 there is no German parliament. We will have such a 
 parliament ; besides the representatives of the thirty-eight 
 princes, there must be in the Diet the representatives of the
 
 .Er. 3-3 CORRESPONDENCE WITH BUNSEX 197 
 
 estates of the different German lands.' This idea had been 
 thrown out in 1814 ; had afterwards reappeared ; had been 
 remembered by the comments upon our Zollcongresse and 
 by the Prince of Leiningen's (the Queen's brother) remark- 
 able Memoir of last year, which I enclose : but Bassermann 
 spoke the word. Welcker developed the idea of his colleague 
 in the Chamber, in a beautiful speech. Then the French 
 Revolution came. You see from the papers what has been 
 done in Baden, Wurtemburg, Nassau, and what is doing in 
 these States and in Hessen-Cassel and Darmstadt. 
 
 Meanwhile Guizot and others of the late French ministry 
 had come to London, jthe air of which, in time of revolution, 
 they judged to be more salubrious than that of Paris. The 
 Journal notes : 
 
 March Ylth. A long interview with Prince Albert on the 
 conduct to be followed to Louis Philippe, whom Palmerston 
 wanted to drive away. The gout lasted till April 4th 
 nearly two months but I attended old Mme. Guizot's 
 funeral at Kensal Green on April 4th. On the 10th we were 
 all prepared to defend the office against the Chartists. 
 
 April l%th. Dined at Bunsen's with the Prince of 
 Prussia afterwards Emperor William Sir Robert Peel, 
 Sir James Graham, Buckland, and Albert Pourtales. 
 
 To Chevalier Bunsen 
 
 C. 0., April 19th. 
 
 MY DEAR CHEVALIER BUNSEN, Having been honoured 
 in my life with the friendship of two of the most eminent 
 statesmen of this time yourself and M. Guizot it has 
 been my hard fate to differ from the authority of these 
 illustrious names, and to go against the predilection of 
 personal regard, in two important questions of contem- 
 porary politics. However, as the Spanish marriages did not 
 permanently dissolve the entente cordiale between the French 
 minister and his very humble antagonist, H. R., so I hope 
 that, though the Baltic ring with battle and the controversy 
 extend even to these pacific shores, you will remain per- 
 suaded that no difference of opinion can operate the slightest 
 diminution in my esteem and regard for yourself. Though 
 I confess I should plunge into the strife with far more
 
 198 PRUSSIA AND DENMARK 1848 
 
 alacrity if I did not know that Achilles is amongst the 
 besiegers. What am I to say when the catapult which 
 threatens Denmark bears no ram's head, but the honoured 
 features of Bunsen ? 
 
 I have read the pamphlet with great interest, for this 
 subject has, for several years, attracted much of my attention, 
 and I believe I am in possession of the leading German 
 publications on the subject. You have given us the cream 
 of them, and I am glad the question on the German side has 
 been so ably stated. If it fails in your hands, in whose can 
 it succeed ? 
 
 But what a misfortune to Europe is this event ! In- 
 stead of plunging into it, one would have expected that 
 Prussia would have used every effort to avert it, for it has a 
 strong tendency to leave Germany wholly unsupported in 
 Europe. Kussia has an undeniable casus belli under the 
 Treaty of 1814. and you have deliberately thrown aside the 
 support of this country to gratify a popular cry got up by 
 Beseler and the ' Augsburg Gazette.' You may resort to the 
 support of France ; but when we see a French fleet in the 
 Baltic it will be time for us to prick up our ears. 
 
 I have not the faintest idea of what Lord Palmerston 
 and the Government think on this subject ; but the public 
 feeling is so vigorous and so universal against the German 
 intervention that, even if the ministers were disposed to 
 acquiesce in it, they would encounter a storm. This unhappy 
 agitation has laid the basis of an Anglo-Russian alliance ; 
 and it is the triumph in Germany of the party who have for 
 years been labouring to traduce the name of England and 
 to destroy the independence of Denmark. Even you, who 
 abhor these objects, are carried away by this crusade. 
 
 The Governments of Germany never would have origi- 
 nated or adopted this movement if it had rested with them. 
 It rose from the people ; it was fostered by popular agita- 
 tion ; and, though that be a recommendation in these times, 
 I confess that, to my judgement, it is the severest condemna- 
 tion. On a question of this nature the multitude errs ; but 
 it is evident that these discussions have served a remarkable 
 purpose by virtually placing men like Dahlmann and Gervinus 
 at the head of the German nation. Schleswig-Holstein has
 
 -*:T. 35 SCI1LES\VIG-HOLSTEIN 199 
 
 very materially contributed to the present political position 
 of the sovereigns, ministers, professors, and people of Ger- 
 many. If that be a good position, it has rendered you a 
 great service ; if bad, it has destroyed, or at least injured, 
 you. 
 
 My pen runs on unconsciously, and I must have done. 
 But although unconverted, and even convinced that the 
 cause you have honoured by your defence is that of the 
 Bevolution, and not that of law and authority, I once more 
 return you my sincere thanks. For my own part, all revo- 
 lutions have the effect of throwing my sympathies into the 
 opposite scale ; and my only consolation is that my personal 
 opinions in such matters are far too insignificant to have the 
 slightest effect on the great changes of the world. 
 Ever yours very faithfully, 
 
 H. KEEVE. 
 
 This was the beginning of a long and animated corre- 
 spondence on the interminable Schleswig-Holstein affair. 
 It is only introduced here to show clearly what were Keeve's 
 views on the question views which he stated fully and 
 repeatedly in the columns of the ' Times,' to the annoyance 
 of Bunsen and to the wrath of Germany, which Bunsen 
 wrote ' hates England more than it ever did Napoleon, for 
 the Schleswig articles in the " Times ; " to the degree that a 
 general vow has been taken in some southern provinces not 
 to wear any article of English manufacture, in order to show 
 the resentment of Germany against the insolent articles of 
 the "Times." Keeve's opinion, shared probably by most 
 Englishmen, was that the attack of Prussia on Denmark in 
 1848 was iniquitous, and that her defeat was a thing to 
 rejoice over ; that the attack of Prussia and Austria com- 
 bined, in 1864, was equally iniquitous, though it met with a 
 lamentable success. One good has, however, resulted from 
 it. The Schleswig-Holstein question, after being talked and 
 written and fought about for nearly two centuries, has, for the 
 present, been laid to rest. What the future may bring forth 
 concerning it, for Denmark, for Prussia, and for the German 
 Empire, it is impossible to say ; but for us, in our time, 
 there is peace. In 1848, however, the most serious question 
 for England was the state of Ireland ; as to which we are 
 now fortunate in having Lord Clarendon's opinions at first 
 hand .:
 
 JOO THE STATE OF IRELAND 1848 
 
 V.-R. L., May 10^/t. Ireland has by no means checked 
 my interest in foreign affairs, but they go at such a tremen- 
 dous pace that it is difficult to keep up with them. Every 
 country seems to jump twenty years in the night. Nothing 
 has irritated me more than the ingratitude shown to the 
 Pope, and the thought that his own people should adopt 
 Brougham's views of him. I agree in every line of the 
 article in the ' Times ' of yesterday. If he is driven out, it 
 will have an important effect upon the Catholic Church, 
 which will set up for itself everywhere. Here, the loss of its 
 head would make the tail even more dangerous than it now 
 is ; in France, probably it would be the instrument of the 
 ruling power, whatever that might be, and think itself only 
 fortunate if allowed to exist at all. 
 
 Our great desiderandum is peace. I don't say it should 
 be maintained a tout prix, but our futurity depends upon 
 it. If things keep quiet, trade and manufactures will 
 revive, and the British belly the seat of an Englishman's 
 political opinions being full, we shall hear less of wild 
 reforms. 
 
 Here, the stream is going down wonderfully, and I have 
 no reason to regret the course that has been taken, although 
 Brougham and Stanley have clearly intimated they should 
 have pursued a very different one. Nothing would have been 
 so easy as to produce insurrection by too severe an applica- 
 tion of the law ; and, on the other hand, I needed only to- 
 hold up my finger to have had 50,000 Orangemen in arms, 
 marching on the South, leaving everywhere traces of blood 
 and sectarian hate that our grandchildren would not have 
 seen effaced. Two hours' fighting in the streets of Dublin 
 would have sufficed to cause a general rising in the country ; 
 and, looking at the strange and unexpected events on the 
 Continent, and the Catholic composition of our army and 
 constabulary, it would have been impossible to predict the 
 issue. The great object, therefore, was to avoid collision 
 anywhere, and that was best to be obtained by the imposing 
 exhibition of force, and letting the evil-disposed see that we 
 were thoroughly prepared for whatever they might attempt. 
 This was really done without swagger and without fear, and 
 the result has been that Dublin is almost the only capital of
 
 yEi. 35 CLARENDON'S LETTERS 201 
 
 Europe where during the last two months there has not 
 been a broken head or a broken window. 
 
 Young and old Ireland are covering themselves with 
 ridicule, and I have some means of keeping up dissension 
 among them, which you may be sure I do not neglect. I 
 need not say how glad I am that you have followed and 
 approved all that has been done. 
 
 V.-R. L., June 18th. Whenever I can abstract my 
 thoughts from the Irish they turn to the Continent ; 
 and as you know more than anyone about the latter, 
 I have been longing for the MS. which arrived yesterday. 
 Many thanks. It contained much that was entirely new to 
 me, and that gives rise to gloomy reflections. I had no idea 
 that the chances of peace with the Danes were complicated 
 by the popularity of the war with the Germans ; I thought 
 they looked upon it as a coup d'etat manque of the King of 
 Prussia, and that he was desirous of retreating over any 
 decent bridge that England and Kussia might make for him 
 by an Irish combination of moral and physical force. If, 
 however, he is coerced into proceeding, and the Danes are 
 encouraged by Sweden and Russia to resist, the question 
 becomes very serious. We have three months before us, 
 during which naval operations can be carried on to the great 
 damage and irritation of Germany ; and it is next to impos- 
 sible that all this should not lead to a general war ; an event 
 which might suit Continental anarchy, but which would be 
 most disastrous to England. 
 
 V.-R. L., August llth, Many thanks for your in- 
 teresting letter. With the exception of hearing that the 
 people of Ireland were loyal and that the exchequer of 
 England was overflowing, nothing would give me greater 
 pleasure than the news of cordiality between the French and 
 ourselves. They could not have selected a better repre- 
 sentative than Beaumont, 1 for he understands our faults and 
 our merits ; and if he is willing, he is quite able to splice 
 them with those of his own country. We cannot make a 
 more laudable commencement of harmony than co-operating 
 to keep the peace of Europe, and I think that our joint 
 mediation will nullify the effect of warlike clamour. I 
 
 1 Gustave de Beaumont, the friend of Tocqueville ; see ante, p. 56.
 
 503 THE STATE OF EUROPE 1848 
 
 confess, however, that I look upon the red republicans of 
 Paris and the insolvency of France as better guarantees for 
 peace than the new-born ambition to pull well with us ; 
 but, as the resources of the country are wonderfully elastic 
 and will soon coine into play again, I cannot reckon upon 
 the international cordiality being very protracted. While 
 it lasts, however, it is most useful, and should be turned 
 to good account ; but I should be sorry if, when catching 
 at the shadow of French, we lost the substance of Russian 
 alliance ; and I think that Nicholas should be kept duly 
 informed of the object and mode of our proceedings, and 
 not be allowed to suppose that we are giving him the 
 go-by. 
 
 The impossibility of union between the Italian States, 
 their hatred and mistrust of each other, their boasting and 
 their impotence, render it more difficult for the French to assist 
 them than to refrain from it, while the conduct of Charles 
 Albert has not been of a kind to inspire very lively sympathy 
 or to justify any great sacrifice in his favour. The labor et 
 opus will be to choke off old Eadetsky ; but if he will refrain 
 from entering Piedmont, and the French can proclaim that 
 he did so [in] consequence of their army of the Alps, things 
 may yet come right. Dieu veuille ! 
 
 Thanks for telling me that the mode of dealing with my 
 little war here is approved of. The rebellion is scotched, 
 but by no means killed, and would revive directly if the pres- 
 sure of fear were removed. We have had a narrow escape. 
 The organisation was nearly complete ; and if the insurgents 
 had been permitted to select their own time, instead of being 
 forced to take ours, 1 we must have had a long and bloody 
 struggle, the issue of which would, I hope, not have been 
 doubtful, but these would have been a loss of life and 
 property, and an amount of individual suffering, terrible to 
 contemplate. 
 
 We are now about to enter on a fresh crisis a famine, 
 more extensive than in 1846 and incalculably more disas- 
 
 1 By the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, which received the royal 
 assent on July 25th. Smith O'Brien and his fellow-conspirators learned on the 
 22nd the day the bill passed the Commons that it was resolved on, and 
 immediately took arms. On the 29th the 'rebellion' collapsed in Widow 
 McCormack's cabbage garden.
 
 ^Et. 35-6 CLARENDON ON IRELAND 203 
 
 trous, for the means of meeting it now are as nothing to 
 what they were two years ago. A bad harvest here and an 
 indifferent one in England must lead to another financial 
 and commercial crisis et alors comme alors ! but I should 
 like to go to sleep and not be called till August, 1849. 
 
 The Whigs are not lucky anyhow, and as an humble 
 member of that body I think I shall have had a full share of 
 fortune's favours two famines, one period of agrarian mur- 
 ders and one rebellion, in little more than a twelvemonth. I 
 shall probably be able to add another item or two to the list 
 before Stanley, or G. Bentinck, or some other Salvator 
 Patrice comes to the. 'rescue and takes us out of the pillory 
 of office, never to return there, I hope, at least as far as T 
 am concerned. 
 
 V.-E. L., August 21st. Provided he doesn't mind wet, 
 the Cholera will have beau jeu if he comes here and finds 
 the whole population of the South and West dying of starva- 
 tion ; for that I fear is the prospect now before them. They 
 will be swept away like Hindoos by the cholera, and it will 
 be almost a mercy that they should be spared more pro- 
 tracted suffering. 
 
 The Journal notes at this time 
 
 Visits to the Longmans at Farnborough and to Woodham 
 (with Delane) at Jesus College, Cambridge. Thence to Nor- 
 wich and Cromer, where began my acquaintance with Mrs. 
 Baring. 1 Shooting at Felbrigg, &c. The Norwich Festival 
 took place in September. Met the Duke of Cambridge at 
 the Palace. Mrs. Opie gave us a dinner. By Ely and York 
 to Edinburgh on September 16th. Saw Lord Jeffrey at Craig- 
 crook and Lord Cockburn at Bonaly. To Kirklands and then 
 Novar, where I met Sir John Hippisley and Cornewall 
 Legh on the 27th. Home on October 7th. Gustave de 
 Beaumont had come to London as ambassador of the 
 French Republic. Dined with him on October 10th. I 
 think Tocqueville became foreign minister in the autumn. 
 
 October QltJi. At Windsor. Long interview with Prince 
 Albert. 
 
 1 Cecilia Anne, daughter of Vice-Admiral William (Lukin) Windham, 
 second wife of Henry Baring ; a woman of cultivation and remarkable ability, 
 which has been inherited by her sons.
 
 204 ELECTION OF LOUIS NAPOLEON 184* 
 
 November 15th. Kossi was murdered in Rome. On the 
 23rd I gave a dinner to Lord Clarendon, M. Guizot, Charles 
 Greville, Fred. Cadogan, John Lemoine, Woodham, and Dr. 
 Southey. Hunted a good deal with the Surrey hounds. 
 Dinner at Granville's on the 27th. On the 29th Charles 
 Buller 1 died after an operation. Mrs. Buller came to my 
 house. 
 
 The election of Prince Louis Napoleon as President took 
 place in December. 
 
 From Lord Clarendon 
 
 V.-R. L., December llth. I should sooner have thanked 
 you for your letter, but the many points reserved for my 
 return, and the numerous palavers I have had to endure, 
 make me worse off for time than ever. The French take 
 care to provide the world with matter for wondering at 
 them ; and this result of universal suffrage is indeed 
 marvellous. As they know nothing of L. N., they select 
 him as their fittest governor ; and as they have adopted a 
 republic, they make the nearest available connexion of a 
 fallen dynasty the president of it. But what next ? I am 
 surprised at the result of the poll. For some time past it 
 has been clear that L. N. would win, but I did not expect 
 that a French government, making unscrupulous use of its 
 unlimited means, could ever be so dead beat. 
 
 Another curious thing is to observe how all men of note 
 have laboured to place L. N. in his present position ; and 
 then, when they have put him there, all refuse to stand by 
 him. They probably think to pull the strings and not be 
 responsible for the way their puppet dances. This may be 
 productive of mischief ; and I am mistaken if Bugeaud, 
 Changarnier, and one or two more don't cut out some work 
 for Europe. They will all have an itch for Italian laurels, 
 and I am glad that Austria has something to do at home 
 and bears no goodwill to the Pope or she might give ' the 
 Africans ' a pretext for flying to the relief of they wouldn't 
 know who, in Italy. 
 
 With respect to domestic affairs, I am convinced there is 
 
 1 He was Reeve's next-door neighbour, in Chester Square.
 
 SIR GEORGE GREY 205 
 
 not, nor has been, a particle of truth in all the rumours of 
 changes that have been flying about, according to annual 
 custom, a month or two before Parliament meets. Indeed, 
 I have heard them discussed, in the best possible humour, 
 by the parties immediately concerned ; and since I left 
 England I have heard from more than one person of Lord 
 John's good spirits and improved health. He may of course 
 break down when the active business of the session com- 
 mences ; and I am inclined to doubt if the Government could 
 be carried on without him ; for though, as a first minister, 
 he may have defects, it cannot be denied that he has, and 
 deserves to have, great weight in the H. of C. For recover- 
 ing a rout and rallying his forces he is a Parliamentary Ney ; 
 and the whole machine would fall into disorder if he were 
 absent for a month. 
 
 But if Lord John were compelled to resign from physical 
 and not political causes, I really think that Sir George Grey 
 would be the fittest man to succeed him. There is more 
 stuff in him than the public are aware of, and I believe he 
 would be found to rise with his difficulties, which is the best 
 test of talent. Last session was in every respect a most 
 trying one for a home secretary both in and out of Parlia- 
 ment ; and, consensu omnium, he did admirably. His capacity 
 for business is first-rate ; no one speaks better, or is more 
 ready in debate ; his manners are conciliatory, his temper 
 cannot be ruffled, he has the strictest sense of honour, and 
 he is what John Bull likes a very religious man. We 
 may go further and fare worse than him for first minister. 
 I can tell you, too, that he takes the liveliest interest in 
 foreign affairs, and that his views are as sound and wise as 
 the best Englishman could desire, although he does not 
 consider it within his province to meddle with subjects for 
 which he is not immediately responsible. At present I see 
 no prospect of his being placed at the head of affairs ; but 
 if, unfortunately for himself, he should be dans cette galere, 
 he ought to have a fair trial, and no tocsin should be 
 sounded till he gives ground for alarm. 
 
 We have awful work before us this winter, and I am 
 dreading that in at least twenty unions we shall have deaths 
 irom starvation by wholesale. Delane has written some
 
 OH ANXIETY IN PARIS . 1849 
 
 admirable articles, and I think the influence of the ' Times * 
 is greater here than ever. There are some landlords doing 
 their duty admirably, and working like heroes ; and they are 
 somewhat riled at being confounded with the bad ones, 
 whom, however, they hate all the more for that. In time, 
 I hope that England will create something like public 
 opinion in Ireland. 
 
 The Journal winds up the year with : 
 
 December 22wZ. Visit to Richard Taylor's in Cornwall. 
 On the 31st to Bowood. Lady Davy there. 
 
 January 1st, 1849. I hunted with the Duke of Beau- 
 fort's hounds on Lord Lansdowne's hack ; but the party was 
 overcast by news of Lord Auckland's death. 
 
 During the next four years the political interest, though 
 occasionally diverted to other objects, was centred on the 
 condition of France, which the Revolution had turned upside 
 down, and where, as yet, there were no symptoms of a 
 returning equilibrium. Prince Louis Napoleon had, indeed, 
 been elected president of the republic ; but no one in France 
 supposed that to be finality. Patriotism, devotion, honesty 
 even, seemed dead ; the spoils of office seemed the aim of 
 the political leaders ; greed, selfishness, covetousness, were 
 dominant ; ' and the fear was general that out of these and 
 the attendant jealousy might spring civil war, anarchy, 
 proscription -perhaps a new Terror. Everywhere there was- 
 uneasiness ; everywhere there was alarm. Of this, however, 
 the Journal makes no mention. It merely has : 
 
 March 17 th. To Paris ; first time since the Revolution. 
 Leon Faucher was now minister of the interior. On the 
 22nd saw Rachel in ' Phedre,' and went afterwards to the- 
 Elysee to see Louis Napoleon. Faucher presented me. 
 The Prince was very civil. I never spoke to him again. 
 Faucher gave a great concert and a great dinner; at the 
 latter, on the 28th, I met Hugo, Berryer, and Horace Say. 
 Returned to London on the 29th. 
 
 1 Cf. the remarkable letter of M. Guizot, post, p. 343, in which he compares 
 the state of things in France at this time with that in England under 
 William III.
 
 .T. 36 M. DE CIKCOURT 20r 
 
 From Lord Clarendon 
 
 The Grove, April 20^/i. I have seldom read letters morei 
 interesting than M. de Circourt's, 1 and I am much obliged to> 
 you for letting me see them. He collects accurate informa- 
 tion from all quarters ; his speculations upon it are always- 
 sagacious, and exhibit knowledge of different nationalities,, 
 and the unconstrained style of his English is really mar- 
 vellous for a Frenchman. 
 
 The Austrians are in a sad hobble with their Hungarian' 
 war, and I am sorry for it, as the weakness of Austria is 
 strength to German faction, and aid from Russia, although 
 preferable to defeat, is little short of present disgrace, and 
 may lead to future embarrassment. Bern appears to be a 
 formidable fellow, and almost the only homme d' action, and 
 organiser on a great scale, whom the revolutionary fermen- 
 tation of the last fourteen months has anywhere brought to 
 the surface. The Emperor of Russia cannot much longer 
 remain inactive, and his own safety will justify him in not 
 waiting till revolt breaks out at home. I should think his 
 best course would be, if he really means conservation and 
 not aggrandisement, to come to some amicable arrangement 
 with the Turks about the occupation of the provinces 
 while he keeps order in the neighbourhood. 
 
 If the French mean to restore the Pope and to secure for 
 his subjects the blessings of liberty, they are likely to be 
 detained long enough to learn what a particular fix they are 
 putting themselves into. I hope they will be left alone in 
 their glory, and that Austria will submit to their doing her 
 work. Nothing but the jealousy of interference of other 
 Powers can make them fraternise with the Romans ; and 
 if they don't do that, they must side with legitimate autho- 
 rity, as I suppose that dethronement of the head of the 
 Church and the usurpation of his territory are not to be 
 feared. 
 
 We start to-morrow morning for Ireland, and I do so 
 with a heavy heart, for all is black and cheerless there. 
 
 M. de Circourt was an old friend and frequent correspondent of Reeve's. 
 Some of his letters of a later date are given in their place ; but, however inter- 
 esting, they are rather essays on the political situation, and were intended to> 
 be shown to a select few.
 
 208 CONTINENTAL ARMIES 1840 
 
 From the social point of view, the Journal here lias- 
 Went the round of the studios with Novar. 1 Then 
 followed the usual round of London engagements. 
 
 From Lord Clarendon 
 
 June llth. Many thanks for your interesting letter, 
 which is full of undeniable and melancholy truths. A 
 miraculous interposition seems necessary to save Europe 
 from the abyss towards which it persists in marching ; and 
 as I am no believer in modern miracles, I expect an almighty 
 smash before the summer is over, particularly if the weather 
 happens to be hot, when the pulse of every man beats 
 quicker, and he is more prone to excitement. When this 
 occurs with millions of people already excited, it must tend 
 to blind the judgement, and to favour wilfulness and folly. 
 
 Considering the difficulty of the task, I don't think the 
 President's speech so bad. He has given the French people 
 an inventory of their goods and chattels, and told them the 
 -state of their accounts ; by promising nothing, he has not 
 committed himself to what he can't perform ; he has blinked 
 all foreign questions except the one he was obliged to 
 mention, and that one he has contrived to render unin- 
 telligible. I suppose the Austrians and Neapolitans and the 
 Pope won't much care to contradict him ; and if they do, he 
 Tvon't mind, as gaining time must be his object. 
 
 As for German affairs, I am afraid we shall wait long 
 for a settlement of them, as so much depends on Austria. 
 Her army is evidently demoralised, and I have great 
 misgivings about the Russians. They have no good general, 
 and their commissariat is sure to be bad, and their troops 
 unable to endure much fatigue or bad climate ; and I 
 shall not be surprised if they are beaten by the Hun- 
 garians, who have certainly among them some men of 
 dash and enterprise, quick in their measures, and well 
 acquainted with the country ; in short, just the qualities to 
 Mother such a slow cumbrous machine as a Eussian army. 
 I am glad the Prince of Prussia has got 100,000 men, but I 
 hope he will know what to do with them. 
 
 1 Munro of Novar, who formed a celebrated collection of pictures, which 
 was broken up after his death. Sec vol. ii. p. 258.
 
 ^Ex. 36 IRELAND AS A HOLIDAY RESORT 209 
 
 Will you ask Delane if he wants a foreign correspondent, 
 as I can recommend him a right good one, who is, moreover, 
 very desirous to enlist into the service of the ' Times ' ? It is 
 M. de Marliani, who you may perhaps have met at Mrs. 
 Grote's ; he is a great friend of mine, a Spaniard, and one 
 of the most intelligent men and ablest writers I know. He 
 was at one time a senator in the Cortes, and tolerably 
 well off, but is now poor, and would like to be employed in 
 the way I have mentioned ; he cares not in what part of 
 the world, as he is an excellent linguist, though I don't 
 think he could write English letters correctly enough for 
 publication. 
 
 When the session is near its close I think it would be 
 very useful if Delane, when writing on Ireland, would 
 recommend English M.P.s and the English public generally 
 to visit this country, and to see for themselves what they 
 hear and talk so much about. There will probably not be 
 much travelling on the Continent this year, and people 
 might as well make a tour in Ireland as go to Scotland or 
 Brighton. It would tend to produce a better feeling between 
 the two countries, and might lead to the investment of 
 capital in land, which is the great desideratum here. 
 
 The outline of a six weeks' holiday is thus given in the 
 Journal : 
 
 August 17th. Went to Crewe, where I found Lady 
 Morley, Luttrell, the Henry Grevilles, and Brooke Greville. 
 Thence, on the 28th, to Brougham. Found B. making fire- 
 balloons. Stayed three days; fell into the cellar and 
 sprained ankle. Thence to Edinburgh, Kirklands, and 
 Novar. There a fortnight in September, shooting. Back to 
 London with Lord Campbell on October 2nd. 
 
 The following letter from Lord Clarendon, which Keeve 
 must have received during his holiday, calls attention to the 
 facts that the Queen did not visit Ireland till after she had 
 been twelve years on the throne, and that in the forty-nine 
 succeeding years she has never repeated the experience. We 
 know that very good reasons for this apparent neglect have 
 been alleged ; but all the same, the enthusiastic and warm- 
 hearted people have naturally felt aggrieved by it ; and, in 
 
 VOL. i. P
 
 210 THE QUEEN'S VISIT TO IRELAND 1&49 
 
 reality, the grievance is not merely sentimental ; for the 
 absence of the Court, by making, or rather by leaving, 
 Ireland unfashionable, has caused also the absence of 
 summer visitors, of settlers, of capital, of material pro- 
 sperity, and has perpetuated, amongst the English, a singular 
 ignorance both of the people and the country. Lord 
 Clarendon's letter goes far to strengthen the often expressed 
 opinion that a second Balmoral amid the mountains of 
 Kerry or of Donegal would have done much to prevent the 
 chronic disaffection which has been the curse of Ireland ; an 
 opinion which the welcome given to the Duke and Duchess 
 of York in August 1897 seemed to justify and confirm. 
 
 V.-E. L., August 29M. I am much obliged for your 
 letter and kind congratulations upon the ' great fact ' of the 
 Queen's visit. From various causes, this is the first year 
 since she came to the throne that she could visit Ireland in 
 comfort, and it would have been a mistake to miss the 
 opportunity ; but when one considers how much might have 
 gone wrong in bringing the sovereign and this excitable 
 people into communion together for the first time, it is 
 equally pleasant and strange that all went as if by clock- 
 work, and as one could most desire the whole time her 
 Majesty was in the country. She was enchanted with 
 everything here, and she and the Prince really won all 
 hearts by their tact and gracious kindness. I, of course, do 
 not expect much permanent benefit from the momentary 
 presence of the Queen ; and yet the people are so pleased at 
 finding they were loyal and orderly, and so proud of having 
 won the Queen's good opinion, that this may be a guarantee 
 for future good behaviour. The guarantee would be strength- 
 ened if the Suspension l Act lasted a couple of years longer, in 
 order that the people might be protected against themselves 
 and their deceivers, and have time to be weaned from their 
 bad habits ; and, strange to say, there would be no measure 
 of protection so popular with all classes, excepting the pro- 
 fessional agitators and a few editors. The latter are the 
 monster nuisance of Ireland. We might defy them all if 
 they had not destitution for an ally ; but until capital finds 
 its way here, and land is properly owned and properly 
 treated, and employment can, to a certain extent, be 
 
 1 Sc. of the Habeas Corpus Act.
 
 ^ET. 36 GUIZOT OX THE STATE OF EUROPE 21 1 
 
 depended on by the peasantry, we must be exposed to 
 political shindies. 
 
 The following is endorsed by Reeve : ' M. Guizot on the 
 state of Europe. Most remarkable.' 
 
 Val RicJier, September 3rd. If you were here, my dear 
 Sir, you would quickly put on one side all fear that any 
 active combinations or alliances would be formed by the 
 great Powers of the Continent without England. You may 
 take it for certain that the French Republic does not think 
 of such a thing, and would be very much afraid to think of 
 it. Should it appear to be absolutely necessary, she may 
 possibly come to some agreement with Austria about Italy ; 
 but even then in a half-hearted sort of way, and with a 
 pretence of doing something quite different from the reality. 
 There may be an exchange, and even a display, of courtesies 
 between her and Russia : it is a little advance by the 
 Emperor Nicholas, a little show of intimacy in return for 
 there having been less noise in Paris than in London about 
 Hungary. In this there is nothing serious, nothing that 
 really changes the situation, the base of which is that 
 France, whether country or Government, is thinking of 
 nothing but her own internal affairs ; and that unless some 
 urgent and unavoidable case should arise, she has, at present, 
 no foreign policy. For what is left of it, she necessarily looks 
 to you, because your friendship is the only one with which she 
 can keep up a pretence of revolutionary policy while follow- 
 ing a reactionary one ; a silly hypocrisy, which pleases the 
 country, and which her Government the Republican more 
 especially is neither strong enough nor bold enough to do 
 without. They may attempt, or feign to attempt, some- 
 thing. It is mere vain boasting. 
 
 In my opinion, the only good thing on which Lord 
 Palmerston's policy can pride itself, is that by its revolu- 
 tionary appearance, and by the friendly terms it is on with 
 the French Republic, it exercises on it a soothing and 
 restraining influence. In this sense Lord Palmerston really 
 contributes to the maintenance of the peace of Europe, 
 which, in so many other ways, he disturbs and com- 
 promises. 
 
 p 2
 
 212 GUIZOTS LETTER 
 
 Austria, like France, is too much absorbed in her own 
 internal affairs to turn her eyes abroad, except in case of 
 necessity, for her own safety. Prussia is ambitious, and just 
 now is very certainly in such a position that success abroad 
 might help her in her difficulties at home. But by herself 
 and her own unaided strength, she cannot obtain this 
 success. She must have some strong, external support. 
 Russia will not give it, for she could only do so at the 
 expense of Austria and the Conservative policy. Nor do I 
 think that you, notwithstanding your partiality for Prussia, 
 will be disposed to give her this support, at the risk of initia- 
 ting a bitter struggle, which must result in forcing France 
 and Austria to unite. But without you, Prussia can neither 
 originate nor carry out any scheme threatening to the statu 
 quo of Europe. As to the Emperor Nicholas, I think I have 
 already told you my opinion of him. Though a despot, he 
 is but little ambitious, and though powerful, but little enter- 
 prising. He wishes to remain absolute in his own country, 
 and to be the chief patron of absolutism in Europe. When 
 the emergency arises, he will do what is needed to maintain 
 himself in this position ; but only when it arises. He will 
 do nothing to anticipate it or to produce it ; and I am 
 disposed to think that he would rather it should not come 
 too often to trouble him. He knows how to wait for what 
 cannot be now ; how to accept what is inevitable. He will 
 steadfastly pursue the traditional policy of his empire, and 
 will lose no self-offering opportunity of advancing it ; but he 
 will not meddle with nor devise new combinations. He has 
 a sound judgement with a strong will, and is able to wield 
 a despotic power or assume a chivalrous attitude ; but he 
 will weigh well the chances, and has no taste for adventures. 
 You know as well as I do that in the present state of civilisa- 
 tion and of government in Russia, events depend entirely 
 upon the judgement and character of the sovereign. 
 
 I therefore think that you in England may persevere in 
 the evil courses in which Lord Palmerston is engaging you, 
 without fearing any effective combination of the great Con- 
 tinental Powers, I do not say against you, but only without 
 you. The internal condition of these Powers, or the 
 dispositions of their Governments, will spare you the conse-
 
 JEx. 36 ON THE STATE OF EUROPE 213 
 
 quences of the faults of your own. How long can this last ? 
 A long time, I think ; but not for ever. A man so narrow- 
 minded and so obstinate as Lord Palmerston can greatly 
 quicken the natural march of events. 
 
 I have amused myself in talking to you of Europe, and 
 have no time to return to France. Of great events, there is 
 none more important than the approach of the elections, 
 which, within the next two or three years, are to give us a 
 new President and Assembly ; and as to small events, 
 nothing but some slight changes in the cabinet when the 
 Assembly meets again in October. What seems to me most 
 probable is this. There is, at the present time, no one 
 strong enough to take the initiative in any important 
 measure, or bold enough to undertake the responsibility of one. 
 The Government will do what, from day to day, is necessary 
 to preserve the appearance of order nothing more. The 
 ambition of honourable men goes no further. There are, 
 indeed, some few who propose to attempt something more 
 effective at the opening of the Assembly, and to seek deeper 
 for the root of the evil. I doubt it. We shall see. 
 
 In the meantime I stay quietly in my nest at Val Eicher. 
 I receive a good many visits, which prevent me from working 
 as much as I should like. I do work, however, and hope, by 
 the end of the autumn, to publish a new edition of my 
 ' Histoire du Regne de Charles I.,' with a new and somewhat 
 considerable addition, entitled ' Discours sur Fhistoire de la 
 revolution d'Angleterre.' In a hundred or a hundred and 
 fifty pages I should like to recapitulate the history of your 
 revolution, and bring out its chief features, its alternations of 
 successes and reverses, and the true causes of its ultimate 
 success. I have not yet learned to believe that the great 
 experiences of a great people are of no use to others. 
 
 Adieu, mon cher monsieur. Mes respects, je vous prie, 
 a madame votre mere. Mes enfants vont tres bien, et se 
 rappellent a son bon souvenir et au vdtre. Croyez-moi 
 toujours tout a vous. 
 
 GUIZOT. 
 From Lord Clarendon 
 
 V.-E. L., September 5th. Many thanks for Circourt's 
 letter ; he is really a marvellous Frenchman to write such
 
 211 THE HUNGARIAN REFUGEES 1849 
 
 English, and he has a talent for grouping together all possible 
 contingencies into one melancholy cadre that is quite unique. 
 The world would always be going from bad to worse, and 
 running a gauntlet of catastrophes, if the Genius of Evil had 
 it all his own way as completely as Circourt supposes ; but 
 a counterbalancing power happily springs up in some quarter 
 or another and limits the almighty smashes he predicts with 
 so much reason and argument. Who would e.g. have 
 expected the Hungarian problem to be solved, as it was, in 
 a day? I understand that not a week before Gorgey 
 surrendered, Lord Ponsonby all Austrian though his wishes 
 were could not conceal his apprehensions about the result 
 of the war, and I doubt if anyone knows, except the high 
 contracting parties, what led to the denouement. The 
 Russians have a very liberal mode of dealing with Gordian 
 knots that they can neither untie nor cut, and the experi- 
 ment that they found so successful at Varna in their Turkish 
 campaign ' may have been repeated in Hungary. Be that as 
 it may, it is a right good job that such a conflict in the heart 
 of Europe should be put an end to ; and what an opening 
 there is now for ' remedial measures,' as we Irish say ! But 
 I have more confidence in the moderation of Russia than of 
 Austria. There is something grand and generous in the 
 nature of Nicholas that puts a check on his ambition and 
 makes him value the good opinion of the world. 
 
 V.-B. L., October 4th. This Turco-Russian affair is the 
 most real danger that the peace of Europe has yet incurred, 
 but it would seem passing strange that everybody went to war 
 about the body of Bern. 2 A unanimous expression of 
 opinion in England and France may still keep things straight ; 
 but can we depend upon France ? We may bark in concert 
 
 1 In 1828. The story is told in Moltke's Russians in Bulgaria and 
 Itumelia (English edition), p. 215. 
 
 Why the body ? It had a living soul in it ; a defect, however, which 
 Austria would gladly have remedied. But not only Bern ; with him, Kossuth, 
 Dembinski, and some five thousand others had taken refuge in Turkish territory. 
 On the refusal of the Turks to deliver them up, Austria and Russia broke off 
 diplomatic relations and prepared to enforce their claim, which was, in fact, 
 authorised by existing treaties. On the other hand, public feeling, both in 
 England and in France, ran strongly in favour of the Hungarians. Palmerston 
 ordered the English fleet to the Dardanelles ; Tocqueville, then foreign minister 
 in France, ordered the French fleet to Smyrna ; and before the implied threat 
 the Eastern empires gave way.
 
 ^)T. 37 THE TURCO-RUSSIAN AFFAIR 215 
 
 with her, but will she be prepared to bite with us ? I doubt 
 it. Be that as it may, the article in the ' Times ' of yester- 
 day was excellent, and quite in the tone that England ought 
 to assume respecting this audacious assault upon the law and 
 usages of civilised nations. There has been nothing like it 
 since the wolf ate up the lamb for troubling the water below 
 him ; and I can only suppose that Nicholas got into an 
 ungovernable passion, and sent off his messenger without 
 reflecting upon the possibility that the Sultan might not 
 eat dirt. I am sorry for it, as it is the only great fault 
 he has committed during these two eventful years ; and, 
 having withdrawn his victorious army from Hungary and 
 made proof of moderation, his position was really a fine 
 one. 
 
 In the supposition, however and it is a strong one that 
 he admits his error, and that he has demanded what he 
 cannot get, how is he to back out ? He will never proclaim 
 himself wrong, nor succumb to the opinion of that Western 
 Europe for which he professes such sovereign contempt. If 
 he persists, are we really prepared for making, as well as 
 talking, war ? Will the Hungarian sympathisers and Cossack 
 denouncers submit to be taxed Gd. in support of a principle 
 which involves neither cotton nor hardwares ? It's rather 
 a fix, look at it as we will. Much will depend on Austria, 
 who surely must care less about hanging Kossuth than 
 dealing with the 30,000 Frenchmen now in Home and ready 
 to raise against her all the Carbonarism of the North of 
 Italy. How often one has occasion to agree with Mel- 
 bourne's dictum of 'Damn it! why can't everybody be 
 quiet?' 
 
 V.-E. L., October 14/t. I am really obliged for the two 
 articles in the ' Times,' which are admirable, and have had a 
 stunning effect here, where it is as well known as on the 
 Continent that the ' Times ' forms, or guides, or reflects no 
 matter which the public opinion of England. It will, if any- 
 thing can, put a curb on the mouths of these furious 
 Orangemen who, with their principles and their parsons, are 
 quite as subversive of law and order as the priests and Young 
 Irelandism. . . 
 
 Many thanks for the extract from M. de Circourt. He
 
 216 CLARENDON ON THE SITUATION 1849 
 
 always alarms me, as he gives such good facts and good 
 reasons for his opinions ; but something unforeseen happily 
 prevents the fulfilment of his prophecies. It is clear, how- 
 ever, that to quarrel with Russia for a principle is le cadet 
 des soucis of the President. I cannot but feel great anxiety 
 till the answer comes from Petersburg, as Nicholas may 
 possibly resent the disrespectful manner in which public 
 opinion has been manifested towards him in England, and he 
 must know that our naval hostilities would hurt him about 
 as much as a gnat bite on his great toe. 
 
 The Journal notes visits in October to Bowood, and to 
 Mr. Longman's at Farnborough. 
 
 From Lord Clarendon 
 
 V.-E. L.y November 16th. Pray let me have a line to say 
 what you hear from Paris, and how Tocqueville has borne 
 being dealt with so summarily. It will be very patriotic in 
 him if he does not upset Rayneval. I know him Rayneval 
 very well ; he is a hard-working, intelligent, worthy man, 
 but not clever, or capable of dealing with great subjects ; he 
 is an admirable subordinate, but not intended for a leader. 
 I suppose that's what the President wants, if, indeed, his new 
 cabinet is formed upon any system at all, and is not a hap- 
 hazard result of his own wish for emancipation. As yet he 
 has stuck firmer in the saddle than I expected ; but, to be 
 sure, his animal has not kicked, but its ears are laid down, 
 and it looks vicious, and as if it would not much care about 
 being patted by him. The only thing I feel sure about in 
 the gdchis is, that a republic without one single republican 
 is an impossibility. How soon, or by whom, the coup de 
 baguette is to be given that will transform it into something 
 different depends, I suppose, on accident, or the more or less 
 courage of L. B. to give effect to his own wishes. 
 
 The Journal has : 
 
 December 18th. The Gorham case was argued at the 
 P. C. ; concluded by a ten hours' sitting. 
 
 13th. Dinner at Procter's, with Harriet Martineau,
 
 JET. 37 THACKERAY AND KIXGLAKE 217 
 
 Carlyle and his wife, Thackeray, and Kinglake. Carlyle was 
 so offensive I never made it up with him. 
 
 Visit to the Sartorises, in Northamptonshire ; took the 
 horses, but the frost prevented hunting. 
 
 And the next year, 1850, began with a visit to Baron 
 Parke, at Ampthill, whence, on January 4th, Eeeve drove 
 over to see the Duke of Bedford, at Woburn.
 
 218 
 
 CHAPTEK VII 
 THE 'COUP D'ETAT' 
 
 WHEN we now look back from a distance of nearly fifty 
 years, it seems, at first glance, more than a little curious to 
 find that the subject which was chiefly occupying the minds 
 of Reeve and his correspondents in the early months of 1850 
 was not so much the state of France, still in the throes of 
 revolution, but what we are now inclined to consider a mere 
 trumpery quarrel with Greece. It is only by an effort that 
 we realise that, uneasy as the state of France was, its un- 
 easiness was mainly its own concern, and that England had 
 neither intention nor desire to meddle with it. On the other 
 hand, the quarrel with Greece, paltry in itself, appeared to 
 rouse the sensibilities of France and Russia in a manner 
 which threatened to become serious. 
 
 For some years past Greece, feeling itself strong in its 
 very impotence, had committed outrages on British subjects, 
 and had steadily refused all compensation or apology. A patch 
 of land at Athens, belonging to Mr. Finlay, so well known as 
 a Philhellene and the historian of Greece, had been seized 
 for the king's garden, and a tardy payment of one-fifteenth 
 of its estimated value had been offered. One Stumachi, an 
 Ionian, and not improbably a thief, had been arrested in 
 Greece, on suspicion, and tortured, in the hope of making 
 him confess his crimes. A man-of-war's boat had been 
 seized at Patras, and, though it was presently released, no 
 apology had been given. 
 
 But these various grievances were brought to a head by 
 the case of a certain Pacifico, commonly spoken of as Don 
 Pacifico, the Portuguese consul-general at Athens, but a 
 British subject, a native of Gibraltar. That he was a Jew 
 had nothing to do with the matter as between Greece and 
 England, though it was the first cause of the trouble. As 
 part of the Easter celebration of 1847, the Athens mob broke 
 into Pacifico's house, ' beat his wife and children, smashed 
 his furniture, destroyed his papers, and carried off his money
 
 &T. 37 THE GRECIAN QUARREL 219 
 
 and jewels.' The minister at Athens was instructed to 
 demand compensation ; the several grievances were formu- 
 lated ; and when, after three years' negotiation, the affair 
 seemed no nearer a settlement than it was at the beginning, 
 the English fleet was ordered to Salamis Bay, Athens was 
 blockaded, and a few Greek gunboats and small ships of war 
 were seized. By the middle of February more than forty 
 merchantmen had been detained. 
 
 The French offered their mediation ; and, on this being 
 accepted, sent Baron Gros to Athens to arbitrate between 
 Mr. Wyse, the British minister, and the Greek Government. 
 The blockade was temporarily relaxed ; but, as Mr. Wyse 
 and Baron Gros could not agree on the terms, the blockade 
 was again enforced, and the Greeks, yielding to the pressure, 
 paid the money demanded, and wrote the apologies which 
 were insisted on. But the French were very angry at what 
 they conceived to be the slight put on Baron Gros, and virtu- 
 ally recalled their ambassador ; eventually, however, they were 
 pleased to consider the vote of censure on the Government 
 passed by the House of Lords on June 17th as sufficient 
 reparation. 
 
 The letters of Lord Clarendon to M. Guizot show how 
 the matter appeared at the time to two capable statesmen 
 who were taking no part in the actual negotiations. 
 
 From Lord Clarendon 
 
 Dublin Castle, January 28th. ' Nothing of interest ' is 
 about the best news we can hope for from Paris. The 
 President hates the Assembly, and the Assembly hates the 
 President ; but, as it won't provide the quarrel that Louis 
 Napoleon is ready to pick with it, I have no doubt Guizot is 
 right as to the rumbling on of the machine for a time ; but 
 the '-Red men would be almost capable of singing a Te Deum 
 if Changarnier were deposed, for he is the cork that confines 
 French effervescence. What can Louis Napoleon mean by 
 making an enemy of the man who is loved by the army and 
 feared by the National Guard ? 
 
 Brougham writes to me from Paris ' qu'il a tout vu, tout 
 entendu, et rien compris.' He gave me some curious statis- 
 tical details of the minute subdivision and heavy taxation of 
 land in France ; and I wish he may furnish them to my 
 lords, in answer to the fallacy of the untaxed foreigner 
 against whom we cannot compete.
 
 220 ESTIMATES OF CHOKER 18-50 
 
 The Protection movement has altogether failed here, ex- 
 cept in embittering the relations between landlord and 
 tenant, and furnishing the demagogues with a cry of ' Low 
 rents,' which is not a convenient one for the nominal owners 
 of the soil. The Orangemen have likewise failed in a some- 
 what characteristic manoeuvre of that party. There is no 
 effort they have not made, by letters, personal canvas, threats 
 and entreaties, to prevent people coming to the Levee and 
 Drawing-room, forgetting, in the loyalty which they pretend 
 to monopolise, that the attendance on such occasions is not 
 upon the individual lord-lieutenant, but the representative of 
 the sovereign. But everything here resolves itself into mean, 
 vindictive personalities. The cabal did not succeed ; for, 
 though a few people were scared away, both Levee and 
 Drawing-room were very full ; and if they had not been, my 
 night's rest would have been equally good. 
 
 If Croker has a vested interest in the ' Quarterly,' there 
 is nothing to be said ; otherwise such a long libel ' is neither 
 creditable nor advantageous to a respectable publisher. 
 Rather a smart pamphlet has just been published here, called 
 * Calumny of Mr. Eigby against Lord Clarendon confuted 
 and chastised,' which alludes to the transactions with Mrs. 
 Clarke and with Lord Hertford in a manner which Croker 
 will not much like. 2 
 
 From M. Guizot 
 
 Paris, January 28th. With this you will receive my 
 4 Discours sur 1'histoire de la revolution d'Angleterre,' 
 which is just published here. It would be very kind if you 
 would write a short notice of it for the ' Times.' I should 
 
 1 ' Lord Clarendon and the Orange Institution,' in the Quarterly Review of 
 December 1849. 
 
 2 The publication of Coningsby, in 1844, had, for all time, saddled Croker 
 with the name of Rigby. No one in political society had any doubt that he 
 was the original of the not very flattering portrait. According to his 
 biographers, indeed, he was ' a man of strict honour, of high principle, of 
 upright life, of great courage, of untiring industry, devoted with singleness of 
 heart to the interests of his country, a loyal friend, and in his domestic relations 
 unexceptionable. No man was more thoroughly trusted by his friends or loved 
 them more truly.' On the other hand, it may be said, with some certainty, 
 that no man was more thoroughly hated and loathed by his enemies, according 
 to whom there was no crime, in or out of the Decalogue, that he was not 
 capable of committing ; and the scandals to which Lord Clarendon refers 
 however false they may have been were accepted as absolute truths.
 
 JE-r. 37 NESSELRODE'S DESPATCH 221 
 
 like to be well understood in England, and no one can help 
 me in this so well as yourself. I have sent copies to Mr. 
 Empson and to Mr. Woodham. I hope Mr. Woodham will 
 undertake an article on it for the ' Edinburgh Review.' I 
 have almost a right to expect it, and I shall be much pleased 
 if he will do it. Is he still at Jesus College, Cambridge, 
 although married ? 
 
 From Lord Clarendon 
 
 Dublin Castle, February Qth. Switzerland is going to be- 
 a fresh embarrassment evidently, but I don't think Palmer- 
 ston is responsible for that in any way ; for, first, Switzer- 
 land always has been the refuge for revolutionists, and on 
 that account a source of uneasiness to limitrophe powers in 
 agitated times ; and second, the issue of events in 1847 was, 
 upon the whole, more proper and conducive to peace than 
 the one Guizot aimed at. It was the policy of resistance and 
 nothing else, as he himself has avowed ; and events have 
 proved that he miscalculated his power and misunderstood 
 the signs of the times. 
 
 On February 19 Count Nesselrode addressed to Baron 
 Brunnow, the Russian ambassador in London, a despatch 
 on the attitude of England in her dispute with Greece, 
 claiming that as the kingdom of Greece existed not by its 
 own strength, but by the guarantee of Russia and France 
 equally with England, these Powers ought to have been 
 informed of the intention to enforce the English claims. 
 This despatch arrived in Paris on March 2nd, with a copy to- 
 the Russian ambassador there, who communicated it to 
 General Lahitte, 1 the minister of foreign affairs. It arrived 
 in London probably on the same or the next day, and was, 
 in due course, presented to Lord Palmerston, by whom it 
 was laid before Parliament on May 17th. 2 But long before 
 that time on March 9th thanks to Guizot, Reeve was able 
 to present the readers of the ' Times ' with a summary of it. 
 How Guizot obtained it does not appear ; but this is the 
 substance of what he wrote about it. 
 
 Paris, March 7th. There is no way of getting the actual 
 text of the despatch which you naturally wish to have, but 
 
 1 Vicomte Ducos de Lahitte. 
 
 2 This despatch and the whole story of the dispute with Greece are in 
 Parliamentary Papers, 1850, vol. Ivi.
 
 CLARENDON ON RUSSIAN POLICY 1850 
 
 I send you a full and exact summary of it. I hope it will 
 reach you in time. The passages in inverted commas are 
 not exact quotations, but the differences are slight. 
 
 Je n'ai pas le temps ce matin de vous dire un mot de 
 plus. On signe, ce soir, le contrat de manage de ma fille. 
 J'ai mille petits soins qui prennent le temps comme les 
 grandes affaires. 
 
 At Easter, Reeve went for a few days to Paris, where he 
 saw a good deal of the Princess Lieven, the high priestess of 
 political and diplomatic gossip ; and as noted in the 
 Journal 
 
 , March 31st. Dined with the Lamartines, and went 
 with them to see the ' Barbiere.' Returned to London on 
 April 5th. 
 
 I saw a good deal of Drouyn de Lhuys, then French 
 ambassador in London. He was recalled on May 15th. 
 
 I wrote the criticism in the ' Times ' on the Exhibition 
 of pictures (Royal Academy) this year. Saw Rachel in 
 * Polyeucte ' and ' Adrienne Lecouvreur.' 
 
 From Lord Clarendon 
 
 V.-R. L., April 26th. I have not time this morning, nor 
 indeed have I sufficient information, for entering fully upon 
 the Greek question the most important of all at this 
 moment ; but I will mention one or two points upon which 
 I am disposed to take a different view from yours. In the 
 first place, although much that is improper may have taken 
 place about sending and withholding instructions, and the 
 protracted negotiation is evidence of misunderstanding, still 
 I cannot think that Palmerston would venture to speak as 
 positively as he does in his ' Morning Post ' articles if he 
 had not some reason to expect a satisfactory conclusion. 
 
 Second, it is to me quite evident that Russia is fanning 
 the flame at Athens, and is the main cause of this wretched 
 business not being settled. The advice of Nicholas is 
 seen through and almost denounced by the ' Times ' 
 correspondent. 
 
 Third, as to breaking up the joint action of England and 
 France in Greece, it has never existed ; the policy of the
 
 JT. 37 RUSSIA AND GREECE 223 
 
 two countries has been divergent, and their agents have 
 lived like cat and dog for the last twenty years ; in 
 fact, it was almost coeval with the establishment of a 
 monarchy in Greece. Vide what the ' Times ' correspondent 
 says about Coletti ; he was entirely upheld by France, and 
 no country in Europe ever had such banditti for ministers as 
 Greece ; as such they have acted, and it has been impossible 
 to treat them as men actuated by the commonest motives 
 of honesty. To treat such people now as a succession of 
 injured innocents creates erroneous impressions; and to 
 argue that because a nation is weak it may offend against 
 others with impunity is unjust and leads to dangerous con- 
 sequences. 
 
 Fourth, I cannot admit that, because the independence 
 of Greece has been guaranteed by three Powers, either of 
 these three is bound to obtain permission of the other two 
 before demanding reparation for injury ; for this would imply 
 the right of the two to withhold it, and the third must either 
 quarrel with them or consent to go without redress. 
 
 Fifth, I am utterly at a loss to comprehend by what right, 
 or according to what interpretation of the law of nations, the 
 Emperor of Bussia could justify an embargo upon British 
 ships in the Baltic ports because he was offended with the 
 policy of England at Athens ; and I am sorry that you should 
 view such a measure as little offensive to the people of Eng- 
 land. For my part, I can conceive nothing more calcu- 
 lated to excite their indignation or to procure popularity and 
 support for Palmerston. 
 
 Sixth, the Emperor [of Russia] might put himself at the 
 head of a crusade against our Continental policy, and might 
 find many governments, great and small, ready to back him ; 
 but governments are not everything nowadays, and the ques- 
 tion is, how many nations would support him, even upon the 
 supposition that they execrate us with all their hearts ? The 
 Austrians were not so delighted with his assistance in 
 Hungary to make them eager to receive another Cossack on 
 their territory. Throughout Germany, and more especially 
 in Prussia, the approach of a Russian army, favoured by the 
 governments, would be the signal for universal revolt. If he 
 marches on Constantinople, would France approve or be a
 
 224 THE GREEK QUESTION 1850 
 
 passive spectator? If he attempts to bring out his fleet 
 against us, how soon would it be demolished ? 
 
 I don't say one word in defence of the whole or any part 
 of our foreign policy. I say nothing of the nature of our claims 
 upon Greece, still less of our manner of enforcing them ; and 
 I simply affirm that the points I have indicated above should 
 all be taken into consideration when viewing the past and 
 present state of this unfortunate question and the future 
 results to which it may lead. Palmerston may be all wrong, 
 and I am quite ready to admit it ; but I am very certain that 
 Nicholas is not all right ; and knowing as you do the exceed- 
 ing interest I take in the ' Times,' and the exceeding import- 
 ance I attach to whatever it promulgates, you will not be 
 surprised at my regretting the warmth with which it occa- 
 sionally takes up Russian views. 
 
 V.-E. L., May 2kth. I have not written lately because 
 on the one engrossing topic, about which I should naturally 
 write, I felt I had not sufficient data to form an opinion. 
 Palmerston is very unpopular, and it is quite natural that the 
 British public should sympathise with a weak State, and 
 resent anything like oppression on the part of a powerful 
 country ; but, on the other hand, it is not just to run a man 
 down unheard, and the more I disapprove of his general 
 conduct, the more inclined I am to distrust my own judge- 
 ment upon any particular act of his, until I have the 
 evidence on both sides before me. I felt especially bound to 
 put a check upon myself in this case, because I have a very 
 bad opinion of King Otho. I know also that no govern- 
 ment in Europe, and least of all the French Government, 
 having the power to assert its rights, would for an unlimited 
 period allow those rights to be insolently disregarded ; but 
 the mode of enforcing them, the real cause of their not being 
 recognised by the Greek Government, and the manner in 
 which the negotiation was conducted, both at Athens and 
 London, were matters upon which reliable information was 
 too scanty for any impartial person to form a conscientious 
 opinion. 
 
 Even at this moment, and not knowing what passed last 
 night in the H. of C., I cannot say that my mind is made up ; 
 but I have read the papers laid before the National Assembly,
 
 .Ex. 37 THE GREEK QUESTION L2o 
 
 and even from this French version of the case which must 
 be the worst view for England, and will probably improve 
 when Palmerston's case makes the whole complete I am 
 bound to say that the unfavourable view I was disposed to 
 take has been very materially modified. I have looked at it 
 entirely as an A and B case, and have endeavoured to 
 divest myself of all prejudices for or against individuals or 
 countries ; and I declare I can find nothing on which to 
 found a charge of bad faith, which, nationally speaking, is 
 the most important point of all. There may have been 
 delay, or haggling, or want of courtesy those are matters 
 that regard the individual ; and if there was no cause for 
 them, they are to be regretted and censured, but they don't 
 touch the national honour. 
 
 We have certain claims against Greece, and we have in 
 vain endeavoured to obtain redress. There may be exaggera- 
 tion in the claims, but Russia herself has long ago admitted 
 their existence ; and as I think it was perfectly competent 
 to us to enforce them without, in the slightest degree, com- 
 promising the independence of Greece, so I consider we were 
 in no way called upon to announce our intentions to the 
 other two guaranteeing Powers ; nor do I think they were 
 called upon to interfere, nor entitled to resent what we did, 
 except as concerned the territorial question of the two 
 islands. They did so, however. Russia wrote an angry 
 note, and France volunteered her good offices ; but I am by 
 no means clear about the spirit and intentions with which 
 that offer was made. That there was a desire to put an end 
 to hostilities which would have produced disagreeable 
 feelings in France I have no doubt ; but as Lahitte, and the 
 Legitimist party of which he is the organ, must have felt 
 towards Palmerston in February much about what they do 
 now, and as the alliance of France with Russia was then 
 very close, and the desire to render it closer very great, I am 
 by no means sure that the main object of the mediation was 
 not to humiliate England. 
 
 The letter which follows is endorsed in Reeve's hand : 
 ' M. Guizot on the recall of Drouyn de Lhuys and English 
 foreign policy. I showed this to Lord Lansdowne and Lord 
 Aberdeen.' 
 
 VOL. I. Q
 
 226 QUIZOT OX PALMEKSTON 185O 
 
 Paris, May 24th. I do not know, my dear Sir, if the 
 President wants to dismiss General Lahitte. I do not think 
 he does ; but I know very well that he cannot. Thanks to- 
 the articles in the ' Globe,' to the attitude of your Embassy, 
 and to the tattle of your Foreign Office and its friends, and of 
 Lady Palmerston hei^elf as we hear by letters from. 
 London the affair is assuming great proportions here. 
 The dismissal of General Lahitte would cause a rupture 
 with the majority of the Assembly, the leaders and their 
 followers ; consequently the formation of a government of 
 Cavaignac, Lamoriciere, Lamartine, &c. &c., and therefore 
 the, more or less direct, triumph of the Montague. 
 General Changarnier would also break with him. The 
 President is not in a position to do, or support, such things. 
 It is always wrong nowadays to assert anyt&ng whatever^ 
 but I think I may venture to assert that there will be no- 
 drawing back here, and I say without hesitation that, if there 
 should be, the consequences would be so grave that eveni 
 your Foreign Office, which nothing embarrasses, would find 
 itself in a serious difficulty. 
 
 Personally, General Lahitte is quite determined to hold 
 his own. He thinks himself in the right,, and the only one 
 offended. He is a man of honour ; probably all, and 
 certainly his principal, colleagues would follow him. 
 
 As a political question, the public strongly upholds- 
 Lahitte ; and the unthinking populace gladly falls back on 
 its old prejudices and antipathies against England. There 
 is nothing so dangerous as to put the bad feelings of the 
 multitude in the right for a moment. Lord Palmerston is- 
 bringing upon you and us this evil, which is very great, and 
 might become immense. With us the foreign and the home 
 questions are closely bound up together. The electoral law 
 depends on the Greek business ; the situation is greatly 
 aggravated by it. 
 
 The reading of the despatches from M. Gros has carried 
 conviction to the minds of those who were farthest from any 
 ill will towards you, and most anxious to avoid coolness. It 
 is now confidently believed that Mr. Wyse, on the instruc- 
 tions of Lord Palmerston, seized on the first pretext for 
 brusquely and forcibly putting an end to an affair which.
 
 JET. 37 DEATH OF SIR ROBERT PEEL 227 
 
 Lord Palmerston had no wish to have ended by the interven- 
 tion of France. You may be quite sure that this is the 
 universal feeling. 
 
 If you in England do not put an end to this thoughtless 
 and obstinate presumption, England will come to be looked 
 upon as an utter stranger, suspected by and antipathetical 
 to the Continent. We shall suffer by it, and you will not 
 gain. 
 
 May 2Gth. I have nothing to add or change in what I 
 wrote to you the day before yesterday. Here they are very 
 determined to hold out, and they could not do otherwise. 
 
 Everything seems to show that the electoral law will 
 pass without amendment. I do not know what its value in 
 the way of elections will be two years hence, and I do not 
 much care. It has a real political importance now ; for on 
 one side it marks and consolidates the agreement of the 
 President with the majority, and on the other it places the 
 leaders of the majority in the front, and at the head of their 
 army. . . . 
 
 The political history of the season is summed up in the 
 Journal in the fewest possible words : 
 
 Lord Palmerston's proceedings against Greece in the 
 Pacifico affair caused much excitement in and out of the 
 Cabinet. I opposed them very strongly. They led eventually, 
 though not ostensibly, to his fall. A vote of censure was 
 carried in the Lords on June 17th by 37 majority. I stood 
 all night at the bar to hear the debate. In the subsequent 
 debate in the Commons, on June 28th, the Government had 
 46 majority. The following day, June 29th, Sir E. Peel fell 
 from his horse on Constitution Hill, and died four days 
 afterwards. 
 
 The Danish question assumed importance. I was 
 intimate with Reventlow, the Danish minister in London, 
 and stoutly defended the Danes. Cabinets were held to 
 consider whether we should oppose the German intervention. 
 Prince Albert took, of course, the German side. This led to 
 a total loss of my favour with him, and gradually abated my 
 intimacy with Bunsen. 
 
 Q 2
 
 o-_>8 THE GREEK DEBATE 
 
 From Lord Clarendon 
 
 V.-R. L., July 6th. I have for a long time past regretted 
 the apathy of Parliament with respect to foreign affairs, and 
 that our foreign policy, whether wise or rash, whether too 
 subservient or too vexatious for the interests of England, 
 should always be beyond the control of public opinion. The 
 difficulty of attracting attention to any foreign question, and 
 the ease with which all discussion upon such subjects was 
 evaded, seemed to me as injurious to the minister who 
 presided over the foreign department as they were discredit- 
 able to the country ; and I rejoice, therefore, that this bad 
 stimulus to the one and this stigma upon the other have 
 now been effectually removed. I am not disposed to quarrel 
 with the Lords for the result they arrived at ; ' but I 
 should have deplored a similar issue in the Commons, as I 
 think it would have been an unseemly triumph to foreign 
 governments, which would have rendered them arrogant 
 and exigeants towards us ; and certain principles would have 
 been laid down, or at least admitted, that must have hampered 
 the action of the British Government, and invited the 
 oppression of British subjects all over the world. I say 
 nothing of all the domestic evils that would have ensued 
 from a change of government, and an attempt to reverse 
 the internal policy of the last five years ; but the confusion 
 that must have been caused would have given unmixed 
 pleasure to our Continental allies, whose hatred of England 
 is of much older date than the Pahnerston regime. 
 
 It is not only the division, but the general result of the 
 debate, that will, I expect, produce important effects abroad ; 
 and our foreign friends should carefully reflect upon what 
 has occurred. They will learn that henceforward the acts 
 of the Foreign Minister of England are within the control 
 of Parliament, and that they can and will be discussed there, 
 not only with knowledge and extreme ability, but in a spirit 
 of severe and scrutinising criticism. This is a guarantee for 
 the future to the world. They will also learn that the House 
 of Lords does not constitute the legislature of England, and 
 that its decision is neither recognised by the country nor 
 1 In the Greek debate.
 
 Mi. 37 GUIZOT ON PEEL 229 
 
 Jainding on the Government until it is confirmed by the 
 House of Commons, whose decision, if adverse, will be con- 
 sidered as of greater weight both by the country and the 
 Government. 
 
 From M. Guizot 
 
 Val Richer, July $th. I can think of nothing but the 
 death of Sir Kobert Peel. The loss is very great, and is felt 
 in a becoming manner. The unanimous and respectful 
 sorrow of England is a fine spectacle. England is right. I 
 do not know if Sir Eobert Peel foresaw revolutions in the 
 distant future and took timely measures to prevent them, 
 but he was well fitted to do so. He loved order, peace, a 
 just and honourable policy, and enjoyed the confidence of 
 the liberal country. It may well be that you will feel the 
 want of him before long. I understand what you tell me of 
 the new situation of Lord Palmerston. He defended himself 
 well, and has been censured rather than attacked. His most 
 serious adversaries had no real wish to overthrow him, and 
 none of them understood what he was talking about so well 
 as he did. I think England is strong against the republican 
 spirit, and yet you should all be a little more careful. It is 
 dangerous to keep on the downward slope, without mis- 
 trusting it ; and Lord Palmerston is one of those who have 
 the twofold audacity to push forward upon it and to think 
 they will be able to stop when they choose. 
 
 I share in your country's regret. Sir Kobert was not a 
 personal friend of mine, like Lord Aberdeen, but for five 
 years we conducted in concord a policy which was really 
 friendly for our two countries. This is a strong bond. It is 
 a little thing to wish for peace : it needs much more than 
 that to maintain it. Sir Kobert took pleasure in the well- 
 being and prosperity of France, as I took and always shall 
 take pleasure in the well-being and prosperity of England. 
 There is a great difference between this friendly though 
 foreign equity, and the irritating and jealous though peace- 
 ful indifference of Lord Palmerston. 
 
 Val Richer, 22 juillet. . . . Je regrette bien de ne pas me 
 trouver a Paris quand vous y passerez. Si vous aviez, quand 
 vous reviendrez de Suisse, quarante-huit heures a me donner
 
 1>30 VISIT TO GENEVA 1860 
 
 au Val Richer, ce serait bien aimable et nous causerions la 
 bien a notre aise. 
 
 The Journal here has : 
 
 After the Greek fight, Fleming l made the peace between 
 the Palmerstons and me. I was introduced to Lady P. at 
 Lady Shelburne's concert on July 24th, and went to Lady 
 P.'s party on August 3rd for the first time. 
 
 August 14th. Went to Boulogne with my mother and 
 the Scudamores, when Scudamore fell off the pier and broke 
 both his legs. 2 The railway was only open to Tonnerre, 
 whence we posted to Geneva. 
 
 From M. Guizot 
 
 Trouville, 21 aoiit. J'ai bien regrette, mon cher 
 monsieur, que vous eussiez retarde votre passage par Paris. 
 J'y ai ete du 9 au 13, et je vous y attendais. II faut que 
 vous m'en dedommagiez, a votre retour, en venant me voir 
 au Val Richer. J'y retourne mardi prochain, 28, avec ma 
 fille ainee, pour n'en plus bouger jusqu'au mois de novembre. 
 La malle-poste vous mene de Paris a Lisieux en dix heures, 
 et de Lisieux au Val Richer il y a une heure, par un cabriolet 
 de place. Si vous m'avertissez du jour ou vous viendrez, je 
 vous ferai prendre par ma petite voiture. . . 
 
 Je n'ai point de nouvelles a ajouter a celles que vous 
 donnent les journaux. La France et ses Pretendants sont 
 en visite mutuelle. Je ne sais trop lesquels avancent leurs 
 affaires. En attendant, le pays se calme et travaille. Je 
 n'ai jamais vu tant de tranquillite presente avec si peu de 
 s^curite 1 future. Les hommes semblent avoir renonc6 a 
 toute ambition et perdu toute prevoyance. 
 
 Adieu, mon cher monsieur, et au re voir bient6t, j'espere. 
 Mes respects a madame votre mere, et Tout a vous, 
 
 GUIZOT. 
 
 1 A clerk and afterwards secretary to the Poor Law Board, well known in 
 London society as a diner-out and political gossip. He was especially favoured 
 by Lady Palmerston, who made use of him to advertise any matters which she 
 or her husband wished to have noised abroad. 
 
 1 This accident suggested the similar incident in Paul Ferroll, whose 
 author, Mrs. Archer Clive, was an intimate friend of the Scudamores.
 
 JET. 38 AND TO ITALY 231 
 
 Reeve, however, did not return in time to avail himself of 
 this invitation to Val Richer. The Journal continues : 
 
 Remained at Geneva till September 1st ; then to Turin, 
 Genoa, Leghorn, and Rome. Reached Rome on the 7th. 
 Saw the Pope on the 8th. Went the round of churches and 
 .galleries. 
 
 September 17th, To Frascati and Tusculum. Then to 
 Albano, and so on to Naples. Reached Naples on the 21st. 
 On the 22nd, sunset from Cape Misenum ; 24th, Pompeii 
 and to Sorrento ; 25th, Amalfi ; 26th, Salerno ; 27th, 
 Paestum ,and back to Naples ; by sea to Civita Vecchia, 
 Leghorn, and Genoa ; Philip Taylor there. At Turin, on 
 October 3rd, saw Count Balbo, author of the ' Speranze 
 d' Italia.' By Chambery and Lyons to Paris. 
 
 October 10th. Saw the great review at Satory, 14,000 
 .men, 48 squadrons of cavalry. Cries of ' Vive 1'Empereur ! ' 
 began to be heard. M. Guizot was in Paris. Got home oil 
 October 12th. 
 
 From M. Guizot 
 
 Paris, November Zbth. I wish I could send you clear 
 .and decisive news of France and Germany, but it is not 
 possible. I may be nearer the scene than you, but I see no 
 .better. I do not yet believe in a war between Prussia and 
 Austria ; still the question is no longer in the hands of the 
 Governments ; it has passed into those of the assemblies, 
 regiments, and streets. How deplorable is the state of those 
 countries where absolute power is dead and liberty still 
 unborn ! If war breaks out, we shall have a good deal 
 of trouble here. The ^lysee wants to be mixed up in it, 
 in hopes of territorial aggrandisement, out of which may 
 <jome the empire. The Assembly will have nothing to do 
 with it, and is preparing to paralyse the President. They 
 delay the report on the subsidies which he has asked 'for. 
 They propose to form a commission of all the diplomatic 
 big-wigs of the Assembly MM. Mole, Thiers, Broglie, 
 Montebello, &c. They know that these gentlemen are all 
 against any intervention in this war, and they count upon 
 the authority of their advice. On his side, if he cannot 
 intervene in the war, the President promises himself at least
 
 i>3i> THE SITUATION* IX FRANCE 1850-1 
 
 the formation of an army of observation, which will furnish 
 him with a decent pretext for ridding himself of the presence 
 of General Changarnier in Paris. And General Changarnier 
 gone, he would see his way to many other things, which 
 will probably never be done. Two things are certain : the 
 country would like war, but wants peace, the j&lysee would 
 like the empire, but will not risk the presidency. On both 
 sides prudence is stronger than desire. But once again in 
 Germany the decision escapes from the hands of the pru- 
 dent, and there is no knowing how far the madmen may go. 
 If the war is quickly ended by a decisive blow, the result 
 will be the absolute preponderance of one great power in 
 Germany which will be very displeasing to us, whichever 
 power it may be; but we will not go beyond displeasure. 
 If the war is prolonged, it will necessarily end by being 
 revolutionary and European, and we shall be dragged into 
 it. In any case, war is an act of folly, and we all France, 
 England, and Russia ought to do our very utmost to pre- 
 vent it. But the wisdom of the wise, in our days, does not 
 go far ; they are content with not being mad. 
 
 You want to know whether there was a conspiracy to 
 overthrow the President three weeks ago. I do not believe 
 it, and I am sure that none of those around me can say that 
 I ever said I did. I believe that this is what happened. 
 The President has a wish to be something different from 
 what he is. The Assembly fears that his wish may be too 
 strong. The permanent commission, charged to keep 
 watch on him in the absence of the Assembly, was afraid 
 of not watching closely enough, and that its precautions 
 might be taken too late. At the !&lysee, the Palais Bour- 
 bon, the !&tat-major, and the Prefecture of Police, they were 
 all spying on each other, and putting themselves upon their 
 guard, so as not to be taken unawares. The President did 
 not want to be kidnapped ;' General Changarnier did not 
 want to be deprived of his office ; M. Dupin did not want 
 
 1 Such a possibility was in the air. In the summer of 1851, wrote Odilon 
 Barrot, ' sur la demande que je lui ai carrement adressee s'il etait en mesure 
 d'arreter le President, le general Changarnier m'a repondu que quand je 
 lui en donnerais 1'ordre il le mettrait dans un panier a salade, et le conduirait 
 sans plus de ceremonie a Vincennes.' Mtmoires Posthunica d'Odilon Barrot, 
 iv. 61
 
 yEi. 38 GU1ZOT OX THE SITUATION 2,'JS 
 
 to be assassinated ; in presence of all these chances, 
 sensible people who want a different regime from that 
 which exists kept themselves ready to profit by whatever 
 might happen. Nothing could be less like a conspiracy 
 than the play of secret hopes and ambitions. We are 
 destined to live long in the midst of such a conspiracy as- 
 this. For the moment the President is the cock of the 
 walk. His message has succeeded very well. It is a 
 retreat ; but a very clever retreat, made in a triumphal 
 chariot. . . . 
 
 Endorsed This letter was greatly admired by Lord 
 Lansdowne and Lord Clarendon, to whom I sent it. 
 
 The Journal notes : 
 
 December 12t7i. Green's lecture at the Eoyal Academy ; 
 very striking. Radowitz came to England ; I met him at 
 Bunsen's. Caught cold and was laid up at the close of the 
 year. 
 
 1851. January 14/t. I went to Paris. Saw Faucher, 
 Guizot, Circourts, Duchesse de Luynes, Duchesse de Eauzan. 
 Heard debates in the National Assembly ; Berryer's great 
 speech on the 16th ; Cavaignac's speech, Thiers, and 
 Baroche. The Assembly was violently hostile to Louis 
 Napoleon, and the ministers were defeated. 
 
 17th. Dined with Drouyn de Lhuys ; evening at 
 Lamartine's and Flavigny's. Returned to London on the 
 21st. 
 
 24/j. Dined at Delane's, with Walter, Lowe, Roebuck, 
 and Byng. 
 
 From Lord Clarendon 
 
 Dublin Castle, January 26 th. I envy you your visit to 
 the headquarters of the Impracticables, and am much obliged 
 to you for your interesting account of it. There could be 
 nothing more like a Plaza de Toros than the Assembly last 
 week ; and the excitement both of the performers and 
 spectators must have been of the same kind as when the 
 corrida is known to be of the best bred, and therefore the 
 most reckless, bulls. Thiers ' has done it all,' and certainly 
 he served up an olla in which every condiment likely to
 
 .-234 CLARENDON ON THE SITUATION 1861 
 
 damage the Government found its place. There's no use 
 speculating upon French fears and hopes and whims, but I 
 should think he had overshot his mark this time, and that 
 the Assembly won't always tirer les marrons du feu for a 
 man who will accept no responsibility beyond rendering 
 .government impossible, and injuring the cause of order. I 
 remember the time when he was just as violent against 
 Louis Philippe as he is now against Louis Napoleon, and 
 his telling me one night at Lord Granville's that he had his 
 foot upon his Louis Philippe's neck, and there he would 
 keep it ; the very thought of which so excited him that he 
 began stamping and digging his heel into the ambassadorial 
 carpet as if it was the actual cervix of royalty, till I was 
 horrified that others should hear the treason I was listening 
 to. Yet he could do nothing, and I expect now that il se 
 brisera against the not undignified vis inertia of the Presi- 
 dent, backed by the country. 
 
 If he, Louis Napoleon, had not been dreaming of empire 
 and meditating coups d'etat, his position would have been 
 more nette ; but as he appears now to have abandoned these 
 notions and to wish only tp keep his present place as long 
 as possible, I think he will be looked upon as I'homme 
 indispensable, and his enemies as those of the public. I 
 hope it may be so, as the state of things most favourable to 
 peace and to friendly relations with England. But how 
 strangely the latent hatred and suspicion of us developes 
 itself upon every occasion, even among men who, one would 
 think, must know better. They seem, however, to have 
 learnt nothing better since the days of Mr. Pitt, when Vor 
 anglais was the only cause of their intestine commotions 
 And foreign disasters. The whole press of England bribed 
 by the Government to defend the President against the 
 Assembly, in return for an expected reduction of duty on 
 coals ! ! ! 
 
 On February 21st Lord John Kussell resigned somewhat 
 unexpectedly, owing it was announced in the ' Times ' of 
 the 22nd ' to the loss of Parliamentary confidence,' which 
 meant, ' to the Government majority having sunk to four- 
 teen on a hostile motion of Disraeli's.' The 22nd was a 
 Saturday, and it was thus not till the 24th that Eussell
 
 JET. ,38 GUJZOT ON THE SITUATION 235 
 
 made the announcement to the House, and then said that 
 Lord Stanley (shortly to become Lord Derby), who had been 
 sent for, was not prepared to form a ministry, and that he 
 had, therefore, been desired by the Queen to undertake the 
 task of reconstructing one. This, however, proved difficult. 
 For several days the crisis was acute ; and it was not till 
 March 3rd that it was announced that the former ministers 
 had resumed their places. 
 
 In France the state of things was bad, and was rapidly 
 getting worse. In view of the result, it is well to follow 
 carefully M. Guizot's resume of the situation : 
 
 Paris, March 24th. I have been long in answering you, 
 4 my dear Sir.' My only excuse is that it vexes me to speak 
 of what I see. I do not despair either of my time or of my 
 country. I do not believe France has gone mad for ever. 
 All nations, your own included, have passed through periods 
 of weakness. You yourselves are not in a very glorious 
 phase just now. But all my faith in the future cannot 
 console me for the present. I am sad ; and when I am sad 
 I am silent, even to my friends. 
 
 The public is sad also, though in the departments, as in 
 Paris, there has been much merriment and dancing during 
 the winter. Anxiety is coming back ; affairs advance but 
 slowly. The crisis of 1852 is still far off, but its approach is 
 felt. It will begin in May with the question of the revision 
 of the constitution. Then, perforce, the battle will break 
 out between the two parties which for the last year have 
 been struggling in silence the party of the impatients and 
 that of the prevoyants. The impatients wish to overthrow 
 the President at any price, at all risks ; before 1852 or in 
 1852 ; without knowing what will come after him, careless 
 of what may be the power to succeed him. Among the 
 impatients there are all kinds of people montagnards, 
 legitimists, some Orleanists all promising themselves vic- 
 tory after chaos. The montagnards form the largest portion 
 of the party. M. Thiers is at their head. He has a small, 
 a very small staff, with which he turns now to right, now to 
 left, alternately caressing M. de Saint-Priest and M. Charras, 
 seeking everywhere for forces to overthrow the President, in 
 the hopes that on the ruins of the President, of the Bight and 
 of the Left, he will be able to form a government of his
 
 i>30 GUIZOTS LETTER 1851 
 
 OW n monarchical regency or republican directory. I do 
 not quite know which ; he does not quite know himself ; 
 but a regency more probably than any other. 
 
 In the party of the prevoyants there are also all sorts 
 of elements ; no montagnards, but moderate republicans, 
 j/f/st ! en.s, Orleanists, and legitimists. These are not anxious to 
 overthrow the President ; they do not even wish him to fall in 
 1852, unless they are assured that he will be replaced by the 
 government they want. This is more especially the view of 
 the Orleanists and legitimists, partisans of fusion. The 
 filyseens would like the empire, but they no longer hope for 
 it, and would content themselves with a prolongation of 
 their power. The moderate republicans would like another 
 President and constitution, but they do not flatter them- 
 selves that they will get it, and would be resigned to a new 
 lease for Louis Napoleon, so long as they are not called 
 upon to sign it themselves, unconstitutionally. The pre- 
 voyants, as different and disunited in their aims as the 
 impatients, have not, like them, the factitious and momentary 
 union which results from the same passion for attack ; but 
 they rely on the very decided instinct of the country which 
 upholds the President, without enthusiasm, without con- 
 fidence, as the only means of preserving order, of escaping a 
 violent crisis, and after it chaos. 
 
 The President seeks the support of the prevoyants. He 
 feels himself, truly enough, weakened by the attacks made 
 upon him by the Assembly, though they have gained nothing 
 by them far from it ; still, they have beaten the Presi- 
 dent, and no one was ever the better for being beaten. The 
 President would like, with the help of the prevoyants, to 
 form a cabinet strong enough to enable him to turn the 
 crisis of 1852 against the impatients. In this the pre- 
 voyants are disposed to assist him ; they feel that they have 
 need of the President, as he has need of them. Meantime 
 the vital question is who will win in the next elections, 
 whether they take place soon, consequent on the revision 
 of the constitution, or not until 1852. It is also very clear 
 that if the prevoyants and the President do not act in unison r 
 the victory in the elections of the future Assembly will fall, 
 not to all the impatients promiscuously, but to the mon-
 
 All. 38 ON THE STATE OF FRANCE 237 
 
 tagnards in particular. The presentiment of this weighs 
 upon everyone, even now, and is the cause of all the attempts 
 made by the President and the prevoyants to reconstruct a 
 majority and a cabinet in concert. As yet their success has 
 been small. M. 0. Barrot is too weak ; M. Leon Faucher 
 is unbearable. The President wants two of his own men- 
 M. Fould and M. Baroche ; the party will only let him have 
 M. Fould, but offer him a second on condition that it is not 
 M. Baroche. There must be one or two legitimists in the 
 cabinet ; but which ? M. de Falloux is absent and ill ; M. 
 de Kerdnel is unknown. I bore even myself in telling you 
 all these miserable petty pretensions and narrow views. I 
 think that, ultimately, the privoyants and the President, 
 seeing the imminence of the danger, will unite and form a 
 cabinet. But will they do this in time ? will they form one 
 equal to its task ? I doubt it. My country is able to resist 
 and to survive the unknown trials which the future has in 
 store for her ; she is not able to prevent them. 
 
 I am curious to see the issue of the much less important 
 trial which your country is undergoing. I cannot feel 
 seriously anxious for you. I even persist in thinking that 
 the outcome of your present difficulties, and of your fit of 
 religious fanaticism and political impotence, will be to the 
 honour of England ; and that in the end religious equity 
 and political good sense will triumph. What will the 
 Peelites do when the present Cabinet falls ? Will they join 
 the Protectionists and form a stable government at once; or 
 will they join the Opposition and do so later on ? This 
 seems to me the whole question. Am I wrong ? It would 
 be very kind of you to keep me informed. I live both in 
 France and England. 
 
 Adieu, ' my dear Sir.' My respects to your mother. It 
 is a long time since I had news of Mrs. Austin ; I believe it 
 is my fault ; but I love her as much as if I wrote often. I 
 hope soon to get away from Paris. When not actively 
 employed, I must have quiet and freedom of thought, and 
 these I can only get at Val Richer. In a few days I will 
 send you a new volume of ' Etudes Biographiques ' on the 
 history of your revolution Holies, Ludlow, Fairfax, Mistress 
 Hutchinson, Lilburne, Burnet a series of portraits, a
 
 _",< ENGAGEMENT 
 
 Madame Tussaud's of the time, though I hope the figures, 
 will not look like wax. The work amuses me, and will, I 
 hope, amuse others also. Here it is of some use. Constant 
 repetition is the only way of making one's self understood. 
 
 The Journal notes : 
 
 April 5th. I had Count Reventlow, Marescalchi, 
 Marochetti, Strzelecki, Lord Wodehouse, Raikes Currie, H. 
 Merivale, and Mr. Richardson to dinner. 
 
 May 1st. The Great Exhibition opened. Lady Granville r 
 Lady Palmerston, and Lady Molesworth had numerous 
 parties. On the 16th Bulwer's play ' Not so Bad as we 
 Seem,' acted by Dickens and others at Devonshire House. 
 Munro lit up his pictures on the 22nd. 
 
 At a party at Lady Palmerston's met Countess Teba, 
 afterwards the Empress Eugenie ; Narvaes, too, was there. 
 He called on my mother next day. The Binets came to- 
 stay with me, May 31st. Took Binet to Ascot. 
 
 It was during this spring that, at one of Lady Moles- 
 worth's 'numerous parties,' Reeve met Miss Gollop, the 
 daughter of Mr. Gollop, of Strode Manor, in Dorset, where 
 the family had been settled since the time of Henry VII. 
 Reeve spoke to Lady Molesworth of the pleasure he found 
 in Miss Gollop's society, and Lady Molesworth gave him 
 opportunities of improving the acquaintance. The Exhibi- 
 tion gave him others, and, after a very brief courtship, he 
 proposed and was accepted. It appears in the Journal in 
 the fewest possible words : 
 
 June 9th. My engagement to Christine G. 
 
 June llth. Binets and Christine to Hampton Court. 
 
 The announcement of the engagement to his friends, 
 brought him the following, amongst other congratula- 
 tions : 
 
 From Lord Clarendon 
 
 V.-E. L., June 17th. The S.-W. gale, or some other 
 cause, made the packet three hours later than usual, so I 
 have little time ; but I won't let a post go without thanking 
 you for your communication, and congratulating you sin- 
 cerely on Lady C.'s part, as well as my own, upon an event
 
 JEr. 38-9 MARRIAGE 239- 
 
 so important to yourself, and therefore, believe me, very 
 interesting to us. We feel sure that you have reflected 
 maturely and chosen wisely for your own happiness and 
 that of your child ; and we look forward with pleasure to- 
 making the acquaintance of your lady. Pray tell her that 
 we must start at once on the footing of old friends. 
 
 From J/. Guizot 
 
 Paris, 2 juillet. C'est un rare privilege, mon cher 
 monsieur, que de retrouver le bonheur perdu. Dieu vous le- 
 garde ! Vous le meritez, car vous le sentez vivement. 
 Serez-vous bientot marie ? II n'est pas impossible que j'aille 
 passer quelques jours a Londres vers la fin d'aout. J'aurais. 
 un vrai plaisir a vous voir heureux, et a revoir reellement 
 Lucy Hutchinson. 1 Je la connais bien, et je 1'honore, et je 
 1'aime beaucoup dans Fhistoire. Je suis sur que vivante 
 elle me plaira bien davantage encore. Parlez-lui, je vous. 
 prie, un peu de moi d'avance, et assurez-moi de sa part 
 quelque bonte. . . . 
 
 The engagement was but little longer than the courtship. 
 Its conclusion is told in the Journal : 
 
 To Strode. Married at Netherbury Church on August 
 21st by E. J. Keeve and Mr. Pulteney. To Southampton 
 and then Sparrow's Herne, lent us by Hodgson, where we 
 stayed till September 5th, and then started by sea for Edin- 
 burgh. Thence to Glasgow, Loch Lomond, Dunoon, Oban, 
 Caledonian Canal, Drumnadrochit, and Novar. Left Novar 
 October 16th. 
 
 Back to town. Visit to Farnborough in November.. 
 Hunting ; Christine rode pony. 
 
 This was the first of the many visits which Mrs. Keeve 
 paid to Farnborough Hill, where Mr. Longman at that time 
 rented a place which he afterwards bought, and where he 
 built, on top of the hill, the house now the property of the 
 Empress Eugenie. He kept a small pack of harriers writes 
 Mrs. Keeve and ' we had many a pleasant run over heath 
 
 1 There is no known portrait of Lucy Hutchinson, but Guizot had just 
 published a character-sketch of her in his Etudes Biographiqucs sur la Rvo- 
 lution d'Amjleierre (8vo. 1851), p. 210, to which Keeve had evidently referred.
 
 1>10 THE COUP D'KTAT 1851 
 
 and fern, of a morning, before going up to town. For many 
 successive years we spent Christmas and Easter with the 
 Longmans, besides frequent visits at other times.' 
 
 From Lord Clarendon 
 
 V.-R. L. t November 22;id. I have had a long conversa- 
 tion with Count Nugent, who is an intelligent old gentle- 
 man. He certainly defends the Government he serves con 
 amore, and can find no speck in Austrian policy. He was 
 delighted that no respectable persons had figured in the 
 Kossuth ovations, and very grateful for the service which the 
 ' Times ' has rendered to the cause of order abroad and 
 common-sense at home. It must have been a difficult task 
 to stem the tide of ignorant enthusiasm ; but it was done 
 with consummate skill and tact, and the ' Times ' will be all 
 the more powerful for risking momentary unpopularity, and 
 showing that it knew what public opinion ought, and, in 
 fact, what it has turned out to be. ... 
 
 Lady C. desires to be kindly remembered to you. We 
 both look forward with pleasure to making Mrs. Reeve's 
 acquaintance. I wish I knew when we had a prospect of 
 doing so. My ambition is modest, for it consists in per- 
 manent promotion to the Grove ; but even that seems not 
 to be easy when once one has the misfortune to be in official 
 harness. 
 
 With December came the solution of the problem over 
 which Guizot had been pondering. The Journal tells that 
 
 Louis Napoleon's coup d'etat against the Assembly took 
 place on December 2nd, when most of my political friends 
 in France were arrested, and many of them banished. I 
 guessed while at Novar that the blow was coming when I 
 saw that Faucher left office, and hastened south accordingly. 
 At Carlisle I met Count Flahault on the platform, going 
 to Paris from Tullyallan. 1 Morny was his son. This con- 
 firmed my suspicions. 
 
 1 The sent of the Baroness Keith and Nairne (daughter of Admiral Viscount 
 Keith), whom Flahault married in 1817. She died in Paris, at the age of 
 eighty, in 1867 ; Flahault, at the age of eighty-five, in 1870. On the mother's 
 side Morny was half-brother of Louis Napoleon.
 
 ;l*r. 39 THE COUP D'ETAT 241 
 
 On the first news of the arrest of the deputies, Reeve 
 wrote to Lord Clarendon, giving ' all that was known of the 
 strange, eventful story at Paris,' the story, that is, of the 
 coup d'etat. It was necessarily imperfect ; for, though the 
 monster was born on December 2nd, its baptism (with blood) 
 was not till the 4th, the very day on which Clarendon 
 wrote his answer, in which he was able to say that, if the 
 coup d'etat was to be, he was ' glad that it came off quickly 
 and completely, and without occasion for red or white men 
 to support their respective politics in the streets.' His com- 
 ments were all on the understanding that the revolution had 
 been effected without bloodshed ; and he continued 
 
 December 4th. It is lucky that the ' Great Hungarian ' l 
 is now on the other side of the water, as he would otherwise 
 find his way into France and do some mischief. I wish he 
 was not coming back to us in February, but he will be no 
 longer a lion then. I should like to know the speculations 
 of les experts upon the consequences to ourselves of this 
 French melodrama. Will the sacred flame of liberty burn 
 brighter for it, and excite John Bull to demand a large 
 measure of reform ? or will it inspire a wholesome fear of 
 organic changes, and a desire to leave well alone as far as is 
 consistent with keeping the promise held out of some 
 reform? The more plebs can be encouraged to take the 
 latter view, the better, I think. 
 
 On the 10th, however, he wrote again with fuller know- 
 ledge of what had taken place : 
 
 December Wth. It is rather a humiliating confession, 
 but the fact is I have not yet been able to make up my mind 
 as to what I should think, or rather wish, respecting the 
 French events. As to the methods by which L. N. has esta- 
 blished himself, there can be no difference of opinion ; but 
 I am not so clear that a coup d'etat quelconque had not 
 almost become necessary, as the only way out of the dead- 
 lock to which things had been brought by the misconduct 
 of the Assembly and the selfish, reckless intrigues of parties. 
 For some time past it has been evident that a legal and con- 
 stitutional solution of difficulties was impossible; that the 
 Gordian knot would have to be cut, and that violence of some 
 
 1 Sc. Kossuth* 
 
 VOL. I. B
 
 242 THE COUP D'ETAT 1651 
 
 kind would be resorted to by one or other of the contending 
 parties ; and it seems best therefore that the attempt should 
 be made by the one in which there was the greatest con- 
 centration of force, in order that the contest should be as 
 short as possible ; and with that end, it is impossible not to 
 rejoice that the arrangements were complete and every pre- 
 caution taken ; for even in the presence of 100,000 soldiers, 
 unembarrassed by the National Guards, and without the 
 faubourgs and the working classes taking an active part, 
 the disposition to resist was very great very natural too, of 
 course ; and partial success must have entailed even more 
 serious consequences both in Paris and the departments than 
 those which are now to be lamented. Some deputies have 
 been horribly maltreated (though Changarnier, Cavaignac, 
 and Thiers were all ready for their own coup d'etat and for 
 locking up L. N. if they could), and many innocent persons 
 have been massacred ; but I doubt if, beyond a narrow 
 circle, that will excite much horror or produce a lasting bad 
 impression. . . . 
 
 I entirely agree with you as to the possible results of the 
 army becoming bored with the role of gendarmes and 
 wanting some foreign pastime ; in which case our Conti- 
 nental friends would assuredly like to divert attack from 
 themselves by directing it towards us. Against such a 
 calamity it is almost impossible to provide ; but if my advice 
 be of any avail, no practicable precaution will be neglected. 
 It would never do for the ' Times ' to sound any alarm ; for 
 the French would then think we were afraid. 
 
 V.-E. L., December 17th. I have not differed with you 
 in your estimate of the President's acts ; but his coup d'etat 
 once made, I wished him success, simply because failure 
 would have brought with it horrors of a worse kind. I 
 thought also that we should not measure his acts by an 
 English standard, or ask ourselves how we should have liked 
 to see our Parliament shut up, the press abolished, and 
 everybody imprisoned at pleasure ; for we must remember 
 that the French are more or less accustomed to such pro- 
 ceedings, and that L. N. put an end to a system that 
 everybody knew was a fraud, and could not last. . . . 
 
 I thought therefore that the press (and when I say press
 
 JEr. 39 THE COUP D'ETAT 243 
 
 I mean the ' Times,' for nothing else signifies abroad) went 
 too far in denouncing that which would soon be popular in 
 France. ... I thought also that we ought not uselessly 
 to irritate L. N., or give him the pretext that his uncle 
 always seized upon for hostility that public opinion in 
 England was insulting to him and injurious to the cause 
 of order in France. . . . 
 
 It was for the French people to decide what they would 
 endure or reject ; and as the working classes took no part, 
 the National Guard was delighted not to be called on to do 
 so. The upper classes were passive, and the popular leaders 
 in prison ; the issue after the first eight and forty hours was 
 not doubtful in Paris, while in the departments it was clear 
 that the generals and prefets either thought the movement 
 would succeed, or that opinion was in its favour. . . . 
 Remember, too, that things had come to a deadlock, and 
 that a coup d'etat or de main by somebody was almost inevit- 
 able. Remember that some time before December 2nd 
 Guizot prophesied what must happen, and conjured his 
 friends and the Assembly to take warning and not lead the 
 way to a dictature ; so that it can hardly be said to have 
 taken us by surprise. 
 
 I shall be very curious to hear more about the spirit of 
 the French army. Much will depend on that, both as regards 
 Louis Napoleon and ourselves ; but I expect that he will keep 
 all his military apparatus in good humour and readiness. 
 
 Both in England and in France the excitement was 
 intense. Except amongst his immediate followers, few could 
 be found to approve of the action of Louis Napoleon ; but 
 the general belief in France was that his unscrupulous con- 
 duct had saved the country from something much worse. 
 'L'Anarchie,' said the Due de Broglie, ' est accouchee de 
 la Dictature. La mere et 1'enfant se portent bien ; ' but 
 Madame de Lieven, with a neatness peculiarly her own, de- 
 scribed the new constitution as ' d'une habilite extreme. II 
 se resume ainsi : Je prend tout, je garde tout, vous aurez le 
 reste. Voila la constitution.' In England, on the other 
 hand, where the fear of anarchy and the Terror had not been 
 felt, the crime appeared in its naked enormity, and toleration 
 of it, and still more approval, was looked on as an outrage 
 of decency. 
 
 K 2
 
 JU DISMISSAL OF PALMERSTOX 1851 
 
 For more than two yc&rs the relations between Lord 
 Palmerston and his colleagues in the Government had been 
 excessively strained, and latterly almost to breaking point. 
 The Foreign Secretary's conduct of the Greek negotiations- 
 had deeply offended the Court, and had drawn from the Queen 
 the celebrated memorandum of August 12th, 1850, to the 
 effect that, in any given case, a distinct statement of what it 
 was intended to do should be put before her, and that after 
 she had approved of any measure, no alteration should be 
 made in it. He had again run counter to the views of the 
 Queen and Prince Albert, as well as of the members of the 
 Cabinet, by receiving a deputation which attended to con- 
 gratulate him on the liberation of Kossuth, and to refer,, 
 incidentally, to the Emperors of Kussia and Austria as- 
 despots, tyrants, and odious assassins. For such an outrage 
 on the feelings of the Queen, the Ministry, and the friendly 
 potentates, Palmerston would very certainly have been dis- 
 missed from office, had not Lord John Russell realised that 
 the cause which he was championing was the one supported 
 by a vast preponderance of public opinion, and that to take 
 action on these grounds would imperil the existence of 
 the Ministry, and excite a strong feeling against what was- 
 supposed to be the German influence at the Court. 
 
 Under the soothing influence of time and of Sir Theodore 
 Martin's very able Biography, the memory of Prince Albert 
 now lives only as that of the trusted and generous adviser of 
 the Queen ; a view which is not exactly that held fifty years 
 ago by the general public and the man in the street. 1 The 
 humanitarian sentiment which was roused by the story of 
 Hungary's wrongs was none the less popular because it con- 
 veyed a fancied snub to German sympathies. No such feeling 
 complicated our relations with France ; and when, after the 
 coup d'ttat, Palmerston who, as Foreign Secretary, wrote 
 officially to the Marquis of Normanby, the English ambassa- 
 dor in Paris, ' to do nothing that could wear the appearance of 
 interference in the internal affairs of France ' was convicted 
 of personally expressing to Count Walewski, the French 
 ambassador in London, ' a strong opinion on the necessity 
 and advantage for France of the bold and decisive step taken 
 by the President,' the cup of his iniquities was held to be 
 full and running over, and he was promptly dismissed, 
 December 22nd. 2 
 
 1 Cf. Memoirs of Baron Stockmar (English edition), ii. 4W ; and Grcvillffi 
 Memoirs, III. i. 126-130. 
 
 - Grevillc Memoirs, II. iii. 42G-7 and 446.
 
 -ET. 39 GUIZOT ON THE STATE OF FRANCE 24-> 
 
 From M. Guizot 
 
 Paris, December 25th. Your few lines were very wel- 
 come, my dear Sir ; they brought to Paris the first news 
 of the London coup d'etat. 1 If I am rightly informed, 
 neither Lord Normanby nor the President was aware of it 
 when your letter arrived. It is excellent. You have less 
 reason to fear isolation than any nation in Europe ; but it is 
 not good even for you ; you were falling into it, but this has 
 saved you. If I found any pleasure in revenge, I should be 
 fully satisfied. Where is the republic? Where is M. 
 Thiers? Where is Lord Palmerston? But the downfall 
 of my personal adversaries is nothing to me compared to the 
 downfall of my unhappy country. This is the cause of my 
 not having written to you for so long. I cannot bear to 
 speak of her wounds. If I followed my inclination, I would 
 shut myself up at Val Richer and see and hear nothing ; 
 but I stay on here, a sad spectator of this wretched spec- 
 tacle. Public feeling is much divided. The great bulk of 
 the people, those to whom their private interest is the sole 
 consideration, are satisfied. The expectation of the crisis of 
 1852 weighed upon these interests like a nightmare. The 
 President has delivered them from it ; he is fighting against 
 socialism and demagogism. By his triumph, manufacturers, 
 merchants, honest artisans and peasants may look for 
 some security in their work and business for some 
 time to come. They ask nothing more of him. Among the 
 higher classes, interested in politics legitimists, Orleanists, 
 or republicans there is great irritation. They have lost their 
 share, and all near chances, of power ; they have seen all 
 rights brutally violated, the most honourable men treated like 
 malefactors. They feel oppressed and injured. 
 
 This is the President's honeymoon. By means of the 
 soldiers he has succeeded against the Assembly, and in the 
 streets ; by means of the peasants he has won the elections. 
 But now his difficulties will begin. He must govern ; and he 
 cannot govern with soldiers and peasants ; he will need the 
 support of the higher classes, and that he will not have 
 
 1 Lord Palmerston's dismissal. It has already been seen that M. Guizot 
 did not love Palmerston. It was a way foreign statesmen had.
 
 ^46 Gl'IZOT OX LOUIS NAPOLEON 1851-2 
 
 except iu an incomplete and uncertain fashion. They will 
 not oppose him at present in spite of their irritation ; for 
 they are afraid of socialism and the Jacquerie. But this fear 
 will die out, and then remembrance of the affronts they have 
 received, regret for lost liberty, ill-will, disdain, party spirit, 
 and all that makes the higher classes ungovernable and 
 dangerous, will return. For a time, longer or shorter, they 
 will bear with the government of Louis Napoleon ; I doubt 
 if they will ever uphold it. 
 
 The President's ideas on political economy and finance- 
 are very false, almost socialistic. He would do away with 
 almost all the indirect taxes, and lay nearly the whole burden 
 of taxation on landed and moveable property and on the rich. 
 It is mainly by such a step that he hopes to achieve popu- 
 larity ; and though his councillors oppose it and will continue 
 to oppose it, he will some day succeed in crushing their 
 opposition, and will cause in the finances of France such 
 confusion as would compromise and shake the most firmly 
 estabh'shed governments. 
 
 Many people think that his foreign policy will be war- 
 like. I doubt it ; for some time at least. He is an indolent,, 
 pleasure-loving man ; he will not make war himself ; and 
 neither the country nor even the army wishes for it. Nowa- 
 days, every war must become revolutionary, and he is out of 
 favour with the makers of revolutions. But as the difficulty 
 of his situation in the country increases, it is very possible 
 that, with his visionary and imaginative turn of mind, he 
 may dream of and seek territorial aggrandisement in order 
 to recover his popularity. Perhaps even now he dreams 
 that, thanks to his anti-demagogic and military policy, he 
 may gain sufficient favour with the great Continental Powers- 
 to induce them to lend themselves to the necessities of his- 
 situation. An expedition to Switzerland next summer, to- 
 drive out the refugees, is already talked of, and later on the 
 occupation of Savoy, if the Austrians enter Piedmont to put 
 an end to the refugees of Lombardy and the constitutional 
 Piedmontese. This is where the revolution of February will 
 probably lead the Italian liberals. 
 
 Amid these doubtful chances of the European future, it 
 is an enormous advantage that the revolutionists of all
 
 vEi. 39 THE FALL OF PALMERSTON 247 
 
 countries have no longer a patron in England. It would 
 be very kind of you to let me know how and why he fell. I 
 should like to understand the play of which you only tell me 
 the denouement. 
 
 What is the ' Morning Chronicle ' thinking of to say that 
 the fusionists, especially M. Guizot and his friends, are giving 
 their full support to the Elysee ? We are exactly what we 
 were, conservatives and monarchists ; and are absolutely 
 independent of all existing parties, either of the Govern- 
 ment or the Opposition. I hold to my past ; I await the 
 future ; and I am not hostile, but entirely apart from the 
 present. 
 
 Adieu, my dear Sir. It pleases me to think that I am 
 writing to a happy man. I hope I shall some day have the 
 honour of being presented to Mrs. Reeve. Those around me 
 are well, and I have good news of my eldest daughter, who 
 is spending the winter in Eome. Eemember me to your 
 mother and believe me, tout a vous, 
 
 GUIZOT. 
 
 On Palmerston's dismissal, the post of foreign secretary 
 was offered to Clarendon, who refused it, and thus com- 
 mented on the position : 
 
 V.-R. L., January %nd. Eviction from office must have 
 been a rude shock to Palmerston, and if the ' Morning Post ' 
 is any index to his feelings, he seems to resent it bitterly 
 and to meditate an onslaught on Lord John, quite as much 
 as a defence of himself. In the meanwhile, every variety 
 of lie will be circulated to the prejudice of Lord John for a 
 month ; but we have often seen how a debate will dispel the 
 mist in which men's minds get enveloped just before the 
 meeting of Parliament, and I hope this may occur in the 
 present case. . . Abroad the Government will gain by his 
 loss, but at home I expect they will feel it, for Palmerston 
 is deservedly liked ; his good-nature, courtesy, and hospitality 
 made him many friends, and he was able to turn away the 
 wrath of opponents as no other member of the Government 
 can do. How Lord John is to go on without more strength, 
 or where that strength is to come from, are problems that I 
 don't pretend to solve.
 
 248 FALL OF THE MINISTRY 18->.' 
 
 Eventually the vacancy was accepted by Lord Granville, 
 but the loss and the enmity of Palmerston were fatal to the 
 administration. Parliament was opened on February 3rd. 
 On the 16th Bussell brought in a Militia Bill, to which 
 Palmerston moved an amendment and carried it, against the 
 Government, by a majority of nine. On the 28rd Russell 
 formally resigned, and was succeeded by Lord Derby, in 
 whose ministry Palmerston had, of course, no place.
 
 L>49 
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 THE SECOND EMPIRE 
 
 THE agitation Reeve wrote in his Journal produced by 
 the coup d'etat and Palmerston's fall was great. I wrote 
 with great vehemence against Louis Napoleon and published 
 Tocqueville's narrative in the ' Times.' 
 
 These vehement articles gave rise to the following corre- 
 spondence, especially interesting as showing Reeve's views 
 of journalistic responsibility at a time which he very well 
 knew to be critical. The opening was given by a letter from 
 Reeve on his news from France : 
 
 To Lord Granville 
 
 Chester Square, Saturday, January 17th. 
 
 DEAR LORD GRANVILLE, I receive from M. de Circourt 
 a- few more particulars of interest. There is certainly a 
 strong conflict between the more violent and the more 
 moderate advisers of the President. Persigny heads the 
 former, Morny the latter. In Paris they believe that the 
 post of foreign minister is reserved for Persigny, not for 
 M. de Flahault. Even St.-Arnaud refuses to assent to the 
 decree for sequestrating the Orleans property ; yet I am 
 assured this measure has been resolved upon, and the decree 
 is only suspended. Persigny is supposed to be the most 
 influential adviser, and his schemes for remodelling Europe 
 are of the wildest character. L. N. has got some high- 
 sounding names for his senate, but they are very empty 
 persons. The Due de Luynes refused, and is now threatened 
 with having his house the old and magnificent Hotel de 
 Luynes pulled down to make a useless street. The elections 
 are not expected before April, and in the meantime this
 
 250 RESPONSIBILITY OF THE PRESS 
 
 regime is to continue. I will not detain you longer. I go 
 out of town on Monday, but shall be back the latter part of 
 next week. 
 
 Believe me, most faithfully yours, 
 
 H. KEEVE. 
 
 My impression is that we shall see Morny and Rouher 
 retire from the Government. 
 
 From Lord Grdnville ! 
 
 London, January 17th. 
 
 MY DEAR BEEVE, A thousand thanks. I am inclined 
 to believe that you are right in supposing that one mind has 
 been made up to confiscate the Orleans property. It is im- 
 possible, even with the assistance of Talleyrand's epigram- 
 matic saying as to faults and crimes, sufficiently to describe 
 such an act of folly and wickedness. 
 
 I hear that Louis Napoleon is irritated and annoyed 
 beyond measure by the language of the ' Times.' However 
 deserved such castigation may be, it will be a serious respon- 
 sibility to goad him on to acts of violence which may be 
 seriously inconvenient to us. Ever yours, G. 
 
 To Lord GranviUe 
 
 16 Chester Square, January 18th. 
 
 DEAR LORD GRANVILLE, Many thanks for your kind 
 note, which I have shown to Delane. Allow me to say a 
 few words in reply. I should agree with you in deprecating 
 the censure of the ' Times ' on the French Government if I 
 thought that it had been incited by any foolish desire to goad 
 on Louis Napoleon to acts of violence, or that it had been 
 carried beyond the bounds of a just commentary on the 
 events of the day. But with the exception of two or three 
 . letters of which I disapprove, I am not aware that such is 
 the case. M. de Flahault called on me, to remonstrate on 
 those letters, but he said not a word on the tone of the 
 principal articles in the paper, and even admitted that less 
 could hardly be said by Englishmen on such a subject. 
 
 1 At this time Foreign Secretary.
 
 /Ex. 39 JOURNALISTIC RESPONSIBILITY 23U 
 
 The responsibility of journalists is in proportion to the- 
 liberty they enjoy. No moral obligation can be graver.. 
 But their duties are not the same, I think, as those of 
 statesmen. To find out the true state of facts, to report 
 them with fidelity, to apply to them strict and fixed 
 principles of justice, humanity, and law, to inform, as far as- 
 possible, the very conscience of nations and to call down the 
 judgement of the world on what is false, or base, or tyrannical, 
 appear to me to be the first duties of those who write. Those 
 upon whom the greater part of political action devolves are 
 necessarily governed by other rules. 
 
 In this particular case, I further see advantage from, 
 the course of a fair and independent judgement on these- 
 affairs. It will not perhaps be forgotten by France, when 
 her press recovers its voice, and her real leaders their power, 
 that the public opinion of England protested with indigna- 
 tion against the violence done to her neighbour ; and as I 
 believe this eclipse of liberty in France to be ephemeral as it 
 is violent, it would be a permanent source of resentment 
 abroad if this country had not expressed what every free- 
 people must feel on such an occasion. 
 
 Nor is it in my opinion useless or unnecessary to keep 
 alive in England a strong feeling on this subject. This 
 nation is a good deal enervated by a long peace, by easy 
 habits of intercourse, by peace societies and false economy. 
 To surmount the dangerous consequences of such a state, 
 the Government will require the support of public opinion, 
 and that can only be obtained by convincing our countrymen 
 of the truth that we have now a dangerous and faithless 
 neighbour. Happen what may, there is nothing so im- 
 portant as to sustain a tone of moral independence and a 
 clear judgement among the people of England, who will 
 grudge no sacrifices if they are convinced that the principles- 
 they cherish are even indirectly threatened from abroad. 
 
 I will only add that after the election of December 20th,. 
 there was, I believe, no disposition in the ' Times ' to revert 
 to the iniquities of the coup d'etat. But fresh events are 
 daily occurring. The expulsion of M. de Bemusat and hi& 
 friends, this absurd constitution, and the threatened decree 
 on the Orleans property, which last has not been publicly
 
 262 GRANVILLE AND DELANE OX 1862 
 
 alluded to, show what we have to expect. These and any 
 other incidents for evil or for good must needs excite the 
 criticism of public opinion in this country as they arise. 
 The irritation of Louis Napoleon is merely the vulgar dis- 
 appointment of a tyrannical power, which finds that, strained 
 as all its forces may be, there is still an appeal, beyond its 
 reach, to that which anticipates the judgement of posterity. 
 I beg your pardon for this long epistle, and I will con- 
 clude in assuring you that, as far as my limited influence 
 extends, there shall be no wanton provocation. 
 
 Believe me, most faithfully yours, 
 
 H. KEEVE. 
 
 Lord Gi'tinville to Mr. Delane 
 
 January 18th. I send you a very good letter of Reeve's 
 and my reply. Pray direct the letter to him in the country. 
 
 From Lord Granville 
 
 January 19th. I will, as Lord Overstone in examining 
 a witness, suppose a case. I am the servant of an old 
 bachelor. My master likes to have everything well conducted 
 about his own house and those of his neighbours, but he 
 abhors expense, or any disturbance of his ease and comfort. 
 He desires me to take charge of his house, which, like other 
 houses in our square, is surrounded by inflammable materials. 
 A strong energetic schoolboy vain, irritable, without 
 principle, and latterly much spoilt walks about the square, 
 with a lighted candle which has been given to him by those 
 in authority over him, and which I have no right and am not 
 strong enough to take away from him, until after he has made 
 a bad use of it. A fellow-servant of mine, very influential 
 with my master and the household, in mild and dignified 
 language, in every word of which I agree, explains every 
 morning to the schoolboy that he is an unmitigated little 
 scamp, who deserves to be well whipt. I, who have no right 
 to quarrel with my fellow-servant for holding language which 
 I know to be true, and which may moreover have, as he says, a 
 salutary effect on the teaboys ' of our own and our neighbours' 
 establishments, cannot help fearing that the schoolboy in 
 
 1 A bit of family slang. A ' teaboy ' meant a ' steward's-room boy.'
 
 /Ex. 39 JOURNALISTIC RESPONSIBILITY 2o3 
 
 his anger may set fire to some of my neighbours' houses, and 
 that I shall have, to the infinite annoyance of my master, to 
 put it out. 
 
 Your letter is able and unanswerable. I have no doubt 
 that what the ' Times ' says is right, and that it is justified 
 in saying it ; but I cannot help rejoicing that you will do 
 what you can to soften the tone of it. 
 
 From Mr. Delane 
 
 Monday [January 19/i]. You did not tell me of the 
 correspondence enclosed, but I like your letter so much that 
 I am glad it was sent without any consultation with me. 
 Our earl's reply is not very felicitous. It comes to no more 
 than this : that his duty is not identical with ours. He has 
 no necessary concern in the French people and its institu- 
 tions, except as they directly affect England. If the old 
 Keign of Terror were revived, and five hundred heads a day 
 falling in the Place de la Concorde, it would be no business 
 of his so long as the heads were those of Frenchmen ; 
 though he would then scarcely affect to blame us for express- 
 ing the indignation of all humanity. Except that our feelings 
 are not shocked by the actual effusion of blood, the deporta- 
 tion to Cayenne is as cruel a measure as the decrees of the 
 Kevolutionary Tribunal, and we are as much bound, in the 
 cause of justice and humanity, to exclaim against it. But 
 though this is our business, and our duty too, he is under 
 no such obligation ; whatever he may feel as a private 
 person, he, in his dealings with the French Government, is 
 as much bound to suppress as we are to publish our opinions. 
 We may have the same object in view, but our means are 
 necessarily different my own estimate of them being that 
 ours are the most efficient. 
 
 However, we can neither change our respective courses. 
 He need not substitute leading articles for civil despatches, 
 nor can we bore and perplex our readers with materials for a 
 blue book. So let us each keep our own line. 
 
 After all, what Keeve said, what the ' Times ' said, was 
 very much what everybody who knew anything of the cir- 
 cumstances was saying in public or in private. In France, 
 as was natural, feeling ran very high ; and intelligent men,
 
 564 GUIZOT ON LOUIS NAPOLEON 1852 
 
 who were free to have an opinion, condemned the action. of 
 the Prince President still more bitterly than in England. 
 Even Guizot, who endeavoured to take a view of the situa- 
 tion becoming an historian and a philosopher, wrote as 
 follows : 
 
 Paris, 20 Janvier. Votre lettre du 24, que j'ai repue 
 hier, me desole. J'ai pour votre tante une vraie et profonde 
 amiti6. Elle serait ma soaur que je ne I'aimerais pas d'avan- 
 tage. Vos dernieres lignes me rassurent un peu. Dans ces 
 maladies la, c'est quelque chose qu'un commencement de 
 mieux, et Madame Austin a beaucoup de force et de vitalite 
 naturelle. 1 J'espere que vous aurez eu la bonte de m'ecrire 
 deux lignes tous les jours. Malheureusement rien n'arrive de 
 Londres aujourd'hui. J'attendrai bien impatiemment tous 
 Jes matins. Ne m'oubliez pas un seul matin, je vous prie, 
 tant qu'il y aura le moindre danger. 
 
 The public illness here has got much worse. The conse- 
 quences of the President's personal character and political 
 situation are developing rapidly. In himself he is a small 
 ohaos : imperialist and revolutionist, absolutist and socialist, 
 with aristocratic tastes and democratic ideas, with a reverence 
 for tradition and a passion for enterprise, the desire of order 
 and a contempt for equity, in action most rash, yet cold, 
 taciturn, and obstinate. Until now these inconsistent traits 
 have been bridled by the obstacles which he met with, and 
 the struggles he had to maintain with rival powers. But 
 now there are no more obstacles, no more rivals ; he stands 
 alone, absolutely alone, absolutely master. In outward 
 Appearance he is the same as before cold, silent, quiet, and 
 gentle ; but inwardly he is intoxicated by his triumph, the 
 7,500,000 votes that elected him, and the 400,000 bayonets 
 which surround him. He considers these unanswerable as 
 arguments, irresistible as force ; he is thus led to believe that 
 he may and can do what he pleases, and plunges headlong 
 into the frenzies and fancies of absolute power, with the 
 pride of an old despot and the blind confidence of a young 
 mystic. 
 
 1 Mrs. Austin, who, in 1850, had translated Guizot's Discours sur Vhistoire 
 de la Revolution d? Angleterre under the title of On the Causes of tlte Success of 
 the English Revolution, recovered from this illness, and lived for fifteen years 
 longer. She died in 1867.
 
 ^Ex. 39 AND THE STATE OF FRANCE 255 
 
 And all around him tends to force on the rapid develope- 
 ment of his character. He is still a favourite of the masses 
 who raised him to power. For the present they are satisfied 
 as to their civil interests, which are all they care about ; the 
 factories are at work, the price of wheat and agricultural 
 produce is rising ; order reigns everywhere ; in every locality, 
 great or small, the Democrats and Socialists have been 
 defeated; the spectre of anarchy, relentless, inevitable, no 
 longer exists. In most of the departments, town or country, 
 the people that is, the honest and industrious part of them 
 are content, and, in a few weeks, will probably elect for the 
 legislative body the men pointed out by the President's 
 agents. 
 
 Among the better classes, on the other hand, old or new, 
 noble or bourgeoises, there is much and increasing discontent. 
 In the bottom of their hearts they regret the free institutions 
 and the importance and amusement they drew from them, 
 more than they say, or than is generally supposed. Having 
 once tasted liberty, it is easier to traduce it than to do with- 
 out it. They may speak evil of the parliamentary system, 
 but they bear despotic and arbitrarj^ power very impatiently ; 
 they spy out its faults, and denounce them bitterly ; they 
 foretell and await the consequences of them. The lists of 
 exiles and the decrees of confiscation have excited a lively 
 indignation. ^Resignations of office and refusals to accept it 
 are multiplying. The honest and industrious among the 
 working classes are just as much for the President as the 
 more distinguished, honourable and estimable men among the 
 upper classes are every day more and more opposed to him. 
 This want of agreement may last for a long time. Amongst 
 us, at present, there is an immense distance, almost an 
 abyss, between the classes accustomed to take an interest in 
 public affairs and the rural or urban masses, who know 
 nothing about them but what they are taught by their 
 instincts, good or bad. Ideas and impressions scarcely ever 
 pass from one of these worlds to the other. They live side 
 by side without knowing each other, almost without com- 
 munication. Thanks to universal suffrage and the tendencies 
 of the Government itself, political power is now wholly in the 
 hands of the masses ; and the upper classes, who alone take
 
 2o6 GUIZOT ON THE SITUATION 1852 
 
 an interest in politics, and are accustomed to the discussion 
 of public affairs, are almost powerless. But this is an ab- 
 normal state of things, which cannot possibly last, and when 
 it comes to an end, when the upper classes resume their 
 proper place and their natural influence in the affairs of the 
 country, the President will find it hard to bear the weight of 
 their discontent. 
 
 When he sees that day approaching, it is very possible 
 that he will seek some great adventure abroad to escape the 
 difficulty of his position at home ; and that war may be the 
 last resource of his worn-out power, just as, fifty years ago, 
 his uncle used it as a means of expelling revolution from 
 France. I do not at all believe that he will enter this 
 perilous path soon, and of his own free will ; but it is com- 
 monly said that the unknown men who surround him are 
 urging him to it, wishing, at any cost, to gain a little glory 
 abroad in order to strengthen the absolute power at home. 
 It would be rash to say, at present, that France will not let 
 them go to any length, but I do not think that her lassitude 
 or blindness will be so great as to let her plunge into such 
 danger. 
 
 To Lord Granville 
 
 C. 0., January 28th. I hear an interesting account of 
 the Due de Bordeaux's instructions to his friends. He orders 
 them to abstain from all connexion with the Government 
 and to refuse all salaried places, but to take whatever they 
 can get by election, and to hold their commissions in the 
 army and navy. Louis Napoleon told M. d'Audiffret that he 
 had no intention of touching the property of the elder branch. 
 As for the Comte de Chambord, he said, we fight avec des 
 armes courtoises. However, he had given old Pasquier ' a 
 similar assurance that the Orleans property would not be 
 taken, a few days before the decrees came out, which gave 
 the Orleanists a false security. Pasquier also remonstrated 
 against the oath of allegiance ; but L. N. said he could not 
 do less in that way than his predecessors, if his reign was to 
 
 1 President of the Upper Chamber and Chancellor during the reign of Louis 
 Philippe. He retired from public life at the revolution of 1848, and died aged 
 4 ,5 in 1862. The Due d'Audiffret-Pasquier was his grand-nephew.
 
 yEr. 39 CLARENDON ON THE SITUATION 257 
 
 be thought serious. The refusals to serve on the senate 
 were infinite. 
 
 From Lord Clarendon 
 
 Dublin Castle, February 1st. A casual despotism founded 
 on a popular delusion is the most accurate description that 
 can be given of the present state of things in France ; and, 
 though I agree with you that such power can take no 
 permanent root, yet I fear it may last long enough to do 
 irreparable mischief. . . . The attitude of society may be 
 dignified now, but I expect there will soon be deserters 
 enough to save Louis Napoleon from isolation ; and the 
 taste for grouping round the man who strikes and pays will 
 increase. . . . 
 
 I have no doubt the ' Times ' has had good and sufficient 
 reasons for the course taken with respect to him, but I own 
 that to me they are not apparent. To denounce in the 
 strongest terms such acts as Louis Napoleon committed, at 
 first was a duty on the part of the English press. Occa- 
 sionally to do the same at subsequent periods of his two 
 months' career was likewise perhaps necessary ; but to go on 
 battering at him every day ! was more, I think, than was re- 
 quired, either by public opinion at home or by English interests 
 abroad. How far the ' Times ' is now read or permitted to 
 circulate in France I don't know ; but I do know that Louis 
 Napoleon reads it. ... 
 
 If we were invulnerable, and had an army, and navy, and 
 rock-defended shores, we might thunder away to any extent ; 
 but, in our present helpless state, 2 it seems to me that to 
 persist in irritating France is a luxury for which we may 
 pay dearly ; every newspaper, at the same time, overflowing 
 with proofs of national panic, and the most naif indications 
 
 1 See, among many others, the articles in the Times of January 14th, 15th, 
 16th, and 17th. It has been seen (ante, p. 249) that Eeeve acknowledges them 
 as his. 
 
 2 This helpless state of the country is a subject to which Clarendon 
 frequently refers. After visiting at the Grove in the following October, Mrs. 
 Eeeve wrote to her father : ' Nothing can exceed the alarm expressed on the 
 subject of invasion and the absence of preparations for defending our coasts. A 
 French general is reported to have said : " The decree for the annexation of 
 Belgium will be dated from London ; " ' but no one at the Grove seems to have 
 asked how they were to cross the Channel. 
 
 VOL. I. 3
 
 258 CLARENDON ON 1862 
 
 of where we can be best attacked and how most easily 
 conquered. 
 
 In reply to this, Reeve forwarded to Lord Clarendon a 
 copy of his correspondence with Lord Granville, and received 
 the following answer : 
 
 Dublin Castle, February 9th. I return your very able 
 and excellent letter to Granville, with many thanks for 
 letting me see it. 
 
 I never dreamt of denying or questioning the right of the 
 press to denounce in the strongest terms the acts of the 
 President ; but I entirely agree with you when you say, 
 ' there is of course a limit to be observed in all this,' and 
 I think the limit has been overstepped. It was sound policy 
 to put England on her guard ; it was absolutely necessary 
 to rouse our countrymen from the apathetic habits and 
 utilitarian selfishness engendered by a long peace, and to 
 stimulate public opinion in favour of the principles we hold 
 dear, and which, at no distant day, we may be called upon to 
 defend. Now all this has been done, but I think it has been 
 overdone. The same effect might have been produced with 
 a much less expenditure of ammunition. We might have 
 secured all our objects at home and not have given so much 
 offence abroad. The press either does or does not express 
 the public opinion of England. If the latter, it should not 
 assume to speak as if it was so backed ; if the former, then 
 England voluntarily steps forward to exasperate the man 
 who had, and still retains, power enough to keep thirty-two 
 millions of Frenchmen in hand, and who can at any moment 
 detach from his army of 400,000 men a force sufficient to 
 avenge the insults offered to him by the English nation. 
 
 I am no advocate of truckling, as I need hardly say, and 
 still less of any exhibition of cowardice, though every news- 
 paper that thundered against Louis Napoleon swarmed with 
 proofs of the national panic ; but I simply want to keep the 
 peace, and to give a neighbour no pretext for war ; and I 
 think that the press, after performing its proper functions, 
 has been unnecessarily provocative. 
 
 Nor can I altogether admit the grounds upon which this 
 seems to be justified ; for you say ' It is the business of a
 
 &T. 39 JOURNALISTIC RESPONSIBILITY 259 
 
 newspaper to say what it thinks, every day, on all the topics 
 of public interest, both at home and abroad.' If this is 
 to be, irrespective of the harm it may do, it is irresponsibility 
 as great as Louis Napoleon's ; and such power as the press 
 now possesses, if irresponsible, will become an intolerable 
 despotism. You refer to the cases of Gladstone and Pal- 
 merston as having more outstepped their duty than any 
 newspaper ; and I fully admit it as regards Palmerston, 
 whose circulation of the pamphlet was unprecedented and 
 unwarrantable ; but I think that Gladstone, an independent 
 gentleman, after a lengthened residence at Naples, was quite 
 within the line of duty to make known the result of his 
 observations. The cause of humanity and justice required 
 that they should not be kept secret ; but if he had continued 
 a series of pamphlets, or if he had daily published some 
 fresh atrocities of the Neapolitan Government, and heaped 
 fresh odium on the king, I should then have thought he 
 went beyond his duty, that he had lost sight of what were 
 supposed to be his original objects, and that he would injure 
 the victims he meant to save, by making it a point of 
 honour in the king not to yield to foreign dictation. 
 
 The reign of Louis Napoleon may be ephemeral ; but if 
 it lasts a few months longer, rely upon it there will be deser- 
 tions enough even from the Salons, whose attitude is now 
 so dignified to rescue him from his state of present isola- 
 tion ; and every man who deserts will make common cause 
 with him against those who denounce his system. You 
 have some reliance upon the grateful feeling of France, for 
 the manner in which the cause of liberty and truth has been 
 upheld by us. I confess I have none ; nor indeed can it 
 fairly be expected in this case; for while we have placed 
 Louis Napoleon's acts in their true light, we have necessarily 
 shown also the position which the French people occupy in 
 the eyes of the world. 
 
 The injured and outraged exiles now in England and 
 Belgium applaud and thank us for what we are doing ; and 
 if their gratitude on being restored to their country differs 
 from that of the emigres in 1814, I shall be equally surprised 
 and pleased. You are a better judge than I can pretend to 
 be of how truly the press has represented public opinion on 
 
 s 2
 
 260 SOCIETY IN PARIS 1862 
 
 this subject ; but, as far as my experience goes, I should say 
 that the onslaught has been considered too violent and too 
 long continued. 
 
 The Journal here has : 
 
 Thiers had arrived in England on January 16th. I 
 dined with him at Edward Ellice's in Arlington Street. On 
 February 1st I took him and Jules de Lasteyrie to Novar's 
 pictures ; and on the 9th he dined with us, to meet the 
 Molesworths, Lord Lovelace, Lord Wodehouse, Baron 
 Bentinck, F. Cadogan. 
 
 Constant dinners in February with the Grotes, Senior, 
 Thiers, Morier, Molesworths, Duke of Newcastle, Lord 
 Crewe, Prince Nicholas of Nassau, Van de Weyers, Lord 
 Normanby. Luncheon at Lady Alice Peel's. R6musat 
 was in town. 
 
 On February 16th, the Government, as has been said, 
 was defeated ; and on the 20th Lord John Russell announced 
 their intention of resigning: as to which Lord Clarendon 
 wrote : 
 
 The Liberals who were doing everything to thwart the 
 Government are now probably blaspheming against Lord 
 John for his precipitation, but I think he did quite right to 
 take the first unmistakeable hint and not wait to be kicked 
 out. ... I am curious to know who will be my successor. 
 
 The Journal continues : 
 
 April ~Lst. Christine was presented at the Drawing-room 
 by Lady Clarendon. 
 
 Went to Paris at Easter with Christine. 
 
 Aprilllth. At Princess Lieven's met M. Guizot, Prince 
 Nicholas of Nassau, Mole", Lahitte, and Morny. 
 
 14th. Morning with music in Ary Scheffer's atelier. 
 Cavaignac there with his bride. Home on April 20th. 
 This visit to Paris was very interesting. 
 
 Mrs. Reeve thought so too, and wrote to her father on 
 April 15th:- 
 
 'I don't believe any Englishwoman ever came here 
 under such auspices as I have. Henry knows every inch of
 
 ^Ei. 39 LETTER TO TOCQUEVILLE 261 
 
 Paris and all the distinguished people. We have engage- 
 ments till the day we start (Monday), and might have many 
 more, and he does take the greatest pleasure in showing me 
 everything. The weather is lovely clear, bright, and 
 warm. I do not write praises of buildings, galleries, and 
 museums, or of views, &c., because, as you must have seen 
 them, you can take for granted my astonishment and 
 admiration.' 
 
 May 15th. Expedition to Gosport with Christine and 
 John Richardson to see Granville Loch's ship the ' Win- 
 chester ' [a 50-gun frigate, going out to the East Indies as 
 the flag-ship of Rear- Admiral Charles Austen]. 
 
 May Vdtli. Queen's ball. To Bracknell for the Ascot 
 week. 
 
 To M. de Tocqueville 
 
 16 Chester Square, May 23rd. 
 
 MY DEAR FRIEND, I have just read, with great interest, 
 a letter you wrote lately to Mrs. Grote, and as I must 
 renounce the pleasure of conversing with you for the present, 
 I obey an impulse which leads me to answer you in 
 writing. 
 
 I am doubtless less inclined than most of my fellow- 
 countrymen to admit that we can isolate ourselves from 
 matters which affect the liberty of other nations and the 
 general good of humanity, nor am I one of those who take 
 off their hats to a man because he has succeeded in founding 
 an inconceivable despotism. Yet neither can I hide from 
 myself that for fifty years all our efforts in favour of 
 constitutional liberty on the Continent have had very little 
 result. In one place, the soil has refused the good seed, as 
 in the Gospel ; in another, men have uprooted it; every- 
 where the harvest is bad. Between mixed politics and 
 mixed breeding there is so much similarity ; when the cross 
 is too different, it is barren. 
 
 Happily for England, this is neither her principal mission 
 nor her first duty. If she has not succeeded in founding 
 anything durable on the Continent of Europe, the same 
 cannot be said of the rest of the globe ; and whilst we see 
 the fires we have kindled among European nations, dying 
 out because they do not know how to keep them alight, we
 
 262 LETTER TO TOCQUEVILLE 
 
 are invincibly attracted to America and Australia, which are 
 the awakening of a world. Never was England less disposed 
 to shut herself up in her isle, and devote herself exclusively 
 to manufacturing cottons, and rearing fine oxen. On the 
 contrary, the greatest questions rise before her. Our fraternal 
 relations with the United States, the Government of Canada 
 so sensitive, the exodus of the Catholic people of Ireland, 
 who seek a happier destiny elsewhere, leaving at our doors 
 an island they have never known how to cultivate, the 
 astonishing developement of the Australian continent, the 
 rapid march of civilisation in the Eastern islands, and the 
 government of India, with its marvellous problems these 
 are the first duties of the English statesman, and if it be 
 selfishness, the self is a very large one. For note that I do 
 not say we ought to govern this empire according to English 
 views, or for the benefit of England. That would be a very 
 cramped way of considering it. But we ought to found free 
 states wherever we have the power and right ; and these, 
 I am persuaded, will one day justify the somewhat fantastic 
 saying of Canning, who boasted of having raised up a new 
 world to restore the balance of the old. Whatever may be 
 the fate of Europe, if these efforts are successful, the general 
 cause of liberty and civilisation will not suffer. 
 
 It is true that the complete fall of constitutional govern- 
 ment in France has profoundly grieved and astonished all 
 those who had a sure and rational belief in the system which 
 France has practised so brilliantly for thirty-three years. 
 But it is said that, of all countries in the world, France is, 
 and rightly so, the one least likely to endure the influence of 
 foreign ideas ; and thus her actual condition places us in 
 this dilemma either she is tamely submitting to a power 
 she dislikes, or she does not really dislike it. On this point 
 I am without any clear or fixed ideas. All the intelligence, 
 the aristocracy of birth or education, is doubtless very 
 hostile to the empire. But there was a wish for democracy, a 
 demand for the sovereignty of the people ; things identical 
 with absolute power and empire. This is what seems to me to 
 separate the rule of L. N. from an ordinary despotism, and, 
 taking the facts as they are, it is the condition of the 
 country which should be found fault with, rather than the
 
 
 JEfs. 39 AT AIX-LA-CHAPELLE 263 
 
 man who turns it to his profit in a manner which is without 
 parallel. 
 
 I will only add a word on our fears and warlike prepara- 
 tions. I agree with you that, so far as one can judge, war is 
 by no means imminent, and that the wish is to avoid it at 
 all costs. I will even say that I doubt the warlike disposition 
 of France, to the extent of thinking that other nations are 
 readier to fight. But what guided our policy in this matter 
 was that we found ourselves face to face with an immense 
 force, whose movements could not be depended upon ; and 
 nearly all the French statesmen whom we were able to 
 consult warned us to be on our guard ; many of them believed 
 that some foreign coup was imminent. As a matter of fact 
 we fear nothing on that score at present ; but it has taken 
 some months of vigorous preparation to enable us to say so. . . 
 
 The Journal notes here : 
 
 July 13th. Dined at M. de Bille's (Danish Minister) to- 
 meet Lavradio. . . . 
 
 14:th. Dined at Senior's with M. de Cavour, Lord 
 Lansdowne, and the Twisletons. 
 
 28th. Evening at the Eoyal Academy. The Duke of 
 Wellington was there. It was the last time I saw him. I 
 had the proof of my memoir 1 of him in my pocket. He 
 died on September 14th. 
 
 Fit of gout in August. Started for Aix with Christine 
 and Hopie on the 8th. 
 
 To M. de Tocqueville 
 
 Aix-la-Chapelle, August Ilth. See the result of human 
 plans ! To-day, when I should have been with you, listening 
 to your conversation and breathing the air of your cliffs, 
 here I am, by the doctor's orders, on the banks of a stream 
 which is none the less wearisome because Charlemagne 
 delighted in it. Still, it is a considerable improvement for 
 a man who could not walk a few days ago, to be able to 
 figure among the maimed of the place, and I hope that a 
 short stay will complete my cure. 
 
 1 Times, September 15th, ICth.
 
 2G4 VISIT TO SWITZERLAND 1852 
 
 I should have liked to see how France looked when 
 power put on a newer and gentler aspect. When someone 
 has taken everything from you, a vast deal of gratitude is of 
 course due for whatever his highness deigns to give back. 
 The wonder is not that Thiers and M. de Bemusat should 
 be recalled to their country, but that they should ever have 
 been sent out of it. But we are made thus ; we allow 
 ourselves to be thrashed, and when the executioner stops, 
 are overcome with gratitude. Never was so good a prince 
 seen ! In spite of all Thiers's vehement language against 
 his persecutor, I should not be greatly surprised to see him 
 reconciled with the ^lys^e. It is only vanity which prevents 
 him. He often said in London, ' It is not possible that I 
 who have treated great affairs with men like Prince Metter- 
 nich and Sir B. Peel should consent to put myself at the 
 head of these adventurers.' But successful adventurers 
 are sometimes emperors ; and if Thiers thought he could 
 give full play to his shameless political imagination at the 
 expense of France, he would be more at his ease as minister 
 of a despotic than of a constitutional state. 
 
 I cannot close this letter without again expressing my 
 own and my wife's regret at the mishap which has upset 
 our journey ; but we will try to end it where we had meant 
 to begin. 
 
 The Journal continues : 
 
 From Aix-la-Chapelle we went by the Bhine to Geneva. 
 Visit to Binet. To Chamonix, with the Binets, on August 
 30th. "Went with Christine round Mont Blanc by the Col 
 du Bonhomme, and so to Aosta and the St. Bernhard. Went 
 to see the Due de Broglie at Coppet. Home by Pans. 
 
 October 127i. To Newmarket with Mrs. Grote, to see the 
 Cesarewitch. Visits to Stondon and Atherstone, and to the 
 Grove, October 30th. 
 
 November 5th. Farnborough ; hunting. Bun with 
 Assheton Smith on the llth ; got the head of the fox. 
 
 18^. The Duke of Wellington's funeral at St. Paul's. 
 On the 28th, dined at Bath House with Thiers. 
 
 December 2nd. The French Empire was proclaimed. I 
 dined that day at Lansdowne House with Thiers, Lord
 
 JET. 40 THE COSMOPOLITAN CLUB 265 
 
 Aberdeen, Macready, Senior, Ed. Ellice, Vernon Smith, Lord 
 Mahon, Lord de Mauley, and West. 
 
 The Cosmopolitan Club was founded, meeting first at 
 Morier's. Morier, Layard, and myself were the first 
 members. 
 
 From M. Guizot 
 
 Paris, December 2nd. I have laughed at the reports you 
 mention of my supposed approval of what is happening here. 
 Similar rumours reach me from Germany ; they have 
 evidently been carefully circulated. I do not worry myself 
 about it, for experience has strengthened my instinctive 
 confidence that, in respect of those who have the honour of 
 being known to the public, the truth is always recognised 
 in the end. It is well known here that, of all men in France, 
 I am the furthest from approving of what has passed in 
 France since 1848. . . For thirty-eight years I have been 
 devoted to the cause of constitutional monarchy, which I 
 have always regarded as the wisest and noblest form of 
 government. But it is to true and truly constitutional 
 monarchy that I belong ; falsehood decked out as royalty 
 or liberty I cannot endure. Please say this from me to all 
 those you may hear speak of my adhesion to the ridiculous 
 and shameful comedy in whose honour I hear the cannon 
 at this moment. After what happened in 1848 it was 
 inevitable and deserved, which is all I can say in its favour. 
 
 He goes on speak at great length of the general coldness, 
 the want of enthusiasm with which the Emperor had been 
 received. The masses of the people have voted for the 
 Empire to get rid of the republic which they mistrusted, to 
 guard against the anarchy which they feared ; but they have 
 no confidence in the future, and are full of apprehensions of 
 financial confusion and war. The attitude of the upper 
 classes remains much the same as it was. They did not like 
 the President ; they like the Emperor still less. They would 
 not support the President ; they certainly will not support 
 the Emperor, but they will not make any active opposition 
 to his government ; the masses cannot or dare not ; any 
 attempt would certainly be severely repressed ; and the army 
 is pledged to the Empire which can now only be over- 
 thrown by its own act and fault. And he continues in 
 language which reads like the outpourings of a prophet :
 
 U6 GUIZOrS FORECAST 3862-3 
 
 Will these faults be soon committed ? I very much 
 doubt it. This man is a strange mixture of rashness and 
 patience, of fatalism and prudent calculation ; he believes in 
 his star ; he follows it, and in his inmost soul is resolved to 
 follow it to the end ; but at the same time he fights against 
 it, and does not blindly rush to that end. Of late he has 
 advanced rapidly ; more rapidly, in my opinion, than was 
 to his advantage, but he is able to check himself and to wait. 
 He has not, like his uncle, an inexhaustible fertility of 
 genius, and an insatiable ardour of character ; on the contrary, 
 he is slow and indolent ; he loves pleasure and leisure. He 
 will get what enjoyment he can out of his position ; he will 
 do and say whatever is necessary to prevent Europe from 
 disquieting herself about him, and will postpone as long as 
 possible the taking of any compromising step towards 
 realising his ambitious dreams. 
 
 But the moment will come ; I am convinced of it. A 
 fatalist may struggle for a time against the destiny to which 
 he believes himself called ; but sooner or later he will yield 
 and throw himself into it. Besides, something must be done 
 to amuse and occupy France. Our country is a prey to two 
 contradictory cravings ; a craving for repose, and a craving 
 for new and violent emotions. She wishes to have her 
 interests assured, but also to have her imagination satisfied 
 at the same time. It was for this that Napoleon I. gave her 
 war, and that we instituted the tribune. I think the new 
 Emperor would like to follow the policy of Louis Philippe, 
 without the tribune, under the name of Napoleon, without 
 the war ; but he will not succeed ; and when he finds this 
 out, he will return, either as conqueror or conspirator, to 
 the traditions of the Empire whose flag he is now raising. 
 Whether he wishes it or not, this is his future ; I am con- 
 vinced that he does wish it, but he will endeavour rather 
 to retard than to hasten it. Those in his confidence 
 already show themselves eager to find some means of filling 
 the stage and amusing the spectators without seeking 
 great adventures. M. Fould said the other day : ' We 
 shall have the marriage in the spring, the coronation in 
 the summer, the heir in March 1854, and then we shall 
 see.'
 
 MT. 40 THE ABERDEEN MINISTRY 267 
 
 The Journal notes : 
 
 December Yltli. Lord Derby resigned, and negotiations 
 began for a coalition of Peelites and Whigs : Lord Aberdeen 
 premier. 
 
 And the year 1852 ended with the accustomed visit to 
 Mr. Longman at Farnborough, and afterwards to Ventnor, 
 where Mrs. Austin was then living. 
 
 The year 1853, so notable from the diplomatic point of 
 view as the date of the growing quarrel with Russia, which 
 in the following year culminated in war, is, from the bio- 
 grapher's point of view, notable as the date of Reeve's begin- 
 ning a journal of current events in addition to the curt 
 entries in his diary. Sometimes written continuously and in 
 considerable detail, sometimes very briefly and with long gaps 
 intervening, it reaches down to 1877, and for these years 
 forms the staple material to elucidate and connect the volu 
 minous correspondence, 
 
 January 1st. It was at the close of the year 1852 that 
 Lord Derby's administration was suddenly terminated by a 
 vote of the House of Commons on Mr. Disraeli's budget. 
 This cabinet had existed about ten months upon false pre- 
 tences and without a policy. The bubble broke on the first 
 shock of serious debate ; and on the first disputed vote, the 
 Government was beaten by 19 in the fullest House ever known. 
 I think all the members except twenty-five took part in the 
 vote. Upon this occurrence the Queen at once sent for Lord 
 Aberdeen and Lord Lansdowne together (December 18th). 
 But Her Majesty's real intention had long been to place Lord 
 Aberdeen at the head of the administration, for I think no 
 mail at this time possesses to an equal degree her confidence 
 and her regard. I had myself observed, for at least six 
 months, that Lord Aberdeen was preparing to take office. 
 The Whigs cherished the notion that Lord Lansdowne 
 would be sent for, and would accept the task of reconsti- 
 tuting the Liberal party. I thought otherwise. He was 
 summoned, however, to lend his sanction to the combina- 
 tion ; but having taken colchicum the night before, he could 
 not undertake the journey to the Isle of Wight, and Lord 
 Aberdeen ultimately went alone. 
 
 Lord Lansdowne distinctly declined to undertake the
 
 268 THE ABERDEEN MINISTRY 1853 
 
 formation of the Cabinet ; but though Lord Aberdeen con- 
 tested the point with him, I know he (Lord Aberdeen) had 
 long made up his mind that no one could unite the elements 
 of a strong government but himself. 
 
 Two important obstacles were to be overcome in this 
 negotiation. The one, the pretensions of Lord John Russell ; 
 the other, the ambiguous position of Lord Palmerston, who 
 had staked all his hopes on the prospect of a Lansdowne 
 Ministry. In the preceding week a party had met at Woburn, 
 consisting of Lord Aberdeen, Lord Clarendon, the Duke of 
 Newcastle, Lord John, and Graham Lord Lansdowne being 
 too ill to attend it and here no doubt the preliminaries were 
 laid. But after Lord Derby was out and the formation of 
 the new Cabinet begun, the truth is that at least three days 
 elapsed before Lord John definitively consented to join it, 
 though that was a condition sine qua non. Lord Clarendon 
 exerted himself with great activity and effect to counteract 
 his objections ; but everything was kept in suspense by this 
 hesitation ; and even on Christmas Day Clarendon left 
 his family and guests at the Grove, to endeavour to 
 smooth matters in London. Lord John would have pre- 
 ferred, I think, for his own dignity's sake, to have had no 
 office, but only a seat in the Cabinet with the lead of 
 the House. But that might have been regarded as an in- 
 sincere arrangement, and, as far as he was concerned, an 
 arrogant one. He ended by taking the Foreign Office, upon 
 Clarendon's promise that he would relieve him of it when- 
 ever the business of the Session began. The Whig party 
 were already sufficiently disposed to grumble at an arrange- 
 ment which placed so large a portion of the highest offices 
 and the premiership in the hands of their new allies, and if 
 Lord John had not done what he was at last persuaded and 
 compelled to do, the combination must have failed, and we 
 must have surrendered at discretion to Lord Derby. 
 
 The case of Lord Palmerston was an unexpected good 
 fortune. Lord Aberdeen had gone to him in person to pro- 
 pose office. Palmerston received him not only with polite- 
 ness, but with cordiality ; reminded him that they had been 
 acquainted for over sixty years for they were playmates at 
 Harrow and declared that in all their political differences
 
 JEft. 40 THE ABERDEEN MINISTRY 269 
 
 he had borne him no ill-will. But, he added, the country 
 would never understand his notions in joining an Aberdeen 
 administration. The Earl intended to have offered him the 
 Admiralty, but would have consented to anything else, 
 except the Foreign Office ; but upon his refusal he said 
 nothing of the office, and relinquished the task. This was 
 another great danger ; for had Palmerston remained out of 
 the Government, he would probably have joined Lord Derby 
 and led the Opposition. On the other hand, his health was 
 beginning to fail ; a mere attack of cold and gout had just 
 transformed him suddenly into an old man ; he was pressed 
 for money, and immediate office had its charms not only 
 for himself, but for Lady P. I saw, even at the moment 
 of his refusal, an indication of her relenting, and I was not 
 surprised to learn that on the more pressing solicitation of 
 his old friends, and especially of Lord Lansdowne, he had 
 consented to take the Home Office, which is what he wished 
 for. 
 
 The Cabinet was wisely completed by the admission of 
 Sir William Molesworth as a representative of advanced 
 Liberal opinions. The place first offered to him was the War 
 Office without the Cabinet, but he resolutely declined it. I 
 endeavoured to persuade him to accept, but he gave some 
 valid reasons for that resolution ; and we endeavoured (with 
 Delane) to persuade Lord Aberdeen to put him in the Cabinet, 
 which at last he consented to do, even though Cardwell, the 
 President of the Board of Trade, was still excluded. I have 
 very little doubt that Molesworth will prove a more tractable 
 colleague than many of the Whigs, though I feel less certain 
 of his administrative capacity. It was wise to give office to 
 Bernal Osborne, C. Villiers, and some members of the Irish 
 brigade ; for these appointments have silenced the com- 
 plaints already raised by many of the Liberal party. 
 
 Under these circumstances, at the commencement of a 
 new year, and of a new government composed almost 
 entirely of my personal friends, and to some extent of my 
 own contemporaries, I propose to begin some record of pass- 
 ing events, of which it is commonly my fate to be a very 
 near spectator, and I hope I may have time and perseve- 
 rance to continue it.
 
 270 THE POLITICAL SITUATION 1853 
 
 January 5th. The Cabinet was no sooner formed than 
 most of the ministers left town, for the Christmas holidays 
 had been sacrificed to the crisis. The peers went to their 
 country houses, and the commoners to their elections, which 
 passed off well, and almost entirely without opposition. 
 There is no doubt that the formation of this Government 
 is well received by the country. The only danger is that they 
 will be expected to perform miracles, which, as C. Villiers 
 said at Wolverhampton, is what their predecessors promised, 
 but did not perform. Some anxiety is felt about Gladstone's 
 election at Oxford, where they have at last set up a candi- 
 date in the person of Dudley Perceval, son of the minister, a 
 very low Churchman, a very high Tory, and a madman to 
 boot. It is, however, true that Gladstone's opinions are 
 widely different from those predominating in the Ministry, 
 and it will probably be advantageous to him to have the 
 connexion dissolved by the bigotry of his adversaries. 
 
 Amongst other novelties of this new year, I may record 
 that George Lewis succeeds Mr. Empson as editor of the 
 ' Edinburgh,' having made up his mind that this or any 
 other task is preferable to the drudgery of subordinate office. 
 
 Abroad, the principal affair of the moment is the recog- 
 nition of the Emperor Napoleon III., which has been some- 
 what needlessly retarded by the Northern Powers, and con- 
 ceded at last in rather an uncivil form. 1 I have read the 
 Prussian despatches to Count Hatzfeld, in Paris, on the 
 subject, and they imply that Louis Napoleon is only recog- 
 nised by way of acknowledging that a government exists and 
 of preserving the peace of Europe. The French cannot be 
 satisfied, but it seems to be their policy to faire bonne mine 
 d mauvaisjeu. M. Guizot says truly enough that the Empire 
 has no honeymoon. The funds fall, the marriage is broken 
 off ; the Senate resists, and the Northern Powers growl ; 
 and even now perhaps the Imperial authority is less secure 
 than that of the President was. In the composition of his 
 household he has not obtained a single name of rank, and the 
 
 1 ' I hear,' wrote Lord Clarendon to Beeve on January 4th, ' that les lenteurs 
 des Cours du Nord have irritated H.I. Majesty ; and I mast say that their 
 coups d'tpingles are undignified. When people dare not say No, they had better 
 say Yes with a good grace.'
 
 ;x. 40 CROKER AND THE ' QUARTERLY ' 271 
 
 three first places are given to Vaillant, Magnan, and St.- 
 Arnaud, three marshals of his own making. 
 
 I saw Lockhart to-day at the Athenaeum, and was struck 
 by the moderation of his language about the Government. 
 He said they were entitled to great forbearance, and that he 
 had great confidence in Lord Aberdeen and Lord Lansdowne, 
 and that, at any rate, the last Cabinet had only been bidding 
 for the support of the mob, and had produced a ridiculous 
 budget. How far will the next ' Quarterly ' support this 
 strain ? Unhappily Croker's influence still condemns us to 
 several sheets of his scourings, which he has an indefeasible 
 right to put in, by an ancient and deplorable compact with old 
 John Murray. Meanwhile he goes on to write articles, as 
 St. Buonaventura did his memoirs, after death ; for he has 
 already taken leave of all the world several times and posi- 
 tively announced his final exit, though he has not been as 
 good as his word. 
 
 January 7th. Our new Lord President, Lord Granville, 
 broke his collar-bone yesterday by his horse falling while he 
 was hunting with Eothschild near Woburn, but the accident 
 is not serious. It is an amusing trait in Lord Palmerston 
 that upon his arrival at the Home Office, where he has 
 transacted business twice, he ordered a clerk to go to the 
 Foreign Office to see how they folded their despatches, and 
 likewise ordered that blue instead of green riband should be 
 used to tie up papers. 
 
 I dined at Lady Flower's. The Verschoyles and Blacketts 
 there in all sixteen people and I between Lady Talbot de 
 Malahide and Fanny Blackett. They relate incredible things 
 of the ' charades en action ' at Compiegne. A sort of curee 
 des dames was celebrated, which consisted of the women 
 scrambling for jewellery on all fours, and the Emperor acting 
 as piqueur de la meute, the lights having been extinguished ! l 
 Such are the Imperial dignities of France. Even the Due 
 de Quiche refused a place in the household, as too low for 
 him. 
 
 January 8th. The Cabinet meet to-day for the first 
 time since the completion of the new administration. I saw, 
 
 1 This was afterwards contradicted (see post, 286), but it was very generally 
 believed at the time.
 
 272 M. KISSELEFF AND THE EMPEROR 1853 
 
 however, none of the ministers, for Lord Granville was at 
 home suffering pain from the results of his accident, and 
 Lord Clarendon, who was to have called on me, sat with the 
 patient. The post of master of the horse has, I hear, been 
 offered to the Duke of Wellington II., and accepted by him 
 in a very good spirit. He has also had the good sense to let 
 the public see Apsley House and the relics of the Great 
 Duke for three days a week during this present month. 
 
 Lord Cranworth is stoutly resolved on prosecuting the 
 reform of the Ecclesiastical Courts, in which labour he will, 
 of course, be mainly guided by his brother-in-law and friend, 
 Dr. Lushington. In truth, however, the main evil of those 
 courts are the sinecures which encumber them by Act of 
 Parliament. For 20,000 wills and administrations proved in 
 a year, probably not 300 are litigated : but the issue of 
 probate in common form must remain in the hands of 
 certain confidential public officers. Another important 
 measure which, I hear from Shuttleworth, the Government 
 have in contemplation, is some more expeditious mode 
 of reaching and utilising charitable endowments for the 
 purposes of national education. He has a book in prepara- 
 tion on the subject, and suggests, I believe, that powers 
 should be given to another committee of council to exercise 
 the necessary control over these charities. 
 
 January 10th. The recognition of Louis Napoleon by the 
 Northern Powers has taken place, but not without a hitch 
 which threatened at any moment to break off all relations. 
 The credentials of Kisseleff did not contain the formule con- 
 sacrSe of * My good brother ; ' he was instructed to leave Paris 
 if they were not received, and all the German ministers were 
 instructed to do what the Bussians did. Under these cir- 
 cumstances it was decided by the Emperor and the French 
 Cabinet not to receive what they considered a slight, arid an 
 intentional one. Drouyn de Lhuys formally told Lord 
 Cowley that such were their intentions at the same time he 
 asked Lord Cowley's opinion. Lord Cowley replied that, in 
 his judgement, the nobler and more polite course was to 
 overlook the affront, and receive the credentials, and Drouyn 
 was authorised to repeat this to the Emperor. 
 
 The next morning early Fould came to Lord Cowley and
 
 Mf. 40 FALL IN THE FRENCH FUNDS 273 
 
 told him that the Emperor had slept on his advice and had 
 resolved to take it, but had told no one but himself, not 
 even Drouyn de Lhuys, of his intention. Soon afterwards 
 Kisseleff came in, as if to take leave ; said it was all up, and 
 that he should be gone in twenty-four hours. Cowley held 
 his tongue. But in the afternoon the Cabinet met ; Louis 
 Napoleon declared he should receive the credentials ; and at 
 4 P.M. the Court carriages were sent to fetch the minister. 
 I apprehend the determining motive, however, was the state 
 of the Bourse ; for the departure of the ministers would have 
 been followed by a heavy baisse, and a perfect debacle on the 
 Exchange. 
 
 January 12th. Comte d'Haussonville, the Due de 
 Broglie's son-in-law, called on me to-day and confirmed this 
 last observation in a striking manner ; he said the Emperor's 
 resolution to accept the credentials was due in part to Lord 
 Cowley's opinion, but much more to the appalled and 
 appalling aspect of Rothschild, who told his Majesty that if 
 Kisseleff went away it would be a baisse not of one or two 
 francs, but a sinking of the funds to perdition and a catastrophe 
 on the Bourse. M. d'Haussonville says that the attitude of 
 society in Paris continues good, that Louis Napoleon is even 
 less the fashion than he was a year ago ; that les salons 
 boudent et executent ceux qui se valerent ; and that the 
 change in the tone of the foreign diplomats at Paris, 
 especially since the Emperor of Austria's last visit to Berlin, 
 is very curious and remarkable. Princess Lieven believed 
 for forty-eight hours that she should have to leave Paris 
 after Kisseleff, and her despair was extremely burlesque. 
 She has contrived to attach Fould to her court in the Rue 
 St.-Florentin, as completely as other and greater men had 
 been before. He goes there once or twice a day, and the 
 Princesse des Ursins, 1 in all her state, was not more power- 
 ful. The bourgeoisie, Haussonville said, are still blind and 
 infatuated ; they talk of the stability of a government whose 
 next heirs are a man of seventy and after him a Eouge ; and 
 they will believe in peace till they are on the brink of war, 
 
 1 The dominant favourite of Louise of Savoy, the first Queen of Philip V. 
 of Spain. For the way in which she was bundled out of the country by Philip's 
 second wife, see Armstrong's Elisabeth Farnese, chap. ii. 
 
 VOL. I. T
 
 274 SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES 1863 
 
 when it will be too late to avoid it, though dangerous 
 enough to encounter it. Ce sera un mauvais moment a 
 passer. 
 
 I sat some time both yesterday and to-day with Lord 
 Granville, who is better, and had to-day got his coat on. 
 Everybody wonders at M. de Flahault's accepting the 
 senatorship, which he is obliged to conceal in this country, 
 pretty much as Cardinal Wiseman hides his red robe under 
 his great coat. Lord John says that the late Government 
 has done little in foreign affairs, but that little not ill ; and 
 he was satisfied with the hour's conversation he had with 
 Malmcsbury on his going out. They all seem of opinion 
 now that the secret memorandum signed at the Foreign 
 Office by the four Powers on December 3rd last ought not to 
 be made public. 
 
 January I3th. Having recently been elected a Fellow 
 of the Antiquarian Society, I took my seat this evening for 
 the first time, and was received by Mr. Payne Collier. 
 Nothing was more ancient than the aspect of the apartment 
 in Somerset House. A few Holbeins on the walls ; a few 
 mummies and Babylonish birds in the cases ; some old 
 books ; and very old men were the company. A paper was 
 read on some Roman limekilns in the New Forest. 
 
 January 14^. They say there are symptoms in Paris of 
 the near approach of the crash in financial affairs we have 
 long foreseen. French houses borrowing all they can, even 
 in London. Sat some time with Lord Granville, who was 
 well enough to go to the Cabinet yesterday. He told me 
 that the Cabinet sits round the room, with a small table in 
 the middle, and not, as I had always supposed, round a large 
 table. 
 
 I forgot to record yesterday the * poultry show ' to which 
 I went, and where Pepys would have lost himself in amaze- 
 ment at the sight of the new cocks and hens Cochin China 
 fowls, just introduced. They are big creatures, and people 
 give fifty guineas a pair for them to get the breed. It was 
 droll enough to hear such cock-concert. 1 
 
 1 These brutes, more like young ostriches than domestic fowls, though now 
 practically extinct, remained in vogue for ten or twelve years. Not the least 
 remarkable thing about them was the voice of the male, which resembled the 
 roar of an angry bull rather than the clarion of chanticleer. The present writer
 
 ^Ei. 40 MME. DE LA ROCHEJAQUELTN 275 
 
 January 16th. I took a pew in Harness's church, 1 which 
 led to my removing to Eutland Gate. 
 
 January 18th. I am confined to the house by 
 gout. John Walter and Delane called, somewhat disturbed 
 by a long and direct attack in the ' Moniteur ' of the 
 preceding day on the ' Times,' ' Chronicle,' and ' Morning 
 Advertiser.' But, as far as the 'Times' is concerned, the 
 inculpated passage is a palpable forgery. No such expres- 
 sions have been used in the ' Times ' at all, and the date 
 given is absurd, for they attribute this article to the 2nd 
 inst., which was a Sunday ! They probably had in view the 
 survey of external affairs which appeared on the 3rd inst. ; 
 but even in that there is hardly a vestige of what they com- 
 plain of. I wrote a strong reply, saying that Louis Napoleon 
 had more reason to dread our facts than our invention. 
 
 January 19th. Sat with Lord Granville in the morning. 
 He acknowledged that the Cowleys had not made the 
 embassy in Paris what it used to be a centre for all parties ; 
 and observed that, if it had become so, it would have had 
 more influence with Louis Napoleon himself. Nobody ever 
 possessed that art in a higher degree than Granville's own 
 father and mother, as I remember in 1840 and earlier. How- 
 ever, by all accounts, parties never ran so fiercely in society 
 as at present. M. de la Rochejaquelin and M. de Pastoret 
 have been cut and insulted in the most deliberate manner. 
 People have left P.P.C. cards at their doors, and when old 
 Mme. de la Rochejaquelin the widow of two Vendean 
 chiefs, and a matron of eighty was told that M. Pastoret 
 had done the same thing as her son, she replied : ' Oui, 
 monsieur, mais au moins il a attendu la mort de sa mere.' 
 After such taunts they will wear their senatorial robes un- 
 easily. Every sort of song and sarcasm is poured out on the 
 official world, and, by way of distinction, the men who are 
 not of it desist from wearing their decorations. 
 
 M. de Bille, Danish minister, came to tell me the Danish 
 
 knew one, in a small provincial town, which drew down on its owner a request 
 from the neighbours to shut up his new dog at night, as his baying was an 
 intolerable nuisance. 
 
 1 All Saints', Knightsbridge, built in 1849 by the exertions of Mr. Harness, 
 who was incumbent of it till his death, in 1869. Besides his clerical work, of 
 which Eeeve formed a high estimate, he was known as an editor and student 
 of Shakespeare. 
 
 T 2
 
 276 VENETIAN CALOTYPES 1853 
 
 Parliament is dissolved, because they have rejected the 
 ministerial proposal to include Holstein in the Danish com- 
 mercial frontier, by moving the custom-house from the line 
 of the Eyder ; and what is most strange is, that this is done 
 by the ultra-Danish party, who hate the Germans as much 
 as the Germans hate them, and would sacrifice the German 
 parts of the monarchy altogether to be joined to the Scandi- 
 navian kingdom. Holstein, however, must be commercially 
 united to Denmark, if not to the Zollverein. The interests 
 and wishes of the population must decide it. And probably 
 they are in favour of the Danish tariff, which is lower than 
 the German. The Ministry are resolved to stand or fall on 
 this question. 
 
 Called on Bunsen, who related with great drollery an 
 Egyptian romance, said to be written about four years after 
 the exodus of the Jews, which M. de Bouge has deciphered. 
 Sir James Graham expressed to him at Windsor the other 
 day considerable uneasiness on the French navy, and said 
 that in all their dockyards they had taken on many additional 
 hands in one 500 workmen. Yet the French Government 
 declare they have reduced their naval estimates this year 
 by forty million francs. Bunsen and other ministers are 
 annoyed that the present English Cabinet has resolved not 
 to communicate the secret quadruple memorandum of 
 December 3rd to France. Of course it leads the Con- 
 tinental Courts to say there is no acting with so changeable 
 a Government, and it will surely be worse if Louis Napoleon 
 discovers the existence of the memorandum by other means. 
 We dined at the Worsleys, with Justice Crompton and 
 "Lady C., and went in the evening to the tail of an academic 
 repast at the Eastlakes' Mrs. Jameson, Mrs. B. Boyle, Mil- 
 man, Sir B. Inglis, Landseer. Some wonderful calotypes of 
 Venetian palaces, far beyond anything of the kind I have 
 seen ; but then they are painted by the Italian sun. East- 
 lake said the prices now given by the Birmingham and Man- 
 chester manufacturers for modern paintings were beyond all 
 limit, and the largest any painters had been able to get for 
 their own works. One of his pieces had sold lately for 1,400Z., 
 for which he had 500Z. ; and he is offered 200Z. for any single 
 head he may paint. The Orleans Scheffers were sold yester-
 
 Mi. 40 THE DUG D'AUMALE 277 
 
 day in Paris. The Francesca di Rimini, 43,000 fr. ; the 
 Christus Consolator, 52,000 fr.; the Giaour and Medora, 
 about 1,OOOZ. each. Delaroche's Death of the Due de Guise, 
 52,000 fr. ; all immense prices. 
 
 January 2Qth. Hopie's party took place to-night with 
 the dissolving views, which amused a host of pretty 
 children. 
 
 January 21st. The Imperial marriage still uppermost. 
 We dined at T. Longman's ; a family party with Count 
 Strzelecki l and Sir T. Mitchell, the inventor of the boomerang 
 propeller, with which he unmercifully boomerang-ed us. 
 Strzelecki has been everywhere and is excellent company. 
 
 January 22nd. Hunting with Longman and Delane at 
 Farnborough. 
 
 January 23rd. People talk of nothing but the Montijo 
 marriage, which was formally announced yesterday, and is 
 to be solemnised this day week. We called on Mrs. Eric 
 Smith, and found she was ' Eugenie's ' intimate friend i.e. 
 the future empress ; had known her from a child at Clifton 
 and in Paris. She describes her as amiable, affable, capti- 
 vating, but bold, independent, unbending, wilful, and in- 
 different alike to the opinion of others and to danger. Yet the 
 romantic vein in the English character is rather touched by 
 this marriage, and I have no doubt it is more popular in 
 England than in France.' 
 
 January 25th. Two dinners a day is severe work, but 
 I went through it to-day, and both were agreeable. Lady 
 Alice Peel had asked me to meet the Due d'Aumale at 
 Marble Hill, Twickenham, and I rode over with Lord 
 Ribblesdale, so as to get there at two. The house is old and 
 picturesque, built by Lady Suffolk, and very much a la Louis 
 XV. The Altons were there ; soon came Lady John Russell 
 (whom I had not met for some time, and who was very 
 cordial), the Colloredos, 2 Prince Carini, young Reventlow and 
 the Due et Duchesse d'Aumale. He evidently desired that 
 
 1 The Australian explorer and author of Physical Description of New South 
 Wales (8vo. 1843). He spoke English fluently and well, though with a slight 
 foreign accent, and was much liked in London society. He died at the age of 
 77, in 1873. 
 
 a The Austrian ambassador.
 
 278 THE DUG D'AUMALE 
 
 I should be presented to him, and immediately began to talk 
 very agreeably. He is spare in figure, thoughtful in face, 
 easy in manner, but his eye is eager, restless, and penetrating. 
 Much of what he said was of our common friends Hausson- 
 ville, Thomas, Thiers, &c. but he spoke, without constraint 
 and without bitterness, of the present state of things in 
 France ; considered war the great danger, as that would 
 force all parties to take the national cause ; but added that 
 he saw in this marriage an additional proof that Louis 
 Napoleon is far more addicted to self-indulgence than to the 
 laborious efforts of military life ; that a man must make war 
 with his whole mind and body, drinking water, living hardly, 
 shunning excess ; and that neither Louis Napoleon's habits 
 nor age nor health were very well fitted to such privations. 
 I mentioned that Napoleon himself said in 1806, soon after 
 Austerlitz, that he was only fit for war for five years more 
 which proved true. 
 
 The Duke talked of General Canrobert, who seems likely 
 to succeed St.-Arnaud, and said he was a good colonel. He 
 exptessed an opinion that no one had any hold on the troops 
 after he had ceased to command them, especially in the 
 French army, which changes so rapidly. Except sergeants 
 and petty officers, there is no one now in the army who 
 knew either himself or the African generals [of] five years ago. 
 Even at Ham Lamoriciere found this, for the garrison was 
 composed of a regiment which had been with him some years 
 before in Algeria, but that had no effect. The Duke told an 
 anecdote of the great Conde's arrest, when he appealed 
 to the musketeers who had fought with him a short time 
 before at the Plaine de Larne, but quite in vain. 
 
 During luncheon the Duke talked incessantly, and spoke 
 with enthusiasm of the pleasure of buying a pennyworth of 
 hot chestnuts or galette on the boulevards by the Gymnase, 
 as if he had often done it. He told a good thing of M. 
 Beugnot. It was proposed under the Restoration to put up 
 a crucifix in the Chamber of Deputies. 'By all means,' 
 cried B., ' but I hope you will put over it the sublime words, 
 Pardonnez leur, mon P&re, car Us ne savent ce qu'ils font.' 
 Upon the whole, the impression produced on me by this 
 prince is very agreeable. He is fond of historical reading,
 
 JET. 40 THE EMPEROR'S MARRIAGE 279 
 
 has got his library at Osborne House, and is busy with the 
 Conde papers. 1 
 
 I got back in time to dress and go to dine at Lord 
 Mahon's, where I found old Lord Stanhope, looking like old 
 Dowton 2 the actor en pere noble, Lady Dalmeny, Hallam, 
 Goulburn, M.P. for Cambridge University, and Hayward. 
 Nothing could exceed old Lord Stanhope's vehemence about 
 Louis Napoleon; he said he could kill him with his own 
 hands. He told some anecdotes of Lord Chesterfield, not 
 however very remarkable ; and Lord Mahon showed me the 
 originals of the letters to his son, written in a very fair 
 hand. The Elector of Saxony said that Mr. Stanhope 
 was the best-informed Englishman he had ever seen at the 
 Court. 
 
 January 28/i. I had an interview with Sir James 
 Graham at the Admiralty to ask him to review the court- 
 martial by which Godfrey Taylor was reprimanded and 
 placed at the bottom of the lieutenants on December 4th, 
 for sleeping on his watch, when at Woolwich, the day before 
 the ship was paid off. Graham received me very cordially 
 and promised to speak to Admiral Parker about it, as he 
 could not interfere himself in a matter of naval discipline. 
 He afterwards let me know that Parker was of opinion that 
 the sentence could not be reversed immediately. 3 
 
 January 29^. Hunted with Longman at Farnborough. 
 
 January 30th. Louis Napoleon's marriage was solem- 
 nised at Notre Dame with great pomp. Delane went over 
 to the ceremony. 
 
 February 1st. Delane returned from Paris, where he 
 had been to see the marriage, and reported that it had been 
 the most splendid and the most ungenial ceremony in 
 the world all trappings and gold without ; all smothered 
 contempt within. Nobody even took off his hat to the Em- 
 peror and Empress as they were going to St. Cloud. Lady 
 
 1 The result of which study has been given to the world in the Histoire des 
 Princes de Conde pendant les XVI e ct XVII' sitcles (7 vols. 8vo. 1869-96). 
 The first two volumes were, in fact, printed in 1863 ; but as they were on the 
 point of being published, they were sequestrated by the Government, and the 
 stop was not taken off till 1869. 
 
 a William Dowton, died in 1851 at the age of 87. 
 
 1 In the spring of 1855 Lieutenant Taylor was restored to his original 
 seniority, January 15th, 1850.
 
 280 THE EMPEROR'S MARRIAGE 1863 
 
 Molesworth brought in the same account. Indeed as she 
 was going to Notre Dame with Lady Cowley, the aspect 
 of the crowd was so sinister and ill-humoured as to 
 frighten them. 
 
 February 2nd. The Judicial Committee sat the rest of 
 the week Saturday not inclusive.
 
 281 
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 
 THE EASTEBN QUESTION 
 
 IT is just at this time that, like the servant of Elias, we 
 catch the first glimpse of the little cloud rising out of the 
 sea which was presently to cover the heavens and usher in a 
 great European storm. In the previous year Montenegro 
 had broken out into more active and aggressive rebellion 
 than usual, and Omar Pasha had been ordered to quiet the 
 disturbance. Austria took alarm, and, in January 1853, 
 sent Count Leiningen to Constantinople with a peremptory 
 demand for Omar Pasha's recall. 1 From the very first, the 
 matter appeared to the Government to forebode mischief, 
 and was thus spoken of by Lord Clarendon : 2 
 
 The Grove, February 2nd. I saw Lord John yesterday 
 and found that he by no means considered the Montenegro 
 affair an unimportant struggle, and said that it may become 
 more serious from the eagerness of the Emperor of Russia to 
 pick a quarrel with his bon ami of France, and the readiness 
 of the latter to oblige him. I am sorry to say the former is 
 not acting with quite the same magnanimity that he has dis- 
 played upon all serious questions during the last five years, 
 but Lord John is doing what he can to smoothe differences. 
 It appears that we remonstrated strongly against any Turkish 
 troops being sent to Montenegro, but without success. As 
 far as Turkey alone is concerned, there can be no valid reason 
 for upholding her a tout prix, particularly now that the old 
 fanatical regime is restored, except the fear of worse things. 
 
 The Journal mentions : 
 
 February 3rd. A pleasant dinner at Twiss's rooms at the 
 Albany ; Count Colloredo, Bille, Cardwell, now President of 
 
 1 Kinglake's History of the Crimean War, i. 76 et seq. 
 
 2 Not in office at this time, though he became Foreign Secretary a few days 
 later.
 
 282 THE FRENCH NAVY 1863 
 
 the Board of Trade, Judge Erie, Strzelecki, young Keventlow, 
 and myself. Cardwell, however, talked gloomily enough of 
 railway accidents, of which he seems to have witnessed as 
 many as a man can do without being killed. He said the 
 increase in our exports is inconceivably rapid one million 
 sterling in the last month only. 
 
 February 4th. We had to dinner, at home, the Billes, 
 Sir Charles and Lady Eastlake, William Hamilton 1 and wife, 
 Marochetti, Hayward, who made himself very agreeable, and 
 Munro. In the evening, the Bunsens and a good many people. 
 
 February 5th. Hunted at Farnborough with Longman 
 and Bonamy Price, an acute man enough. I bought poor 
 Bailey's mare Polly for 40/. 
 
 February 6th. An interesting conversation with young 
 Philip Taylor of Marseilles on the French steam navy, which 
 it is the fashion here greatly to overrate. He says that they 
 have no steamships really fit for war except the ' Napoleon ' 
 and the ' Charlemagne ; ' that there are no important vessels 
 or marine engines building in France ; that their stores are 
 low and bad, in so much that the sails of the fleet were 
 blown to pieces last time they went out of Toulon, and no 
 new tenders are advertised for ; that the transatlantic 
 steamers of 1840 are all paddle, and unfit to carry great guns, 
 though useful as transports ; that the ' Isly ' is a failure, and 
 even the ' Napoleon ' cannot carry ten days' coal ; that he 
 firmly believes no considerable naval constructions are taking 
 place in any part of France, and that there are no marches 
 d'urgence; that besides his own house, which Louis Napoleon 
 has christened Forges et Chantiers de la Mediterranee, there are 
 but two private establishments in France capable of turning 
 out powerful engines, and neither of these is fully employed ; 
 that Ducos 2 is an old merchant of Bordeaux, known to have 
 committed bigamy, who is anything but a lion ; and that 
 there is, in short, nothing to warrant the apprehensions en- 
 
 1 William Richard Hamilton, diplomatist and antiquarian ; father of 
 Charles Hamilton already noticed (ante, p. 88). By a cnrious coincidence he 
 was for some years (1822-5) minister at the Court of Naples. 
 
 - Ministre de la Marine ; nephew of liogcr Ducos, Bonaparte's colleague in 
 the Consulate. Whatever his matrimonial relations may have been, he was a 
 man of some ability, and had had twenty years' experience as a deputy. He 
 was only 54 at his death in 1855.
 
 &t. 40 THE MONTENEGRIN QUESTION 283 
 
 tertained here. I wrote on the spot to Sir J. Graham to tell 
 him he ought to see P. Taylor. 
 
 February 1th. We saw Graham, but he was more 
 anxious- to defend his own opinions and proceedings than to 
 listen to P. Taylor's facts. He talked of twenty line-of-battle 
 ships to be fitted with screws in France, and appeared to be 
 struck with an excessive veneration for the power of the 
 French people. One takes a different impression from P. 
 Taylor's account of his own workshops, in which he has, at 
 Marseilles and at Toulon, some 1,500 men, all bitterly 
 hostile to the Emperor, and for the most part socialists. 
 In fact, the only sort of education they seem to have received 
 is that of socialist doctrines and seditious pamphlets, and 
 they confidently await the realisation of their dreams. None 
 of them voted for the Emperor. 
 
 We went to Bille's in the evening ; pleasant enough. I 
 saw Mr. Fergusson, author of a pamphlet, 1 which makes 
 some noise, on the fortifications of Portsmouth. 
 
 February 8th, The Judicial Committee closed its sit- 
 tings, and seemed disposed to think that a remedy for some 
 of its delays is to make me registrar. I had a crowd of 
 people all day. Lord Clarendon sat with me a long time ; 
 said John Eussell was anxious about the Montenegrin ques- 
 tion, and that, though he blamed the Turks, he thought the 
 Austrians had gone too far in Leiningen's mission, which 
 may very likely end in a declaration of war, especially as he 
 was first to exact an apology about the Hungarian refugees, 
 which he will not get. Lord Stratford is to go back. 
 
 Louis Napoleon is charmed with the civility of the 
 English press about his marriage, and has sent Baudin to 
 Lord John to tell him so. At the same time, he is uneasy 
 about the tone of society and of the army, and this is what 
 will lead him into war, which will finish him or make him 
 master of Europe. 
 
 1 The Perils of Portsmouth ; or, French Fleets and English Forts. An 
 ingenious pamphlet, based on an entire misconception of the conditions of the 
 problem, but which, falling in with the spirit of the day, attained considerable 
 popularity, ran through many editions, and was largely responsible for the 
 wasteful expenditure of millions on the fortifications of Portsmouth and 
 Plymouth. Fergusson, who died in 1886, is now better and more favourably 
 known as the author of several standard works on the history of architecture.
 
 284 GENERAL UNEASINESS 1853 
 
 February IQth. Parliament re-opened to-day after 
 nearly two months' recess, without the slightest excitement 
 or formality. I went to the House of Lords. Lord John 
 Eussell is to give up the Foreign Office to Clarendon on the 
 19th, and wanted to have rooms at the Council Office, which 
 we told him was quite impossible ; so he is to return to his 
 first gite at the Pay Office. Lady Granville had her first 
 assembly, which was, as usual, very pleasant. There is 
 certainly a greater air of ease and of refinement in her house 
 than anywhere else I mean of salons politiques. Colloredo 
 treated the Montenegrin affair lightly, Bunsen more seriously. 
 Lord Wodehouse said he believed there was a strong party 
 for Illyrian independence, neither Russian nor Austrian. I 
 think (and so, I hear, does Lord Aberdeen) that Russia and 
 Austria are not acting together on this matter, but rather in 
 opposition. The French are strong for the Turks, and their 
 right to put the Montenegrins down, but that is probably 
 from hostility to the North. 
 
 February lltk. A good deal of discussion has taken 
 place of late about the mode of proroguing Convocation. 
 Twiss and I found by the Council Register of 1708 that a 
 writ of exoneration was the form used in the contests of that 
 time, and recommended the Government to employ it. Lord 
 Aberdeen, however, accepted the Bishop of Oxford's assur- 
 ance that all should pass off quietly, and added, ' One must 
 give some of them credit for being gentlemen.' Accordingly, 
 Convocation being prorogued to the 16th to go up with the 
 address, the Queen fixed one o'clock to receive it, thinking 
 the Houses would meet at noon. Upon this the Bishop of 
 London and the Bishop of Oxford came to the archbishop, 
 and persuaded him to meet at ten. These sort of tricks are 
 very characteristic of churchmen. 
 
 February 12th. I saw Lord Clarendon in the morning, 
 and found that, in consequence of a conference he had had 
 with Lord Stratford, he was more disposed to support the 
 Turks than the Montenegrins. In point of strict law, the 
 district is part of Turkey ; but it has practically enjoyed 
 privileges which it is impolitic to attack, and I still think 
 the Russians cannot suffer them to be crushed with indif- 
 ference. Dined at Dasent's, to meet M. de Bille, Twiss,
 
 -<ET. 40 ABOUT MONTENEGRO 285 
 
 the Lowes, Delane, and a young Indian officer. Dinner rather 
 overdone with turtle soup, but uncommon good Tinto. 
 
 Bunsen had a reception in the evening, to which we 
 went, after a dinner he had given to Lord and Lady John. 
 Nothing can exceed the beauty of the Prussian Embassy, 
 which is now the best house of the kind in London, and has 
 just been decorated under Griiner's direction. 
 
 A letter from Lord Clarendon marks the Government's 
 growing uneasiness about the trouble in Montenegro : 
 
 Grosvenor Crescent, February lth. I have had great 
 pleasure in reading the Montenegrin article many thanks 
 for it. ... The Turk is not a gentleman who takes lessons 
 from experience, otherwise he could have spared himself an 
 expedition he can ill afford in support of rights so feeble and 
 valueless. I earnestly pray for the status quo, but don't 
 expect my prayers to be heard. Colloredo, I understand, 
 does the same ; but he is as profoundly ignorant of the real 
 intentions of his Court as we ourselves. 
 
 The Journal continues : 
 
 February IGth. Convocation this day went up to the 
 Queen with its address in great state, and was prorogued, 
 after some hours' palaver, by the archbishop. The pro- 
 ceedings lasted from half-past 10 A.M. to half-past 5 P.M. 
 Twiss and I were strongly of opinion that the Crown should 
 have sent down a writ of exoneration, and we got a prece- 
 dent from the Council Book of 1708, and a writ from the 
 Crown Office of 1712. But Lord Aberdeen was coaxed by 
 the Bishop of Oxford into letting the thing take its course ; 
 so that, in a few months hence, we shall have the whole 
 question over again. 
 
 We dined at James Loch's, with the Kennedys, Joseph 
 Denmans, and Sir Baldwin Walker. The latter gave us 
 some most curious details about the Turkish fleet in 1840, 
 when he commanded it as Walker Bey. They were lying 
 in the harbour of Alexandria, 1 the 'Mahmoudieh' with 
 scarce water to float her, for she was then the biggest ship 
 in the world, and Mehemet Ali refused to let them quit the 
 
 1 See ante, p. 118.
 
 286 SOCIETY IN LONDON 1853 
 
 port until the French steamer arrived from Constantinople 
 with the news of the acceptance of Charley Napier's treaty. 
 Anxious to be gone, Walker summoned his Turkish captains 
 to a council of war, at which he proposed to them to land in 
 the night with the boats, surround the palace (which is on 
 the water's edge), and carry off Mehemet Ali himself on 
 board ship, whence he might have him sent by a steamer to 
 Constantinople. The captains readily agreed, and probably 
 the plan would have been executed, but Mehemet Ali con- 
 sented to let the fleet sail. They started, met the French 
 steamer at the mouth of the harbour, and she brought the 
 rejection of the treaty. But the ships were gone. 
 
 February 17th. Millais' in the evening ; pleasant party, 
 with a sprinkling of artists and literature. 
 
 February 18th. Heard Disraeli's speech in the House 
 of Commons on our relations with France in reality, his 
 first attack on the new Government ; as bitter as distilled 
 gall. Theatrical in manner and undignified in substance ; 
 mischievous abroad. His own people certainly did not 
 approve or applaud. Dined afterwards at Lord Lansdowne's. 
 
 February 19th. Dined at Munro's; Sir R. Murchison, 
 Verekers, Eastlakes, ourselves. The laird gave us a capital 
 dinner, and we lit up the pictures with great effect. 
 
 Lord Clarendon sat some time in my room, but the talk 
 was of Irish affairs, and scarce worth recording. By the 
 way, Lord Cowley, who is come over, utterly denies the 
 truth of the story about the curee des dames at Compiegne. 
 
 February 20/i. Eode with Delane to Mortlake, the frost 
 being still very hard, but the mare carries me well. 1 Meeting 
 at Phillips' studio in the evening to settle the rules of our 
 club for evening meetings. 
 
 February 21s. The Longmans and Whieldons dined 
 here. For some days past a discussion has been going on 
 as to the propriety of raising me to the functions of registrar 
 of the Privy Council under the provisions of the 3rd and 4th 
 William IV., cap. 41. All the members of the Judicial 
 Committee are in favour of it, and it is, of course, an advan- 
 tage to have Lord Granville at the Office. Dr. Lushington 
 
 1 See February 5th, ante, p. 232.
 
 JET. 40 SOCIETY IN LONDON 287 
 
 has written to the chancellor for his consent, and then I 
 suppose it will be done. 
 
 February Z2nd. We dined at the Granvilles with a 
 large party of the Nots in office Lord Carlisle, Sir G. Grey, 
 Labouchere, and Layard. The Duchess of Sutherland was 
 immensely grand, and an interview between her and Mrs- 
 Grote very diverting. In our time there has been nobody 
 who continues to surround herself with a sort of fictitious 
 dignity like the Duchess of Sutherland. She is not clever ; 
 and in anyone else, her affectations might be laughed at. 
 But she is neither worldly nor ambitious ; is very good- 
 natured and has a thoroughly kindly heart ; all which, added 
 to her beauty and high character, gives her an influence in 
 society far beyond what wealth and rank could claim for 
 her. 
 
 We went afterwards to Mrs. Stephenson's, 1 where there 
 was music. Dr. Weber and his brother sang the duet in 
 ' Otello ' with great effect a music we have, alas ! almost 
 ceased to hear ; yet, besides its beauty, it has all my early 
 associations in it Rubini, Donzelli, Pasta, Malibran, and I 
 know not who besides voices which seem to have passed 
 from the world. 
 
 February 23rtZ. Countess Colloredo's evening. A good 
 many people to congratulate on the Emperor of Austria's 
 recent escape from assassination ; but it is astonishing how a 
 dislike of the Austrians has filtered into every class of society, 
 and at Vienna they are perfectly rabid against us. 
 
 February 25th. Dined at the Kichardsons'. Macqueen 2 
 there. He said the Divorce Commission proposes the crea- 
 tion of a distinct court, and not to send the divorce cases to 
 the judicial courts. Meanwhile my affair of the registrarship 
 goes on. Lord Truro, Dr. Lushington, Lord Justice Knight 
 Bruce, Lord Justice Turner, Sir E. Kyan, Sir John Jervis, 
 
 1 Sister of Charles Hamilton (ante, p. 88) and wife of Mr. W. H. Stephenson, 
 a clerk in the Treasury, nominated a K.C.B. in 1871. Lady Stephenson died 
 in 1883. 
 
 2 John Eraser Macqueen, a barrister, frequently engaged in Scottish appeals 
 and in proceedings for divorce ; afterwards Q.C., a bencher of Lincoln's Inn 
 and official reporter of Scottish and divorce appeals in the House of Lords ; 
 author of among many other law books A Practical Treatise on tlie Appellate 
 Jurisdiction of the House of Lords and Privy Council (1842). He died at the 
 age of 78, in 1881.
 
 288 SOCIAL ENGAGEMENTS 1853 
 
 and Sir John Patteson have signed or will sign the repre- 
 sentation in my favour. 
 
 February 2Gth. Dined at Longman's ; nobody there 
 but Twiss. We went afterwards to Lady Molesworth's, who 
 was in all the glory of dukes and Cabinet ministers. A 
 coalition is an odd thing to see, and one laughed at Lord 
 Aberdeen and Sidney Herbert talking to Cobden and Milner 
 Gibson. The Radicals, however, are enthusiastic about 
 Lord Aberdeen, who certainly has a fund of liberalism in 
 him which no one would have suspected. Clarendon warm 
 about refugees. 
 
 February llHi (Sunday). Harness admirable. Eode in 
 the afternoon, with Christine on the new mare, Delane, and 
 Longman, and spent an evening at home for the first time 
 for a fortnight. Finished my review of ' Marcellus ' * for the 
 ' Edinburgh.' 
 
 February 28th. Delane called after a long chat he had 
 with the premier. Found him very strong against the 
 Turks, whom he calls ' crapulous barbarians ; ' he entirely 
 agrees with a recent article in the ' Times ' against Turkey, 
 which makes a great noise. There must, however, be a 
 great divergency in the Cabinet on this subject, though 
 Palmerston studiously avoids saying anything on foreign 
 affairs. 
 
 Evening at home again, and wrote up my week's 
 journal. 
 
 March 3rd. A list of evening parties. First to Fred. 
 Elliot's, then to Lady Molesworth's, then to the Attorney- 
 General's. Molesworth's dinner had been made to bring 
 Lord Aberdeen into contact with Bright. The topic of the 
 day was the choice of Jackson, of St. James, to be bishop of 
 Lincoln. Bright said to the earl that he could not be 
 expected to rejoice in the creation of bishops ; but, as long 
 as such evils existed, he hoped the appointments would be 
 as good as that just made of which, indeed, everybody 
 speaks most highly. What a lottery is life ! Jackson is a 
 man of little more than forty ; sometime curate of a church 
 at Muswell Hill ; then rector of St. James ; preached a few 
 
 1 Marcellus: Memoirs of the Restoration, in the Edinburgh Review of 
 April 1853.
 
 ^ET. 40 THE EEFUGEE QUESTION 289 
 
 sermons to prime ministers, and is now a bishop, more likely 
 than most men, perhaps, to be the primate. 1 
 
 March 4th. Went to the House of Lords to hear Lord 
 Lyndhurst speak on the refugee question, which has thrown 
 Germany and diplomacy into a paroxysm of irritation. 
 Nothing could be better ; clear, precise, and statesmanlike, 
 especially in laying down, for the information of foreign 
 governments, the limitations of English jurisprudence, which 
 are not in the law, but in the proof of the facts charged. 
 Lord Aberdeen said the Government are resolved to prose- 
 cute if a case arises. Brougham had a fine burst afterwards 
 his voice and style as grand as ever. 
 
 From Lord Clarendon 2 
 
 Grosvenor Crescent, March 4th. In the article you are 
 about to write 3 (which I heard of with extreme satisfac- 
 tion), pray take care to condemn thoroughly the abuse of 
 hospitality by the refugees. It will give much greater 
 weight to the arguments against the demands of the arbi- 
 trary governments, and it would never do to afford them a 
 pretext for saying that revolution or assassination found 
 countenance from the organ of public opinion in England. 
 Aberdeen's answer to Lyndhurst this evening will supply 
 you with the opinions of the Government. 
 
 March 4th [later]. I have just received a most satis- 
 factory letter from Cowley, telling me that the French 
 Government will not stir in the refugee question, and that 
 the Emperor feels, in the first place, how much he owes to 
 England as an asylum in the days of his misfortune, and, 
 next, that on the question of his recognition we took our 
 own line without waiting for the Northern Courts. 
 
 1 Jackson was, however, a much better known man than this remark seems 
 to imply. He had graduated at Oxford as one of that brilliant first class which 
 contained the names of Liddell, Scott, and Eobert Lowe ; had been incumbent 
 not curate of St. James', Muswell Hill, for eleven years, and in 1847 had 
 been appointed chaplain in ordinary to the Queen. In 1853 it was commonly 
 said, in clerical circles, that his nomination to Lincoln was strictly the Queen's 
 own ; but in any case, he had a considerable repute both as a preacher and as 
 which is apparently a higher qualification the successful master of the 
 Islington proprietary school. He was translated to London in 1868, and died 
 in 1885. 
 
 2 At this time Foreign Secretary. 
 
 The article appeared in the Times, March 5th. See next page. 
 
 VOL. I. U
 
 290 AT THE LEVEE 1863 
 
 Under these circumstances Cowley is most anxious that 
 a line should be put in the ' Times ' acknowledging the fair 
 dealing of the Emperor, though, of course, it must be 
 alluded to as an on dit. I think this might come well 
 into your article, and I shall be much obliged for it, as it 
 will help to check the combined remonstrance with which 
 we are threatened. I had satisfactory assurances from 
 Bunsen on this subject he says Prussia won't join in any 
 league, though she will be sorely pressed. 
 
 To continue the Journal : 
 
 Tuesday, March Sth. Lady Clarendon held her first 
 reception in the rooms of the Foreign Office, which have just 
 been gilt and carpeted by Lord Malmesbury ' Sic vos non 
 vobis ;' but this case is not so bad as Disraeli's, who paid for 
 his upholstery and then left it to the Gladstones. 
 
 Of course all the foreign ministers were there, or ought 
 to have been, but oddly enough I did not see the Walewskis. 
 Bunsen protested to me that Prussia would take no part 
 against us in the refugee question. 
 
 Wednesday, March 9th. I went to the levee, which 
 was very full. I stopped in the throne room till the end, 
 having something to say to Lord Granville. Prince Albert 
 held the levee for the Queen, as she is near her confine- 
 ment. Lord Clarendon walked out with me, and expressed 
 great delight at an article in the ' Times ' of the 5th, on the 
 refugees. 
 
 Dined at Longman's an ' Edinburgh Review ' dinner, 
 in honour of Lewis's inauguration. Macaulay could not 
 come, but we had Sir J. Stephen, Senior, Bonamy Price, 
 Mrs. Jameson, and Milnes not, to say the truth, a very 
 exhilarating assembly. Lady Molesworth had her second 
 assembly in the evening ; amusing to see a host of new 
 grandees there. 
 
 March llth. We had to dinner at home the Fords, 1 
 Walters, James Booths, 2 Danby Seymour, K Hodgson, 
 
 1 Richard Ford, an amateur artist of distinguished merit, and a frequent 
 contributor to the Quarterly Review, but best known as the author of the 
 Handbook to Spain. He married, in 1851, the sister of Sir William Moles- 
 worth, and died, at the age of 62, in 1858. 
 
 1 Secretary to the Board of Trade.
 
 Mi. 40 THE CRYSTAL PALACE 291 
 
 Phillips, and Simpson a party which turned out uncom- 
 monly pleasant. 
 
 Saturday, March 12th. Christine and I rode to Syden- 
 ham to see the Crystal Palace, which begins to throw its 
 spires and domes over the hill ; a wonderful creation, like 
 some Belshazzar's palace in one of Martin's pictures ; the 
 vastest building on the earth and the most fragile ; one can 
 hardly conceive its durability, much less permanence. 1 
 
 From M. Guizot 
 
 Paris, March 12th. Is the readiness you are showing to 
 accept the fall of the Ottoman Empire quite serious ? or is 
 it a ruse de guerre to divert those who may wish it, by 
 showing them that you will not be taken unawares ? But 
 take care ! Predicting an event is very apt to bring it to 
 pass ; touching fruit to see if it is ripe often makes it fall. 
 There is no question purely Eastern ; as soon as one is started, 
 it will become the Western question ; and as soon as a 
 serious question is raised in the West, it will become the 
 revolutionary question, the question of social change, of 
 territorial readjustment throughout Europe the question of 
 chaos. . . . 
 
 I do not, however, think that this Eastern question is likely 
 to come upon us just now. Empires sometimes remain in 
 a moribund state for centuries. The Greek Empire has 
 given us one example of it ; Turkey, in the same place, may 
 perhaps give us another. 
 
 In writing this, Guizot seems to have missed the very ob- 
 vious consideration that the Byzantine Empire was surrounded 
 by people far lower in the scale of civilisation than herself, 
 and that her power of cohesion was much greater than that of 
 her neighbouring enemies. The same can scarcely be said 
 of the empire which now sits at Constantinople, though it 
 is quite possible that a very different cause the mutual 
 jealousy and distrust of the Great Powers may produce the 
 same effect. But after this Guizot goes on to argue that at 
 that time there was no disposition to bring about the end. 
 The policy of the Great Powers was necessarily pacific. 
 Austria had her hands full with Hungary and Lombardy, 
 
 1 Forty -five years ago, and it's there still. 
 
 u 2
 
 292 ESTIMATES OF NICHOLAS 1853 
 
 and the Emperor of Eussia, though absolute and powerful, 
 was pen ambitieux, and not being a soldier himself had 
 no wish to see his generals winning distinctions in which 
 he could have no share. In France, too, there was a general 
 apprehension that war would bring on revolution ; and the 
 Emperor, governed by idees fixes, ' never pursues more 
 than one hare at a time. At present the Pope is the hare. 
 He wants to catch him and bring him to Paris so that he 
 may be crowned by him. To this idee all his policy is sub- 
 ordinated, and he will make any concession to Austria and 
 Russia to prevent their opposing it.' In England alone 
 there seemed no guiding principle, and the articles in the 
 ' Times ' might become mischievous by their impression on 
 public opinion, which again, in England, had more weight 
 on the Government than it ought to have. 
 
 Lord Clarendon's letters, several of which are here given, 
 show how mistaken was Guizot's estimate of his conduct, and 
 the history of the next three years shows that his estimate 
 of Nicholas was equally erroneous. In this there is no dis- 
 paragement to Guizot, who was looking on indeed, but 
 without seeing the cards ; and the general consent of Euro- 
 pean statesmen may be held to establish the fact that 
 Nicholas's conduct in 1853-4 gave the lie to the reputation 
 which he previously held. The Duke of Wellington alone, 
 is reported to have ' had a bad opinion of Nicholas's character 
 for sincerity, and to have said " there was much in him of 
 the Greek of the Lower Empire." >l But the great Duke was 
 dead, and his wisdom was buried with him. 
 
 Continuing the Journal : 
 
 Sunday, March 13th. We went to the Temple Church. 
 The musical service by Hall and Hine in B flat, and not 
 very good. The day was lovely, and all London turned into 
 the parks for the first time. 
 
 Dined at Sir William Molesworth's in great state, my 
 lady having brought over a new chef from Paris, who how- 
 ever is not quite a cordon bleu. The dinner was large, and 
 consequently I saw and heard nobody but the Fords, near 
 whom I sat. One prefers a leg of mutton and conversation 
 to a feast without it. 
 
 March I5th. Sat some time this morning with Lord 
 Clarendon while he breakfasted, never having been near him 
 
 1 Lord Malmesbury's Memoirs of an Ex-Minister, i. 318.
 
 Mi. 40 DINNER AT TWICKENHAM 293 
 
 before since he took office. He said the Government were 
 doing all they could to support the Turks, and hoped they 
 would go on ; but he admitted that Nicholas believes in a 
 fatal necessity impelling him to Constantinople ; that he 
 never would assent to the creation of any intermediate 
 independent State, and that, secretly, he would be very 
 happy to treat with us for a partition. I observed that it 
 might well happen that when Nicholas is gone we shall have 
 a less powerful and energetic man to deal with, but also a 
 less upright one ; for, as Lord Clarendon himself observed, 
 his chief ambition is to be treated like an English gentle- 
 man. 
 
 There seems no likelihood of any improvement in our 
 relations with Austria, for they are as mad as ever about the 
 refugees. Lord Clarendon had anticipated any application 
 on the subject by writing a despatch which was shown to 
 Buol, and in fact Lord Aberdeen repeated the substance of 
 it in the House of Lords on the 4th. It was to the effect 
 that, even if we had an Alien Bill, the application of it would 
 be an endless source of dispute with other Powers, who are 
 much more apt to make charges than to substantiate them. 
 
 March IQth. As Easter approaches the gaieties of 
 London cease, but I dined to-day at Twickenham with the 
 Due et Duchesse d'Aumale, who had kindly sent de Mussy 
 to invite me to dinner en famille. The Duke, who has 
 realised all he could out of the wreck of the Conde property 
 by sales under the decree of January 22nd, 1852, has bought 
 the house at Twickenham in which his father spent his 
 years of exile. There he has brought a splendid library, a 
 rich collection of furniture and clocks, trophies of arms from 
 the Algerian wars, and all the souvenirs of his family and 
 his life. Over the chimney-piece in the library was Abd-el- 
 Kader's sabre, taken at the Prise de la Smala, and his tele- 
 scope, surrendered by the emir to the Duke on his final 
 capture. On my arrival I found the Duchess with a lady of 
 honour in a small drawing-room. The Duke soon entered, 
 and dinner was announced. All the household, down to the 
 groom and gardener, are French. We proceeded through 
 some immense conservatories to a sort of octagon tower, 
 which is the dining-room. It was horribly cold, ill- warmed,
 
 294 THE DUG D'AUMALE 1863 
 
 large windows, and frost out of doors. The little Prince de 
 Cond6 dined with us, but in a cap and great-coat, and I 
 wished I had been him or Eogers, to do the same. The 
 conversation turned a good deal on Church affairs in France. 
 The Prince said he was a stout Gallican, which is in truth 
 the only form of opposition nowadays, and he showed great 
 knowledge of the personal character of the French prelates. 
 He said Thiers had made M. Affre archbishop of Paris, 
 because he was the first prelate who had ever filled that see 
 saws etre gentilhomme an odd distinction to make in the 
 Church and in France, which we certainly have never made 
 here. He said the great error of the Eevolution of 1848 is 
 that it has for a time destroyed liberalism, and proscribed 
 liberal opinions ; and then talked of Italy, and quizzed 
 Naples, till the Duchess told him to hold his tongue. They 
 both said their grandfather (the old King of Naples, for they 
 are first cousins) was much more beloved than the present 
 king, but deserved it much less. Unhappily the present 
 man has not a man of ability and uprightness in his service, 
 except Filangieri, and he is half a Muratist. The Prince 
 stood before the fire after dinner for more than an hour, till 
 I was ready to drop, which the Duchess perceived and made 
 me sit down. He laughed, and said it was the bad habit of 
 princes de se dandiner sur les deux jambes, and very pre- 
 valent in the whole House of Bourbon, even at Naples and 
 in the younger branch. He asked me to come again fre- 
 quently. 
 
 This was the commencement of an intimacy which 
 endured till Eeeve's death. The Duke himself, though some 
 eight years younger than Eeeve, did not long survive him. He 
 died at Palermo on May 7th, 1897, 1 consequent on the shock 
 he received from the news of the terrible death of his niece, 
 the Duchesse d'Alen9on, in the fire at the Bazar de la Charite 1 , 
 on May 4th. The Journal goes on : 
 
 Sunday, March 0,0th. To-day as I was starting to ride 
 
 1 Among the many obituary notices in the newspapers and magazines, may 
 be mentioned one, by M. Laugel, in the Revue de Paris of October 1st, 1897, 
 and a short article, in memoriam, by Mrs. Reeve, in Longman's Magazine 
 for July 1897. Memoirs have also been published under the titles Le Due 
 cTAumale : le Prince, le Soldat, VHistorien, par le Commandant Grandin, 
 avec introduction de son Eminence le Cardinal Perraud (1897), and Le Due 
 d'Aumale, 1822-1897, par Ernest Daudet (1898).
 
 J&s. 40 MENSCHIKOFFS MISSION 295 
 
 with Delane he told me that the French Government had 
 ordered their fleet to the East, in consequence of the imperious 
 tone of Prince Menschikoff's mission to Constantinople. 
 Eose had sent to Malta for our fleet, but very properly 
 Dundas refused to stir. The messenger arrived with these 
 despatches' in the night, and a sort of small Cabinet was 
 held at the Admiralty, at which Lord Aberdeen, Clarendon, 
 Lord John, Graham, and Palmerston alone were present. 
 They approved Dundas for not sailing, and I think ordered 
 a reinforcement to be got ready. I at once saw, before I 
 knew all this, that the French had got into a scrape, in which 
 we should not follow them, and wrote an article accordingly, 
 which turned out to be quite correct. Indeed the ' Times ' 
 of the 20th, 21st, and 22nd illustrates my view of the whole 
 question. Windsor Castle took fire last night, but it was 
 not very serious. 
 
 March 2&nd. I heard from Delane that Lord Aberdeen 
 entirely concurs in the article of the ' Times.' They are all 
 angry at the French sending off their fleet without consulting 
 us at all. The consequence has been a rapprochement with 
 Russia. Lord Clarendon went to Brunnow and said that 
 he had entire confidence in the Emperor's word of honour, 
 and accepted his assurance that Menschikoff's mission was 
 confined to the question of the Sanctuaries, in which the 
 French have brought a palpable defeat upon themselves. 
 
 March 2th. Dined at Longman's with Delane, Sir 
 Emerson Tennent, Count Strzelecki, Mr. Caird, and George 
 Lewis. The India question very much talked of ; it revives 
 the identical controversy of 1783. 
 
 Good Friday, March 25th. After church went to Slough, 
 to see Ward's new pictures for the Exhibition ; one, the 
 executioner tying Wishart's book on to the breast of 
 Montrose before he was hung ; the other Josephine signing 
 the divorce ; both very powerful. Ward is now by far our 
 most vigorous and original historical painter, and is not an 
 Academician. We had a pleasant afternoon with him and 
 his pretty wife, who paints also with great truth and good 
 style. 
 
 Easter Sunday, March 27th. Attended with Christine 
 at Harness' church and took the Sacrament, unhappily from
 
 296 MENSCHIKOFFS MISSION 
 
 the hands of a young curate, who whined and grimaced like 
 a bonze, and disturbed one's religious feeling. Saw Lord 
 Clarendon for a few minutes after church, and Graham. He 
 said he was quite satisfied with the course we had pursued, 
 though there had been some ferment here and more in Paris. 
 But that he continued to place implicit confidence in the 
 declarations of the Emperor of Kussia as a man of honour, 
 touching the mission of Menschikoff. Brunnow had said, I 
 dare say truly, that nothing was so likely to affect the 
 Emperor favourably to the new Foreign Minister as this sort 
 of confidence among gentlemen. The French, however, are 
 angry at having got into a scrape without us, and invent 
 every sort of lie to explain their case. However, considering 
 this irritation, Lord Clarendon entreated me not to fall upon 
 them, and I wrote an article for the next day the 28th 
 w r hich I afterwards heard had (oddly enough) delighted both 
 Eussia and France. 
 
 From Lord Clarendon 
 
 G. C., March 27^. 1 I did not finish half of what I 
 wished to say, so must add a line to beg of you not to allow 
 the insertion in the ' Times ' of anything irritating to France. 
 They are at this moment in such a state of self-dissatisfaction, 
 and so afraid of the ridicule they may incur for the haste 
 with which they have acted, that they are looking for a 
 <;ause of quarrel somewhere, if only to detourner public 
 attention. They explain that they wished to make no 
 fanfaronnade, but meant to be ready for any eventuality ; 
 and that by sending the fleet to Salamis and no further, they 
 merely wished to be in the same position as us at Malta. 
 
 In speaking in general terms of the confidence that the 
 Emperor of Eussia deserves, it should be said that he can 
 have no reason for wishing a quarrel with France, and that 
 events will probably show that, even with respect to the Holy 
 Places, notwithstanding his ground for complaint there, his 
 conduct towards France will be marked by good faith as well 
 as friendly feeling. 
 
 Kisseleff's communications on Monday last fully bear out 
 
 1 This and the two following notes were all written in sequence to the 
 hurried interview after church, mentioned in the Journal.
 
 JET. 40 EXCITEMENT IN FRANCE 297 
 
 this. France will have a double satisfaction first, that of 
 showing to Europe how quickly her fleet can be under way ; 
 and, secondly, that of finding there was no occupation for it. 
 
 F. 0., Sunday. The despatches only arrived at 12 last 
 night there is every reason to believe (i.e. it is quite 
 certain) that our fleet has not left Malta. Menschikoff 
 arrived with great pomp and circumstance, called on the 
 grand vizier, but not on Fuad Effendi, minister for foreign 
 affairs, who accordingly resigned. The Sultan would not 
 accept his resignation ; he insisted, and the Sultan yielded, 
 with a firman saying he did so in compliance with the wish 
 of his minister a great compliment, and a great novelty, 
 as in questions of that sort nothing but the Sultan's 
 will is ever heard of. This has broken Fuad's fall. 
 Menschikoff had not had his interview with the Sultan, nor 
 were all the objects of his mission precisely known ; 
 supposed to have reference only to the Holy Places, and with 
 respect to them the only difficulty of course is France. If 
 there is not discretion and moderation on both sides, the 
 whole affair may be complicated and dangerous, but there 
 ought not to be any real difficulty ; a European war over 
 the tomb of our Saviour would be too monstrous in the 
 nineteenth century. 
 
 Sunday. I wrote to you from the F. 0. this evening, 
 but forget whether I mentioned the French fleet. All we 
 know is that a telegraphic despatch at 5 yesterday said ' the 
 fleet will sail for the Greek waters.' Walewski has nothing 
 from his Government, owing to their having stupidly sent 
 their despatch by the English post ; ergo it passes this day 
 at Calais. 
 
 I hardly think the French fleet can have sailed, or can 
 have done more than get ready for sea, without first 
 communicating with us, or at least knowing whether our 
 fleet had really sailed ; and they would know from me this 
 morning that I thought it highly improbable. 
 
 It would be a great object, if possible, to calm the 
 susceptibilities of France, and to say that, although the Holy 
 Places, and indeed anything connected with his religious 
 supremacy, were objects not only of ecclesiastical, but of 
 political, importance to the Emperor of Kussia, yet that we
 
 298 DEATH OF GRANVILLE LOCH 1853 
 
 won't believe, without better evidence, that he means to 
 offend France or to risk a European war upon such a question. 
 Since writing the above I have seen a private letter 
 saying that Menschikoff and all his suite had been received 
 by the Sultan, and that the messages he delivered were of a 
 very friendly character. 
 
 Returning to the Journal : 
 
 March 29^. Arrived a telegraph despatch via Trieste 
 with the heavy news that poor Granville Loch was killed 1 in 
 an attack on a place called Donabew, on the Rangoon River. 
 I communicated the bad news to Willie, who was dreadfully 
 overpowered, and so was Mr. Loch when he got to town, as 
 well he might be. By the last letter from Granville he was 
 just starting to renew an attack in boats one attack having 
 already been repulsed upon the hold of a formidable robber 
 who had got possession of Donabew and stockaded the creek 
 up to it. Some men had already been lost in this first 
 attack, though, according to G.'s expression, they could 
 not see the flashes of the muskets that killed them. In 
 this same place he probably perished. We shall soon 
 know more, but I am afraid there is a defeat to boot, for the 
 expedition is said to have lost two guns. In all 88 persons 
 were killed or wounded an enormous proportion. Poor 
 Granville Loch was a brilliant officer ; small or rather grele, 
 putting one in mind of Nelson's appearance, but refined in 
 conversation, with infinite gaiety and spirit. Yet, with all 
 this gloss on the surface, he was a most resolute officer, strict 
 on board his ship, and bold enough to undertake anything- 
 In one of his last letters he relates how with 22 men and a 
 corporal he chased 300 Burmese soldiers for a couple of miles 
 across country, with the bayonet. Had he lived, I have 
 always felt he would have been at the top of his profession, 
 and it is most sad to think of such a man dying such a death. 
 
 April 6th. The subsequent accounts have confirmed all 
 this melancholy story, and in the ' Times ' of to-day there is 
 a narrative of the occurrence which I compiled from the 
 despatches. The feeling of regret is deep and universal, and 
 
 1 He was shot through the body on February 4th, and died on the 6th.
 
 JEi. 40 APPOINTED REGISTRAR 299 
 
 Mr. Loch has received marks of sympathy from everyone, 
 from the Queen downwards. I asked Captain Denman 
 to join with me in setting on foot a subscription for a monu- 
 ment, 1 and we have got Lord Adolphus Fitzclarence to take 
 the chair at a meeting next Monday. 
 
 The Queen signed yesterday the warrant appointing me 
 to the office of Eegistrar of the P.O., with 1,000?. a year; a 
 pleasant and permanent change in my position, but I have 
 to pay a stamp of 151. We dined with Bonamy Price to 
 meet William Greg a great contributor to reviews Francis 
 Newman, Sir James and Lady Stephen, and a Mr. Lord, an 
 American. Conversation interesting on slavery, Stephen 
 oddly enough taking the anti-emancipation view, and saying 
 that in Mauritius, for instance, the negroes had already 
 relapsed into beggary and fetichism, and would disappear in 
 fifty years wherever they were set free. So that slavery alone 
 perpetuates the black race out of Africa. Queer doctrine 
 this for Clapham ! F. Newman said, in his keen bitter way, 
 that he thought it more wicked and abominable to keep men 
 in bondage than to make them into butcher's meat ! 
 
 The Cosmopolitan afterwards was very brilliant. Tenny- 
 son there, Higgins, Milnes, Spedding, Stirling, Hodgson, 
 &c. I don't know any other room in London which could 
 contain such a force of men. 
 
 April I4:th. The Judicial Committee was sitting to-day 
 and the Attorney-General just going to open a case, when he 
 was suddenly summoned to attend the Home Secretary. I 
 found from Chief Justice Jervis, whom Cockburn consulted, 
 that a seizure of ammunition and arms had been made, 
 which were supposed to belong to Kossuth, and that pro- 
 ceedings were to be taken against him. Upon this news I 
 repaired to the Foreign Office, where I saw Lord Clarendon, 
 who had just got a letter from Palmerston, saying that they 
 had made a razzia the night before on Kossuth 's rocket 
 manufactory, and had seized forty chests of rockets of war, 
 packed for exportation, and ready to start, it seems, for 
 Rostock, besides some gunpowder. The law officers were 
 consulted as to the grounds of indicting Kossuth for levying 
 
 1 Now in St. Paul's. See post, p. 301.
 
 800 SEIZUKE OF ARMS 1853 
 
 war against a foreign State. Lord Palmerston was uncom- 
 monly eager in the pursuit. 
 
 April 1.5th. This story appeared next day in the ' Times,' 
 and when the House met, the Eadicals tried hard to exculpate 
 Kossuth, and to get Palmerston to say he was wrongly 
 accused ; which, however, he would not do. It seems there 
 were 70 chests of rockets, 2,000 shells (empty), and 500 Ibs. 
 of gunpowder in a factory at Eotherhithe, belonging, not to 
 Kossuth, but to a Mr. Hale. This Mr. Hale succeeded 
 Warner, and in the schedule of the latter there was an item 
 of 200Z. for rockets supplied to the Hungarians during the 
 war. The mere fact of the existence of such enormous 
 stores of war in Eotherhithe is evidently a serious public 
 danger. It remains to be seen what case there is against 
 Kossuth personally. 
 
 Saturday, April 1.6th. I have forgotten to record the 
 gaieties of the week. On Wednesday we dined at the Butts' l 
 with a party of Tories, including Whiteside, the Irish lawyer, 
 who is agreeable but not brilliant. Then we went to the 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer's, where there was a House of 
 Commons squeeze. On Thursday we dined with Higgins ; 
 Friday, parties at Lady Talbot de Malahide's and the sempi- 
 ternal Lady Morgan ; and Saturday, a small choice party 
 at the Clarendons'. 
 
 I rode over to-day to call on the Due d'Aumale, and sat 
 an hour with him. His home, as he calls it, is full of 
 pictures and relics after the great shipwTeck. He showed 
 me the first thing his sister, Princess Mary, had modelled 
 a Joan of Arc on horseback, at the moment she has first 
 struck down a man-at-arms. Unnerved by her own triumph, 
 the woman and the enthusiast once more throb in her heart, 
 and she pauses in the battle a fine and original conception. 
 The King was touched by it, and said in consequence, ' Tu 
 devrais me faire une grande Jeanne d'Arc pour Versailles.' 
 The Due also showed me a wax head of Henry IV., moulded 
 in a cast from his face, and no doubt perfectly like. De la 
 Eoche's picture of the Due de Guise's death uncommonly 
 grand both in composition and expression, rather dark in 
 colour. Fine Napolitaine of Leopold Eobert. 
 
 1 George Medd Butt, M.P. for Weymouth.
 
 JEx. 40 MONUMENT TO GRANVILLE LOCH 301 
 
 We talked chiefly of English affairs, but also of Belgium, 
 where the heir-apparent of Leopold is just coming of age, and 
 great rejoicings have taken place ; even the clergy behaving well. 
 But these are strange times to rejoice over the prospects of 
 heirs-apparent, when half the governments of the world are 
 distributed by lot. The Prince said Leopold is the shrewdest 
 man he had ever seen reserved, retired, an immense reader, 
 sleeping hardly at all, a great observer of mankind. 
 
 An impression begins to exist somewhat unfavourable to 
 the prospects of the Government, which has sustained two 
 small defeats. I have always thought they would have to dis- 
 solve the present House of Commons before they got an 
 effective majority and this I suspect they have decided to do, 
 when the necessity is more strongly felt. At present, much 
 depends on the reception of the budget, which will be 
 announced on Monday. 
 
 April 18th. Christine and I went by water this morning 
 to St. Paul's, to go with Dean Milman into the church to 
 select a site for Loch's monument, or rather to see what 
 could be selected. The practice of placing monuments 
 against the walls with light behind them is, however, fatal 
 to their effect. I believe we shall have about 400Z. to spend 
 on the monument. St. Paul's really looks very grand, 
 especially with the great doors open looking on to Ludgate 
 Hill. They are refreshing the paintings in the cupola, which 
 are said to deserve it, but, independent of the smoke, the 
 oils have turned black. 
 
 Being in the City, we went to the ' Times ' office to see 
 the second edition printed. Applegath's machine is certainly 
 a marvellous invention. The huge drum whirls off 200 
 printed copies of the paper per minute, and to stand in the 
 gallery above these two machines, which throw off these 
 winged sheets with such power and rapidity, gave me a 
 strange and almost exciting sensation, for by this instrument 
 my own thoughts and opinions are propagated and diffused 
 over the habitable earth, with a power that seems at times 
 irresistible. Without the engine, however, the same thoughts 
 and opinions would perhaps not keep a Grub Street author 
 from starvation. 
 
 April 20/. A great reception of Lady Clarendon's at
 
 302 GLADSTONE'S BUDGET 1853 
 
 the Foreign Office. Cobden and, I believe, Bright were 
 there, though they affect to hold off from the relaxing society 
 of the aristocracy. 
 
 April 22nd. I had a long conversation with Lord Claren- 
 don previous to going to Paris. Lord Stratford writes from 
 Constantinople that there is considerable excitement there, 
 but apparently no real political danger. The prospect of a 
 rising of the Christian population is, however, precisely the 
 circumstance I have looked to all along as the direct cause 
 of a change in Turkey. 
 
 Lord Clarendon said there was no doubt that proof would 
 be given by a Hungarian witness, and by written evidence, at 
 Bow Street to-morrow, of Kossuth's participation in the 
 gunpowder plot at Eotherhithe. 
 
 Lord Mahon lent me to read a curious note by the late 
 Lord Chesterfield on the mistresses of George I. and II. ; 
 gross enough, yet related with exquisite continuity of style. 
 After all, it seems Mrs. Bellenden and Mrs. Howard were not 
 really the King's mistresses at all, for he had the greatest 
 dread of illegitimate progeny. 
 
 Very pleasant dinner at Kirkman Hodgson's. B. Beau- 
 mont, a promising young man, and far saner than his poor 
 father, Strzelecki, Glyn, Danby Seymour, Currie, and 
 Phillips. How odd it is that men's parties are so much the 
 most agreeable, when women cannot sit an hour in a hen- 
 roost without ennui. 
 
 Gladstone's budget, which is the great affair of the week, 
 promises to be most successful, and was introduced by a 
 speech of unexampled power. 
 
 The Notebook here breaks off for several months, during 
 which its place is rather meagrely supplied by the Chro- 
 nology : 
 
 To Paris on April 24th. Dinner and breakfast with 
 Guizot, Lavergne, Faucher, Circourt, Tocqueville, Princess 
 Lieven, Duchesse de Rauzan. We were at the height of the 
 entente cordiale. 
 
 May 5th. Lord Hatherton and I set to work to raise 
 money for casting Marochetti's Richard Cceur de Lion. 
 
 Saw a good deal of Lockhart, and wrote in the ' Quarterly.'
 
 JEn. 40 MENSCHIKOFFS MISSION 303 
 
 From Lord Clarendon 
 
 G. C., Sunday [May 22nd]. On the 10th the Porte 
 rejected the proposed convention. Prince Menschikoff then, 
 proprio motu, adjourned his departure to the 14th, 'en 
 exprimant 1'espoir qu'on ne fermerait pas la porte a tout 
 accommodements. ' 
 
 On the 13th the Ministry was modified, and Keschid 
 Pasha has now the foreign affairs, instead of Kifaat. What 
 led to this we don't know. 
 
 G. G., June 4Jh. I wished much to have a talk with you 
 to-day, as many things are better and more quickly said than 
 written ; but both before and after the Cabinet my visitors 
 were legion, and I could not send to you. 
 
 We have intelligence from Constantinople to the 22nd ; 
 unsatisfactory as regards Menschikoff, but satisfactory as to 
 Turkish conduct and foreign influence. The Porte has 
 shown the utmost desire to meet every claim that Russia 
 had a shadow of a title to make ; but Sultan, ministers, and 
 divan were unanimous as to not conferring on the Emperor 
 a right by treaty to the protectorate over the Greek Church, 
 or, in other words, the indirect (which would soon be direct) 
 government of the rayahs. The representatives of the four 
 Powers were equally unanimous in considering the decision 
 of the Porte a right one ; but they appear not to have inter- 
 fered unduly, and to have left no means untried to bring 
 about an amicable solution. Even at the last moment they 
 sent M. Kletzl, the Austrian charge d'affaires, to express 
 their regret at the rupture, and to offer their services, but in 
 vain ; which is not much to be wondered at, because the 
 thing which, with Prince Menschikoff, was a sine qua non 
 viz. the treaty the Turks were determined to refuse, and 
 nobody could advise them to accept. 
 
 By our latest date from St. Petersburg, the news of 
 Prince Menschikoff's departure had not arrived, but the 
 rejection of his ultimatum was known, and the language 
 about it was indignant, but as yet no announcement of 
 measures. The Russians everywhere talk of war ; but we 
 know nothing except from our consul at Warsaw, who says 
 that the 4th corps d'armee had, according to general belief,
 
 304 MENSCHIKOFFS MISSION 1853 
 
 been ordered to proceed by forced marches, so as to be on 
 the frontier of Moldavia by the 9th. 
 
 As peace must be the object of everybody, it is of great 
 importance at this moment to adopt a conciliatory tone, or 
 at least to avoid any just cause of irritation. A disbelief in 
 war would be the best tone, founded not alone upon the 
 declared intentions of the Emperor to uphold the Turkish 
 empire, but upon the pacific principles which he has adopted 
 throughout his reign, and which have been of most essential 
 service to Europe on more than one critical occasion. He 
 cannot go to war without considering what his real casus 
 belli against Turkey is, or knowing that all mankind are as 
 capable as himself of forming a correct judgement upon that 
 question ; and it will be found that Turkey has given him 
 no just cause of offence, except as regards the Holy Places, 
 which, by the admission of Prince M. himself, has been 
 satisfactorily settled ; that there has been no violation of 
 treaty, no maltreatment of Russian subjects, no outstanding 
 claims unsettled, no complaint from the Greek Church 
 which required redress ; but, d propos de bottes, he proposed 
 to share the Sultan's throne, and the latter declined ; saying, 
 however, at the same time, ' I will give you all you want, 
 but not in the way you want.' If Turkey is to be chawed 
 up for this, there will have been nothing like it in history 
 since the wolf performed that office for the lamb. It 
 is impossible to believe that Europe is to be plunged 
 in war for such a cause, and that all the revolutionary 
 elements are to be let loose that the Powers of Europe 
 live in dread of, and have such difficulty in restraining. 
 This last point will have more weight than any other in a 
 pacific appeal. 
 
 F. 0., June 6th. You were gone when I was able to 
 send to C. 0. Excellent article in ' Times.' No further 
 news to-day, except a letter, of 2nd inst., from Westmor- 
 land, who had just seen young Nesselrode, and it is clear 
 that the whole onus of Eussian failure is to be laid upon us 
 alone, or rather upon Stratford, who no more deserves it 
 than you do, and it is an unworthy dodge. 
 
 Austria is more strong in reprobation of Prince Menschi- 
 koff's mission and its results than I expected ; Prussia quite
 
 ^Ei. 40 EASTERN RUMOURS 305 
 
 energetic, and France holding rather strong language, but 
 without flourish, and anxious to act with us in any way we 
 please. 
 
 Young Nesselrode is come (so Lord Aberdeen, who is 
 just gone out of the room, says), and I shall probably see 
 him to-morrow. If you come up on Wednesday morning 
 you will perhaps call in Grosvenor Crescent. 
 
 The difficulty is to find a decent mode of backing out for 
 the Emperor. 
 
 G. C., June 16th. Many thanks for the article of to-day, 
 which is excellent in tone, and quite sufficient for the 
 purpose. I am particularly glad it has appeared, because 
 Aberdeen and Graham, who I consulted, begged of me not 
 to make a statement in the House of Lords, which I wished 
 to do to-day. They said, and with some truth, that a public 
 answer would merely invite fresh attacks, and that the 
 proper time for refuting them would be when the whole 
 subject came under discussion ; moreover, that as we had 
 deprecated debate in both Houses, it would be unfair to those 
 who are bursting with Eastern lore and anti-Eussian 
 anathemas to state just what suited ourselves, and still to 
 require that, even upon that statement, they should hold 
 their tongues. 
 
 No news to-day, except a report from Paris that the 
 Emperor was about to issue a manifesto to the ' Eussian 
 nation,' which I hope is not true. 
 
 F. 0., June 29/&. I know nothing about Woronzow 
 beyond what is in the newspapers, nor does Sidney Herbert, 
 his first cousin. There was a telegraphic despatch just now 
 from Cowley, announcing that Lord Stratford's despatches 
 of the 15th had arrived ; but he makes no allusion to the 
 passage of the Pruth. We had a distinct assurance from 
 Nesselrode (as had also Austria and Prussia) that no final 
 resolution respecting the occupation of the Principalities 
 would be taken by the Emperor until the arrival at St. 
 Petersburg of the answer from the Porte. That answer 
 could not arrive there till the 24th ; and I have despatches 
 of the 21st from Seymour to-day, but no allusion is made to 
 any change of determination. I think, therefore, it cannot 
 be true, though I have little doubt that the act will be 
 
 VOL. i. X
 
 306 EXCITEMENT IN RUSSIA 1868 
 
 perpetrated. The Emperor seems to have excited a good deal 
 of fanatical feeling in Russia, and it will augment the 
 difficulties of the position into which he has got himself. 
 
 G. C. [July 3rd]. Not a particle of news since I saw you 
 on Friday, except one or two facts and obiter dicta showing 
 the determination of the Emperor to proceed, and to dis- 
 regard even les vives instances of his brother of Austria. I 
 am more afraid of the manifesto he is about to publish than 
 of the occupation of the Principalities, as it will be harder 
 to retreat from the first than the latter. Brunnow is in 
 despair, and says the excitement of the Russian nation 
 increases rapidly, and that the Imperial wrath will be fright- 
 ful when the language of the English press gets known at 
 St. Petersburg. 
 
 Sunday evening [July 3rd]. I have just got a tele- 
 graphic despatch from Berlin, dated to-day, with news from 
 St. Petersburg of the 30th, saying that the Emperor insists 
 on the immediate and unconditional acceptance by the 
 Turkish Government of the projet de note which was 
 delivered to them by Prince Menschikoff. 
 
 G. C., July 5th. I am sorry I can't send you the mani- 
 festo, as I haven't it here. Bad it certainly is, but not worse 
 than I expected, and I think I detect a loophole through 
 which negotiation might enter. Brunnow says it will be 
 considered ' quite mild ' by the Russians ; but the Emperor 
 is evidently exciting the fanaticism of his people, which is a 
 very dangerous game and may cost him dear. In the mean- 
 while I believe he would much rather repass the Pruth 
 upon a bridge built for him by us than cross the Danube on 
 a bridge of his own. 
 
 The discussion of Friday won't do much good, I am 
 afraid, i.e. towards peaceful solution ; for Dizzy, I am told, 
 means to make political capital out of it, by identifying him- 
 self with the war cry, or, in other words, with the party that 
 wants confusion a tout prix. 
 
 Tom Baring told me yesterday that the notion of war 
 was anything but popular in the City, and that men of 
 intelligence and property would require a wonderfully good 
 case to be made for it before such a nuisance would be 
 tolerated.
 
 JEn. 40 THE NAVAL REVIEW 307 
 
 There was a report in Paris this afternoon that Austria is 
 preparing to occupy Bosnia and Servia, but I have no news 
 of it. I conclude it would not be in a Russian sense, and 
 that self-preservation would be pleaded. It would be another 
 ingredient cast into the war caldron. 
 
 The Journal here notes : 
 
 July 5th. To the military operations at Virginia Water, 
 with Edward James Reeve. The Queen there. 
 
 15th. To Portsmouth with George Loch and William 
 Peel. The Queen reviewed the fleet ; saw the ' Aga- 
 memnon.' l 
 
 From Lord Clarendon 
 
 G.C., July 17th. One is compelled now to doubt every- 
 thing but faits accomplis. I should otherwise feel certain 
 that there is an anxiety at St. Petersburg to be helped out 
 of the scrape, and a disposition to complain that friends are 
 backward in proposing something. Nesselrode was quite 
 pleased with a French attempt, in the shape of a note, to 
 split the difference between Menschikoff's and Reschid's last 
 notes, and seemed to think it might do. I hope it may. 
 Austria has strongly advised its adoption. 
 
 The Journal continues : 
 
 July 18th. Circourt came to Chester Square. 
 
 27/&. Christine and I to the military operations at 
 Cooper's Hill. Sent horses down and rode when there. 
 Dinner afterwards at Lord Clarendon's, with the Truros, 
 Howard de Walden, Tricoupi, and Lavradio. 
 
 August llth. Great naval review at Spithead. I went 
 with the corps diplomatique in the ' Vivid.' Twenty-one line- 
 of-battle ships, seven great war steamers. Bunsen said as 
 we sailed down the line of ships, ' This is the guarantee of 
 peace.' 
 
 1 The ' Agamemnon,' of 91 guns on two decks, was the first screw line-of- 
 battle ship designed and built as such. She was thus naturally a good deal 
 talked about as a ' show ship.' 
 
 x 2
 
 :;o8 
 
 CHAPTER X 
 
 THE EUSSIAN WAR 
 
 THE remark of Bunsen's, with which the last chapter termi- 
 nated, was by no means the general feeling either in the 
 navy or in the country at large. War was in the air. It 
 was believed that the review of August llth was very much 
 in the nature of a preliminary demonstration ; and the 
 popular idea was, on the whole, fairly well represented by 
 the cartoon in ' Punch ' of ' The Sham Fight at Spithead,' 
 representing a burly bluejacket saying to his disarmed and 
 prostrate foe, ' It's all werry well ; but O Jack, if you had 
 been a Rooshian ! ' 
 
 In political and diplomatic circles the interest of the year 
 was concentrated on the Eastern question, and little else is 
 mentioned in either the Journal or the correspondence of 
 this date. 
 
 G. C., August 24/i. I have no news and am much pro- 
 voked thereat, for the note arrived at Constantinople on the 
 9th, and with it of course the information that it was 
 approved by the four Powers. Instructions more direct and 
 explicit were sent to Lord Stratford by the ' Caradoc,' which 
 ought to have arrived on the 13th at latest. I cannot but 
 fear therefore that Turkish independence is going to play us 
 some trick. 
 
 From M. Guizot 
 
 Val Richer, September 1st. I am sorry not to see you at 
 Yal Richer, my dear Sir, but you are right to go to Con- 
 stantinople. The effects of the crisis which is just over l are 
 worth seeing on the spot. It is one of the accesses of a 
 
 1 ' Qui vient de finir.' Guizot's forecasts of affairs in the East were not 
 particularly happy.
 
 ^Ei. 40-1 STARTS FOR THE EAST 309 
 
 mortal illness, which I think will be long. In any case your 
 Cabinet has rendered Europe two considerable services ; it 
 has maintained peace and prevented the Emperor Nicholas 
 from doing all he wanted. It is good policy, and for the sake 
 of my friends I am glad that it has succeeded. I hope there 
 will be no Turkish affair next summer, and that Val Richer 
 will profit by it. This year you are doing well to go in 
 search of the sun ; here we have quite got out of the way of 
 seeing it. 
 
 From Lord Clarendon 
 
 G. C., September 9th. No news from St. Petersburg. 
 There are letters and despatches from Stratford of the 25th 
 very warlike, and rejoicing in the state of preparedness to 
 which the Porte has brought itself. He has evidently caught 
 some of the martial ardour with which his friends are 
 inspired. Nevertheless I believe he honourably endeavoured 
 to get the note accepted, and that we have no cause to 
 complain about that. He is again riled about the ' Times ' 
 not being complimentary. 
 
 By way of combining business with pleasure and forming 
 an opinion on the actual state of things in the East at first 
 hand, Eeeve had determined to go to Constantinople as soon 
 as he could leave London. Accordingly, on the evening of 
 September 13th, he and Mrs. Reeve started for Paris. The 
 entries in the diary during this very interesting tour are 
 more than usually scanty, possibly because Reeve knew that 
 his wife was keeping a detailed journal. In fact, writing 
 from day to day, Mrs. Reeve noted down not only what they 
 did and what they saw, but also the heads of such conversa- 
 tions as she either took part in or were repeated to her by 
 her husband. Her journal is thus, in a manner, his also, so 
 far as the substance is concerned, and is here considered as 
 such ; extracts from it being, however, distinguished by 
 square brackets. 
 
 September l&th. [We reached Paris soon after 9 A.M. 
 After dressing and dejeuning, Henry went to pay visits. The 
 only person he found was Mme. de Lieven, who received 
 him in spite of the early hour. Presently M. Guizot came 
 in, and an interesting conversation on the Question d'Orient 
 ensued. The Tsar has rejected the Turkish alteration of
 
 310 XAVIER RAYMOND 1863 
 
 the Note. Mme. de Lieven pronounced Menschikoff ' par- 
 faitement mal eleve,' and lamented he should have been 
 chosen for the mission which required so much delicate tact. 
 Mr. F. Elliot ' called the while on me and mentioned that 
 he and his wife were starting for Marseilles in the evening. 
 This induced us to alter our plans and profit by their society, 
 at least part of the way. . . . We left Paris at 8.5 P.M.] and 
 on to Chalons, Valence (St. Peray), Avignon, and Marseilles. 
 
 2lst. Embarked on board the ' Caire ' for Constantinople. 
 Met Xavier Kaymond and wife on board [Xavier Kaymond 2 
 of the ' Revue des deux Mondes ' and the ' Debats,' never 
 weary of talking, and doing it pleasantly too, with reminis- 
 cences of China as well as politics and literature, and a 
 little wife very good-natured, pleased and astonished at 
 everything. . . . Our captain, M. Garberon, was shy and at 
 first very silent, but he was gentlemanly and well informed, 
 as we found afterwards]. 
 
 24th. Malta. 27th. Passed Cape Matapan and entered 
 Greek Archipelago. [Henry is struck by our captain, a 
 lieutenant in the navy, calling the Emperor a serpent, and 
 using strong language about the coup d'etat ; and, expressing 
 this astonishment to Raymond, was told ' There is not a 
 mess in which similar language is not held.' 3 'Above all,' 
 said Garberon, ' Louis Napoleon is not a Frenchman.'] 
 -28th. Syra. October 1st. Smyrna. First view of the 
 East. 
 
 October 2nd. We stopped some hours in Besika Bay, 
 and I went to see Admiral Dundas on board the ' Britannia.' 
 Found Lady Emily Dundas there. 
 
 October 3rd. Arrived at Golden Horn. Went up to 
 Therapia with Captain Glyn to see Lord Stratford. Turkey 
 had declared war against Russia the day before we arrived. 
 
 1 Thomas Frederick Elliot, first cousin of the then (the second) Earl of 
 Minto, and Under-Secretary for the Colonies. 
 
 * In 1845 he had made a voyage to China as Historiographe to the French 
 Embassy. For a French landsman he had paid much attention to naval 
 affairs, and afterwards wrote, among many other works, Lettrcs sur la Marine 
 Militaire (1856) and Les Marines de la France et de VAngleterre (1863), both 
 in a tone of warm admiration of England. 
 
 * In the summer of 1855 it happened to the present writer to be on terms 
 of friendly intimacy in the ward-room of a French line-of-battle ship, and he 
 can say that in that mess, at any rate, neither Emperor nor Empress was 
 ever referred to except in terms of disparagement or contempt.
 
 Mi. 41 AT CONSTANTINOPLE 311 
 
 [The Elchi received Henry most kindly, in spite of the reports 
 so absurdly invented by the French papers l : and when 
 Henry protested that he had no political position or influence, 
 his Lordship said, ' There are various kinds of influence ; one 
 may meet Junius at a table d'hote now-a-days ' not a bad 
 bit of flattery.] 
 
 4:th and 5th. Shopping and sightseeing in Constan- 
 tinople. 
 
 6th. Eode round the walls of Constantinople. 
 
 7th. Moved to Therapia. Dined with Lord Stratford 
 every day while there. 
 
 Sth. [With Mrs. Marsh, the wife of the American 
 Minister, visited the harems of Reschid and Fuad Pasha. 
 . . . Henry had visitors nearly the whole day ; three hours 
 of Slade Pasha 2 ; he called, too, on the Elchi, and had a 
 confidential talk with him. The present complication seems 
 inexplicable without war, for the Tsar and the Ulemas are 
 alike intractable. What will be the chances of the war, and 
 will France and England be compelled to interfere to prevent 
 Russia from taking Constantinople ? With whoever you 
 talk on the subject, from whatever point of view you start, 
 all opinions agree that Moslem rule over Turkey in Europe 
 cannot last many years. An intelligent Turk, speaking of 
 the Ulemas, said lately to Slade, ' They are anxious for 
 this war ; the best plan would be to distribute them, three 
 or four to each ship and regiment, and let them taste its 
 pleasures.'] 
 
 Sunday, 9th. [Captain Drummond 3 sent off a boat, and 
 we went on board the ' Eetribution ' for church. The chap- 
 lain was taken ill in the middle of the service, and Captain 
 Drummond had to read the other part, which he did remark- 
 ably well. The boys sang, and there was a violoncello and 
 flute. Strange and touching the service was.] Went to call 
 on Slade Pasha on board 'Mahmoudieh.' Then to the 
 
 1 See post, p. 315. 
 
 2 Captain, afterwards Vice-Admiral, Sir Adolphus Slade, K.C.B. At the 
 time of the demonstration against Austria and Russia in 1849 (see ante, p. 214 n.) 
 he had been lent to the Turks to re-organise their navy, and had remained with 
 them. He continued in their service till he had attained his flag in the 
 English, when he retired. He died in London in 1877. 
 
 3 Afterwards Admiral Sir James Drummond, for many years Gentleman 
 Usher of the Black Rod to the House of Lords. He died in 1895.
 
 312 AT ATHENS 1863 
 
 Embassy. Lord Stratford in great agitation about calling 
 up the fleet. Kept me there half the night. 
 
 10th. Embarked on board the ' Egitto ' for Athens. 
 
 14M. Sun rose behind Hymettus. Piraeus. Moonlight 
 walk to the Temple of Olympian Jove and round the 
 Acropolis. Evening at Mr. Hill's, American chaplain. 
 
 15th. Acropolis, Parthenon, Pnyx, Mars Hill. 
 
 16th. Drove and dined with the Wyses ; saw General 
 Church and Mr. Finlay. 
 
 nth. To Mount Pentelicus with Captain Marceau. 1 
 [The view of Marathon and Euboea was very fine, and the 
 sea, the mountains, and the islands made a grand panorama, 
 which, with the lights and shades of a bright sun, would 
 have been still grander ; but I was grateful for the clouds 
 during the ascent, and, as we gained the top, felt invigorated 
 by the delightful change of temperature ; but it grew warmer 
 as we descended, and the heat was stifling in the plain. . . . 
 Dinner at the Embassy. The minister and attach^ were 
 dining at the French Legation, but General Church, M. 
 Boudouris (whom Henry had known as a student at Geneva) 
 and the ladies made a pleasant little circle. General Church 
 thinks more highly of the Turkish army than anyone we 
 have met, and says the Russians dare not attempt to march 
 on Constantinople, without taking Varna and Schumla, as 
 before.] 
 
 18th. [Decided for a quiet day. The conspirator 2 came 
 into our room to smoke and talk. He is one of the twelve 
 who, after assembling in church and hearing divine service, 
 have sworn a solemn oath to devote themselves, lives, and 
 property to obtaining the independence of the Greek popula- 
 tion in Turkey. He lamented the policy of England . . . 
 which has placed at Constantinople a minister who, believing 
 in the Turks, ignores the existence of that element which 
 must supersede the Moslem, and which should have been 
 encouraged to look to England, and rely on her support, 
 
 1 A French cavalry officer in the Turkish service, who had been a passenger 
 in the ' Egitto.' 
 
 * M. Manos, a lawyer from Bucharest, ' ready to quarrel at the least word of 
 disparagement of the Greek cause,' who had come from Constantinople in the 
 'Egitto.' The similarity of name suggests a relationship with another 'con- 
 spirator,' who organised the insurrection in Crete in February 1897.
 
 ^Ex. 41 THE QUEEN OF THE GREEKS 313 
 
 instead of on that of Eussia for they do look to Kussia as 
 a means to enable them to throw off the hated yoke of 
 Turkey, though they will never consent to become a province 
 of Eussia. . . . Dinner at the Embassy.] 
 
 IQth. Eode to Eleusis. [Again we dined with the most 
 hospitable of ministers. . . . Mr. Wyse was very agreeable. 
 He possesses wonderful stores of information and erudition, 
 and is most moderate (for a Eoman Catholic) towards the 
 Greek and Anglican Churches ; but he is a Eoman Catholic, 
 and does not, therefore, represent Protestant England ; and 
 the unfortunate squabble with the Court, and the grudge 
 about the Pacifico affair, altogether prevent his having the 
 position and influence which would be so desirable for Greece 
 and England. He has been reading to the Government here 
 a despatch from ours, to the effect that ' we should view with 
 great displeasure any attempt of territorial aggrandisement 
 on the part of Greece, or any attempt to incite the Christian 
 subjects of Turkey to acts of rebellion.' It is well known 
 that they are moving troops to the frontier, that Otho's 
 health has been given as ' Emperor of Constantinople,' and 
 that the Queen has declared that if he won't go when the 
 signal is given, she will drag him by the hair of his head 
 across the frontier.] 
 
 20th. Eode to Phyle, up a defile in Mount Parnes. [On 
 our way back to Athens we met the King and Queen and 
 cortege riding. She had on a white hat and feathers, and a 
 light-coloured riding habit, and looked stout and red-faced, 
 though not uncomely. I did not notice him, for, as the 
 person who called out to us said ' The Queen is coming,' it 
 was only afterwards we were told she was accompanied by 
 him. She is far more popular than he is, because she iden- 
 tifies herself with the nation more ; on festivals, she attends 
 the Greek service in a Greek costume. Otho can't stand tha 
 climate of Greece, and is constantly laid up with fever. She 
 never knows a day's illness. At 4 A.M. she drives down in a 
 close carriage to the Phalerum, takes her sea bath, returns 
 to bed, breakfasts at half-past ten, receives visitors or does 
 business till half-past three, then eats a huge dinner, after 
 which she takes and makes all around her take a long 
 ride ; the evening is finished with billiards ; and each day's
 
 314 AT CORFU 1863 
 
 routine is the same. In the winter there are balls every 
 week or alternate week, and in the cotillon she will dance 
 with anyone who takes her out.] 
 
 21s. Sailed by the ' Australia,' Austrian steamer, for 
 Trieste. Osman Bey on board, with his wives, going to 
 Avlona. 
 
 23rd. [We anchored at Corfu at 2 A.M., and one's night's 
 rest was of course ruined by the detestable row. Sir Henry 
 Ward 1 sent for Henry. The heat was intolerable, so I 
 hurried my toilette and rushed on deck. ... At last Henry 
 returned to take me on shore. We looked at Sir F. Adam's* 
 statue, and lounged along the walks he planted, and then- 
 it was only nine went to the palace, a very handsome 
 building . . . and after the sour bread, milkless and medi- 
 cinal tea, tough sodden cutlets we have undergone, the dainty 
 dejeuner of the L. H. C. was truly welcome. . . . We were 
 amused to hear the quondam radical, now regal, Ward 
 expatiate on the advantages of ' High Police.' ' I have sent 
 off half a dozen of the worst men, and since then have had 
 two blank reports from Zante ' i.e. no more murders or 
 attempts. ' But we have been told you cannot obtain con- 
 victions.' ' Oh, we send off the scoundrels without troubling 
 ourselves about convictions.' His Excellency was very plea- 
 sant, hospitable and conservative, gave us the last ' Times ' 
 and ' Galignani,' and sent us in his boat to our steamer at 
 noon. At five minutes past we were off.] 
 
 25A. Landed at Trieste. Thence to Laibach and 
 Vienna. 
 
 28th. [We dined at the Embassy, the party consisting 
 of Lord and Lady Westmorland, Lady Kose and Lord 
 Burghersh, and a number of attaches and gentlemen. . . . 
 A very different tone from that of Therapia and Athens 
 prevails here ; no dread of Russia, or Russian influence or 
 pretensions. The Earl told us to go to his opera box, and 
 we heard Flotow's pretty opera ' Marta ' charmingly given.] 
 2Qth. [Henry paid various visits . . . and returned much 
 pleased with Count Buol, and greatly gratified by a long 
 
 1 The Lord High Commissioner since 1849. In 1866 he was made Governor 
 of Ceylon, and in 1860 was transferred to Madras, where he died a few days 
 after landing. 
 
 * Lord High Commissioner, 1824-31.
 
 Mt. 41 PARIS FANCIES 316 
 
 conversation with Prince Metternich, who, at eighty-one, is 
 the most extraordinary of living personages.] 
 
 31st. Left Vienna. Home by Dresden and Cologne. 
 Arrived November 5th. Saw Greville and Lord Clarendon 
 the same day. 
 
 On passing through Paris on September 14th I called on 
 Princess Lieven, and M. Guizot came in while I was there. 
 I saw no other acquaintance in Paris at all. Four days 
 afterwards, however [on the 18th], the ' Journal des Debats ' 
 inserted the annexed paragraph : 
 
 M. Beeves, 1'un des secretaires du conseil des ministres 
 de la reine d'Angleterre, est parti de Londres mardi soir 13 
 Septembre, pour se rendre a Constantinople, afin de remettre 
 a lord Stratford de Bedcliffe les nouvelles instructions de son 
 gouvernement. Ces instructions sont de la nature la plus 
 pressante et des plus categoriques ; elles ont ete deliberees 
 d'urgence dans un conseil tenu par le comte d'Aberdeen, 
 lord Clarendon, lord John Eussell et lord Palmerston, seuls 
 ministres presens, a Londres. Les resolutions ont ete prises 
 a 1'unanimite, dit-on. On a remarque que les quatre 
 ministres qui ont participe a cette deliberation remplissent 
 ou ont rempli la charge de premier secretaire d'Etat, ministre 
 des affaires etrangeres. 
 
 M. Beeves est arrive a Paris le 14 au matin ; il en est 
 reparti le meme jour dans la soiree. On assure qu'il a com- 
 munique au cabinet franpais les instructions dont il etait 
 porteur. 
 
 And a few days later 
 
 II est aussi fort question du voyage de M. Beeves, quoique 
 Ton conteste beaucoup la version du ' Journal des Debats,' 
 en Angleterre surtout. On affirme, en particulier, que M. 
 Beeves, en traversant Paris, n'a pas vu 1'empereur. C'est 
 une erreur, du moins si je suis bien informe. M. Beeves a 
 ete a Saint-Cloud, et il y est reste assez longtemps. On 
 ajoute que M. Beeves n'est pas le secretaire du conseil des 
 ministres : en cela, on a raison ; il n'est, je crois, que secre- 
 taire du conseil prive de la reine ; mais on pretend qu'il 
 est le redacteur en chef du ' Times,' ce qui est, je crois, 
 une nouvelle erreur. M. Beeves est un des redacteurs du 
 ' Times,' qui en a plusieurs, mais il n'y travaille pas avec 
 regularite, quoique ce soit a lui que Ton doive les principaux 
 articles qui ont paru dans le journal anglais sur la question
 
 316 BACK IN LONDON 1863 
 
 turco-russe. Du reste, M. Keeves connait tres-bien 1'Orient, 
 ou il a et6 plusieurs fois. 
 
 This gave rise to infinite comments about my journey, 
 all over Europe, and proved very disagreeable. On my 
 return to England it very nearly led to a rupture between 
 myself and Walter and Delane. There was not one syllable 
 of truth in the story of my mission. 
 
 It must not, however, be supposed that the journey was 
 a mere holiday trip. Although bearing no mission, the man 
 known to be on terms of confidential intercourse with several 
 members of the Government could not, at such a time, visit 
 our ambassadors at Constantinople and Vienna on the 
 footing of the average ' globe-trotter ; ' and the curt entry of 
 October 9th tells its own tale. Lord Stratford de Bedcliffe 
 did not discuss the advisability of calling up the fleet, 
 through half the night, with a casual acquaintance. It was 
 that he considered Reeve a living commentary on Lord 
 Clarendon's celebrated despatch of September 23rd. That 
 on his return Eeeve had much to tell, Clarendon much to 
 hear, is evident from the following : 
 
 From Lord Clarendon 
 
 G. C., November 7th. Pray tell me whether it was from 
 Buol that you got the suggestion about the Porte addressing 
 the note to the four representatives or to the conference. 
 Do you think this can be relied on as a mode of proceeding 
 that to the knowledge of the Austrian Government would 
 be accepted by the Emperor of Eussia ? 
 
 I am so overwhelmed with appointments Cabinet, three 
 messengers to send, and Lord Mayor's dinner that I don't 
 venture to ask you to call upon me to-morrow or next day ; 
 but the little I heard from you makes me long exceedingly 
 for more. 
 
 Endorsed Just after my return from the East and 
 Vienna. 
 
 The next letter refers to what has been often called ' The 
 Massacre of Sinope.' Except that it was done cruelly, with 
 much unnecessary slaughter, it was the perfectly legitimate 
 destruction of an enemy's squadron, caught, in very inferior 
 force, in an open roadstead. The Russians had, indeed,
 
 JEx. 41 THE MASSACRE OF SINOPE 317 
 
 given the Western Powers to understand that they would 
 not commence hostilities by sea, and the attack was conse- 
 quently denounced as treacherous. From the Russian point 
 of view, it was not so : it was the Turks who began. The 
 Porte had learned that a Russian squadron had been at sea, 
 and felt it a point of honour for a Turkish squadron to be 
 out also. A squadron of frigates was accordingly ordered to 
 go for a cruise ; but, on the remonstrance of Slade Pasha, 
 several ships of two decks were added to it. As they were 
 on the point of sailing Lord Stratford de Redcliffe intervened, 
 and prohibited the ships of the line. He was acting, he said 
 afterwards, on the advice of the English and French admirals. 
 What the English and French admirals had said to give him 
 this impression was never known ; but it is highly probable 
 that it was nothing more than that the Black Sea was no 
 place for line-of-battle ships Turkish line-of-battle ships 
 especially to be cruising in in the winter : that they advised 
 the sending of a frigate squadron to lie in an open roadstead, 
 within easy reach of the whole Russian fleet, is quite impos- 
 sible. The blame must be divided between the Porte itself, 
 for ordering the squadron to go, Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, 
 for interfering in a matter beyond his competence, and the 
 Capitan Pasha, for allowing and acting on such interference. 
 The squadron put to sea, was scattered in a gale, put into 
 Sinope, and was there destroyed, on November 30th, by a 
 Russian squadron which included three three-deckers and 
 three two-deckers. The Russians supposed that the frigates 
 were carrying stores and reinforcements to Batum and the 
 other stations on the coast a most natural idea, as nothing 
 else could have excused the sending such a squadron to such 
 a place at such a time. 1 In reality, they were only attempting 
 a meaningless piece of swagger. 
 
 From Lord Clarendon 
 
 G. C., December 13th. I have a telegraphic despatch of 
 the 3rd (we hear as quickly sometimes by Marseilles) con- 
 firming the news. A French and English steam frigate have 
 been sent to Sinope, and two others to Varna, to procure 
 precise information, and, on their return, it is probable that 
 the combined fleets will enter the Black Sea to prevent any 
 fresh disasters. 
 
 1 For the full story of this commonly misrepresented affair, see Slade's 
 Turkey and tlie Crimean War, pp. 127-144.
 
 818 EASTERN COMPLICATIONS 1854 
 
 I have seen a copy of Menschikoff's despatch to Gort- 
 schakoff, saying that the Turkish squadron was conveying 
 forces to attack Sukhum Kale, and that it was pursued to 
 Sinope by the Russian fleet. If this should be true, it would 
 certainly give a different character to the attack, though it 
 would throw great blame on the Turkish Government for 
 having undertaken such an operation without more support 
 or a better look-out for the enemy. The probability is that 
 they were sending reinforcements and provisions to Batum. 
 
 Our chargS d'affaires at Teheran is reported to have 
 suspended his diplomatic relations with the Persian Govern- 
 ment, which, it is said, was on the point of taking part against 
 the Porte, and sending two armies to the frontiers. 
 
 In Thessaly, Macedonia, Epirus, &c., the anti-Moham- 
 medan spirit is rising every day, so that things in general 
 don't look over well for the Turks ; and what I have never 
 ceased telling Stratford may come to pass that, while we 
 are contending for the integrity &c. of the Ottoman empire, 
 the empire itself may slip through our fingers. 
 
 The Journal notes : 
 
 1854. Several dinners at home in January. On the 5th, 
 Lord Granville, the Lavradios, Sir Baldwin Walker, Charles 
 Villiers, Reventlow, and Baudin. 
 
 January 3Qth. Shot at Claremont with the Dues de 
 Nemours and Aumale. 
 
 February 13th. Dinner at Pemberton Leigh's all 
 lawyers. 
 
 A good deal of society, as usual. 
 
 From Lord Clarendon 
 
 F. 0., February 20^. I have despatches from Seymour 
 of the llth, but he had not yet received his recall. Extra- 
 ordinary activity in every department, and preparations for 
 war on the most extensive scale. The Emperor unap- 
 proachable. He has been suffering from erysipelas. Louis 
 Napoleon does not intend to publish the answer from 
 Nicholas. 
 
 F. 0., March 18th. The 'Secret and Confidential'
 
 Mr. 41 THE RUSSIAN IDEA 319 
 
 papers were not ready last night. They are rather a mare's 
 nest, and will grievously disappoint the blunderers who are 
 firmly convinced that Nicholas made a clean breast to us 
 about the objects of Menschikoff's mission ; whereas he did 
 nothing but develope the same idea that he has held since 
 1829, about the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire being 
 inevitable, and the desirableness of avoiding a scramble by 
 being prepared for the event. With the exception of 
 suggesting a portion of spoil to us if Turkey did fall to 
 pieces, there is nothing in his conversation with Seymour 
 beyond what is to be found in the memorandum of 1844. 
 He certainly, however, had no monopoly of the notion that 
 Turkey couldn't last. It was largely shared and boldly ex- 
 pressed by the ' Times,' which, as the ' organ of the Govern- 
 ment ! ' stated its own opinions, although it must have 
 known how unpalatable such opinions were to a Government 
 engaged in upholding that empire. 
 
 Pray remark the last memorandum of the Emperor, 
 which is as satisfactory a termination to a correspondence as 
 I ever remember ; for he adopts all the opinions we had 
 been urging, and agrees to the course of policy we recom- 
 mended, adding assurances that fully justified the confidence 
 we expressed in his intentions. Note also that he says he 
 had not moved a man or a ship ; and I verily believe it to 
 have been the case ; for the immense publicity given to the 
 movements of this and that corps d'armee was proof that 
 little or nothing was doing. Now, when we want to know 
 about military movements, not a word upon which reliance 
 can be placed escapes. 
 
 M. Guizot's occasional letters on literary or personal 
 matters break the monotony of a uniform course of politics. 
 
 Paris, 19 mars. Mon cher Monsieur, vous recevrez, 
 presque en meme temps que cette lettre, mon Histoire de la 
 Republique d'Angleterre et de Cromwell qui vient de paraitre. 
 Je desire beaucoup qu'elle soit un peu approuvee et goutee 
 
 1 Eastern Papers, Part V., being ' Communications respecting Turkey made 
 to Her Majesty's Government by the Emperor of Russia, with the answers 
 returned to them,' laid before Parliament on March 17th, and delivered to 
 members a few days later.
 
 320 PRUSSIAN POLICY 1864 
 
 dans votre pays, car je 1'ai 6crite autant pour 1'Angleterre 
 que pour la France. Si mon experience des revolutions m'a 
 servi a comprendre et a peindre avec verite la v6tre, cela me 
 consolera un peu de ce qu'elle m'a coute. 
 
 J'aurais bien envie que vos grands journaux, le ' Times ' 
 entre autres, disent un peu ce qu'ils pensent de mon travail, 
 si tant est que la guerre leur laisse le temps d'y faire attention. 
 Vous seriez bien aimable d'en prendre un peu de soin. . . 
 
 Paris, 30 mars. Deux mots settlement, mon cher 
 Monsieur ; je pars demain pour une petite course de 
 campagne ; mais je ne veux pas partir sans vous dire, d'abord, 
 que j'accepte tres volontiers votre dedicace de la nouvelle 
 edition de Whitelocke's ' Swedish Embassy ' ; ensuite que 
 j'espere bien que nous aurons le plaisir de vous voir cet ete 
 au Val Richer, avec Madame Reeve. J'y serai 6tabli du 15 
 mai au 15 novembre, et n'en sortirai que pour aller, au 
 commencement de 1'automne, en octobre probablement, 
 passer quinze jours chez le due de Broglie. Je crois fort 
 aux grands evenements de I'et6 prochain ; mais je me 
 promets qu'ils vous laisseront assez de loisir pour une si 
 petite, si courte et si prochaine course. 
 
 Pourquoi Mr. Longman ne publie-t-il pas en menie temps 
 une nouvelle et bonne edition de Whitelocke's ' Memorials 
 of English affairs ' ? Les deux editions in-fol qui en existent 
 sont tres incorrectes, confuses et incommodes. . . 
 
 But the Journal has : 
 
 March 28th. War was declared against Russia. I took 
 an active part in the proceedings of the Council Office on 
 the subject, and attended the Courts. Wrote the papers 
 opposing licence system, and defended liberality of trade and 
 to neutrals. 
 
 April Ilth. Important deliberations as to trade with 
 the enemy. On October 30th, Wilson l proposed restrictions, 
 but was beaten. 
 
 Lord Clarendon had a very strong feeling that the policy 
 of Prussia at this period was unworthy of a great nation. 
 The ' Times ' took the same view of it, and, in most uncom- 
 
 1 James Wilson, founder and editor of the Economist, and at this time 
 Financial Secretary to the Treasury.
 
 JEi. 41 BUNSEN'S EECALL 321 
 
 promising language, had described Prussia as thrall to Russian 
 influence. The Tsar was portrayed as the suzerain of Prussia 
 in the present, to be sovereign of Prussia in the near future ; 
 the King, as himself honest and well-meaning, but the dupe 
 of ministers, bound body and soul to Russia, and working 
 in Russian interests. These ministers were thus naturally 
 irritated against the ' Times,' and had no friendly feelings 
 towards the Government which they believed to have inspired 
 the offensive articles. Between them and Bunsen, too, there 
 were many points of difference, and it suited them to represent 
 him as denationalised : he had married an Englishwoman ; 
 he had resided for many years in London ; he had imbibed 
 English ideas, and was subject to English influences. His 
 recall is referred to in many letters of this period, and was 
 spoken of very freely by Bunsen himself. The King of 
 Prussia was unwilling to recall him, but suggested that he 
 should absent himself from London for a while, so that the 
 King might say that ' just now Bunsen was not the organ of 
 his policy.' Bunsen refused to do anything of the kind, and 
 demanded his recall, which was eventually ordered. 
 
 G. C., April Ilth. I have written a line to Granville 
 concurring in the resolution of to-day, but saying that we 
 ought to show it to the French Government before it is acted 
 upon. Will you have the goodness to bring before My 
 Lords (as I have no chance of attending the P. C.) the 
 enclosed set of queries from Baron Bentinck ? l All our 
 neutral friends are making the same inquiries, and it is time 
 they were answered. 
 
 I shall be very sorry if Bunsen is victimised. He has his 
 faults, of course ; but he understands this country and has 
 served his master here faithfully. He may perhaps be suc- 
 ceeded by such a man as Groeben, who came here in the 
 firm belief that H.M.'s ministers were distinguished by their 
 dirty shirts, and passed their nights with Mazzini and 
 Kossuth, plotting against the good Governments of Europe. 
 
 G. C., April 14/i. I think Bunsen will do quite right in 
 demanding his dismissal, for if he submitted to the disgrace 
 of absenting himself, the moment for reinstating him would 
 
 1 The Dutch Ambassador. 
 VOL. I. Y
 
 322 CHORLEY'S DINNER 1864 
 
 never arrive. As for my having insisted on his removal, it 
 is only one of the many lies in circulation at Berlin. I have 
 not mentioned his name since Groeben's mission till the 
 other day ; and I am perfectly certain that Lord Aberdeen 
 has never said a word to anyone respecting Bunsen. 
 
 I am glad the ' Kreuz Zeitung ' is attacking the ' Times.' 
 It is a proof that the Kussian party feels the necessity of 
 defending itself. The greatest care should be taken to say 
 nothing offensive to the Prussian people ; nor will it do to 
 abuse the King personally, for the monarch is a point of 
 national honour. 
 
 Here the Journal has : 
 
 Bracknell for the Ascot week. It was on the cup day at 
 Ascot that an article by me appeared, announcing the 
 Crimean expedition. 
 
 June Zlth. Manin, the dictator of Venice, breakfasted 
 with us. The same day I went to the French Embassy for 
 the first time since the coup d'6tat. We had previously met 
 Walewski at Lady Granville's. 
 
 July 18th. Chorley's dinner to Mrs. Kemble, the Viar- 
 dots, Edward Devrient, 1 and the Halles. 
 
 The next day, July 19th, Keeve wrote to his wife, who 
 was then in the country : 
 
 Chorley's dinner was wonderfully brilliant. The Am- 
 phitryon sat between Juliet and Desdemona Fanny Kemble 
 and Pauline Viardot. The Cushman did not appear, but 
 Edward Devrient came, and the Hallos. Conversation on 
 the decline of the drama in England, Mrs. Kemble declaring 
 Society had outgrown the Theatre, and Devrient maintaining 
 this was impossible in the country of Shakespeare. It ended 
 in my challenging Fanny K. to read a French play; in 
 Halle's playing a magnificent sonata ; in Devrient's reading 
 the Oster-tag scene from ' Faust ; ' in Viardot's singing, and 
 in Fanny K.'s reading 'Antony and Cleopatra' compressed. 
 However, before we reached the later portions of this 
 splendid programme, I was obliged to go home to do some 
 work. 
 
 1 A distinguished actor, and author of Geschichte der deutschen Schauspiel- 
 kunst. Cf Memoirs of Bunsen, ii. 284-5.
 
 JET. 41 AUSTRIA AND THE PRINCIPALITIES 323 
 
 Two days later Eeeve started for Aix-la-Chapelle, feeling 
 a good deal knocked up by the fatigue of the year, and 
 desirous of warding off the premonitory symptoms of an 
 attack of gout. Tocqueville was then at Bonn, and there, 
 or at Aix, the two were a good deal together during the next 
 fortnight. On his return to London, Keeve, for another 
 three weeks, established himself at Eichmond, not caring 
 to go far from town and the office of the ' Times ' at this 
 critical stage of the war. 
 
 From Lord Clarendon 
 
 The Grove, August 23rd. Many thanks for the excellent 
 article of yesterday. 
 
 We have news from Vienna as to the points at which the 
 Austrian army is about to enter the Principalities. There 
 is every reason to believe that this is in entire concert 
 with the Porte and Omar Pasha ; and such being the case, 
 Austria engaging to keep the Russians out and to evacuate 
 the Principalities the moment peace is signed between the 
 Porte and Eussia, the occupation cannot but be useful, by 
 relieving Omar Pasha of much of his work, and setting a 
 portion of his army free. In exactly a year from the time 
 the gage materiel was taken, it has been relinquished, not 
 only without the object of Eussia being attained, but [with] 
 the ally, upon whom Eussia counted so much as not even to 
 consider her wishes or interests, having pronounced against 
 her and having declared she should never attain that 
 object. 
 
 Why shouldn't you and Mrs. Eeeve come here on Friday, 
 if you have no other engagement ? I mean, if possible, not 
 to go to London on Saturday. If Miss Eeeve would accom- 
 pany you, our girls would be delighted. 
 
 Lady C. is not downstairs yet, or she would have written 
 to Mrs. E., and I avail myself of a messenger just going to 
 send this. 
 
 The invitation was accepted, and the Journal has : 
 
 At the Grove, August 26th [Saturday]. 
 
 Visit to the Essingtons at Eibbesford in September. 
 Shot there. Thence to Teddesley. Then in town for some 
 weeks. Battle of the Alma on September 20th. 
 
 Y 2
 
 324 THE BATTLE OF INKERMAN 1854 
 
 October 3rd. When I was coming up from Farnborough 
 false news came of the taking of Sebastopol. 
 
 November 2nd. Went to Novar. Shot there for a fort- 
 night. I was at Novar when the news of the battle of 
 Inkerman arrived. The whole year was one of excitement 
 from the war. 
 
 To M. de Tocqueville 
 
 London, December 7th. We live in a time when we 
 must learn to bear suffering and the sight of suffering. 
 The sword of war pierces to the very marrow of our bones. 
 But what a powerful influence the struggle exercises over 
 the political and social body ! What union of feeling and 
 effort, what an awakening of the forces which, after all, 
 make the grandeur of nations ! I willingly accept all the 
 pangs, all the evils, of war for what it brings us in the 
 moral more than in the political sense. 
 
 I think I never believed so strongly as you did that 
 aristocratic institutions were stricken with certain death, 
 and that the whole world is being democratised without appeal. 
 It is true of many countries, but it has been given to the 
 English aristocracy to march with the times, and even to 
 take the lead. Nothing could be more aristocratic than our 
 army, yet nothing is more national. What it has just 
 accomplished in the Crimea, the chivalrous devotion, the 
 unshaken firmness before the enemy, the ardour which turned 
 its advantage in position to account, at the price of its 
 blood, is a new pledge of its life, and will win for it a new 
 existence engrafted on all the traditions of the past. I am 
 also delighted with the effect of the struggle on the alliance 
 of our two countries, which, at this price, will perhaps 
 become popular. 
 
 We have no anxiety about the fate of the army, though 
 the task is greater than was expected. The engineers and 
 the artillery of both armies thought themselves sure of 
 success, but they were mistaken; they did not know the 
 surprising strength of the Russian artillery. It is no longer 
 a siege ; but the place will be taken as the result of the field 
 operations which it is intended to undertake. 
 
 The treaty signed at Vienna on December 2nd is the
 
 JEi. 42 ' THE WAR IN THE CRIMEA ' 32u 
 
 best answer to your question concerning the conduct of 
 Austria. This preliminary treaty engages Austria to 
 conclude the treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, with 
 us, if peace is not made, before the end of the year, on the 
 basis laid down by the three Powers. The explanations 
 which brought about this treaty were very satisfactory, and, 
 according to all appearances, Austria will declare war within 
 two months. If she has any success, this campaign will 
 probably be the last. 
 
 I hope that we shall have the pleasure of seeing you in 
 Paris in the course of a few months, and that you will have 
 a pleasant winter. . . . 
 
 The following letter from Lord Clarendon was addressed 
 to Mr., afterwards Sir George Cornewall, Lewis, at this time 
 editor of the ' Edinburgh Review,' as a commentary on the 
 proof slips of ' The War in the Crimea ' written by Eeeve 
 for the forthcoming number of the ' Review ' January 1855. 
 A reference to the article will show that many of Clarendon's 
 suggestions were adopted. 
 
 The Grove, December 29th. 
 
 MY DEAR LEWIS, I thought it best to read the whole 
 article at once, or it might have been indefinitely delayed. 
 I like it much ; the public requires to have its judgement on 
 the conduct of the war guided by reference to facts taken in 
 their chronological order, and to be reminded that the events 
 of one month were not and could not have been anticipated 
 in the month before. This has been done succinctly, with 
 moderation and with unimpeachable truth. The fault is too 
 great brevity and not bringing out certain salient points pro- 
 minently enough e.g. the earnest entreaties of Omar Pasha 
 to St.-Arnaud and Lord Raglan to come with a large portion 
 of their forces to Varna ; his declaration that the morale of 
 his troops required this support, even if it was not given 
 more effectively ; the intense anxiety felt here about Silistria, 
 and the utter disgrace that would have assailed the allies if 
 they had been deaf to the prayer of Omar Pasha, and the 
 place had in consequence fallen. 
 
 Then, enough is not made of the cholera its ravages, so 
 much greater than any we know of in England the impos- 
 sibility of active exertion under its demoralising influence.
 
 326 CLARENDON ON THE WAR 1864 
 
 People here thought they settled that matter when they said 
 the expedition should have been undertaken sooner ; change 
 of air and scene with excitement would soon have driven 
 cholera away ; or let the troops take a trip to sea. But the 
 ships that put out to sea had the cholera break out on board 
 worse than in the regiments on shore, and there was no 
 possibility of undertaking the expedition without the French, 
 who suffered more than ourselves from cholera. 
 
 To proceed actively with the vast preparations for such 
 an expedition until it was certain to be undertaken would 
 have been absurd ; but not a moment was lost ; much of the 
 craft, such as flat-bottomed boats, having had to be con- 
 structed in the arsenal at Constantinople. 
 
 The expedition is not done justice to. Let anyone bear 
 in mind the numbers at Chobham, 1 and think that nearly six 
 times that number had to be conveyed across the sea at the 
 same moment ; let him bear in mind the space occupied by 
 the ships at Portsmouth naval review, and think that more 
 than 600 vessels of different descriptions all were laden and 
 proceeding to their destination at the same moment, while 
 the British men-of-war were still in fighting trim and ready 
 to engage the whole Kussian fleet if it had ventured to come 
 out ; let him also bear in mind that the embarkment and 
 disembarkment of these troops, horses, guns, ammunition, 
 stores, &c., were effected without a casualty, and that the 
 armies were ready almost in a few hours afterwards to fight 
 and win the battle of Alma, and any impartial man will 
 admit that the operation was quite without parallel in 
 ancient or modern history. 
 
 The reasons why it was thought that Sebastopol could be 
 taken with comparative ease should be more insisted upon. 
 The only certain information we had (and it has been con- 
 firmed by subsequent Russian despatches) was that Men- 
 schikoff had but 50,000 men ; and the force with which we 
 landed was considered quite equal to cope with that. The 
 first event seemed to prove it ; for we carried in three hours 
 the position that Menschikoff had promised the Emperor to 
 hold for three weeks ; but we could not tell that there were 
 deep ravines on the south-east side of Sebastopol, or that the 
 1 The precursor of Aldershot.
 
 JEts. 42 OPERATIONS OF THE WAR 327 
 
 ground was all solid rock and that every atom of earth to 
 make the trenches had to be brought from a distance. But 
 these obstacles gave the enemy time to make works of his 
 own, and to impede ours, and to delay the siege, till by 
 incredible exertions nearly 50,000 fresh troops were added to 
 Menschikoff's army. 
 
 It would be useful also to get from Graham the total 
 number of ships sent to sea (Baltic and Black Sea) ; the 
 number of transports employed ; the assistance we gave to 
 the French ; and to take some of Sidney Herbert's returns as 
 to supplies of ammunition, guns, stores, &c. This would 
 occupy little space, but would give a great idea of the energy 
 of the Government working upon a pared-down peace 
 establishment. 
 
 When speaking of the Militia and Foreign Enlistment 
 Bills, I think it essential to allude to the factious spirit 
 displayed in Parliament. Something of the kind is required 
 to check this when Parliament meets again, and as a 
 counterpoise to Layard in the ' Quarterly.' 
 
 I am afraid I can suggest nothing more pacific, as in fact 
 I think the latter part of the article tame, and hardly up to 
 public opinion mark. The part about revolution is very good 
 our eschewing it at present, but possibly being obliged to 
 consent to it. 
 
 The explanation of the four bases in the last paragraph 
 is much below the mark, and might cause dissatisfaction. I 
 should put nothing of this kind ; there is no question at 
 present of curtailing the territory of Russia ; there is no 
 question of humiliating her, unless she chooses to regard as 
 humiliation the intention of Europe to be safe from her 
 aggression. England, Austria, and France are agreed about 
 the guarantees upon which that safety will depend : they 
 consider that Russia must no longer have the right, which 
 she now possesses by treaties, to enter the Principalities, 
 and to deal with that portion of the Sultan's territory as her 
 own ; they consider that the navigation of the Danube must 
 be secured, not by treaty, as now, which only secures the 
 accumulation of obstacles to it, but by an independent 
 authority at the mouths of that stream ; they consider that 
 Russian preponderance in the Black Sea is incompatible with
 
 828 OBJECTS OF THE ALLIES 1854-5 
 
 the maintenance of the Ottoman empire, and consequently 
 with the equilibrium of Europe ; they consider that it would 
 be monstrous to renew that part of the treaty of Kainardji, 1 
 by the misinterpretation of which the Emperor of Russia 
 claims to interfere between the Sultan and twelve millions 
 of his subjects, and virtually to obtain on land the preponder- 
 ance he has acquired in the Black Sea ; in fact, to displace 
 the Sultan and become the virtual, until he constituted 
 himself the actual and inexpugnable, possessor of the Otto- 
 man dominions. 
 
 Is there anything unreasonable in these conditions ? In 
 demanding them, do England, Austria, and France exhibit 
 ambition or selfishness ? Do they, in behalf of Europe, ask 
 too much ? Can they, in behalf of Europe, be content with 
 less ? Will England and France, after pouring forth their 
 best blood and expending vast treasure, leave things as 
 they were, and thus expose not themselves alone but all 
 Europe to a recurrence of the same dangers within a few 
 years, but under circumstances far less favourable for pro- 
 ceeding against them ? 
 
 I have written these few hints in a great hurry, as you 
 will see ; but if you think them of any importance, you will 
 .best know how to turn them to account. 
 
 Ever yours truly, 
 
 C. 
 
 The year, as usual, was ended by a visit to Farnborough. 
 But, meantime, the war excitement was turned into indigna- 
 tion by the daily reports of the sufferings of the army. People 
 did not and could not understand that officers and depart- 
 ments, without either theory or experience to guide them, 
 must necessarily make egregious blunders. They would not 
 see that the blame lay on the nation for not having insisted, 
 years before, that the army should be maintained in a state 
 of efficiency, and they cried aloud for vengeance on the 
 Government at home, and on the commander-in-chief 
 abroad. In the House of Commons a commission of inquiry 
 was appointed. Lord John Russell, the President of the 
 Council, disclaiming responsibility, resigned on January 23rd, 
 
 1 By this treaty, concluded in 1774, the city of Azof and the fortresses of 
 Kertch, Yenikale and Kilburn were ceded to Russia ; so also was a protectorate 
 of Moldavia and Wallaohia ; and Turkey pledged herself to protect her Christian 
 subjects, a clause easily stretched in the direction indicated by Clarendon.
 
 JEi. 42 CHANGES IN THE MINISTRY 329 
 
 1855, and on the 29th was followed by Lord Aberdeen. The 
 ministry was reconstituted, with Lord Palmerston as first 
 Lord of the Treasury, Clarendon remaining Foreign Secre- 
 tary. It was rumoured that Lord Eaglan was to be super- 
 seded. The ' Times ' had taken a very prominent part in 
 the agitation condemning the conduct of the war, and thus 
 Keeve had a personal as well as a general interest in the 
 measures now adopted. He had, doubtless, made inquiries, 
 to which the following was the answer : 
 
 From Lord Clarendon 
 
 G. C., February 15th. Lord Eaglan is not recalled, and 
 we should not know who to put in his place ; and with all 
 his defects I believe he is the best man out there. One thing 
 he has done which no one else could have done ; he has kept 
 on perfectly good terms with the French under circumstances 
 more trying than the public here have the least notion of. 
 
 Captain Mahan has taught us to recognise the ' flabby ' 
 nature of coalitions, as affecting the operations of fleets and 
 the conduct of naval war. Lord Clarendon's letter may be 
 taken as illustrating one form of weakness on shore. The 
 commander-in-chief of either contingent must be chosen not 
 so much for his ability as a soldier as for the sweetness of 
 his disposition and his readiness to maintain the entente 
 cordiale. In the spring of 1855 it was commonly said that, 
 but for this necessity, the command of the army in the 
 Crimea would have been given to Sir Colin Campbell. 
 
 From Lord Clarendon 
 
 G. C., February 19/&. Nothing is settled about the 
 Emperor [of the French] going to the Crimea, but there is 
 too much reason to fear that he meditates this act. The 
 matter must be most delicately handled, for he has already 
 taken great offence at the remonstrances addressed to him. 
 The absolute necessity of his presence for the welfare of 
 France, as indicated by the fall of the funds and the panic 
 throughout all classes at the rumour of his temporary absence 
 will be the best argument. He can have no better or more 
 flattering manifestation of public opinion, founded, as it is, 
 upon a feeling of self-preservation, and to that he might 
 properly defer.
 
 330 DEATH OF THE TSAR 1866 
 
 The article in the ' Times ' is far better to-day. All 
 attacks on the Government are perfectly legitimate; but 
 the country, the institutions, the upper classes, all have been 
 run down by the ' Times ' latterly, and the feeling thereby 
 created abroad at home, too, I believe is that we are in a 
 state of helpless confusion, and drifting to revolution. 
 
 It was not long before a further reconstruction of the 
 Ministry was found necessary. Three members of the Cabinet, 
 whether unwilling to serve under Palmerston or to meet the 
 public wrath, resigned. Cardwell, President of the Board of 
 Trade, was invited to take the office of Chancellor of the 
 Exchequer, which had become vacant. He refused it, 
 wrongly thought Clarendon, who wrote : 
 
 February IZnd. His acceptance would have given 
 general satisfaction, and I hear that the growlers at Brookes's 
 were unanimous yesterday in thinking him the man for the 
 place. But everybody seems afraid of danger now, and gets 
 away from it under the shelter of a quirk or a sentiment. 
 
 Failing Cardwell, the office was accepted by Sir George 
 Cornewall Lewis, and Keeve undertook to edit the ' Edin- 
 burgh Beview,' at first as a mere temporary arrangement, 
 but afterwards as a permanency. From the biographical 
 point of view, this and to some extent springing out of it 
 his severing his connexion with the ' Times,' were the most 
 important events of the year, and Eeeve noted them in his 
 Journal with some interesting particulars, which must, how- 
 ever, be postponed for the present. He noted also : 
 
 March 2nd, The Emperor Nicholas died. 
 From M. Guizot 
 
 Paris, March 26th. 
 
 ... I should like the two great English Keviews, the 
 ' Edinburgh ' and the ' Quarterly,' to notice my History of 
 Cromwell. I ordered a copy to be sent to Sir George Lewis. I 
 know he was looking for some one whom he could ask to 
 write this article. Now he is a minister, who will be Editor 
 of the ' Edinburgh Beview,' and who will be charged to 
 write on my ' Cromwell ' ? It would be very kind of you if 
 you would look after this little matter. Does Mr. Wood- 
 ham no longer write for the ' Edinburgh Beview ' ? 
 
 As to public affairs, I have nothing to tell you which you
 
 ^Ei. 42 WILD DAYRELL'S DERBY 331 
 
 do not know already. Here, the country is more desirous 
 of peace than ever, and I think the Government begin 
 to resign themselves to it. The difficulties outweigh the 
 pleasure of the dreams. Some day when these things are 
 recorded in history, it will be said, unless I am mistaken 
 ' Guerre faite sans raison suffisante de part ni d'autre ; paix 
 faite sans raison suffisante de part ni d'autre.' But if peace 
 is made, it will be necessary to give the people here some 
 peace-pageant instead of the war-spectacle of which they 
 will be deprived ; and the Industrial Exhibition and your 
 Queen will be asked to re-place the expedition to the 
 Crimea and the taking of Sebastopol. 
 
 The Journal indicates the external circumstances of 
 Reeve's life at this time. His interest in this particular and 
 very sensational Derby was his personal acquaintance with 
 the owner of Wild Dayrell. 1 
 
 April ~L6th. Louis Napoleon entered London in state. 
 
 26A. Went to Paris. Met Christine there, who had 
 been to Tours. On May 3rd we dined at the H6tel de 
 Luynes, with the Circourts and the Duchesse de Chevreuse. 
 Home on the 5th. 
 
 Popham's horse, Wild Dayrell, won the Derby. Dined 
 with him next day at Twiss's. 
 
 May 26/&. Hopie appeared at Countess Bernstorff's 
 child's ball. Montalembert was in London. 
 
 Long attack of gout in June. I purchased the site of 
 Rutland Gate, and the building began. 
 
 From Lord Clarendon 
 
 G. C., June 3rd. A despatch to the Foreign Office is just 
 arrived from Varna, which is, of course, the same as the one 
 to the Admiralty ; but it says that six millions of rations of 
 corn and flour destined for the Russian army at Sebastopol 
 have been destroyed, as well as 240 vessels. I send you 
 this because I believe that the actual number of rations cannot 
 have been given in the despatch to the Admiralty ; at least, 
 in the copy sent to me it was left in blank ; and the point is 
 very important on account of the deficiency of food it must 
 soon create. 
 
 1 See post, p. 361.
 
 332 RUSSIAN PERSISTENCE 
 
 This bloodless success in the Sea of Azof will have 
 greater results than Alma or Inkerman, and I think it is 
 highly creditable to Lyons (who, I suppose, commanded) 
 to have destroyed everything at once, instead of thinking 
 about prizes, by which a great deal of time would have been 
 lost, and many vessels might have escaped. It all was done 
 in four days. 
 
 G. C., June 24:th. It has been constantly occurring to 
 me how much I wished to see you and talk over some events 
 as they happened, as they must be taken flying, as they are 
 stale in four-and-twenty hours. I thought you were out of 
 town, and am very sorry to hear you have been confined 
 with the gout. 
 
 We have not a word of news from the Crimea since the 
 18th, and we don't know that the telegraph, which was 
 reported to be utterly useless, has been repaired. The 
 damage was in the Austrian territory, and despatches had to 
 be carried by the post from the broken to the sound station. 
 If anything arrives before 12 to-night you shall have it. 
 
 I think just as you do about the reverse, and hope that a 
 low tone will not be taken. It will only stimulate our 
 troops, but I am not so sure about its effect on the French. 
 
 G. C., July 7th. Have you seen and if not, pray read a 
 remarkable diplomatic correspondence in the ' Moniteurs ' of 
 June 30th and July 1st ? It has been published in order to 
 meet the present cry in France that the war is for English 
 objects, and that no French interests are involved in it. 
 
 These despatches, however, show that France clearly fore- 
 saw seventy years ago what were the dangers to be apprehended 
 from Russian aggression, and what were the means of avert- 
 ing those dangers, while England, on the other hand, declined 
 to unite herself with France for a European object, and 
 tacitly abetted Eussia. The proposal of France to limit the 
 naval force of Russia in the Black Sea is curious at the 
 present moment ; and, indeed, much of the correspondence 
 seems as if it was written within the last six months, instead 
 of in 1783. We learn from it, too, what was the policy of 
 Catharine at that time, and how steadily it is adhered to still. 
 
 The Journal here shortly notes :
 
 JEi. 42-3 FALL OF SEBASTOPOL 333 
 
 July 13th. I definitely accepted the editorship of the 
 ' Eeview.' 
 
 August 2nd. Started for Luchon in the Pyrenees, by 
 Poictiers, Bordeaux, Bayonne, and Pau. Met the Boothbys 
 going there too. Stayed at Luchon till August 28th. Home 
 by Paris on September 7th. 
 
 The siege of Sebastopol lasted all the summer. The 
 final attack was made on September 8th. 
 
 From M. Guizot 
 
 ValBicher, September 8th. . . . I am glad that it is Mr. 
 John Forster who is reviewing my ' Cromwell.' No one is 
 better acquainted with those times than he is. We do not 
 always agree in our judgements of men and events, but I 
 value his work, have learnt much from it, and took pleasure 
 in proving it by quoting him. 
 
 From Lord Clarendon 
 
 F. 0., September IQth. I have been at the Cabinet from 
 the moment that I received your note, and am now return- 
 ing to the Grove ; but at 12.30 or 1 on Wednesday I should 
 be delighted to see you. Sebastopol is now in our hands : 
 all the ships sunk, all the steamers burnt, the town in con- 
 flagration, the Russians asking for an armistice, and scuttling 
 away as hard as they can. 
 
 And as it was in the days of Noe, so also was it in this year 
 of bombardments and sieges ; men feasted and men married ; 
 as also women. The Journal records : 
 
 September 17th. Breakfasted at Twickenham with the 
 whole royal family of France. Queen Amelie, Nemours and 
 wife, Joinville and wife, Montpensier and wife and three 
 infantas, Duchess of Orleans, Comte de Paris. I was the 
 only stranger there, and sat with the Queen. 
 
 October 3rd. Emma Hawkins married to Edward James 
 Reeve from my house. 
 
 From Lord Clarendon 
 
 The Grove, October 3rd. Immediate demolition would be 
 [equivalent to a] public announcement that Sebastopol, and
 
 334 A GAGE MATEBIEL 1865 
 
 with it the Crimea, will be ultimately restored to Bussia ; 
 and whatever the future determination may be, such an 
 announcement at the present moment would be highly 
 impolitic. We have come into a property ; and having paid 
 very dearly for it, it would be unwise to order its destruction 
 before we even know of what it consists, or to what uses it 
 may be turned. Demolition, moreover, would not be con- 
 sistent with occupation ; and no where can the allied armies 
 and fleets pass the winter more conveniently and economi- 
 cally than at Sebastopol. It is the best harbour in the 
 Black Sea, far better placed for such operations as the winter 
 will permit than the Bosphorus ; detachments can be sent 
 to occupy Perikop, Kertch, &c., after Anapa and other 
 fortified places are taken ; provisions are more abundant in 
 the Crimea than in Turkey, and the climate is quite as good 
 or better. 
 
 In short, there are abundant reasons for not leaving 
 the Crimea at present. It is our gage materiel, and may be 
 made useful in a variety of ways. However, we don't know 
 that the reports upon the terra incognita of Sebastopol and 
 the Crimea may not lead to some modification of our views. 
 We might hear, for example, though I don't expect it, that 
 Sebastopol is hopelessly unhealthy. 
 
 I think the public may wait for the details of posses- 
 sion before disposal is decided upon, and that it will 
 be sufficient to assume that what has been so hardly gained 
 will not be lightly parted with. 
 
 The Journal notes : 
 
 October llth. Thackeray's friends gave him a dinner at 
 the London Tavern. Dickens in the chair. 
 
 This was a farewell dinner on the eve of Thackeray's 
 departure for the United States. To readers of the present 
 day, accustomed to the full reports with which they are 
 furnished when even the lesser lights in the sky of literature 
 meet to celebrate the temporary extinction or the refulgence 
 of one of their companions, this bare mention of a dinner 
 at which Dickens proposed the toast of the evening and 
 Thackeray replied to it will seem almost irritating. It was 
 the custom of the age. The dinner was reported in the 
 ' Times,' but at scarcely greater length than in Keeve's
 
 Mi. 43 DINNER TO THACKERAY 335 
 
 Journal ; and Forster, in his 'Life of Dickens,' only says 
 that the chairman ' gave happy expression to the spirit that 
 animated all, telling Thackeray not only how much his 
 friendship was prized by those present and how proud they 
 were of his genius, but offering him, in the name of the tens 
 of thousands absent, who had never touched his hand or 
 seen his face, life-long thanks for the treasures of mirth, 
 wit, and wisdom within the yellow-covered numbers of 
 "Pendennis " and " Vanity Fair." 
 
 fc. Went to Kirklands for a fortnight. Shooting 
 with Sir William Scott and Sir George Douglas. 
 
 From M. Guizot 
 
 Veil Richer, October 5th. I have just written to my 
 translator, Mr. Andrew Scoble, to send immediately to 
 Mr. John Forster the MS. of the three volumes of my 
 ' Histoire du Protectorat de Richard Cromwell et du r&tab- 
 lissement des Stuarts,' which is in his hands. The work will 
 be in four volumes, so that Mr. Forster will have seen the 
 greater part before it appears. I shall be very glad if he 
 will speak of it beforehand. I have given Mr. Forster's 
 address to Mr. Scoble, telling him the matter was urgent. 
 Should he delay, Mr. Forster might ask him for the MS. 
 
 I am sorry you should have been obliged to leave the 
 ' Times,' but delighted that you have done so. I am no 
 longer familiar with the course of thought in England, but 
 I cannot believe that the stupid violence of the ' Times ' (to 
 say no more) can be a necessary means of success. If that 
 were so, England would be in a bad way, and I am confident 
 that she is not. 
 
 I am just finishing the fourth and last volume of my 
 ' Histoire du re'tablissement des Stuarts.' It will appear in 
 the course- of the winter. 
 
 Paris, 19 Novembre. . . . Je vous donnerai volontiers, 
 quand j'aurais un peu de loisir, quelques articles pour 
 ' 1'Edinburgh Review.' Je suis sur que vous la ferez pro- 
 sperer et briller.
 
 336 
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 
 THE ' EDINBUEGH EEVIEW ' 
 
 THE very important and indeed decisive change in Reeve's 
 literary career, which occurred in the course of 1855, has 
 been already referred to. It is, however, necessary to speak 
 of it in greater detail, and this can happily be done in Reeve's 
 own words, as recorded in his Journal : 
 
 January 1856. The year 1855 led to some changes in 
 my own position and pursuits, but I was so occupied during 
 the whole of it that I found it impossible to resume this 
 Journal. Indeed I believe that to write a journal of any 
 value a man must do nothing else, as Horace Walpole and 
 M. de Circourt exhale their souls in letters, and I have done 
 in newspaper articles. 
 
 In February 1855, Sir George Cornewall Lewis, who had 
 just succeeded to his baronetcy, his father's seat, and 4,OOOZ. 
 a year, became Chancellor of the Exchequer on Gladstone's 
 quitting the Cabinet. The post was first offered to Cardwell, 
 who consulted me about it when it was too late. He 
 declined, chiefly from sentimental motives, and displayed a 
 signal want of energy in grasping a great opportunity. 
 However, on his refusal, Lewis took it, and as he was then 
 editor of the ' Edinburgh Review,' a substitute was wanted 
 in that capacity. I was asked to perform this duty for two 
 numbers, leaving Lewis at liberty to resume the editorship 
 in July, or to resign altogether. 1 On these terms I accepted 
 it, more from personal friendship for Longman and Lewis 
 than from any other motive, for I foresaw that I could not 
 permanently retain all my avocations together, some of which 
 
 1 At the time, it was thought highly probable that, after the many resigna- 
 tions, the Ministry would collapse, so that Lewis's tenure of the office of 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer appeared very uncertain.
 
 yEi. 43 EXCESSIVE WORK 337 
 
 were more lucrative and influential than the 'Edinburgh 
 Keview.' Moreover, I found the ' Keview ' encumbered with 
 a mass of onerous engagements which I was obliged to 
 repudiate. However, I was then installed, and edited the 
 April number for 1855 (No. 206) very nearly the com- 
 mencement of the third century of numbers, and the second 
 half-century of the existence of the journal. Probably I was 
 the only contributor to the present ' Keview ' whose father 
 had been a contributor to the first numbers. On this 
 occasion, Lord Brougham, now the only surviving original 
 contributor, behaved very civilly about me, and I called to 
 thank him. The appointment was wholly unsolicited by me 
 (as everything I have ever held is and has been), and indeed 
 I was much solicited to take it. 
 
 When July arrived, Lewis found that the Ministry was 
 not so precarious as he had at first supposed it to be, and he 
 then definitively retired from the editorship. Longman then 
 offered me the permanent editorship in the name of his firm. 
 It was done verbally, without any agreement or even letter 
 to that effect. Some correspondence, however, had previously 
 taken place, as to my assenting to a condition that I should 
 cease to contribute to the ' Times.' I refused to bind myself 
 by any conditions whatever not to publish my opinions in 
 the manner which I might deem most suitable, and said in 
 writing that I should decline the editorship on such terms. 
 Longman behaved very handsomely, and said he should not 
 insist on any conditions which might be thought to fetter me. 
 
 I told Delane what had passed, and said that my chief 
 reason for this conduct was that I felt it would be unhand- 
 some to my old friends at the ' Times ' to retire from the 
 journal in the present state of affairs ; but I added that I 
 certainly did not intend to hold permanently these two 
 literary offices, besides my duties at the Privy Council. So 
 the thing went on, and from February to October 1855 I 
 did hold them all contributed largely to the paper, edited 
 the ' Beview,' and worked the Judicial Committee. Yet I 
 can't say I felt worked to excess, though perhaps it was this 
 which brought on a long fit of gout in June and July. As 
 soon as I could get away, we went to Bagneres de Luchon 
 for the waters, rode about the Pyrenees, and stayed a few 
 
 VOL. i. z
 
 338 WITHDRAWS FROM THE 'TIMES' 1866 
 
 days in Paris to see the Exposition Universelle in our way 
 home. Early in September I resumed the triple oar in 
 London, and Delane went abroad for recreation, leaving his 
 brother-in-law, Dasent, in charge of the paper, and expecting 
 me to control the foreign policy and the war articles. 
 
 As so often happens under similar circumstances, the 
 arrangement did not work smoothly ; and when the acting 
 editor claimed the right to discuss foreign questions in 
 accordance with his own opinions rather than in accordance 
 with those of his powerful contributor, Eeeve felt that it was 
 time for him to withdraw ; and he did so. The Journal 
 continues : 
 
 This terminated my long connexion with the paper, 
 which began in June 1840 and ended in October 1855 
 fifteen years and four months. I believe I wrote in that 
 time about 2,482 full-paid articles, and received upwards of 
 13,0001. for them. Beckoning each article at three common 
 pages of print, I must have written about fifteen octavo vols. 
 of 500 pages each. Longman was, of course, delighted at 
 this occurrence, and Delane extremely annoyed when he 
 returned to England. Our friendship, however, suffered no 
 interruption ; and he expressed to my wife, even more 
 strongly than to me, his regret at my secession. 
 
 Probably no one had ever written as much as I have done 
 in the English press with equal opportunities of acquiring 
 information on the subjects I professed to treat. During a 
 great portion of these fifteen years, I lived on terms of con- 
 fidential correspondence and intercourse with several of the 
 leading ministers of England and of France more especially 
 with M. Guizot and Lord Clarendon ; whilst Delane acted 
 as a means of communication with Lord Aberdeen. Through 
 Mr. Greville, my own chief and afterwards colleague, who 
 had originally introduced me to Barnes in 1840, and sanc- 
 tioned my writing for the paper, I could always ascertain 
 what was going on ; and I question whether there was any 
 person out of the Cabinet more correctly acquainted with the 
 course of affairs ; indeed, sometimes things reached me which 
 the bulk of the Cabinet did not know. The consequence of 
 this information was that, although I am not conscious of 
 ever having published to the world what it was desirable to
 
 &T. 43 A SORT OF PEERAGE 339 
 
 conceal, the ' Times ' became a Power in Europe, more 
 dreaded by kings and more read by statesmen than the most 
 elaborate despatches. 
 
 Its circulation rose in fifteen years, from about 13,000 
 when I joined it, to 62,000 when I left it ; and although I 
 do not take to myself any peculiar share in this result, for 
 many other contributors wrote as well as I did, and the 
 editor was usually judicious and always active, yet I doubt 
 whether any other writer had occasion to do as much. My 
 articles were almost always printed first, at the head of the 
 paper, and averaged latterly four or even five out of six days. 
 They were the expression of a great system of foreign policy, 
 such as I should have acted upon if I had been born to the. 
 position of a minister. They were never dictated or even 
 influenced by any authority but my own free will very 
 seldom even suggested to me, either by the editor or by any 
 minister or other person ; and though they were often 
 regarded as expressions of the opinion of the Cabinet, or 
 of Lord Aberdeen, or of this country, they never in reality 
 expressed anything but my own convictions. If they did, as 
 was often the case, express the opinions of Sir Eobert Peel, 
 or Lord Aberdeen, or Lord Clarendon, it is because I 
 commonly found that I took the same view they had formed 
 on public affairs. As for the managers of the ' Times,' they 
 never interfered at all with foreign subjects, except that I may 
 have had some half-dozen conversations with John Walter 
 on the subject in the course of my life. Had this state of 
 things continued I should probably have stuck to the 
 ' Times ' in preference to any other literary or official occu- 
 pation ; for I enjoyed the power it conferred of governing 
 public opinion. But the moment an attempt was made to 
 interfere with me and to garble my articles, I resigned, and 
 fell back on the ' Edinburgh Eeview,' which is a sort of 
 peerage as compared with the tumult of the Lower House. 
 
 This being the case, I have more leisure, and I shall 
 endeavour to acquire the habit of keeping up this Journal. 
 
 1856. January 1st. We went in the evening to the 
 French Embassy in honour of the New Year. Mme. de 
 Persigny receives three times a week, without inviting 
 people. She is a granddaughter of Marshal Ney and Jacques 
 
 z 2
 
 340 MADAME DE PERSIGNY 1866 
 
 Lafitte ; young, handsome, and with a degree of energy rare 
 among young Frenchwomen, passionately fond of horseman- 
 ship, and reading ' Jorrocks ' and ' Pickwick.' Almost all 
 the diplomats were there, except Bernstorff the Prussian ; 
 only three or four English. A lottery was drawn, and 
 the evening was pleasant enough. Young Borthwick of the 
 ' Morning Post ' was there, and very much in Persigny's 
 confidence. 
 
 A few days ago a furious article appeared in the 
 ' Morning Post ' threatening Prussia with the supreme 
 vengeance of the allies if she persisted in maintaining her 
 very dubious system of neutrality. The article was so 
 violent that it annoyed the Government, Lord Palmerston's 
 relations with the ' Post ' being no secret. Bernstorff remon- 
 strated ; but the truth is our ministers had nothing to do 
 with it. It was no doubt inspired by Persigny, who repre- 
 sents the war party among the advisers of Louis Napoleon. 
 
 My impression of the present state of affairs is that Louis 
 Napoleon would now, upon the whole, prefer to make peace 
 on the terms which have last been offered to Russia ; but 
 that if these terms are rejected, as they probably will be, he 
 will say ' I cannot ask the French people for the money and 
 men required to carry on this war, without offering to France 
 .something for her efforts ; and so will come an attack on the 
 Rhenish provinces, that Prussia may be made to pay the bill. 
 
 The other day when the King of Sardinia was at 
 Windsor he asked Lord Clarendon a similar question. 
 ' What am I to get for my services ? How am I to justify 
 another loan ? ' and fairly added that he expected a slice 
 -of territory an embarrassing communication to an English 
 minister. 
 
 Persigny and Walewski (now foreign minister at Paris) 
 are on the worst of terms. But I think the Emperor likes 
 to have two opposite systems of policy represented by his 
 agents, that he may at last choose which he prefers. He is 
 slow even to vacillation in making up his mind, but very 
 tenacious when his resolution is taken. 
 
 The other day M. de Seebach, Nesselrode's son-in-law 
 and Saxon minister at Paris, who is in great favour at the 
 Tuileries, had a long interview with the Emperor before he
 
 Mt. 43 EXCLUSION OF PRUSSIA 341 
 
 started for St. Petersburg. This audience made Lord Cowley 
 horribly jealous ; but the Emperor related to Persigny what 
 had passed, and so it was reported here. Louis Napoleon 
 begged M. de Seebach to inform the Emperor of Eussia from 
 himself how matters stood ; that there had been some slight 
 difference of opinion between the allies as to the terms to be 
 offered that is between France and England, for Turkey 
 was, oddly enough, never consulted in the matter ; but that, 
 this being settled, France and England would act as one 
 man ; that both Governments were prepared to do all they 
 could out of consideration to the other ; and that, although 
 Louis Napoleon desired peace much, he desired the main- 
 tenance of the British alliance much more. 
 
 January 3rd. I called on Count Bernstorff and had a 
 long talk with him. I had not seen much of him before, but 
 I told him that I hoped the extreme gravity of the state of 
 our relations with Germany would be my best introduction. 
 He went back to the old story of our opposition to the policy 
 of Prussia in the Danish and German questions of 1849, 
 which he said had weakened Northern Germany and 
 alienated her from us ; to which I replied that I had pre- 
 dicted at that time to Prince Lowenstein that such would 
 be the inevitable consequence of Prussia's conduct on those 
 questions. He admitted the danger of the Rhenish pro- 
 vinces, and the manifest advantage to France of widening 
 the difference between Germany and England. It is a 
 notable fact that now, as I believe, for the first time in 
 history, there is reason to think that an extension of France 
 to the Rhine would be even popular in this country, pro- 
 vided Belgium were respected. Bernstorff complained 
 with great bitterness of the exclusion of Prussia from the 
 conference, which is the result of her own negative acts. 
 He is a heavy man, quite unfit to deal with so critical a 
 situation, for his political isolation here is complete. 
 
 January bth. We had to dinner at home the Fords, 
 Lady Flower, S. Lucas, 1 Win. Donne, 2 Wm. Harness, the 
 Butts, Forster. Very pleasant dinner. 
 
 1 An Oxford man, a barrister and a writer on the Times. 
 
 * A Norwich man. In 1852 he had declined the editorship of the Edinburgh 
 Review, on the ground that he was not in the current of public opinion. He 
 was afterwards examiner of plays.
 
 342 MACAULATS HISTORY 1866 
 
 8th. Sat some time with Lord Clarendon, whom I had 
 not seen for some weeks. He said that, from accounts from 
 prisoners, he believed the Russians to be very severely pressed 
 to raise men ; that the reserves about Nicholaieff consist of 
 militia, who have been embodied under false pretences by the 
 Russian Government : 250,000 animals are said to have been 
 used up in transporting stores last year. 
 
 No expectation is entertained here that the Russians will 
 accept the terms, nor, to say the truth, is their acceptance 
 desired. The real desire of the Government and people of 
 England is to accomplish more than they have hitherto done 
 in this war, especially by sea ; and the belief is that the 
 enormous force now in preparation for the Baltic will com- 
 mand that success. They say the gunboats and mortar 
 batteries will be light enough to float over the spits and 
 banks which form the deep channel of Cronstadt. Captain 
 Denman told me this some days ago. 
 
 January $th. A child's ball at the Stephensons'. Old 
 "William Hamilton's 79th birthday. Hopie went and looked 
 well. I proceeded to the Cosmopolitan, where I found 
 Mimes, Higgins, Mansfield, Harcourt, &c. 
 
 \Qth. Attended a meeting of the Nightingale Fund 
 Committee. It seems difficult to satisfy people what the 
 money is to be used for. I had said from the first that the 
 public would give money not from sheer enthusiasm, but for 
 & purpose. However, about 12,000/. is raised already. 
 
 The great talk of the day is Macaulay's Vols. III. and IV. 
 of his History, which has upon the whole disappointed people. 
 Expectation had been raised too high ; 25,000 copies were 
 sold the first day, weighing 61 tons, and all the world set to 
 work to read the book. But it wearies by the sustained effort 
 of the style ; and having looked into some of the authorities 
 I am astonished at its inaccuracies. There is a capital 
 article in the ' Times ' of to-day on the book by S. Lucas. 
 The blunder about Schomberg ! was discovered by myself, 
 on a hint from Panizzi. I wrote to Macaulay on it, and he 
 
 1 The picturesque account of his burial in Westminster Abbey, whereas, in 
 fact, he was buried in St. Patrick's. The error, which was corrected in 
 subsequent editions, is referred to, with a curious detail, in the review of 
 Macaulay's ' Life and Letters ' in the E. B. of April 1876.
 
 &T. 43 GUIZOT'S ' CROMWELL ' 343 
 
 admitted it to be ' a blemish.' Sir J. Stephen said to me that 
 it was ' the most valuable and inimitable of books ; ' but with 
 all its brilliancy, there is a want of temper, of truth, and 
 of taste about it which makes me feel I had rather not have 
 written it. 
 
 January 13th, Sunday. In the morning, on my way to 
 church, meeting Bonamy Price, I assured him that there 
 was nothing in the rumours of peace which began to be 
 current. In the afternoon I met Lord Granville in Grosvenor 
 Place, who said the Kussian answer had arrived, but that 
 he did not know what it was, though no one expected it to 
 be in the affirmative. It turned out, however, that it went 
 considerably further than anyone had imagined to be pos- 
 sible, and that the Russians acceded to all the terms, except 
 the cession of part of Bessarabia and the fifth proposition, 
 which is indistinct. 
 
 From M. Guizot 
 
 Paris, January 14^. It was very kind of you to send 
 me Mr. Forster's article a little in advance. I have read it 
 with great interest and pleasure. I persist in thinking my 
 ' Cromwell ' truer than his, and I am glad that you are of my 
 opinion. The longer I live the more I am convinced that to 
 understand revolutions and revolutionists, one must have 
 lived in the midst of them. Seen from afar, they are re- 
 arranged and recast at will, to suit or confirm our precon- 
 ceived ideas of history or art. I have often reproached our 
 French republicans and revolutionists with loving the 
 republic better than liberty, and revolution better than the 
 republic. I might almost say the same of Mr. Forster. He 
 pardons everything even actions the most illiberal and 
 iniquitous in the leaders of the Rump, because they were 
 republicans ; and in Cromwell, even the destruction of the 
 republic, because he was the great leader of the Revolution. 
 I wish to be more liberal and more consistent. 
 
 M. Guizot then called attention to two or three slight 
 inaccuracies in the article, and suggested one or two verbal 
 alterations, regretting, however, that it was too late for them 
 to be corrected. After which, he continued :
 
 344 TIIE FALL OF KAKS 
 
 With these exceptions I find Mr. Forster's article full of 
 wit, vivacity, talent, ingenious views and subtle appreciations. 
 It is an excellent exposition and defence of his general idea 
 of the times and men whose history we have both narrated ; 
 and I should feel almost as much pleasure in discussing the 
 questions with him, when I am not of his opinion, as in 
 receiving his approbation when he is of mine. . . . 
 
 I am reading ' Philip II.' It is inferior to Mr. Prescott's 
 previous histories, and, above all, is much below the grandeur 
 of the subject. Philip II. and William III. are the leaders 
 and the types of the two different policies which have 
 divided Europe since the sixteenth century. I should take 
 pleasure in illustrating the men by what they believed and 
 what they did, but I cannot undertake it till I go to Val 
 Richer in the summer. Of Macaulay I will say nothing, 
 though I might say much. In a few words, his work is a 
 brilliant embroidery on strong material. Great qualities 
 are so rare that when I find them I forget the faults. 
 
 Reeve considered the concluding paragraph of this letter 
 as equivalent to an offer to write on the subject named, for 
 the ' Edinburgh Review.' As he had already asked Guizot 
 to contribute, he gladly accepted the offer, making himself 
 responsible for the translation of the article, which appeared 
 in January 1857. l Returning to the Journal : 
 
 January 15th. The Chancellor of the Exchequer 2 sent 
 for me this morning to say that the reason the Russians 
 made these objections was that Kars had fallen since the 
 proposal was framed, and must now be taken into the 
 account ; and, secondly, that France and Austria had not 
 put the minor conditions, which make up the fifth point, 
 in the clear and precise form which had been adopted here. 
 The Cabinet met, however, in the afternoon, and the result 
 of their deliberations was that Russia had conceded enough 
 for us to enter upon further negotiations. Louis Napoleon 
 had intimated the same opinion, though he said he should 
 give no answer to Vienna until he had received the opinion 
 of the English ministers. Russia had intimated that she 
 thought the question of territorial compensation might be 
 
 1 See post , p. 375. * Sir G. C. Lewis.
 
 JET. 43 A BASIS OF NEGOTIATION 345 
 
 left to negotiation : so that she admits the principle. In 
 fact, the allies hold not only part of Sebastopol and the 
 southern part of the Crimea, but Kinburn, Kertch, Eupa- 
 toria, Taman, Anapa, Redut-Kale, the coast of Mingrelia, 
 and St. Nicholas. 
 
 Austria has ordered her legation to leave St. Petersburg 
 on the 18th ; but she has intimated at the same time to the 
 Western Powers that she is not prepared to go at once to 
 war with Kussia. This circumstance is so far fortunate 
 that it relieves us from the necessity of supporting a 
 outrance the Austrian part of the demands. 
 
 January Ylth. Thus matters stood yesterday, and I 
 went in the evening to see Delane, who is ill, and urge him 
 to publish an article in favour of the conclusion of peace ; 
 which, however, he did not do. By eleven o'clock, however, 
 telegraphic despatches arrived stating that Russia had accepted 
 the whole of the terms unconditionally. This was afterwards 
 modified by the addition of the words ' as a basis of negotia- 
 tion.' But of the fact of the acceptance there is no doubt. 
 The funds instantly rose about four per cent., and the 
 satisfaction is universal far greater than could have been 
 imagined from the very warlike tone which prevailed till 
 within the last few hours. 
 
 Glehn had called on me the day before to say that his 
 letters from Petersburg assured him that the desire for 
 peace was intense and universal there ; in fact, everything 
 seems to indicate that the resources of the Russian Empire 
 have collapsed ; that they feel the contest cannot be carried 
 on, and look forward to the future with increasing dread. 
 
 We went in the evening to the French Embassy. The 
 Palmerstons and Wodehouses were there. Palmerston in 
 great spirits, and proud of the success of the firm and con- 
 sistent language his Government has held. Persigny assured 
 me that it was the energy and prevision of the British 
 Cabinet which had mainly, if not solely, brought about this 
 result ; for that Walewski and most of the Emperor's 
 advisers in Paris would have given in half a dozen times 
 over, and continued to send the most inaccurate reports to 
 Vienna and Petersburg. The Emperor and Persigny him- 
 self alone stood firm to the English policy ; and at last
 
 846 SHOOTING AT CLAREMONT 1866 
 
 Louis Napoleon asked Seebach to go to his father-in-law, 
 Nesselrode, and tell him that France was peremptorily 
 resolved to adhere to the English claims and the English 
 policy. Probably this was one of the causes which led the 
 Bussians to give in. Another was the vehement remon- 
 strances and entreaties of the German Powers, who repre- 
 sented to Russia that, if the war continued, nothing could 
 save them from being compelled to take part in it, and that 
 the whole of Europe would be set on fire. 
 
 It is now certain that negotiations will be opened 
 probably in Belgium or at Frankfort ; and I should not be 
 surprised if Lord Clarendon goes to them himself. 
 
 January 21st. Down to Twickenham early in the 
 morning in the brougham, with a pair of horses (having 
 just bought a second carriage-horse) ; breakfasted at Orleans 
 House at half-past eight ; Prince de Joinville then joined us, 
 and we went over to Claremont to shoot. The Duchess 
 made her appearance at this early breakfast. We killed 
 seventeen pheasants, twelve hares, and ten rabbits. 
 
 The conversation was as usual curious and animated. 
 Bocher ' spoke of M. de Persigny's career as the most extra- 
 ordinary event imaginable. There still exists a petition, 
 ill-spelt, from him to Louis Philippe's private domain, 
 soliciting a place of garde-chasse at SOL a year. The other 
 day, when he set up for a count and wanted a coat of 
 arms, he just took the ancient coat of the kingdom of Aries. 
 Yet everybody agrees that Persigny is about the least dis- 
 honest of the Emperor's adherents. 
 
 Prince de Joinville said he thought that peace would 
 now be made, but that it would not last above two years. 
 By that time France will have recovered from her sacrifices, 
 the army will want employment, the nation will want 
 amusement, and Russia will direct all her arts to establish 
 an alliance with France which may enable her to wreak her 
 vengeance on Germany and her hatred on England. He 
 said he thought the chief cause which had brought Russia 
 to terms was the naval armament for the Baltic, which 
 would, he thought, have destroyed Cronstadt by successive 
 
 1 The legal adviser and agent of the French princes. He lived in Paris, but 
 was often in this country.
 
 JEa. 43 THE DUG D'AUMALE 347 
 
 bombardments. The small steam gunboats la poussikre 
 navale are a part of his old theory, and he maintains that 
 they will change the tactics of naval warfare, and bring us 
 back to the galleys of the ancients, mano3uvring in squad- 
 rons and probably to be armed with rostra. 1 
 
 When we came home from shooting I dressed, and at 
 six went into the picture gallery, where I walked for an 
 hour with the Duchess. She and her lady of honour had 
 been to Eichmond on foot, got caught in the rain, and half 
 drowned in the mud. There is something grotesque in the 
 picture of a Neapolitan princess, who at Naples never set 
 foot to the ground, paddling through the mud of the Middle- 
 sex road. However, after her marriage, both the Duchess 
 and Princess Joinville used to walk about Paris with their 
 husbands, draggled to their waists, and thought it vastly 
 amusing. At dinner the Duke talked a great deal of his 
 campaigns. At the Smala 2 he had been three days and 
 nights on horseback, with no interval but to feed. The 
 Chasseurs a pieds and Zouaves were less exhausted than the 
 horses. Once in Africa he lost eleven men in a night 
 encampment in the mountains from the severity of the cold. 
 The place has since been called le camp de la mort. All 
 the men were severely depressed and alarmed ; but they 
 made them sing the ' Marseillaise,' and as they descended the 
 next morning into the warm atmosphere of the plains, the 
 change was most striking. On one occasion, when Baraguay 
 d'Hilliers was threatened by a troop of Arabs, he wound the 
 reins of his bridle round the stump of his lost arm and drew 
 his sword with the other hand. This action had a great 
 effect on the men, who instantly repulsed the enemy. 
 
 The Duke talked a good deal of his family ; spoke highly 
 of the military talents of the Eegent, who was kept in the 
 shade by Louis XIV. from jealousy on behalf of the Due de 
 
 1 The general truth of this forecast is noteworthy. The peace lasted barely 
 three years, and the army got employment ; later on, more than it wanted ; the 
 Busso-French alliance has been established ; rostra have been a f amiliar arm 
 of our ships for many years ; and the theory of la poussUre navale, after being 
 long preached in France by Admiral Aube and other less responsible writers, 
 has recently, in a modified form, won for itself an advocate in this country, in 
 the person of Admiral Colomb. 
 
 * The capture of the Smala of Abd-el-Kader, May 16th, 1843. The Duke's 
 official account was published in the same year, and ran through several 
 editions. The story is told in a lively manner by M. Grandin.
 
 348 THE VALOIS AND BOURBONS 1856 
 
 Maine. It was the Regent who collected the Orleans 
 gallery of pictures. His son was an ascetic, and wanted 
 to burn all the nudities. At last I^galite (whom the Duke 
 always calls mon grandpere) sold them, but not to the 
 English purchasers to some middleman I think a con- 
 nexion of the present Delesserts, though of a different name. 
 Louis Philippe was very fond of talking to his sons of the 
 traditions of the Orleans branch. They have the most 
 minute knowledge of their own history, and the history 
 of all the titles and estates. The third title of the Orleans 
 branch was Due de Valois, because some of the appanage 
 was in the Valois. The King wanted to give one of 
 his sons that title, but was afraid, as it was supposed 
 to be unpopular. Yet I remember in 1830, when the 
 Revolution occurred, an attempt was made to persuade 
 the people that Louis Philippe himself was not a Bourbon 
 but a Valois. The Due d'Aumale said that the Valois princes 
 had their merits, but that they had never produced two such 
 sovereigns as the Bourbon kings, Henry IV. and Louis XIV. 
 Nothing can be more animated and instructive than the 
 Due d'Aumale's conversation. I had a most pleasant day. 
 
 January 2%nd. Confidence in the prospect of peace has 
 very rapidly succeeded the rage for war. The only hitch 
 visible at present is that Walewski very unfairly took upon 
 himself not to forward to Vienna the English explanation of 
 the fifth point of the preliminaries. This has now been 
 done, but in the meantime the terms had been presented to 
 and accepted by Russia. Count Buol positively declines to 
 forward the amended terms to St. Petersburg. 
 
 Moreover, it is not quite clear what the Russians mean 
 by having ' no arsenals ' on the Black Sea. We meant no 
 fortified places. Baudin, who was in Paris, has been sent 
 back here to settle these points. He sat with me some time 
 to-day, and said the feeling for peace was absolutely univer- 
 sal in France. It is quite clear they will not continue the 
 war. 
 
 January Z3rd. We dined at Lord Stanhope's to meet 
 the Milmans, Jim Wortleys, E.Ellice, Smirke the architect, 
 and Mr. Barrington. It was one of the first dinners Lord 
 Stanhope had given since he succeeded to the paternal
 
 ASx. 43 FERGUSSON ON ARCHITECTURE 349 
 
 honours and the paternal fortune, and he has removed into 
 one of the large Grosvenor Place houses on the strength of 
 it. From his taste and literary attainments, and her extreme 
 grace and good nature, it is likely to become one of the 
 pleasantest houses in London. Ellice talked, as usual, for 
 everybody. He said Lord Brougham's illusions about the 
 part he took in the affairs of Lord Grey's Government are 
 extraordinary. Lord Grey seldom took him into his close 
 confidence at that time. Brougham at one moment wanted 
 to have the Mastership of the Rolls and to stay (as was 
 then the custom) in the House of Commons ; but of 
 course Lord Grey would not hear of that, and Brougham 
 now seems to have forgotten the story. Ellice has been 
 much opposed to Palmerston all his life, yet he said he 
 thought he would stand in history above all contemporary 
 statesmen ; for in two years he had beaten the Court, beaten 
 Lord Aberdeen, beaten Lord John Russell, beaten the 
 Russians, and made a peace. 
 
 January 24th. Dined with Mowbray Morris. 1 It was 
 the first time I had seen him since I withdrew from the 
 ' Times.' 
 
 2,5th. Dined in Henry Phillips' studio with Layard, 
 Fergusson, and Scott Russell. Phillips has re-broken the 
 kneepan of his leg, and is quite laid up. It is a severe trial 
 of patience. We talked chiefly of art and a little of Ruskin's 
 new volume. Fergusson criticised the Houses of Parlia- 
 ment, and said the front greatly wanted shadow and effect. 
 The great tower is injured by being divided into three 
 stories, each 100 feet high. Barry's plan was originally to 
 have six stories and more windows, on a smaller scale. 
 Barry's first conceptions are usually better than his complete 
 works. It is remarked that Paxton, who invented the iron and 
 glass architecture of this age, got no distinction at Paris. 
 
 26th. Dinner at home. The Joseph Denmans, Greville, 
 the Longmans, Higgins, Colonel Rawlinson, and Dr. Sand- 
 with, who is the lion of the day, because he is just arrived from 
 Kars. Joanna Richardson said he had been inkarscerated. 
 
 1 Manager of the Times.
 
 360 NEGOTIATIONS AT PARIS 1856 
 
 From Lord Clarendon 
 
 The Grove, January 26th. I was so busy all day that I 
 did not read the ' Times ' till this evening, and I saw in it a 
 semi-announcement that I was to go to the negotiations which 
 were to be held at Frankfort. Will you have the goodness 
 to let Delane know that I am to go, but that the negotiations 
 will take place at Paris ? 
 
 I never consented to do anything with greater reluctance 
 in my life, but I felt I ought not to shrink from it, having, 
 of course, gained some experience about the different 
 questions that must come under discussion ; but I make no 
 illusion to myself as to what will be my fate no peace that 
 is within attainable limits can satisfy the excited people of 
 this country. John Bull will be glad enough to put an end 
 to the war, but he will be without mercy for the terms on 
 which peace is made ; so that the negotiations must be the 
 grave of the negotiator's reputation. 
 
 These reflections are, of course, entre nous, but I think 
 you will agree with me. 
 
 Continuing the Journal : 
 
 January %8th. Breakfasted at Lord Stanhope's, with 
 Macaulay, Gladstone and his wife, and Lord Stanley. A 
 breakfast party of that size and that quality is certainly as 
 perfect an occasion of table talk as ever existed, but it is ex- 
 hausting from the brilliancy of the performance. Macaulay 
 coughed a great deal and looked ill, but talked as usual. He 
 began with art. It was a reproach to connoisseurship that 
 such an inordinate value attached to originals and such in- 
 difference to copies, even though one might be hardly dis- 
 tinguished from the other. Painting had fortunately escaped 
 from the traditions of antiquity, which to this day imposed 
 their yoke on sculpture, and caused Canova to represent 
 Washington in Roman armour. M. thought all sculpture 
 unsatisfactory, especially monumental sculpture which goes 
 beyond the effigy of the person. 
 
 A good deal was said of the duration and emoluments of 
 office. M. thought the salary of a minister at 5,00(M. a 
 year under the Georges equal to 20,000/. a year now. The
 
 JEi. 43 TOO MANY PLUMS 351 
 
 revenues of the See of Canterbury doubled between the 
 Beformation and the Bevolution of 1688, and have more 
 than doubled since. The old Duke of Newcastle and Lord 
 Lansdowne have been ministers longer than anybody else ; 
 at intervals, for nearly half a century. Lord Stanley talked 
 very little. Nothing was said of current politics or of 
 Macaulay's book. 
 
 This was a strange day of society, for I dined at Hay- 
 ward's in the Temple, and met Gladstone again, Mr. Ellice, 
 Greville, Landseer, Kawlinson, and Strzelecki rather too 
 many plums in so small a pudding. 
 
 The feeling about the peace is that the French have got 
 all they want by the war, but that England has not ; hence 
 much discontent here. Tocqueville remarked in a letter that 
 it would be far more easy to engage France in another war 
 than to make her persevere in this war, which had never 
 been popular. I quoted this opinion at the dinner, and 
 Gladstone seemed much struck by it. Ellice maintained 
 that as soon as peace is made the country would cease to 
 care for the army, and would cut down the establishments. 
 But that I denied. The country is roused, not exhausted by 
 war ; and the prospects of peace are not very durable. 
 Gladstone said it was a great thing to have shown that we 
 do not want a force in the Colonies or in Ireland, and that 
 the army may henceforth be far more concentrated. The 
 dinner was good and a little whimsical boiled pheasants 
 and marrowbones. 
 
 We agreed to take the old supper-room at Crockford's for 
 the Cosmopolitan, from March 13th, at 150Z. a year. 
 
 January 29/&. Conferred with Mrs. Grote on the pub- 
 lication of a new book by Tocqueville, on the state of France 
 before the Bevolution, and the causes of that event. Then 
 went to the Spottiswoodes', where I saw Dr. Earth, the 
 African traveller a younger man than I supposed. Then 
 to the Persignys', where we found most of the Corps 
 Diplomatique. Persigny told me it was determined to 
 exclude Prussia from the conferences which are to be held in 
 Paris. It seems there has been a good deal of squabbling 
 about trifles on these preliminaries between Paris and London, 
 principally by the fault of Walewski. However, they have
 
 362 RELIGIOUS DISPUTES 1850 
 
 ended by Persigny's making a direct report to the Emperor, 
 who has generally agreed with England and settled the point. 
 It is curious to remark that at a moment when France 
 stands so uncommonly high in Europe, her sovereign is much 
 more influenced by his English friends than by his French 
 advisers. 
 
 I talked with Count Colloredo about the Austrian Con- 
 cordat, on which I am writing a paper. He admitted that 
 it had been chiefly framed by the Cardinal Archbishop of 
 Vienna, who signed it on behalf of the Emperor. The sur- 
 render of the placitum regiumws,s, he said, a great concession 
 in form, but he Colloredo doubted whether it was of much 
 value. I merely answered that it had been highly prized 
 by all the most Catholic princes of the House of Austria. 
 Colloredo said the Concordat gave more liberty to the Church 
 in Austria. To Rome, perhaps ; but not, I think, to the 
 Austrian Church. After all, the only defence I hear made 
 for the Concordat is that, if Borne or the bishops go too far, 
 the police will put them down. 
 
 Persigny said the Emperor of the French had not 
 attended much to the religious disputes ; that upon the 
 whole the clergy had been useful to him, and were still so to 
 a certain extent ; but that when they became troublesome, 
 the Emperor would kick them over like an ant-hill. 
 
 By the way, it is related that the Empress says the life 
 of her baby is not safe among the French doctors, and she 
 wants Locock to go over to her confinement, which Queen 
 Victoria tries to persuade him to do. 
 
 SQth. We went this morning to see Sam Bogers's house 
 in St. James's Place, before the pictures are dispersed. 1 I 
 had no recollection of their number or their excellence, for it 
 is long since I had been in the house, as Bogers detested me. 
 Macaulay said the other day he thought one of the most 
 interesting things there was the terra-cotta sketch for the 
 Duke Lorenzo, probably modelled by the thumbs of Michael 
 Angelo. Another striking thing is a bust of Pope, modelled 
 from the life by Boubillac. We went into the old man's bed- 
 room where he died. Nothing could be more simple. He 
 
 1 Rogers died on December 18th, 1855. His art collections and library, sold 
 at Christie's, realised 50,0002.
 
 /Ex. 43 WHITWELL EL WIN 353 
 
 lived in St. James's Place about fifty-one years. Hereafter, 
 men will be curious to mark the house ; not from any love of 
 Rogers or any admiration of his writings for he well-nigh 
 outlived both those sentiments but from the place he fills 
 in literary history. It would be difficult to name a spot more 
 frequented by those whose names and haunts society will 
 not forget. William Sharpe said Rogers never kept any 
 regular or complete journal of his life. 
 
 We dined at John Murray's, to meet Mr. Whitwell Elwin, 
 now editor of the ' Quarterly Review.' It is odd that the 
 editors of the two reviews should both be Norfolk men, 
 and, indeed, distantly connected through the Bracondale 
 Martineaus. Nothing, however, can be more unlike than 
 this editor and myself. He is a Norfolk parson of immense 
 reading, great knowledge of books, and great ignorance of 
 the world ; evidently unversed in politics and in society. 
 However, he called on me next day, and nothing could be more 
 friendly. The other people at Murray's were the Milmans, 
 Fords, Panizzi, Rawlinson, Kinglake, and Lady Eastlake. 
 
 In the evening Lady Granville had her first reception 
 on the eve of the meeting of Parliament. It was extremely 
 brilliant, and people met again with prodigious cordiality. 
 After the party a good many men adjourned to the Cosmo- 
 politan ; Lowe and Wilson in uniform, which amused the 
 factious. Willes, too, was there the new judge. 
 
 To M. de Tocqueville 
 
 16 Chester Square, January 3Qth. I learned with great 
 pleasure from Mrs. Grote, as well as from yourself, that you 
 are on the eve of publication. I shall be glad if I can be of 
 any use to you about it. When you have given me exact 
 details as to the size, character, and title of your work, I shall 
 be better able to enter into negotiations with Longman or 
 Murray. With the former of these, who is the proprietor of 
 the ' Edinburgh Review,' I am on intimate terms. 
 
 The present law new since 1834 and 1840 secures you 
 the right of translation by a simple declaration ; and this 
 right you have, therefore, the power of selling. In this way 
 M. Guizot has made a considerable profit by his last works. 
 But this is the result. The publisher can only give a certain 
 
 VOL. i. A A
 
 3f>4 TOCQUEVILLE'S ANCIEN REGIME 18S6 
 
 price for a book, calculated according to the chances of sale 
 and the interest of the subject. This price must cover the 
 author's rights and the cost of translation as one increases 
 the other diminishes. It is thus, in fact, the translator who 
 pays the author's rights, as these are deducted from the price 
 of his work ; and if this remains inadequate, a competent 
 man will not undertake it. 
 
 I suppose that the value of an English translation of your 
 volume might be about 100Z. everything included. How 
 much of this would you think proper to take for yourself ? 
 "What share would remain to the translator ? My present 
 occupations prevent me from undertaking the task, as I did, 
 with great pleasure, in the case of the ' Democracy.' But the 
 interest I shall always take in all that concerns you is such 
 that I cannot make up my mind to let you fall into the hands 
 of someone who may do you less than justice. I will, there- 
 fore, propose to Longman, if agreeable to you, to make 
 myself responsible for the translation, and to revise it with 
 the greatest care, even though it may be partly done by 
 someone else. 
 
 But before getting Longman to make an offer, I must be 
 able to explain the nature of the work more clearly. Is it a 
 book in the style of Mme. de Stael's ' Considerations sur la 
 Kepublique Fran9aise ; ' or of M. de Maistre ; or of M. de 
 Thierry's book on the Tiers Etat; or is it more in the 
 character of a narrative ? 
 
 Your opinions on the peace are mine. It is not impossible 
 that I may come to Paris during the conferences. It would 
 be interesting to attend them. 
 
 Returning to the Journal : 
 
 January 31st. Parliament opened under circumstances 
 of unusual interest, but which had the still more unusual 
 effect of imposing silence on the debaters. The Queen's 
 Speech was remarkably ill written, which surprised people, 
 and more especially those who knew that Lord Palmerston 
 wrote the whole of it himself. I went to the House of 
 Lords and heard Lord Derby and Lord Clarendon : the 
 former gave us a brilliant flourish with his foils, and a burst 
 of eloquence on the fall of Kars; the minister traced out
 
 jEi. 43 A BACHELORS' PARTY 353 
 
 very judiciously his future position in the negotiations. 
 Upon the whole, the result of this first night was very 
 favourable to the Government. Disraeli made a remarkably 
 temperate speech. 
 
 February 1st. The Judicial Committee began to sit. 
 The lawyers greatly excited about the life-peerage just 
 granted to Baron Parke. They are to a man opposed to it, 
 but I question if they can make out a case against the 
 legality of the patent. 
 
 Dined at Lansdowne House. Lord Hatherton, Wode- 
 house, 1 W. Strangways, 2 Alexander Gordon 3 were there ; and 
 though Lord Lansdowne called it a bachelors' party, we had 
 Lady Somers and Lucy Gordon; 3 but I suppose they are 
 bachelors too. Wodehouse said he thought the withdrawal 
 of the ministers between us and the United States was 
 imminent. 4 I found Lord Lansdowne strongly in favour of 
 the life-peerages. I have no doubt of the power of the 
 Crown to grant them. I think it may be advantageous to 
 the House of Lords to introduce a certain number of men of 
 eminence without the encumbrance of an hereditary peer- 
 age; but I think the practice might become a powerful 
 means of influence and corruption, and that the exercise of 
 it should be recognised and limited by Act of Parliament. 
 Lord Stanhope agrees, I think, with this opinion. 
 
 February Ind. Went to Lady Palmerston's evening for 
 the first time this year. It was not very full. Lord Pal- 
 merston said he was extremely pleased at the dignified and 
 discreet conduct of Parliament, which would do them great 
 honour in Europe. Sir Edmund Lyons was there I had 
 never seen him before ; a thorough sailor, but with a look of 
 intelligence, as well as firmness. 
 
 To-day, in my Court, there was some discussion about 
 giving costs in an appeal. Maule observed, drolly enough, ' I 
 wonder what Bob Richards would say, if he were alive ? ' 
 
 1 Lord Wodehouse, created Earl of Kimberley in 1866. 
 
 2 Succeeded, in 1858, as 4th Earl of Ilchester. 
 s Sir Alexander and Lady Duff Gordon. 
 
 4 The States' Government considered themselves aggrieved by the alleged 
 illegal enlistment of Americans for the British army, and, after a dispute ex- 
 tending over the best part of a year, ordered Mr. Crampton to quit Washington, 
 May 28th. It was believed in England that Crampton had acted injudiciously, 
 and, after a short interval, diplomatic relations were resumed. 
 
 A A 2
 
 856 THE WENSLEYDALE PEERAGE 18.36 
 
 ' Oh ! ' said Pemberton Leigh, ' it was always said that 
 Bichards would not mind being damned, if it were without 
 costs.' 
 
 Sunday, February 3rd. Afternoon a little frosty. I 
 rode over to Twickenham to call on the Due d'Aumale, and 
 sat half an hour there. He said he heard the French 
 army in the Crimea was now in a bad sanitary condition. 1 
 
 At the Cosmopolitan in the evening, Eawlinson said he 
 believed the generals had committed an enormous blunder 
 in not attacking the north side of Sebastopol at once after 
 September 8th, and that an expedition might have been sent 
 with ease to land at the mouth of the Salghir, and advance 
 in the rear of the Russians. Had any such demonstration 
 been made they would have been compelled to evacuate the 
 lines of the Crimea. After the Alma, and after the fall of 
 Sebastopol, the allies did not rely enough on the moral 
 results of their victory. 
 
 4ith. Dined at Chorley's with the Eastlakes and Miss 
 Cushman, the American actress. Chorley says she has made 
 50,0002. in twelve years. In spite of all that is said of the 
 decline of the drama, I doubt whether dramatic talent was 
 ever more remunerative both to actors and authors. 
 
 In the evening to Mrs. Stephenson's. Weber sang. 
 
 February 7th. To the House of Lords to hear the debate 
 on the peerage granted to Lord Wensleydale for life. Lord 
 Lyndhurst moved its reference to a committee of privileges, 
 in a speech which had all the characteristics of his eloquence 
 an exquisite propriety of language, an inimitable per- 
 spicuity of arrangement, learning without effort and wisdom 
 without heaviness, relieved by a sparkle of playfulness or a 
 touch of satire. He spoke for upwards of an hour an un- 
 paralleled feat for a man of eighty-four. I have heard him 
 say that he was born in the North American Colonies before 
 the Declaration of Independence. 
 
 Lord Granville defended the legality and expediency of 
 the measure with great spirit and force. None of the peers, 
 except Lord St. Leonards, have ventured positively to deny 
 
 1 This was not commonly known in England then, and still less is it known 
 now ; but it was a ghastly fact which caused the death of between eighty and 
 ninety thousand Frenchmen. Cf. Bousset, Histoire de la Guerre de Crimte, 
 torn. ii. pp. 458-63.
 
 Ato. 43 SCOTCH PREACHING 3o7 
 
 j 
 the legality of peerages for life ; but very few of them will 
 
 admit that such creations are constitutional or expedient. 
 The reference to a committee of privilege was carried by a 
 majority of 33. Upon the whole, it is much to be regretted 
 that this measure was inconsiderately taken. The result of 
 the defeat will be that the enemies of the House of Lords 
 will accuse it of exclusiveness and incapacity, and that it will 
 be more than ever difficult to make life-peerages either by 
 the prerogative or by law. 
 
 February 10th. Went to hear Dr. Guthrie preach at a 
 Scotch Presbyterian chapel near the Edgware Koad. I had 
 recently read with interest his sermons, entitled ' The Gospel in 
 Ezekiel ' characteristic enough of apeople who find the Gospel 
 itself in the denunciations of the Hebrew prophets. Guthrie's 
 faith seems to be a lurid Calvinism, refined by that poetic 
 fervour and love of nature which is so intense among the 
 Scotch. His sermons are Nodes Ambrosiance in the pulpit ; 
 there is the exuberance of Wilson over a punch bowl, and 
 sometimes the pathos of the Shepherd. The Scotch have 
 almost repudiated the theatre, but they are more theatrical 
 than the English. Jeffrey, Cockburn, and Rutherfurd always 
 talked and behaved like men acting a part. Guthrie's 
 preaching was a finished performance tones, gesture, 
 diction highly spirited and sometimes highly effective but 
 I could hardly trace an idea. He passed from one topic to 
 another, as if he were exhibiting dissolving views of the per- 
 dition of man. 
 
 February 13th. Dined at Serjeant Kinglake's. The 
 Attorney-General [Sir Alexander Cockburn], Phinn, Keating, 
 Montague Smith, Milner Gibson. 
 
 Gibson, in the usual strain of the Manchester men, threw 
 all the blame on this country, and gave all the credit to the 
 Yankees in the disputes now pending. I think this passion 
 for depreciating the policy and resources of England is 
 peculiar to Englishmen. They do it to affect an unbounded 
 ingenuousness, and are unjust to no [one] but their country. 
 Gibson said it was very difficult to prevent filibustering 
 expeditions ; that Louis Napoleon's expedition to Boulogne 
 was filibustering. ' No,' said the Attorney-General, ' it was a, 
 Louis-Philibustering expedition/
 
 3o8 THE JUDAIC SABBATH 
 
 The Judicial Committee finished its list of causes to-day : 
 fourteen causes eight reversed, two varied, and four 
 affirmed. The opinion gains ground that they ought to 
 transfer the Scotch appellate jurisdiction to the P.C. ; but 
 I doubt if the Lords will ever consent. 
 
 To J/. de Tocqueville 
 
 C. 0., February 19tk. I have to apologise for my silence. 
 I duly received your letter of the 6th, but the sittings of the 
 Council were prolonged to the 15th, and it was not till then 
 that I was able to attend to your business. I have entered 
 into negotiations with Messrs. Longman, and I shall shortly 
 have their answer, which I shall at once communicate to 
 you. I find the resume of the work extremely interesting ; 
 but the subject is not so fresh as the American Democracy. 
 
 The Journal goes on : 
 
 February 21st. Evening at the Van de Weyers', the 
 first time they have received for two or three years. Not 
 many people. Considering that we are in the prime of the 
 session, the town is dull. People have nothing to talk of but 
 the Wensleydale peerage, the observance of the Sabbath, and 
 the administration of the army. 
 
 Mrs. Villiers l said, a little time before she died at the 
 age of eighty that no change had taken place in her time 
 more remarkable than the change in the observance of the 
 Sabbath. Queen Charlotte used to have drawing-rooms 
 after church, and women went in full dress to the Chapel 
 Eoyal. Everybody had dinners, and some people played 
 cards. Now we are Judaised, and the whole idea of the 
 Sabbath is brought back from the Christian holyday to the 
 Mosaic observance. A motion to open the galleries &c. on 
 Sunday after church has been defeated in the H. of C. by 
 376 to 48. 
 
 February 22nd. Two questions were debated to-night 
 in the House of Lords. First, whether the Wensleydale 
 peerage should be referred to the judges ; second, whether 
 the patent for life conferred a right of sitting in Parliament. 
 The Government were beaten on the first by a majority of 31, 
 1 Lord Clarendon's mother. She died on January 12th, 1856.
 
 ^Ei. 43 THE WENSLEYDALE PEERAGE 339 
 
 and on the second by 35. I heard the beginning and the end 
 of the debate, having gone away in the middle to dine at 
 Merivale's. 
 
 Though Lord Granville takes a very warm interest in this 
 life-peerage question, and I should be disposed to agree with him 
 if I could, I find it impossible to do so. The absurdity of 
 modifying the present constitution of the British Legislature, 
 upon the questionable authority of precedents not later than 
 the Plantagenets and the Tudors, is so palpable that it 
 admits of no justification. As for consulting the judges, I told 
 Lord Granville from the first that they would not carry it, 
 and that if they did carry it, the judges would in all pro- 
 bability decline to answer a question which is exclusively one 
 of prerogative and privilege, as regulated by the law of Par- 
 liament. Moreover, it would have indefinitely protracted the 
 settlement of the question. As for the validity of the patent 
 for life, it has certainly lost ground in the course of the 
 debate ; and as the thing has never been done before, even 
 under the strongest pressure, it is obvious the whole onus of 
 proof rests on those who seek to do it now. The best thing 
 for the Government to do would be for the Crown to make 
 Baron Wensleydale a viscount, with remainder to the heirs 
 male of his body. 1 Lady Ashburton said drolly enough that 
 he had better be made a peer with remainder to David 
 Dundas, who has been toadying Parke all his life. 
 
 February 23rd. Meeting Sir Henry Bulwer in the 
 Green Park this morning, we talked of the Anglo-French 
 alliance, which he said the French always used as a stepping- 
 stone to some better connexion in Europe. I said : ' The 
 French find themselves with us in the position of a man who 
 marries a woman with a great fortune, all in strict settle- 
 ment, and cannot make away with a penny of it ; an alliance 
 with Russia, on the contrary, would be like running off with 
 a girl who has plundered the till, and is ready to spend half 
 of it with her lover.' 
 
 February 27/i. Dined at Procter's, now almost the 
 doyen of literature. Milnes there. Lord Palmerston has 
 
 1 The Committee of Privileges reported that the Crown had lost, by disuse, 
 the power of creating life-peerages, and a new patent was drawn. As Lord 
 Wensleydale's sons all died in infancy, it came to the same thing.
 
 360 VISIT TO PARIS 1850 
 
 just offered his father a peerage, which he has declined. 
 Milnes said he had never been into a church till he was 
 twenty, his family being strict Unitarian Dissenters. It is 
 very remarkable how great a part the Unitarian families or 
 their descendants have played in literature, law, and society ; 
 yet at the present day there are no eminent Unitarians. 
 
 February 28th. Dined at Longman's. Bulwer, and 
 some African travellers Earth and Burton but they might 
 as well have been at Tirnbuctoo. Bulwer said Persigny had 
 made considerable contributions to his book on France twenty 
 years ago the part about the army. 
 
 To M. de Tocqueville 
 
 16 Chester Square, March ih. I propose coming to 
 Paris next Sunday, and shall stay at No. 11 Rue Richepanse. 
 I shall try to force your door on Monday morning, if I have 
 arrived by then. The wish to talk to you has a great deal to 
 do with this little trip. 
 
 Would it not be possible and useful to indicate by the 
 title of your work the characteristic which distinguishes it 
 from the other innumerable works on the French Revolu- 
 tion ? I mean its dealing specially with the state of France 
 and Europe at an epoch previous to the actual Revolution. 
 
 If I have caught your idea, you deal with facts and causes 
 which are, so to speak, the sources of the Revolution, rather 
 than with the events which have occurred since 1789, and 
 this is what makes the originality of the work ; but I submit 
 these considerations to you in all humility, as you are the 
 most competent judge of the matter. Besides, we can talk 
 it over. 
 
 The Journal continues : 
 
 Sunday, March Wi. Christine and I went to Paris by 
 Boulogne, starting at 8 A.M., and getting to the Rue 
 Richepanse at half-past 10. Christine went on next day to 
 Tours. I breakfasted with Tocqueville ; went to Ary Scheffer's 
 studio. 
 
 The interest of this visit was heightened by the negotia- 
 tions for peace which were going on, and by the birth of the 
 Imperial heir, which took place on March 16th. I saw,
 
 ^Ei. 43 POniAMS OF LITTLECOTE 361 
 
 however, but little of Lord Clarendon, who was extremely 
 engaged ; and my French friends know nothing of the official 
 world. Paris is more splendid and costly than ever, sup- 
 ported, as it is, by the Imperial budget ; but neither success 
 in war, nor the return of peace, nor the Imperial heir can 
 excite any enthusiasm among the people. 
 
 In society I frequented the Due and Duchesse de Luynes, 
 the Due and Duchesse de Rauzan, Mme. Blaze de Bury, 
 where I dined, on March 17th, with Villemain, Cousin, 
 Remusat and Gounod, the Circourts and Raymonds. Dined 
 one day with Admiral Rigault de Genouilly and a party of 
 Crimean officers, who were very courteous and pleasant. 
 
 We came home with Charles Greville on the 19th, and 
 read the Duchesse de Gontaut's MS. Memoirs l on the way. 
 
 March 22nd. Went to Littlecote House, near Hungerford, 
 to see F. Popham. We found there Twiss, the Oxholms, 
 and Sir F. Doyle, and had a very pleasant visit till the 25th. 
 The house is the most perfect specimen of a mediaeval man- 
 sion I know in England with the armour, the buff jackets, 
 the arquebuses, the ghost-chamber, and the fish-ponds of the 
 seventeenth century, all in complete preservation. It was 
 here that William III. slept on his march from Exeter ; and 
 here that Captain Popham, that famous companion of Crom- 
 well and Blake, ended his career. 2 Of all these memorials, 
 what most interested me was the family papers. They con- 
 tain some of the correspondence between Charles I. and 
 Henrietta Maria, four letters of Cromwell, the papers of 
 Clarke 3 (who was Monck's private secretary), a narrative of 
 the Restoration by another Mr. Clarke, and a life of Dr. 
 Clarke 4 who was secretary to William III. 
 
 One effect of Reeve's position as editor of the ' Edinburgh 
 Review ' was to bring him into entirely new relations to 
 
 1 Memoire de Madame la DucJiesse de Gontaut, Gouvernante des Enfants 
 de France pendant la Restauration, 1773-183G. Written by the Duchess in 
 1853 ; published 1891. 
 
 2 Alexander Popham, died in 1669. His younger brother Edward, whose 
 career was more intimately mixed up with Blake's, died at Dover in 1651. 
 
 3 Sir William Clarke, for twelve years Monck's secretary, and, after the 
 Restoration, secretary at war, was slain in fight with the Dutch on June 2nd, 
 1666. His diary is now in the British Museum (Addl. MS. 14,286). 
 
 4 George Clarke, son of Sir William, was secretary at war from 1692 to 
 1704, and afterwards secretary to Prince George of Denmark. He died in 1736, 
 leaving large legacies to Worcester and All Souls' Colleges, in Oxford.
 
 382 LORD BROUGHAM 
 
 Lord Brougham, who had always considered himself as a 
 constituent proprietor. It will be remembered that, many 
 years before, Macaulay had been frequently irritated by the 
 way in whicli he pressed his fancied and admitted claims, 
 and his intercourse with Keeve on his first coming to the 
 Council Office, had not been altogether such as to bode 
 well for future harmony. There was, however, a marked 
 change. 
 
 That which moulders hemp and steel 
 
 Mortal arm and nerve must feel ; 
 
 and the old pugnacity was calmed, the violent self-assertion 
 restrained. His correspondence with Reeve, which his 
 interest in the ' Review ' rendered frequent, was friendly, often- 
 even affectionate ; and during these later years a very kindly 
 feeling sprang up between the two. The following letter 
 refers to the discussion of February 28th in the House of 
 Lords, on its ' Appellate Jurisdiction,' and the appointment 
 of a Select Committee to inquire into the matter. This had, 
 to some extent, a personal interest both to Brougham and 
 Reeve, and almost of necessity called for an interchange of 
 views. Reeve would seem to have consulted the old Chan- 
 cellor as to the terms of an article on this debate and the 
 forthcoming report of this Committee, and received the 
 following reply : 
 
 Cannes, March 28M. I fear if you wait for the Com- 
 mittee's Report, and for the measures to be grounded thereon, 
 it will be too late for this ,n umber, 1 because there are so many 
 things to be inquired into that a considerable delay is certain 
 to take place. But there will be very great advantage to the 
 discussion, and to the measures which shall arise out of it, 
 in having the matter fully and calmly, and without party 
 bias, considered. I don't, however, at all mean that there 
 should be an exclusion of the topics connected with the 
 strange conduct of some of the party leaders, and especially 
 the Conservatives, who in the most unexpected manner 
 joined the cry out of doors against the House of Lords. As. 
 an instance of the effect produced by Derby's declaration 
 that the judicial business in the Lords was ' most unsatis- 
 factory ' to the people, and especially the courts in Scotland,. 
 I may mention (of course this is for yourself) that I had 
 
 1 The article on ' Supreme Courts of Appeal ' was published in the July 
 number of the Review.
 
 /ET. 43 APPELLATE JURISDICTION 
 
 letters immediately after, from judges there, especially from 1 
 the [Lord] Justice Clerk [the Eight Hon. John Hope] (the 
 Hopes, as you are aware, having always been at the head of 
 the Conservative party in Edinburgh), expressing astonish- 
 ment at the attack coming from such a quarter, and declaring 
 readiness to bear testimony to the entire satisfaction of 
 Scotland for a hundred and fifty years. The President, whom 
 Derby most indiscreetly cited, has since informed him that 
 he was mistaken, and did not wish to be examined on the 
 subject. 1 
 
 I mentioned to you in my letter two days ago that this 
 extraordinary movement of the Conservatives has given rise 
 to the belief in this country (I believe I referred to the 
 1 Revue des deux Mondes ' [March 15th], where there is an 
 article on the subject) that the House of Lords is found unfit 
 for judicial duties, and is condemned to immediate reform ; 
 and this is given by friends of constitutional government as- 
 proof that our institutions are changed as soon as they are 
 found to fail. It appears to me quite necessary that the 
 attention of the country should be called to this proceeding 
 of the Conservatives, and to the false position into which 
 they have chosen to place themselves. I need not add that 
 Lyndhurst and the reflecting portion of their leaders had no- 
 hand in it ; and both Campbell and myself felt with Lynd- 
 hurst that it was most unfortunate that the subject should 
 be taken out of his safe hands by persons wholly ignorant of 
 the subject, and who had the gross imprudence to state that 
 the House of Lords did not depend on its judicial functions 
 for its weight in the constitution. 
 
 You mention Langdale. I have no recollection of ever 
 seeing him at the Judicial Committee, but he may have 
 been there in 1836, when I was absent till November. 
 When I came back to it I found Parke, Erskine, &c., there 
 as before. When you say I was the regenerator of the 
 Judicial Committee, pray take care not to fall into the error 
 
 1 Lord Derby's words were : ' As regards Scotland, I am bound to say that 
 the present state of things is most unsatisfactory, and that opinion is shared 
 by persons who are very distinguished members of the Scotch Bar ; and, in 
 point of fact, it was only this morning that I received a letter from the Lord 
 Justice General, saying that he was desirous of stating the cause of Scotland 
 before a Committee, if one was appointed.'
 
 364 BllOUGHAJTS IJ3TTERS 1856 
 
 of supposing it had any existence at all before 1832-3. 
 Till my bills transferred from the abolished delegates one 
 year and created the Committee the next, the jurisdiction 
 was in the P. C. at large. I have always regarded the 
 chief excellence of the Court to be the rule of practice, in 
 which Shadwell mainly helped me, taking cases in turn and 
 giving written judgements, and no debate. 
 
 To this, the first of Lord Brougham's letters here printed, 
 it is well to add that his writing, always hurried and careless, 
 was at this time, when he was approaching his eightieth year, 
 almost illegible not only from its exceeding badness, but from 
 his habit of cutting short the words, omitting letters, and 
 sometimes beginning one word and ending another. It forms 
 an especially difficult cryptogram, which only time and 
 patience can decipher. It recently happened to the present 
 writer to be speaking of this to Miss Courtenay, herself, in 
 past years, on terms of familiar friendship with Lord 
 Brougham. ' Oh, yes,' she answered, ' I know that difficulty 
 very well. I was one day dining at a house where Mrs. 
 Austin was on a visit, and a small party had been invited to 
 meet her. She called on me to help her in deciphering a 
 note from Lord Brougham which she had vainly tried to 
 make out. Looking over her shoulder, I spelt it out aloud, 
 word by word ; and there was a general laugh when we 
 came to the last sentence " Of course all this is only for 
 your private eye." 
 
 It may be noticed, also, as one of his many eccentricities, 
 that, though a peer of many years' standing, he continued to 
 sign his friendly letters ' H. B.' or ' H. Brougham,' though 
 latterly the name became more like Brogm. 
 
 The Journal has : 
 
 April 15th. Xavier Raymond and his wife came to 
 Chester Square on a visit. Raymond and I went down to 
 Portsmouth to see the great naval review on April 23rd, 
 after the war. 1 We were on board the 'Vivid,' with the 
 Corps Diplomatique. 
 
 To M. de Tocqueville 
 
 16 CJiester Square, April 18th. I have received the first 
 sheets of your work with great pleasure, and shall set to 
 work at once. 
 
 1 It was on this magnificent spectacle that Raymond based his Lcttrcs sur 
 la Marine Militaire.
 
 ,ET. 43 TOCQUEVILLE'S ANCIEN REGIME 365 
 
 Murray (the publisher) says that it is decidedly impos- 
 sible to make use of the expression ancien regime in the title 
 of a translated work. I therefore propose ' On the State of 
 France before the Revolution of 1789,' which is equivalent 
 to the ancien regime. 
 
 You must be careful to announce on the first page that 
 the author reserves the right of translation. The book must 
 then be deposited at one of the Government offices I do not 
 know which. We will do everything on our part to protect 
 your rights. 
 
 The Mr. Merivale I recommended to you is the brother 
 of the man who is writing the history of Imperial Rome. 
 The book is a little too Csesarean for my taste, but much, 
 less so than is reported in France. On the whole, it is a 
 very good book. 
 
 I am anxious to know your opinion of the last number of 
 the ' Edinburgh Review.' Remusat could lend it to you. . . .. 
 
 April %ltli. I am extremely flattered at the opinion 
 you express of the 'Review.' It is the height of my 
 ambition to make it the organ of liberal and moderate 
 opinions, and to find some support abroad as well as in 
 England. The first article you read is by Lewis ; that on 
 the Concordat is mine. 
 
 The more closely I study your work in the chapters 
 already received, the more I am impressed and delighted by 
 it. Everything in it is striking as a work of art, and I find 
 in it the grace and truth of Greek sculpture. 
 
 My cousin, Lady Duff Gordon, is helping me with the- 
 translation, which she does admirably. 
 
 From Lord Clarendon 
 
 G. (7., April 29^. Many and sincere thanks for your 
 letter. I am gratified beyond what I can express that you, 
 who are so thoroughly acquainted with all the bearings of 
 the question, should think that nothing has been neglected, 
 and that all has been obtained that we had a fair right to 
 demand. 
 
 On public even more than on personal grounds, I regret 
 that the people of England cannot have the benefit of an 
 explanation from you of the treaty and the protocols, for-
 
 TQCQUEVILLE'S ANCIEN REGIME 1856 
 
 ihey will not be understood, nor will the true bearing of what 
 ,has been arranged .be appreciated unless it is all suggested. 
 'I suppose that the ingenuity of party patriotism will pick 
 Jioles enough in the treaty, and on Monday be able to prove 
 that we were in a position to have made Hungary inde- 
 pendent, to have reconstituted Poland and un-Austrianised 
 Italy, and that not to have accomplished these trifles is 
 deserving of censure. 
 
 To M. de Tocqueville 
 
 16 Cliester Square, May 1st. I have finished the first 
 six sheets. The further I get, the more it pleases me, and I 
 .am so taken up with it that I give all my time to the work. 
 What pleases me most is that I find myself so entirely in 
 agreement with you. You say many things which I have 
 often thought before, but with less clearness and force. 
 Twenty years ago, when you were writing your apology for 
 American Democracy, I was not always of your opinion ; I 
 had less faith than you in those institutions ; and to-day I 
 Jiave still less. But as to the great lesson of the past which 
 you now lay before us, I heartily agree with you. Here are 
 a few slight printer's errors. . . . 
 
 The peace and protocols are a great success here. Above 
 ,!!, Lord Clarendon is overwhelmed with praise, to which he 
 is every way entitled. 
 
 May 15th. The quotation from Arthur Young's book, 
 page 152, puzzles me a little. I have found in the original 
 the visit of Arthur Young to the Duke of Liancourt. But what 
 he says is the exact contrary of what you attribute to him. 
 M. de Liancourt took him to the Assemblee de Clermont. 
 He dined with the leading agriculturists of the country ; he 
 was pleased with everything, but thought it very remarkable 
 that two ladies should be present at a dinner of twenty-five 
 men ; a thing which, he says, would never have happened in 
 England. This is very different froin<your quotation. Per- 
 .haps I have made a mistake, but it does not seem that he 
 went to Liancourt twice. Please let me know the date of 
 the visit you quote ; then I shall be able to verify it without 
 'difficulty. The work progresses, and always with increased 
 -.pleasure. . .
 
 &*. 43 LETTERS TO TOCQUEVILLE 367 
 
 May Vtitli. I have verified the quotation from Arthur 
 Young, and this is the mistake. It was when he was with 
 M. de la Rochefoucauld at La Roche Guy on, and not 
 at Liancourt, that the circumstance occurred ; and he men- 
 tions in a note that at Liancourt, out of Anglomania, they 
 took him to dine with farmers. The thing is of no impor- 
 tance in itself, but one likes to be exact. 
 
 June 8th. The last sheets have arrived. We have 
 already translated about nineteen, and now the printing will 
 go on rapidly. I am spending these days in the country for 
 the Ascot races, where I shall finish the text. My address 
 is still London. ... I told you that we proposed coming to 
 Normandy in October, and you kindly invited us to Tocque- 
 ville at that date. We now find that, for several reasons, 
 August would suit us better, and I think I may say with 
 some certainty that we could come on August 15th if you 
 were disposed to receive us then. Would this suit you as 
 well as October '? Please answer with as much frankness as 
 I show in asking you. I am delighted that you should have 
 the idea of choosing a person out of English literature as a 
 rest from the Revolution. I will find out whatever can be 
 useful to you ; but while waiting for something better, let 
 me recommend a book entitled ' The Life and Times of Oliver 
 Goldsmith,' by John Forster last edition, two vols. 8vo. 
 It is an excellent work, in which Dr. Johnson is a prominent 
 ^figure. Forster has a very exact knowledge of English 
 society at that period. . . . 
 
 June IQth. Mon cher ami, j'apprends avec la plus grande 
 peine la perte douloureuse qui vient de vous atteindre. 1 II 
 suffrait d'avoir entrevu M. votre pere pour reconnaitre en 
 lui un des plus dignes et respectables representants d'un 
 temps et d'une race d'hommes qui n'est plus ; et en lisant le 
 livre qui vient de vous occuper, il me semblait voir a chaque 
 page 1'empreinte noble et honorable d'un caractere qui avait 
 conserve les belles qualites de 1'Ancien Regime a travers 
 soixante-cinq ans de revolution. Je connais d'ailleurs la 
 profonde affection qui unit tous les membres de votre famille 
 a son digne chef, et, pour tout dire, a son pere. Je com- 
 prends combien cette blessure est profonde. Votre conso- 
 1 Tocqueville's father had died on June 9th.
 
 868 LETTERS TO TOCQUEVILLE 1856 
 
 lation c'est que pendant tant d'ann^es vous avez fait le 
 bonheur et la gloire de celui que vous regrettez ft tant de titres. 
 I imagine that this sad event, and the completion of your 
 work, will hasten your departure for Normandy. It will be a 
 real pleasure to me to catch sight of your turrets at the end of 
 two busy months. My wife and daughter are eagerly looking 
 forward to the journey. As the latter can almost be looked 
 upon as grown up, I hope she will be no trouble to anyone. 
 Our plan is to arrive at Tocqueville about August 15th. I do 
 not know whether you will think your guests are abusing 
 your Norman hospitality if we stay a fortnight. On leaving 
 you we mean to go on to Jersey. In coming, we shall take 
 Havre on the way, for I have long owed M. Guizot a visit at 
 Val Richer. 
 
 The Journal notes here : 
 
 June 17th. Queen's ball ; first time the new ball-room 
 was used. Dinner at Milnes' on July 1st, to meet Ristori ; 
 Lord Lansdowne and Duchess of Somerset there. Ristori 
 was splendid in ' Medea.' 
 
 July 5th. Higgins and Stirling l gave a dinner to the 
 Philobiblon at the Crystal Palace. 
 
 To M. de Tocqueville 
 
 July 15th. I did not write because I felt sure that you 
 had left Paris, but did not know that you were at Tocqueville ; 
 besides, I have been very busy ; for, in addition to my literary 
 occupation, this is the thirtieth day that the Council has 
 been sitting without an interval, and I am chained to my 
 bench. However, I finished my work for you a fortnight 
 since. Everything was in the printers' hands by the first 
 of July ; it is now all corrected, and it is only the delay of 
 these good people which prevents the flight of your thoughts 
 and my style. 
 
 I cannot flatter myself that I have completely come up to 
 your expectations ; the less so as both time and leisure have 
 been greatly wanting. But one thing is certain, that in trans- 
 lating you, I write with as much dash as if I were putting- 
 my own thoughts on paper. I will send you by post the first 
 
 1 Afterwards Sir William Stirling-Maxwell, K.T.
 
 Mr. 43 THE ALDERSIIOT REVIEW 369 
 
 copy that I get. To-day I send you a notice in the ' Satur- 
 day Review.' 
 
 At present all our plans are turned towards Normandy. 
 We hope to embark for Havre on August 4th ; from Havre 
 to Val Richer, where we shall spend a few days ; then to Caen, 
 and then on to Tocqueville. Where should we leave the 
 diligence ? At Valognes ? I think the public conveyances 
 do not go as far as the village. Let me know. 
 
 Everyone who has read your book is enchanted with it, 
 but this is not a good time for serious reading, so that it will 
 be a few months before the effects of the book are felt in this 
 country. 
 
 I cannot admit the rusticity of Tocqueville, and I am 
 sure we shall not perceive it ; what we shall really find there, 
 worthy of the days of Homer, will be your hospitality and 
 friendship. 
 
 And then the Journal : 
 
 July 3Qth. Went to Farnborough. Grand review at 
 Aldershot about 23,000 men, chiefly from the Crimea. The 
 French princes were there. [We started from Farnborough 
 Hill wrote Mrs. Reeve a large party, including our host 
 (Mr. T. Longman) and his daughter, Delane and two or 
 three officers. We rode a little distance behind the Queen 
 and Prince. It was a lovely day, and a most interesting 
 occasion.] 
 
 VOL. i. B B
 
 370 
 
 CHAPTER XII 
 
 CONDUCT OF THE ' REVIEW ' 
 
 IT is probably unnecessary in itself to say that the ' Edin- 
 burgh Review ' is published quarterly, about the middle of 
 January, April, July, and October ; but, as affecting Reeve's 
 future life, it must be remembered that these dates, or rather 
 some ten days earlier, marked the editor's temporary release 
 from his duties. As the weeks slipped away, the shadow of 
 the next number gradually deepened, till, as a rule, for a 
 fortnight or three weeks from the middle of the months 
 before publication, his presence was required in or near 
 London, he himself, without an assistant, superintending all 
 the details of the arrangement and the printing. He not 
 only read the articles to approve of them, very commonly in 
 the MS., but in all cases he revised the proof slips, a work 
 involving enormous labour, which, it was sometimes sug- 
 gested, might be safely entrusted to a deputy. Reeve did 
 not think so ; and thus every article that appeared in the 
 ' Review ' bore, to some extent, the impress of his own mind. 
 But, far more than this, he seldom decided on publishing the 
 review of a book which he had not himself read. To arrive 
 at subjects of interest and importance, and to select contri- 
 butors who could do justice to them, were his never-ending 
 care. In this he was, of course, often many months ahead 
 of the requirements of the 'Review,' though it frequently 
 happened that the publication of a particular book called for 
 immediate attention, and an article was demanded in rela- 
 tively as much haste as a leader for the ' Times.' The 
 political articles, too, were almost always written, or at any 
 rate finished, at the very latest moment, to allow for 
 changing conditions, though Reeve was ever careful to 
 discriminate between the functions of a daily newspaper and 
 of a quarterly review. 
 
 For these political articles he was scrupulously careful to 
 select some one combining a knowledge and a correct judge- 
 ment of the facts with a literary and artistic power of setting
 
 /Ex. 43 VISIT TO TOCQUEVILLE 371 
 
 them forth, and such a writer was not always easy to find. 
 There was less difficulty in meeting with capable contributors 
 for the more purely literary, historical, or scientific articles, 
 though Reeve limited his choice by certain rules which 
 admitted of no relaxation, the chief of which were to entrust 
 a review to no one whose relations of blood, of friendship, 
 or of enmity to the author of the work in question might 
 be supposed to give his opinions a personal bias ; nor yet to 
 anyone who had already reviewed the work in any other 
 periodical. His letters make frequent mention of his being 
 disappointed of the assistance of some contributor whom he 
 had considered particularly suitable, by learning that he 
 had already written in the ' Athenaeum,' ' Academy,' or other 
 journal. As the years passed on, he naturally got together 
 a body of contributors on whom he could rely, and who, 
 without being formally recognised as ' on the staff ' of the 
 ' Review,' were practically so by mutual understanding and, 
 to a large extent, by personal acquaintance and friendship. 
 
 We have seen that, as early as the beginning of June, 
 Reeve had laid his plans for a visit to Normandy in August, 
 and these he now carried out. His Journal records : 
 
 August 4th. Went to Normandy with Christine, Hopie, 
 and Munro. We stopped at Rouen to see Jumieges. 
 Then to Val Richer, on a visit to M. Guizot, August 7th. 
 Then to Caen and Cherbourg, and to Tocqueville, on a visit 
 there. 
 
 A few details of a very interesting visit may be taken 
 from Mrs. Reeve's letter to her father. 
 
 Chateau de Tocqueville, August 15th. . . . Our stay with 
 M. Guizot was full of interest. He is most amiable in his 
 relations with his family, and to hear so great a statesman 
 and historian speak on books and politics is indeed a privilege. 
 We left early on Monday (the llth), and took the rail from 
 Lisieux to Caen. The afternoon was devoted to the churches 
 &c. of that town. . . . The next day we took a carriage 
 and went to Falaise, the birthplace of William the Conqueror. 
 . . . The annual horse fair was taking place, and we looked 
 at the horses and listened to the jargon of French dealers 
 after we had ' done ' the antiquities. On Wednesday we had 
 a long diligence journey to Cherbourg, and yesterday morn- 
 ing took a carriage and drove here. Pray take the map and 
 look at the peculiar position of the Cotentin, surrounded on 
 three sides by the sea. This chateau is only about two and 
 
 B B 2
 
 372 LETTERS TO TOCQUEVILLE 
 
 a half miles from the sea, but the wisdom of three hundred 
 years ago placed it in the valley instead of on the height, and 
 one has five miles to walk for the views. The neighbourhood 
 is thickly peopled, and each cottage seems surrounded by 
 woods which reach to the water's edge, apparently ; I believe 
 there is a bare half-mile, quite on the level of the sea ; but 
 the charm of the view, wood and water, is indescribable. 
 Monsieur de T. is a great walker, and we are to make excur- 
 sions every day. This morning we all went to the grand 
 mass in honour of the Fete of the Virgin, of France, and of 
 the Emperor a very pretty sight ; for the population here 
 have been little affected by chances and changes, and retain 
 their picturesque dresses and primitive habits. 
 The Journal adds : 
 
 Stayed at Tocqueville till August 23rd. Then to 
 Avranches, Dol, St. Malo, and Jersey. Home on September 
 3rd. 
 
 To M. de Tocqueville 
 
 September 10th. I send to-day the second part of the 
 ' Times ' article, which is just out. Of all I have read on 
 your book, these articles seem to me incontestably the best. 
 It is impossible to have a more brilliant success. It seems 
 that the effect of all these newspaper articles has been to 
 sell a large number of copies of the original work, rather 
 than of the translation. 
 
 The Journal interrupts the correspondence to note : 
 
 October 5th. Sailed for Aberdeen ; crossed from Burgh 
 Head to Little Ferry, and thence to Skibo. Shooting there. 
 
 To M. de Tocqueville 
 
 October 13th. I do a splendid stroke of business in send- 
 ing you some sheets of my review, as you are good enough to 
 study them so conscientiously, and to let me know what you 
 think of them. I set a high value on your criticism, and 
 hope you will continue it, when you find anything worthy of 
 remark. 
 
 It may be said that the state of the Church in Austria 
 before the Concordat, and under the Josephine legislation, 
 came into the category of subjection, and was for seventy- 
 five years rather too much of an instrument in the hands of
 
 .-El. 44 THE ANCIEN REGIME 373 
 
 a despotic State. True ; but, taking it all in all, the greatest 
 drawback in my eyes is that the Church should be above the 
 laws of the country ; and note that so long as the principle 
 of ecclesiastical enfranchisement is sacred, the Church is 
 willing, and all the more willing, to accept the subjection of 
 everything else ; whereas the Church, when reduced to the 
 same level as other political and social institutions, lends 
 powerful assistance to the liberty of countries. 
 
 I saw Lord Clarendon for a moment, when he was pass- 
 ing through London. He who has read nothing but 
 despatches for three years had read your book, and was 
 enchanted with it. When he was leaving Balmoral, Prince 
 Albert insisted on his taking his own copy to read 'en 
 route,' which he did. 
 
 Here is another flattering anecdote for your satisfaction 
 as an author. Mrs. Basil Hall had just lost a daughter 
 whom she adored. She could find no distraction or amuse- 
 ment in reading. One of my friends sent her ' L'Ancien 
 Kegime.' She read your work, and it was her first calm and 
 happy moment since her loss. 
 
 I am writing from an old Highland castle, surrounded by 
 sea and mountains, and the splendid weather is allowing the 
 poor Highlanders to gather in the little oats which they 
 wring from the rude and stubborn soil. 
 
 For myself I find an inexpressible pleasure in this wild 
 scenery, and I shoot a good deal. We shall stay here till the 
 end of the month, and on our return to London shall take 
 up our quarters in my new house, No. 62 Rutland Gate, 
 where please address me in future. 
 
 In a few days you will receive the new number of the 
 * Edinburgh Keview.' There is nothing of mine in it, but I 
 especially commend to you the article on the affairs of the 
 United States. The review of the novel ' Perversion ' is by 
 our friend Milnes. 
 
 I am quite of your opinion about this abominable busi- 
 ness at Naples, and have said so to Lord Clarendon. I am 
 disposed to think that this ridiculous intervention will come 
 to nothing in the end. 1 . . . 
 
 1 For many years the internal government of Naples had been a scandal to 
 European civilisation. England and France attempted to interfere, and were
 
 374 VISIT TO SKIBO 1856 
 
 The Journal here has : 
 
 October 16th. To Uppat. Started with George Loch 
 lor the tour of Sutherland. Two days at Loch Inver 
 west coast very fine. Scowrie, and back to Uppat by the 
 Reay Forest. Then went south, by Dundee, to Keir ; West- 
 quarter (in Lanarkshire), where Moncreiff was, and Kirk- 
 lands, where I found Sir E. Colebrooke, who soon after [on 
 November 12th] married Lizzie Richardson. 
 
 Returned to London on November 4th, and took posses- 
 sion of my new house, 62 Rutland Gate. 
 
 The visit to Skibo in Sutherlandshire, the country seat of 
 Mr. George Dempster, whose acquaintance he had made 
 some years before, at Uppat, led to an intimate friendship, 
 and a correspondence which continued to the end. Dempster 
 was much interested in agriculture, the fisheries, the state 
 of the country, and the condition of the peasantry points 
 on which Reeve frequently consulted him : and though not 
 literary, in the narrow sense of the word, he had a large 
 circle of literary acquaintance, and was himself a lover of 
 books and of literature. So also were his nieces, one of 
 whom was in after years a frequent contributor to the 
 ' Review,' ' and the author of among other works ' The 
 Maritime Alps,' published in 1884, of which Reeve wrote : 
 
 To Miss C. Dempster 
 
 November 21st, 1884. 
 
 MY DEAR CHARLOTTE, Longman has just sent me a copy 
 of the ' Maritime Alps,' 2 and I really must offer you my con- 
 gratulations on the birth of so beautiful and interesting a 
 work, which far surpasses my expectations. I think it is 
 quite your capo d' opera, and full of most curious and original 
 research. The Comtesse de Paris will be delighted with the 
 dedication. 
 
 It was just after his return to London in November that 
 Reeve wrote to his late host : 
 
 told in diplomatic language to mind their own business. This led to the 
 recall of the ambassadors in November 1856, and a cessation of diplomatic 
 intercourse, which was not renewed till June 1859 ; and in the following year 
 Garibaldi's adventure effected a radical change. 
 
 1 Many of her contributions were collected in 1872, under the title of 
 Estays, by the author of Vera. 
 
 * It was reviewed in the Edinburgh Review, April 1885.
 
 JET. 44 TOUR IN SUTHERLAND 375 
 
 To Mr. G. Dempster 
 
 62 Rutland Gate, November 12th. 
 
 MY DEAR DEMPSTER, I conclude that by this time, as 
 everybody is shaking down into winter quarters, you have 
 accomplished your movement to the South ; that Mrs. 
 Dempster is within easy reach of Arniston ; that the young 
 ladies have made a razzia on the music-shops and circulating 
 libraries of Edinburgh, and are in a world of new songs and 
 new books ; and that the young laird has found two horses 
 to carry him gallantly in the field. In my eyes all this is 
 very inferior to the autumnal sunshine upon the woods and 
 water of Skibo, for I know of no place which leaves a more 
 delightful impression on the memory. But autumnal sun- 
 shine, you will say, cannot last for ever, though, indeed, it 
 still lingers over the fogs of London, and the recollection of 
 your Highland hospitality will very long outlive it. 
 
 I made out my tour in Sutherland with very great 
 success had delightful weather, and saw more of the people 
 on the west coast than often falls to the lot of us Saxons. 
 Much that I saw confirmed what you had told me, but I 
 hope there is now some disposition to increase the number 
 of moderate-sized farms. The condition of the men I 
 thought wonderfully good ; that of the women much more 
 to be deplored, and, if possible, amended. In my way back 
 I visited Stack and the forester's lodge the house that Loch 
 built on Loch Stack ; the country wonderfully wild and 
 fine, but for my own tastes I prefer grouse moors. 
 
 When I know whether this reaches you, I propose, with 
 your permission, to send down a small parcel of German books 
 which I said I would look out for Miss Dempster and Miss 
 Charlotte, if they will do me the favour to look over them ; 
 but at this moment I am not quite sure of your address. 
 
 We find our house very comfortable, and I hope before 
 long it will be quite habitable ; but it takes a few months to 
 make a home of a new dwelling. . . . Most faithfully yours, 
 
 H. EEEVE. 
 From M. Guizot 
 
 Val Richer, 6 novembre. Voici 1'article que je vous ai 
 promis sur Philippe II. II vous arrivera bien a temps, je 
 pense, pour votre numero de Janvier,
 
 870 UNITED STATES' POLITICS 18-56-7 
 
 L'ouvrage de Mr. Motley a plus d'importance et de 
 merite que vous ne le presumiez. C'est un melange, assez 
 rare aujourd'hui, de passion sincere et d'erudition solide. 
 
 II conviendrait, ce me seruble, de mettre, au haut des 
 pages de 1'article dans 1'Edinburgh Keview, ce titre courant 
 (est-ce ainsi que vous dites en anglais ?) ' Prescott and 
 Motley Philip II. and his Times.' 
 
 Faite par vous, je suis parfaitement tranquille sur la 
 traduction. . . . 
 
 To M. de Tocqueville 
 
 62 Rutland Gate, November ISth. . . . The victory of 
 Mr. Buchanan does not surprise me, though all my sympathy 
 was with his antagonist. But the Southern party has the 
 advantage over the Northern, both in daring and organisa- 
 tion the two great conditions of success. By dint of being 
 conquered, the North will learn to conquer, and- the struggle 
 which is commencing is not of a nature to end amicably. 
 Everyone who returns from the United States this year is 
 struck by the profound alteration in the institutions of that 
 country. Democracy is sweeping over it like a torrent. 
 
 I understand, too, that in France during the last three 
 months there has been a marked change in men's minds, 
 and that the horizon of the Government has been overcast. 
 It is true that several accidental circumstances, joined to the 
 fundamental nature of things, have contributed to cause 
 uneasiness since the end of the war. The alliance has sunk 
 into what may be called friendly relations, and public 
 opinion in England is becoming freed from the constraint 
 under which it was placed by the war. The remarkable 
 prosperity and steadiness of trade on this side has greatly 
 strengthened the English Cabinet, both within and without. 
 Our friend Lewis is truly astounded at the readiness with 
 which money comes to him. he is the luckiest of ministers 
 of finance. . . . 
 
 To Mr. Dempster 
 
 December 3rd. The little box of German books for the 
 amusement of the young ladies was despatched on Monday 
 per goods train, and I hope it will have arrived in safety. It 
 so happens that I am personally acquainted with Mr. E.
 
 ,Er. 44 BOS WELL'S LETTERS 377 
 
 Hornby, the gentleman who has edited James Bos well's 
 letters ; and to him I have forwarded your kind contribution- 
 I hope it may not be too late for the volume already adver- 
 tised. 1 
 
 December 24Z/?. Your letter from Boswell was in time, 
 and it figures at the end of the volume. You will probably 
 have no difficulty in procuring the book at any circulating 
 library, but I will tell Hornby he owes you a copy. The 
 collection of letters is, however, the greatest farrago of 
 vanity, absurdity, and indecency it is possible to conceive ; 
 Boswell tout mt, ; and I can't recommend it for the young 
 ladies' reading. One allusion they have settled on the head 
 of your uncle which it is by no means clear belongs to him. 
 With all this, the volume is amusing enough, and I believe 
 it would have gratified Boswell to know that mankind are 
 laughing at him near a century after he flourished. 
 
 The Journal mentions : 
 
 A good deal of pleasant society in London. On Decem- 
 ber 19th I breakfasted with Macaulay at Campden Hill. 
 Lord Carlisle, Dundas, Hibbert, F. Ellis, and Byan there. 
 We spent Christmas with the Clarendons at the Grove. 
 
 My diary is scanty for 1857. 
 
 It is singular that I have made no note with reference 
 to the Indian Mutiny, which was the great and terrible event 
 of the year. I remember Bawlinson saying to me as we 
 rode in the Park that at this moment we held no land in 
 India except that occupied by our armies. But this was an 
 exaggeration. My cousin, Meadows Taylor, was in India 
 during the Mutiny, and I corresponded with him regularly 
 during the whole time of his service there. 
 
 January 3rd. Christine and I started for Paris, and 
 crossed in a tremendous gale of wind. Our chief object was 
 to buy furniture &c. for the new house. We dined at 
 M. Guizot's on the 8th, with St.-Marc Girardin, Ampere, 
 Prince de Broglie, and Lavergne. On the 12th we returned 
 to London. Before I started, I sat an hour with Princess 
 Lieven. She died on the 19th. 
 
 January 19/i. We had a dance and housewarming at 
 
 1 Letters of James Boswell addressed to the Bev. W, J. Temple.
 
 378 THE 'EDINBURGH REVIEW 1857 
 
 Rutland Gate. About 250 people. The French, Turkish, 
 Swedish, Danish, Greek, and Prussian ministers were there. 
 
 29* h. Shooting with the Due de Nemours at Claremont. 
 
 A General Election took place in March. I neglected my 
 <liary during the season. 
 
 In undertaking the editorship of the ' Edinburgh Review,' 
 Reeve had of course fully understood that it was to be con- 
 ducted on Whig principles, and as the organ of the Whig 
 party. These principles he had always advocated, and, 
 though in no way bound to the party, had been on terms of 
 familiar intercourse and friendship with several of the party's 
 leaders, and especially with Lord Clarendon. Now, however, 
 that he was formally attached to it, he conceived it his duty 
 and in the spring of 1857 it was certainly his inclination 
 to denounce those members or associates of it who had 
 made common cause with the Opposition in the endeavour 
 to harass and defeat the Government, and especially Mr. 
 Gladstone and Lord John Russell, who had not only voted 
 against the Government, but had spoken in unmeasured 
 language against its policy. He believed that these men 
 had acted treacherously, and in April 1857 published in 
 the ' Review ' an article on ' The past Session and the new 
 Parliament,' in which their conduct was unsparingly exposed 
 by Mr. Lowe, the vice-president of the Board of Trade- 
 afterwards Viscount Sherbrooke a man of remarkable ability, 
 and though it has been said erratic as a politician, a sin- 
 gularly brilliant, and occasionally vitriolic, writer. In the 
 present instance he felt warmly the defection, or, as he con- 
 sidered it, the treason of which he, with his colleagues in 
 the Government, had so nearly been a victim, and he laid on 
 the punishment with a cool and relentless vigour which may 
 even now be studied as a model of vituperation. The 
 publication of this article raised a storm which must, for the 
 moment, have forced Reeve to doubt the accuracy of his 
 comparison of the editorship of the ' Review ' with the honour- 
 able retirement of the House of Lords ; l and though the excite- 
 ment 'gave the number a brisk sale, which promised to send 
 it quickly into a second edition, the very strong letters which 
 he received convinced Mr. Longman that the attack on Lord 
 John Russell was a mistake, which might do harm both to 
 the ' Review ' and to the party. Reeve thought otherwise ; 
 he believed that the chastisement of the culprits was loudly 
 
 1 See ante, p. 339.
 
 JEi. 44 AND LORD JOHN RUSSELL 379 
 
 .called for, and that the plain speaking put life into the 
 4 Review.' When such a question was raised between two 
 men in the very delicate relation of proprietor and editor, it 
 was perhaps fortunate for both that each had confidence in 
 the other. The point at issue was discussed without heat, 
 without any interruption to the friendship, then more than 
 twenty years old, which continued for twenty-two years 
 more, when it was ended by death. Eventually, Reeve 
 gave way, the more readily as it appeared to be the general 
 opinion of the party that Lord John's past services gave him 
 a certain claim on the forbearance of all Whigs ; and the 
 matter was finally settled by a promise to him that the 
 'Offensive number should not be republished. As, however, 
 he had written to Longman in terms strongly condemning 
 the present conduct of the ' Review,' as tending to plunge the 
 party in a swamp of political immorality, Reeve wrote : 
 
 To Mr. T. Longman 
 
 May 8th. It has occurred to me to inquire of myself 
 who are my accomplices in this atrocious design. I have 
 just put on paper the names of the present contributors 
 to the ' Review,' all of whom have written in the last 
 two years, at my request. We may not be so fortunate as 
 to possess a Jeffrey for an editor, or a Sydney Smith, a 
 Macintosh, a Homer, and a Macaulay for contributors ; but 
 I think I may say without conceit that this list of contribu- 
 tors contains names of the highest honour and the most con- 
 sistent adherence to Liberal principles, and I will add that 
 it contains nothing else. 
 
 All the contributions I have inserted are by one or other 
 of these men, except three or four casual contributions of 
 secondary importance. I have not inserted any contributions 
 of my own of any political interest, except the article on the 
 war in October 1855, and that on the Austrian Concordat. 
 
 I should be glad if it were practicable to submit this 
 -short statement to Lord John Russell, and I think it due to 
 myself and to the ' Review ' that he should be in possession 
 of it. 
 
 The following is the list referred to, which, independent 
 of its reference to this controversy, has now considerable 
 literary interest :
 
 380 CONTRIBUTORS TO THE 'REVIEW 18->7 
 
 The present Bishop of London Ross Mangles, Chairman of the 
 
 (Dr. Tait, afterwards Arch- E. I. Co. 
 
 bishop of Canterbury). John W. Kaye. 
 
 George Grote. Rev. Wm. Harness. 
 
 Edward H. Bunbury. Professor Baden Powell. 
 
 John Forster. W. R. Greg. 
 
 Monsieur Guizot. W. B. Donne. 
 
 The present Lord Advocate George S. Venables. 
 
 (James, afterward Lord, Mon- Sir Henry Holland. 
 
 creiff). Samuel Laing. 
 
 The present Chancellor of the Fitzjames Stephen. 
 
 Exchequer (Sir G. C. Lewis). R. Monckton Milnes. 
 
 The present V. P. of the Board Henry Rogers. 
 
 of Trade (Robert Lowe). Sir Henry Lytton Bulwer. 
 
 The Duke of Argyll. Herman Merivale. 
 
 A. Hayward. E. Beckett Denison. 
 
 Charles Greville. Sir E. Perry. 
 
 Rev. Canon Moseley. James Fergusson. 
 
 A list which surely bears out what Keeve claimed for it. 
 
 To Mr. Dempster 
 
 62 Rutland Gate, June 1.9th. I dare say this flying leaf 
 may follow you to the wild banks of the Laxford, where I 
 judge . . . that you are likely to be staying. I heartily wish 
 I were now breathing Highland air in your pleasant com- 
 pany, instead of hearing long-winded speeches, or eating 
 elaborate dinners, or fighting my way through crowded 
 assemblies. But my day of freedom is not yet, and when it 
 does come, I very much fear we may not be able to reach 
 your extreme northern Highlands this year. But I heartily 
 congratulate your nephew on his occupation of Stack. He 
 is the only man I ever saw with energy enough to run up 
 those hills, and I have no doubt the deer will soon learn they 
 have a mighty hunter among them. 
 
 My object in writing at this moment is to say that I con- 
 template the publication in the ' Edinburgh,' next autumn, 
 of an article, by a competent person, entitled ' Men, Sheep, 
 and Deer,' in which we shall discuss the subject of deer 
 forests, clearances, lots, sheep farms, &c. You would render 
 us a real service if you are disposed to put on paper any of 
 the facts which are familiar to you on these subjects such 
 as increased rent of forests, head of deer, head of sheep, price 
 of sheep, state of population in the Highlands, &c. ; and I am
 
 JET. 44 LETTERS TO DEMPSTER 381 
 
 sure your opinion on the subject would have very great 
 weight, though if you prefer it the communication should 
 be considered quite confidential. 
 
 London is prodigiously brilliant and animated ; people 
 seem extremely resolved to amuse themselves, but there is a 
 want of interest, and the severity of the times is becoming 
 rather oppressive. I think I prefer the clouds and the 
 breezes. 
 
 Clouds and breezes ! whirlwinds and hurricanes, rather. 
 When these lines were being written the massacres of 
 Meerut and Delhi had passed into history ; the tragedy of 
 Cawnpore was close at hand. But of all this, of course, 
 Reeve was ignorant, and he continued : 
 
 We shall remain here till August, and then probably go 
 to Appleby Castle, in Westmorland, taking Manchester in 
 our way. Then, in October, we talk of making a little 
 expedition to Dresden. What has become of your Con- 
 tinental projects ? I hope, at any rate, you do not intend to 
 deprive us of your society, and of all your party, for another 
 whole season ; and I hope the young ladies will not allow 
 you to persuade them that Haddingtonshire and the Lothians 
 are as civilised as Middlesex. We really very much regret 
 their and your absence. 
 
 June 27th. We are going in August and September as 
 far north as Westmorland and Lanarkshire, and I do not 
 feel confident that we shall not be tempted to strike onward 
 to the Highlands ; but I do not clearly see that I can bring 
 out an ' Edinburgh Review ' without coming up to town. I 
 am greatly obliged to you for your intended notes on * Men, 
 Deer, and Sheep,' which I am sure will be of great value, 
 since you are the most dispassionate Highland proprietor I 
 have ever known. 
 
 July Ilth. My best thanks are due to you, and are most 
 heartily offered, for the admirable paper you have sent me on 
 the subject of Highland estates. It will be of the greatest 
 use to us. I should be very much influenced by an opinion 
 as judicious and well founded as yours, even though I had 
 "been previously disposed to differ from it. But such is not 
 the case. In the course of my tour in Sutherland last
 
 382 TOUR IX GERMANY 1867 
 
 autumn, I was forcibly struck by the policy and propriety of 
 increasing the number of holdings, and especially of 40- 
 acre and 200-acre farms, wherever tillage is practicable. 
 And I have no doubt I should have been even more con- 
 vinced of this if I had visited the parish of Farr. Is not 
 your estimate of 20,OOOZ. a year rental of deer forests below 
 the mark ? The value of the lands devoted to this purpose 
 by their own proprietors as the Duke of Athole, Lord Fife r 
 Lord Lovat, and others must, of course, be added to the 
 sum paid by strangers ; but I should have thought even this 
 latter sum exceeded 20,OOOZ. a year. 
 
 I begin to think there is rather more chance of our 
 reaching the Highlands this year than I had supposed. We 
 have resolved to start for Dresden on August 8th, instead of 
 going there in October. Hence the latter month will be 
 more at our disposal for Scotland, though I cannot yet say 
 whether we shall reach your northern latitudes ; but nothing 
 in life is more tempting to me than that region. A propos of 
 the North, pray tell the young ladies I recommend them to 
 get Lord Dufferin's ' Letters from High Latitudes,' a book 
 which some people laugh at, but which I think vastly 
 amusing. 
 
 An interesting visit to Johannisberg in the autumn is. 
 described in the Journal : 
 
 August Sth. We started, with Miss Alpe, Hopie's 
 governess, for Hamburg. Thence we made a tour through 
 Liibeck, Berlin, Dresden, Prague, Carlsbad, and Frankfort,, 
 and arrived on September 9th my forty-fourth birthday 
 at Riidesheim, on the Rhine. There I learned that Prince 
 Metternich was staying at his Castle of Johannisberg hard 
 by, as he is wont to do in the autumn ; and as he had 
 received me with great kindness at Vienna, in 1853, on my 
 return from Constantinople, I thought it proper to pay my 
 respects to him. 
 
 On driving up to the castle, by rather a rough and narrow 
 road through the vineyards, a servant in livery told me the 
 prince was just gone to walk in the ' weingarten,' and was 
 but a few yards ahead. I had chosen the hour after his 
 dinner, when I thought him most likely to be disengaged ;
 
 MT. 44 VISIT TO METTEENICII 33$ 
 
 and so it proved. The servant ran after the walking party 
 with my card. I followed, and soon eame up with them 
 the prince, with a lady on his arm, whom I found to be 
 Marion Ellice, the same who lived so long with Princess. 
 Lieven, one of Metternich's daughters in a garden chair, and 1 
 I think one of his younger sons. They were throwing an 
 india-rubber ball for a spaniel to run after,, and down it went, 
 bounding along the steep conical side of the vineyard, which 
 sheds drops of gold. The prince said : ' First you must 
 admire my vines and the exquisite skill with which they are- 
 dressed.' Nothing could be more perfect. Every stock 
 looked like a greenhouse plant not a weed was to be seen 
 or a tendril out of place, and each individual vine was as. 
 symmetrical as a soldier under arms. At my delight the 
 prince smiled and said, ' If I were as flourishing as my vines,., 
 it would be well.' ' Nay,' said I, ' you have both a splendid 
 autumn, and your vines are drawn up like files of soldiers." 
 'Would, indeed, they were soldiers,' rejoined he, 'that I 
 might send them to your assistance in India ! ' 
 
 The conversation then took a more serious turn, and he- 
 expressed his unbounded interest in the great and melancholy 
 events which had just overshadowed the horizon of the 
 British Empire, which he called an ' incident effroyable dans- 
 1'histoire des nations.' 
 
 ' Cependant mon experience me dit que souvent les choses- 
 que Ton redoute le plus finissent par etre un vrai sou-- 
 lagement lorsqu'elles sont passees. Le gouvernement de- 
 1'Inde est pour vous une immense charge. Le commerce 
 que vous y faites pourrait egalement se maintenir par 
 quelques stations restreintes, et je ne sais si 1'administration 
 entiere du pays pourra valbir ce qu'elle va vous couter. Je 
 fais des romans, sans doute ; et je tiens le gouvernement 
 anglais pour un gouvernement sage, sachant bien ce qu'il 
 fait ; toutes fois je doute qu'il sache beaucoup mieux que vous 
 et moi, ici sur ce coteau de Johannisberg, jusqu'ou cette 
 catastrophe pourra aller. J'aimerais mieux laisser ces Indiens 
 se tirer d'affaires eux-memes. Ce n'est pas que je craigne 
 fort le jacobinisme indien le socialisme indien c'est leur 
 affaire ; mais je redoute une perturbation qui pourra amener 
 de nouvelles difficultes dans la situation financiere du con-
 
 MSI VISIT TO METTERXICH 1857 
 
 tinent et qui affaiblisee 1'Angleterre. D'ailleurs vous ne 
 pouvez pas gouverner 1'lnde par la force seulement. Je ne 
 vois pas que vous ayez la matiere hurnaine pour cela, et que 
 sans la conscription vous puissiez maintenir dans 1'Inde des 
 armees anglaises de 100,000 hommes.' 
 
 He then proceeded to speak of the prevailing financial 
 insecurity of the Continent that France had set the example 
 which Germany was always ready to follow, and that the 
 most pestilent delusions were propagated on the subject of 
 credit ; that it was iike a farmer who undertook to sell his 
 milk to the public through a company, such as he had heard 
 of in Glasgow and elsewhere, and that the company kept the 
 cream for itself and sold the residue for pure milk. 
 
 Nothing could be more friendly or amiable than his 
 manner, and as he more than once put his hand on my knee 
 in conversation, the remembrance of his celebrated conversa- 
 tions with Napoleon and all the great men of this age crossed 
 my mind. We walked some time on the terrace, watching 
 that magnificent view which extends from Biberich to Bingen, 
 along the richest part of the Kheingau. On the opposite 
 bank, at Ingelheim, once stood the old palace of Charlemagne, 
 and down the broad valley the great border stream rolled its 
 waters at our feet. In one of the pavilions a crowd of 
 tourists were come to see the view ; but when they beheld 
 the old prince pacing up and down in front of his castle, their 
 eyes turned from the Rhine, and were riveted on him as if 
 Charlemagne himself had stood before them. 
 
 September 18ih. Home by Holland. 
 
 In the course of the following weeks Reeve wrote a 
 remarkable article on the ' Prospects of our Indian Empire,' 
 which appeared in the ' Review ' of January 1858. It was 
 ehown in proof-slips to Lord Clarendon, who wrote : 
 
 The Grove, December 6th. I have read your article with 
 the greatest interest, and think it quite excellent. You have 
 collected and brought together an immense mass of valuable 
 information, and you have stated the truths upon which 
 men's minds must be fixed with great vigour and energy. 
 The catalogue you have given of the appalling difficulties 
 Against which we shall have to contend in restoring and
 
 Mr. 45 BROUGHAM AND THE ' REVIEW ' 38-3 
 
 maintaining our supremacy will, I think, be very useful in 
 checking the hasty legislation of Parliament, as well as the 
 muck which people are disposed to run against the Com- 
 pany. Whether the Company is to be retained, modified, 
 or abolished, you have said nothing about it which can 
 embarrass the Government, or that you can wish not to 
 have said. In that I congratulate you upon having done 
 the right thing in the right way at the right moment. 
 
 From Lord Brougham 
 
 Cannes, December 26th. I ana very much obliged to you 
 for your letter, even when I cannot avoid differing with you. 
 But it gives me great gratification, because it proves your 
 feelings towards me to be entirely right, as, indeed, I ought 
 to have assumed even without your assurances. In truth, I 
 had much experience of the Edinburgh clique or, rather, 
 cliques, for both the little exclusive sets of the Parliament 
 House are exactly the same, the Tories as well as the Whigs ; 
 indeed, they used to be much the worse, and the Whigs being 
 now in power may possibty have succeeded to the bad 
 eminence ; and this experience had made me erroneously 
 suppose that you had got into their hands. I know they 
 never will forgive me any more than O'Connell did, and for 
 the same reason. I set my face against their jobs, and I 
 assure you that at one time Cockburn was exposed to risk 
 from the same clique feeling. He had come over from the 
 Tories, and the Whigs grudged him, and anyone else who 
 came over, any share of the spoil. I joined with Jeffrey and 
 Murray in making head for Cockburn. 
 
 That the ' Edinburgh Review,' under your predecessors, 
 was very much affected by the same influences is undeniable. 
 That clique never forgave a minister who was out of office. 
 Accordingly, as soon as Lord Grey was out, the 'E. K.' 
 discovered how much better Lord Melbourne was ; and 
 actually charged upon Grey, and, by implication, on myself 
 also, the Irish coercive measures, of which it said Melbourne 
 was incapable, though they came from his own department, 
 as Home that is Irish Secretary. Empson never dis- 
 covered any fault in Grey while he remained in power, any 
 more than he did in Denman, whom he almost worshipped 
 
 VOL. i. cc
 
 386 COCKBURN'S 'LIFE OF JEFFREY' 
 
 both as leader of his circuit and as chief justice, until he 
 retired ; and then Campbell was set up in a manner so 
 offensive to Denman that he never could speak with patience 
 of Empson, though before his (Empson's) death, he, in a 
 fashion, forgave him the gross and even personal offence. 
 Perhaps I might add the silence of the ' Review ' on my 
 publications. . . . Altogether I laboured under the impres- 
 sion, which, as far as you are concerned, is entirely groundless, 
 that the ' E. B.' lent itself to the little exclusive party I have 
 alluded to. 
 
 As to poor Cockburn, I cannot at all agree with you in 
 holding the attacks upon him to go beyond an undervaluing, 
 perhaps an unjust undervaluing, of his judgement. That he 
 has shown this defect in both his books is undeniable ; but I 
 only think, and think with great pain, of his ' Life of Jeffrey.' 
 I assure you Murray and myself and others of Jeffrey's 
 friends have been beyond measure distressed by his most in- 
 judicious publication of letters, and we have been doing our 
 best to counteract this, and I hope we may still succeed. I 
 must mention, in passing, that you suppose Cockburn to have 
 been much more connected with the ' Review ' and with our 
 set I mean Jeffrey, Murray, Smith, Horner, and Allen 
 than he really was. He became intimate with them many 
 years after the ' Review ' began, and I don't believe he ever 
 wrote a line in it for the first fifteen years, and very little at 
 any time. I greatly blame his family for the publication of 
 some things. Certainly I have personally not the least right 
 to complain, for the anecdotes, which are not only untrue, 
 but impossible respecting me, are all, from Cockburn's great 
 personal kindness, intended to do me honour. But the pain 
 which has been given to others (also without any intention 
 on C.'s part) has been very great. I mean to the families of 
 Horner, Murray, &c. &c. When I have the pleasure of seeing 
 you I will explain this and other matters. 
 
 As to Normanby, if he really has attacked the fallen 
 Royal Family, nothing can be more blamable. Respecting 
 Guizot, no one can more than myself value his great and 
 good qualities. But I regard him as the Necker of 1848 ; 
 and besides, though no man's hands can be more clean than 
 his, he had what Necker had not an entourage as corrupt
 
 yEi. 45 POODLE BYXG 387 
 
 as possible. He and I were at issue on one of them his 
 minister of justice, Hebert ; but he had worse men and 
 much more near him. However, I dare say he will defend 
 himself, and I believe you do a right and a kind thing in 
 letting Normanby's book alone. 
 
 The Journal for 1858 notes : 
 
 We began the year at Farnborough Hill. 
 
 January 23rd. Breakfasted with Lord Macaulay at his 
 own house, Holly Lodge, Campden Hill. Nobody there but 
 the Trevelyans and Frederic, commonly called Poodle, 
 Byng. As the marriage of the Princess Eoyal was to take 
 place two days later, it naturally became the subject of con- 
 versation. I related that I had had a call from the Sub- 
 Dean of the Chapel Royal, to settle the form of the Royal 
 declaration of consent, which is inserted in the register of 
 the Chapel Royal. This register, which was produced at the 
 Council Office, is a most curious volume, containing the 
 entries of all the Royal marriages from 1757 to this day, 
 with the signatures of the personages married and the per- 
 sons present. The sub-dean, who used till lately to be called 
 the ' deputy-confessor,' has the custody of this precious 
 volume. At the marriage of the Queen it chanced to be 
 mislaid for a quarter of an hour an event of so terrible a 
 nature, that the sub-dean of that day died of the shock a 
 few days afterwards. 
 
 This subject being uppermost, Poodle Byng astonished 
 us by declaring that he had been present at the marriage l of 
 George IV. and Caroline in the capacity of page to the 
 prince, and that he perfectly remembered every detail of that 
 luckless ceremony. The prince kept the whole cortege wait- 
 ing for more than an hour, while he was conversing with a 
 party of men at Carlton House ; and when at last he made his 
 appearance, his high colour and talk showed that he was 
 extremely drunk ; though, as the fashion of those days was, 
 he carried his liquor like a gentleman. Out he came in a 
 coat shot with gold, and his splendid legs in irreproachable 
 silk stockings. The page Byng stood behind the prince at 
 the altar, marvelling at the grandeur of the royal calves, 
 
 1 April 8th, 1795, 
 
 c c 2
 
 388 BYNG'S RECOLLECTIONS I85& 
 
 while the prince looked in all directions except at his bride. 
 I remarked that perhaps this demeanour was as much as 
 could he expected from a man in the act of committing 
 bigamy, and who had heard the marriage service read 
 between himself and Mrs. Fitzherbert. 
 
 Byng kissed hands as page of the prince in 1790 just 
 sixty-eight years ago, and heisnowas fresh and vigorous as any- 
 body. 1 His father said he ought to be presented to his royal 
 master. George received the boy in his dressing-room and 
 in his dressing gown, bare legs, and bare altogether under 
 this loose garment. He took the child up in his arms, kissed 
 him, and then said, ' Now, sir, you are to kiss my hand.' 
 
 Once launched on these times, Byng is inexhaustible. 
 He said he had twice met Lord Nelson and Lady Hamilton 
 at dinner she, after dinner, singing songs to Lord Nelson 
 in praise of himself, and Nelson rapturously applauding her. 2 " 
 Macaulay said the first thing he could recollect was the 
 battle of Trafalgar, when he was six years old. 3 He sat on 
 the rug in his mother's room spelling out the ' Gazette,' with 
 a plan of the action, the ' Royal Sovereign ' leading a column 
 into action. 
 
 It is a curious thing what first hits a young memory and 
 sticks there. My own first impression was the death of the 
 Princess Charlotte in November 1817. I was just four. We 
 were staying with the Pontignys, in a gloomy house on Tower 
 Hill. It was a yellow November morning. Pale with 
 emotion, somebody, I think Mrs. John Martineau, announced 
 the fatal event of the preceding night. I never forgot her 
 look. But I also remember Mrs. Barbauld, who taught me 
 to read in the same year, when we stayed with her at New- 
 ington Green, and read me the story of Midas' ears. 
 
 Everything indicates a dangerous and stormy session. 
 The Government have irritated and defied public opinion 
 by appointing Clanricarde lord privy seal, and by giving 
 some small legal appointments to aristocratic hangers-on of 
 
 1 He died in June 1871. 
 
 - This is quite independent of Mrs. St. George's testimony to the same 
 effect, for Mrs. St. George's Journal was not printed till 1861, and then only 
 privately. 
 
 1 Macaulay's wonderful memory misled him. He was not five when the 
 battle was fought, and was just twelve days over five when the news reached 
 England.
 
 -ET. 45 FORECAST OF THE SESSION 389 
 
 Lord Palmersfcon. But with a very inadequate force on the 
 treasury bench, and a formidable, though scattered, array 
 against them, they mean to propose and carry two organic 
 measures an India bill and a Reform bill. My own belief is 
 they will carry neither. The Liberal party are generally by 
 no means favourable to the transfer of the favour and 
 patronage of the Company to a secretary of state, and they 
 think that no case has been made out against the Company. 
 In fact, all the most questionable measures of Indian policy 
 have been adopted by the Board of Control against the will 
 of the Company. We dined yesterday at the Grotes', with 
 J. Parkes, F. Elliot, &c. ; and there, as everywhere else, the cur- 
 rent of opinion runs rather in favour of the Company than 
 against it. This has been considerably assisted by a very able 
 petition of the Company to Parliament, showing the danger of 
 a change at this moment. Possibly Lord Palmerston may 
 evade the danger by consenting to refer this bill to a committee 
 for inquiry, which is, of course, to postpone it for at least a year. 
 January %5tli. The Princess Royal was married. There 
 was a party at the Prussian Embassy for the princes, and a 
 drawing-room for the bride on the 30th. 
 
 From Lord Brougham 
 
 Paris, March 28th. Your letter was delivered safely to 
 M. Guizot yesterday, and I had a long conversation with 
 him to-day on the whole state of matters here. I assure 
 you it gives me very great comfort to find that there has 
 been so much exaggeration both as to the conduct of the 
 Government and as to the sufferings of our friends. He more 
 than confirmed all he had written to Aberdeen as to the per- 
 fect freedom of society. He won't allow that anyone feels 
 the least alarm as to the arrestations, of which I hear 
 opposite accounts from those connected with the Govern- 
 ment and from their adversaries, especially the Legitimist 
 party ; the former deny there have been more than three or 
 four hundred in all France, of which sixty or seventy at 
 Paris ; the latter affirm that at Paris there have been 1,300, 
 which I take to be a gross exaggeration. The numbers of 
 the grades are admitted by even the Legitimists not to exceed 
 four or five thousand, I believe they are little above three
 
 390 LETTERS FROM BROUGHAM 1858 
 
 thousand. But the violent enemies of the Government, not 
 only Legitimists, but Orleanists, are bawling that the number 
 of these not among the grades, but who, having been 
 expulsSs or otherwise subject to the new law, are two or 
 three hundred thousand, which is as gross exaggeration as- 
 possible ; and such people forget the maxim often in 
 Romilly's mouth : ' On diminue tout ce qu'on exagere.' 
 
 The army is believed to be quite staunch to the Govern- 
 ment, and Guizot believes it is by no means desirous of war. 
 Certainly the country is not ; quite the contrary. 
 
 Cannes, April 7th. What I mentioned in my letter from 
 Paris has been confirmed by all I have seen, both there and in 
 the provinces. There is gross exaggeration, but some consider- 
 able foundation for the account of both the means taken and 
 their effect in creating apprehension. For instance, I found in 
 several places that the greatest relief had been offered to the 
 quiet and well-disposed, those who only desired tranquil 
 times and cared not for the state of parties, by the banish- 
 ment of the most troublous pests in the world those who, 
 ever since 1848, have been the plague of their neighbour- 
 hood, with their extravagant doctrines and their perpetual 
 plottings and agitations. But then, whoever had been 
 rashly talking, even though not of the Rouge party, are 
 alarmed because their towns may come under a police not 
 always very scrupulous, and never accurately informed. The 
 persons arrested have been, with few exceptions, utterly 
 insignificant, and only had influence over persons a little 
 more insignificant than themselves. 
 
 The feeblest of all governments among us seems likely to 
 be kept in place (power is out of the question) by the driving 
 of the Opposition. But on any stage of any bill, e.g. of the 
 India bill, they may be left in a minority. 
 
 Their removing Howden l at such a crisis in Spain, and 
 professedly because he belongs to the Opposition, is a marvel- 
 lous act of folly. Then sending Chelsea to Paris, where, if 
 Cowley is absent, he must be charge d'affaires, is inconceiv- 
 able, and all because he spent his money at an election. 
 Nobody could be more astounded by it than his near 
 
 1 Lord Howden had been minister at Madrid from 1850. He retired on 
 account of ill health so it was announced in March 1858.
 
 .Ex. 45 BROUGHAM ON CANNING 391 
 
 kinsman, both by blood and marriage, Cowley himself. 1 
 Crampton's appointment makes the Russians stare ; I believe 
 Loftus' will be as astonishing to the other diplomats. 
 
 Cannes, April 22nd. I now know from Howden him- 
 self the ground of his recall, and it exceeds belief. It is 
 distinctly put upon his belonging to the Opposition party, 
 although five years ago, when the same men were in office, 
 he tendered his resignation on the ground of differing 
 entirely with them, and he was told that party and political 
 opinions had nothing to do with it, but his services were 
 wanted ; and now, when they are wanted a thousand times 
 more in the Spanish crisis, he is recalled because his politics 
 are not those of the Government ! The feeling of all parties 
 in Madrid, even of the Carlists, is that of astonishment, 
 though the latter are too glad of his removal. Howden 
 supposes it is a sacrifice to the Tuileries, whose Carlist 
 intrigues he has been successful in counteracting. I much 
 doubt this, because I know that the same reason was given 
 to Normanby namely, that the Government owed it to their 
 supporters, who could not stand retaining adversaries in 
 missions. 
 
 Chelsea's appointment to Paris exceeds all other jobs. 
 He was, twenty-four years ago, unpaid attache for twelve 
 months at Petersburg ; and that is his whole diplomatic 
 service ; but he spent money in a contested election, and this 
 is his compensation. At Paris he may any day be obliged to 
 act as charge d'affaires. His near kinsman, Cowley, I will 
 venture to say, is more annoyed at it than anybody. 
 
 The article on ' Canning's Literary Remains ' in the 
 Review of July 1858 roused the hypercritical spirit in Lord 
 Brougham, and in a succession of letters, none of which 
 are dated, he sent Reeve his comments. Of these, many are 
 of little or no value such as, ' Extravagant praise of T. 
 Moore,' ' Too much importance given to Gifford and P. 
 Pindar ; ' but this is interesting as the opinion though 
 fifty years after date of a not incompetent contemporary : 
 ' Canning never could by any possibility be ranked as " an 
 orator of the first class long prior to 1808," in the days of 
 Pitt and Fox, Burke and Windham ; ' and the following 
 
 1 Chelsea's father, Lord Cadogan, was Lord Cowley' s first cousin, and Lord 
 Chelsea had also married Lord Cowley's niece.
 
 392 BROUGHAM ON DARWIN 1858 
 
 seems really noteworthy, especially now when Darwin's 
 poetry Erasmus Darwin's is almost forgotten : 
 
 Nothing can be more absurd than the running down of 
 Darwin's poetry by the Cannings and Frere. There are 
 things of the very highest merit in it. ' Cambyses' March ' 
 stands so high that I recollect T. Campbell going so far as 
 to pronounce it the finest passage in all English poetry. 1 I 
 see I am charged in the ' Saturday Review ' with always 
 quoting Darwin, which I believe I never did but once, in my 
 inaugural discourse, in reference to the steam engine. But 
 as a philosophic poem, I certainly rate it high ; and the 
 prediction of steam navigation and gun-cotton in 1787 (I 
 rather think electro-type, too) is one of the most marvellous 
 instances of sagacity almost equal to Sir I. Newton and the 
 diamond. So much delighted was Professor Playfair with 
 the magnificent lines in Canto IV., on the fate of the solar 
 system, that he cites them entire in his review of Laplace, 
 ' Ed. Rev.' vol. xv. [p. 411]. I believe it will be found that 
 Canning and Co. were really great admirers of Darwin ; that 
 they freely stole from him is certain. 
 
 He goes on to say that 'Jeffrey estimated Stoddart's 
 parody as of higher merit than the " Anti- Jacobin," ' chiefly 
 because it was on a more nonsensical and unsubstantial 
 subject the old children's rhyme of 
 
 Ziggoiy, Diggory, Dock, 
 The mouse ran up the clock ; 
 The clock struck one, 
 Down the mouse ran, 
 Ziggory, Diggory, Dock. 
 
 Stoddart's verses run thus : 
 
 Gnomes ! ye who sing of Diggory and Dock, 
 Tell how the mouse adventurer clomb the clock ; 
 Viewed the round dial plate with wondering eyes, 
 Traced the revolving wheel in mute surprise, 
 With tiny fore-paw touched the organic spring, 
 And marked the pendulum's oscillating swing. 
 
 1 Whatever Campbell may have said, or Brougham, in his old age, fancied 
 he had said, his published judgement, prefixed to this very piece in his Speci- 
 mens of British Poets, amounts to no more than this : ' If Darwin was not a 
 good poet, it may be owned that he is frequently a bold personifier, and that 
 some of his insulated passages are musical and picturesque.' Certainly, few 
 readers at the present day will be inclined to go farther than this.
 
 JET. 45 THE SLAVE-TRADE 393 
 
 The clock struck one ; by that resistless roar 
 Deafened, he dropt deciduous on the floor : 
 Such, Science, thy hallucinative shock 
 So ends the tale of Diggory and Dock. 
 
 A certain recrudescence of the Slave-trade, especially to 
 Cuba, had led the inhabitants of Jamaica to represent that 
 this was in violation of the treaty with Spain and of great 
 injury to the Jamaica planters, and to pray that the Spanish 
 Government might be compelled to redeem their pledges. 
 The presentation of this petition to the House of Lords by 
 the Bishop of Oxford on June 17th led to some conversation 
 rather than discussion in the course of which Lord 
 Malmesbury, then Foreign Secretary, spoke of the great 
 difficulties in the way of our cruisers so long as foreign 
 nations, and especially the United States, refused to allow 
 the right of 'search' or even of 'visit.' Lord Brougham 
 had said that, whilst the right of search was a purely belli- 
 gerent right, the right of visit could not be so considered ; 
 and that, although we have no right to search, we have a 
 right to visit in order to carry out the police of the ocean. 
 But, said Lord Malmesbury 
 
 ' The United States have constantly and categorically refused 
 to admit that distinction. They say that on no account, for no 
 purpose, and on no suspicion, shall a ship carrying the American 
 flag be boarded except by an American ship, unless at the risk of 
 the officer boarding or detaining her ; l and the doctrine laid down 
 by the United States- has been adopted by other countries. ... I 
 need hardly tell the House that I have admitted the international 
 law as laid down by the American Minister for Foreign Affairs ; 
 but I have not done so until that statement had been approved 
 and fortified by the opinions of the law officers of the Crown. 
 But, having admitted that, I have put it as strongly as possible to 
 the American Government that, if it is known that the American 
 flag covers every iniquity, every pirate and slaver on earth will 
 carry it, and no other.' 
 
 It has been seen that, from boyhood, Eeeve had been 
 deeply impressed by the horrors of the Slave-trade, and that 
 one of his earliest essays was a denunciation of it. 2 The 
 debate of June 17th suggested an article on the subject in 
 the ' Edinburgh Review,' and this he had mentioned to Lord 
 Clarendon, who wrote : 
 
 1 In May 1862, the English and the United States Governments mutually 
 conceded to each other's men-of-war the right of searching suspected ships 
 within thirty leagues of the coasts of Africa and Cuba. 
 
 2 See ante, p. 90.
 
 394 THE UNITED STATES 1&5S 
 
 The Grove, August 8th. I am glad you mean to have 
 an article upon the Slave-trade, and I hope it will be mainly 
 addressed ad verecundiam of the Americans ; for, unless some 
 check is imposed upon them, they will re-establish the trade 
 upon a broader and more permanent basis than it has been 
 since we withdrew from it. The Southern States have hitherto 
 been breeders of slaves, and were naturally opposed to the com- 
 petition of the African slave-trade ; but their supply is now not 
 equal to the demand, as is evidenced by the enormous increase 
 in the price of slaves. Their old plantations are exhausted, 
 they want to break up fresh ground, and they must have 
 more hands. The question, therefore, of re-establishing the 
 slave-trade is now freely discussed ; and, as soon as public 
 opinion in South Carolina and Virginia pronounces in its 
 favour, we may expect to see it carried on with all the energy 
 and contempt for law which characterise the Southerns. 
 
 Looking, therefore, at what is oncoming, and the cer- 
 tainty that France will make common cause with the U.S. 
 respecting the immunity of the flag, I think that the conces- 
 sions made by Malmesbury are unfortunate, and may lead to 
 increased difficulties hereafter. It is desirable that the right 
 of ascertaining whether a ship is entitled to the flag she flies 
 should be settled and conceded by agreement between different 
 maritime powers ; but the best way of effecting this would 
 have been to make no change in our instructions and arrange- 
 ments until the question had been settled. Everything is 
 now suspended until the negotiations are concluded, and the 
 U.S. will have an interest in protracting them. It must 
 be remembered, too, that we cannot have one practice for 
 the strong and another for the weak ; and that, if we are not 
 to stop a Spanish ship full of slaves merely because she 
 hoists the U.S. flag, we shall be bound to respect the flag of 
 Monaco used for the same purpose ; so that, until an under- 
 standing is come to, every flag will give complete immunity, 
 not for the Slave-trade alone, but for piracy and any other 
 offence against the law of nations that a vessel may have 
 committed. 
 
 I admit, however, that the subject is beset with diffi- 
 culties ; because, although every nation pretends aversion to 
 the Slave-trade, we are the only one in earnest, and sincere
 
 JKr. 45 AND THE SLAVE-TRADE 395- 
 
 about suppressing it, and we shall find that none will give us. 
 the facilities which we are ready to concede to them for 
 ascertaining facts. 
 
 The article was published in the October number of the 
 ' Review,' and assuredly did not err on the side of lenity. 
 Reeve had given his contributor a free hand, and the result 
 was remarkable. It described the internal condition of the 
 United States as already showing that rift between the 
 South and North which was to open, three years later, into 
 a yawning chasm ; and, externally, the moral responsibility 
 of the Slave-trade and the onus of suppressing it were alike 
 thrown on the U.S. Government. And nothing in the 
 article was more powerful than the exposure of Liberia, 
 instituted and maintained as a settlement of free negroes, 
 which the writer asserted was itself a sink of iniquity, in 
 which the Governor and the other officials were slave-dealers 
 and agents of slave-dealers. He referred to the experiences 
 and the narrative of Dr. Bacon, whom zeal for the cause had 
 carried to Liberia, where, and in the neighbourhood, he had 
 spent three years : 
 
 ' He found Eoberts, now known as the late President of the 
 Kepublic of Liberia, acting as the agent and factor of the great 
 slave-trader, Pedro Blanco. He found John N. Lewis, secretary 
 of the colony, also an agent of Blanco's. He found Payne, known 
 as the Missionary Payne, a regular workman at the slave factory 
 of New Sesters. Boberts was employed in purchasing condemned 
 vessels at Sierra Leone for Blanco's use as slavers ; and Lewis 
 stored the goods and merchandise which were to be bartered for 
 slaves. . . . Thousands of dollars were received by these three 
 agents from the slave-traders ; and from 1835 to 1840 the colony 
 was one of the chief auxiliaries of the traffic which it pretended to 
 supersede.' 
 
 And much more to the same effect. The charges were 
 so detailed, so categorical, that the accused parties were 
 bound to take notice of them. And they did. This, how- 
 ever, was later. The article was not published till October ; 
 and meantime, according to the Journal 
 
 August Hth. Went to the Colebrookes', at Abington r 
 for the first time, and shot there with Charles Manners. 
 Lushington. Thence to Auchin, and on a visit to the Duke 
 of Argyll at Inveraray. The Kildares and Lord E. Cavendish 
 were there. The Duke and I afterwards posted to Glasgow,, 
 and I went up to Bywell on a visit to the Beaumonts there.
 
 -390 VISIT TO ROME 
 
 Then to Appleby Castle and to Brougham. Crossed by 
 Ulleswater to Ambleside to see Harriet Martineau. Back to 
 London on September 8th. 
 
 On October 2nd we started for Paris ; reached Geneva on 
 the 5th. Saw the Binets and l)e Roches. To Turin on the 
 10th ; then to Genoa, and sailed from Leghorn to Civita 
 Vecchia, 14th. Beached Rome on the 15th. Met the 
 Eastlakes there, and drove with E. E. to the Colosseum by 
 moonlight. We remained at Rome till November 6th, and 
 went the round of the sights. At the Colloredos' (Austrian 
 Embassy) we met a good deal of society Antonelli, Merode, 
 Talbot, &c. Cardinal Wiseman had given me a letter to 
 Cavaliere Rossi, who showed us the Catacombs. 
 
 The Motleys, Storeys, and Westons were at Rome, and 
 very hospitable. Saw Mr. Hawthorne at the Westons'. 
 Ampere, too, was there, and Lady Granville. Went to 
 vespers in the Sistine Chapel on Sunday, October 31st, when 
 the Pope officiated ; and on November 4th saw the Pope go 
 in semi-state to San Carlo Borromeo. We left Rome on 
 November 6th, after a delightful visit of three weeks, and 
 reached Marseilles in thirty-two hours ; dined with the 
 P. Taylors, and returned by Paris to London on Novem- 
 ber 15th. 
 
 This was one of the most delightful journeys I ever made, 
 and I fear I shall never see Rome again. At that time no 
 one thought of catching fevers, which are now so common 
 and so fatal. 
 
 From M. Guizot 
 
 Val Richer, 4 novembre. 
 
 MON CHER MONSIEUR, Si j'avais su ou vous prendre a 
 Rome, je vous aurais ecrit tout de suite pour vous dire avec 
 quel plaisir j'ai lu votre excellent article ; excellent pour moi, 
 excellent en soi. Je serais charme de croire que tout ce que 
 vous dites de moi est vrai, et je suis sur que tout ce que vous 
 dites de ma politique est utile pour ma cause, qui est la bonne 
 cause, la v6tre comme la mienne, comme celle de tous les 
 hommes de sens et d'esprit en Europe. Si nous causions, je 
 discuterais quelques points ; specialement vos observations 
 sur 1'extension du droit de suffrage. Un seul mot a ce sujet 
 pour vous indiquer mon idee fondamentale.
 
 JET. 46 THE ' CHARLES ET GEORGES ' 397 
 
 We were forced by necessity to make or accept the Eevo- 
 lution of 1830. We wished to found the constitutional 
 system. Before us were the Legitimist party, which would 
 not accept the monarchy of 1830, and the masses of the 
 people, of both town and country, who neither cared nor 
 understood anything about the constitutional system. They 
 proved this clearly in 1848, and again at the present time. 
 We had no support but the middle classes ; they alone were 
 really with us in wishing to restore the younger branch of 
 the Bourbons and free institutions. It was necessary for us. 
 to keep in line with our only true and intelligent friends. 
 The moment we advanced beyond it we got in amongst the 
 revolutionary longings, Bonapartist memories, or the consti- 
 tutional ignorance and indifference. In this lay the real 
 difficulty. I should not have had the least objection to ex- 
 tending the suffrage, if it had been likely to strengthen our 
 cause ; but it promised us nothing but danger or embarrass- 
 ment. I hope that some, day we shall be able to talk over 
 all this. . . . 
 
 To Lord Brougham 
 
 November 15th. On my return to England I find two- 
 notes from you on nay table, and when I inquire where you 
 are, I learn with sorrow that you have been recalled to- 
 Brougham by illness in the family. I trust it may not be 
 serious. . . . 
 
 This expedition of Palmerston and Clarendon to Com- 
 piegne, just when they are trying Montalembert for having 
 written a eulogy on England, is most untimely, and will cost 
 them much here. As for France, they never were better 
 pleased with their tyran than at this moment, and the public 
 seem disposed to applaud even his outrages. They did, how- 
 ever, blush a little in secret for the affair of the ' Charles 
 Georges.' 
 
 They might well blush. The ' affair ' was as impudent 
 and bullying a violation of international law and international 
 courtesy as any recorded in civilised history. In November 
 1857, the bark ' Charles et Georges,' of Saint Malo, lying at 
 Conducia, in the Mozambique, embarking negroes for 
 Eeunion, and with one hundred and ten actually on board, 
 was seized by a Portuguese brig of war and taken to Mozam-
 
 398 MONTALEMBERT 18-58 
 
 bique, where she was tried and on proof that the negroes 
 were slaves was condemned as a slaver. The French, how- 
 ever, continued to assert that the so-called slaves were hired 
 labourers, and that the condemnation of the ' Charles et 
 Georges ' was illegal. They refused to submit the case to 
 arbitration ; and, when the bark was brought "to Lisbon, in 
 August 1858, they sent a powerful squadron of ships of war 
 to the Tagus to demand her release. The Portuguese 
 Government was offered the pretext of admitting some 
 informalities in the trial ; but the King openly said that they 
 .gave up the bark because they ' were obliged to yield to the 
 peremptory exaction.' * 
 
 The trial of Montalembert, emphatically the cause celebre 
 of the time, began on the 25th November. He was charged, 
 on different counts, with libelling and insulting the 
 French Emperor and the French constitution in a pamphlet 
 entitled ' Un Debat sur 1'Inde an Parlement Anglais/ by 
 comparing the state of things in France with those in 
 England, very much to the disadvantage of the former. 
 The whole pamphlet will repay reading; but, here, one 
 sentence must serve for an illustration : 
 
 ' When I feel the pestilential influence rising higher and higher 
 around me, when my ears ache with the buzzing of ante-room 
 gossip or the babble of fanatics who think themselves our 
 masters, or of hypocrites who believe us to be their dupes when 
 I feel smothered under the weight of an atmosphere loaded with 
 servile and corrupting vapours I rush to breathe for a time a 
 pure medium, and to take a life-bath in the free air of England.' 
 
 Montalembert was defended by M. Berryer, who seems 
 to our English judgement to have sought rather to bring 
 himself into prominence than to obtain the acquittal of his 
 client ; so that it does not appear surprising that Montalem- 
 bert was found guilty, and sentenced to pay a fine of 
 (3,000 francs and to undergo six months' imprisonment. 
 Montalembert appealed, but, before the appeal came on, the 
 Emperor cancelled the sentence. Montalembert insisted on 
 his right to appeal, so the appeal was tried, and he was again 
 condemned ; but finally, the sentence was annulled, by act 
 of grace, on December 21st. 
 
 From Lord Brougham 
 
 Brougham, November 13th. Your letter of the 15th 
 came here this morning. I had been told by our friend at 
 
 1 Parliamentary Papers, 1859, vol. xxvii.
 
 JET. 46 ANGER OF THE SLAVE-DEALERS 399 
 
 Harpton ' that you were to return the beginning of next 
 month, and I had not expected to be still in London, so I 
 sent him all the particulars of what had passed between me 
 and the Liberian consul and others in the threatened pro- 
 ceedings against the 'E. R.' on account of the Slave-trade 
 article in last number whether by action or prosecution had 
 not been determined. I think I put a stop to them, and 
 Ralston (the consul) came round entirely to my opinion. 
 But among other arguments used by me was this that I 
 should fully make known to you how grossly the author of 
 the article had been deceived, probably by Yankee statements, 
 and that justice would be done. I sent the consul's state- 
 ment to Harpton five days ago, but I retain the copy of the 
 * Review,' annotated, which I will give you when I am in 
 town, which I hope and trust will be this day week. . . . 
 
 Alas for France ! What you say of their contentment 
 is as bad a symptom as possible. I remonstrated by letter 
 both with Pam. and Clarn. P.'s answer is enclosed, and 
 Clar.'s to the same effect. . . . There is much in what 
 they both say of the difficulty of refusing, and my objection 
 to the visit is not so much the effect it has in this country 
 against themselves, as its evil tendency in France and its 
 lessening Mont.'s chance of escape. I had written very 
 strongly to Fould and others on that insane prosecution, 
 as I had on the Portuguese business. My recommendation 
 of L. N. getting out of the scrape by at once abandoning the 
 Free Emigration scheme had been anticipated, as Fould 
 wrote. I hope I may be so now as to Mont. 
 
 To Lord Brougham 
 
 November 21s. I am much obliged to you for your good 
 offices in the matter of the threatened prosecution ; but, as 
 far as I know, no communication has been addressed to the 
 publisher none, certainly, to me on the subject. Whether 
 all the statements in the article are correct is more than I 
 can affirm of my own knowledge, though I took some pains 
 to satisfy myself they had not been made without authority, 
 inasmuch as they had all been previously published in 
 America, and were uncontradicted. But I certainly do not 
 1 Sir George C. Lewis.
 
 400 ILLNESS OF TOCQUEVILLE 1858 
 
 think that the article contains anything to justify legal pro- 
 ceedings, or that any such course can be persisted in. On 
 arriving in Paris I was assured, by persons likely to know, 
 that the Emperor had read the article, and that it had contri- 
 buted to induce him to write the letter in which he throws 
 over the emigrant scheme. I am firmly convinced that in 
 the affair of the ' Charles Georges,' the French Government 
 have no legal ground whatever to stand on ; indeed, the only 
 pretence they put forward that of the presence of the 
 imperial commissary on board the vessel is absurd ; but I 
 have reason to fear the Foreign Office has not been well 
 advised on this point. I am obliged to you for Lord 
 Palmerston's letter, which I return. But the truth is that, 
 if Louis Napoleon were the only man in France favourable 
 to the English alliance, peace would not be of long duration. 
 I hold, on the contrary, that the bulk of the French nation 
 are extremely averse to war with us or any other Power. 
 
 My friend Tocqueville is at Cannes condemned to spend 
 the winter there by the physicians having had some alarm- 
 ing symptoms of bronchitis. He is forbidden to speak ; so 
 that, when you get there, I fear he will not be equal to much 
 conversation ; but if you will give him access to your library 
 there, you would confer a very great favour upon him. 
 
 From Lord Brougham 
 
 Brougliam, November 2lst. There could be no communi- 
 cation either to Longman or to you after what passed with 
 Ralston, unless his principal differed with him and disavowed 
 him. But I undertook to make his complaint known to 
 you, and I sent his statement to Harpton at the time that 
 I had no hope of seeing you before I go to the South. 
 There is a feud between the Liberian Government and the 
 Yankees, evidently. 
 
 I am sorry to see the account you give of Tocqueville's 
 health. Our little library will be entirely at his service, I 
 need not say. 
 
 P.S. The first complaints I received of the article came 
 from the Anti-Slavery Society. But before I could see the 
 parties I had a letter from the consul, and I made him call 
 in Grafton Street, which he did twice, and gave me his
 
 AT. 46 LIBERIA AND SLAVEKY 401 
 
 statements. The Liberian Government complain of Louis 
 Napoleon as having broken faith with them, and he was quite 
 certain to take part with their Yankee adversaries. 
 
 Graf ton Street [December]. I saw the consul again 
 yesterday, and he remains in the best possible disposition. 
 But the delays arising from the new regulations as to the 
 mail will make it late in January before he can receive the 
 governor's (Roberts) answer and statement. He sees clearly 
 that no statement by anyone else than Roberts can be 
 available. Meanwhile he left the paper which I enclose. I 
 have no doubt that the statement of Roberts will either be 
 sufficient to satisfy you, or, at all events, that if not long 
 you can give it insertion. However, that must depend on 
 what it proves to be. 
 
 Roberts's statement, here referred to,, being, in fact, a 
 positive denial of the charges, was published in the April 
 number of the ' Review,' and so the matter terminated. 
 
 But meantime the political excitement in England was 
 about Parliamentary Reform, on which, it was understood, 
 Lord Derby's Government intended to introduce a bill early 
 next session. No one seemed really to want it, except, 
 perhaps, Lord John Russell, the apostle of Reform ; but 
 among Reeve's political friends there was a widespread 
 feeling of anxiety lest a Radical, or even a revolutionary 
 measure, introduced by the Tories in order to ' dish the 
 Whigs,' might be supported by the Whigs for fear that the 
 Tories might point the finger of scorn at them as the 
 enemies of Reform. It was thus that Reeve invited Sir 
 George Lewis to write the political article for the forth- 
 coming number of the ' Review ' January 1859 and which, 
 in fact, Lewis did write, notwithstanding the opposition of 
 Lord John Russell, who may have thought the time inop- 
 portune for a declaration of Whig opinions, but who may 
 possibly have been actuated, to some extent at least, by 
 pique at the attitude of Reeve during the previous year. It 
 is to this that the following letters from Lord Clarendon 
 refer : 
 
 The Grove, December 18th.- J was in London all day 
 yesterday, and could not answer your letter. At the same 
 time that Lewis received your proposal he got a letter from 
 me, strongly urging him to accept it, and his answers to 
 us both are most satisfactory. I have since written to 
 
 VOL. i. D D
 
 402 PARLIAMENTARY REFORM 
 
 him my notions as to how far it would be safe to go in 
 sketching a measure. He is quite right in thinking that 
 the article would be a Whig manifesto, but it is quite 
 unnecessary to give it the air of a Whig ultimatum. 
 
 He could not write an article, which sooner or later will 
 be known to be his, without consulting Palmerston and 
 Lord John ; but their replies may hamper him. The former 
 for various reasons personal, party, and conservative may 
 wish nothing to be said until the Government produce their 
 measure ; and Lord John may think himself forestalled when 
 he sees some of his own plums in Lewis's programme ; but 
 when they both learn that an article there will be in the 
 ' Edinburgh,' they will probably like its being handled by 
 Lewis better than by anybody else. 
 
 Miladi and I are delighted that you liked your visit here. 
 The feeling is cordially reciprocated. Our girls were very 
 happy with Miss Reeve, and I hope they will continue to 
 see much of each other. Pray remember us very kindly to 
 Mrs. Reeve. 
 
 December 21s. I had already heard from Lewis of Lord 
 John's opposition to the article, which is greater than I 
 expected. It would have been impossible, however, for 
 Lewis not to consult him ; they have been in constant 
 correspondence the whole year upon Reform, and Lewis is 
 in possession of Lord John's views, as far as they are formed ; 
 and it would have been a kind of lese-amitie and lese- 
 confiance to publish anything upon it without his previous 
 knowledge. 
 
 I have no doubt, and I said so to Lewis in my first 
 letter, that a telling review of Tory illiberality and hindrance- 
 spirit for the last thirty years, and of Radical rashness, would 
 have brought the public by induction to look to the 
 Whig party for protection from the extremes, and that this 
 might have spliced together the mangled remains of the 
 party, and galvanised them into life again ; but if this is not 
 to be, and if Lord John, and perhaps Palmerston, are to 
 repudiate the article, and the former is to be angry when 
 Parliament meets, I think it will be better to have none 
 at all, although I am sure you would write an excellent 
 one. It is so important for the ' Review ' not to be silent on
 
 ^ET. 46 LE COUP DE GRACE 403 
 
 such an occasion that I would regret your determination not 
 to write an article, . if you had not told me that you had no 
 knowledge of those statistical and other intricate details 
 which are indispensable for dealing safely with the question. 
 We were all, young and old, delighted with Loch. He 
 has seen much, and observed accurately, and contributes his 
 information most agreeably. His experience and judgement 
 would, I am sure, be useful to Bruce, and he deserves to be 
 promoted ; instead of which he is eliminated ; l which is a 
 bad compliment to Elgin, and a disservice to Bruce. 
 
 From Lord Brougham 
 
 Cannes, December 18th. All through the country and 
 everywhere hereabouts I find the same unhappy feeling of 
 utter indifference to whatever the Government does that is 
 most wrong, whether foolhardy or tyrannical. No one 
 feels any kind of interest in Montalembert, and after his 
 conduct in 1851 it is not to be wondered at ; besides the 
 exaggeration of his merits of all kinds sets people rather 
 unjustly against him. With his own shouting partisans his 
 low tone at the trial did him infinite harm, and I believe 
 almost everyone disapproved the refusal of the pardon. That 
 refusal has done the Emperor, as I find in all quarters, great 
 service. The epigram that runs round in the salons at Paris is 
 rather good ' fletri par le coup d'etat, fini par le coup de 
 grace.' The result of it all is that even those reflecting 
 persons whom I converse with say, ' We formerly had too 
 much freedom and abused it ; now we have none, and must 
 content ourselves with quiet and peace.' 
 
 No one but himself can make the Emperor's position 
 dangerous. If he meddles in Italy and intrigues with Russia 
 towards the Sardinian plan of getting Lombardy from Aus- 
 tria, and indemnifying her on the Danube which means also 
 giving Russia something in Turkey he will inevitably lead to 
 general war, and he never could stand that. The people are 
 for peace ; even the lower orders are in the greatest terror of 
 
 1 Henry Brougham Loch, now Lord Loch (brother of Granville Loch, ante, 
 p. 298), had been attached to Lord Elgin's mission to China in 1857-8, and had 
 brought home the Treaty of Tien-tsin. He had no appointment in Mr. 
 Frederick Bruce's abortive mission in 1859, but was again with Lord Elgin in 
 his second mission, in 1860.
 
 404 FRANCE AND ITALY 1858 
 
 the conscription, and the state of the finances will not help 
 him much. He is exceedingly vexed at the attacks upon 
 him in England, but he would make a bad exchange for our 
 alliance if he thought to throw himself on his army, a very 
 small part of which alone is for war. My chief uneasiness 
 is from the want of firmness which he shows in resisting 
 the bad advice of those about him. In this respect he is a 
 good deal changed since the assassination plot ; also he 
 allows precautions of an oppressive nature to be taken, which 
 are more likely to increase his risks than to lessen them. 
 Thus, all Italians being assumed to be assassins, they are not 
 only in great numbers stopped at the frontiers, but a con- 
 siderable number are, without any process, seized and sent 
 away to Algeria or even Cayenne. This, at least r is most 
 confidently asserted, and its being believed by Italians may 
 be dangerous to him. 
 
 I have not seen Tocqueville. I called as soon as I could, 
 and left a letter and the catalogue of the library here ; but 
 , he had the night before such an increase of his spitting of 
 blood that the doctor, whom I saw, said he was quite 
 exhausted, although the day before he was a good deal 
 better. The doctor (who used to attend me before Dr. 
 Whiteley settled here) says he has good hopes of him, as 
 Garnier-Pages * recovered here. But he says the lungs are 
 seriously affected, which G.-P.'s were not. His brother, 
 who called here two days ago, says he is better than 
 when he came, but I don't think they are aware of his 
 danger. The doctor has sent for a sceur de charite to him. 
 
 1 He lived twenty.years longer, and died November 1st, 1878. 
 
 END OF THE FIRST VOLUME 
 
 FKLSTID BY 
 POTTBWOODK i.M> CO., NKW-ITKKKT
 
 H Classified Catalogue 
 
 OF WORKS IN 
 
 GENERAL LITERATURE 
 
 PUBLISHED BY 
 
 LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO. 
 
 39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON, E.G. 
 
 91 AND 93 FIFTH AVENUE NEW YORK. AND 32 HORNBY ROAD, BOMBAY. 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 BADMINTON LIBRARY (THE). - 10 
 
 PAGE 
 
 MANUALS OF CATHOLIC PHIL- 
 
 BIOGRAPHY, PERSONAL ME- 
 
 OSOPHY 16 
 
 MOIRS, &c. ..- - - - 7 
 
 MENTAL, MORAL, AND POLITICAL 
 
 CHILDREN'S BOOKS - 26 
 
 PHILOSOPHY 14 
 
 CLASSICAL LITERATURE TRANS- 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS AND CRITICAL 
 
 LATIONS, ETC. - 18 
 
 WORKS 29 
 
 COOKERY, DOMESTIC MANAGE- 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS THEOLOGICAL 
 
 MENT, &c. 28 
 
 WORKS 31 
 
 EVOLUTION, ANTHROPOLOGY, 
 
 POETRY AND THE DRAMA - - 18 
 
 &c. 17 
 
 POLITICAL ECONOMY AND ECO- 
 
 FICTION, HUMOUR, &c. - - - 21 
 
 NOMICS 16 
 
 FUR, FEATHER AND FIN SERIES 12 
 
 POPULAR SCIENCE - - - - 24 
 
 HISTORY, POLITICS, POLITY, 
 
 SILVER LIBRARY (THE) - - 27 
 
 POLITICAL MEMOIRS, &c. - - 3 
 
 SPORT AND PASTIME - - - 10 
 
 LANGUAGE, HISTORY AND 
 
 TRAVEL AND ADVENTURE, THE 
 
 SCIENCE OF . - - - - 16 
 
 COLONIES, &c. .... 8 
 
 LONGMANS' SERIES OF BOOKS 
 
 VETERINARY MEDICINE, &c. - 10 
 
 FOR GIRLS - - - 26 
 
 WORKS OF REFERENCE- - - 25 
 
 INDEX OF AUTHORS AND EDITORS. 
 
 Page 
 
 Page 
 
 Page 
 
 Page 
 
 Abbott (Evelyn) - 3, 18 
 
 Baker (Sir S. W.) - 8, 10 
 
 Brogger (W. C.) - 8 
 
 Corbett (Julian S.) -. 3 
 
 (T. K.) - - 14 
 
 Baldwin (C. S.) - 14 
 
 Brookings (W.) - 29 
 
 Corder (Annie) - 19 
 
 (E. A.) - - 14 
 
 Balfour (A. J.) - 11,31 
 
 Browning (H. Ellen) 9 
 
 Coventry (A.) - - ii 
 
 Acland (A. H. D.) - 3 
 
 Ball (John) - - 9 
 
 Buck (H. A.) - - ii 
 
 Cox (Harding) - 10 
 
 Acton (Eliza) - - 28 
 
 (J-T.) - - 3 
 
 Buckle (H. T.) - - 3 
 
 Crake (Rev. A. D.) - 26 
 
 Adeane(J. H.)- - 7 
 
 Baring-Gould (Rev. 
 
 Buckton (C. M.) . 28 
 
 Creiehton (Bishop)- 3,4 
 
 jEschylus - - 18 
 
 S.) ... 27, 29 
 
 Bull (T.) - - - 28 
 
 Crozier (J. B.) - - 14 
 
 Ainger (A. C.) - - ii 
 
 Barnett (Rev. S. A. & 
 
 Burke (U. R.) - - 3 
 
 Cuningham (G. C.) - 3 
 
 Albemarle (Earl of) - ii 
 
 Mrs.) - - - 16 
 
 Burrows (Montagu) 4 
 
 Curzon (Hon. G. N.) 3 
 
 Allen (Grant) - - 24 
 
 Baynes (T. S.) - - 29 
 
 Butler (E. A.) - - 24 
 
 Cutts (Rev. E. L.) - 4 
 
 Allingham (W:) - 18, 29 
 (F.) - - - 21 
 Andre (R.) - - 12 
 Anstey (F.) - - 21 
 Archer (W.) - - 8 
 
 Beaconsfield (Earl of) 21 
 Beaufort (Duke of) - 10,11 
 Becker (Prof.) - - 18 
 Beesly (A. H.) - - 19 
 Bell (Mrs. Hugh) - 19 
 
 (Samuel) - - 29 
 
 Cameron of Lochiel 12 
 Camperdown (Earl of) 7 
 Cannan (E.) - - 17 
 
 Dallinger (F. W.) - 4 
 Davidson (W. L.) 14, 16, 32 
 Davies (I. F.) - - 18 
 Deland (Mrs ) - - 21, 26 
 Dent (C. T.) - n 
 
 Aristophanes - - 18 
 Aristotle - - - 14, 18 
 Armstrong (G. F. 
 Savage) - - 19 
 
 (Mrs. Arthur) - 7 
 Bent (J. Theodore) - 8 
 Besant (Sir Walter)- 3 
 Bickerdyke (J.) - ii 
 
 (F. Laura) . 13 
 Chesney (Sir G.) - 3 
 Chisholm (G. G.) - 25 
 Cholmondeley-Pennell 
 
 Deploige - - - 17 
 De Salis (Mrs.) - 28, 39 
 De Tocqueville (A.) - 3 
 Devas (C. S.) - - 16 
 
 (E. J. Savage) 7, 19, 29 
 Arnold (Sir Edwin) - 8, 19 
 
 Bicknell (A. C.) - 8 
 Bird (R.) - - - 31 
 
 (H.) ... ii 
 Churchill ( W. Spencer) 9 
 
 Dickinson (G. L.) - 4 
 
 Diderot - 21 
 
 (Dr. T.) - - 3 
 
 Blackwell (Elizabeth) 7 
 
 Cicero - - - 18 
 
 Douall (L.) - - 21 
 
 Ashley (W. J.) - - 16 
 A telier du Lys (A uthor 
 of)- - - - 26 
 Ayre (Rev. J.) - - 25 
 
 Bacon - - - 7, 14 
 Baden-Powell (B. H.) 3 
 Bagehot (W.) - 7, 16, 29 
 Bagwell (R.) - - 3 
 Bain (Alexander) - 14 
 
 Bland (Mrs. Hubert) 20 
 Boase (Rev. C. W.) - 4 
 Boedder (Rev. B.) - 16 
 Bosanquet (B.) - 14 
 Boyd (Rev. A. K. H.) 39, 31 
 Brassey (Lady) - 9 
 (Lord) 3, 8, n, 16 
 Bray (C. and Mrs.) - 14 
 Bright (Rev. J. F.) - 3 
 Broadfoot (Major W.) 10 
 
 Clarke (Rev. R. F.) - 16 
 Clodd (Edward) - 17 
 Clutterbuck (W. J.) - 9 
 Cochrane (A.) - - 19 
 Coleridge (S. T.) - 20 
 Comyn (L. N.) - 26 
 Conington (John) - 18 
 Conybeare(Rev.W.J.) 
 & Howson (Dean) 27 
 Coolidge (W. A. B.) 9 
 
 Douglas (Sir G.) - 19 
 Dowell (S.) - - 16, 30 
 Doyle (A. Conan) - 21 
 Dreyfus (Irma) - 30 
 Du Bois (W. E. B.).- 4 
 Dufferin (Marquis of) ii 
 Dunbar (Mary F.) - 20 
 
 Eardley-Wilmot (Capt. 
 S.) - . - 8
 
 INDEX OF AUTHORS AND EDITORS continued. 
 
 Page i Page \ Page 
 
 Page 
 
 Ebrington (Viscount) 13 
 Egbert (J. C.) - - 18 
 Eggleston (E.) - - 4 
 Ellis (J. H.) - - 12 
 
 Jenery-Shee (R.) - 17 ; Morgan (C. Lloyd) - 17 
 ' erome (Jerome K.) - 23 Morris (W.) - 20, 22, 31 
 ' ohnson (J. & J. H.) 30 (Mowbray) n 
 ' ones (H. Bence) - 25 Mulhall (M. G.) - 17 
 
 Soulsby (Lucy H.) 26,31 
 Spedding(J.) - - 7, 14 
 Sprigge (S. Squire) - 8 
 Stanley (Bishop) - 34 
 
 (R. L.) - - 14 
 
 ' ordan (W. L.) - 16 Munk (W.) - - 7 
 
 Steel (A. G.) - - 10 
 
 Evans (Sir John) - 30 
 
 "owett (Dr. B.) - 17 
 
 (J-H.) - - 10 
 
 
 ' oyce (P. W.) - 5,22,30 Nansen (F.) - - 9 
 
 Stephen (Leslie) - 9 
 
 Farrar (Dean) - - 16, 21 
 
 Justinian 14 Nesbit (E.) - - 20 
 
 Stephens (H. Morse) 6 
 
 Fitzwygram (Sir F.) 10 
 
 Nettleship (R. L.) - 14 
 
 Stevens (R. W.) - 31 
 
 Folkard (H. C.) - 12 
 
 Kalisch (M. M.) - 32 Newdigate - Newde- 
 
 Stevenson (R. L.) - 23, 26 
 
 Ford (H.) 12 
 
 Kant (I.) - - 14 gate tLady) - 8 
 
 Stock (St. George) - 15 
 
 Fowler (Edith H.) - 21 
 
 Kaye (Sir J. W.) - 5 Newman (Cardinal) - 22 
 
 'Stonehenge' - - to 
 
 Foxcroft (H. C.) - 7 
 
 Kerr (Rev. J.) - - ii 
 
 Storr (F.) 14 
 
 Francis (Francis) - 12 
 
 Killick (Rev. A. H.) - 14 Ogle (W.)- - - 18 
 
 Stuart- Wortley (A. J.) 11,13 
 
 Freeman (Edward A.) 4 
 
 Kitchin (Dr. G. W.) 4 Oliphant (Mrs.) - 22 
 
 Stubbs (I. W.) - 6 
 
 Froude (James A.) 4, 7, 9, 21 
 
 Knight (E. F.) - - 9,11 Oliver (W. D.) - 9 
 
 Sturdy (E. T.) - - 30 
 
 Furneaux (W.) - 24 
 
 Kostlin (J.) 7 
 
 Onslow (Earl of) - n 
 
 Suffolk & Berkshire 
 
 
 
 Orchard (T. N.) - 31 
 
 (Earl of) - - ii 
 
 Galton (W. F.) - 17 
 
 Ladd (G. T.) - - 15 
 
 Osbourne (L) - - 23 
 
 Sullivan (Sir E.) - u 
 
 Gardiner (Samuel R.) 4 
 
 Lang (Andrew) 5, 10, n, 13, 
 
 P__1_ /\A7 \ 
 
 (J.F.) - - 26 
 
 Gathorne-Hardy (Hon. 
 A. E.) - 12 
 Gerard (Dorothea) - 26 
 
 17, 1 8, 19, 20, 22, 26, 30, 32 
 Lascelles (Hon. G.) 
 
 IO, II, 12 
 
 ark ( w.) - - 13 
 Parr (Louisa) - - 26 
 Payne-Gallwey (Sir 
 
 Sully (James) - - 15 
 Sutherland (A. and G.) 6 
 (Alex.) - - 15, 31 
 
 Gibbons (J. S.) - u, 12 
 Gibson (Hon. H.) - 13 
 (C. H.) - - 14 
 (Hon. W.) - 32 
 Gilkes (A. H.) - - 21 
 GilKH.J.) - - 22 
 Gleig (Rev. G. R.) - 8 
 Goethe - - - 19 
 Graham (P. A.) - 13, 21 
 (G. F.) - - 16 
 Granby (Marquis of) 12 
 Grant (Sir A.) - - 14 
 Graves (R. P.) - - 7 
 Green (T. Hill) - 14 
 
 Laughton (I. K.) - 8 
 Laurie (S. S.) - - 5 
 Layard (Nina F.) - 19 
 Leaf (Walter) - - 31 
 Lear (H. L. Sidney) - 29 
 Lecky (W. E. H.) - 5, 19 
 Lees (J. A.) - - 9 
 Lejeune (Baron) - 7 
 Leslie (T. E. Cliffe) - 16 
 Lester (L. V.) - - 7 
 Levett- Yeats (S.) - 22 
 Lewes (G. H.) - - 15 
 Lillie (A.)- - - 13 
 Lindley (J.) - - 25 
 
 R.) - - - ii, 13 
 Peek (Hedley) - - n 
 Pembroke (Earl of) - ii 
 Phillipps-Wolley(C.) 10,22 
 Pleydell-Bouverie (E. O.) 1 1 
 Pole (W.) --- 13 
 Pollock (W. H.) - ii 
 Poole (W. H. and Mrs.) 29 
 Poore (G. V.) - - 31 
 Potter (J.) - - 16 
 Praeger (S. Rosamond) 26 
 Prevost (C.) - - ii 
 Pritchett (R. T.) - n 
 Proctor (R. A.) 13,24, 28, 31 
 
 Suttner (B. von) - 23 
 Swinburne (A. J.) - 15 
 Symes (J. E.) - - 17 
 
 Tacitus 18 
 Tavlor (Col. Meadows) 17 
 '- (Una) - - 23 
 Tebbutt (C. G.) - ii 
 Thompson (N. G.) - 13 
 Thornhill (W. I.) - 18 
 Thornton (T. H.) - 8 
 Todd(A.)- - - 6 
 Toynbee (A.) - - 17 
 Trevelyan (Sir G. O.) 7 
 
 //-* p v ... 
 
 Greville (C. C. F.) - 4 
 Grey (Maria) - 26 
 Grose (T. H.) - - 14 
 Grove (F. C.) - - n 
 (Mrs. Lilly) - ii 
 Gurdon (Lady Camilla) 21 
 
 Lodge (H. C.) - 4 
 Loftie (Rev. W. J.) - 4 
 Longman (C. J.) 10, 13, 30 
 (F. W.) - - 13 
 (G. H.) - -11,12 
 Lubbock (Sir John) - 17 
 
 Quill (A. W.) - - 18 
 Quintana (A.) 22 
 
 Raine (Rev. James) - 4 
 Ransome (Cyril) - 3 
 Rawlinson (Rev. 
 
 (L. V.) - - 17 
 Trollope (Anthony) - 23 
 Tupper (J. L.) - - 20 
 Turner (H. G.) - 31 
 TyndalKJ.) - - 9 
 Tyrrell (R. Y.) - - 18 
 
 Gurney (Rev. A.) - 19 
 Gwilt (J.) - - - 25 
 
 Haggard (H. Rider) 21, 22 
 Hake(O.)- - - n 
 Halliwell-Phillipps(J.) 8 
 Hamlin (A. D. F.) - 30 
 Hammond (Mrs. T. H.) 4 
 Hampton (Lady Laura) 30 
 Harding (S. B.) - 4 
 Harte (Bret) - - 22 
 
 Lucan - - - 18 
 Lutoslawski (W.) - 15 
 Lyall (Edna) - - 22 
 Lyttelton (Hon. R. H.) 10 
 (Hon. A.) ii 
 Lytton (Earl of) - 19 
 
 MacArthur (Miss E. A.) 17 
 Macaulay (Lord) 5, 6, 20 
 MacColl (Canon) 6 
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