:.:
 
 euglisl; Mm of Slftion 
 
 MONTROSE
 
 THE MARQUIS OF MONTROSE, K.U. 
 
 From a picture by Gerard Ilontliorst, painted at the Hague in 1040, and presented 
 by Montrose to tlie Queen of Bohemia ; now in the possession of tlie Eurl of 
 DaHiousie.
 
 M O N T E O S E 
 
 BY 
 
 .mu\\i;j:av .muhuls 
 
 ^LLllltlOll 
 M.\f M I i.i.A N AMI CO. 
 
 AN I) N KW Vnl! K 
 
 18 9 2 
 
 /W/ riijlil I iim I ml
 
 CONTEXTS 
 
 CHAPTER 1 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Ancestry and Early Ykars ... 1 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 For King or Covenant .17 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 The Covenant 38 
 
 CHAPTElf IV 
 The First Bishoi-s' War r,H 
 
 cilAI-'IKK V 
 The Second IJisiiorH' War . . . 7!» 
 
 chaptei; vj 
 
 The Pu>t and the Incident . . 1 00
 
 VI CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 PAOB 
 
 The King's Commission . . .124 
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 The Campaign in the Highlands (Tippermuir — 
 
 Aberdeen — Inverlochy) . . . . .139 
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 
 The Campaign in the Highlands (Auldearn — 
 
 Alford — Kilsyth) . . .157 
 
 CHAPTER X 
 Philiphaugh . . .175 
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 The Last Campaign . . .191 
 
 CHAPTER XII 
 The End 214
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 ANCESTRY AND EARLY YEARS 
 
 Tr.vdition still points to a building in the town of 
 Montrose as the birthplace of James Graham, fifth Earl 
 and first Marquis of the line, — a building also fondly 
 cherished by the antiquary as the last to shelter the 
 Old Chevalier on Scottish soil. Both traditions are 
 of course disputed, and both are easy to dispute. 
 The title of Montrose was taken, not from the town 
 of that name but, from the estate of Old Montrose 
 on the opposite side of the bay, which a Graham 
 had acquired from Robert Bruce in exchange for the 
 iamls of Cardross in Dumbartonshire. The name is 
 said to be of Gaelic origin, Alt or Ahl Moineros, the 
 Burn of the Mossy Point ; but the prefix must have 
 been understood in its Saxon significance at least as 
 early as the twelfth century, fur in a charter of that 
 time the place is styled Velus jMunros. The old castle 
 has long since disaj)pearcd. The Covenanters naturally 
 let slij) no chance of despoiling the man they most 
 feared and hated in Scfrtlaiid ; and of the three stately 
 homes owne<l hy the chief of the (Jraliams at tlie 
 beginning of the seventeenth century — Kincardine in 
 3E IS
 
 MONTROSE CHAP. 
 
 Perthshire, JNIugdock in Stirlingshire, and Old Montrose 
 in Forfarshire — all went down in the storm of civil war. 
 Montrose's parents seem to have resided at all three 
 impartiall}', and at the last their son may have been 
 born. If this were so, it is easy to vmderstand how 
 tradition, anxious for some visible memorial of a famous 
 man in the town bearing his name, should have trans- 
 ferred the honour of his birth there across the few 
 miles of water that separated it from the old home of 
 his family. But in fact nothing is certainly known of 
 the place or time of Montrose's birth, excej)t tliat he. was 
 fourteen years old when his father died in 1626, and must 
 consequently have15een born some time in the year 1612. 
 "Tlie Grahams had long been conspicuous figures in 
 Scottish history. In 1298 Sir John Graham, the chosen 
 comrade of Wallace, had fallen, more fortunate than 
 his friend, at the battle of Falkirk, in the churchyard of 
 which to^vn his tomb may still be seen. In 1304, at the 
 capitulation which seemed for the moment to have closed 
 the Scots' struggle for independence, Sir David, the first 
 proprietor of Old Montrose, had been specially marked 
 by the English king as a dangerous man. Through the 
 wars of Bruce and his immediate successors the Grahams 
 had stood stoutly by the national cause. In the thir- 
 teenth and fourteenth centuries they had three times 
 intermarried with the royal blood of Scotland. A son 
 of Sir AVilliam Graham and the Princess Mary, daughter 
 of Ptobert the Third, was the first Primate of Scotland ; 
 and as a Graham of a later generation had held the see 
 of Dunblane, the indifference expressed for bishops by 
 their illustrioiis descendant should at least not have 
 been hereditary. One of Sir William's grandsons,
 
 THE GRAHAMS 
 
 Patrick, was raised to the peerage as Lord Graham in 
 1451, and in 1505 his gi-audson William was made Earl 
 of ^lontrose Ijy James the J^'oitrth, only to fall a few 
 years later B}' his sovereign's side at Flotlden, where 
 he "commanded a division of the Scottish van. His 
 grandson fell with equal ,ul"i\' M riiilcic, w field only 
 less disastrous to his country lliuu the field <if Flodden. 
 But the most conspicuous of the ancestors of the Great 
 Alarquis was his grandfather John, who held in succes- 
 sion the offices of Treasurer, Chancellor, and Viceroy of 
 Scotland. He seems to have possessed his full share 
 of the turbulent spirit which marked the Scottish aris- 
 tocracy then and for long after an era of milder manners 
 had daAvned upon the South. "When nearly fifty years 
 old he was engaged in a memorable brawl on the High 
 Street of Edinburgh between a jxarty of his own men 
 and the followers of Sir John Sandilands, by whom one 
 of his clan had been murdered three years previously. 
 In this affair Lord Graham fought by his father's side, 
 and according to one account had been the first to begin 
 the fray. But the general tenor of his life seems to 
 have been unusually peaceful. He bore the part exi)ectcd 
 of a young Scottish nobleman in the State ceremonies 
 and pageants of the time, and after his succession to the 
 title perfonned such iluties as his position imposed f)n 
 him with crcilit if with no ])articular ability. But 
 his tastes evidently led him rather to the life of a 
 country gentleman than of a man of affairs, and after his 
 wife's death ho seems to have devoted himself ulniost 
 entirely to the care of his chiMren and his estates. His 
 letters show him to hiUd been an ailectionato ami in 
 dulgcnt father, and the precision of his accounts proves
 
 MONTROSE CHAP. 
 
 him an exact but not illiberal manager. His stables were 
 well stocked and well used, and, next to riding, archery 
 and golf were his favourite pastimes. In these his son 
 followed him. His skill at the targets and on the links 
 is one of the few memorials of Montrose's youth that 
 time has spared for us ; the grace and dexterity of his 
 horsemanship were famous even in an age and a country 
 where all men and most women rode, and were first 
 learned, as such accomplishments can only be learned, in 
 boyhood, as he cantered on his white pony at his father's 
 side over the fair heritage of his sires. But another of 
 his father's tastes he did not share. The smell of tobacco 
 is said to have been peculiarly disagreeable to him, and 
 sums for tobacco and pipes are frequent in the old Earl's 
 accounts.^ 
 
 1 Almost all that is known or can be conjectured of Montrose's 
 youtli is derived from the accounts of his father's household 
 expenses and of his own at Glasgow and St. Andrews, which 
 were discovered about forty years ago in the charter-chest at 
 Kinnaird Castle. They have been abundantly and cleverly used 
 by Mark Napier in the opening chapters of his Memoirs of Montrose 
 (2 vols., Ediii., 1856), the last and most complete of the many 
 volumes published by him on his famous kinsman. In respect 
 of the facts of Montrose's life, he may be considered to have ex- 
 hausted all known sources of information ; but outside the facts he 
 must be read with caution. For this purpose there can be no 
 better antidotes than Dr. Burton and Mr. Gardiner have sup])lied 
 in their grave and judicial histories. The second volume of the 
 latter's History of the Great Civil War is invaluable to all who 
 would trace the intricate course of Montrose's ITighlaiid campaign. 
 It is unnecessary to enumerate all the original authorities that may 
 be consulted. Students of history are well aware of them, and 
 others may be content to trust Dr. Barton and Mr. Gardiner, who 
 have neglected no means of enabling readers to draw their own 
 conclusions. 
 
 Montrose, it may be observed, did not disdain tobacco in all
 
 THE RUTIIVENS 
 
 Mo ntrose w as the only son of six children. Their 
 mother was Lady Margaret Kuthven, daughter of the 
 first Earl of Gowrie. It was Avhispered that, like her 
 brother, she dabbled in magic, and had learned from a 
 witch that her son was destined to be a firebrand to his 
 country. If the report be true — and the Black Art 
 found credence in Scotland long after Lady JMargaret's 
 day — she may well have sighed to think that the wild 
 fate which had befallen so many of her family was to be 
 the portion of her sou. For t he Ru thvens had both 
 done and suffered much evil in their time. Her grand- 
 father, who had died in exile, a fugitive from justice, 
 was that grim lord who had risen from a sick-bed to 
 lead the murderers of Eizzio into their queen's presence. 
 Her father, who had perished on the scafibld, one of 
 the many victims of Arran's intrigues, had been con- 
 cerned in the violent attempt on the 3'oung King's 
 liberty popularly known as the Raid of Kuthven. 
 Her two brothers had perished by the sword before 
 their sovereign's face, a fate which there is too good 
 occa.sioii to lielieve that they had destined for liim. 
 Of her own life nothing more is known than that she 
 bore her husband six children and died in 1G18 
 when the youngest was but three years old. Her two 
 eldest daughters, Liliiis and Margaret, were niairied 
 soon after her deatli : Lilias to Sir John Colf|u!i<iun of 
 Lu.ss, a union destined to an abru])t and shameful end 
 l)y his flight with her sister Katheriue, who had been 
 
 its fonriH, if the Uturiiiioiiy of tlie Stuart Exhibition may bo trustctl. 
 Ill tli.it most iiitiTfstiiig colieotion of relics was to be soon tlio silver 
 siiiifr-iiox, sliiipcd like a waU^li-cuse, which he is said to liavo carried 
 ill liis liaiid to the foot of tbo scafToId.
 
 MONTROSE 
 
 CUAT. 
 
 received into the family aftci- her father's death and 
 was then little more than a child ; but Margaret, though 
 she did not live long to enjoy it, was more fortunate in 
 her marriage with Archibald, first Lord Napier of Mer- 
 chistou, a wise and good man Avho had been particularly 
 recommended by King James to his son as the most 
 judicious and disinterested of all Scottish statesmen. Of 
 the others, Dorothea l^ecame the wife of Sir James, 
 afterwards Lord Rollo, and Beatrix, the youngest and 
 apparently her brother's favourite, the wife of the Master 
 of Maderty, one of the first to join Montrose under the 
 standard of their king. Both Margaret and Dorothea 
 died young, the first probably about 1630, the latter in 
 1638; the deaths of Lilias and Beatrix are unrecorded; 
 of Katherine all traces seem to have been lost after her 
 disappearance from her sister's house in 1631. 
 
 In his twelfth year Lord Graham was sent to study 
 at Glasgow under the charge of a tutor, William 
 Forrett. Master Forrett was most scrupulous in keep- 
 ing account of his pupil's expenses, and to these we owe 
 all our knowledge of this time. It is not much, and, as 
 may be supposed, is rather sumptuary than intellectual. 
 There is mention of certain books bought for the young 
 s.tudent, and there is evidence that the tutor borrowed 
 them for his own reading. A Latin version of Xeno- 
 phon's Hellenics, the works of Seneca Avith Lipsius' 
 commentary, and Fairfax's translation of the Geru- 
 salemme Liberata are among them ; but the lad's favourite 
 book at this time would seem to have been Raleigh's 
 HisTmj of 111'' IFnihl. ()in iiifonii;iti<jii a,s to the domestic 
 establishment is more precise. It was abundant and 
 costly, as was then considered Ijecoming the heir of an
 
 J FAMILY FUNERAL 
 
 ancient and wealthy house. He had a valet and two 
 pages, plate, furniture, and linen of the best quality, nor 
 was the favourite Avhite pony forgotten. His wardrobe 
 was handsomely stocked with suits of English cloth and 
 embroidered cloaks, and his pages wore scarlet liveries. 
 He was lodged in a large house belonging to Sir George 
 Elphinstone of Blythswood, who had succeeded Napier 
 as Lord Justice-Clerk, and for part of the time little 
 Lady Katherine seems to have lived here Avith her 
 brother. One pleasant fact at least stands out clear 
 from these dim memories ; there was a waini aft'ection 
 and regard between tutor and pupil. Years afterwards, 
 when Montrose ha<l burned his boats by the victory of 
 Tippermuir, one of his first acts was to send for ]\Iaster 
 Forrett, to resume his part of purse-bearer to his old 
 pupil and to be tutor to his sons. 
 
 The sudden death of the father in November, 1G26, 
 broke up the establishment at Glasgow, and in the 
 following January Montrose, then only in his fifteenth 
 year, was entered at the University of St. Andrews, as 
 was then the general custom of the young hscottish 
 aristocracy. The funeral ceremonies of the dead Earl 
 give a curious picture of the age. They lasted for one 
 month and nineteen days, during which time all the 
 kinsmen and friciuls of the family were cntertaiiinl in 
 tiie castle of Kincardine. Tliere were Sir ^\'illi;^Il 
 Graham of I'raco, the only brnthcr, and tlic Mm I 
 of W'igtdn, the mphew of the deceased, willi I he 
 sons-in-law \.<>\A Xapier ;in<l Sir .biliii < 'olijulioun. 
 All the branches of the clan were represented ; (Iraliaius 
 of Claverhouse ami j-'intric, of Inchbrakie, Morpliio, 
 Orchill, ami ]5ulgo\vjian, with iiiany ncijIilHuiring
 
 8 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 nobles and lairds, some of them destined in no long 
 time to be the bitter foes of the House they were now 
 assembled to honour. Many of the guests brought 
 with them contributions to the funeral feast as though 
 to a solemn picnic; and other provisions of all kinds 
 were purchased in quantities sufficient to have stocked 
 the Black Douglas's terrible larder many times over, 
 while the wine and ale Avere reckoned by puncheons and 
 buckets. 
 
 Montrose's life at college seems to have been much 
 the same as that of any young man of rank and fortune 
 to-day at Christ Church or Trinity. He mixed freely in 
 all the diversions of the place and time, hunted, hawked, 
 and shot, played golf on the links of St. Andrews and 
 tennis in the court at Leith. At archery he Avas espe- 
 cially skilful. In the second year of his residence he 
 won the jirize annually shot for by the students, a silver 
 arrow Avith a medal bearing the name of the Avinner, 
 and this he held against all competitors Avhile he re- 
 mained at the University. His Avails Avere hung Avith 
 his boAvs, just as to-day the successful cricketers and 
 oarsmen of Oxford and Cambridge arrange I'ound their 
 rooms the instruments of their triumphs. Eminent in 
 those accomplishments Avhich ahvays secure the admira- 
 tion of the young, profuse in hospitality to his friends, 
 liberal to the poor, and especially to those needy pro- 
 fessors of the fine arts Avho Avere never sIoav in those 
 days to scent out a generous j^atron, he evidently began 
 even in these early years to engage the attention of his 
 contemporaries. His OAvn estates and tenants were not 
 neglected ; but his vacations Avere mostly passed in 
 visits to the houses of his brothers- in -laAv and of the
 
 MONTROSE AT ST. ANDREWS 
 
 heads of the various branches of his clau, each of whom, 
 according to the custom of the time, was considered as in 
 some sort the guardian of his young chief, though Lord 
 Napier, Sir William Graham of Claverhouse, and Patrick 
 Graham of Inchbrakie seem to have had the largest 
 share in an office which with a young gentleman of such 
 cheerful tastes and dispositions can have been no sine- 
 cure. 
 
 This merry life was not, however, without a check. 
 In April, 1G28, his sister Dorothea was married from 
 Napier's house in Edinburgh to young James Kollo, 
 and both then and afterwards at Carnock in Fife, where 
 the honeymoon was spent, there had been high festival. 
 The result of all this gaiety, alternated with days of hard 
 exercise in the saddle and on the links, w^as that the 
 lad fell sick on his return to college. For some days 
 he was seriously ill. Two doctors Avere called in, 
 and to judge by their fees must have been assidu- 
 ous in their visits. They ordered their patient's long 
 curls to be ruthlessly shorn, and they ordered also a 
 diet which strikes our modern notions as curiously 
 generous for a young fellow wlio, to speak plainly, 
 lia<l probably been only over-eating himself. How- 
 ever, nature and the doctors together triuniithcd— or, it 
 may be, nature in spite of the doctors ; and after a few 
 weeks' confinoincnt, cheered by chess and cards and the 
 gift of a valuable hawk fnjni his kinsman of Fintric, 
 Montrose wa.s once more about at his old occupations — 
 one of the first recorded acts of his convalescence being 
 a break fast- party given to some of liis young fri(;nds 
 who had been most attentive to iiiin in liis si(l<ii(>s8. 
 
 Of his studies we know much less than of his amuse-
 
 lo MONTROSE chap. 
 
 ments. Sums for the purchase and binding of books 
 appear in his accounts, which were kept as scrupulously 
 by his new tutor, Master John Lambye, as Ijy Master 
 Forrett at Glasgow, and from the same source we learn 
 that he had begun the study of Greek. Plutarch's Lives, 
 Caesar's Commentaries, Tjucan, and Quintus Curtius Avcre 
 now added to his library, though the verses found 
 written in some of them must belong to a later date. 
 Undergraduates, more happy than their descendants, 
 were not in those days pestered with examinations ; but 
 that Montrose at least attended lectures after a fashion 
 is clear from an entry in his tutor's accounts of the 
 sum of twenty -nine shillings paid to "a scholar who 
 writes my lord's notes in the school." But we may 
 suppose that his studies were directed more by his 
 own tastes and dispositions than by the curriculum of 
 the place, which, as was the case not so long ago in 
 our English Universities, was not likely to be very 
 sternly enforced on the young aristocrats who then 
 frequented iSt. Andrews. It is, however, certain that 
 he cannot have passed his time only in play. More 
 fortunate in some respects than another famous member 
 of his House, Montrose has never been called a block- 
 head because he spelled no better than the rest of his 
 world. Among his contemporaries his reputation stood 
 high. " He was of very good parts," says Clarendon, 
 "which were'lmprovcd by a good educati on ; " and pos- 
 terity has accepted the verdict. His intellect was in- 
 deed quick and eager rather than solid. His classical 
 knowledge was that rather of a poet than a scholar, and 
 his poetical fame must Ije content to rest upon a few 
 stanzas which have taken their place among English
 
 I THE CARNEGIES ii 
 
 lyrics ; but it Anil be seen that he had read and thought 
 much on those problems of government which the 
 inhabitants of this kingdom were then seriously address- 
 ing themselves to solve. A book published after his 
 death by Thomas Saintserf (son of the Bishop of 
 Galloway), who had been his secretary during the 
 stormiest years of his life, bears witness, in a dedication 
 to his son, to the polished and scholarly tone of the 
 conversation he loved to encourage among his associates. 
 Wc are told, and may Ijelieve, that the few and enforced 
 pauses in his short tumultuous career were relieved by 
 study ; but no man turns to that solace in his hours 
 of disappointment who has not felt at least some touch 
 of its enchantment in his youth. We may therefore 
 conclude that he found some time amid the gaieties of 
 St Andrews to read the books that had been bought for 
 him. 
 
 Among the houses that Montrose visited was Kinnaird 
 Castle, the seat of Lord Carnegie, his nearest neiglibour in 
 Forfarshire. The families were already connected by the 
 marriage of Euphenie, I^ord Carnegie's youngest sister, 
 to Kobert Graham of jMorphie. The tie was now to be 
 drawn closer.^ Tiiere were six daughters at Kinnaird 
 Castle, and to the youngest of these, Magdalene, IMontrose 
 begun to pay his court. The wooing was not long. His 
 
 ' In a later j,'enerati()ii it wa.s to be ihawii again clo.scr. In 1639 
 Sir Jolui Carncf^ii', Lord Canipgic's brother, was created Lord Lour, 
 and in 1617 was iironiotcMJ to the earhlom of Etliii', which was 
 exchanged after the Restoration for that of Nortiiesk. His 
 daughter, also .Magdalene, was married to Sir William Crahani nt 
 ClaverhouKe, grand.wn to Montrose'si guardian, and their .son wa.s 
 the famous Dumlee. Lord Carnegie had bien created Earl of 
 3outhe.sk at the King'.s visit to Edinburgh in 1633.
 
 12 
 
 MONTROSE CHAP. 
 
 guardians were well pleased to see their young chief in 
 a fair way to carry on the line ; and that chief, in youth 
 as in manhood, was not wont to linger over anything he 
 undertook. He Avas married in the private chapel of 
 the castle on November 10t h, 1629 . The bride's age is 
 notTnown, but as the briclcgroom can only just have 
 comjileted his seT'STTOSmh year, they may "he fairly 
 allowed the conventional title of the young couple. 
 There is a tradition that she had been previously courted 
 by the Master of Ogilvy, which, if true, might suggest 
 that she had some advantage of Montrose in years. But 
 nothing is certainly known of her — of her appearance, 
 tastes, or temper, of the course of her married life or her 
 relations with her husband. She bore him four sons, 
 the second coming into the world just as his father 
 attained his majority, and died in 1645. 
 
 According to the terms of the marriage-contract the 
 next three years were passed at Kinnaird Castle, but no 
 record of them exists. All the bridegroom's books, 
 papers, and furniture were removed from St. Andrews 
 to the castle. We catch a glimpse of him very soon 
 after the marriage on the links at Montrose, and we 
 know that he was made a burgess of Aberdeen shortly 
 before the ceremony. We are also told that after the 
 novelty of his new life had worn off, he applied himself 
 so assiduously to his studies as to become, in the pious 
 old chronicler's words, " not merely a great master, but 
 a critic in the Greek and Latin," of Avhich we may 
 believe so much as we choose. But the only visible 
 memorial of this time is his portrait painted by Jameson, 
 Avho was then practising his art in his native town of 
 Aberdeen. This was Graham of Morphie's marriage-
 
 I MONTROSE STARTS ON HIS TRA VELS 13 
 
 gift to the bride, and is still to be seen at Kinnaird 
 Castle, where it is said to have remained since it was 
 first huns; there more than two centuries and a half 
 ago. Those who have seen it pronounce it to be still in 
 an unusually good state of preservation. Time has dealt 
 tenderly with the long auburn hair, the fresh complexion, 
 and gay clothes of the young bridegroom. The smooth 
 upper lip and arch expression show a mind very different 
 of course from that which had set its seal on the grave 
 and resolute face seen later by Dobson and by Honthorst. 
 But this smiling lad in his slashed doublet, lace collar, 
 and gold chain is clearly father to the stately armoured 
 man who had risked all for his king, and was to lose 
 all.^ 
 
 In the spring of 1633 Montrose left Scotland for the 
 customary period of foreign travel. He ^^'as absent 
 three years, but the barest outline of the time alone 
 remains. We know that for some part of it his com- 
 panion was Basil Fielding, son of the newl3^-made Earl 
 of Denbigh, that he visited France and Italy, and that 
 in the spring of 1G35 he was in Konio with the young 
 
 * Tlierc are four por traits oxtant of Mon tro sp, all cii^ p-avod in 
 Napier's l)ook, and very carefully descrihcil in the appeudl.\^o^lis 
 first volume. (1) I5y Jameson, 1G29, mlcd. 17, now nt Kinnaird 
 Castle, the seat of tiie Earl of Southcsk. (2) Also by Jameson, 
 1G40, (tlal. 28, known as the Camstradden portrait, now at IJuclianan 
 House, the snit of the Duke of Jlontro-se. (3) J5y Dohson, (tlal. .'J2, 
 probably painted at Oxford in 1044, also at Buchanan House ; this 
 was for a Ion;,' time attributed to Vand yck, owiii;,' to a mistake of the 
 cnpraver Houbrakcn. (4) 15y (ienud lI<iiilliorst, fr^^/. .17, i>ainti'il 
 at the lIaf(UO in 1049, and given by Montrose to Elizal)etli, ^uecn 
 of I'ohcmia ; it is now .it iSrciliin CaHtlc, the scat of Ihr Karl of 
 Dalhousie. It is from tliis last [portrait that the fronlisiiiecc to 
 this volume has been taken.
 
 14 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 Lord Angus and four other Scottish gentlemen. He 
 is said to have continued his studies diligently during 
 this period, and to have particularly affected the society 
 of learned men. "He studied," writes Saintserf, "as 
 much of the mathematics as is required for a soldier; 
 but his great study was to read men and the actions of 
 great men." 
 
 Montrose returned to Scotland some time in 1636. 
 He was then in his twenty-fourth year, of the middle 
 height, well and strongly made, of graceful carriage and 
 singularly expert in all bodily exercises, especially in 
 riding. His hair was of the light reddish tinge which 
 darkens with time, and his complexion of that clear fresh 
 colour which is often found with red hair; his nose 
 was aquiline, his eyes gray, bright, and keen. Though not 
 strictly a handsome man, his appearance in later life at 
 least must have been striking, dignified, and noble. Those 
 who knew him only in manhood desci'ibe him as being 
 somewhat haughty to strangers, especially if they were 
 his equals or superiors in rank ; but to his friends, and 
 always to his inferiors, his manners were singularly 
 courteous and engaging. In his later years of exile he 
 is said to have been somewhat too stately and formal, 
 and inclined, as the saying goes, to take too much upon 
 himself. Burnet, whose friendship for the Hamiltons 
 would not dispose him to think favourably of Montrose — 
 though he does him more justice in the biography of 
 those brothers than in the history of his own time- p;iys 
 contemptuously that he had too much of the hero about 
 him, and that his manner was stately to affectation, 
 insinuating also that his courage was not so certain as 
 his friends pretended. To call Montrose a coward should
 
 I HIS CHARACTER 15 
 
 be enough to put any Antness out of court at once ; but 
 indeed, as Burnet was only seven years old when the man 
 against whom he vented this silly piece of spite died, and 
 as the society he knew best was unlikely to foster any fer- 
 vent admiration for the great champion of the Throne, 
 his evidence cannot go for much. From the accounts, 
 however, of men better able to judge than the Bishop of 
 Salisbury, it is clear that there was something in Mon- 
 trose's manner that did not please all tastes, and perhajjs 
 seemed fantastic to some. " He was of most resolute 
 and undaunted spirit," writes one of his friends, "which 
 began to appear in him to the Avonder and expectation 
 of all men, even in his childhood." And again : " He 
 was exceeding constant and loving to those who did 
 adhere to him, and very affable to such as he knew; 
 though his carriage, which indeed was not ordinarj', 
 made him seem proud." These expressions fall in well 
 with Clarendon's famous character of him, and also with 
 the impression made by him on Cardinal De Ivc tz, when 
 they met in Pans in 1647, as the very ideal of one of 
 Plutarch's heroes. These are witnesses of Montrose's 
 prime : but the carriage that is admitted to be not ordi- 
 nary in a grown man woidd probably be still more 
 marked in a young one. Tlio Covenanters, through 
 their great mouthjjicce Kobert Baillir, d. rlnvd TiTni to 1)0 
 too proud, lirailstrong, and wilful for tiicii tastes. Cer- 
 tainly he liad little of iha tonc^ or temjtor of tlu; I'uritan 
 about him, and of all the young aristocrats wlio joined 
 them was the lea.st likely to submit himself blindly to 
 their dictation, or become the mere instniment of their 
 factions ; and as he also had evidently a strong par- 
 tiality for his own opinion, which lie was neither slow
 
 i6 MONTROSE chap, i 
 
 to form nor to declare, it is plain that there can never 
 have been much personal sympathy between him and his 
 early associates. We may think of IMontrose, then, at 
 this time as a young man full of high resolves and 
 romantic fancies, ardent, aspiring, impulsive, impatient 
 of delay, and always more eager to lead than willing 
 to follow. But his own verses are after all the clearest 
 reflection of his character, and though probably written 
 in the last year of his life, they describe the Covenanter 
 as truly as the Cavalier. 
 
 As Alexander I will reign, 
 
 And I will reign alone ; 
 My thoughts did evermore disdain 
 
 A rival on my throne : 
 He either fears his fate too much, 
 
 Or his deserts are small, 
 That dares not put it to the touch. 
 
 To gain or lose it all.
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 FOR KING OR COVENANT 
 
 Montrose had returned to Scotland at a critical time. 
 Eleven years earlier, while he was still reading Seneca 
 with his tutor at Glasgow, the heralds had proclaimed 
 from the city -cross at Edinburgh a royal edict 
 destined to set not Scotland only but the whole kingdom 
 in a blaze. By the Act of Revocation, as it was called, 
 Charles, before he had been a year upon his throne, 
 succeeded in doing what his father through nearly forty 
 years of meddling had been careful to leave undone. 
 The bla.st of his heralds' trumpets had woke to life again 
 that long feud between the Crown and the aristocracy 
 which had marked the course of Scottish history during 
 the two previous centuries, but \slii( li had l)cen gradu- 
 ally declining since Murray scattered his sister's power 
 to the winils at Langsidc. 
 
 It would l>e hard, at this distance of time and 
 without his excuse, to say in our haste with Knox 
 that there was not one righteous man among the 
 Lords of the Congregation who had assisted iiim to 
 cstiiblish the reformed religion in Scoflaiul ; but it is 
 certain that the large majority looked only t<» the fat 
 revenues of the old Church, and remembered only her 
 
 c
 
 i8 MONTROSE cllAi'. 
 
 insolence in the day of her power. For a century and 
 a half she had been enriched and strengthened by 
 successive sovereigns as a bulwark against the iicrcest 
 and most independent aristocracy in Europe. Under 
 James the Fifth her haughty and dissolute prelates had 
 filled the highest oifices of State, while the nobles w^ere 
 desj^oiled, imprisoned, and banished at their will. The 
 hour of reckoning had now come, and it was to be 
 exacted to the uttermost farthing. But though the 
 reformers were allowed to indulge their jiious zeal 
 unchecked in the work of destruction, they were soon 
 made aware that their dangerous allies had no mind to 
 see a new ecclesiastical tyranny set up in the place of the 
 old one. Within less than a year of the establishment 
 of the reformed religion the greater part of the estates 
 of tlie Catliolic Church (estimated at rather in ore tlian 
 one-third of the whole wealtli of the kingdom) had 
 passed by various and mostly vitjlcut Avays into the 
 hand's of the aristocracy. This was their paiamount 
 idea of the lleformation, an idea by which they were 
 determined to stand fast, though all the pulpits in the 
 kingdom should ci-y shame on them. Murray and 
 Morton, tliose strong sons <jf Zeruiah, treated the 
 arguments and the anger of Knox with the same con- 
 tem})tuous indifference, while the astute and mocking 
 Maitland laughed in his face at his scheme of Church 
 government as at "a devout imagination." A miserable 
 pittance doled out of the share of the plunder allotted 
 to the Crown was all that the great Reformer could 
 secure for the maintenance of his ncAv Church. Well 
 might he cry, in the bitterness of his disappointment, 
 "I see two i^arts freely given to the devil, and the
 
 ir CHURCH MATTERS 19 
 
 third must be divided betwixt God and the devil." 
 During Clary's short reign, and under the regents who 
 succeeded her, the wealth and intiuence of the nobles had 
 risen still higher at the expense of the Crown when not 
 at the expense of the Church. James, on attaining his 
 majority, had indeed done something to better the posi- 
 tion of the former, and when more firmly seated on his 
 throne he had done something to better the position of 
 the latter. But, in his own homely phraseology, he 
 knew the stomach of his people too well to put a high 
 hand to these delicate matters. His Act of Annexation 
 only applied to so much of the old Church lands as still 
 remained unalienated, while it practically gave the 
 sanction of Parliament to the titles of those on which the 
 nobles had already laid arbitrary hands. Even of the 
 [jroperty then resumed to the Crown he made through- 
 out his reign many and large grants to his favourites. The 
 tithes he did not touch, and it was by the tithes that his 
 son's offence was to come. However much, therefore, 
 he might e.xasperate the Presbyterian clergy by his 
 Episcopalian proclivities, so long as he left the nobles' 
 proi)crty alone he was safe. They had no i)artiiulai' 
 di.slike cither to the oflice or style of bishop, \\ilh 
 modified powers and under another name bisho])S had 
 indeed fonned a part of Knox's original polity ; and so 
 far a.s they tended to keep the clergy in order and con- 
 fine them to their proper business, their restoration was 
 not unwelcome to a considerable lujdy outside the 
 Church, and even to some of the less pugnacious spirits 
 within it. All tlie nobles took thought for was to 
 prevent tlie creation of a new spiritual aristocracy, that 
 might come in time to bo as rich and powerful as the old
 
 20 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 Catholic hierarchy they had crushed and despoiled. 
 And of that, so long as they retained the mastery of the 
 funds Avhich alone could make such an aristocracy 
 possible, they had little fear. Probably at no period 
 since the accession of James the First had there been 
 such peace between a Scottish king and his nobles as 
 there was while James the Sixth sat on the English 
 throne. 
 
 By the Act of Eevocation the scene was changed in a 
 moment! The purjDOse ot the Act was indeed both just 
 and politic. Those writers Avho will allow no virtue in 
 Charles may claim that his real design was but to 
 increase the revenue and the prerogative of the Cro^vn, 
 and to provide funds for the complete restoration of 
 Episcopacy in Scotland, without any thought for the 
 interests of his oppressed subjects. But his own revenues 
 were not increased ; the prerogative of the Crown was 
 strengthened only against an unruly and grasping 
 aristocracy ; the oppressed were relieved from a grind- 
 ing tyranny equal to the worst exercise of the old feudal 
 lordship. The right of tithe, where tithe was levied in 
 kind, gave those who held it absolute power over those 
 who had to pay it. It placed the small landowners and 
 farmers, who were now gradually forming in Scotland 
 a middle class analogous to the English yeomen, at the 
 mercy of men who were, to say the least, not famous for 
 exercising it. The Catholic clergy, it was declared, 
 had been hard masters, but the little fingers of the 
 Protestant nobles were thicker than the loins of the 
 Catholic clergy. The tenant could not gather his 
 harvest until the landlord had taken his tithe ; and the 
 landlord took his tithe when it pleased him, regardless of
 
 II OPPOSITION OF THE NOBLES 21 
 
 the interest or convenience of the tenant. It is not to 
 be supposed tliat all landlords pushed their rights to 
 extremities, but it is certain that there was much harsh 
 dealing and much distress. The bare existence of such 
 rights, moreover, was subversive of the very essence of 
 the Constitution. They gave one class of the community 
 despotic authority over another class, and both Crown 
 and Parliament were as powerless to protect the latter 
 as it was to protect itself. The duties of the sovereign, 
 no less than the liberty of the subject, made a change 
 imperative. 
 
 But as usual Charles began unwisely. All Church 
 property held by laymen, in tithe or land, was to be 
 resumed to the CroAvni on the ground of illegalities in the 
 original concession. The opposition was of course im- 
 mediate and violent. It was headed by the Chancellor 
 himself. Sir Cicorge Hay, afterwards Earl of Kinnoull, 
 an irrita])lc, obstinate old man, and included the greater 
 part of the Privy Council. A deputation was sent to 
 remonstrate with the King ; reports were industriously 
 circulated among the people that it was their religion he 
 wa.s really aiming at ; his commis.sioner for carrying out 
 the revocation M'as threatened with violence. For onco 
 Charles wa.s wise with a good grace. The obnoxious 
 Act was witlidrawn and a coniniission known as the 
 Commis.sion of Surrender of Superiorities and Tithes 
 i.s.sucd in its stead. The terms on which the conniiis- 
 sioners were empowered to treat are now unanininu.sly 
 allowed to have been a.s conciliatory and liberal a.s was 
 compatible with the redress of a grievance to which 
 sixty years of suflerance had perhaps given .some title of 
 respect. Lord Napier was one of the commissionerH,
 
 22 MONTROSE CHAV. 
 
 and has recorded his emphatic opinion of the wisdom 
 and justice of the scheme. He has also recorded not 
 less emphatically the factious and dishonest nature of 
 an opposition which was still, though less openly, 
 maintained by the discontented nobles.^ Simultane- 
 ously with this commission a proclamation was issued 
 exempting from their operation all ministers who had 
 been ordained before the Articles of Perth became law, 
 and granting a general amnesty to all who were suffering 
 from opposition to them. 
 
 Had Charles been content to stop here, Scotland at 
 least could have had no quarrel with him. Even the nobles, 
 when the first heat of their discontent had cooled, must 
 have recognised that their property, though slightly 
 diminished, was now secured to them by an inalienable 
 title, and would be no longer a source of danger to them- 
 selves or to the kingdom. The tithe-jmyers were freed 
 from an unjust and oppressive burden. The clergy 
 were secured both in the receipt of their income and in 
 what the most tolerant of them at any rate considered 
 the reasonable exercise of their conscience. Could the 
 King go on as he had begun, he was likely to prove the 
 strongest and most popular ruler Scotland had known 
 since his ancestor fell at Flodden. But when any part 
 of the body politic is sick it needs a wise and vigorous 
 })hysician to keep the infection from spreading. There 
 was a dangerous sickness rife in England, and it was not 
 in the interests of those who had determined on the 'cure 
 to see it wrought by other means, s If one-half of the 
 kingdom were sound, it could be used as an effectual 
 cure for the unsound half. The discontent in Scotland 
 * Napier'.s Montrose and the Covenanters, i. 81-88.
 
 II THE PRESBYTERIAN CLERGY 23 
 
 was therefore assiduously fomented from England ; and 
 the unfortunate King, neither wise nor vigorous himself, 
 had in Laud an adviser whose vigour Avas rarely on the 
 side of wisdom. 
 
 Meanwhile the nobles waited. Though they could har- 
 ass and delay the Tithes Commission, they were power- 
 less to resist it seriously. The constitution of the Scottish 
 Parliament rendered all oj^position to the Crown practi- 
 cally useless unless ifc was unanimous ; and they knew 
 well that the general sympathies of the nation, lay and 
 cleric alike, w^ere in this case on the side of the King. 
 But they knew also that if he made one step more along 
 the dangerous path of religious innovation their time 
 would come. The concession in the matter of the Articles 
 of Perth, and tlie relief to be oljtained from the resettle- 
 ment of the tithes, had not laid the suspicions of the 
 clergy to sleep. They, too, like the noljles, were waiting, 
 and, unlike the nobles, their religion was more to them 
 than lands, and liouses, and goods. The Protestantism 
 of the Presbyterian was sensitive above that of all other 
 Ph' MT'lTitTiTwent along with it a deep-rooted 
 
 nati(jiiiil i<jiil'>iisy of KngRsK interference. Even tho.se who 
 had no aversion to a moderate form of Episcopac}'^, and 
 wi'io heartily disgusted with tlie intolerance and jtiigiia- 
 city of the extreme Presbyterians, thought that it would 
 be best to let well alone, and that any furtlier innova- 
 tion would be impolitic and dangerous, ilul all parties 
 had a very shrewd su.spicion, which the Knglisli iiiul 
 contents took caro to keep alive, that the King would 
 not be cont<!nt to leave m'cU alone, and that there would 
 soon be further innovatioiifl. Then would ronio the 
 time of tin' nobles. When dissatisfied nien L^ithcr to-
 
 24 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 gether the)' do not pause to ask the nature of each 
 other's dissatisfaction. The cave of AduUam was the 
 rallying- ground of every one that was m distress, and 
 every one that was in debt, and every one that was 
 discontented. 
 
 They had not long to Avait. In the summer of 1633 
 Charles camo to Scotland to be crowned, ,'inil Laud came 
 with him. He entered Edinburgli on June i.5iyli, and 
 on'"tlie 18th the mischief beifan. The ceremonies of 
 the coronation confirmed the worst suspicions. A table 
 decked in the fashion of an altar was set up in the 
 chapel of Holyrood ; behind it was hung a curtain of 
 tapestry enwrought with a crucifix ; the bishops engaged 
 in the service wore Avhite rochets and copes embroidered 
 with gold, and each time they passed before the crucifix 
 they bowed their heads. Even the most loyal whispered 
 to each other that it all smelled. sadly of Popery. The 
 Tithes Bill was of course passed, but not without an 
 unseemly wrangle between Charles and his Parliament, 
 over which the Scottish law allowed the sovereign to 
 preside in person. Through the year following the 
 King's return to England aff"airs grew steadily worse. 
 The creation of a see of Edinburgh, the appointment of 
 Archbishop Spottiswoode to the Chancellorship, and 
 of many of his bishops to the Privy Council, — a step 
 odious to all the aristocracy alike, to the tolerant and 
 loyal Napier no less than to the mutinous Loudon, — 
 the Book of Ecclesiastical Canons, the foolish prosecution 
 of Lord Balmerino, all infiamed the rising temper of a 
 nation jealous above all other nations of established 
 customs, and that had ever shoAvn itself quick to dispute 
 the divine right of its kings to do wrong. Last of all,
 
 II UNDER WHICH KIXG? 25 
 
 as a torch to this fatal pyre, came Laud's new prayer- 
 book. 
 
 "Everything, then, -was read}' for the explosion when 
 Montrose returned to Scotland in 1636. Which side was 
 a young man of his rank, position, and temper likely to 
 take in the approaching conflict? That question has 
 been variously answered, and is still, if no longer the 
 object of controversy, at least a stumbling-block to many 
 who regard him as the Abdiel of that faithless time. 
 That his character should have in some degree suffered 
 from a contrast which all can discern, and few have 
 been at the pains to examine, was inevitable. Between 
 the champion of the Throne who scaled his loyalty \n.\X\ 
 his life and the leader of men in arms against their 
 sovereign, there must surely be a gulf which no explana- 
 tion or apology can bridge. 
 
 Both in joining and leaving the party of_thc Covenant 
 Montrose has been represented as inHuenced solely by 
 wounded vanity. Disappointed by the coldness of his 
 first reception at court, he flung himself into the arms of 
 the Covenanters ; disappointed !))• the ascendency of 
 Argyll ill their councils, he flung himself into the 
 arms of the Cavaliers. On the other hand, his action 
 lias in both ca.ses been represented as the I'csult of one 
 uniform jiolicy. After long and carcfid deliberation he 
 formed the conclusion, which was sanctiimcd if not 
 actually recommcinled by the most trusted of his friends, 
 the wi.sc and impartial Nai)icr, that the Covenant of 
 1G3H was, in the spirit in which lie interj)rete(l it and 
 beTie\-ed it to have been framed, the one and only jilaii 
 for redressing the grievances of the Scottish nation with- 
 out violating the lawful prerogative of the Crown. So 

 
 ) 
 
 26 MONTROSE c^\^v. 
 
 long as he believed this to be the true purpose and scope 
 of the movement, so long did he honestly endeavour to 
 advance it. When he found that other counsels were 
 prevailing, and that the constitutional authority of the 
 Crown was to give place to the self-appointed authority 
 of a handful of its subjects — when he found, in short, 
 that the Covenant of 1638 was ripening into the Solemn 
 League and Covenant of 1G43— he at once transferred 
 his allegiance to the King, whose best interests as the 
 appointed and hereditary ruler of his country he had 
 always desired to serve, and had hitherto believed him- 
 self to be serving. The truth, as usual, lies somewhere 
 between the two extremes ; and this can surely be 
 allowed without casting any stain upon the good faith of 
 Montrose. 
 
 Bishop Heylin, the chaplain and biographer of Laud, 
 has told a story AvhicTi was certainly belie\"ed in ffis time 
 and has been generally accepted down to our own. 
 According to this story, Montrose on his return from 
 his travels had hastened to pay his respects to the King. 
 Charles was never slow to welcome to his court young 
 gentlemen of good position and repute ; Montrose especi- 
 ally, the head of one powerful family and allied by 
 marriage Avith two others on which the royal favour had 
 already been signally bestowed, young, gifted, eager for 
 distinction, was surely justified in anticipating a gracious 
 recei)tion. To his surprise and chagrin the King received 
 him with marked coldness, spoke a few formal words, 
 gave his hand to be kissed, and then turned away to 
 converse with his courtiers. 
 
 This rebuff is attributed by Heylin to the intrigues 
 of Hamilton. James, Marquis of Hamilton, was then
 
 II THE MARQUIS OF HAMILTON 27 
 
 I I _ - - ^^ 
 
 some six years older than Montrose. From boyhood he 
 had T5een about the person of (jliarles, and was now in 
 his most intimate confidence. Few hked him, and fewer 
 still trusted him ; but Avith the unfortunate King he was 
 all-powei-tul, especially in matters of Scottish policy, on 
 which at this time he alone was consulted. He had 
 done nothing, that any one could discover, to merit this 
 position. A few years before this date he had led a 
 body of troops to the assistance of Gustavus Adolphus, 
 but had reaped no laurels in that service, though on 
 his return he discoursed so learnedly on the art of war 
 that he persuaded some people to take him for a great 
 soldier, just as by his grave look and reserved manner 
 he persuaded some to take him for a great statesman. 
 He was not Anthout parts and knowledge of affairs, but 
 incurably shitty ; "an d thoug F never convicted' of "Jown- 
 rigliOreacliery, wa-s perhaps only saved from it by his 
 inability to be downright in anything. None of all 
 Charles's evil counsellors, not even the Queen licisi'lf, 
 wrought~Tnofe mischief ; and of him, if of any man, it 
 mayljc said that nothing in nis life becauu liim -'> \m-11 
 as his leaving it. 
 
 To~this dangeroTis man Montrose had been advised 
 to pay his court. Hamilton received him with every 
 ai»pcarance of cordiality, but liad no mind to introduce 
 so likely a i-ivai into his master's good graces. Ho 
 therefore Avarncd Montrose tliat the King was at that 
 time much prejudiced against Scotsmen, adding that 
 only his love for his country and his iiopcs to serve her 
 enabled him to endure the indignities to which ho was 
 daily subjected. At the sanie time he warned the King 
 that Montrose was a dangerous young man, very ambi-
 
 28 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 tions, very powerful and popular in Scotland, and not un- 
 likely in the event of any national rising to be set up as 
 king 1)y virtue of an old strain of royal l)lood in his family. 
 This last insinuation would not fall on deaf ears. Ham- 
 ilton, indeed, had himself been accused of a similar 
 design, for which his descent from a daughter of James 
 the Second, Avho had married the first Lord Hamilton, gave 
 at least as much colour as any that Montrose's pedigree 
 could supply ; and though Charles had refused to listen 
 to the accusation, and was probably right in refusing, 
 many people still remembered it, and some in Scotland 
 at any rate believed it. Moreover, there was a member 
 of the House of Graham whose claims to the Scottish 
 crown had lately been the subject of much wild talk. 
 This was William Graham, Earl of Airth and Menteith, 
 a man of considerable ability who had filled places of 
 high trust in Scotland, and had been allowed by Charles 
 to resume the older earldom of Stratherne, which had 
 been cancelled two centuries ago in consequence of its 
 inconvenient relations with royalty. It is unnecessary 
 to entangle ourselves in the intricate mazes of Scottish 
 genealogy. It will be enough to say that the question 
 turned on the legitimacy of Eobert the Second's children 
 by his first wife, Elizabeth Mure, from whom Charles 
 was descended. Menteith came from the children of 
 the second wife, Euphemia Ross, about whose birth 
 there could be no question. All through the two cen- 
 turies there had lurked a doubt, sure to be revived 
 whenever the sovereign was in bad favour with his 
 quarrelsome subjects, that the progeny of Eui)hcmia 
 were the genuine Stuarts. Menteith, egged on by some 
 unscrupulous men, of whom in these years there was
 
 11 HIS INTRIGUE AGAINST MONTROSE 29 
 
 never any lack among the Scottish aiistocrac}^, had 
 talked foolishly about his red blood and his " cousin 
 Charles," and cousin Charles had heard of it. His 
 indiscreet kinsman got a sharp lesson to keep that 
 unruly tongue of his quiet. He was stripped not only 
 of all his offices, but of his titles as well ; and though he 
 was almost immediately afterwards re-admitted into the 
 peerage as Earl of Airth and Menteith, the dangerous 
 title of Stratherne became a thing of the past for ever, 
 and nothing more was beard of " Elizabeth Mure's bas- 
 tard." It can easily then be understood how Hamilton's 
 hint would be enough to make Charles look coldly on 
 another of these troublesome Grahams. 
 
 This story of Hamilton's mischief has been told twice 
 by Heylin, with the addition that Montrose subsequently 
 alleged it to the King as the cause of his early defec- 
 tion. Heylin was indebted, he says, to Napier for much 
 information on Scottish aflairs, and a man who had 
 talked much with Napier was not unlikely to hear some- 
 thing of his well-loved brother-in-law. There is no other 
 authority for supposing that Montrose ever made such a 
 confession. It is not impossible that he may have done 
 so at O.xford when trying to convince the King of Hamil- 
 ton's treachery. Clarendon makes no mention of it in his 
 account of the charges then lirouglit against tlic favourite, 
 nor docs Burnet, who sets out the charges in full and the 
 answers to them. The latter alludes more than once to 
 the enmity known to exist between the two men, attri- 
 buting it to Montrose's suspicion that it was Hamilton 
 who had betrayed to the Covenanters his secret coire- 
 spond(!ncc with Charles. But there was commr)n talk of 
 bad blood between them before that date. !Muntro.sc
 
 30 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 could have had no suspicion at the time of the ill turn 
 Hamilton had played him, or he would certainly have 
 endeavoured to set himself right with his sovereign. 
 From a story told in the appendix to the llamiltmi 
 Papers, it would appear that he attributed his kinsman 
 of Mcnteith's disgrace to the favourite's jealousy. It is 
 clear at any rate that they bore no goodAvill to each 
 other from the first, as indeed was natural enough, con- 
 sidering the temper of the times and of the two men. 
 Both were young and both ambitious. Hamilton was 
 cold, cunning, and jealous ; Montrose was eager and 
 impetuous, and jealous too, though in a niDic open and 
 generous fashion. When flint and steel come together 
 the sparks are apt to fly. 
 
 Those who discredit this story do so on the ground 
 that it discredits Montrose. Had he gone straight from 
 the King into the arms of the malcontents, their argu- 
 ment might be good. But he did not. His interview 
 with Charles took place some time in 1636, and it was 
 not till the end of the following year that he first 
 publicly ranged himself against the Court party. Ac- 
 cording to Eobert Baillie, assuredly no mean authority 
 in these matters, it was the " canniness," or cunning, 
 of Kothes that won Montrose over, though the latter 
 assigned that doubtful honour to Robert Murray, one 
 of the reverend agitators deputed to beat up for 
 recruits to the Covenant in the counties of Perth 
 and Stirling. Rothes, with Loudon and Balmerino, 
 had been in the forefront of the opposition from 
 its beginning; and it is said that Charles had been 
 unwise enough to put a public affront on him in Scot- 
 land. He was a clever man, of dissolute life but good
 
 II NAPIER OF MERCHISTON 31 
 
 appearance and manners ; his religion he conlcl put on 
 and off hke his gloves; "no man could appear more 
 conscientiously transported wh en the part he was to act 
 reqiufei!' if." .-:i\- nan"MhlMii. -wlin ril-o rails him "the 
 chieT arcliiteei of the \\li"lf niailiiiio." The Covenant 
 was "not publicly {jroJuced lor signature till early in 
 1638; but ever since that memorable Sunday in the 
 summer of the previous year, when the reading of the 
 new prayer-book in St. Giles's Church had been inter- 
 rupted Ijy an organised tumult of serving-women, various 
 supplications and remonstrances had been forwarded to 
 the King, and various meetings held among the disaffected 
 nobles, clergymen, and others, from which finally sprang 
 the famous Covenant. At one of these meetings, held in 
 November 1637, Montrose made his first public appearance 
 on the side of the malcontents. 
 
 It is clear, therefore, that he had ample time for 
 reflection, and that what he did could not at least have 
 been done in the heat of an angry moment. Those who 
 reject the idea that he was seduced against his better 
 judgment by the arguments of Kothes or any other agi- 
 tator, lay great stress on the probability of his having been 
 guided by the advice of Xajjicr. That he and Najjicr 
 must have talked much over the evil time they saw 
 ccmiing may be taken for granted. It is certain too 
 that Napier was as honest and loyal as he was sagacious. 
 He wa.s a true King's man, but in the constitutional, not 
 in the absolute sense of the old phra.se ; an ujihojdcr of 
 the monarchy, but of a monarchy ruling according to 
 the establisi)c<l laws of the country. He was of no 
 faction. He syuipatliiscd with all that was genuine, and, 
 according to the theories of the Scottisli nation, lawftd
 
 32 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 in the Covenant ; but, and it is important to remember 
 this, he would not sign it. The Covenant of 1G38 pro- 
 fessed to be no more than a renewal of the old Covenant, 
 or Kings Confession as it was sometimes called, of 
 1580-81, Avhich had itself been renewed in 1588, when 
 the fear of the Spaniard was over all the land. But it 
 contained some notable additions. The office of bishops 
 and the promotion of churchmen to civil power were de- 
 clared to have no scriptural warrant, to be contrary both 
 to the letter and spirit of the original Covenant, which 
 had been subscribed by King James as well as by his sub- 
 jects, to tend to the re-establishment of Popery, and, in 
 short, to be dangerous to the religion, laws, and liberties 
 of the nation, and no less so to the King's honour. Their 
 loyalty the subscribers to this new bond declared to be 
 unimpeachable, whatever " foul aspersions of rebellion or 
 combination " might be alleged against them by their 
 adversaries. The King's authority was so closely joined 
 with the true worship of God that they must stand or 
 fall together ; and as they repudiated all design of doing 
 anything that might turn to the dishonour of God, so 
 did they repudiate all design of doing anything that 
 might turn to the diminution of the King's greatness or 
 authority. " We shall," they swore, " to the uttermost 
 of our power, Avith our means and lives, stand to the 
 defence of our dread sovereign the King's majesty, his 
 person and authority, in defence and preservation of the 
 foresaid true religion, liberties, and laws of the kingdom ; 
 as also to the mutual defence and assistance every one of 
 us of another, in the same cause of maintaining the true 
 religion and his majesty's authority with our best counsel, 
 our bodies, means, and whole power, against all sorts of
 
 II HIS OPINION OF EPISCOPACY 33 
 
 persons whatsoever ; so that whatsoever shall be done to 
 the least of us for that cause, shall be taken as done to 
 us all in general, and to every one of us in particular." 
 This document was the work of Archibald Johnstone of 
 Warriston, a clever, unscrupulous lawyer, and Alexancler 
 Henderson, a PrcsbyfeVian mnnster of more learning 
 and teinper tRan most of his party! It was subsequently 
 re\Tsed by Kothes, Balmerino, and Loudon, and so took 
 its place in Scottish history as the Covenant of 1G38. 
 In all that related to the appointment of churchmen to 
 civil power Xapier must have heartily agreed. He liud 
 been bred, as Montrose had been bred, in the reformed 
 religion, and Avas, as Montrose was, a sincere though not 
 intolerant l'ros])yterian. To a moderate form of Ejiisco- 
 pacy, which sliould be confined strictly to the economy 
 of the Cliurch, he possibly entertained, as many good 
 Presl)yterians from the days of Knox had entertained, 
 no aversion. " Bishops," Montrose declared with almost 
 liis last breath, " I "are not tW tllCTTi: — fTlCTPT tntclidcd 
 to afTvanceCKeii' Interests." That was j)r6ljably !N"aj)ier's 
 attit"ufle to them. It did not seem to him a very terrible 
 thing that one clergyman should have the j)owcr of 
 regulating the comliict and prescribing tlie duties of 
 another, whotlicr he was called Bishop or Moderator. 
 But that a clergyman .should be entrusted with civil 
 j)0wcr he thought <langcrous to all parties, t<t King, 
 Church, and State. There .still exists in his li.nidw riting 
 a paper bearing emphatic witness to his sentinu-nts on 
 this head.' "That churchmen have competency," it 
 begin.s, "is agreeable to the law of (!(»d and man. But 
 to invest them into great estates and princijial ijllices of 
 
 ' Montrose and tlie Covenanters, i. G7-7L'. 
 D
 
 34 MONTROSE. chap. 
 
 the State, is neither convenient for the Church, for the 
 King, nor for the State. Not for the Church, for the 
 indiscreet zeal and excessive donations of princes were 
 the first causes of corruption in the Roman Church, the 
 taste whereof did so inflame the avarice and ambition of 
 the successors that they have raised themselves above all 
 secular and sovereign power, and to maintain the same 
 have attended to the Avorld certain devices of their own 
 for matters of faith. Not to Kings nor States, for 
 histories witness Avliat troubles have been raised to Kings, 
 what tragedies among subjects, in all places Avliero 
 churchmen were great. Our reformed Churches, having 
 reduced religion to the ancient primitive truth and 
 simplicit}', ought to beware that corruption enter not in 
 their Church at the same gate, which already is open, 
 with store of attendants thereat to welcome it Avith 
 pomp and ceremonj'." Nor was he likely to dispute the 
 theory that resistance to innovations dangerous to the 
 peace of the kingdom was compatible with loyalty to 
 the King, and that to preserve the safety of the one was 
 in effect to jireserve the authority of the other. " For a 
 King and his people," he wrote, " make up one political 
 body, whereof the King is the head. In a politic as in a 
 natural body what is good or ill for one is so for both, 
 neither can the one subsist without the other, but must 
 go to ruin with the other." Holding these views, and, 
 according to one idea, appi'oving if not actually recom- 
 mending his brother-in-law's subscription to the Covenant, 
 why, it may be asked, did not Napier himself subscribe 
 it 1 The answer may perhaps be found in another 
 extract from the same document : " They who are 
 pressed with necessity at home are glad of any occa-
 
 II A TRUE COVENANTER 35 
 
 sioii or pretext to trouble the jjublic quiet, and to 
 fish in troubled waters to better their fortunes." The 
 snare which lured his young hot-headed relative Avas 
 spread in vain for the old and cautious Napier. A true 
 Covenanter ]Montrose called him before the Asseml)ly 
 at CJlasgow. He was so ; he was too true to the spirit 
 of the real Covenant to be caught by its specious copy ; 
 too true a Covenanter to trust himself or his conscience 
 to such keepers as Rothes, Loudon, and Balmerino. A 
 man of his experience in affairs, nor less experienced in 
 the temper of his ovtvl countrymen and of the King, cannot 
 but have had a shrewd suspicion whither such a move- 
 ment under such guides must inevitably tend. It may 
 then be asked why he did not use his intluenco to 
 dissuade his relative from a partnership he was too 
 prudent hiniself to join? We do not know that he did 
 not. We know nothing, save that he did not sign the 
 Covenant and that Montrose did. But it is not unreason- 
 able in the circumstances to suppose that his advice may 
 have been given that way, and given in vain. At no 
 time of his life was Montrose easy to persuade against 
 his own fet'lings. Confident in his own abilities, con- 
 scious of his own integrity, why may he not have 
 thought that in him the Covenant would find a Icadei- 
 able to counteract the selfish view of those wIki were 
 7rierely troubling the waters to l)cttor their own for- 
 tune, persuasive enough to guide it into the way it 
 .should go, and strong enough to keep it tliorc? A in I 
 perhaps Napier too believed Iiim to be such a leader. 
 
 There remains then oidy to consider what sliare, if 
 any, his allege<l resentment at the King's bchavioiu- may 
 liav(! had in <Ietcriiiiiiiiig his action. Th;it br jdincil tlie
 
 36 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 Covenant to revenge himself on the King no one who 
 has studied his cliaracter will believe, any more than 
 they will believe that he joined the King to revenge 
 himself on the Covenant. But is there anything un- 
 reasonable in believing that his resentment at behaviour 
 of which he was conscious of having given no cause, and 
 so much the reverse of what he had every right and 
 I'eason to expect, may have rendered an ambitious and 
 impulsive young man more amenable to the plausible 
 arguments and misrepresentations of artful and interested 
 counsellors % If the story of Hamilton's intrigue be true 
 — and it is hard to believe there can have been no truth 
 in it — ^Montrose had been instructed that the King was ill 
 disposed to Scotland, and the Scots had received what he 
 could not but consider a convincing proof of it. With 
 his own eyes he had seen what the King's disposition 
 was to the religion he had been bred in. Everything 
 that had happened since his return to Scotland had 
 unfortunately tended to confirm the original impression 
 of his own reception and Hamilton's explanation of it. 
 A young man of Montrose's disposition would in such a 
 frame of mind be easy game for such cunning hunters as 
 Eothes and his crew. There was nothing in the letter 
 of the Covenant he signed incompatible with the peculiar 
 nature of Scottish loyalty, which had never been of that 
 patient, unquestioning, one might almost say unreason- 
 ing, nature which has sometimes marked the English 
 loyalist. To save the country meant to save the King in 
 spite of himself, in spite of those evil counsellors who 
 stood ever at his ear to poison him against his Scottish 
 subjects. It was an enchanting prospect for an ardent, 
 aspiring young man wdio ha<l fired liis imagination with
 
 II MONTROSE'S DREAM 37 
 
 the romantic pa ges of Plutar ch. "As Philip's noble son," 
 he had written, 
 
 As Philip's noble son did still disdain 
 
 All but the dear applause of merited fame. 
 
 And nothing harboured in that lofty brain 
 But how to concpier an eternal name ; 
 
 So great attempts, heroic ventures, shall 
 
 Advance my fortune, or renown my fall. 
 
 What greater or more heroic venture could there be 
 than to preserve tlie religion, laws, and liberties of his 
 country ! Hamilton and the unconscious King between 
 them had provided the hour ; Kothes tound the man. 
 
 It is true, therefore, to say that Montrose signed the 
 Covenant deliberately and on reflection, and with the 
 assurance that in so doing he was pledging himself only 
 to a constitutional resistance against an illegal attempt 
 to subvert the religion and liberties of his country, and 
 in nowise combining to undermine and overthrow the 
 lawful authority and prerogative of the Crown. But it 
 is not therefore illogical to believe that various causes 
 conspired to give him that assurance ; and that among 
 those causes the jealousy of Hamilton and the cunning 
 of Kothcs had their place together witli the fanaticism of 
 Laud and the folly of the King.
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 THE COVENANT 
 
 Young as Montrose was, discerning eyes had already 
 marked him for one Hkely to play a conspicuous part 
 on whichever side he might engage. The news that he 
 had joined their enemies filled the Episcopal party in 
 Scotland with consternation. So highly, it is said, did 
 the bishops esteem his talents, that they thought it time 
 to prepare for a storm when he had declared against 
 them. Nor did his allies show themselves less conscious 
 of his worth. They at once appointed him to an im- 
 portant place in their councils. The movement had 
 assumed such proportions that it was found necessary 
 to devise some less unwieldy method of conducting 
 business than a large and tumultuous body of men with 
 no very clear notion of what they wanted or how to 
 secure it. It was above all things necessary for Eothes 
 and his friends to keep the controlling power in their 
 own hands. A committee of sixteen, representing the 
 four Estates of the kingdom~vas friimerl for this pur- 
 pose. It was known as the Tables, from the rule that 
 alF'motions were to be formally tahled, or recorded, 
 before discussion, and was authorised to act as the 
 responsible agent and mouthpiece of the party. The
 
 CHAP. Ill J GRIM JEST 39 
 
 four noblemen cliosen -were Rothes, Loudon, Lindsay 
 of the Byres (one of Montrose's college triends), and 
 Montrose himself. His nephew, hy marriage with 
 Xa pTer'sUaugnter, Sir George Stirling of Keir, was one 
 of the four representatives of the lesser barons. 
 
 Meanwhile Charles had abated no jot of his arbitrary 
 {)olicy. He had been advised by the Treasurer, Lord 
 Traquair, to withdraw the offending" liturgy, and to 
 curftent himself with enforcing his civil authority. 
 The advice was good, but it may well be doubted 
 whether Baillie was not right in holding that affairs 
 had now gone too far for Charles to folloAv it. At all 
 events it was not followed. A proclamation was issued 
 announcing the King's entire approval of the new liturgy, 
 his responsibility for it, and his determination to regard 
 all further opposition to it as treasonable. This iuHam- 
 mutory document was read at the city-cross in f^lin- 
 burgh amid frequent and open expressions of derision. 
 So soon as the heralds had finished, and before, owing 
 to the crowd, they could come down from the platform, 
 
 a protest pi < j .1 1 ' '1 \'>v \\\ '■,:-i"ii \\:i-; icihI almid liy 
 
 Wan-iston fruin .i .liM lu'scd for that jnir|H»c by tlie 
 siilc of the old cross. Ho was supported by a party of 
 sixlecn nohlemen. Among them was Montrose, who, in 
 the exuberance of his zeal, lia<l mounted on a cask that 
 stood upon tiie scaffold. Kothes, who was of course 
 present, remarking the young enthusiast's elevated po.si- 
 tion, and remembering that the place where tlicy were 
 standing was also the place of public execution, said 
 laughingly to him, "James, yoii will never be at rest 
 till you be lifted tip there above the rest in a rnpe." 
 And this grim jest, its chronicler adds, " was afterwards
 
 40 MONTROSE chak 
 
 accomplished in earnest in that same place ; and some 
 even say that the same supporters of the scaftbld were 
 made use of at Montrose's execution." 
 
 And now the work was done, and Scotland was ripe 
 for the Covenant. Whatever may have been the motives 
 of its originators, there can be no question of the feelings 
 with which the bulk of the people regarded it. Never, 
 even in the heat of the Keformation, had the stern 
 Scottish nature been stirred to such a depth and fervour 
 of passion. Its two strongest feelings had been artfully 
 inflamed, national sentiment and religious enthusiasm. 
 It would be difficult to separate the two, and to apportion 
 to each its share in the general movement. But it is 
 clear that love for the religion they had deliberately 
 chosen and established with tears and blood was at this 
 time strongly deepened by the thought that it was 
 menaced by a king of the hated English. 
 
 The place and time for the great ceremony were 
 chosen. The time was the last day of February, 1638. 
 The place was the church but lately raised beneath 
 the shadow of the great castle whence had issued 
 but a few short years previously, with all the i^oni}) 
 of a monarch moving amid a rejoicing people to 
 assume the crown of his fathers, the King whose 
 authority they were now met to renounce. Of all 
 the historical spots in that beautiful city there is none 
 that an Englishman surveys with more mingled feel- 
 ings than the churchyard of the Greyfriars. There 
 at the appointed nour came the leading members of 
 the Tables, with "Warriston to read the sacred docu- 
 ment and Henderson to explain it for any who still 
 wavered. Loudon and Rothes spoke Avith all thcii-
 
 Ill THE SIGNING OF THE COVENANT 41 
 
 artful eloquence, reiterating their professions of love 
 for their religion and loyalty to their King. Then 
 Warriston read aloud the Covenant from a parchment 
 of an ell square. There Avere few doubters, and they 
 were soon and easily satisfied. The Earl of Sutherland, 
 the highest nobleman present, was the first to sign his 
 name. One after another, all within the church followed 
 him. Then, as the shadows of the winter evening 
 deepened over the solemn scene, the parchment Avas 
 carried outside and read once more to the eager crowd 
 which thronged every corner of the churchyard. As 
 the last words were spoken — " that religion and righteous- 
 ness may flourish in the land, to the glory of God, the 
 honour of our KiriL-', and |)c;icc and comfort of us all " — 
 all Eand.s were nu.sed lu heiivcu in token of assent, while 
 old men, in whose ears the fiery tones of Knox might 
 have rung, wept tears of joy to see that the sjiirit of the 
 great Reformer still lived among his countrymen. The 
 parchment Avas then spread upon a tombstone, and all 
 who couM get near pressed forward in tuiu to sign it. 
 During the next two days it was carried round the city, 
 accompanied by a sobbing, praying multitude. Signa- 
 tures came in apace from citizens of all cla.s.scs and every 
 age. Even serving- women and little children, who could 
 iieitlier write nor read, pledged themselves to the good 
 cause with the a.ssistancc of a notar}'. It is .said that 
 many in the ecsta.sy of the Tiionicut wrote tluir names 
 in l)lo<)d <Ir:i\\n fioni tlicir own veins. Copies were 
 made of it, bearing tlie names of the chief subscriljers, 
 and entrusted to all who wouhl undertake the office of 
 recruiting for this luilv war. Noldes and gentlemen 
 galloped about the country with these copies in their
 
 42 MONTROSE cnw. 
 
 pockets. Agents were sent round to all the principal 
 towns and to the Universities. Ministers read aloud the 
 call to arms from their pulpits, and exhorted their con- 
 gregations to sign. Those Avho refused were threatened, 
 and even violence was sometimes employed. Names arc 
 of course easily collected, if only trouble enough he 
 taken to collect them. Many signed the Covenaiit, as 
 many have always signed and will always sign whatever 
 is laid before them, without any clear understanding to 
 what they were pledging themselves, simply because 
 others had done so. Many signed through fear of the 
 consequences of a refusal. But when allowance has been 
 made for all the arts commonly employed to foment a 
 popular disturbance, and for all the motives which have 
 power to influence the popular mind at such times, it is 
 impossible to doubt that, so far as the Covenant was 
 understood to be taken in defence of the national re- 
 ligion, it reflected the current of the national thought. 
 
 Scotland was now practically in a state of rebellion, 
 and the Tables began to assume the airs of a sovereign. 
 Munitions of war were collected and moneysl^evied. 
 Several of the leaders had already come forward with 
 voluntary subscriptions, Montrose heading the list with 
 a contribution of twenty-five dollars. It was determined 
 to supplement this with a more certain source of supply. 
 A general tax Avas levied of a dollar on every thousand 
 marks of rent. Though delicately called a contri])ution, 
 it was in eflect a tax, and a tax, moreover, levied with a 
 strictness to Avhich Scotsmen had hitherto been strangers. 
 A committee was appointed for the purpose, soon to be 
 known by the appropriate title of the War Committee. 
 It was clear that some more serious cflbrt must be made
 
 Ill HAMILTON'S COMMISSION 43 
 
 to maintain the royal authority than the issue of pro- 
 clamations that were only laughed at. Hamilton Avas 
 accordingly commissioned to treat with the Covenanters. 
 He Avas empowered to make certain concessions, such as 
 the King fondly conceived, or pretended to conceive, 
 should be sufficient to assure all loyal Scotsmen that he 
 had no design on either their religion or their laAvs. He 
 might promise, for example, that the neAV Canons and the 
 new Liturgy should not be pressed except in Avhat Charles 
 was pleased to call a fair and legal way. Some modifi- 
 cations also might be made in the Court of High Com- 
 mission, a harmless invention of the previous reign with 
 nothing but the name in common Avith that tribunal so 
 odious to Englishmen, but which nevertheless Avas equally 
 odious to Scotsmen, as relegating to bishops that moral 
 supervision of the Church previously vested in the 
 Presbyteries. But on one point the King Avas firm. No 
 concession Avas to be made, nothing Avas to be promised, 
 until the Covenant had been rescinded. In vain did all 
 his advisers, Scots and English, clerics and laymen, 
 assure him that negotiation on these terms Avas hopeless. 
 It mattered not. The Covenant, he ansAvered, Avas a 
 standard of rebellion, and until it Avas taken doAvn he 
 had no more power in Scotland than a Doge of VeiiifO. 
 
 On this l)ootlo.ss errand Haiuilton arrived in Edin- 
 burgh earl}' in June, and took up his quarters in Holy- 
 rood, An immense concourse assembled to see him enter 
 the city. The road JjctAveen Leith and Musselburgh was 
 lined with nearly sixty thousand peo[)le. At the most con- 
 spicuous spot five hundred niinisters Averc congregated 
 in their black gowns. The Commissioner, accoiding to 
 Ljuillie, was iiKjved to tears at such a sign nf IIk; natidiial 
 
 \
 
 44 
 
 MONTROSE ciiAi'. 
 
 feeling. Hamilton's powers of dissimulation were indeed 
 remarkable; but it may be doubted whether on this 
 occasion the good Covenanter's emotion, and the pride 
 he felt at the noble display made by his own cloth, did 
 not a little overcome his usual acuteness. It is certain, 
 however, that the Commissioner was extremely gracious, 
 bowing and smiling on every side, though he skilfully 
 managed to evade a speech which had been prepared 
 in Avclcome by Mr. William Livingsto ne, " the strongest 
 in voice," as Baillie naively remarks, "and austerest in 
 countenance of us all." This, Hamilton suggested, 
 might be more properly appreciated at a private 
 audience. 
 
 The Tables had selected six of their number as 
 commissioners on their part, three noblemen and three 
 ministers. Among the former were that inseparable pair 
 Rothes and Loudon ; the third was Montrose. To 
 Henderson and Dickson was added a colleague rejoicing 
 in the ominous name of Cant. They presented their 
 demands : the withdrawal of the new Liturgy, the Book 
 of Canons, and the Court of High Commission, and the 
 summons first of a free General Assembly, instead of a 
 })acked body of subservient courtiers such as had re- 
 stored Episcopacy at the will of the late King, and then 
 of a Parliament to finally settle all matters concerning re- 
 ligion. Hamilton demanded as an inevitable preliminary 
 to all concessions the renunciation of the Covenant and 
 their return to their lawful allegiance. They professed 
 themselves to be still as always loyal subjects, an<l 
 declared that they would as soon renounce their baptism 
 as the Covenant. All through June the controversy 
 dragged its fruitless length along. Hamilton by turns
 
 Ill 
 
 HTS DUPLICITY 45 
 
 argued, pleaded, warned, and threatened. The King, he 
 said, was ready to grant all that honour would permit 
 him, and all that was necessary to establish their re- 
 ligion and liberties ; beyond that they should not press 
 him. By so doing they Avould forfeit the sympathies of 
 those in England who wislied well to sufferers, but 
 would never wish well to rebels. If they still persisted 
 in their unreasonable and seditious course, the King 
 would come in person to settle the matter with forty 
 thousand men at his back. Unfortunately for Hamilton's 
 argument, Kothes and Loudon were as well informed on 
 the state of afl'airs in England as himself. They had 
 sharp spies at Court, even in the King's own household. 
 They knew exactly what were the Commissioner's in- 
 structions, and had no fear of forfeiting the sympathy of 
 their English partisans by persisting in their demands. 
 There is no doubt that the firm front of the Covenanters 
 was now greatly strengthened by assurances from the 
 English Opposition. As usual, too, Hamilton played a 
 douldo part. For this indeed he had some excuse. He 
 had received permission from Charles to employ all 
 means to gain time, short of giving any promise that 
 would have afterwards to be revoked or of recognising 
 the lawfulness of the Covenant. Time was of the 
 utmost importance now, for it soon became clear to 
 Hamilton, and he made it clear to the King, that an 
 appeal to force was the inevitable end of the negotia- 
 tions, and that all that remained for him to do Avas 
 to ])rolong the time till foi'ce was ready. But it is 
 doubtful whetlii-r Charles would have understood this 
 l)ermission to iucluilc an a.ssuran<<' to his iclidlious 
 subjects that to stand firm was the oidy ami the certain
 
 46 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 way of gaining tlieir ends. Yet a very circumstantial 
 story seems to fix tliis treachery on the King's Com- 
 missioner. He had brought with him to Scotland two 
 forms of the royal declaration against the Covenant ; in 
 the first it was plainly denounced as an act of rebellion 
 and its immediate surrender demanded ; in the second 
 somewhat more general and conciliatory language was 
 employed. In one of his earliest letters Hamilton had 
 assi;red the King that it would be impossible to publish 
 the more outspoken document ; he now wished to leave 
 even the gentler one unread. But on that point Charles 
 was firm. Hamilton might return to England for 
 further counsel and instruction, but the declaration in 
 its milder form must be jjublished. The Commissioner 
 had recourse to one of those ignoble artifices which were 
 his idea of diplomacy. Pretending that he had resolved 
 not to publish either declaration (of whose existence the 
 Covenanters were very well aware) he left Edinburgh, 
 but returning suddenlj'- at noon of the next day the 
 second and milder declaration Avas read at the cross. 
 But he had to do with men as cunning as himself. A 
 few had been deceived by his pretended departure, but 
 only a few. Before the herald had finished a crowd 
 had assembled, and among them was the inevitable 
 Warriston with his protest and a trusty band of sup- 
 porters. The document was longer, less respectful, and 
 more explicit than the one hitherto used, leaving indeed 
 no further doubt, had any previously existed, of the 
 nature and extent of the Covenanters' demands, and of 
 their resolution to be satisfied with no compromise. 
 The Liturgy, the Book of Canons, the Court of High 
 Commission must go ; a free General Assembly and a
 
 HI MONTROSE'S SUSPICIONS 47 
 
 free Parliament must be summoned ; the Covenant 
 must be maintained. The applauding crowd, excited 
 by Hamilton's foolish attempt to overreach them, were 
 with dithculty restrained from putting to the sword the 
 few who had the courage to raise their voices for the 
 King. So strong was the popular feeling against the 
 declaration that those members of the Council who had 
 given a grudging assent to it now wished to retract, and 
 threatened that, if not allowed to do so, they Avould 
 themselves take the Covenant. While Hamilton was 
 arguing with them a deputation from the Covenanters 
 was announced. They came to protest against the 
 declaration. When they had been heard, Hamilton, 
 excusing himself to his colleagues, withdrew with them 
 into another room wliere he addressed them in these 
 remarkable words : "My Lords and Gentlemen, I spoke 
 to you before those Lords of the Council as the King's 
 Commissioner ; now there being none present but your- 
 selves, I speak to you as a kindly Scotsman. If you go 
 on with courage and resolution you will carry what you 
 please, l)ut if you faint and give ground in the least you 
 are luidone — a word is enough to wise men." The 
 authoritj'' for this monstrous speech rests on two of the 
 deputation, wlio heard it and repeated it in identical 
 terms within four-and-twenty hours of its being spoken. 
 One of these was Montrose himself, the other was his 
 colleague, the minister Cant. They told it separately 
 to Bishop Guthrie, tlicii_a_uimi&tGJi" at Stirling, in wliose 
 MenioTrs it may be read. The Uisliop adds tliat the 
 incT<Tent created an uneas}'^ feeling in Moiiti'ose's mind 
 that Hamilton was playing both sides false in order tu 
 atlvanco those designs on the crown of Scotland of
 
 48 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 whicli he had been, it will he remembered, already ac- 
 cused, and Avliich many at least of hi.s own countrymen 
 still believed him to entertain. He told Guthrie that 
 he should form no rash conclusions, but that meantime 
 he should keep his eyes open and look carefully to his 
 own steps. 
 
 It will but anticipate the course of events by a few 
 months to wind up at once the tangled skein of these 
 
 I negotiations. Twice again in 1638 did Hamilton visit 
 Scotland. Each time he came with fresh concessions, 
 too late to be of any real service, yet enough to convince 
 the Covenanters of the truth of the Commissioner's ill- 
 omened words that everything would be gained by 
 standing firm. Once again a royal 2:»roclamation was 
 heard from the city-cross; once again it was followed 
 by a protest, more defiant than any of its predecessors. 
 The King had proposed a Covenant on his own account, 
 made up of those of 1580 and 1590, the latter binding 
 all Avho signed it to stand by the King in "suppressing 
 of tlie Papists, promotion of true religion, and settling 
 of his Highness's estate, and obedience in all the countries 
 and corners of the realm." To sign this, said the in- 
 dignant protesters, would be to make themselves guilty 
 of mocking God, inasmuch as they of all men needed no 
 adjuration to suppress Popery. On another point their 
 language Avas still more emphatic. Charles had granted 
 , the demand for a General Assembly, and had promised 
 ^' that the obnoxious Liturgy should be absolutely re- 
 \ voked, together with the Book of Canons and the 
 Court of High Commission, that the practice of the 
 Articles of Perth should be for the present suspended 
 till Parliament should pronounce its final decision on
 
 HI THE GLASGOW ASSEMBLY 49 
 
 them, and that the authority of the bishops should be 
 made subject to the authority of the Assembly. In a 
 word, all that they asked was conceded ; but the hour 
 for concessions had passed. Episcopacy must go root 
 and branch. All that the King made by his submis- 
 sion was to hear that he had no power to make or 
 withhold it. Matters of religion were not in his 
 hands, but in the divinely appointed hands of the 
 Assembly, and in theirs onlj'. Thus the Covenanters 
 cast to the winds the last shred of their professed 
 loyalty, and practically declared war against the King's 
 authority. 
 
 These things were done at the end of September. 
 On November 21.st the General Assembly was to meet 
 at Glasgow. The intervening time was spent by Hamilton 
 in vain attempts to influence the elections and to procure 
 signatures for the new or King's Covenant, as it was 
 called. In ])oth he was equally unsuccessful. The 
 Assembly was constituted after a fashion which left no 
 doul)t what its temper was likely to be. Going back to 
 an Act of 1587, it was resolved to elect lay as well 
 as ecclesiastical members. This was what Hamilton 
 wished to prevent. The ministers alone he thought 
 he might still be able to persuade to show some respect 
 for the prerogative of a King who was ready to grant so 
 much, and who had already shown himself both wilHng 
 and able to make their position easier and more secure. 
 Nor were the ministers themselves well pleased to sec 
 the office that was rightly theirs shared amoJig men who, 
 as they knew well, were for the most part innuenccd by 
 no real love for religion, and whose lives were in too 
 many instances at direct variance with its teaching. 
 
 E
 
 
 50 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 But the nobles, in Baillic's expressive phrase, had now 
 got their feet in the stirrup, and were not to be stopped 
 from the game they had started. Moreover, it was 
 in them that tlie real strength of the Covenant as 
 a national movement against an arbitrary king still 
 lay. The people knew this, and the ministers were 
 not strong enough to dictate to the people. The 
 Tables Avere the controlling jiowcr of the elections, and 
 of that body no member was now busier or more resolute 
 than Montrose. The King's Covenant proved a lament- 
 able failure. FeAV could be found to sign it compared 
 with the crowds that still thronged daily to subscribe 
 its rival, and of these nearly one-half came from Aber- 
 deen and the neighbourhood, which througli all the 
 trouUc had stood stoutly b}- the Thioiir ; Avhile a mad 
 woman named Margaret Nicholson, who went about the 
 country proclaiming herself empowered to declare the 
 National Covenant a direct gift from heaven, and the 
 King's from another place, was generally accepted as an 
 inspired prophetess. 
 
 On the appointed day the Assembly met, a day not 
 less momentous in the history of Scotland than that 
 on Avhich two years later the Long Parliament met in 
 the old chapel of St. Stephen Avas destined to prove in 
 the history of England. The place appointed was the 
 venerable cathedral, one of the few triumphs of 
 Gothic art which had been preserved by the affectionate 
 pride of the citizens from the furious zeal of Knox's 
 Vandals. On a high chair of state sat Hamilton in all 
 the pomp, the barren pomp as he was now conscious, of 
 the representative of the Crowoi. The Privy Council 
 were ranged below him. Directly opposite were placed
 
 Ill THE LORDS OF THE COVENANT 51 
 
 seats for the Moderator and his clerk. At a long table 
 in the body of the church sat the Lords of the Covenant, 
 while the representatives of the Presbyteries had to be 
 content "vnth humbler places on either side behind them. 
 Beyond these again was a stage for the accommodation 
 of the sons of the Covenanting nobility and other dis- 
 tinguished spectators, Avhile every unoccupied part of 
 the building was thronged with a vast and miscel- 
 laneous crowd, including many gentlewomen. Not a 
 single bishop was present. Only two indeed, the 
 Bishops of Koss and Argyll, had ventured to enter the 
 city ; they had come under the protection of Hamilton 
 and his friends, and were now lodged safely in the 
 castle. Swords and daggers were to be seen on all 
 sides. The regularly elected members numbered two 
 hundred and forty in all, of whom one hundred were 
 laymen. But besides these there were almost as many 
 again who had no vote nor lawful place in the Assembly 
 and professed to be there only in the cajiacity of friends, 
 amid curue as it were, to impart confidence by their 
 presence, and perhaps aid by their counsels. ]\Iany of 
 them could neither read nor write, but they were 
 strong in numbers and loud of voice. Great care 
 had boon taken to exclude all who had not sub- 
 scribed the Covenant. The provost had issued a 
 mimbcr of leaden tickets stamped with his arms, 
 without which nrj spectator was admitted into the 
 l)uilding, and the distribution of these was solely 
 in the hands of the Covenanters. To add to Hamil- 
 ton's disconifiture, he was aware that he could in) 
 longer trust even the nienibc-rs of his own council 
 80 fai' as any vote on i'lpiscopacy was concerned.
 
 52 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 "What then," ho wrote to the King on the day after 
 this Assembly had met, "wliat then can be expected 
 but a total disobedience to authority, if not a present 
 rebellion?" 
 
 It was soon made clear that nothing else was to be 
 expected, for that nothing else was intended. After 
 Hamilton had read his commission, and a protestation 
 on behalf of the bishops had been refused a hearing, 
 Henderson was chosen for Modcrntoi- ;iii(l Wari'iston for 
 his clerk. Tlicu bcydn a dicary wcuk uf disputing and 
 protesting on all sides on every conceivable subject, to 
 the utter weariness of everybody but the clerk, avIio 
 received a piece of gold with each fresh protest. Few 
 appear to have contributed more to this waste of time 
 than Montrose himself, who was, moreover, responsible for 
 a general wi-angle in which the Moderator did not display 
 the quality to be expected from his title, and which the 
 Commissioner found some difficulty in quelling. It 
 arose on a disputed election in Avhich the Tables had 
 overridden the authority of the Presbyteries. Montrose 
 was of course on the side of the former, the disi:)ute 
 having indeed arisen on a rather high-handed exercise 
 of his power as a member of the Tables, which the more 
 wary of the party were desii'ous of concealing, and 
 Montrose of course, through all his life the sworn foe 
 of all compromise, insisted on justifying. It was doubly 
 unfortunate for him that the candidate he opposed 
 should have been his brother-in-law young Carnegie, 
 and that his opposition should have led to an unseemly 
 display of temper between him and his father-in-law 
 Southesk. The dispute did Montrose no good with 
 either party. The Covenanters were annoyed to find
 
 Ill HAMILTON'S PROTEST 53 
 
 SO young a man disposed to take too much upon himself 
 against the ■\riser counsels of his ciders ; and Hamilton 
 Avas, as will be seen, enabled to speak another bad word 
 for him in the King's ear. 
 
 It was not till the 28th that the real business began. 
 The unfortunate bishops Avere as usual the cause of war. 
 They had declined to accept the jurisdiction of the 
 Assembly as at present constituted, and the Moderator 
 now put the question to the vote. Hamilton then rose. 
 He read again the King's offer to abolish all grievances, 
 and to make bishops for the future subject to the authority 
 of the Assemblies ; but he refused to acknoAvledge the 
 authority of an Assembly in which laymen were allowed 
 to speak and vote. A warm debate ensued. The 
 Moderator declined to reopen a question Avhich the 
 Assembly had already decided in its own favour. " If 
 the bishops," said Loudon, " decline the judgment of a 
 National Assembly, I know not a competent judgment- 
 seat for them but the King of Heaven." " I stand to 
 the King's prerogati^'e," replied Hamilton, " as supreme 
 judge over all causes, civil and ecclesiastical, to whom 
 I think they may appeal, and not let the causes be 
 reasoned here." It was all in vain. Th e Assemb ly 
 were determined to have no bishops on any terms, and 
 no king save on their own terms. Nothing remained 
 for Hamilton, as rcprcsentnig the Crown, but to declare 
 the As.sembly an illegal body and to dissolve it. Tliis 
 he accordingly did, with tears in his eyes as some said, 
 and left the cathedral while the iiicvital)lo protest 
 against liis action was being read. Kcturning to Edin- 
 bnrgh Ik; made such preparations as time and means 
 allowed for garrisoning the castle, and then left the
 
 54 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 country, not to return to it again but as leader of the 
 King's forces against rebels in arms. 
 
 The Assembly, thus freed from all control, made 
 short work of the bishops. Six out of the fourteen 
 were simply deposed ; the rest were deposed and ex- 
 communicated on charges sometimes of the most heinous 
 nature, Avhich the most trivial evidence, when any was 
 ofTered at all, was considered amply sufficient to establish. 
 Baillie owns, for instance, that certain acts of gross im- 
 morality brought against the Bishop of Galloway were 
 not in his 0})inion conclusively proved ; but he adds, as 
 though to make up for this injustice, that the unfortun- 
 ate prelate had at least "all the ordinary faults of a 
 bishop," besides the capital one of being the first who 
 had dared to flaunt the robes of his office in Edinburgh. 
 The new Liturgy, the Book of Canons, the Court of High 
 Commission, and the Articles of Perth all followed the 
 bishops one after another into the limbo of unholy 
 things. Sentence of excommunication was also pro- 
 nounced against many clergymen who had shown, or 
 were suspected of, a leaning to Episcopacy : the six 
 General Assemblies which had sat under Episcopal 
 government were declared to have been illegal ; and the 
 Scottish Church was thus restored to the pure Presby- 
 terianism established by the Act of iri'.)2. Thus, when 
 on Di'cemltcr 20th this memorable body dissolved itself, 
 it had accomplished in longer time, but with equal 
 thoroughness, a revolution not less momentous than 
 that which seventy-eight years earlier had in a single 
 day transferred the national faith from Rome to Geneva. 
 
 Nor was this the Covenanters' only triumph. The 
 dejiarture of Hamilton was the signal for the appearance
 
 Ill THE EARL OF ARGYLL 55 
 
 of an invaluable convert. Archibald, Earl of Argyll, 
 then in his fortieth year, and TSiit lately succeeded to 
 the title and vast estates of his father, Avas reckoned 
 the most iioAverful subject in the kingdom. His only 
 rival ni t he Highlands was Huntly , and his revenues 
 were larger and he could bring a larger following into 
 the field than the chief of the Gordons. In intellect there 
 was no comparison between them. Argyll, according 
 to Clarendon, wanted nothing l)ut courage and honesty 
 to make hnn a ^ery great man. The want of honesty 
 was Too common a Avant in the politicians of those days 
 to mark a man among his peers, but cowardice Avas 
 indeed rare among all classes ; and though he was 
 destined to show that, like so many men Avhosc nerves 
 are uncertam, he couia lace inevitable dcntli witli ralm- 
 ness "and dignity, in the ])iv-(iicc nf iImi-ct it is indis- 
 putablelTiat Ai-\11".- }i]iy>ir;(l I'duijiuc u-;is, to say tlic 
 least, not conspicuous. Cool, cunning, and sa-acious, 
 he had, though at once a Privy Councillor and a rigid 
 Presbyterian, been hitherto careful to identify himself pro- 
 minently with neither party. But Hamilton had gauged 
 him truly when he warned Charles to beware of him as 
 the most dangerous man in the State. The same warning 
 had indeed been previously conveyed to the infatuate 
 King by one who had still better cause to know the 
 truth than Hamilton. There had been trouble between 
 father and son, and Charles, with Avhom the latter bad 
 l)cen always a favourite, bad ordered the Earl, Avho 
 had turned Catholic in his old age at the Itidding of a 
 young Avifc, to leaA'e the kingdom. The father obeyed 
 Avithout remonstrance, but before ho Avent lie warned 
 the King to beware of his son. " Sir," ho said, " 1 must
 
 56 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 know this young man better than yon can do. You 
 may raise him, which I doubt you will live to repent, 
 for he is a man of craft, subtlety, and falsehood, and 
 can love no man, and if ever he finds it in his power to 
 do you a mischief, he will be sure to do it." So power- 
 ful an ally was received of course with open arms by the 
 Covenanters. Hitherto they had been doubtful Avhether 
 they should regard him as friend or foe. His conduct, 
 said Baillie, had been ambiguous. This Avas now ex- 
 plained by Argyll's assurance that he had always secretly 
 been on their side and had only delayed declaring himself 
 for them while he conceived that this ambiguity might 
 best serve their interests ; matters had now come, he 
 said, to such a height that no honest man could hold 
 back. His speech was long, pious, and profuse in 
 good advice. The Moderator and the rest of the 
 ministers professed themselves enraptured, and all 
 parted on the best terms with each other. 
 
 Two days before Hamilton dissolved the Assembly, 
 but Avhen it had already clearly shown him what he Avas 
 to expect from it, he despatched a long letter to the 
 King, Avarning him Avhat the issue Avas almost certain to 
 be, pointing out the precautions to be taken, and taken 
 at once if his Avarnings Avere proved true, and com- 
 menting on the character of the movement and of its 
 leaders Avith a frankness unusual in him. In this letter 
 Montrose is mentioned in a Avay which tends still 
 further to confirm the truth of Heylin's story. " Noav 
 for the Covenanters," the passage runs, " I shall only 
 say this, in general they may all be placed in one roll, 
 as they noAv stand. But certainly, sir, those that have 
 both broached the business, and still hold it aloft, are
 
 Ill HAMILTON'S OPINION OF MONTROSE 57 
 
 Rothes, Balraerino, Lindsay, Lothian, Loudon, Yester, 
 Cranston. There are many others as forward in show, 
 amongst whom none more vainly foolish than Montrose." 
 This is precisely the language of a man anxious to remind 
 his correspondent what he had predicted of a third 
 l)arty, and to point out how exactly his prediction had 
 been proved true.
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 THE FIRST bishops' WAR 
 
 Only one town of importance now refused to acknow- 
 ledge the new power. Aberdeen, then the second city 
 in Scotland, rich, populons,1earned, and loyal from the 
 first, still turned a deaf ear alike to the promises and 
 the threats of the Covenant. The citizens of Aberdeen 
 were no bigoted followers of Laud. They held rather 
 of the school of their late bishop, the wise and bene- 
 volent Forbes, content with things as they were, and 
 suspicious of any change which threatened to interfere 
 with their comfortable and studious independence. 
 They desired, indeed, chiefly to be let alone ; but not to 
 be for the Covenant Avas to be against it, and there was, 
 moreover, a particular reason why Aberdeen could not 
 be suffered to remain neutral. It Avas the capital of that 
 large district wherein the House of Gordon reigned 
 supreme, as the House of Campbell was supreme in 
 the West ; and tlie Aberdeen burghers, whatever their 
 religious opinions might be, could not but be the political 
 allies of the House of Gordon. The old Marquis of 
 Huntly had been always a favourite with James, who 
 knew that the fiery old Papist if one of the most tur- 
 bulent was also one of the most loyal of his subjects.
 
 
 CHAP. IV THE MARQUIS OF HUNTLY 59 
 
 His son George, who had latelj'' succeeded him, had been 
 brought up at Court with the young princes in the faith 
 of the English Church, and had married a sister of 
 Argyll. He had for some time commanded the Scottish 
 Guard in France, and had served with distinction in the 
 campaign against Austria ; but the lavish state he had 
 maintained as captain of that famous corps had plunged 
 him deep into debt, and it was believed that he would 
 listen to any proposal likely to relieve his desperate 
 fortunes. Overtiu-es had already been made to him from 
 the Covenant on these conditions, and had been rejected. 
 "^My house," he said, "has risen by the Kings of Scot- . 
 land, has ever stood for them, and with them shall fall, 
 nor will I quit the path of my predecessors ; and if the 
 event be the ruin of my sovereign, then shall the rubl)ish 
 that belongs to it bury beneath it all that belongs to 
 mine." The spirit which ju-omptcd this gallant answer 
 was sincere, but, as Charles and Montrose were both to 
 find to their cost, it coidd not ahvays rise superior to 
 more selfish feelings. For the present he had been 
 appointed Licutenaiit for the King in the North, in- 
 structed to arm his men, and promised succours from 
 England. But he had also been instructed to take his 
 orders from Hamilton, and not to act without them ; for 
 the present he had merely to get ready, to stand 011 the 
 defensive, and above all things to avoid any open act of 
 hostility. Huntly knew well enough the futility of such 
 orders. Not to move without Hamilton was (o stay 
 where he was till Ik; was turned out by the Covenanters. 
 Still there was nothing for him Imt to obey, and hold 
 himself in ii'iidiness to join hands wil h tiie unwelcoim' 
 ally who had been thrust upon him.
 
 6o MONTROSE ciiAr. 
 
 There was no time to be lost. The King was slowly 
 assembling an army for the Borders, and the Covenanters 
 could not march south with such an enemy in their rear. 
 If Hamilton could efi'ect a juncture with Huntly on the 
 east coast, at the same time as the Irishry under Antrim 
 and Strafford were landed on the west, it would go ill 
 with the Covenanters. They had not been idle. The 
 castles of Edinburgh, Dumbarton, and Dalkeith had 
 been carried by surprise within a few hours of each 
 other, and Mar could be trusted to hold Stirling safe. 
 In the West the power of Hamilton and Douglas had 
 been dealt a serious blow by the seizure of their strong- 
 holds in Arran and Clydesdale. Of all the fortresses in 
 Scotland, Lord Nithsdale's Castle of Caerlaverock in 
 Dumfriesshire was alone held for the King. From the 
 Border to the North Sea the Covenant was supreme, 
 save only in that dangerous district Avhich called Huntly 
 lord, and against the power of Huntly the arms of the 
 Covenant were now turned. 
 
 The c ommand was given to Mon trose. His restless 
 and enterprising spirit marked him for the Avork among 
 men whose talents appeared to lie rather in debate than 
 in the field. His own estates, moreover, lay near, and 
 though his following was but a handful coptipared with 
 Huntly's power, he would Ijc more likely to gain 
 recruits than an unknown leader. But Montrose was 
 young, hot-headed, too fond, it was feared, of his own 
 way, possibly also too punctilious. Some older man 
 must go with him, more experienced in war and 
 more accustomed also to obey, who, while nominally 
 Montrose's lieutenant, might keep a Avatchful eye over 
 him. The man for this purpose was found in Alexander
 
 IV ALEXANDER LESLIE 6i 
 
 Leslie, a cadet, though an illegitimate one, of the House 
 of fiothes. Though a little man and deformed, Leslie 
 had won fame and rank in the Thirty Years' War, 
 where so many of his countrymen had been fighting for 
 the Protestant cause under the trreat Gustavus. During 
 a short visit to Scotland in the spring of 1638 Leslie 
 had seen how the land la}'. He had returned to Ger- 
 many, but not for long. By the end of the year he Avas 
 back again, with good news and better than news for the 
 Covenanters. During his absence he had been recruiting 
 for them among their countrymen who, like himself, 
 had taken service under the Lion of the Xorth, and col- 
 lecting stores of military supplies. Some of these were 
 intercepted by the English cruisers, but the most part 
 found their way into Scotland, where Leslie Avas Avel- 
 comed with open arms. He was soon appointed general 
 of the Covenanting forces, and they could not have louml 
 a better man. "TTioiigh without the military genius of 
 his nephew David, he Avas as accomplisEecl in alf the 
 m^cHahrsm of Avar as any man of his time, cool, sagacious, 
 and certain never to be hurried into mischief by a mis- 
 guided enthusiasm for any cause. King and Covenant 
 were much the same to him ; but fightmg Ava.s his ti' ade ; 
 the death oT Gustavus had set him free to servo another 
 Hag ; he Avas a Scotsman and a Protestant, above all a 
 kinsman of Kothcs, Avhose "canniness" Avas not likely 
 to let so useful an ally go. Leslie Avas, in short, a 
 favourable speciiucn of that class of soldier of fortune 
 which the incomparable genius of Walter Scott lias fi.xcd 
 for ever in the character of Dugald Dalgetty. 
 
 This was not Montrose's first visit to Aberdeen as an 
 agent for the Covenant. Ho had been there in tlic pre-
 
 62 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 vioiis Slimmer, ])ut in more peaceful guise. Instead of 
 Leslie and a following of armed soldiers, he had been 
 accompanied only by a few laymen of no particular 
 importance, and the three apostles of the Covenant, 
 Henderson, Dickson, and Cant. It was not a very 
 fruitful visit. The ministers of Aberdeen would not 
 give up their pulpits to the strangers, and the apostles 
 had to deliver their doctrine from a gallery of the Earl 
 jMarischal's house, then occupied by his sister Lady 
 Pitsligo, a staunch Puritan after the fashion of Hamilton's 
 mother and of Montrose's own aunt Lady Wigton. 
 Montrose was of course present, sitting at her ladyship's 
 side, to the regret, doubtless, of many who recalled the 
 different circumstances in which they had last seen him, 
 when the bells rang in honour of the gallant young 
 bridegroom who had just been elected a burgess of their 
 loyal town. The apostles wisely chose the hours between 
 the church services so as to make sure of an audience ; 
 and an audience they secured, but one not entirely to 
 their taste. The respectful part listened with more 
 curiosity than conviction, and not all were respectful. 
 A few insignificant proselytes were gained, and a 
 grievous insult was cast upon the good city. Aberdeen 
 prided itself upon its hospitality, and when the provost 
 and bailies heard that their young to^vnsman was on 
 the road to visit them, they prepared a collation in his 
 honour and came to welcome him at his lodging. But 
 Montrose treated them with scant ceremony, and refused 
 to receive anything at their hands till they had sub- 
 scribed the Covenant, an affront which had never before, 
 they vowed, been put upon Aberdeen -snthin the memory 
 of man !
 
 IV MONTROSE AND HUNTLY 63 
 
 They prepared a diflferent welcome now for the 
 young Earl. The citizens were armed and drilled, guns 
 mounted, trenches dug, and the town generally put into 
 such a state of defence as was possible. MeanAvhile 
 Montrose was at his owti place in Forfarshire, beating 
 up for recruits. AVhile there he heard that the few 
 allies the Covenant could boast in that quarter were 
 to meet at Tiu-rifF, a market -town on the borders of 
 Banffshire, mostly gentry of the district, Frasers and 
 Forbeses, who were jealous of the Gordons and 
 ready to join any party against them. Huntly heard 
 also of the meeting and resolved to disperse it. But 
 Montrose was too quick for him. With one of those 
 lightning dashes which were to be the secret of his suc- 
 cesses against the Covenant, he now won the first point 
 in the game for it. Taking with him barely two hun- 
 dred of his own men, he hurried across the Grampians 
 by the most unfrefjuented routes, and Avhen Huntly at 
 the head of two thousand men marched into Turriff he 
 was greeted with a compact array of musket -Ijarrels 
 levelled at him across the wall of the little churchyard. 
 His orders were explicit. He was not to proclaim his 
 commission till the time came, and that mysterious 
 moment was to be decided not by him but by Hamilton. 
 Moreover lie was to avoid ;ill lisk of bloodshed for 
 the [)rcsent. He knew j\lontrose would fight, and, 
 though he was perhaps the better man for the moment, 
 he knew also that Leslie was at hand with a force 
 more than double his own. Had tiie positions of 
 tiic two leaders been reversed there can be no doubt 
 wliat Montrose woidd have done. ]5ut Huntly 
 wa.s not Montrose. He withdrew to Invdiniv, .hhI
 
 64 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 disbiuuliiig tlio most part of his men left Aberdeen 
 to its fate. 
 
 This was not so severe as probably the citizens had 
 expected, and as certainly some of the Covenanters 
 wished. A few days after the affair at Turriff, Montro se 
 joined hands with__rieg]ie and ,n]it £^-ed AJ2^^^"" in 
 triumpK at the head of six thousand men, each of whom 
 wore a blue scarf, or carried a knot of l)lue ribbons in 
 his cap, in opposition to the royal scarlet which Huntly 
 had taken for his colours. To condescend to the devices 
 of these godless cavaliers shocked some of Montrose's 
 solemn captains, but the young general was right. He 
 knew the value of a distinctive symbol to Avarm men's 
 hearts, especially the hearts of soldiers, and that it was 
 none the worse for pleasing their eyes as well. The 
 blue ribbons were at once popular, and Montrose's 
 ivhimsies, as they were at first contemptuousry called, 
 soon'became the recognised badge of the Covenanters. 
 
 There Avas no attempt at opposition. Disgusted at 
 Huntly's defection, the most resolute spirits had left the 
 city and sailed south to join the King. The rest could 
 do nothing but accept the Covenant and trust to Mon- 
 trose's mercy. He was not hard upon them. Having 
 marched his men through the town he quartered them 
 on the links outside, with strict injunctions to keep 
 good order and to pay for all they consumed. The 
 citizens were set to work at filling up the trenches 
 they had dug and removing all traces of their improvised 
 fortifications, and a fine of ten thousand marks was 
 imposed on the town. Then, leaving behind him a gar- 
 rison under the command of his college friend Lord 
 Kinghorn, whom he named governor of the town, Mon-
 
 IV THEIR AGREEMENT 65 
 
 trose marched north after Huntly, who had retreated 
 from Inverury to Gordon Castle in the Bog of Gicht. 
 
 Huntly was anxious to come to terms, and Montrose 
 when left to himself had no wish to make them hard. 
 The two men accordingly met by appointment near 
 Inverury, each attended by eleven friends armed only 
 with walking-swords. The two chiefs stepped aside to 
 talk. What passed between them can only be conjec- 
 tured, but after a long conference Huntly and his 
 companions returned with Montrose to his camp at 
 Inverury, where they were courteously received. Here 
 Huntly signed a paper, known in the language of the 
 time as a bond of maintenance, probably containing (for 
 its exact terms were never made clear) those clauses of 
 the Covenant which professed respect to the King's 
 authority and a love for the national religion and 
 liberties, pledging himself also not to interfere with 
 any of his vassals who had a mind to mount the blue 
 ribbon. Such of them as were Papists Montrose, on 
 his part, promised to protect so long as they were 
 wiilin'' to assist in maintaining the laws and liberties 
 of their conmion fatherland. Huntly, however, who 
 saw many of his personal enemies in the camp, 
 Crichton of Frcndraught in particular, the sworn foe 
 of his House,' wjus doubtful how fur this arrangement 
 would be allowed to lnjjd good. He employed one of 
 his followers, therefore, to warn Montrose against evil 
 counsellors who, he said, would bo certain to work him 
 
 ' The ghastly tragedy known as the Burning of Frcndraught, 
 in which young Ahoync, lluntly's brotlicr, with some other Gor- 
 dons, w(;n^ treaclinrouHly niurd<T<Ml wliilc guo.st.s \inder Crichton's 
 roof, had happened only nine yrars earlier, in 1C30. 
 
 !■
 
 66 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 all tlie mischief they could. Montrose answered that 
 he was well aware that Huntly had many enemies among 
 the Covenanters, but tliat he should not fail in any 
 part of his word ; " only," he added, " there is this 
 difficulty, that business here is all transacted by a vote 
 and a committee, nor can I get anything done of myself." 
 He had already done so much, it was urged, that he 
 might well go on with the rest. He was in command, 
 and if he stood firm the others must give way. " I 
 shall do my utmost for Huntly 's satisfaction," ^vas the 
 answer, and with this assurance the Marquis and his 
 friends were suffered to depart. 
 
 Their doubts were soon verified. Montrose returned 
 to Aberdeen, where he was joined by Murray, Sea- 
 forth, the Master of Lovat, and other zealous Covenanters 
 with a body of cavalry. Encouraged by these reinforce- 
 ments, Huntly's enemies were soon at work. A council 
 of war was held ; it was agreed that the General had 
 been too lenient with a dangerous man, and the Marquis 
 was requested to repair to Aberdeen under a i)romise 
 of safe conduct. How far Montrose was directly respon- 
 sible for what followed it is hard to decide. That he 
 had promised more than he was at the time confident 
 of being able to perform is clear ; but it is by no means 
 so clear that he did not do his utmost to keep his promise, 
 and it is unreasonable to brand him with treachery 
 because he was not strong enough to carry the day 
 single-handed against the vote and the committee. 
 Yet though he may have meant to deal honestly with 
 Huntly, when he found himself overborne in the council 
 he certainly seems to have shown little hesitation in acting 
 as the agent of those who had no such scruples. After a
 
 IV HUNTL Y'S IMPRISONMENT 67 
 
 series of trifling and vexatious conditions had been offered 
 and refused, it was intimated that the Marquis would 
 do well to return with them to Edinburgh. Conscious 
 that he was in a trap Huntly first asked that his 
 bond should be restored to him. When this had 
 been done, he asked if he was to go as a prisoner or 
 as a free man. " Make j'our choice," said Montrose 
 shortly. " Then," was the answer, " I will not go as a 
 prisoner, but as a volunteer." Whatever share Mon- 
 trose may have had in this double dealing he was des- 
 tined to pay dear for it on a later day. The Marquis 
 never really forgave him ; and their subsequent alliance 
 proved costlier to Montrose and to the King than their 
 present enmity j^roved to Huntly. 
 
 Montrose marched south with his prize on April 13th, 
 leaving Aberdeen in charge of a committee composed of 
 the Gordons' bitterest foes. Immediately on his arrival 
 at Edinburgh, Huntly was brought before the Tables and 
 pressed to suljscribe the Covenant. " You may take 
 my head from my shoulders," was his answer, " but not 
 my heart from my sovereign." He was at once sent as 
 a prisoner to the Castle, with his heir Lord Cordon 
 wlio had accompanied him from Aberdeen. His second 
 son, Lord Aboyne, should also have been there, but he 
 had been allowed by Montrose to return home on parole 
 to procure money and other necessaries for the journey, 
 and when safe within his own ])orders had easily been 
 persuadcfl to break his word with men who had shown 
 so little care of their own. The House of (rordon, s:ii<l 
 his kinsmen, could not bo left without a head at such a 
 crisis. Lord Lewis, the third son, was too young, and 
 it devolved therefore on liini to play his father's part,
 
 68 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 and to keep the King's tiag flying in the midst of 
 traitors and rebels. 
 
 Montrose reached Edinburgh on April 20th. On 
 May 1st Hamilton anchored in the Firth of Forth with 
 nineteen sail, five thousand men, and some munitions of 
 war. He came too late. Leith had been fortified. 
 Fife and the Lothians were in arms to a man. Among 
 the crowds who thronged the shore to stare at the Eng- 
 lish fleet came the old Dowager Countess of Hamilton, 
 riding on horseback, with pistols at her saddle, and 
 vowing, in a spirit worthy of her ancestor, the grim old 
 Eeforming Earl of Glencairn, to shoot her son dead Avith 
 her own hand should he dare to set a hostile foot on 
 Scottish soil. A stouter heart than Hamilton's might 
 well have shrunk from the prospect before him. His 
 men were raw English peasants, without drill or dis- 
 cipline and careless of the cause for which they had 
 been armed with weapons of whose use they were 
 ignorant. Opposed to them was a people as well 
 equipped and better ofiicered, inflamed with the belief 
 that their religion and liberties were at stake, and 
 resolute to accept no compromise till both had been 
 secured. Present action was plainly impossible ; but 
 useful time might be gained by diplomacy, which, if it 
 could effect nothing else, might serve to remind the 
 Covenanters that Hamilton, though circumstances had 
 placed him at the head of an English army, was still at 
 heart a Scotsman. He therefore landed his men on 
 the little islands of Inchcolm and Inchkeith, where they 
 could be taught at least how to handle their muskets, 
 opened negotiations with the enemy, and commenced a 
 lugubrious correspondence with the King.
 
 IV 
 
 THE TROT OF TURRIFF 69 
 
 Meanwhile Abojme had gone south to find Charles, 
 and had met him at Newcastle. The spirited young 
 fellow undertook to raise his father's vassals, if some 
 help in men- and money were forthcoming. JMoney there 
 was none, but some of the men now lying idle in the 
 Forth might be available. Aboyne was therefore sent 
 back to Scotland with instructions to Hamilton to furnish 
 him with what troops he could spare; but before he 
 could reach the fleet the position of atiairs had again 
 changed. The Gordons had risen without waiting for 
 their young chief, had scattered the Covenanting gar- 
 rison in a skirmish popularly known as th e Trot of 
 Turriff (which marks the virtual lio'/inning of the Civil 
 War')7~an(TTra7r'rc-occui)ir(l Alui 1 1. m. i\Iontro.so had 
 marched iiuiih ugain with a toicc ni tour thousand men. 
 And Hamilton, on whom the eyes of all Eoyalists and 
 Covenanters in Scotland were now anxiously turned, 
 had sent two out of his three regiments south to 
 swell the army Charles was now laboriously mustering 
 at York ! 
 
 This inexplicable movement had been made ))}■ the 
 King's order, Ijut on Hamilton's advice. That advice 
 had been given on May 21st, seven days after the 
 Gordons had risen. The order had been sent on the 
 23rd, and on the next day Charles learned the news from 
 Aberdeen. His j)ositifm was undoubtedly serious. 
 Leslie was advancing to the Border with an army which, 
 though less than nunour made it at Newcastle, was far 
 larjior than the force Chailes had as yet Ijeen aljlo to 
 collect, far readier and far more eager to fight, lint it 
 is clear that such nMnfurcements as Hamilton could 
 furnish, while they could have availed little against the
 
 70 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 trained and resolute troops of Leslie, had been invaluable 
 in tlie North, where the war was as yet rather feudal 
 than national, where the forces on both sides were small 
 and disorganised, and where five thousand men, how- 
 ever unskilful, would have been sufficient to turn the 
 scale on either side. The Royalists held Aberdeen from 
 the 15th to the 20th of May. Had Hamilton joined 
 them before the latter day it would have been necessary 
 to place a larger force at Montrose's disposal, and Leslie's 
 march to the Border must have been checked for the 
 time. But for three weeks the King's lieutenant seems 
 to have remained in complete ignorance that the King's 
 loyal subjects were in arms for him Avithin less than a 
 hundred miles. We have seen that the rising was known 
 at Newcastle on the 24th. It was known in Edinburgh, 
 it was known even to Huntly in his prison, before the 
 regiments had left the Forth. Yet the one man then in 
 Scotland whom it most concerned to know these things 
 for his master's sake, who alone in Scotland had the 
 means and the warrant to profit by the knowledge, who 
 was at liberty to come and go, to receive messengers and 
 to despatch them, who knew that the young Gordon was 
 in communication with the King, who had some ex- 
 perience of military affairs, and Avho, with all his faults, 
 has never been called a coward, sat idly through all that 
 precious time apparently in complete ignorance of events 
 with which all the country round him was ringing. He 
 was still ignorant of them when Aboyne arrived in the 
 Forth on the 29th. Hamilton was profuse in regrets and 
 courtesies. Men he had none to spare ; but he enter- 
 tained his young friend sumptuously on board his own 
 .ship, with discharge of cannon at every health, after
 
 IV HAMILTON'S INACTION 71 
 
 the fashion once in vogue at the Court of Denmark, 
 presented him with a few small field-pieces, and an officer 
 whom he warranted to be of the highest skill, courage, 
 and experience, and who vindicated this praise by earn- 
 ing among the Eoyalists the name of Traitor Gun. Two 
 days later news arrived from Aberdeen, and Aboyne at 
 once sailed north Mith these valuable succours. Some 
 vague promises were indeed held out to him of possible 
 reinforcements, if they could be spared from England ; 
 and it seems that Hamilton, on Aboyne's arrival, had 
 written for more troops, a request which, immediately 
 following the arrival of those he had just parted with, 
 must have considerably puzzled his unfortunate master. 
 That he might possibly have done better to accompany 
 the lad with his remaining regiment than to stay in a 
 place where he had confessed himself unable to be of any 
 service does not appear to have entered into Hamilton's 
 head. 
 
 Meanwhile Montrose had reached Aberdeen, and 
 found his work already done. The loyal barons, without 
 any organisation or military skill, and finding no help 
 where they looked for it in the South, had retreated 
 before the Earl Marischal, and the luckless city was once 
 more in the hands of the Covenant. Now at least tlic 
 punishment which it had twice so righteously deserved 
 would surely not be withheld. The ministers, who had 
 as usual accompanied the troops, pressed Montrose to 
 give uj) to pillage the degenerate to\vn wliidi had for 
 the second time revised to come t(» the help of the hord 
 against the mighty. l>ut again Montrose disajipointcd 
 them. Some violence there was and sonic plmidci-ing. 
 The day after his arrival was Sunday, and while ho and
 
 72 MONTROSE niAi-. 
 
 his officers were at their devotions the soldiers busied 
 themselves in less orthodox fashion. One particular act 
 of wanton cruelty was long remembered. After the 
 Covenanters' last visit the good dames of Aberdeen, 
 allowing their zeal to outrun their judgment, as is some- 
 times still the wont of female politicians, decked their 
 dogs with blue ribbons in scorn of the rebel colours. 
 Furious at this profanation of their precious symbol 
 the soldiers slaughtered every poor brute they could lay 
 hands on. But on the morrow the General took strict 
 order "svith his men. A fine of ten thousand marks was 
 laid upon tlie city. If the money Avas paid by eleven 
 o'clock on the following day, no further harm should be 
 done ; if not, Aberdeen would be given up to plunder. 
 This money was paid punctually, and Aberdeen was 
 spared. 
 
 Two days later, on May 30th, Montrose marched 
 north to punish the Gordons. The castle of Gicht was 
 his first point. But Gicht was strong, its defenders were 
 resolute and skilful, and the Covenanters had no siege- 
 train. For two days and nights Montrose battered the 
 walls in vain, and then fell back, or leaped back as his 
 fashion Avas, on Aberdeen. He had heard that Aboyne 
 Avas on the sea, and never doubted that Hamilton was 
 Avith him, for Montrose had left Edinburgh before the 
 English troops had sailed for Holy Island. If a superior 
 force got between him and the capital it might fare 
 hard with both, and his own Avas not what it had been. 
 Many of his men had deserted, disgusted — so Baillie 
 hints, and probably AA^th truth, for the Highlander Avas not 
 alone then in holding free quarters and indiscriminate 
 pillage to be an essential part of Avarfare — at their
 
 IV ABOYNE TAKES THE FIELD 73 
 
 General's misplaced humanity. Resting his army for a 
 day in Aberdeen, he marched south on June 4th. 
 
 The day after his departure Aboyne dropped anchor 
 in the Dee. Two vessels of sixteen guns each and a 
 Newcastle collier composed his Heet. His fighting force 
 consisted of a few young gentlemen as inexperienced as 
 himself, the field-pieces he had brought from the Forth, 
 and the vaunted Gun. For some days he lay in the 
 harbour, in the vain hojie of more aid from Hamilton ; 
 but the only result of the delay was the defection of 
 some of his comrades whose loyalty was not proof 
 against inaction. An ally, however, appeared from 
 another quarter. His brother, Lord Lewis, a madcap 
 boy of thirteen, marched nito Aberdeen' on Juno TtTi at 
 the~Tiead~ Sf~a thousand of his father's retainers, with 
 pipes sounding, drums beating, and flags flying. Fired 
 at this gallant display the citizens mustered to arms, 
 and on June 14th Aboyne took the field with a some- 
 what miscellaneous army of four thousand men. 
 
 Meanwhile Montrose and Marischal had joined forces 
 at Stonehaven. Their numbers were vastly inferior 
 to AV>o}Tie's, and they were ill supplied Avith cannon. 
 80 little did they like the prospect that they had 
 thoughts of intrenching themselves in Mari.sclial's strong 
 castle of Dunnottar. But Gun's folly, or, as some said, 
 his treachery, came to their aid. AVithin a mile of 
 Stonehaven he turned olT from the high njad ami drew 
 up his men on an open heath ex])o.sed to the full fire of 
 Montrose's giins. Fortunately f<ir Aboyne they were 
 not many ; but they were more than enough for the 
 Highlanders. They crjuld not face the nuLskct's mother, 
 as they called the cannon, and at the lirst di.scharge they
 
 74 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 broke and fled. The citizens followed them, raising a 
 cry of Treachefy ! Only the cavalry stood firm, gallant 
 gentlemen of the house of Gordon, and masking this 
 ignouiinious scene enabled Aboyne to fall back on Aber- 
 deen without pursuit. 
 
 Hitherto Montrose's victories had been bloodless. 
 He had shown, indeed, all the qualities of a great captain 
 that circumstances had permitted — decision, promptness, 
 activity; but he had not yet come to blows with an 
 enemy. The time was now at hand for him to show his 
 metal in hard fighting. 
 
 Aboyne was in a bad plight. The Highlanders were 
 in hot flight back to their mountains. The most part of 
 his artillery and ammunition was on board ship, and the 
 ships were out of reach. The sapient Gun had recom- 
 mended that the little fleet should keep a course parallel 
 to the land route, and that the heavy guns and ammuni- 
 tion should be sent on board not to cumber the march. 
 But the ships had been bloAvn out to sea, and were 
 now no one knew where. Still the gallant young 
 fellow did not despair. There was the chivalry of his 
 House, six hundred strong, well mounted and armed. 
 The citizens Avere ashamed of themselves and afraid of 
 Montrose, who they knew would be soon at their gates. 
 Under these combined feelings they rallied to the 
 vigorous call of Colonel Johnston, their provost's son, 
 and mustered round their young leader. 
 
 Montrose had only waited to bring up some heavier 
 guns from Dunnottar. On the 1 7th an advanced party of 
 his troopers encountered an equal number of the Gordon 
 horse within six miles of the town, and were beaten 
 back with the loss of two men. The Gordons were led
 
 IV MONTROSE'S FIRST BATTLE 75 
 
 by the gallant Johnston, who implored Aboyne to let 
 him advance with the whole body of his cavalry. The 
 advice seemed good to all but Gun, and Aboyne, in the 
 face of repeated warnings, still listened to Gun. 
 
 Yet the prospect was far from hopeless. The Dee 
 was in flood, and the only approach was by the bridge, 
 a fine structure of seven arches, two miles distant from 
 the city. This had been hastily fortified. The gate 
 at the southern end had been closed and strengthened 
 with turf and earth ; the roadway was lined Avith stout 
 citizens who knew how to handle a musket. Johnston was 
 in command, and the cavalry were gathered on the farther 
 bank, ready to act should the passage be forced. On the 
 morning of the 18th tlic attack commenced. Montrose 
 had planted his artillery on a hill a few hundred yards 
 south of the bridge, and under a hot cannonade the 
 Covenanters advanced to the assault. But the guns 
 made more noise than execution, and the Aberdonians 
 were no Highland caterans to be frightened by noise. 
 Twice the assailants fought their way on to the bridge- 
 head, and twice they were beaten back by Johnston and 
 his nuisketcers. Some companies from Dundee, whidi 
 had ever been jealous of Aberdeen, made a special 
 recpicst to Montrose to be allowed to try their hands. 
 He bade them go on in the iiainc of the Covenant, 
 lint HO liot was the fire that met them, and so grim 
 looked the ranks of liorsemen <in the other side, that 
 they wavered ami l)roke before the gate was reached, 
 amid the j'.rs nf the citizens who, like the three 
 Roman.s on the Itridge at Janicuhun, bade their rivals 
 welcome to Al)erdee!i. The spirit of the city rose 
 hi'di. All lanks swore to stand their ground to the
 
 76 MONTROSE ( hai\ 
 
 last ; and women, bringing meat and drink down 
 to their gallant defenders, moved about unshrinking 
 amid the storm of shot and the shouts of the combatants. 
 All day the fight raged, and when the sun fell the 
 Covenanters were forced to own themselves as far from 
 Aberdeen as ever. 
 
 But his countrymen had now to learn that Montrose 
 was one whose courage and resource only rose higher in 
 the face of defeat. During the night he brought two of 
 his heaviest guns up to the gate of the bridge. In the 
 early morning the assault recommenced. A few dis- 
 charges from this new battery soon cleared away the 
 rude defences. At the same time Montrose ordered a 
 body of horse to move up the river as though they had 
 found a ford. Gun at once ordered a counter-demonstra- 
 tion. He was told that there was no ford, that the river 
 was passable only by the bridge, and that so long as 
 that was held the city was safe. His only answer was 
 a threat to throw up his commission if his orders were 
 not obeyed. Aboyne yielded to his evil genius once 
 more, and this time with fatal results. As the Gordons 
 moved up the river, JMontrose ordered a general assault. 
 Middleton led the way — a rough soldier of fortune, 
 whose name appears now for the first time in the history 
 of a country destined to know it well hereafter. Still 
 the defenders fought bravely, and while Johnston was 
 at their head the issue was still doubtful. But a cannon- 
 shot dislodged a part of the parapet of the bridge that 
 fell upon Johnston and crushed his leg. He was with 
 difficulty extricated and carried into the town. A cry 
 rose that he Avas dead. The citizens, without their brave 
 leader, lost heart and gave way. The cavalry, returning
 
 IV HIS CLEMENCY 77 
 
 from their bootless ride, might have charged the 
 Covenanters home as they streamed in disorder across 
 the bridge ; but Gun, swearing that all was lost, gave 
 the sisrnal for flii^ht. "The Gordons never leave the 
 field without charging," said one of them. Another 
 called Gun a coward and a traitor to his face. But the 
 instinct of safety was too strong. The citizens were in 
 flight on all sides, and the chivalry of the Gordons 
 turned their horses' heads north, and galloped oft" to 
 Strathbogie with their young chief and the wretched 
 Gun in the midst of them. Montrose had won his first 
 battle. 
 
 He was determined, however, to save Aberdeen, and 
 he succeeded after a hard struggle. Scarcely were they 
 within the walls when Marischal and the Frasers 
 were urgent with him to give the city up to fire and 
 pillage, in obedience, as they reminded him, to the 
 warrant of his orders, Montrose bade them sleep 
 a night on the matter, Aberdeen, he said, was a great 
 city, the London of the North, and would be of more 
 value to the Covenant and the country as it stood than 
 when laid smoking in ruins. He was successful in ])cr- 
 suading his colleagues not only to adopt his milder 
 measures, but also to sign a paper admitting their share 
 in this disregard of the Covenant's orders. Even then 
 the passions of a victorious soldiery might have prevailed. 
 They had already seized aiul imprisoned those whom 
 they couhl recognise as having been most forward in tlie 
 defence, and had committed other acts of violence. But 
 in the moment of time came the news of the Pacification 
 at Berwick, which had Ijecn actually signed on the T8LI1 
 during the heat of the fight at the bridge. This set the
 
 78 MONTROSE chap, iv 
 
 matter at rest. A fine, foi- tlie second time within the 
 mouth, was imposed on the city: the prisoners were 
 set at liberty ; and Montrose, withdrawing his army 
 to a safe distance, disbanded it on the terms of the 
 treaty.
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 THE SECOND BISHOPS' WAR 
 
 The word pacification can hardly haA'e deceived even the 
 most sanguine advocates of peace. None who knew the 
 character of Charles or of the Scottish nation can have 
 believed in their hearts that any final solution to the 
 quarrel between them had been found at Berwick. It 
 was at most a truce ; and it was soon made clear how 
 short and hollow a truce it Avas destined to be. The 
 Pacification was signed on June 10th, and before the 
 year was out both sides were arming fast again for war. 
 
 It was the old story. Charles had refused to recog- 
 ni.sc the acts of the Glasgow Assembly, as indeed he 
 could not but have refused while he called himself 
 King of Scotland ; but he had agreed that a lawful 
 Asseml>ly should be convened in August at wliich all 
 the ccclesia.stical j)oints at is.suc should ]n\ settled, 
 and that a Parliament should follow to make the 
 settlement good. It liad been his intention to pi'cside 
 in person at both meetings, but the temper of the 
 Scottish capital made him hesitate. Almost ijumediately 
 after the I'acitication he had issued one of his foolish 
 proclamations, summoning tiie lii.shops to take llieii- 
 places in the forthcoming Assemljly, A protestation
 
 8o MONTROSE chap. 
 
 of course followed. Charles was indeed within his 
 legal rights, for Episcopacy had as yet been abolished 
 only by the Glasgow Assembly, Avhich he had refused 
 to acknowledge and which the Covenanters had 
 agreed not to press. But though Episcopacy had not 
 yet been legally abolished, Charles, by renewing the 
 assurances made in his name by Hamilton at Glasgow, 
 had given his word for its abolition. Within a fortnight 
 of this solemn promise he had issued a proclamation 
 which, if there were any meaning in words, could mean 
 only one of two things ; he was summoning the bishops 
 to vote for their own extinction, or he was summoning 
 them to quash the motion for their extinction by their 
 own votes. It is no wonder that the Scottish people, 
 with their previous experience of the royal diplomacy, 
 chose the latter interpretation, and, finding that the King 
 was breaking his share of the treaty, made no haste to 
 keep theirs. The army was not disbanded ; the Tables 
 were not dissolved ; the fortifications of Leith were not 
 dismantled. The fortresses were indeed restored to the 
 Crown, but Hamilton had to make his way through sullen 
 and menacing crowds to install a new governor in Edin- 
 burgh Castle. A few days later Aboyne, who had im- 
 prudently shown himself on the High Street, was forced to 
 fly for his life, while the unfortunate Treasurer was for the 
 second time roughly handled by the mob. Charles, who 
 was still at Berwick, sent in anger for the Covenanting 
 leaders to explain these things. Only six obeyed the sum- 
 mons. The rest were stopped, or pretended to have been 
 stopped, as they were leaving Edinburgh, by the citizens, 
 who would not suffer their champions to place themselves 
 in the King's power. But among the six was Montrose.
 
 MONTROSE AND THE KING 8i 
 
 It is an iufinite pity that no report exists of any 
 interview between Montrose and the King during this 
 visit. We know that Hamilton was instructed to confer 
 with the Covenanting chiefs, and to use any device 
 necessary to discover their intentions. We knoAV that 
 there was a stormy scene between Charles and Eothes, 
 in which the latter was twice called a liar to his face. 
 But how it fared between ]\Iontrose and his sovereign 
 history is silent. How it was believed in Scotland to 
 have fared between them is sufficiently shown by an 
 incident which occurred soon after the meeting of Parlia- 
 ment. A paper was found one morning on the door 
 of ^Montrose's lodgings bearing the inscription, Invictit s 
 armis verhis vincitur. It began now to be whispered 
 abroad tkat tlie gallant young enthusiast who had led 
 the soldiers of the Covenant to their first victory had 
 in his turn been conquered by gracious looks and fair 
 speeches. 
 
 The belief was natural in a society where no man 
 could tmst liis neighbour. And there was possibly this 
 much foundation for it, that Charles had succeeded in 
 persuading Montrose that he was now really sincere in 
 his intention to abolish Episcopacy and leave Scotland 
 free to worship God after her own fashion. It is at 
 least unlikely that Hamilton, whatever language ho 
 might speak, shouM h;ivc persuaded him td ;iiiything. 
 An<I the change that is now perceptible in Montrose's 
 attitude both towards King and Covenant is com- 
 patible with our belief in his intelligence and honesty 
 only on the ground that he Ijelievcd the work of 
 the Covenant, as lie interpreted it, to have been done, 
 that he believed Charles to have learnt lii.s lesson, 
 
 G
 
 82 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 and that thenceforth it Avas the part of every true Scots- 
 man to stand by the King so long as the King stood 
 by liis ■word. 
 
 But in truth Montrose understood his countrymen as 
 little as he understood the King. He had framed for 
 himself an ideal constitution as unlike anything possible 
 in such a country and at such a time as the ideal 
 sovereign of his imagination was unlike the reality. 
 His political views were in truth a dream like Dante's, 
 but, like the great Italian's, a dream based on what had 
 been in the past, and an anticipation in part at least of 
 Avhat was to be again in the future, — the dream of a real 
 State, a government based on justice and law and sup- 
 ported by obedience. A parallel has been drawn 
 between Montrose and that singularly interesting and 
 attractive man, William Drummond of Hawthorndeii. 
 Fanciful as the resemblance may at first seem between 
 the fiery ambitious man of action and the shy meditative 
 man of letters, the parallel is on one side good. Drum- 
 mond, it is said, was a passive or theoretical Montrose, 
 Montioso a lampant or practical Drummond. The 
 latter's Irenp, indeed embodies, in moi-e elaborate detail 
 and more fanciful language, the peculiar form of Scottish 
 Conservatism which Montrose was afterwards to express 
 in a remarkable paper rescued by the industry of his 
 biographer from two centuries of neglect. The plan of 
 each discourse is very similar. Both draw a picture of 
 tlie hopeless state of anarchy and confusion into which 
 Scotland must fall if certain evil counsels j^revail. Mon- 
 trose, Avriting later in time and influenced by personal 
 dislike as well as disappointment, aims clearly at 
 Hamilton and Argyll ; while Drummond includes in his
 
 V MONTROSE AND DRUMMOND 83 
 
 censure all the noblemen who had joined the Covenant, 
 and Montrose among them, openly accusing the majority 
 of acting solely under the influence of private revenge 
 and ambition. Both then proceed to appeal to each 
 Estate particularly, to the nobles, the clergy, and the 
 people. In both is the same recognition of the necessity 
 for a paramount authority in the State, and the convic- 
 tion that from the temper of the times that authority 
 must be vested in the hands of a king. In both is the 
 same dislike of all clerical interference, whether Episco- 
 palian or Presbyterian, in matters of State. Both show 
 the same mistrust of any alliance between the aristocracy 
 and the people. Both warn the latter in almost the 
 same strain that they are not fit for poAver, and that the 
 nobles who would persuade them otherwise can do so 
 only for their own selfish ends. Both, in short, may be 
 said to preach the doctrine of passive obedience; but 
 both imagine a king under whose wise and beneficent 
 rule passive obedience should mean no more than happy 
 and prosperous quiescence in the secure enjoyment of 
 their religion and liberties. Of the two Drummond Mas 
 readiest to i)ush his doctrine to its last conclusion, as 
 the man of theory always will be. Resolved on no 
 consideration and in no extremity to suffer himself to 
 Ije dragged into the vortex of politics, in the solitude of 
 his beautiful home on the wooded banks of the Esk ho 
 could weave his fairy faVjric without any disturbing 
 sense of its impracticability. Montrose, with his active 
 experience of men an<l tilings, could not quite l)lind 
 himself to the jjossibility of a king under whom passive 
 obedience might Ijc only another name for tyrunny. 
 Yet he was practical to this extent, that, while tlio otlier
 
 84 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 was content to dream, he Avas ready to put his dream 
 into action. He would carry into the sphere of working 
 politics the reform on which they were both agreed. 
 He would be the active exponent of the ideal Constitution 
 under Charles the ideal King. Yet both are at one in 
 recommending the subject patience even under the worst 
 sovereign. It is better, they argue, to bear the ills we 
 have and trust to time to cure them, than to fly to others 
 we know nothing of. And of all forms of tyranny, says 
 Montrose, the tyranny of subjects over their king is 
 "the most fierce, insatiable, and unsupportable in the 
 world." Drummond, who could on occasion speak 
 boldly enough for the liberty of the subject, and who 
 disliked religious intolerance in any shape and from any 
 quarter, foresaw that in this respect at least the Covenant 
 was likely to chastise with scorpions where Charles had 
 chastised ■with whips. Passive obedience to a king who 
 had shown himself (as he, like Montrose, believed) ready 
 to remove the old yoke and resolved to add no new one, 
 was surely more tolerable than passive obedience to a 
 league of self-seeking nobles and fanatical clergymen.^ 
 
 In the summer of 1639 Montrose had not formally 
 broken with the Covenant, nor was his scheme of politi- 
 cal reform probably as yet fully matured. Nevertheless, 
 he was soon to have an opportunity of making trial of 
 
 ^ See Memoirs of Montrose, chap, xv., and Professor Masson's 
 Drummond of Hmothorndcn, pp. 272-287 and 343-348. The Irene 
 was not published in Drunnnond's lifetime, but copies were freely 
 circulated in manuscript towards the latter end of 1638. Mr. Masson 
 thinks that the Xohle Lord to whom one of the copies was sent, with 
 a note containing the significant words, "Force hath less power over 
 a great heart than duty," may have been Montrose; and Mark Napier 
 thinks that tha Nohle Sir to whom Slontrose addressed his state-paper
 
 V THE LORDS OF THE ARTICLES 85 
 
 his countiymen's temper, and of learning how utterly he 
 had misconceived it. 
 
 The first act of the new Assembly was to sweep 
 Episcopacy off the face of Scottish earth. The first act 
 of the new Parliament was to ratify the decision of the 
 Assembly. But before it could eftect this ecclesiastical 
 reform it had to consider a question of political reform 
 which was infinitely more important to the King's 
 authority. Hitherto the committee known as the Lords 
 of the Articles had been so formed as to be practically 
 no mor6 than the mouthpiece of the Crown ; and as no 
 bills co uld be presented to Parliamgnt till th'SyTad 
 passe3Uiis committee, and, when so presented, could 
 only"n)e accepted or rejected in their entirety without 
 amendment or alteration, it is clear that the power of 
 the Scottish Parliament as a national asscmlily was little 
 more than a cipher. This state of thini:s was due to the 
 influence possessed by the bishops in the formation of 
 the committee. But now tliat the bishops had gone, 
 by whom was this influence to be exercised % Charles 
 M'ould have been glad to see it exercised by a corre- 
 sponding number of ministers, who might at some more 
 tranquil time l)e translated into bishops. But this was 
 obnoxious to all parties. The noliles would not consent to 
 share their power with the clergy, and the clergy would 
 not consent to see any of their order elevated above 
 
 may have been Drummon<l. Tlie paper was found by Naidir in a 
 volume of tran-scripts in Wodrow's handwriting in the Advocates' 
 Lilirary, where it must liiivi- lain for many years nnroad and ap- 
 l>arcntly unsuspected. Wodrow liiinself has made no allusion to 
 it in his Analcda, nor has any 8ubse<|ucnt writer noticed it on 
 either side. In short, from the time it was written (1G10-1611) 
 till Najnor published his biography, it has never entered history. 
 
 1
 
 86 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 the rest. Business was made possible hy a compromise ; 
 but as tlie compromise entailed a majority of Covenanters 
 ou the committee, the business was not palatable to the 
 King. It was now that the two great rivals, Montrose 
 and Argyll, were first brought into direct conflict. 
 Montrose would not support Charles in filling the 
 bishops' places with other clergymen, though they 
 should wear the black gown of Geneva instead of the 
 hated lawn-sleeves. But he had no mind to see the 
 authority of the Crown a cipher, and the King without 
 a voice among the new Lords of the Articles. He 
 proposed, therefore, that the bishops' places should 
 be taken by a corresponding number of noblemen to 
 be chosen by the King. In his ideal State the Crown 
 and the nobility should mutually support and counter- 
 poise each other, both acting together against the 
 dangerous encroachments of the people. Far different 
 were Argyll's views, AVith clearer eyes than Montrose 
 he read the signs of the times, and saw what the victory 
 of the Covenant really meant. He saw that it meant 
 the inevitable rise of the middle classes to a share in the 
 control of public affairs. He saw that the old monarchical 
 supremacy and the old aristocratic supremacy were alike 
 doomed, and that henceforth his order, if it would 
 retain any vestige of its ancient influence, could do so' 
 only by acquiescing in a partition it was powerless to 
 prevent. Henceforth the Scottish Parliament, like the 
 English Parliament, must represent the voice, not of the 
 sovereign, but of the jieople. Nor was this recognition 
 unpleasing to an ambition far other and more dangerous 
 than the generous desire for fame which swelled the 
 heart of Montrose. As a member of the old aristocracy
 
 V ARGYLL'S VLCTORY 87 
 
 he was but one among many, richer, indeed, and more 
 powerful than most, but subject Hke the rest to the 
 caprice of a king, and to the jealousy, the intrigues, and 
 the violence of his peers. But -with a national Parlia- 
 ment at his back, speaking and acting as the mouthpiece 
 and agent of a people, he might rise in fact to that 
 power his countrymen would no longer brook in name. 
 Conscious of mental abilities and a genius for statecraft 
 immeasurably superior to those around him, he felt con- 
 fident of wielding to his avm ends this new force that he 
 saw rising on the ruins of the old. And Argyll carried 
 the day, though not without a hard struggle. By a 
 majority of only one it Avas determined that in future 
 each Estate should choose its own Lords. Henceforth 
 the nobles would be represented by eight votes, the 
 lesser barons and burghers by sixteen ; and thus at one 
 stroke the voice of the sovereign was silenced in the 
 Scottish Parliament. In the first direct struggle between 
 Montrose and Argyll there could be no doubt Avith whom 
 victory rested. Under their new constitution the 
 Covenanting majority carried all before them. Epis- 
 copacy Avas abolished, not, as Charles Avould have had, 
 as contrary to the usage of the Scottish Church, but as 
 actually unlawful. A general tax Avas to be levied, to 
 cover the expenses of the late Avar, on Koyalists as avcU 
 as on Covenanters. The castles of Edinburgh, Stirling, 
 and Dumbarton Avere to be entrusted to the charge of 
 none but Scottish subjects, avIio, though chosen by the 
 King, Avcrc to be approved by Parliament, No more 
 drastic Reform l^.ill ha.s, in short, been ]>asscd oven 
 in our oavh centuiy. Charles at once sent orders to 
 Traquair to prorogue a Parliament under which the very
 
 88 MONTROSE chap 
 
 existence of the Crown was at stake. The Treasurer 
 was at once met Avith tlie answer that Parliament could 
 not be prorogued without its own consent. A short 
 adjournment was therefore arranged, and two Covenant- 
 ing lords, Loudon and Dunfermline, were despatched 
 to plead their case in London. 
 
 Charles had been informed of Montrose's action 
 during this momentous time by that Earl of Airth 
 whose disgrace and subsequent reinstatement has been 
 already mentioned. The result was a summons to 
 Court for the repentant Covenanter. But Montrose 
 excused himself on the ground that the visit would 
 bi-eed suspicion both of himself and of the King, and so 
 tend to prevent the accommodation of existing difficulties 
 which they both desired. " I hope," he wrote, " that 
 your Majesty will do me the honour to think that this 
 is no shift, — for all of that kind is too much contrary 
 to my humour, chiefly in what your Majesty or your 
 service is concerned in — but that, as I have ever been 
 bold to avow, there are no things your Majesty shall be 
 pleased to command me in — persuading myself they will 
 be still such as befits and do suit with all most incumbent 
 duties — that I shall not think myself born to perform 
 as your Majesty's most loyal and faithful subject and 
 servant." 
 
 These things passed in the autumn of 1G39. The 
 winter wore itself out in barren diplomacies and pre- 
 parations for war on l)oth sides. The Scottish Com- 
 missioners could do nothing Avith the King, and Parlia- 
 ment was prorogued till the following June. Strafford 
 was now supreme in the royal councils, and that im- 
 perious voice Avas never for submission. At this time,
 
 V APPEAL TO THE FRENCH KING 89 
 
 moreover, a discovery was made which gave fresh weight 
 to Strafford's arguments and fresh heart to his peri)lexed 
 raastei". A letter had fallen into Traquair's hands 
 addressed by some of the leading Covenanters to the 
 French King, praying him to come to their aid. This, 
 it was thought, would surely establish the treasonable 
 nature of the Scottish movement. But when the letter 
 was read before the English Parliament, which met on 
 April 13th, it made no impression on either House. 
 Both were too intent on their own affairs — the pressing 
 question of Ship-Money among others — to interfere in a 
 matter Avhich, so far as it concerned them at all, made 
 for their own interests. The Scottish Covenanters were 
 the very good neighbours of the English malcontents, 
 and no obstacle was to be put in their way to work out 
 their own salvation. Lewis, to Avhom a second letter 
 had been addressed on the miscarriage of the first, 
 was too cautious to enter into a quarrel which conld 
 be safely trusteil to shape itself to his own gain. 
 Loudon, who was then in London as one of tlie Com- 
 nitSswners, and wliose name was subscribed to tlie letter, 
 wa.s indeed sent to the Tower on a charge of treasonable 
 conspiracy ; but nothing could be brought home to him, 
 and he was soon released. Parliament did not choose 
 to adopt Charles's interpretation of words that could be 
 strained to bear a less criminal significance ; and the 
 affair passed quickly out of sight.' 
 
 ' Tlic letter was addressed nu Tioi, iind tliis, it wns argued by 
 tlie Lord Kenpor, ini|)lu'<l tlint tlic writers rcrogniscd Lewis as Uieir 
 king, tliat style being only used by subjects to tlieir sovereign. 
 This .seems ati unnecessary point to have raised. The letter was 
 jilaiidy an ayijienl for aid from Frani-e by subjects of tlie Enj^disli 
 King, and as such came certainly witliin the range of u treasonable
 
 90 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 Among the signatories to the French King was 
 Montrose. Whether this was done to hill the growing 
 suspicions of his colleagues, or done through fresh mis- 
 trust of Charles's clerical policy, it is hard to determine. 
 Probably both motives were at work in a mind that 
 could as yet see firm ground nowhere. At all events, 
 when on reassembling in June the vScottish Parliament 
 aimed a further blow at the royal authority by the 
 appointment of a permanent Committee of Estates 
 with sui)reme power both in military and civil matters, 
 Montrose was named among the noblemen, with his 
 kinsmen, Napier and Stirling, among the lesser barons. 
 In obedience to the orders of this new power he at once 
 proceeded to his own territories to levy men for the 
 army a second time mustering under Leslie for the 
 Border. AVhile engaged in this business he was com- 
 missioned to effect the reduction of Airlie Castle, the 
 main stronghold of the loyalists in the shire of Angus. 
 The chief of the Ogilvies, lately raised to the earldom 
 of Airlie, was then with the King, having left his house 
 in charge of his eldest son. The work was accomplished 
 without resort to arms or any violence. Lord Ogilvy, 
 after conference with the commissioner, rendered his 
 father's castle quietly, being in truth in no position to 
 defend it, for the good of the public, as the convenient 
 phrase ran ; and Montrose, leaving a garrison of his 
 own men in chai'ge of it, marched south to join Leslie. 
 
 Unfortunately for the loyal North, and most un- 
 
 correspondence. Loudon's assertion that ho did not understand 
 French, and that so far as he knew tlie letter was perfectly harm- 
 less, was sheer impudence. The indifference of Parliament proves 
 liow good was the understanding between England and Scotland, 
 and how lielpless Charles really was.
 
 COMMISSIONS OF FIRE AND SWORD 91 
 
 fortunately for the House of Airlie, others besides 
 Montrose had been entrusted Avith the charge of 
 "pacification." Commissions had been also issued for 
 that i)urpose to Monro, one of the roughestand most 
 brutal pupils of tTicT^ernuui wars, and to Argyll. To 
 Monro^was assigned the district ot ADerdeen, while 
 Argyll was to take order with the more southern High- 
 lands. Commissions of fire and sword the style ran, 
 and seldom can it have been more literally vindicated. 
 Monro harried Aberdeen and the surrounding country, 
 destroying what he could not remove, putting some of 
 the citizens to torture after a fashion inactised in his 
 school of war, and carrying back a crowd of prisoners to 
 Edinburgh. Argyll did his work even more thoroixghly. 
 ^Montrose had a'dvised him of the surrender of Airlie 
 Castle, and that all was now quiet on the braes of 
 Angus. But not thus was Argyll to be balked of his 
 vengeance. Between the Campbells and the Ogilvies 
 there had been feud for many generations, and so rare 
 a chance of masking private vengeance under the 
 cloak of duty was not to be lost. ]\Iontrose's garrison 
 was dismissed, and the Bonny House of Airlie burned 
 to the ground. Forthar, the seat of Lord Ogilvy, was 
 next served in the .same fashion, the young lord's wife, 
 who was then daily expecting her confinement, being 
 turned out of doors, her own family only venturing at 
 their own ri.sk, and after permission had been asked 
 and refused, to shelter the unhappy outcast. Craig, an 
 unfortified Ijuilding, and therefore not rightly within 
 this strange poacemakcr'.s commission, but also the pro- 
 perty of an Ogilvy, shared the same fate. Argyll next 
 turned his attention to the lauds of Brcadall)anc, but
 
 92 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 finding his way barred by Atliole with a force almost 
 amounting to one -fourth of his own, he preferred to 
 effect by diplomacy what he dared not put to the trial 
 of the sword. Athole, unmindful of the fate of Huntly, 
 was caught in the same snare. Under promise of a 
 safe-conduct he was persuaded Avith his captains to 
 meet Argyll in conference. The conference Avas an 
 ambuscade. The whole party were seized and sent as 
 prisoners to Edinburgh. Then, after settling a long- 
 standing account with the Macdonalds, against whom 
 he held a twofold grudge as hereditary foes of his House 
 and as friends and in some sort vassals of the House of 
 Gordon, and laying Badenoch waste from Lochaber to 
 Braemar, this great warrior returned in triumph to 
 Edinburgh to impeach Montrose for treason against the 
 Covenant in dealing too leniently with its enemies. 
 
 From this ridiculous charge Montrose found little 
 difficulty in exonerating himself. Argyll would have 
 had him tried by court-martial, but neither Leslie nor 
 the Committee of Estates would entertain the j^roposal, 
 and Montrose was unanimously pronounced to have 
 done his duty as a true soldier of the Covenant. But 
 he had now far more serious matter for thought than 
 this paltry ebullition of temper. While in Leslie's camp 
 at Dunse a proposal was submitted to him, which of 
 all men in Scotland he was the last to hear calmly. 
 Already there had been some secret debate among the 
 extreme party of the right of subjects to depose a faith- 
 less king, and Argyll had already maintained in Parlia- 
 ment the right of the Estates to pass laws without the 
 royal sanction. How far matters had gone Montrose 
 did not yet know, but he had other grounds than mere
 
 V THE DICTATORSHIP 93 
 
 pique for suspecting Argyll and his faction of some 
 deep design against the King's authority. The plan 
 now submitted to him confirmed his worst suspicions. 
 It inflamed his jealousy of Argyll, Avhile threatening to 
 break for ever the dream he still cherished of placing 
 Charles at the head of a constitutional government with a 
 Presbyterian Church. The precise details of the scheme 
 are rather obscure ; for when it afterwards became 
 matter of public inquiry, those most directly concerned 
 repudiated all knowledge of it. There seem in fact to 
 have been more than one scheme, that submitted to 
 Montrose having been chosen as least likely to alarm 
 his inconvenient loyalty, while at the same time oflering 
 a sop to his ambition by assigning him a share in the 
 executive. According to this the government of Scot- 
 land was to be placed in the hands of a Triumvirate, 
 consisting of Argyll, Mar, and Cassillis. Argyll was to 
 rule all the lands beyond the Forth, while the southern 
 counties were to be in charge of his colleagues. A 
 committee or council was to work with the Triumvirate, 
 and in this ^lontrose's name had been inserted. But 
 though the particulars of the various schemes may have 
 differed, they all juactically tended to the same end. 
 Whether he was to stand alone, an absolute dictator, or 
 to be one of a nominal council, Argyll was the only 
 man who could save Scotland in her present straits. 
 
 But Montrose had a party as well as Argyll. Besides 
 the few who, like Naj)ier and Stirling, looked to him as 
 their head, there were many who, while not sharing his 
 sanguine loyalty, and jtcihajjs not altogctlier trusting 
 him, were agreed with him that the time had conio 
 when the Covenant needed to be saved from itself.
 
 94 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 They were indeed in much the same predicament as 
 Montrose himsslf, though his pecuhar temperament and 
 aspiring genius made impossible for him what was 
 merely troublesome for men of commoner mould. They 
 had subscribed the Covenant not to destroy their king, 
 but to save their religion. They had subscribed it, in 
 short, without sufficiently considering whether it must 
 inevitably lead them among such a people and at such 
 a time, unless Charles were to undergo some marvellous 
 change in his nature and ideas which only dreamers 
 could hope for, and which, it is not too much to say, no 
 man then wearing a crown was likely to undergo. To 
 dethrone Charles merely to set up Argyll in his place 
 was to their taste neither as Scotsmen nor Covenanters. 
 To this party Montrose determined to appeal. A con- 
 versation held with Lindsay during a hasty visit to 
 Edinburgh convinced him that this idea of a dictator- 
 ship was no mere fancy of Argyll's ambitious brain, nor 
 promoted only by his creatures. 
 
 In seasons of great peril 
 'Tis good that one bear sway. 
 
 Almost in these words, and using this very illustration 
 from the practice of ancient Kome, did Lindsay in 
 private approve a scheme of which he afterwards pub- 
 licly disowned all knowledge. Montrose accordingly 
 resolved to play these men at their own game, and 
 to form a counter-plot in the interests of Scotland, 
 her Covenant, and her King. This was the origin of 
 the secret alliance known as the Cumbernauld Bond, 
 from the place where it was sighed, the house of 
 Montrose's uncle Lord Wigton. " Montrose's damnable
 
 V THE CUMBERNAULD BOND 95 
 
 bond," Baillie calls it, "by which he thought to have 
 sold us to the enemy ; " but he is careful not to quote 
 it, nor to give the names of the subscribers. Among 
 them were Mar, the governor of Stirling Castle, Almond, 
 Leslie's second in command on the Border, and Erskine, 
 whose accession to the cause Baillie had welcomed but 
 a short while since as a signal instance of God's mercy. 
 The' presence of such names sufficiently proves the 
 genuine nature of the bond, and disposes of the 
 assertion that it was merely designed by Montrose to 
 further his own personal aggrandisement or in treachery 
 to the Covenant. The purpose of its subscribers 
 is plainly declared in the clause levelled against the 
 "particular and indirect practising of a few," by which 
 the Covenant that they had signed and pledged them- 
 selves anew to promote "to the hazard of their lives, 
 fortunes, and estates," was now brought into danger, 
 and with the Covenant the country. That Argyll 
 and his scheme of dictatorship were the danger ahead 
 was of course understood by all who signed ; but this 
 danger was as manifest to ]\Iar, Almond, and Erskine as 
 to Montrose. 
 
 Having thus, as he supposed, provided the means of 
 checkmating Argyll and his faction, Montrose returned 
 to the army. He found it on the point of entering 
 England. The spot chosen was the ford over the 
 Tweed at C'olrl.stream. It was a strange irony of fate 
 that twenty"ycars" later led another army southwards 
 by the same ford to restore to his throne the exiled 
 King for whom Montrose had given his life, and against 
 whoso father he Was tliis day in arms ! The river was 
 in Hood, and for three days the army halted on the
 
 96 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 plain of Hirselhaiigli. On Angust 20th the passage was 
 practicable. But whethei* at the last moment they 
 shrank from incurring the charge of rebellion against 
 which they had all so strenuously protested, but which, 
 when the Rubicon was once passed, they would no 
 longer be able to avoid, or from a preconcerted plan to 
 test Montrose's good faith, there was a strange un- 
 willingness among the leaders to be the first to make 
 the passage. It was agreed to cast lots. The lot fell 
 on Montrose. Instantly he sprang from his horse, and 
 entering the stream waded through waist-high to the 
 farther bank. Then returning he led his division 
 across. The whole army followed, each captain wading 
 on foot at the head of his men. The passage was begun 
 at four in the afternoon, and by midnight five-and- 
 twenty thousand armed Scotchmen were encamped on 
 English ground. 
 
 His earliest biographer, the loyal and aflfectionate 
 Wishart, maintains that it was Montrose's purpose, 
 when once fairly across the Border, to carry his own 
 men over to the English camp ; and that, if his friends 
 had kept their faith, so large a part of the Scottish army 
 had gone with him that the rest could have effected 
 nothing. It is possible that some such plan may have 
 crossed his mind for the moment. His own regiments, 
 men of Perthshire and Forfarshire, raised under his own 
 supervision and many of them his own tenants, would 
 have followed whithersoever he chose to lead them. 
 Nor is it impossible that many of his colleagues who, 
 like him, had put their hands prematurely to the 
 plough, and were now, like him, looking back, might 
 have welcomed any opportunity of extricating them-
 
 V MONTROSE AND WISH ART 97 
 
 selves from a false position. But Wishart vouchsafes no 
 authority for his statement. No hint of such a design 
 is to be found elseAvhere. It Avas not made a charge 
 against jVIontrose during his trial before the Estates in 
 the following year, though it is impossible to sui)pose 
 that a secret shared by so many would not have leaked 
 out when the tide had turned against its author. We 
 may therefore suppose that the generous biographer was 
 only endeavouring to find for an action which he con- 
 ceived to need some explanation, an excuse which his 
 own uncompromising loyalty would prevent him from 
 seeing in its true light. Against treason treachery itself 
 would in his eyes be fair. To Wishart the Covenant 
 had always l>een an unlawful and impious league, 
 masking under dishonest professions of reverence to 
 God and King designs subversive of the authority of 
 both. He had himself stood stoutly out against it 
 from the first, for which he had been deprived of his 
 ministry, despoiled of his property, and flung a prisoner 
 into the Tolbooth. Such a man may be pardoned for 
 failing to understand his hero's conduct at this crisis ; 
 lie may be pardoned for being unable to appreciate 
 the peculiar nature of tliat loyalty to the Throne which 
 could allow a man to bear arms against its occujjant. 
 Kveii passive adherence to the Covenant was incom- 
 patible in his pliiiii mind with duty In liis Kin.i: : lie 
 would have preferred to believe his hero capable of 
 treachery to the rebels whose commission he had 
 accepted, ratlier tliiin of disloyalty to the mf)narrh whom 
 he i)rofcsse<l to serve, lint we iiuist hope that \\'ishart 
 was mistaken ; and that if siu-h a course of action at any 
 time crossed Montrose's mind, lie put it away from biiii 
 
 II
 
 98 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 as unwortliy of an honest man. Yet in truth it is not 
 easy to reconcile Montrose's behaviour during tl)e past 
 few mouths with his presence in the army which was 
 now at open war with its sovereign. The time was 
 indeed critical enough to have perplexed an older and 
 a cooler head. Even were he now convinced that to 
 declare frankly for the King Avas the only course con- 
 sistent with his duty to his country, to do so before he 
 was strong enough to make his declaration good might 
 for ever ruin his prospects of serving either country or 
 King. By still siding with the Covenant he might yet 
 be able to guide it to a sense of its true purpose. "With 
 what feelings Montrose saw the royal cavalry flying in 
 disgraceful panic before his countrymen at Newburn, 
 and Newcastle unbar its gates at the first sound of the 
 Scottish drum, we cannot tell. That he bore his part 
 like a brave and skilful captain we may be sure ; but 
 that figure wading sword in hand through the swollen 
 waters of the Tweed is the sole glimpse of Montrose 
 that history affords through the brief and inglorious 
 campaign to Avhich it has given the name of the Second 
 Bishops' War. Once, indeed, he is mentioned in a 
 way which suggests how keenly the Royalists kept 
 their eyes on him both as a present foe and a pos- 
 sible friend. Writing to the King from Darlington 
 on August 30tli Strafford reports as the most significant 
 item of news a rumour that Montrose had fallen in 
 the affair at Newburn. His signature also appears, 
 along Avith Leslie's, Almond's, and the rest of his 
 principal colleagues, to one of those extraordinary 
 documents in which the Covenanters still continued to 
 profess their peaceful and loyal intentions. Of this
 
 V THE TEE A TV OF RIPON 99 
 
 there will be more to say hereafter. For the present 
 we may leave to the historian the narrative of the 
 events -which led to the Treaty of Ripon and to the 
 King's second and last -snsit to Scotland. IMontrose had 
 pressed him to come ; and when he came Montrose was 
 a prisoner in the hands of their common enemies.
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 THE PLOT AND THE INCIDENT 
 
 The suspicions which Montrose had managed to allay 
 for a time in the field, now broke out against him with 
 renewed force when arms once more gave place to diplo- 
 macy. "While the Scots lay in garrison at Newcastle, 
 letters passed freely between them and the English camp. 
 Before crossing the Tweed a general order had been 
 issued by Leslie that no commvmication should be held 
 with the enemy except under his warrant. Anything 
 in the nature of a secret correspondence was declared 
 treasonable, and he who held it liable to the punish- 
 ment of a traitor. With this offence Montrose was now 
 charged. AYhile the negotiations for the Treaty of 
 Eipon were proceeding, Avord was brought to Leslie 
 that a letter had gone from Montrose to the King which 
 had never passed under the eyes of the Committee. 
 How the secret was discovered is not clear. It may 
 have been, as Wishart and other contemporaries haA'O 
 maintained, through the treachery of some member of 
 the King's own household. It may have been through 
 sheer accident, according to Burnet's story. The 
 manner of the discovery is unimportant ; the fact of 
 the letter is certain. When taxed with it before the
 
 CHAP. VI MONTROSE'S LETTER TO THE KING loi 
 
 Committee, ^Montrose made no attempt at denial or 
 excuse. At once and boldly avowing what he had 
 done, he challenged any man present to say that he had 
 done \vrong. He had written to the King, professing 
 his obedience and loyalty. AVhat tlien 1 Had they not 
 all, but the other day, signed a humble petition to his 
 majesty in the character of his most loyal and obedient 
 subjects ■? Their articles of war forbade all secret 
 correspondence with the enemy. AVhat man among 
 them would venture to call his sovereign an enemy 1 
 Did not the same articles declare that, " If any man 
 shall open his mouth against the King's majesty's person 
 or authority, or shall presume to touch his sacred person, 
 he shall be punished as a traitor " 1 The Committee was 
 in a strait. They knew that Montrose was fooling them, 
 but they could not gainsay him. Leslie indeed, more 
 apt at Avar than council and impatient of such nice dis- 
 tinctions, muttered that he had known princes lose their 
 heads for less faults. But his colleagues dared not 
 accept the alternative Montrose offered tliein. They 
 could not deny the letter of their own law, and they 
 did not feel strong enough to refuse his wide inter- 
 pretation of its spirit. They were in truth in the un- 
 comfortable position of being caught in their own snare. 
 But though victory was for the time with Montrose, 
 it wa.s but a momentary gleam. His enemies were ever 
 on the watch to catch him tripjnng, and tliey soon found 
 graver matter against liini. In the following November 
 the young T^ord Boy<l, Montrose's relation and oik; of 
 the signatories of the Cunibcnuudd Bond, lay dying 
 of a malignant fever. In his deliriiun he uttered 
 sunie rumbling words about a .secret uhiili, reported to
 
 I02 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 Argyll, were enough to put those quick wits on the track. 
 Almond Avas then at his house at Callen Jar on leave from 
 Newcastle, and from him Argyll soon contrived to learn 
 all about the Bond and who had signed it. Montrose 
 was at once summoned to Edinburgh to answer this new 
 accusation of treason. He took the same course before 
 the Estates that he had taken before the Committee 
 at Newcastle. He avowed what he had done, and justi- 
 fied it by the dangers then threatening Scotland and the 
 Covenant. There was hot debate, and some, especially 
 among the clergymen, would have made it a capital 
 offence. But Argyll knew that his party was not yet 
 strong enough to carry matters with so high a hand. 
 Montrose did not stand alone. Some good Covenanters 
 had shared in his treason. Almond and Mar and Mari- 
 schal. And there were others whom half Leslie's army 
 would have marched on the capital to save or revenge. 
 Montrose himself was quite as much feared as he was 
 hated by his accusers. They knew he had many friends 
 among the Covenanters, and suspected he might have 
 more than they knew. He must be separated from 
 them before it would be safe to proceed to extremities 
 asrainst him. Moreover there were some who still 
 thought it might not be too late to win this high spirit 
 and ready genius to their side. He was ambitious, and 
 events might so shape their course that the Covenant 
 would be able to feed his ambition more liberally than 
 the King. So this offence too was passed over. The 
 Bond was surrendered and burned : the subscribers 
 signed a declaration that they had meant nothing by it 
 against the common weal ; and once again the Covenant 
 was outwardly at peace with itself.
 
 vr HIS RASHNESS 103 
 
 But even after these two warninsis Montrose could 
 not keep quiet. The very opposite to Argyll on every 
 side of his character, while the latter bided the time that 
 he foresaw must come with eyes and ears ever open and 
 tongue ever still, Montrose roamed restlessly about the 
 country between the army at NeAvcastle and his own 
 home, talking wildly to whomsoever wouUl listen. 
 The purpose of the burned Bond, Argyll's dictator- 
 ship, his meditated attack on the royal authority, — 
 he poured all theso dangerous secrets out to his com- 
 rade of the hour, careless Avho he might be. Once 
 he talked in this strain in the presence of no less 
 a person than old Leslie himself, as they were riding 
 from Chester to Newcastle with a Colonel Cochrane. 
 The prudent Colonel did not care for such talk in such 
 company, and begged his rash lordshij) to change the 
 subject. There might have been mure dangerous 
 listeners than Leslie, who was an honest man not given 
 to making mischief, and, so long as his pay was safe and 
 he did his duty by his soldiers, caring as little for one 
 faction as the other. But it had been all one with 
 Montrose who was by to hear him. Everything was 
 going wrong. He could no longer trust the Covenant ; he 
 could not yet trust the King. His associates in the Bond, 
 with one or two exceittion.s, had matlo their peace with 
 the enemy. Tiie Bond itself had been promptly burned, 
 and the wildest stories circulated of its language and 
 purpose.' Even among the more moderate Covenanters 
 there were many \\Ii'> believed these sfoiic's, and looked 
 
 ' A copy of it was (li.scovered by Murk Ncipier amonjj tlir in;iiiu- 
 Hcnpts of Sir James P.alfoiir (Lynn Kiiifj-at-ArniH) in tlic AilvuciUs' 
 Library ; sec Memoirs i>/ Moidrus<\ \. '2tJ9.
 
 I04 
 
 310NTK0SE CHAP. 
 
 askance at JMontrose as an ambitious, nnscrupulous, 
 designing man, careless of his country and intent only 
 on his own ends. Conscious of the popular suspicions, 
 chafing against a false position from which he saw no 
 present means of escape, uneasy, discontented, (loul)tful 
 where to turn and whom to trust — there could be but 
 one issue to the struggle between such a man in such a 
 mood and Argyll. Nor could the issue be far distant. 
 Argyll had but to sit still and wait. He could not 
 play his game better than his rival Avas playing it 
 for him. 
 
 In the spring of 1641, while the Scottish army still 
 lay at Newcastle and their commissioners still M'rangled 
 in London over the price of their return, a family party 
 of four used to meet almost daily in Edinburgh at 
 Montrose's lodgings in the Canongate, or at Napier's old 
 house of Merchiston on the Borough Moor. Besides the 
 two brothers-in-law there were their nephew Sir George 
 Stirling of Keir, and Sir Archibald Stewart of Blackball 
 who had married Keir's sister. Of course the talk ran 
 on the old lines. How was this unhappy country to be 
 saved, and who could save it ? It was agreed that the 
 only possible saviour was the King. He must come to 
 Edinburgh when the Parliament met in the summer, and 
 satisfy his Scottish subjects that he meant fairly by them, 
 as these four had satisfied themselves he could and would. 
 To establish their religion and liberties would be to 
 establish his own authority ; the people would rally to 
 the Throne Avhen they recognised that only under the 
 shadow of the Throne could they hope to enjoy the 
 blessings of a settled government, just laAvs, and a free 
 religion. " For they assured themselves " (so runs Mon-
 
 VI THE PLOTTERS 105 
 
 trose's vindication) " that the King giving God His due, 
 and the people theirs, they would give Csesar that which 
 was his." It was necessary to communicate with Charles, 
 and most necessary to find a trusty messenger. They 
 fixed upon a certain Walter Stewart of Traquair, who 
 was on the eve of journej-ing to London on his own 
 business, and whom, from his name, they conceived 
 likely to get easy access to the Court. It was decided 
 to ai)proach the King through his cousin the Duke of 
 Lennox, who was in high favour ^^^th his majesty, and 
 had been employed in a similar capacity by the suppli- 
 cants of 1637 to plead their grievances against Laud's 
 prayer-book. There exists a paper in Napier's hand- 
 writing, — but evidently, from its similarity to the dis- 
 course on sovereign power mentioned in the last chapter, 
 in great part, if not wholly, Montrose's composition, — 
 which is believed to be the substance of the letter sent 
 to Charles, and the tenor of liis answer to Montrose 
 strengthens the belief. All things, the King is told, 
 depend on his personal presence in Scotland, the success 
 of his affairs, the security of his authority, the peace and 
 happiness of his subjects. It is useless to send a com- 
 mi.ssioncr, no matter whom ; he must come in person. 
 The people bear him no ill-will, nor the Throne, nor will 
 they sufTcr any attack to be made on it ; tlicir religion, 
 as chosen by themselves, and their liberties as settled by 
 the law of tli(; laud, are all they want. Let what they 
 a.sk, if it be for their good, be granted, for tliat v.liieh 
 tends to their good will a.s.suredly include his own. Hut 
 though the people should be justly treatetl and reason- 
 ably indulged, they should not l»e sullered to dispute his 
 power. The sovereign power, he is warned, in words
 
 io6 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 almost identical with those addressed to Montrose's 
 Noble Sir, "is an instrument never subject yet handled 
 ■well." A king's authority should be maintained to the 
 height allowed l^y the law of God and Nature, and the 
 fundamental laws of the country. If not it sinks into 
 contempt ; and " weak and miserable is that people 
 whose ])rince hath not power sufficient to punish oppres- 
 sion, and to maintain peace and justice." On the other 
 hand, he is warned not to aim at absoluteness, which of 
 all people the Scots will least endure. " Practice, sir, 
 the temperate government. It fitteth the humour and 
 disposition of the nation best. It is most strong, most 
 powerful, and most durable of any. It gladdeth the 
 hearts of your subjects, and then they erect a throne for 
 you to reign." He is bid to beware of Eehoboam's 
 counsellors : " they are flatterers, and therefore cannot 
 be friends ; they follow your fortune and love not your 
 person." Finally, he is urged to settle the high offices 
 of State upon men chosen by himself according to his 
 own knowledge of their ability and honesty. Men who 
 owe their preferment to the recommendation of others 
 will not serve him well if it must be to the prejudice of 
 their patrons. Whether this wise and liberal letter Avas 
 the only letter entrusted to Stewart by the Plotters, as 
 they soon came to be called, is not clearly known, but of 
 that hereafter. For the present, having seen his mes- 
 senger safely off on his journey south, Montrose himself 
 left Edinburgh on a visit to Lord Stormont at Scone 
 Abbey. 
 
 It was an unfortunate visit. The com])any gathered 
 to welcome Montrose Avas the worst he could have met 
 in his present temper. Stormont luul himself been a,
 
 VI . THE STORM BURSTS 107 
 
 subscriber to the Bond, and was one of the few who had 
 not made his peace with tlie enemy. There too was 
 Atholc, still smarting under the indignities suffered at 
 Argyll's hands, and with Atholc Avas his faithful hench- 
 man, John Stewart of Ladywell, Commissary of Dunkeld. 
 It is easy to guess what were the subjects of conversa- 
 tion among such spirits. Unfortimately Montrose was 
 not content with unburdening his sore mind to his 
 friends. Some Covenanting ministers in the neighbour- 
 hood came ostensibly to pay their respects to him, and 
 doubtless also to learn what such an ominous conjunction 
 of malcontents might mean, and Montrose must needs 
 also talk to them. He knew them all personally. There 
 was John Graham of Auchtcrarder hard by his own 
 castle of Kincardine ; John liobertson of Perth ; and 
 Robert ]\Iurray of Methven. To the latter he was par- 
 ticularly anxious to explain himself, as one of the chief 
 instruments of his subscription to the Covenant whose 
 interests he was now accuse<l of having sold. All the 
 secret history of the Bond was accordingly poured into 
 Murray's curious ears, of the treason it was designed to 
 thwart, of the Dictatorship and the Triumvirate, of liis 
 intention to clear himself l^y challenging Argyll to his 
 face Ijeforc Parliament. It was known that Murray had 
 been talking to Montro.sc, and his colleagues were not 
 long in extracting from him all he had to tell. This was 
 reported, doul>tless with some emlK'Uishinents, at the 
 next meeting of the Presbytery at Auchterai-der, and of 
 course at once carried down to Argyll. (iiahain, wlnn 
 summoned to answer fm' his words, (pujtcd Murray: 
 Murrayquotcd Montiu.se; and .soatlastthelong-gatlu'iing 
 storm l)urst.
 
 io8 MONTROSE en at. 
 
 Never in any crisis of his life was Montrose slow to 
 accept the consequences of his own acts. He frankly- 
 owned that Argyll, whom Murray had not dared to 
 name before the Committee, was the man he aimed 
 at ; that he had done so partly on his own knowledge, 
 partly on the authority of others who would bear him 
 out ; and he concluded by a direct appeal to Argyll to 
 say what he knew of the business. Argyll swore that 
 he had never heard of it before, and that the man who 
 said he had ever uttered treason against the King was a 
 base liar. Montrose then named his Avitnesses. Lord 
 Lindsay of the Byres, he said, had spoken to him of the 
 Dictatorship. The man who had reported the talk 
 against the King was John Stewart of Ladywell. For 
 the Triumvirate, he referred the Committee to Argyll's 
 projDOsed colleagues, Cassillis and Mar, and to others, 
 also named, who were present when the plan Avas 
 framed. 
 
 Ladywell was instantly summoned, and corroborated 
 all that his word had been pledged for. Argyll broke 
 into a storm of passionate denial, but the witness stood 
 firm. "My lord," he said, "I heard you speak these 
 words in Athole in presence of a great many people, 
 whereof you are in good memory." Lindsay was next 
 examined. He admitted the conversation, but persisted 
 that he had not named Argyll. Montrose could say no 
 more than that if his memory had played him false on 
 this point, at least the tenor of Lindsay's words had 
 left him in no doubt at whom they were aimed. This 
 relieved the Committee from an embarrassing position. 
 Lindsay's admissions, coming on the back of Ladywell's 
 sworn evidence, had grievously disturbed them. If
 
 VI LADYWELL'S STORY 109 
 
 Montrose was right, two of their stoutest champions had 
 been dabblini^r in wluit their own articles condemned as 
 treason. But as jMontrose had admitted the possil^ility 
 of being mistaken in one instance it was open to assume 
 that he had been mistaken in all. They accordingly 
 reported to that eft'ect. Lindsay's words, they found, 
 did not bear Montrose's interpretation. 
 
 There still remained Ladywell to deal with. A man 
 cursed with such an inconvenient memory could not 
 safely be suffered to go at large, and the unfortunate 
 creature had already been for days under close ward in 
 the Castle. All good Covenanters were now rejoiced, 
 and probably not much surprised, to hear that he had 
 confessed to have done Argyll wrong. The treasonable 
 speeches made in Athole were, he now said, his own 
 fabrication, and further that he iiad been persuaded to 
 send copies of them to the King by Montrose's messenger, 
 "Walter Stewart, A watch Avas accordingly set for 
 Stewart ; he was arrested on his way home at Cockburns- 
 path, between Berwick and Dunl)ar, and sent lu keej) 
 Ids namesake company in the Castle. 
 
 A man who denies his oath under pressure of fear is 
 not easily believed, except by those who expect to profit 
 by his denial. But it is probable that Ladywell's second 
 story was the true one. For, after all, his confession 
 amounted to 111 1 hiok' tljim this, that Argyll's con- 
 versation had been rather historical than personal ; he 
 had spoken generally of the relation of subjects to their 
 kings, not directly of Charles and Scotland. This is 
 certainly more consistent with Argyll's charactei', who 
 was not wont to let his tongue go too freisly in any 
 comi)any, and would hardly have selected an audience
 
 1 10 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 of loyal Ogilvies and Atholemen for such confidences. 
 Argjdl indeed still swore that he had not broached the 
 subject at all, and brought a croAvd of Campbells to 
 bear him out. J>ut Ladywell's amended version was 
 corroborated by the only one of his witnesses who was 
 summoned. It seems on the whole impossible to doubt 
 that Argyll had been making some experiments on the 
 national temper in the direction of what even his own 
 party was as yet obliged to call treason. These things 
 were in the air. Clarendon's report of his conversation 
 with Henry Martin at Westminster shows what was in 
 many minds at this time, and Argyll's own speeches in 
 Parliament during the previous j^ear had gone some 
 little way on the same road. Ladywell's partial recanta- 
 tion did not save him. Perhaps it was too partial ; 
 perhaps his exoneration of Montrose from any share in 
 his deception disappointed his judges ; perhaps they 
 resolved not to run the risk of a third version. At all 
 events, Avhen he had signed his confession, he was sent 
 l)ack to prison, tried under that old statute of leasing- 
 making which had raised such an outcry when revised 
 four years ago by Charles against Balmerino, found 
 guilty, and executed. To Guthrie, who attended him 
 on the scaffold, the poor creature asserted at the last 
 that he had been induced to bear false witness against 
 himself by promises of pardon and reward. But when 
 a man once begins to go back on his own words, even 
 his most probable version must be received cautiously. 
 
 The other prisoner, Walter Stewart, proved a more 
 valuable prize. To clear Argyll was after all no great 
 matter, for Argyll Avas strong enough to clear himself. 
 The important point was to convict Montrose. A letter
 
 VI STEWART'S STORY in 
 
 to him from the King •was discovered in the hning of 
 
 Stewart's saddle. There was nothing in its language 
 capable of being turned to his discredit, but it could be 
 construed as an answer to some previous communication, 
 and it certainly established the fact of a secret corre- 
 spondence between the two which was contrary to the 
 articles of the Covenant. And this was not all. Papers 
 of a more suspicious nature were discovered — papers in 
 Stewart's own hand, written in a strange jargon, where 
 letters, phrases, and sometimes the names of animals 
 were substituted for the names of persons. Stewart 
 explained these as the heads of certain instructions en- 
 trusted to him by the Plotters to be delivered to the 
 King through the hands of Lennox and Traquair. The 
 Elephant or Serpent stood for Hamilton, the Dromedary 
 for Argyll, Montrose himself was the Genero, the letters 
 ABC signified the four conspirators — and so forth. 
 The papers also contained some suggestions as to the 
 preferment of Montrose and himself, and a warning that 
 if they were neglected it would go ill with the King. 
 
 Stewart, like his namesake, did not keep to one story. 
 He altered much, added something, contradicted himself 
 many times. Traquair, who was then in London, Hatly 
 denied all knowledge of the i)apcrs, nor would he believe 
 that Montrose or any man of sense, if minded 1(j play 
 such a dangerous game, would have taken intu his con- 
 fidence a timorous half-witted fool like Stewart, The 
 King wrote in his own hand to Argyll one of his am- 
 biirnous letters, committing himself to nothing beyond a 
 declaration that his journey to Scotland had not Ix-en 
 prompted by Montrose or Traquair to tlicir own ends, 
 but was intended solely to settle all disputes on the
 
 112 MONTROSE CHAP. 
 
 terms of the neAV treaty, and that he had given no 
 promises of office to any man. He avowed his letter 
 to Montrose as one fit to be written by a king to a good 
 subject. Finally, he requested Argyll to do him riglit 
 in this matter, and not permit him to be unjustly 
 suspected. The day before this letter reached Edinburgh 
 the four Plotters were arrested and sent as prisoners to 
 the Castle. 
 
 Stewart's story, or stories, unquestionably rested on 
 some foundation of truth, but on how much no man can 
 tell. The accused, with the exception of Montrose, 
 confessed to have talked with Stewart, but denied all 
 knowledge of his hieroglyphics. Keir, indeed, owned 
 to have been shown a paper by him containing some 
 general propositions on public aff"airs which he under- 
 stood to have been submitted to Charles by Lennox, and 
 the King's answers. He gave a copy of it to Naj^ier, 
 but nothing seems to have been said either then or 
 afterwards as to the author. Beyond this we cannot go. 
 From this point of view Argyll and his faction were of 
 course justified in regarding Montrose and his friends 
 as conspirators. They were conspiring against Argyll, 
 whom they believed to be the worst enemy of their 
 country no less than of the King. Under his rule the 
 Covenant had sunk to a mere faction, in which no honest 
 patriot could any longer bear part or lot. They had 
 persuaded themselves that salvation could come only by 
 the King. He had promised all that a reasonable people 
 could expect from him, and if he would hesitate no more 
 nor go back again upon his word all would be well. While 
 Argyll Avas carrying all before him, they could only work 
 for their country's good in secret. So far they were
 
 VI MONTROSE'S LIBEL 113 
 
 undoubtedly conspirators. Napier would have been 
 soon set free at an early stage of the proceedings. He 
 ■was an old man, much respected and liked by all parties. 
 But he would not accept a favour which would imply, 
 he said, a tacit confession of his guilt. "Whatever their 
 crime might l)e, they all shared it equally. ^Montrose 
 refused, always courteously but persistently refused, to 
 answer any questions before the Committee. If he was 
 guilty, he said, let him be brought to a public trial. 
 He was declared contumacious, and an order issued to 
 make search for further evidence of treason against him. 
 His servants were examined, his houses ransacked, his 
 cabinets broken open, and his private papers read ; but 
 only one document was found that could by any ingenuity 
 be turned against him. This was a defence of the 
 Cumbernauld Bond, \vTitten, he assured the Committee, 
 for his own private satisfaction only, now that the Bond 
 had been burned and the whole aftair, as he had sujiposcd, 
 laid for ever to rest. The Covenanting historians have 
 described it as an "infamous and scurvey libel, full of 
 vain humanities, magnifying to the skies his own courses, 
 and dcba.sing to hell his opposites." But as they have 
 omitted to allow posterity the means of determining the 
 justice of their description, and as Montrose's public 
 v\Titings and speeches certainly do not justify it, we may 
 conclude that party feeling had something to do with 
 these tremendous cjtithets. The Covenanters had in 
 truth a profoun<l belief in the wisdom of the advice 
 embodied at a later day in the well-known foimula, 
 Give your ju/hfTii^tif, hut vrrtr girc your rra.sojis. They 
 burned the I'ond, tlicy burned its justificatiftn, and tlicn 
 they thundered against Ijoth in safety. And tlicy took 
 
 I
 
 1 14 MONTROSE CHAP. 
 
 the same prudent course in another matter. In one of 
 Montrose's cabinets \yere found some letters written in 
 earher and happier years by hidies with whom the young 
 gallant had danced and exchanged compliments in the 
 flowery fashion of the time. Their contents were never 
 made public, but evil things were freely circulated of 
 them to the edification of the sterner sort of Puritans ; 
 though others held that Lord Sinclair, who had been 
 entrusted Avith the search, had played no honourable 
 part in chattering of such private matters. 
 
 Such was the position of affairs when the King arrived 
 in Edinburgh on the evening of August 14th, 1641. As 
 usual he was received with every semblance of respect. 
 The nobles thronged to Holyrood to kiss his hand; 
 Argyll made flattering speeches to him in Parliament ; 
 he was entertained at a splendid banquet, where his 
 health was drunk in right loyal fashion. He attended 
 the Presbyterian service zealously, and talked much 
 with Henderson. He drove Avith Leslie, who had now 
 brought his army back from England, through the city 
 amid the cheers of a delighted crowd. But this halcyon 
 weather could not last long. The time came to fill 
 those vacant offices of State which Montrose was accused 
 of claiming for himself and his friends ; then Argyll put 
 forth his hand, and the mortified King soon found that 
 it was the hand which now practically wielded the 
 sceptre of Scotland. An Act was passed, making the 
 King's choice of his ministers dependent on the will of 
 Parliament. It was next moved that Parliament should 
 have the right of submitting their own nominees to the 
 King, and that no one who had sided with him during 
 the late troubles should be eligible. These arbitrary
 
 VI HIS LETTER FROM PRISON 115 
 
 measures provoked indeed much discontent among the 
 nobles, who had not stood up against the King to crouch 
 under Argyll. " If this be what you call liberty," cried 
 Perth, "God give me the old slavery again." But 
 under their new Lords of the Articles the nobles, even 
 if united, could no longer command a majority in Parlia- 
 ment ; each Estate now chose its own lords, and out of 
 the three two almost to a man followed Argyll. Out- 
 side the House, however, they had still to be reckoned 
 with, and there the clamour against the popular leader 
 was rising high. For the moment it was aimed even 
 more against Hamilton, who, \n.\\\ his brother Lanark, 
 was now openly courting Ai-gyll, as against a renegade 
 who had deserted both his faith and his friend. Ker, 
 Lord Roxburgh's son, a headstrong young man who had 
 once quarrelled and fought under the flag of the 
 Covenant, puljlicly challenged Hamilton as a traitor. 
 He was forced to apologise before the House, but he 
 came up the High Street to make his submission escorted 
 Vjy six hundred armed retainers, and there were many 
 who took a less tumultuous way of showing their sym- 
 pathy with his action. Even Charles now found it a 
 hard matter to keep his belief in the favourite unshaken. 
 At this juncture tlie King received a letter on wliidi, 
 after nmcli rcHcction, he detciinincd to take counsel. 
 Twice already had Montrose written from his prison 
 praying for an interview on matters of the deepest 
 moment. The King would not see him nor answer his 
 letters ; a man in Montrose's position, lie said, would 
 promise much to secure an audience. Montrose now 
 wrote a third time, no longer vaguely hinting of danger, 
 but directly offering to prove some one, w lioui he di'l not
 
 Ii6 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 name, but who was clearly Hamilton, a traitor. It was 
 impossible to disregard warnings that now began to 
 match so well with his own suspicions. Charles deter- 
 mined to lay the letter before the Chancellor, Loudon, 
 and others, including Argyll himself, and to ask their 
 advice. 
 
 Suddenly all Edinburgh broke into uproar. The 
 news spread like wildfire that a plot had been discovered 
 to murder Argyll, Hamilton, and Lanark, and that they 
 had fled the city in fear of their lives. It was true that 
 they had gone. Late on the evening of October 11th, 
 the evening of the day on which the King had received 
 Montrose's last letter, the three men had been warned 
 of their danger by Leshe, and on the next day they 
 left the city. But Avhat was the danger, and from 
 what quarter did it come % Leslie, when questioned, 
 answered carelessly that the whole affair was a foolish 
 business not worth talking of. On the afternoon of the 
 12th the King went down to Parliament to declare all he 
 knew of the mystery. All he knew, if he told them all, 
 was little enough. It really amounted to no more than 
 that Hamilton had talked strangely to him of plots and 
 calumnies, that he was very fond of Hamilton, and that 
 it hurt him grievously to find himself distrusted by his 
 friend. Finally he urged that his own credit, no less 
 than Hamilton's, demanded an instant and public inquiry 
 before the whole House. But Parliament insisted on 
 the examination being conducted by a select committee ; 
 and after an unseemly wrangle lasting over several days, 
 the King had to give way. The truth is that the Par- 
 liament had already begun to make inquiries, and what 
 they had learned suggested the possibility of some
 
 VI THE INCIDENT 117 
 
 awkward disclosures. The Earl of Crawford, a fiery old 
 Papist who had learned fighting in the German wars 
 and had can-ied Ker's challenge to Hamilton, had already 
 been arrested, with some lesser men. It was known 
 that ^lontrose had been in communication with the 
 King, and they not unreasonabl}' suspected both of being 
 at least privy to the plot, if not of favouring it. It is 
 impossible even to guess how much the King knew, but 
 there can be little doubt that Montrose was in the 
 secret. The story, first circulated by Clarendon, that he 
 had offered at a private interview with the King to kill 
 both Hamilton and Argyll, as the surest and speediest 
 means of bringing a couple of traitors to their deserts, 
 is now generally and justly discredited. But Clarendon, 
 it should be remembered, gave two versions of this per- 
 plexing affair. The King, he writes, was warned by 
 certain persons in the confidence of Montrose that Argyll 
 and Hamilton wero playing him false, and his leave was 
 asked to bring them to justice. The majority of the 
 nobles, he was told, were on his side, and readj', if he 
 consented, to take the two traitors out of tlie reach of 
 their retainers and lodge them securely in jnison to 
 await fair trial. AVhile the King, doubtful of the chance 
 of bringing their guilt home to such high ofVcudcrs, was 
 j)ondering these things, the two men (Lanark's name 
 is not mcntionc<l in Clarcmlon's story) suddenly and 
 secretly left the rajiital on tlic plea that their enemies 
 were i)lotting to murder thcni. Then f()ll(»\vc(l a con- 
 fused period of <lcbate8 in rarliament, appointment 
 of committees, examination of witnesses, charges and 
 counter-charges, after which tlie fugitives returned to 
 Ivliiiburgh, acknowledging to the King that the danger.
 
 Ii8 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 though assuredly no mere fancy, was perhaps less 
 pressing than they had been led to believe ; and so the 
 trouble passed gradually away. Such in substance is 
 Clarendon's original version of what is known in 
 Scottish history as the Incident, and two centuries of 
 research have enabled us to add little to it. But such 
 is not the version that first appeared in Clarendon's 
 pages. Twenty years after he had finished the greater 
 part of the History of the Eebellion, he began, in 
 banishment at Montpellier, to write the history of his 
 own life. Many passages were subsequently transferred 
 from the more private narrative to the pages of the 
 History, and among them one in which Montrose's share 
 in the Incident takes a new and startling complexion. 
 He is now directly charged with offering to play the 
 assassin. No authority is vouchsafed for the new story. 
 For the old one Charles, and indirectly Montrose him- 
 self, stand sponsors. Clarendon did not live to finally 
 revise the transcript of his History, and we can only 
 therefore conjecture his reasons for changing an intelli- 
 gible, if meagre, narrative of events, matching well with 
 all that has been subsequently learned concerning them, 
 for a grave personal charge which there is no tittle 
 of evidence to prove. Such as it was, however, the 
 History was published with all its imperfections on its 
 head, nor did the world learn till more than a century 
 later that there was another version of this strange story, 
 clearing the memory of a brave and honourable man 
 from an odious imputation.^ 
 
 ^ The first edition of Clarendon's History of the, Eehellion was 
 pnljlished at Oxford, 1702-4, under the direction of his sons, with 
 many alterations and suppressions. This edition was reprinted
 
 VI ITS PROBABLE PLAN 119 
 
 In this earlier version we probably have the true 
 story of the Incident in outline. But all attempts to 
 fill the outline in lead only to confusion. It is certain 
 that there was a strong party among the nobles violently 
 incensed against Hamilton and Argyll. Some, like 
 Montrose, were no doubt convinced that these two men 
 were playing both their king and country false ; others 
 were merely jealous of an influence won and exercised 
 at their expense. The former were bent only on a fair 
 trial ; but to talk of a fair trial was idle while the cul- 
 prits went at large with five thousand armed men at 
 their back ; the sole chance of proving their guilt was 
 to render them incapable of resistance during its proof. 
 Such was pro1)ably the original plan of the Incident, and 
 if not devised by Montrose would assuredly have found 
 no opposition from him ; and such, it is not unreason- 
 able to suppose, would have been his proposal to the 
 King had his petition for a private interview been 
 granted. Strange diseases, to borrow Argyll's own 
 words, need strange remedies ; and to enforce justice by 
 violence, if it could be secured in no other way, would 
 have shocked few Scotsmen of that day. Such at least, 
 if the witnesses spoke truth, was the plan as it had 
 shaped itself in Almond's mind, who intended and 
 
 several tinie.s. In 1820 many suppro-sscd passages were restored, 
 ami tlie text collatofl with the original manuscript in tlio liodieian 
 Lihrary. It wa« then that tlic earlier version of the Incident was 
 made jmhlic, though Ilume liad already discredited the popular 
 one on the somewhat insudiiient grounils that .Montrose, hcing a 
 prisoner, could not have lieen ailmitted to an interview witii tlio 
 King. More careful collations were made for tin; editions of 1819 
 and 1888, when several fresh i)a88agc8 that had been previously 
 overlooked were added.
 
 1 20 MONTROSE CHAP. 
 
 would tolerate no more than was needed to ensure the 
 straight course of tlie law. But the secret was shared 
 by more unscrupulous spirits than Montrose or Almond. 
 Carnwath had been heard to say Avith many curses that 
 there were now three kings in Scotland, and that two of 
 them must lose their heads. Crawford, who was to have 
 been entrusted with the seizure, was reported to have 
 declared that the best way to bring traitors to justice 
 was to cut their throats. It was probably through such 
 wild speeches that the plot miscarried. Many a man, 
 and Montrose among them, had doubtless been well 
 pleased to see Argyll or Hamilton at his sword's point 
 on a fair field, who would lend no countenance to 
 stabber's work. But it is not safe to put much reliance 
 on the evidence of the witnesses. All of them contra- 
 dicted each other, and many contradicted themselves. 
 Conspicuous among them was William Murray, a member 
 of the royal household and high in his master's confi- 
 dence, who, unless foully wronged by history, was the 
 most unconscionable rogue of all that treacherous time. 
 He seems indeed to have been no better than a spy in 
 the pay both of the Scottish Covenant and the English 
 Parliament, and he was certainly intriguing at the same 
 time with both Hamilton and Montrose. But in truth 
 a suspicion of insincerity hangs over the whole inquiry. 
 The Parliament were manifestly unwilling to press 
 matters too closely. They Avould have been well 
 pleased to prove the plot, could they have selected the 
 plotters, and they did not want to hear too much about 
 its intended victims. 
 
 On one point, however, they Avere firm. They deter- 
 mined to know the truth of the correspondence betAveen
 
 VI EXAMINATION OF MONTROSE 121 
 
 Montrose and the King. Charles showed them the last 
 letter, the letter on which he had decided to ask their 
 advice before the storm of the Incident burst. Nothing 
 was to be learned from it. It was couched in general 
 terms, promising, if admitted to an interview, "to 
 acquaint his Majest}' with a business which not only 
 did concern his honour in a high degree, but the standing 
 and falling of his crown likewise." Montrose was twice 
 examined on the meaning of these ambiguous words, 
 once in the presence of the King at Holyrood by a 
 special committee, and again before the general com- 
 mittee of inquiry. Both examinations were fruitless. 
 Of the first there is no record ; but from the meagre 
 report preserved of the second Montrose seems to have 
 adlicred at both to the literal text of his letter, and to 
 have declined to commit himself to any more definite 
 statement. He did not intend, he is reported to have 
 said, " neither could he, nor would he, wrong any parti- 
 cular person whatsoever." This answer, it is naively 
 added, did not give the House satisfaction. 
 
 It was all the satisfaction they were to get. Wearied 
 with an examination that would j)lainly not discovei' 
 what they wished to find, and nn'ght discover what they 
 wi.shed to conceal, with fresh and more serious matters 
 for thougiit in the startling news of the Irish rising, 
 Parliament suflcrcd the Incident to die a natural death. 
 The fugitives were welcomctl back to the capital with 
 the a.sstarancc tiiat they were honest men, lnyal sub 
 jccts, and good j)at riots. Argyll on his return carried 
 all before him. 'J'lie offices of State were filled with his 
 nominees. Tin; I'rivy ("otiiicil was ciin-fully W('f'(l('<l to 
 make room for liis friends. 'I'hc unfcMtunate Kiug, to
 
 122 MONTROSE CHAP. 
 
 fill the cup of his humiliation full, scattered titles with 
 a lavish hand. Argyll was raised to a marquisate ; 
 Almond was created Earl of Callendar ; bluff old Leslie 
 took his seat among the peers of Scotland as Earl 
 of Leven. To complete the burlesque, Crawford was 
 released from custody without more ado, at the par- 
 ticular request of the magnanimous heroes whose 
 throats he was to have cut. Even Montrose and his 
 fi'iends were suffered to share in the general amnesty, 
 though after a colder fashion. On November IGth, 
 after an imprisonment of five months without a trial, 
 and without any specific allegation of offence, they were 
 discharged with a caution " to carry themselves soberly 
 and discreetly " for the future, and to appear for trial 
 when required. Charles bound himself never to employ 
 their services again without the consent of Parliament, 
 or suffer them to approach his presence ; and on the 18th 
 of November he left Scotland for the last time, a con- 
 tented prince, as he professed to believe, taking leave of a 
 contented people. 
 
 It Avas not till the following March that the case 
 against the Plotters was finally closed. The mockery 
 of their trial was continued at intervals throughout the 
 winter, but no fresh evidence was found against them, 
 no report of their examination was ever published, nor 
 indeed was any formal judgment ever delivered. It 
 had been decided that sentence should be left to the 
 King. The committee, in short, was playing the same 
 game that had already proved so successful in the 
 aff"airs of the Bond and the Incident. By keeping the 
 inquiry secret the real weakness of their case was 
 concealed, and by refraining from a punishment that
 
 VI ARGYLL'S CLEMENCY 123 
 
 they could not inflict they acquired an easy reputation 
 for mercy, while leaving the accused open to every 
 charge that the imagination of fear or faction could 
 devise. It was even intimated that the prisoners owed 
 their escape to Argyll's clemency. Argyll's clemency 
 consisted in refusing to press matters to an extremity 
 which he foresaw might prove more inconvenient to his 
 friends than to his enemies. But in truth he could 
 have afforded to be merciful. For the second time 
 Montrose had challenged him on his own ground, and 
 for the second time victory, even more signally than 
 before, had declared for him.
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 THE king's commission 
 
 This final rupture with the Covenant did not at once 
 throAV Montrose into the arms of the King. The 
 malignant star of Hamilton was still in the ascendant. 
 In spite of all that had passed 'Charles still believed that in 
 the Scots he would find a counterpoise to the rebellious 
 English, and Hamilton, for purposes known only to 
 himself, encouraged him in the belief. Montrose knew 
 better. He knew, from his own past experience, how 
 good was the secret understanding between the two 
 Parliaments. He knew that the army, now again 
 mustering under the new Earl of Leven, was never 
 destined to waste its strength on Irish rebels. He 
 knew that the Covenant was only biding its time to 
 join hands with the English Parliament ; and he saw 
 clearly that the only chance of preventing this fatal 
 union was to strike such a bloAv^ at the former before it 
 was ready for action as would leave it no leisure to 
 meddle with matters outside its own borders. He 
 would have warned the King of this before the war 
 began, but Charles, mindful of his promise to the Estates, 
 and careful always to keej) promises it was not in his 
 interests to break, refused to see him. He warned
 
 CHAP. VII MONTROSE AND THE ROYALISTS 125 
 
 Henrietta Maria of it at Bridlington Quay amid the 
 thunder of English guns firing on an English Queen, 
 and he renewed his warnings again when Newcastle 
 had escorted her to York, and the harassed lady could 
 breathe and listen in safety. But Hamilton was also at 
 her side persuading her, as he had persuaded the King, 
 that no danger was to be feared from Scotland so long 
 as no violence was attempted, and that he might be 
 relied upon to keep the country quiet and loyal to its 
 engagements. It was known that after Edgehill, when 
 Charles was marching on London, the Houses at West- 
 minster had directl}- invited the Scots into England to 
 keep Newcastle's northern army in check, while the 
 King's own appeals to his " contented people " had been 
 invariably rejected. Yet the general feeling seems to 
 have been in favour of a temporising policy. The truth 
 was that, though many Eoyalists looked coldly on 
 Hamilton, few were as yet inclined to trust Montrose. 
 Among the old thorough -going cavaliers the taint of 
 the Covenant still hung about him ; his repentance, 
 the}' thought, savoured too much of personal pique to 
 be altogether genuine. But with the majority it was 
 not so much his good faith as his capacity that was dis- 
 trusted. They considered him a Ijrilliant adventurer, 
 brave and daring, but too young and inexperienced for 
 these liigh matter.s, too rash and headstrong. " Mon- 
 trose," they said, "is a generous spirit, but Hamilton 
 hath the better head- piece." Tiie King showed his 
 opinion of the two men in iharacteristic fashion ; he 
 wrote courteously to Montrose, .'ind advanced Ilamiltdn 
 to a dukedom. 
 
 So, during the lirst year of the war, Montruso was
 
 126 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 forced to eat his heart out in idleness, at home among 
 his books, in strenuous efforts to keep alive the fainting 
 loyalty of his party, or in despairing consultations with 
 his friends on the approach of the inevitable hour that 
 they were powerless to prevent. The Covenanters, 
 aware of his situation, and conceiving that his proud 
 and restless spirit, chafing under the sickness of hopes 
 deferred and sei'vices rejected, Avould render him amen- 
 able to their designs, sought to win him again to their 
 side. They offered him the command of their new 
 army under Leven ; they even offered, as they had once 
 offered Huntly, to pay his debts. The Moderator 
 Henderson (at Argyll's suggestion, it would seem, and 
 certainly with his knowledge) was sent to solve some 
 doubts he affected to entertain on the propriety of 
 accepting these offers, and from him Montrose learned 
 all that he expected and feared to know. 
 
 This curious interview took place on the banks of 
 the Forth near the Bridge of Stirling. Henderson was 
 accompanied by Sir James Rollo, who filled the embarrass- 
 ing situation of brother- ifi- law to both Montrose and 
 Argyll.^ Montrose, Avho knew from the Queen that 
 these Covenanting overtures had been reported to his 
 disadvantage in England, had taken care to be accom- 
 panied by good guarantees for his integrity. He came 
 with Napier and Napier's son the young Master, with 
 Keir and Lord Ogilvy. For two hours the interview 
 lasted by the water-side. Montrose, professing to have 
 lived lately too much in retirement to be aware how 
 matters Avere going in the great public world, asked 
 
 ^ His first wife was the Lady Dorotliea Graham ; on her death 
 ill 1638 he had married Lady ]Mary Cam2)bell.
 
 VII AN OFFER FROM THE ESTATES 127 
 
 the Moderator what these offers meant, and what he M'as 
 expected to do for them. Henderson, in the belief that 
 he was talking to an apostate only anxious to find a 
 plausible excuse for his apostasy, frankly admitted that 
 it was intended to send an army into England to co- 
 operate with the Parliamentary forces, and that in both 
 countries it was resolved to push matters to the extreme 
 against the King ; and he urged ]\Iontrose to hesitate no 
 longer, but to throw himself heartily into the good 
 work, assuring him that he had only to state his terms, 
 and that whatever they might be they would be 
 accepted. Montrose then turned to his brother-in-law 
 and asked if they came as the mouthpiece of the Estates, 
 or only out of goodwill to him. Sir James answered 
 that he understood the Moderator to have spoken by 
 authority. But to this Henderson demurred. He was 
 not exactly commissioned, he said, by the Estates, but 
 he was sure that they would make all his promises good. 
 "That will not do for me," replied Montrose. "I 
 cannot commit myself in such important matters without 
 the assurance of the public faith, especially when the 
 messengers cannot agree among themselves as to the 
 terms of their message." 
 
 The substance of this interview was at once reported 
 by Montrose, first to the Queen at Oxford, and then to the 
 King in his camp before Gloucester. Still they both hesi- 
 tiitcd, nor was it till Hamilton himself confessed his failure 
 that their eyes were oj)ened. A Cf»iivcntion of the Estates 
 had been summoned to meet in Edinburgh at the very 
 time of the conference on the baid<H of the Eorth. It was 
 soon made clear that Hendcr.son had spoken no more than 
 truth when he toM Montrose that the King need hope for
 
 128 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 notliing from Scotland. Though the Convention had been 
 summoned Avithout royal warrant, Hamilton attended as 
 the Koyal Commissioner, and was urgent with all loyal 
 subjects to be in their places to secure him that diplo- 
 matic triumph which he had promised his confiding 
 master. With Montrose he had been especially urgent, 
 but Montrose had refused to attend unless the Commis- 
 sioner would promise, should fair words prove useless, 
 to sanction an appeal to force. Hamilton would not 
 give the promise. "I Avill protest," he said, "but I 
 will not fight." He did not even protest. Argyll asked 
 him scornfully if he had nothing to say on the King's 
 behalf. Lanark answered for him that he would not 
 wrong himself and them by protesting against the 
 Avisdom of a Avhole kingdom. Hamilton muttered some 
 confused words to the same purpose, and the loyal peers, 
 Avho had obeyed his summons, left the hall in disgust. 
 
 All went forward as Henderson had predicted. 
 Whatever reluctance might have been felt by the 
 moderate Covenanters to declare open war against the 
 King had been removed by the recent capture of 
 Antrim in Ireland, Avith letters in his pocket from 
 Nithsdale and Aboyne concerning a rising in Scotland 
 to be backed by a force of Irish Catholics. There was 
 no proof that this plan had been proposed to the King, 
 still less that he had accepted it ; but the mere Avhisper 
 of the hated word Papist was enough to set Presbyterian 
 Scotland in a blaze. The elections for the ncAv Con- 
 vention resulted in a large majority in favour of a 
 military alliance Avith England. At the same time 
 AValler's defeat at EoundAvay Down removed the last 
 scruple entertained at Westminster on employing a
 
 VII THE SOLEMN LEAGUE AND COVENANT 129 
 
 Scottish army against Englishmen. The Commissioners 
 from Loudon, among wliom was the younger Vane, 
 were authorised to demand a force of eleven thousand 
 men. Terms were soon arranged, and Lanark, as 
 Secretary of State, set the seal on his treachery by 
 affixing the King's signature to a warrant authorising 
 the levy of an army to be employed against the King's 
 authority. Then, to draw the bond still closer between 
 the English Puritans and Scottish Presbyterians, a new 
 Covenant was formed by Vane and Henderson for 
 mutual adoption under the title of the Solemn League 
 and Covenant, which, after ratification by the Estates, 
 was accepted by both Houses at Westminster, and 
 solemnly subscribed in Saint Margaret's Church on 
 September 25th, 1G43. 
 
 The King could no longer blind himself to the truth. 
 Hamilton had failed, and it was now clear that his 
 failure had been inevitable from the first. He came 
 with his brother to Oxford to justify himself before his 
 indignant master. But Montrose was there also, with 
 all the loyal Scottish peers, Crawford and Nitlisdale, 
 Ogilvy and Aboyne, who had Iteen cajoled into attending 
 the Convention, and in the face of their evidence no 
 ju.stification was po.ssiblc. AVliethor he had Iteen traitor 
 or fool mattered little now ; ]»ut even the long-suflcring 
 King wa.s forced to own that, it' an honest man, the 
 favourite had at least shown his honesty after a strange 
 and disjistrous fashion. Tiie brothers were arrested. 
 Lanark ina<lo his escape to the Covenanters; but 
 HaniilfoM was sent a prisoner under a strong guard to 
 Pendennis Castle in Cornwall. 
 
 Then, at last, tlic King turned for help to Montro.sc. 
 
 K
 
 I30 MONTJWSE CHAP. 
 
 AVas tlio i)lan he had been urging for the last twelve 
 months on unheeding ears still practicable 1 The Scots 
 had ci'osscd the Tweed ; all the garrisons and passes of 
 the Border were in their hands ; any day might bring 
 Leven and Newcastle face to face. Even Montrose 
 could not but confess the venture to be a desperate 
 one. But desperate ventures only raised that dauntless 
 spirit. The plan that had seemed so easy a few short 
 months since could not be impossible now, with all his 
 friends round him, with his sovereign at his back, and no 
 Hamilton in his path. If Newcastle could spare a few 
 troopers he could make his way through the Lowlands 
 to his own lands beyond the Tay. There, among his 
 own people, with the royal commission in his hand, 
 Avith Aboyne and Ogilvy for his lieutenants, he would' 
 rally the loyal North to the King's standard, and, 
 sweeping down on the rear of the invading Scots, w'ould 
 soon send them back over their borders faster than they 
 had come. Meanwhile Antrim, Avho was at large again, 
 must effect a diversion from Ireland on the Avest, and 
 beard the Dictator in his own country. The plan Avas 
 thought sheer madness at Oxford, where little confidence 
 was felt in Montrose, and none at all in Antrim, a vain 
 and foolish man, notorious for nothing, in Clarendon's 
 contemptuous phrase, but for his marriage with the 
 great Duke of Buckingham's widow. But Digby, who 
 dearly loved a hazard and could persuade the King to 
 anything, faA^oured the scheme. Antrim was despatched 
 to Ireland, and jMontrose made ready for his more 
 jjerilous journey to the Border. He knew his jealous 
 countrymen too well to come before them in the character 
 Charles wished him to assume, of Viceroy and Captain-
 
 VII MONTROSE STARTS FOR THE NORTH 131 
 
 General of the Royal Forces in Scotland. On his own 
 advice these sounding titles were conferred on the King's 
 nephew, Prince IMaurice, as whose Lieutenant-General 
 Montrose left Oxford for the North early in March, 16,-44. 
 Crawford, Xithsdale, Eeay, Ogilvy, and Aboyne rode 
 -^vith him, and a miscellaneous following of gentlemen- 
 adventurers and their servants, some hundred in all. 
 
 Their first point was Newcastle's camp at Durham, 
 where Montrose hoped to make some additions to his 
 scanty army. He was received with all the circumstance 
 and courtesy befitting his new honours, but with small 
 assurance of help. Indeed Newcastle seemed in no 
 good condition to help himself. Montrose was a spectator 
 of the inglorious afiair at Kowdenhill, Avhich, but for 
 the bravery of Sir Charles Lucas who led the English 
 cavalry, might have ended in disaster. Here he saw 
 that valiant Amazon, Mrs. Peirsons, riding, armed to the 
 teeth, at the head of a troop of horse conspicuous for a 
 black flag showing the ghastly device of a naked man 
 hanging from a gibbet, with the motto I dare, the 
 legendary banner of the House of Dalzell. The trooj) 
 liad Ijcen raised and armed at the charges of Carnwatli, 
 tlie head of that House; but the commission ran in the 
 name of Captain Frances Dalzell, under which style 
 the woman whom he callcfl his daughter took the field. 
 Carnwath's loyalty was of the sort too common at that 
 time, and fomniou csj)ecially among Scotsmen. The 
 inrompetcncc of an English general, though it migiit 
 grieve liim for his master's sake, could not, for the 
 present at least, affect Montrose's plans. The jealousy 
 of a Scotti.sh peer might afTect them seriously. It was 
 this he feared more than all the swords of the Covenant
 
 132 MONTROSE CHAP. 
 
 or the subtleties of Argyll. For his enemies he could 
 account. But who would undertake to account for those 
 who should l)e his friends 1 The King had issued a 
 commission for Carnwath as Lieutenant of Clydesdale 
 where his lands lay, which Avas delivered to him by 
 Aboyne as aide-de-camp to the Lord Lieutenant-General 
 of the Northern Expedition. The petulant old noble- 
 man, who had been secretly chafing at Montrose's 
 authority and the respect paid to it in the English 
 camp, conceived himself entitled to some better reward 
 for the expense of equipping Captain Frances Dalzell 
 and her men for the field than an appointment which 
 placed him at the orders of a man young enough to 
 be his son, and who at the best was liut a renegade 
 Covenanter. Eefusing even to read his commission, he 
 flung it from him with one of those full-mouthed Scottish 
 oaths that were always at his command. 
 
 But it was no time to stand upon punctilios. All the 
 aid Newcastle could give was a hundred badly-mounted 
 troopers and two small brass field-pieces. With these, 
 and his own personal following, Montrose struck west- 
 Avard for Carlisle. On the road he was joined by eight 
 hundred foot of the Northumberland and Cumberland 
 Militia and three troops of horse. Such was the army 
 with Avhich this dauntless leader of a forlorn hope went 
 forth to conquer Scotland for King Charles. 
 
 The beginning was disastrous. He crossed the Border 
 on April 13th, and on the first day's march up the 
 Annan the English troops quarrelled with their Scotch 
 allies and deserted in a body. Still he pressed on with 
 his own men and occujned Dumfries. There, at the 
 head of his little band, he read his commission to the few
 
 VII HE RAISES THE STANDARD IN SCOTLAND 133 
 
 townsmen who had not cared to run away, and raised the 
 royal standard. There too he pubHshed the first of 
 those declarations with which he was henceforth care- 
 ful to mark his actions as the deliberate result of con- 
 victions forced on him by the conduct of his former 
 allies. Xot he, but they had changed the point of view. 
 He was King's man now, as he had been Covenanter, 
 " for the defence and maintenance of the true Protestant 
 religion, his Majesty's just and sacred authority, the 
 fundamental laws and privileges of Parliaments, the 
 peace and freedom of oppressed and thralled subjects." 
 For this he had taken the oath of the Covenant ; for this 
 he had borne arms in its service ; for this he was now in 
 arms for the King against traitors who had broken their 
 faith to their country and to him. " I do again," he 
 concludes, *' most solemnly declare that, knew I not per- 
 fectly his Majesty's intention to be such, and so real as 
 is already e.vi)iessed, I should never at all have em- 
 barked myself in this service. Nor did I but see the 
 least appearance of his Majesty's change from these 
 resolutions or any of them, I should never continue 
 longer my faithful endeavour in it."^ These ])ravc 
 words fell on dull or unbelieving ears. Without allies it 
 was madness to advance ; to linger idle in Dumfries was 
 useless, even if he could hope to hold tiic town. For two 
 days he waited for Antrim and his Irishmen and the loyal 
 gentlemen of the Western Lowlaiuls. He waited in vain. 
 Not a Scotsman joined him ; nothing could be lieard of 
 Antrim ; from every side canio news of mustering foes. 
 A HoliUiry welcome was sent to liim fioni the faithful 
 
 ' Napicr'H Memorials 0/ Montrose (printed for the Maillaiid Clul»), 
 ii. lli;.
 
 134 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 hearts at Keir, urging him to make at once for 
 Stirling, where Lord Sinclair, who held the bulwark of 
 the North for the Covenant, was reported to be only 
 waiting his chance to declare for the King. But he 
 could not trust Sinclair ; and learning that a strong 
 force under the fickle Callendar was marching against 
 him, he had no alternative but to fall back on Carlisle. 
 
 Yet, though foiled for the time, Montrose could not 
 be idle. He contrived to draw a few troops together 
 from the garrison at Newcastle and elsewhere, and with 
 these he patrolled the Border, keeping Callendar in check 
 on the "Western Marches and gathering up forage and 
 provisions everywhere for the English army. After 
 some brisk fighting, and in the teeth of Leslie's cavalry, 
 he took Morpeth Castle, a strong and important post, 
 and a smaller fort at the mouth of the Tyne. From this 
 most useful and not inglorious work he was summoned 
 Ij}' an urgent message from Rupert, who was then 
 marching to the relief of York, to join him at once with 
 all the men he could muster. With all his haste he 
 could not reach the prince till the evening after the fatal 
 Second of July ; and when the two men met in the little 
 inn at Richmond the King had no longer an army in the 
 north of England. 
 
 Still Montrose did not despair. If Rupert would give 
 him a thousand horse he would cut his way into the 
 heart of Scotland. But Rupert had neither horse, nor 
 men, nor muskets to give. "When we came to the 
 prince his occasions forced him to make use of the forces 
 we brought along Avith us and would not suffer him to 
 supply us with others ; so that we were left altogether 
 abandoned, and could not so much as find quartering
 
 VII HIS FORLORN SITUATION 135 
 
 for our own person in these counties." In such words 
 was Montrose compelled to declare his forlorn situation 
 to the King whom he had left but four short months 
 earlier Avith every assurance of victory. But he added 
 to them a characteristic postscript : " Forget not to show 
 how feasible the business is yet, and the reason thereof 
 if right courses be taken." And yet the outlook was 
 dark enough to make even that stout spirit sink. His 
 own reverses were but a small thing, the fortune of war 
 which the next turn of the wheel might repair. It was 
 the selfishness, the jealous}', the treacherj', that made 
 his heart sore. All he feared had come true. The 
 commissions he had carried Avith him had shared the 
 fate of Carnwath's lieutenancy, and these proud King's 
 men would brook no master in the King's Lieuteuant- 
 General. The superior rank that his new patent of 
 Marquis gave him over them, instead of confirming his 
 authority, only aggravated his oftence.^ And still there 
 was no sign of the Irishmen. All the Lowlands from 
 the Forth to the Solway were in the hands of the 
 Covenanters. Traquair, once the most trusted of the 
 King's Scottish counsellors after Hamilton, had now 
 openly declared for them, and was busy promising in 
 their name pardon and preferment to all Royalists who 
 should follow him. Huntly had indeed called his men 
 out in tiio north, but had been easily routed by Argyll, 
 and some gallant (Gordons had paid the penalty for their 
 chief's miscarriage with their heads. 
 
 Such was the substance of tlio report entrusted to 
 Ogilvy for the King's hand. It was drawn up at 
 Carlisle, whitlier the ballled adventurers hud retired 
 
 ' The patent is dated at Oxfonl, .May Olli, ItJ J i.
 
 I ;6 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 'J 
 
 after the disaster at Marston. Nothing more could be 
 done now but to make the best of their way back to 
 lieadquarters at Oxford and there wait with their sover- 
 eign for a happier time. In this decision Montrose 
 had seemed to acquiesce wliile secretly resolved on a 
 very different enterprise. Early in August the melan- 
 choly cavalcade left Carlisle for the South. After 
 nightfall on the second day, Montrose, having confided 
 his plans to Ogilvy alone, privately left his companions, 
 who, seeing his aide-de-camp, his horses, servants, and 
 baggage still with them, continued their march for 
 Oxford, never doubting that their chief was following. 
 But they were not destined to reach their journey's 
 end in safety. On their way through Lancashire they 
 were attacked by a strong body of rebel horse, and 
 after a stout resistance carried prisoners into Leven's 
 camp before Newcastle. Their leader returned to 
 Carlisle. 
 
 No wilder project was ever hatched in mortal brain 
 than that on which Montrose was now bent. It was 
 clear even to him that the game for the present was up 
 in the Lowlands ; but the Highlands were still open. 
 There, among his own people, he might at least wait in 
 safety for Antrim's promised succours, which must surely 
 now be on their road, and there he might hope to find 
 the loyal hearts which had ceased to beat south of the 
 Forth. But to reach the Highlands he must first cross 
 the Border where every pass and road was jealously 
 Avatched liy Covenanting patrols, and make his Avay 
 through a country Avhere every town and castle fiew 
 the blue flag. He knew that his enemies would give 
 more to have him in their hands than for the King
 
 VII J WILD VENTURE 137 
 
 and all his armies, and he knew well that from those 
 hands he need never hope to escape with life. In 
 truth the design seems to match better with the brilliant 
 romance of the great novelist than the sober record 
 of history. He chose for his companions Sir William 
 Rollo, a younger brother of the Laird of Duncruib, and 
 Colonel Sibbald who had served under him in the Cov- 
 enanting armies. They wore the dress of Leven's 
 troopers, while the Marquis in the guise of a groom 
 rode after them on a sorry nag and leading another by 
 the bridle. ' 
 
 At the Border they were met by the startling 
 intelligence that JMontrose was known to be in the 
 neighbourhood, and that the strictest watch was kept 
 for him at all the passes. But a more serious danger 
 soon threatened them. A Scots soldier, Avho had served 
 under Newcastle and seen Montrose in the camp at 
 Durham, at once detected him under his mean disguise 
 and saluted him by name. The seeming groom would 
 liave maintained his character, but the soldier would 
 take no denial. " What ! " he said. " Do I not know 
 my Lord Manpiis of Montrose 1 But go your way and 
 God be with you 1 " They gave him a few crowns, and 
 the faithful fellow kept their secret well. 
 
 Thus, after four days of hard riding and continuous 
 peril, Montrose reached the Highlands. He passed 
 through his own lands without halting till lie came to 
 Tullibeltoii, oil the Tay between Perth ;in(l Dunkeld, 
 the seat of I'atrick (!raliaiii of Inchbrakic the best 
 loved and trusted of :ill his kinsmen. Heic he could 
 draw breath in .safety, though the strictest conoealincnt 
 was still ncces.sary till he could learn the state of the
 
 ijS MONTROSE chap, vii 
 
 country. He passed liis nights in a little hut among 
 the woods, and his days in lonely rambles on the hills, 
 while his two companions went on to Keir to report the 
 wanderer's arrival, and to learn how things went in 
 those parts for the King.
 
 CHAPTER VIIT 
 
 THE CAMPAIGN IN THK HIGHLANDS 
 
 (TIPPEKMUIK — ABERDEEN — INVERLOCHY) 
 
 The report was not encouraging. Huntly's abortive 
 rising had only served to strengthen the hands of the 
 Covenant. North of the Grampians Sutherland and 
 Seaforth were in arms with the Forbescs, Frasers, and 
 Grants, all hereditary enemies of the Gordons. To the 
 south another force was mustering under Elcho at 
 Perth. The men of Athole, the Stuarts, and the 
 Robertsons, were sound at the core, but had looked in 
 vain for a leader since the death of Montrose's friend 
 and Argyll's sworn foe, the loyal Earl of Athole, and in 
 the want of a leader they too had fallen under the 
 universal yoke. Between Highlands and Lowlands 
 there seemed in tnith but little choice. 
 
 While wandering one day in despondent nioud on 
 the hills Montrose saw a man hastening towards him 
 over the heather with the ticry cross, the Iligliland 
 signal for war, in his liaml. He had been sent to wain 
 Perth of a great army of Irishmen that Imd entered 
 Athole under Alaster Macdonald ' threatening to bum 
 
 ' Alaster, or Alexamler Jlacdonald, son of Coll Keitath Mac- 
 donald of C'olonsay. Coll Keitach inuaua he who cau light with
 
 140 
 
 MONTROSE CHAP. 
 
 and ravage the whole country unless it joined them for 
 King Charles. Within a short time arrived, by a series 
 of lucky accidents, a letter from Macdonald himself 
 announcing his arrival to Montrose, whom he supposed 
 to be still at Carlisle. Montrose answered at once, 
 bidding ]\Iacdonald to make straight for Blair Athole, 
 and promising to join him there with all speed. 
 
 In the prospect of action all doubts and difficulties 
 vanished at once from Montrose's sanguine mind. He 
 saw only that the time had come at last to make good 
 his pledge to the King, and though all the armies of 
 the Covenant were gathering to their prey, made good 
 it should be. In a Highland dress, on foot, with no 
 companion but Inchbrakie, he set off over the hills for 
 the rendezvous with the King's commissioft in his 
 pocket and the King's standard on his shoulder. He 
 arrived at a critical moment. The men of Athole did 
 not care to see these Irishmen in their country. They 
 looked on Macdonald, though partly of their own race, 
 as an upstart unfit to lead Highland gentlemen to 
 battle. For the Highland chieftains were as jealous 
 as the Lowland peers. No chief would serve under 
 another chief ; no clan would follow any but its heredi- 
 tary lord. A Cameron would take no orders from a 
 Macleod; the Macphersons, who numbered some four 
 hundred in all, held themselves as good men as the 
 Campbells, Avho could bring five thousand claymores 
 into the field. Nor was the appearance of the Irishmen 
 
 either hand. The Lowland corruption, Colkitto, has been inipro- 
 perly given to the son, whose correct designation woukl be Mac 
 Cull Keitach. Macdonnell, the family name of the Earl of Antrim, 
 is the same as Macdonald. The father of the first Earl of Antrim 
 was Sorley Buy Macdonald, brother of Coll Keitach's grandfather.
 
 VIII MONTROSE TAKES THE FIELD 141 
 
 such as to inspire much respect. There were onl}- 
 about twelve hundred of them, indifferently armed and 
 attended b}- a rabble of half-starved, half-naked women 
 and children. Montrose found the Highlanders on the 
 point of coming to blows with their unwelcome allies. 
 But his arrival at once changed the spirit of the scene. 
 Macdonald could not at first believe that this travel- 
 stained, meanly-dressed man was the King's Lieutenant- 
 General, the famous Marquis of Montrose; but the 
 shouts of the Highlanders soon assured him. They 
 knew the Marquis well by sight, and his companion, 
 whom they had affectionately dubbed Black Pate, was 
 their particular friend. Scots and Irish united in wel- 
 coming their chief. The royal commission was read, 
 and the royal standard unfurled on a small hill below 
 the castle and close to the modern house of Lude. 
 
 And now at last there was a royal army in Scotland, 
 and the King's Lieutenant was something more than an 
 empty name. Yet it was not one with which any 
 general but Montrose would have cared to take the 
 field. At the most it cannot have exceeded two thousand 
 three hundred men. The Irish carried rusty matchlocks, 
 with amnuniition enough for a round a piece. A few 
 of the Highlanders were armed with the claymore, but 
 bows and arrows, pikes and rude clubs, were the more 
 common weapons. Cavalry there was none, but the 
 three horses on which Montrose and his conqjanions 
 liad ridden from Carlisle, mere scarecrows of skin ami 
 bone, a.s Wishart calls them omnino strujosos et enuiciatos. 
 Against this rude array there were no less than three 
 armies in the field, one under Lord I>alfour of Burleigh 
 at Aberdeen, another uinlcr JClchu at Perth, while Argyll
 
 142 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 was coming up fast from the West to avenge the flaming 
 homesteads and slaughtered herds that had marked 
 the course of the hated Macdonald through tlie countiy 
 of the Campbells. Montrose chose the nearest, and 
 striking south through the hills crossed the Tay on the 
 last day of August. As they marched through Glen 
 Almond they were joined by five hundred men under 
 Lord Kilpont and the Master of Maderty, Montrose's 
 brother-in-law. They had come out at Elcho's summons 
 to defend their lands against the public enemy, not to 
 fi";ht a2;ainst their kinsman. ^ With these welcome sue- 
 cours Montrose continued his march upon Perth. Early 
 on the morning of Sunday, September 1st, he came in 
 sight of the Covenanters drawn up in order of battle on 
 the plain of Tippermuir between him and the city. 
 
 Elcho's army was composed of six thousand foot, 
 seven hundred horse, and a small park of artillery. 
 But the odds were not so great as they looked. Elcho's 
 military reputation did not stand high, and his soldiers 
 were mostly townsmen and peasants ignorant of war 
 and, despite the exhortations of their preachers, with no 
 great stomach for it. Montrose, on the other hand, 
 could trust every man in his little force. They Avere 
 not indeed trained soldiers, but they had all been bred 
 from their youth to keep their heads with their hands, 
 were utterly fearless, and conscious of two important 
 facts — that there Avas a powerful enemy in their rear, 
 and a rich prize before them. He formed them in a 
 long line three deep, with orders to the Irish to reserve 
 their single volley till they were close on the enemy, 
 
 ^ Lord Kilpont was the son of tlie Earl of Airtli and Menteith, 
 for whom see chapter ii.
 
 VIII THE VICTORY AT TIPPERMUIR 143 
 
 •while those who had no guns might use the stones of 
 which there was a plentiful supply on the moor ready to 
 their hands. But it was on the wild rush of the charge, 
 and the stout arms of his men, that he relied. Could 
 they once get home on the Perthshire cits, he had little 
 fear of the result. His own place was on the right wing ; 
 Kilpont commanded on the left ; Macdonald and his 
 Irishmen were in the centre. 
 
 But first, that all things might be done in order, 
 Montrose sent young Maderty, under a flag of truce, to 
 inform P^Icho that he was acting under the commission 
 of their King, whose only desire was to persuade his 
 subjects to return to their lawful allegiance and to 
 avoid all bloodshed. Elcho's answer Avas to send the 
 messenger a prisoner into Perth, with the assurance that 
 he should pay for his insolence with his head so soon as 
 the army of the Lord had done its work. 
 
 What followed can hardly be dignified with the name 
 of a battle. The Irishmen fired their volley, the High- 
 landers hurled their pebbles, and both with a wild yell 
 sprang straight at their foe. The Covenanters, horse and 
 foot, broke and ran like .sheep. Only on the right wing 
 was there any resistance, where Sir James Scott, a brave 
 man who had seen service in the Italian wans, held his 
 ground for a time among some enclosures, till Montrose 
 burst in at the head of the Atholemcn. Not more llian 
 a dozen fell in the actual fight, which lasted but a few 
 minutes ; 1)ut many luindrcds were cut down in the 
 rout. The claymores an<l T,<.fhabcr axes did bloody 
 work among the fugitives, and some of the fat burghers, 
 untouched by cither, arc said to have dropped dead from 
 sheer exhaustif>n. Before night fell Nb)ntrose was master
 
 144 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 of Perth, without the loss of a single man, and with hut 
 two wounded. 
 
 No plundering was allowed. The arms, ammunition, 
 and baggage of the enemy were lawful spoil, and on the 
 dead bodies the victors might work their will ; but within 
 the walls strict order was commanded and kept. Some 
 of the prisoners took service under King Charles ; the 
 rest were released on parole. A fine was imposed on 
 the town, and for three days Montrose and his men 
 lived at free quarters. It was during these days that 
 he was joined by his two eldest sons and his old tutor 
 William Forrett ; the two younger boys, with their 
 mother, were at Kinnaird Castle under the care of her 
 father Southesk. 
 
 On September 4th Montrose left Perth for Aberdeen. 
 In point of equipment his force was now vastly superior 
 to that he had led to victory at Tippermuir. His men 
 were all well armed and clothed ; ammunition was 
 plentiful, and there was some money in the chest. A 
 few gentlemen joined him on the march. Among them 
 was the gallant old Earl of Airlie, Avith his two younger 
 sons Sir Thomas and Sir David Ogilvy, who through 
 good and evil fortune remained faithful to the end ; 
 and Nathaniel Gordon, one of the bravest and the most 
 constant of his name. These brought a welcome addi- 
 tion to his force in the shape of a small body of cavalry, 
 not indeed exceeding fifty troopers, but all well mounted 
 and Avell armed. On the other hand there had been 
 some serious defections. As usual, most of the High- 
 landers had gone off to the mountains to secure their 
 booty. Lord Kilpont's men had withdrawn with the 
 body of their young chief, after his mysterious death at
 
 vni THE ARMY OF THE COVENANT 145 
 
 the hands of his kinsman Stewart of Ardvoirlich, Avhich 
 had occurred in camp on the morning after they had 
 left Perth. ^ "When Montrose summoned Aberdeen on 
 the morning of September 12th, he had at his back only- 
 fifteen hundred foot, fifty horse, and the few field-pieces 
 taken at Tippermuir. 
 
 The Covenanters were two thousand stron"- in foot, 
 with five hundred horse. Two of Huntly's sons were 
 among them. It is idle to search for the causes Avhich 
 placed these scions of a loyal House in the ranks of their 
 sovereign's enemies. One cause was undoubtedly jealousy 
 of Montrose, whose treatment of their father they had not 
 yet forgiven. ]\Ioreover, though Huntly's sons, they were 
 also Argyll's nephews, and for the present the uncle had 
 the upper hand of tlie father. There at all events they 
 were, not only marshalled to fight against the King's 
 troops, but marshalled side by side with their hereditary 
 foes, the Crichtons, Frasers, and other families who 
 welcomed the Covenant as a counterpoise to the over- 
 weening power of the Gordons. But though superior in 
 numbers, and not infeiior in arms and courage, the 
 Covenanters were totally deficient in discipline, and 
 their nominal loader, Lord Balfour of Burlcigli, had 
 neitiier knowledge nor autliority to coiitrol them. 
 
 The bridge over the Dee had been fortified, and 
 Montrose, remembering his former experiences at this 
 place, led his army up the river t(j a ford some fifteen 
 
 ' All i;xj)laniitioii nf tlii.i strange story lias liceii given in ilie In- 
 troduction to .,•/ Lcfjcml of MoiUroae. Tim welcome accoi<U'iI to 
 Stewart hy Argyll, and the terms in wliidi liis [lardon was reronled 
 by the Covenanters, certainly lend sDme colour to the oii^^iiial 
 belief that Kilpont was slain for refusing to join in a plot to murdor 
 Montrose. See Montrose and the Covenanters, ii. 323-325. 
 
 L
 
 146 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 miles above the city. Here they crossed, and encamped 
 for the niglit in the grounds of Crathes Castle, whose 
 owner, though no King's man, thought the King's 
 Lieutenant, with fifteen hundred men at his back, 
 entitled to every courtesy. Next morning Montrose 
 led his men down the north bank of the river within 
 two miles of Aberdeen, where he found the Covenanters 
 ready for battle. He summoned the magistrates to 
 surrender, or at least to send the women and children 
 to a place of safety. His summons was refused, and 
 a drummer -bo}^, who had accompanied his messenger, 
 wantonly killed. Furious at this second and more 
 brutal disregard of the laws of civilised warfare, Mon- 
 trose promised Macdonald the sack of the rebellious 
 town, and bade the battle begin. 
 
 As at Tippermuir the Irish held the centre ; Kollo 
 commanded on the right, Nathaniel Gordon on the left. 
 The cavalry were on the two wings, interspersed with 
 musketeers and bowmen. Montrose, well mounted, 
 clad in coat and trews, with a bunch of oats in his 
 bonnet — a tvhimsy adopted by all his infantry — Avas 
 everywhere his keen eye told him there was need of 
 his services. The fighting was hot while it lasted, and 
 at one moment the left flank of the Eoyalists was within 
 an ace of being turned. But Montrose brought up the 
 horse and a fi'esh supply of musketeers from the light 
 wing in the nick of time, and the Covenanters having 
 no one to take advantage of the crisis, the danger was 
 averted. The fifty troopers performed wonders, and the 
 Irish fought like trained soldiers. In the end good 
 leadership and discipline prevailed over numbei's, and a 
 general charge led by Montrose in person decided the day.
 
 VIII THE SACK OF ABERDEEN 147 
 
 Within two hours after the first shot was fired the 
 army of the Covenant Avas in fiight. Balfour, Avho 
 seems to have ph\yed no part in the battle, galloped off 
 north across the Don with his cavalry. The foot were 
 cut down as they ran, and the victorious Royalists burst 
 into the town at the heels of the fugitives. Then 
 followed a hideous scene. Montrose would not, or could 
 not, retract the promise he had given in a moment of 
 anger, and the wild Irish ran riot through the defence- 
 less town. The unarmed citizens were butchered like 
 sheep in the streets ; the better sort were stripped before 
 death, that their clothes might not be soiled with their 
 blood ; women and little children were slaughtered for 
 bewailing their dead, and those women were happiest 
 who e.xpiated their tears Avith life. For three days the 
 sack continued, without any interference, so far as we 
 know, on the part of Montrose. Hitherto we have 
 invariably seen him courteous and humane to a defeated 
 foe, and always where it was in his power active 
 to spare a defenceless people, and as such we shall 
 find him hereafter. On this solitary occasion he out- 
 does the worst brutalities of the German wars. It was 
 a mistake as well as a crime. It turned the scale 
 against him in many wavering minds; and it inlhimed 
 the anger and fear of his enemies to a savage and un- 
 relenting hatred which was destined to bear bitter fruit 
 upon a later day. A price was now set upon his head, 
 and Argyll openly oflercd a reward of .£'20,000 tu any 
 man who should luiiig i) in by fair means 01 fmil. 
 
 It was now felt that some more serious measures must 
 be taken with this tcirilde enemy. Argyll's pursuit of 
 Macdonald had slackened since he learned that the
 
 148 MONTROSE CHAP. 
 
 Irish had joined hands with Montrose ; but he was still 
 laboriously plodding after them with three thousand of 
 his Campbells. To these were now added two regiments 
 from the regular army in England, and a strong force of 
 cavalry. These reinforcements did not quicken Argyll's 
 pace, but they prevented Montrose from giving battle to 
 a foe Avhom above all others he longed to meet on a fair 
 field. His little force had been still further diminished 
 by the despatch of Macdonald with half his men into 
 the Western Highlands to beat up recruits among the 
 men of his name, who had been from time immemorial 
 the sworn foes of Mac Galium More. For some weeks 
 therefore the nimble Cavalier was forced to content him- 
 self with leading his heavy-footed, heavy-hearted pursuer 
 a chase backwards and forwards through the Grampians, 
 till at last he rested at Fyvie Castle on the Ythan, in 
 the north-east corner of Aberdeenshire. 
 
 Here he was nearly caught napping. Argyll had 
 crept within two miles of the castle before Montrose 
 knew that he had so much as crossed the Grampians. 
 It Avas a dangerous moment for the King's Lieutenant. 
 He dared not risk a battle on the open ground : the 
 castle would not stand a siege ; and to make matters 
 Avorse, the Royalists had run short of ammmiition. But 
 behind the castle rose a rugged hill, crowned with trees 
 and roughly defended Avith some farm enclosures. Here 
 Montrose stood at bay. The peAvter vessels of the castle 
 Avere melted into bullets, and the first attack of the Cove- 
 nanters supplied the defenders Avith poAvder. Argyll's men 
 Avere half-Avay up the hill, Avhen Montrose, turning to a 
 young Irishman Avhom Macdonald had left in charge as his 
 lieutenant, said, " Come, O'Cahau, Avhat arc you about 1
 
 VIII AT FYVIE CASTLE 149 
 
 Take some of j^our handiest fellows, drive those rascals 
 from our defences, and see that we are not troubled 
 with them again." The brave young soldier rushed 
 down the hill at the head of his men, drove the Cove- 
 nanters pell-mell before him, and returned in safety with 
 several bags of jiowder. As they came back into their 
 lines, one of the Irishmen said, looking at the powder, 
 " We must at them again ; the stingy rogues have left 
 us no bullets." The jest was soon made earnest. As 
 Argyll's foot retired, the horse came up on another 
 side against the little body of Ro3^alist troopers. But 
 ^Montrose saw the movement, and leading some of his 
 musketeers round the brow of the hill, poured so hot a 
 volley into the Covenanting squadrons, that they de- 
 scended the slope much faster than they had climbed it. 
 This was enough for Argjdl. He withdrew his men 
 beyond the Ythan, and Montrose marched back un- 
 molested to Blair-Athole. 
 
 This extraordinary cam])aign — this "strange cours- 
 ing" as Baillie shrewdly called it — could not continue. 
 It was now November. The rains of autumn were 
 already turning into the snows of winter. The moun- 
 tains would soon be passaldc only for avoIvcs and eagles. 
 Argyll turned from a jiursuit foi- which he had no heart, 
 led his men back to E<linlnirgli, and resigning his com- 
 mission to the Estates retired to his own country. The 
 road into the liowlands lay open. Now was the time 
 to put in practice that plan which I^Tontrosc Ii.hI ;il\va5\s 
 kept steadily in view. This nioiiiitaiii warfare against 
 irregular levies led by incompetent generals was but a 
 waste of good powder and shot. If ln' ronld descend 
 into the LowJamls with a force suflifirnt to Iiring Lcven
 
 I50 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 back over the Border, his promise to the King would be 
 redeemed. Macdonald had rejoined him with the rest 
 of the Irishmen and five hundred stout fellows of his 
 name, Macdonalds of Glengarry, Clanronald, Kcppoch, 
 and Glencoe. Camerons from Lochaber, Stewarts from 
 Appin, Farquharsons from Braemar, had also gathered 
 to the Standard. Surely now he was strong enough to 
 put his cherished design into practice. But his Lowland 
 officers demurred. They were weary of a campaign 
 where victory brought no solid fruits, and where the 
 advance of one day seemed to be inevitably followed by 
 the retreat of the next. The invitations and promises of 
 Argyll had begun to work. They knew that pardon 
 and preferment awaited every deserter from the royal 
 cause, and though they had no design of betraying 
 Montrose, they thought the time favourable for making 
 their own peace. Under pretence of being unfit to face 
 the hardships of a winter campaign, one after another 
 took leave of his General. The brave Airlie, for all 
 his sixty years, and his sons alone stood by him, and 
 Nathaniel Gordon, who, though he left his leader, left 
 him on the King's service. Montrose let the recreants 
 go without a word, and turned to tlie Highlanders. 
 They too deprecated a descent on the Lowlands, but for 
 a different reason. These Macdonalds and Camerons 
 were ready enough to fight under the royal banner, but 
 they must fight against their own foe. They hated King 
 Campbell more than they loved King Charles. Between 
 all who bore the name of Macdonald and all who bore 
 the name of Campbell there had been war to the knife 
 for many generations. There Avas hardly, indeed, a clan 
 in all the Highlands of Scotland which had not a grudge
 
 VIII THE RAID ON ARGYLLSHIRE 151 
 
 to pay against the Eace of Diarmid. Beyond the great 
 mountain barrier with which Nature had guarded the 
 domains of ]\Iac Galium JNIore lay a land, rough indeed 
 and sparsely cultivated, but rich in fat cattle and 
 well-stocked homesteads, Argyll was used to say that 
 he had rather lose a hundred thousand crowns than that 
 any mortal man should know the way by which an army 
 could enter his countrj'. There were men now at 
 Montrose's side who knew that way as Avell as Argyll 
 himself. Something clearly must be done. Neither his 
 temperament nor his position would suffer Montrose to 
 be idle. He could not hope to keep his men together 
 without pay, and pay was only to be found in the 
 pockets of a defeated enemy. Moreover, to strike a 
 blow at Argyll in his own home was in some sort to do 
 the King's service, and in a sort not uncongenial to him- 
 self when no better was possible. He agreed, therefore, 
 to a plan which it was not altogether in his power to 
 refuse, and in the first week of December the westward 
 march began. 
 
 They marched in three divisions. IMontrose led one, 
 Alastcr ^^acdonald another, and the third was com- 
 manded by the Captain of Clanron:rld. On December 
 13th tjjcy struck down through those mountains whose 
 secrets had been so jealously guarded right into the 
 heart of the promised land. At the first rumour of their 
 approach Argyll had ilcd fn-m Inveraray in a fishing- 
 boat, leaving his clansmen to shift for themselves. For 
 npwjirds of a month the triumphant Ahicdonalds carried 
 fire and sword through the length and breadth of tin- 
 country. Kvcry unfortified dwelling was sacked and 
 l)unu'd to the ground ; every head of cattle not wanted
 
 152 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 f(n' tlie destroyers' consumption was slaughtered. Mon- 
 trose Avould have spared the people if he could; but 
 a ]\Tacdonal(l with a sword in his hand could give no 
 quarter to a Campbell, and when Montrose was not by 
 to save him every son of the accursed race old enough to 
 l)ear arms was ruthlessly cut down where he was found. 
 By the end of January the work was done : to the lands 
 of Argyll had been meted the measure their owners 
 had never spared to measure to others ; and leaving a 
 smouldering waste behind him Montrose turned leisurely 
 northwards through Lochaber. 
 
 He had reached Kilcummin, where Fort-Augustus 
 now stands, at the head of Loch Ness, when he heard 
 news which made him pause. In front Seaforth was 
 barring the way with five thousand men, his own 
 Mackenzies and others from the hardy northern shires. 
 Behind him Argyll was coming up with all the Camp- 
 bells he could muster and some Lowland levies hastily 
 gathered to his aid. To meet these two armies Montrose 
 had only his Irishmen, a handful of Airlie's troopers, 
 and such of the Highlanders as had not yet made off 
 with their plunder, barely fifteen hundred men in all. 
 He made his choice in an instant. Only thirty miles off, 
 down the road by which he had just ascended the valley, 
 Argyll lay at Inverlochy three thousand strong. But 
 that road was certain to be watched by Argyll's scouts, 
 and this time Montrose was determined that his enemy 
 should not escape him. There was another road by 
 which the Campbells might be reached in flank at a point 
 where no retreat was possible. It was a road rarely 
 trodden even in summer by any foot save that of the 
 deer or wolf, and now, when winter lay white on the
 
 VIII A FORCED MARCH 153 
 
 mountains and the passes were clioked Avitli phoav, 
 shunned even by those wild travellers. But auj^ road 
 that led to his enemy was a good road for Montrose, 
 and the dauntless spirit of their General beat high in the 
 hearts of his men. Striking southward over the rugged 
 shoulder of Corryarrick, through the bleak wastes of 
 Glen Eoy and Glen Spean, now wading Avaist high 
 through the snow, and now clambering among the bare 
 mountain peaks of that lonely land, by day and night 
 the little host held on its painful way. On the evening 
 of February 1st, on the second day after leaving Kil- 
 cumrain, they saw from the skirts of Ben Nevis the 
 towers of Inverlochy and the moonlit waters of 
 Loch Eil. 
 
 The castle of Inverlochy stood, as all that is left of it 
 still stands, at the juncture of Loch Eil and Loch Linnhe 
 beneath the mighty shadow of Ben Nevis. The Camp- 
 ])ells lay in the narrow strip of j)]ain between the 
 mountain and the shore. For them there was no escape 
 if defeated ; but unfortunately for his honour a way of 
 escape lay open to their chief. His galley lay at her 
 moorings on the lake, and in the mi<ldle of the night 
 he M'as ])ut secretly on boaid to await in ignominious 
 security the chances of the day, leaving his people 
 to fight for his name and their lives under his cousin 
 Sir Duncan Campbell of Auchinbrcck. He excused 
 himself by an injuiy to his arm which disabled liini 
 from using a sword, an excuse that no othci- niini 
 then alive in Scotland would have ventured to picail in 
 the face of his foe. 
 
 Tliough their .scouts had brought word early in the 
 evening of an enemy boMing the ])asses above thoin in
 
 154 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 force, the Campbells could not believe that enemy to be 
 Montrose. Even the imagination of a Highlander, inured 
 as he was to every form of activity and endurance, could 
 not conceive the possibility of that Avonderful march ; 
 and su[)posing that they would have only to deal with 
 some Macdonalds and Camerons gathered to defend tlieir 
 homes from ravage, they slept securely through the night. 
 But when with the first rays of morning they heard from 
 the dark mountain overhead the trumpets pealing the 
 point of war which had been ever used by Scotsmen to 
 salute the standard of their king, they knew too well who 
 was before them. Auchinbreck was a brave and experi- 
 enced soldier but he had little confidence in the Lowland 
 levies, and even his own men were better, he knew, at 
 giving than receiving the attack. Still numbers must 
 be on his side, and his men were fresh. The enemy 
 could not be many, and must be weary and ill-fed. Ill- 
 fed in truth they Avere ; they had not tasted bread since 
 they left Kilcimimin ; even Montrose and Airlie had 
 to break their fast on a little meal softened with 
 cold water. But all weariness had vanished at the 
 sight of the enemy ; and for the food, they comforted 
 themselves with the assurance of better fare before 
 sunset. 
 
 The battle cf Inverlochy was little more than a repeti- 
 tion of the battle of Tippermuir. Montrose now led the 
 centre, where the Highlanders fought who would follow 
 no man to battle but the King's Lieutenant. Alaster 
 Macdonald led on the right, and O'Cahan, the hero of 
 Fyvie, on the left. Auchinbreck had placed the Low- 
 land regiments on either wing, himself commanding the 
 Campbells in the centre. The former discharged their
 
 VIII THE VICTORY AT INVERLOCHY 155 
 
 muskets and ran so soon as they saw INIontrose's fierce 
 warriors burst from the mountain and heard the. Mild 
 yell with which they came bounding over the plain. The 
 Campbells fought bravely, but unsupported and over- 
 lapped they at last too broke and fled. Some pressed 
 into the water to reach their chief's galley, but Argyll had 
 hoisted his sails so soon as he saw that all was lost, and 
 made off down the lake heedless of his drowning clans- 
 men. Others fled southwards along the beach and were 
 cut down as they ran. Some made for the castle, but 
 were driven back by the troopers into the open ground. 
 Quarter was given to the Lowlanders, but ISIontrose 
 could win no quarter from his men for the Campbells. 
 Fifteen hundred of the great clan perished on that fatal 
 daj', including Auchinbreck himself and many gentlemen 
 of rank. On the other side only three private soldiers 
 were killed ; but many were wounded, and among them 
 Sir Thomas Ogilvy, by whose death, a few days after the 
 battle, Montrose lost a staunch friend and the King a 
 brave and accomplished officer. 
 
 Montrose had won a great and important victory. 
 He liad completely broken Argyll's power in the High- 
 lands, and indeed for many years to come the mighty 
 Clun Cami)bell was but tlie sliadow of its former name. 
 It is small wonder that his head grew hot with success, 
 and that he wrote to the King as though all Scotland 
 lay already at his feet. " I doubt not," ran his triuiii])h- 
 ant words, " that before the end of this summer I .shall 
 be able to come to your majesty's assistance with a l)ravc 
 army, which, backed with tli^' justice of your majesty's 
 cause, will ni;d<(; the rebels in England as well as in 
 Scotland feel the just rewards of rebellio)!. Only give
 
 156 MONTROSE CHAP, viii 
 
 me leave, after I have reduced this country to your 
 majesty's obedience, and conquered from Dan to Beer- 
 slieha, to say to your majesty then, as David's general 
 did to his master, 'Come thou thyself, lest this countiy 
 be called by my name.' "
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 
 THK CAMPAIGN IN TIIK HIGHLANDS 
 (AULDEAEN — ALFORD — KILSYTH) 
 
 Had Montrose been strong enough to march at once on 
 the capital, it is possible that he might have found him- 
 self naaster of Scotland, and his promise to the King 
 fulfilled sooner than he had expected. It is certain that 
 those in Edinburgh who knew the truth felt that they 
 were for the moment powerless to stop him. On such a 
 stroke, however, even he dared not venture. Cavalry he 
 had none, save the few troopers who barely sufficed for an 
 e-scort to the Standard, and without cavalry he could not 
 hope to hold his own in Lowland warfare. Nor for 
 such Avarfare could he rely on the Highlanders, even 
 should they consent to follow him so far from their 
 liomcs. In the sudden onset, the struggle hand to 
 hand, the headlong pursuit, a general need wish to lead 
 no better soldiers ; but in the calculated movements of 
 a regular campaign they could not be trusted. Tlicy 
 knew no (liscii)line save obedience to their own chicf.s, 
 no mode of figliting save to shout and fall (ui. To lally 
 them aftf-r defeat was as difficult as to keep iIkih 
 in hand after a victory. ^Montrose therefore licld 
 on northwiinls up the valley of the Xes.s, on tiiu
 
 15S MONTROSE CHAP. 
 
 road he was inarching when he had turned back on 
 Argyll. 
 
 The news of his great victory had preceded him. As 
 he advanced, Seaforth and his Mackenzies fell back, and 
 when he halted at Elgin the proud chief of Kintail 
 appeared before him as a suppliant for the royal 
 pardon. Nor was Seaforth the only waverer who had 
 taken to heart the lesson taught Argyll. Sir James 
 Grant came in with three hundred of his men, and 
 many of the smaller lairds. Now, too, appeared a more 
 welcome ally than all the Grants and Mackenzies could 
 furnish. Nathaniel Gordon's errand had been done. 
 Weary of a yoke at which he had always secretly 
 fretted, and of a cause which seemed to lead only to 
 defeat and disgrace, Lord Gordon now frankly offered 
 his sword to Montrose. Nor did he come alone. His 
 brother Lord Lewis, whom he brought with him, Avas 
 destined indeed to prove a hindrance rather than a 
 help, but a well-mounted and well-furnished troop of the 
 gentlemen of his house had also followed their young 
 chief. Thus reinforced on the side where he was 
 weakest, Montrose turned to face his enemies once 
 more. 
 
 The Estates had now recovered from their panic. 
 In the first transports of their fear, when the news 
 came doAvn from Inverlochy, they had sought comfort 
 in solemnlj^ pronouncing doom of death and forfeiture 
 on the traitor James Graham, sometime Earl of Mon- 
 trose, and on all who abetted him in his treason ; and 
 the Kirk had as solemnly discharged against him the 
 thunders of its excommunication. For himself such 
 idle words were nothing to Montrose ; but it was not
 
 IX MONTROSE EXCOMMUNICATED 159 
 
 his cue to pass any accusation of his enemies un- 
 challenged, or to let any judgment go against him by 
 default. It was on the justice of his cause, on his omu 
 consistency that he wished especially to be understood 
 to rely. He therefore published an answer to this 
 sentence, framed on the same lines as his Declaration 
 from Dumfries, but in a bolder spirit and more explicit 
 terms. He recapitukted the causes which led Scotland 
 to renew her ancient Covenant " as the only safest and 
 fairest way for preservation of religion and liberty, 
 which was so opposed by the prelates and their adherents 
 that, by misinformation, they moved our dread sovereign 
 to threaten us on both sides with arms." He reminded 
 his countrymen that for this jjurpose he had gone with the 
 Covenant even farther than was strictly warrantable till 
 the King, " being informed of the lawfulness of our pro- 
 ceedings and honest intentions," had granted, first at 
 Berwick and afterwards more fully at Eipon, all that 
 they could fairly and reasonably ask. Thus far he had 
 gone with them ; farther, no true subject of the Crown, 
 no true hjver of his country, no true Covenanter could 
 go. It was when he found "the prevailing party 
 to intend more than they did ijretend," to the i)rojudicc 
 of religion and liberty, to the ruin of lawful authority, 
 to the abuse of the real spirit of the Nationid Cove- 
 nant, — it was iIhii tli;ii in; left tlieni. It was tlicn 
 that "we were constrained to suil'er tlieiii in deviate 
 without us, witli the nuiltitudo misled by llirm, whose 
 eyes they seal in wiiat concerns religion, and licarts 
 thoy steal away in what ccjncerns leligion, — ami there 
 we left them.'' ' 
 
 ' Mi:iiiv)iah (if Muni roue, i. 2\b.
 
 i6o MONTROSE chap. 
 
 The Estates, however, could not ali'ord to rely on the 
 spiritual arm alone. James Graham, the excommunicated 
 traitor, was still, outside the walls of Edinburgh, the 
 Marquis of Montrose ; and ihe Marquis of Montrose at 
 the head of an army was not a foe to be safely left to the 
 vengeance of Church and Parliament. The strongest 
 force they had yet put into the field was despatched 
 northwards under General Baillie, who had been re- 
 called from England for the purpose, and Sir John 
 Hurry, a Cavalier who had apparently found in his 
 prison at Newcastle convincing arguments in favour of 
 the Covenant. 
 
 But before the southern march began a heavy blow 
 fell on Montrose from no earthly hand. His eldest son, 
 a gallant lad in his sixteenth year, died at Gordon 
 Castle. He had followed his father through the winter's 
 campaign, and the strain had proved too heavy for his 
 young constitution. Nor was this all. The second son, 
 a boy of eleven, was snatched from his lessons by Hurry 
 in a raid on the town of Montrose, and sent a prisoner 
 to Edinburgh. At the same time old Airlie fell danger- 
 ously sick, and was removed to Strathbogie under a 
 strong escort of Highlanders. Thus weakened in 
 numbers, and Avith a heavy heart, Montrose took the 
 field. 
 
 He was now resolved at all hazards to make for the 
 Lowlands. The answer to his despatch from Inver- 
 lochy had urged him to press southwards with all speed 
 to meet the King, who was now l)ent on carrying the 
 war into Scotland, and had promised an immediate 
 reinforcement of cavalry. The summons matched too 
 well with his own wishes to be disregarded. But as the
 
 IX HIS ARMY ON THE MARCH l6i 
 
 days passed, and the little army drew steadily down the 
 coast to the Tay, no sign could be seen of the promised 
 succours. And the little army grew daily smaller. 
 Baillie, a brave man, but a cautious rather than a 
 brilliant soldier, would not be forced into a battle. 
 jNIontrose had not spared his enemies by the way. 
 Royalist and Covenanter made war in the same fashion, 
 and as Argyll had done, so did Montrose. From Inver- 
 ness to Stonehaven his course was marked by blackened 
 walls and wasted fields. From his strong castle of 
 Dunnottar Marischal saw his broad lands harried by the 
 soldiers of his old friend whom he had not the courage 
 to join, and derived what comfort he could from the 
 assurance of the godly ]\Ir. Cant, that the smoke which 
 he saw rising from his worthless Avorldly goods would be 
 a sweet -smelling incense in the nostrils of the Lord. 
 But an anny marching through a hostile country cannot 
 be burdened with spoil, and the Highlanders, who looked 
 for each morning to bring a repetition of Inverlochy, 
 deserted daily. .Some of the gentlemen asked leave to 
 return for the protection of their own lands, on which, 
 so soon as the coast was clear, a summary vengeance 
 wa.s sure to fall, and the leave could not in prudence bo 
 refused. When .Montrose reached Dunkuld he could 
 muster only six hundred foot and two hundred horse. 
 For the present the Lowlands were safe. 
 
 But it wius nut in Montrose's nature to tiiiii fioni his 
 enemies without striking a blow. iMiu'lce was liut a 
 day's march, as ho had taught his men to march, from 
 I)ind<(;hl ; it was a noted stronghold of rebelh'on, on 
 wliich punishment would not be wasted. Jjcaving 
 iJunkcld at daybreak on April 3r<l, the next morning
 
 i62 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 saw him before Dundee. The town would not sur- 
 render, and could make little resistance. It was carried 
 by storm, and Highlanders and Irishmen were soon busy 
 at their favourite work. In the midst of the tumult 
 came the news that Baillie and Hurry, who were be- 
 lieved to be far on the other side of the Tay, were out- 
 side the walls. To fight them Avas impossible with a 
 few hundred men wild with drink and i)lunder; to 
 secure a safe retreat in such conditions seemed equally 
 hopeless. No other man would probably have thought it 
 worth his while to attempt what Montrose now success- 
 fully performed. He stopped the plundering, sent off his 
 foot in such order as he could command, and with his 
 cavalry and a few picked musketeers prepared to cover 
 tlieir retreat. As he marched out of the eastern gate in 
 the gathering dusk, the enemy entered by the western. 
 Baillie at once ordered his dragoons to charge, but they 
 Avere driven back Avith some empty saddles. Seeing Mon- 
 trose heading for the eastern coast, the wary Covenanter 
 stayed the pursuit, and struck north to bar the Avay into 
 the hills. Montrose had divined the move. At Arbroath 
 he turned abruptly in his tracks, and slipping' back past 
 the unconscious Covenanters in the night, headed straight 
 for the Grampians. The sun had risen before Baillie 
 discovered his mistake. But Montrose Avas not yet safe. 
 He had reached Careston Castle on the Esk ; his men, 
 worn out Avith the day's plundering and the night's 
 marching, had flung themselves on the ground and were 
 sleeping soundly Avhen the enemy's cavalry came in 
 sight. Oidy a few of the sleepers could be aroused, but 
 they Avere enough. The dragoons remembered their 
 reception on the previous evening, and drcAV off". Before
 
 IX THE RETREAT FROM DUNDEE i6 
 
 J 
 
 the foot could come up ]\Iontrose had his men safe 
 among the hills. Of all his extraordinary exploits none 
 so impressed the great soldiers of Europe Avith his con- 
 summate generalship as the retreat from Dundee. " I 
 have often," Avrote "Wishart, "heard those Avho were 
 esteemed the most experienced officers, not in Britain 
 only but in France and Germany, prefer this march of 
 Montrose to his most celebrated victories." 
 
 But generalship Avithout men Avill not AA'in battles. 
 The Aveary Avork of recruiting began again. Macdonald 
 had already been sent to his old ground in the "Western 
 Highlands. Lord Gordon Avas noAv sent into his OAvn 
 country, AV'hither his Aveathercock of a brother had just 
 retired in a huff. On the other hand, Aboyne had made 
 his Avay out of Carlisle and rejoined his chief. A Gordon 
 was always Avelcome, nor had his young aide-de-camp yet 
 shoAvn Montrose any trace of those capricious humours 
 Avhich Avere destined to eventually Avreck the King's 
 cause and his OAvn. IMeanAvhilc the enemy had divided. 
 Hurry had gone northward to take order Avith the 
 Gordons, Avhilc Baillie Avas Avatching the Highlands from 
 Perth. Macdonald had noAv returned Avith a fresh levy 
 of his kinsmen. If ]\Iontrose could slip betAveen the tAvo 
 armies and join liands Avith Lord Gordon, he might fight 
 either at leisure. This Avas done. At Skene, on the 
 upper Dec, he met Lord Gordon stronger than before in 
 Ituth foot and horse. Aboyne made a successful raid on 
 Aberdeen, and retunied Avitli some much-needed powder 
 and ball. By the end of April the King's Lieutenant 
 was once more ready for Ijattle. The (Jordons Avcrc now 
 his very good friends ; he decideil, therefore, for their 
 sake to attack the northern army first.
 
 1 64 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 Hurry, for all his inconstancy, was neither a timid 
 nor an unskilful soldier, and as he far outnumbered the 
 Royalists, he had no wish to avoid a battle; but he 
 intended to fight on his own ground. He led Montrose 
 on by cautiously retreating, till he had drawn him into 
 the heart of a country where not a man called him 
 friend, and then turned on him. On the evening of 
 May 8th Montrose was encamped at the little village of 
 Auldearn, midway between Inverness and Elgin. Here 
 Hurry hoped to surprise him by a night march ; but 
 when within a few miles of the village some of his men 
 discharged their muskets to clear them of the damp 
 powder, and through the driving wind and rain the 
 Royalist sentinels caught the sound. Montrose had 
 little time to make his arrangements, but one glance at 
 the ground in the gray morning light taught him all he 
 needed to know. 
 
 The village of Auldearn stretched north and south 
 along a ridge, and below the western point of the ridge 
 the ground sloped down to a marsh. On the upper part 
 of this slope, at its northern end, among the walled 
 gardens and enclosures of the villagers, Montrose placed 
 the Irishmen with the royal standard, to give them the 
 appearance of the main body. The rest of his foot and 
 all the cavalry he kept out of sight behind the southern 
 end of the ridge. For his centre he had merely a few 
 men placed in front of the cottages as though they were 
 the pickets of a larger force. If Hurry fell into the 
 trap, and Macdonald obeyed orders, Montrose could hurl 
 the Avhole of his left wing on the right flank of the 
 Covenanters when engaged with the Irish, where the 
 ground was open and firm for cavalry. Hurry did fall
 
 IX THE VICTORY AT AULDEARN 165 
 
 into the trap, but Macdonald's rashness nearly caused 
 disaster. Instead of keeping within his lines, he 
 advanced down the hill to meet the full brunt of the 
 main attack. The Irish fought bravely, and Alaster 
 himself pei-formed prodigies of valour. But they Avere 
 outnumbered, driven back, and surrounded. It was 
 whispered to Montrose that his right wing was broken. 
 Any sign of uneasiness might be fatal. The knowledge 
 that his trained troops were routed might damp the 
 ardour of the others. He turned gaily to Gordon. 
 " Why are we lingering here, my dear lord," he said 
 aloud, " when our friend Macdonald is driving the 
 enemy before him on the right 1 Shall all the glory of 
 the day be his % " He then gave the word to advance. 
 The chivalry of the Gordons sprang forward with their 
 young chief at their head. They charged not in the old 
 fa.shion under cover of pistol -fire, but as Cromwell's 
 Ironsides had charged on Marston Moor. Sword in 
 hand they rode straight at Hurry's flank, while Montrose 
 and Aboyne brought up the rest of the infantry. The 
 Covenanting dragoons could not stand the shock, and 
 their flight threw the right wing into disorder. IMon- 
 trose and Aboyne pressed on, while Macdonald rallied 
 his Irishmen and led them down again on the centre. 
 The day was won. Ilurr}'^ escaped with the remnant of 
 his horse to Inverness ; most of the foot perished on the 
 field. No quarter was given, and the pursuit followed 
 fast and far. A few days before the l)attlo a young 
 Gordon, who ha<l been carried wounded from a skirniisli 
 to a friend's house, had been murdered in his l)cd l)y a 
 pai'ty of Covenanters, and tin's brutal (U-imI liad sharpened 
 his kinsmen's swords. Between two and tliree thou.sand
 
 1 66 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 of tho enemy are said to have fallen on the field or in 
 the flight. All their baggage, ammunition, and money 
 remained in tho hands of the victors. 
 
 In the field the CoA^enantcrs seemed powerless to 
 make head against Montrose, but they could strike a 
 blow at him nearer home. The aged Napier, now past 
 his seventieth year — " old and not fit for fighting," as 
 he pathetically pleaded to the Committee — was heavily 
 fined and flung into prison. His son, the young Master, 
 had made his escape in time, and had fought gallantly 
 by his uncle's side at Auldearn ; but his two daughters, 
 Lilias and Margaret, Lady Stirling of Keir, shared their 
 father's fate. Among their fellow -captives, but not 
 companions for no intercourse was permitted them, 
 were Keir himself and J^oung Lord Graham with his 
 tutor. Their imprisonment was close, but their con- 
 dition was easy compared with that of Crawford, Ogilvy, 
 and the other Royalists, who suffered the treatment of 
 the lowest criminals in the Tolbooth. To this time, too, 
 belongs the only trace of Montrose's wife that history 
 vouchsafes between the records of her marriage 
 and her death, in a warrant of the Committee of 
 Estates entrusting her with the care of her third son 
 Robert. From this it Avould appear that she had 
 either contrived to make her peace with her husband's 
 enemies, or that her sympathies were known to be 
 with her own family. Southesk and his son Carnegie 
 had always been staunch, though passive, adherents to 
 the Covenant. 
 
 But it was no time to brood on private wrongs, or to 
 redress them. Hurry with the fragments of his scattered 
 army had rejoined Baillie, and a fresh force under
 
 IX MONTROSE AND LORD GORDON 167 
 
 Lindsay was advancing from the Lowlands. Montrose 
 had been obliged to pay the usual price of his victories, 
 and had again retreated to the hills till the gaps in his 
 ranks could be refilled. But in one respect he was 
 stronger than he had yet been since he first raised the 
 King's banner in Scotland. A warm friendship had 
 sprung up between him and the heir of the Gordons, 
 which, on the younger man's part, showed itself in a 
 chivalrous and unquestioning devotion. Nothing could 
 now separate him from his general's side ; his father's 
 commands were disregarded ; fresh levies were raised, and 
 the waverers recalled to their duty. Still, without the 
 Highlanders, and with only half the Irishmen, Montrose 
 could not have shown fight had not the Covenanters 
 been divided against themselves. Baillie was not his 
 own master. His movements were not only dictated 
 from Edinburgh, but were still further hampered by a 
 committee appointed to assist him in the field. This 
 committee included such experienced commanders as 
 Argyll, Balfour of Burleigh, and Elcho, and was unlikely 
 therefore to inspire much confidence in any man who 
 had heard of Liverlochy, Aberdeen, and Tij)permuir. 
 "Armies," it has been pertinently observed by the 
 historian who has told how another and a worthier 
 Argyll met his fate, "armies have triumphed under 
 leaders who profes.sed no very eminent qualifications. 
 But what army commanded l)y a debating club ever 
 escaped discomfiture and di.sgracc?" Moreover Lind.say 
 professed himself unaltle to fight with his undisciplined 
 troops, and l>ailli(! was ordered to supply him with 
 fifteen hundred of his own trained soldiers in exchange 
 for less than half the inimber ^A raw recruits. Mven
 
 1 68 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 then Lindsay would not fight, hut turning southwards 
 gallantly led his men to harry the unprotected lands of 
 Atliole. Montrose was thus left free to deal with Baillic 
 and the committee. 
 
 Baillie was now in a strong position at Keith in 
 Aberdeenshire, from which he could neither be dislodged 
 nor tempted by offer of battle. But the road to the 
 Lowlands lay open, and if the Royalists took that road 
 the Covenanters could not choose but follow. Montrose 
 therefore marched due south, and crossing the Don took 
 up his position at Alford, a small town some ten miles 
 west of Kintoul. By this time Baillie had learned how 
 weak Montrose was, and thought that he might risk 
 a battle. But when he came in sight of his enemy, on 
 the morning of July 2nd, he hesitated. Montrose was 
 posted, as at Auldearn, on the crest of a hill. Between 
 him and the Covenanters lay a marsh, and beyond the 
 marsh was the river which could be crossed at only one 
 spot directly in front of his lines. These were condi- 
 tions in which a more daring captain than Baillie might 
 have been excused from engaging such an adversary 
 as Montrose. But the committee would not hear of 
 retreating, and even Balcarres, Avho commanded the 
 cavalry, and who was something of a soldier as well 
 as a brave man, was urgent to fight. Baillie was power- 
 less to refuse. He gave the orders he could not with- 
 hold, crossed the river and advanced courageously to 
 his fate. 
 
 Montrose had placed his few horse on either wing, 
 mixed, as at Aberdeen, with some Irish musketeers. 
 Lord Gordon commanded on the right, Aboyne on the 
 left. The centre, where Huntly's Highland tenants
 
 IX THE VICTORY AT ALFORD 169 
 
 fought, was led by the brave Glengarr}', wlio had never 
 left Montrose since he had charged at his side down the 
 slopes of Ben Nevis. Here, too, was the General him- 
 self with the royal standard. The reserve was posted 
 behind the crest of the hill under the Master of Napier. 
 In infantry the two armies were equal, about two 
 thousand strong on either side ; but ]\Iontrose had only 
 two hundred and fifty horse to meet the six hundred 
 under Balcarres. The battle was begun by the cavalr}'. 
 For a time the superior numbers of the Covenanting 
 dragoons and the gallantry of their leader made the 
 issue doubtful, till Nathaniel Gordon, who fought with 
 his young chief on the right, cried to the Irish to throw 
 do\\Ti their guns and hamstring the enemy's horses with 
 their swords. This was enough ; the left wing broke at 
 once, and the right, seeing their companions flying, soon 
 followed their example. The victorious Gordons swept 
 in from either flank on the centre ; Glengarry led his 
 claymores down the hill ; IMontrose and his nephew 
 brought up the reserve, and another battle was won for 
 King Charles. 
 
 The victory was complete ; but it was dearly bought 
 by the death of Lord fiordon, who fell, struck by a shot 
 from behind, in the final charge. Montrose could have 
 lost no more devoted friend or more staiuich allj' ; and 
 indeed the whole army mourned for the gallant young 
 soldier, mIio had endeared himself to all by his courage 
 and courtesy, his high spirits and winning manners. 
 The body was conveyed under the escort of the CJcncral 
 himself an<l a chosen guard to Aberdeen, where, with ;ill 
 the honours that the time permittcil, it was laid in the 
 ({onions' vaidt in the old catiiedral church of St. Machar.
 
 170 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 Matters had now come to a crisis in Scotland. 
 Lindsay was the only general left in arms for the 
 Covenant, and on Lindsay alone no reliance could bo 
 placed. Parliament had been driven by the plague 
 from Edinburgh to Stirling. On July 8th, six days 
 after the disaster at Alford, a vote was passed for 
 levying ten thousand foot and five hundred horse from 
 the counties south of the Tay. Perth was appointed for 
 the muster, and on the 24th of the month Parliament 
 was transferred to that city to watch and hasten the 
 work. Baillie was retained in command, but against his 
 urgent entreaties, for the same committee that had 
 driven him to defeat at Alford was to ensure his failure 
 
 agaui. 
 
 Meanwhile reinforcements were pouring in to Mon- 
 trose. Macdonald had rejoined him with the rest of the 
 Irish and fifteen hundred Highlanders. Patrick Graham 
 brought up the Atholemen. Stout old Airlie, now restored 
 to health, rode in with a troop of Ogilvies ; and after 
 some delay Aboyne appeared with a strong following of 
 Gordons. In the first days of August Montrose was 
 ready to take the field again with the largest force that 
 had yet been mustered under the King's banner in 
 Scotland. He was anxious for battle, but he was 
 resolved to choose his own ground. The King's affairs 
 were now desperate indeed. Naseby had been lost; 
 "Wales Avas growing cold ; there was no hope from 
 Ireland ; a union with Montrose seemed almost the sole 
 chance left. If Montrose could strike one stout blow 
 south of the Forth that union might yet be possible. 
 Wherever he led Baillie must follow, or leave the Low- 
 lands open ; and Montrose had a shrewd suspicion that
 
 IX THE MARCH TO THE BORDER 171 
 
 the raw Perthshire levies might, like his own High- 
 landers, be unwilling to go too far or stay too long from 
 their homes. His men were as keen for battle as their 
 general. Till his reinforcements came in Montrose had 
 been obliged to content himself with hovering round 
 Perth, at one time mounting his infantry on baggage 
 and cart horses, to convey the notion that he was strong 
 in cavalry. In one of the skirmishes provoked by these 
 demonstrations, a party of the Covenanters had fallen 
 on a body of women in Methven "Wood, near the city, 
 the wives, or, as Captain Dalgetty would have said, the 
 leaguer-lasses of the Irish soldiers, and had butchered 
 them all. The men clamoured for vengeance, and 
 Montrose was now strong enough to promise it. 
 Slipping down from Dunkcld, he passed almost under 
 the walls of Perth over the ground of his old triumph 
 at Tippermuir, and, crossing the Forth above Stirling, 
 came on the evening of August 14th to Kilsyth about 
 nine miles from Glasgow. Here he learned that Lanark, 
 with a strong muster of the Hamilton tenantry from 
 Clydesdale, was on the march to join P>aillie, while 
 Eglinton and Cjlcncairn wei'C raising tlie AVestern Low- 
 lands. The blow must be struck before these reinforce- 
 ments could come uj), and must be struck at once, for 
 Lanark was reported to be only twelve miles distant. 
 
 The Covenanters had not lingered in pm-suit, nnd on 
 the night of the 14th the two armies bivouacked within 
 three miles of each other. Baillie would have preferred 
 to wait for Lanark, but the committee ovcinilcl him. 
 To delay even an hour was folly. Their enemy lay in 
 an o|)cn space surrounde<l by hills, in a trap, as these 
 wischcads thought, from which there nuist bo no escape.
 
 172 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 Numbers, too, were on their side. The Royalists had but 
 a little over four thousand foot and five hundred hoi'sc 
 to set against the six thousand foot and eight hundred 
 horse nominally commanded by Eaillie. Montrose was 
 equally confident. He had shown his men the enemy, 
 and asked if they would fight or retreat. The answer 
 was unanimous for fight. He bade his soldiers strip to 
 their shirts, for the day was hot, and they would have 
 to charge uphill. He could not suppose that even such 
 generals as Argyll and Elcho would forego their advan- 
 tage of ground, while rough or smooth was all one to 
 his men. Yet even this monstrous folly was forced on 
 the unfortunate Baillie. The hills surrounding the 
 meadow in which the Eoyalists lay were for the most 
 part steep and rugged, up which a Highlander would 
 scamper like a deer, but the heavier-footed and heavier- 
 armed Lowland troops would hardly descend in good 
 order. But on the right of the Covenanters' position 
 lay a smoother and gentler declivity, by which they 
 might march directly down upon Montrose's left flank — 
 if Montrose would let them. In vain Baillie warned his 
 sapient advisers that the movement was a perilous one 
 in the very face of an enemy, that it would lead them 
 from a superior position to one where they would have 
 no advantage if they gained it, and which the enemy 
 could easily seize first if he detected their design. In 
 vain he reminded them that this was their last chance, 
 and that the loss of this day would be the loss of the 
 kingdom. The committee jjersisted, and Baillie, dis- 
 claiming all further responsibility, proceeded to carry 
 his fatal orders into effect. 
 
 There was only one chance for the Covenanters. By
 
 1 X THE VICTOR Y AT KILS YTH 1 73 
 
 keeping behind the crest of the hills they might conceal 
 their movements from the enemy till they had reached 
 their ground. This chance was lost. A party of 
 soldiers crept down from their ranks over the ridge and 
 attacked Montrose's advanced guard of Highlanders, 
 which was posted under Macdonald in some enclosures 
 on the slope above the meadow. Macdonald easily 
 drove them back, and then started up the hillside in 
 pursuit. It Avas done against orders, but it Avas avcII 
 done. Eight up the hill pressed the nimble Highlanders, 
 and over it into the very heart of the straggling column. 
 At the same time Montrose, seeing Baillie's design, sent 
 some of the Gordon infantry round to the left to antici- 
 pate it. They were not enough, and a party of their 
 mounted kinsmen, whom Aboyne led to their aid, recoiled 
 before the heavy cuirassiers of the Covenant. For a 
 time things looked badly for the Eoyalists in this 
 quarter, but for a time only. Montrose ordered Airlic 
 to the rescue. The gallant old Earl led his Ogilvies to 
 the charge up the smoother ground ; Nathaniel Gordon 
 followed with the rest of his cavalry ; Avhile Montrose 
 led his main body up the hill after the Highlanders. 
 The head and centre of his column being now in hope- 
 less confusion, the men fighting at random and the 
 officers asking each other what was to be done, Baillie 
 galloped to the rear to bring up the Fife levies. They 
 were alrea«ly in Hight. There was nothing now left for 
 those who could do so Init to follow their example. 
 The stupid authors of all this disaster were among the 
 first to leave the field. Some fled to Stirling, some to 
 the Firth where they took ship for IJerwick. Among 
 the latter was Argyll, wlio thus for the tliird time
 
 174 MONTROSE chap, ix 
 
 escaped by water from the man he dared not face on 
 land. Most of the cavalry were able to save themselves, 
 but on the luckless foot the slaughter in Methven Wood 
 was amply avenged. For fourteen miles the ground was 
 strewn with dead bodies ; out of six thousand who had 
 begun the fatal flank march at morning, scarce one 
 hundred were alive at nightfall. The strength of the 
 Covenant was broken in pieces like a potter's vessel. 
 Montrose had fulfilled his boast. He was now in very 
 truth master of all Scotland.
 
 CHAPTER X 
 
 rHILIl'lIAUGII 
 
 The results of this crowning victory were soon mani- 
 fested. Lanark fled to Berwick ; the Western levies 
 melted into air. Glasgow welcomed the conqueror with 
 open gates and a promise of money. The Lowland 
 lords came in from every side with greetings and proffers 
 of service. The shires of Lanark, Kcnfrew, and Ayr, 
 which had ever been a stronghold of fanaticism, sent 
 deputations to sue for pardon. Edinburgh followed the 
 examjjle of Glasgow. The submission of her citizens 
 was indeed complete and abject. The prisons were 
 thrown open at the first sound of the victor's trumpet, 
 and the captives implored to intercede for their jailers. 
 Tiiey confessed their sins ; they had been misled by 
 crafty and seditious spirits ; henceforward they would 
 be true and loyal .subjects, and would hold no com- 
 nuinion with rebels. Men they could not oiler for their 
 King's service, for the pestilence had been raging in 
 their narrow and crowded streets, but money was freely 
 promised. All suppliants were graciou.sly received, ami 
 bidden not to despair of the royal pardon.* 
 
 ' It is not dear w)ietlier Lord (Iruliaiii wa.s still a ])riso)ii r in 
 the cnatle, which docs not seem to have Burrendorcd witii tliu city.
 
 176 MONTROSE cjiap. 
 
 Montrose had now nobly redeemed his pledge. In 
 six pitched battles he had swept the armies of the 
 Covenant from off the face of Scotland. Wherever he 
 had met them, under whatever conditions, he had out- 
 generalled and out-fought them. From Dan to Beer- 
 sheba the country, which twelve short months since had 
 been the hotbed of rebellion, lay in abject submission at 
 the feet of its defied and insulted sovereign. And this 
 had been accomplished in the face of every discourage- 
 ment, of broken promises, of cold or treacherous allies, 
 without the material or supplies of a regular army, by 
 the resolution, the courage, and the skill of a single 
 man. There is nothing like it in the history of war. 
 
 And what was to come of it % Already before the 
 battle of Kilsyth the King had made an effort to join 
 his one victorious general, and had failed. Would he 
 be more successful now'? Digby was sanguine, and 
 with Digby at his side Charles never lost heart. 
 Eumours came down from the North of another victory, 
 and this time on the English side of the Border. In this 
 new dawn of hope the defeat on Rowton Heath faded 
 into insignificance. Everything was arranged. On 
 September 26th Charles was at Denbigh with two 
 thousand cavalry, the only force now left him in the 
 North. On the morrow he would march for Scotland. 
 But on the morrow came a despatch from Byron at 
 Chester, with intelligence that changed the whole 
 
 A few days before the battle of Kilsyth he had been committed by 
 the Estates to the Earl of Dalhousie for his education, but it is not 
 certain that his removal had been effected before the surrender. It 
 would not have been safe for Montrose to have led his army into 
 a plague -stricken town. The boy was not among the released 
 prisoners, nor did he and his father ever meet again.
 
 X DESERTION OF MACDONALD 177 
 
 aspect of affairs. Another battle had indeed been 
 fought, but not on the English side. A single day, a 
 single hour almost, had destroyed the harvest of a 
 year's victories. ^Montrose was in flight ; his army had 
 been cut to pieces ; the Covenant was once more master 
 of Scotland. 
 
 As usual jealousy and intrigue had been at work. 
 The Highlanders, disappointed at being refused the 
 plunder of Glasgow, and seeing no prospect of further 
 booty, began to murmur. They had fought enough for 
 King Charles ; there was an enem}' nearer home with 
 whom they had not yet settled all accounts. Mac- 
 donald's thoughts were also turning in the same direc- 
 tion. He had just been knighted in the presence of the 
 whole army by Montrose, who now bore the King's 
 commi-ssion as Captain -General and Viceroy of Scot- 
 land, and had been profuse in expressions of gratitude 
 for what still ranked among the highest honours in the 
 sovereign's gift. But the thought of the vengeance and 
 plunder to be won In' leading his kinsmen to a fresh raid 
 against the accursed Campbells was too much for Sir 
 Alaster's loyalty. Before the end of August he had 
 left the camp with the Highlanders, who had named 
 him their caj)tain, and most of his Irishmen. He 
 prf)miscd indeed to return when his services were re- 
 quired ; but it is doubtful whether his promise was ever 
 intended to be kept, and it is certain tliat he and 
 Montrose never met again. Five hundred of his 
 men refused to follow him, vowing that not even 
 at their own leader's cull would they desert the 
 general who had led them so often to victory. 
 Aboync wa.s the next to go. Kver since tin; day of
 
 178 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 Kilsyth he had been out of humour. He was not 
 treated with sufficient respect in camp ; his services 
 had not been sutliciently represented to the King ; it 
 was all Ogilvy now Avith Montrose, and the heir of the 
 Gordons would give place to no Ogilvy. The jealous 
 young fool accordingly called his men out, and rode off 
 to his own place. Four hundred horse and a large body 
 of foot went with him. Out of all the gentlemen of his 
 name, Nathaniel Gordon alone remained faithful. When 
 Montrose broke up his camp at Bothwell and marched 
 for the Border, his whole following numbered no more 
 than five hundred Irishmen and less than a hundred 
 troopers. 
 
 Still his heart was as high as ever, nor was his con- 
 fidence less. The messenger who had brought his com- 
 mission as Viceroy of Scotland had brought also an 
 urgent message to lose no time in advancing to the 
 Tweed, where the long-desired junction with the King 
 was at last to be effected. The great Border Earls, 
 Home and Koxburgh, had promised their co-operation. 
 Traquair had hastened to make his peace with the 
 stronger power, and his son Linton arrived in Mon- 
 trose's camp with a troop of horse to confirra his father's 
 loyalty. Douglas and Ogilvy were raising the West and 
 Middle Marches, and though the house of Douglas was 
 but a shadow of that great power Avhich had once 
 bearded kings upon their throne, it was still a name to 
 conjure with in the Scottish Lowlands. If his new allies 
 stood firm, all would yet go well for King Charles. 
 
 It was all a delusion. His new allies had never 
 intended from the first to risk anything for King 
 Charles, and most assuredly would they risk nothing
 
 X LESLIE'S ADVANCE 179 
 
 for his Viceroy. But they were equally resolved to ruu 
 no risk for the Covenant, and even in his weakness 
 Montrose was still a formidable foe. For the present, 
 therefore, it was their cue to be loyal; but though 
 profuse in their welcome to the King's General, as he 
 drew do\\'n through the Lothians to the Tweed, they 
 kept a watchful eye for the advancing banner of the 
 Covenant. The news of Kils3^th and the humiliation of 
 Edinburgh had stirred the Scottish troops in England to 
 fury. All the horse they could muster, four thousand 
 strong, was pressing fast northwards under David Leslie, 
 one of the best cavalry officers of the age. As they 
 streamed across the Border at Berwick, reinforced by 
 two thousand foot from Newcastle, Home and Kox- 
 burgh surrendered without lifting a hand, and were 
 even accused of having petitioned for arrest to save 
 them from the possible vengeance of JNIontrose. 
 
 Montrose was already at Kelso when he learned the 
 news. It was now impossible for him to advance. Of 
 all his new allies Douglas had alone proved true. He 
 ha<l joined Montrose on the Gala with such troops as he 
 had been able to raise; but, with tlu; exception of his 
 own personal friends and the gentlemen of his House, 
 they were mostly raw clowns unused to arms and scarce 
 aide to manage their horses. Nor, such as tlioy were, could 
 they bo trusted. Even tlie voice of a Douglas could liardly 
 persuade his tenants to fight for a cause and under a leader 
 whom they both feared and hated. The success of tlie 
 King signified, in their eyes, the destruction of their 
 religion; the success of Montrose signified armnival of 
 murder, lust, and raj)inc for the wild Irish savages 
 whom he led to the destruction of liis coiintrv. This
 
 i8o MONTROSE chap. 
 
 feeling had been carefully fostered by the Covenanters, 
 till the simple peasants of the Lowlands heard the name 
 of Montrose with the same feelings of terror and hatred 
 that forty years later were inspired among their sons by 
 the name of Dundee. On the eastern Border it was 
 plain that there was no hope; but something might 
 yet be done in the West which had promised so 
 much but a short while since. Montrose broke up his 
 camp at Kelso, and, striking off on a north-westerly 
 course, came on the evening of September 12th to 
 Selkirk. 
 
 It had been Leslie's design to make straight for the 
 Forth to bar his enemy's retreat to the Highlands. But 
 on his way through the Lothians he heard how weak 
 that enemy was. It was commonly believed that the 
 traitor was Traquair, a belief that receives some support 
 from the fact that he about this time recalled his son 
 from the Koyalist camp. Through whatever channel 
 the news came it at once changed Leslie's plans. He 
 turned abruptly south and marched rapidly down Gala 
 Water to meet Montrose. 
 
 The main body of the Koyalists was encamped on 
 Philiphaugh, a long and level meadow on the left bank 
 of the Ettrick, immediately below its junction with the 
 Yarrow. Behind rose the hills ; in front ran the river ; 
 at the western end the ground sloped upwards to a 
 wooded declivity known as Harehead-shaw. This strong 
 position had been still further secured by some trenches 
 hastily thrown up on either flank. Here lay the Irish 
 infantry, with the country levies horse and foot, less than 
 two thousand strong in all. But by some strange infatua- 
 tion Montrose had fixed his own quarters in the town on
 
 X MONTROSE SURPRISED i8i 
 
 the opposite bank of the river with the best part of the 
 horse and all his principal captains. His little army was 
 thus divided in half, and his men separated from their 
 officers, at the moment when the bravest and most skilful 
 foe he had yet encountered was creeping on him through 
 the darkness at the head of a force more than four times 
 his strength. It is not surprising that Montrose should 
 have been ignorant of Leslie's change of route Avhen 
 we remember that he was in the midst of a population 
 bitterly hostile to himself and his cause. But that his 
 own scouts should have suftered so large a force to 
 advance unobserved within a mile of his lines is indeed 
 inexplicable. If it be true, as one account reports, that 
 they were mostly Traquair's tenants employed on this 
 service as familiar Avith the country, the exi)lanation is 
 found, ^^'i,sllart confesses that I\Iontrose, whose custom 
 had always hitlierto been to post his own sentinels and 
 give his own orders Lu his scouts, on this night left the 
 duty to his officers, being busy with despatches for tlie 
 King. The duty may have been negligently performed ; 
 the quarter from which Leslie was advancing may have 
 been inefficiently patrolled, or even left altogether open. 
 The night was dark and the morning mist}'. But even 
 had the mist been thick as that wliich shrouded the 
 "last, <lim, weird battle of tlie west," it is not in the 
 course of nature for four thousand horsemen and two 
 thou.sand foot to draw within a mile without signifying 
 tlieir ajiproach to the mo.st careless ears. It is liaid not 
 tfj believe that there were some men abroad nii the 
 morning of the l.'5th, cither in Selkirk or on riiiliphaugh, 
 who were aware of Leslie's advance. No excuse will 
 Bcrvo to acquit Montrose and hi.s ollicers of grave negli-
 
 1 82 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 gence ; but only treachery can make intelligible the 
 extraordinary and overwhelming suddenness of Leslie's 
 attack.^ 
 
 Montrose had passed most of the night over his 
 despatches and in consultation Avith his council, Craw- 
 ford, Airlie, and Napier, — for the old man Avas not so 
 unfit for fighting that he could not strike one blow for 
 the King. From time to time reports were brought to 
 him that all was Avell. At dawn his scouts came in 
 swearing that they had scoured the country far and wide, 
 and that there was not an enemy within ten miles. The 
 day broke dark and chill, and the mist still lay heavy on 
 the river-banks when Leslie, at the head of his troopers, 
 burst in upon Philiphaugh. He had reached Melrose 
 on the previous evening. Only six miles of country, 
 patrolled, if Montrose's scouts spoke truth, in every direc- 
 
 ^ The various accounts of this battle are more than usually con- 
 flicting. Patrick Gordon makes out a very bad case indeed against 
 Montrose, whom he declares to have been frequently warned during 
 the evening of the 12th of an enemy's advance, and to have con- 
 tented himself with transmitting these reports to his officers, 
 relying on theu" assurances that all was well. He even asserts that 
 one of Montrose's pickets was actually engaged with some of Leslie's 
 men at the little village of Sunderland, four miles from Philiphaugh 
 on the same side of the river, which, and not Melrose, he makes 
 the Covenanters' headquarters for the night ; and that Montrose, 
 when informed of the affair, set it down to a mere drunken 
 brawl. This is not credible ; but it is clear that Montrose was 
 both badly served by his officers, who allowed themselves to be 
 deceived by the country - people, and himself guilty of gi'oss 
 negligence. I have followed Sir AValter Scott's account of tlie affair 
 {MinstrdHy of the ScoUifih JJunkr, pai't i. "Battle of Philiphaugh " ; 
 ed. 1830), who was evidently writing from local tradition as well as 
 from contemporary narrative. For events which happened in his 
 own neighbourhood the Sheriff of Selkirkshire is, I suspect, as good 
 a guide as can be found.
 
 THE DEFEA T AT PHILIPHA UGH 1 83 
 
 tion, separated the two armies during the night. Before 
 dawn he was on the march for Selkirk. A countryman 
 guided him to a ford by which he crossed the Ettrick 
 a mile below the town. As the soldiers of the royal 
 army were getting leisurely under arms for an early 
 parade the enemy was in their midst. 
 
 A scout came galloping into Selkirk Avith the news 
 as Montrose sat at breakfast. Leaping into the saddle 
 he dashed through the river, followed by his officers and 
 a few score of troopers. Many of his cavalry never 
 came into action at all. When he reached the ground 
 his left wing was already broken ; the raw Borderers 
 had fled at the first sound of Leslie's trumpets. On the 
 right the L-ish stood firm. For these poor Ishmaelites 
 there was no hope but in victory, and with their backs 
 to the wood they fought like men to the last. So fiery 
 was Montrose's charge that twice, at the head of one 
 hundred and fifty horsemen, he drove back the whole 
 strength of Leslie's squadrons. The gallant Airlie and 
 his son, Napier and the young ]\Iaster, Crawford and 
 Douglas and Nathaniel Gordon, fought like paladins at 
 their General's side. It was of no avail. A force that 
 had been detache<l to cross the river above Selkirk broke 
 ill upon the right wing from the rear. Man after 
 man the Irish were fulling in their ranks ; horse after 
 horse broke riderless from those desperate charges. 
 But still Montrose fought on, as though dctcrniined to 
 die on the tieM he could not save. Then his friends 
 urged retreat. The cause was not lo.st, they said, fur a 
 single repulse, (lathering the survivors ri>uii<l him for 
 a last cfibrt, lie cut his way out thro\igh the press, and, 
 followed by about fifty horsemen, galloped oir the
 
 iS4 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 field. Both the standards were saved. All else 
 was lost. 
 
 About one hundred Irishmen still remained alive. 
 They threw down their arms and asked for quarter. It 
 was granted them ; but for their wretched wives and 
 children and the unarmed rabble of the camp there was 
 no mercy. The horrid scene in Methvcn Wood was 
 acted again, and they were slaughtered with every cir- 
 cumstance of the most inhuman brutality.^ Nor was 
 the bitterness of death past even for those who had 
 trusted to Leslie's honour. On the morning after the 
 battle they were brought out into the courtyard of 
 Newark Castle and shot down in cold blood. On the 
 march to Glasgow many prisoners were taken. Those 
 of rank were reserved for trial. Eighty women and 
 children, who had escaped the shambles at Philiphaugh, 
 and were found wandering naked and half -starved 
 among the hills, were flung in batches from the bridge 
 at Linlithgow, 
 
 Never, perhaps, was the indomitable energy of 
 Montrose more signally manifested than at this tre- 
 mendous crisis. Within four days after he had spurred 
 over Minchmoor in headlong flight he Avas busy in 
 Athole issuing orders and raising fresh levies for the 
 King, as though the rout at Philiphaugh had been but 
 an evil dream. The Napiers were still with him, and 
 Airlie and Crawford with a few troopers. If Macdonald 
 would bring his men back, if the Gordons could 
 once more be stirred to action, the royal banner would 
 
 ^ The revolting details were given at the time by Patrick Gordon, 
 and have been copied by Napier in the Memoirs of Montrose, where 
 the curious, if they will, may consult them.
 
 X A LAST VENTURE 1S5 
 
 soon wave over a fresh army in Scotland. And for a 
 time things promised well. Macdonald, indeed, gave 
 no sign ; but the trusty Atholemen rose to the call, and 
 with these Montrose hurried over the Grampians into the 
 Gordons' country. Aboyne seemed to have shaken off 
 his ill-humoui", and joined him Avith a large muster of 
 horse and foot. The enemy was divided. Middleton 
 with the bulk of the cavalry lay at Turriff, watching 
 Huntly who had again begun to show some signs of life ; 
 Leslie was still at Glasgow. It was to Glasgow that 
 Montrose's hopes pointed ; for there lay not only his 
 most dangerous enemy but some of his dearest friends : 
 the gallant Ogilvy, the good Spottiswoode, Nathaniel 
 Gordon, and others, prisoners under sentence of an 
 ignominious death. It were shame not to strike a blow 
 for thpse who had never failed him. Duty, too, called 
 him south as well as friendship. Glasgow lay between 
 him and the Borders, and still, as ever, it was on the 
 Borders that he looked for the King. AVithin less than 
 a month Montrose, at the head of a stronger force than 
 he had led into defeat at Philiphaugh, was once more on 
 the march for the Soutli. 
 
 It was a fatal move. Had he crushed Middleton 
 first, he would have relieved Huntly from a present 
 danger, and nn'glit have fi.\ed the Gordons to liis side. 
 Now it was l)Ut the old story again. Aboyne was 
 ordered liy his father to return, and ditl not choose to 
 fiisobey liiiii. It is vain to speculate on llimtly's 
 motives. Whether he acted from a sense of self-preser- 
 vation, or from sheer jealousy of Montrose, he acted a 
 part unworthy of the iii.in wlio li;i(l once fearlessly pro- 
 fessed his loyalty in the face of liis enemies and was
 
 iS6 MONTROSE ciiap. 
 
 hereafter to seal it with his life. Montrose had now no 
 choice but to leave the prisoners in Glasgow to their 
 fate. Had he known that Digby was then actually at 
 Dumfries with the long -promised reinforcements, he 
 might have pushed on at all hazards, and shortened the 
 story of his life by a chapter. But he never learned the 
 news of Charles's desperate effort to keep faith with 
 him till long after it had failed. With a heavy heart he 
 turned back to the shelter of the friendly mountains, 
 and Digby, a bolder general in council than in the field, 
 took refuge in the Isle of Man. 
 
 The shadows were now darkening fast round Mon- 
 trose. As he re-entered Athole Avord was brought to 
 him of his wife's death. To us she is but the shadow of 
 a name, nor is there reason to suppose that she had ever 
 shared her husband's feelings or shown any sympathy 
 with his career. But she was the bride of his youth, the 
 mother of the gallant boy who had fought at his side and 
 who had been already snatched from him by an untimely 
 fate. At the risk of his life he saw her buried in the town 
 of Montrose, and Avas hunted back into Athole from the 
 grave-side by Middleton's troopers. There a fresh sorrow 
 aAvaited him. During his absence the aged Napier, 
 Avorn out Avith the long struggle, had breathed his last, 
 and was noAV carried to his well-earned rest in the church 
 of Blair. The neAv year brought little comfort, though 
 an interview with Huntly seemed for the moment likely 
 to bear fruit. In the invigorating presence of Montrose 
 the chief of the Gordons SAVore to hesitate no longer, 
 and his sons, in Wishart's vigorous Avords, " Avishcd dam- 
 nation to themselves " if they Avere not true men for the 
 future. If the PoAvers of Darkness took them at their Avord
 
 X THE MERCIES OF THE COVENANT 187 
 
 they were assuredly damned. The Gordons were indeed 
 summoned to arms, and some languid operations com- 
 menced ; but no persuasions, no supplications even on 
 Montrose's part, could induce Huntly to co-operate with 
 him. Meanwliile, his friends met the fate from which 
 he was powerless to save them. The Irish officers who 
 had been brought alive from Philiphaugh had already 
 been hanged without a trial in Edinburgh. Sir William 
 Rollo, Sir Philip Xisbet, and yoimg Ogilvy of Inner- 
 quharity, a handsome boy not eighteen years old, were 
 beheaded at Glasgow.^ Nathaniel Cordon, Alexander 
 Guthrie, and William ]\Iurray now suffered the same fate 
 at St. Andrews. Staunch Covenanter as he was, Tulli- 
 bardine could not win his brother's life — even after a 
 respite on the plea of insanity. Sir Kol)ert Spottiswoode 
 was the next victim. He had never borne arms against 
 the Covenant, and had only a cane in his hand when 
 taken prisoner in the flight from Philiphaugh ; but as 
 the King's Secretary for Scotland he had signed Mon- 
 trose's commission, and he was the son of an Archbishop. 
 Lord Ogilvy only escaped through the courage of his 
 sister, who, with his wife and motlier, had been permitted 
 to visit him in prison. She took her brother's place in 
 bed, while he passed out through the guards in her 
 clothes. Argyll was furious at the escape of one of the 
 hated House of Aiilie, and all the influence of the 
 Haniiltons was needed to save the brave woman from 
 his anger. 
 
 ' It was ;it tlic (;xt-(aitioii of Ogilvy ( " .1 Iniy lalfly coiiic from tlio 
 slIiooI.s," writcH Outliriej tli.-it tin- iiicinonililc words, wliidi after- 
 wards passed into a proverb, fell from the lips of the Revcrond David 
 Difkson, — The work goes bonnihj on I
 
 1 88 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 Yet still Montrose, hoping against hope, struggled 
 on. All his relatives and friends were dead, in prison, 
 or in exile. His lands had been laid waste, his castles 
 burned to the ground. Only his sword was left that he 
 could call his own. But he had drawn that sword at 
 his King's command, and only at his King's command 
 would he sheath it. 
 
 And now that command was given. Charles had 
 fled in disguise from Oxford to the Scottish camp. He 
 seems to have persuaded himself that he would be 
 welcomed as an ally by men who were growing weary 
 of a struggle now fast shaping itself to issues they had 
 never dreamed of and for which they would assuredly 
 have never fought. He found himself insulted as a 
 prisoner. On the very day of his arrival he Avas 
 imperiously requested by Lothian, as President of the 
 Committee, to command James Graham to lay down his 
 ai'ms. "He who made you an Earl," was the spirited 
 answer, "made James Graham a Marquis." But the 
 time for such sj)irit was past. On May 19th Charles 
 Avrote from Newcastle directing Montrose to disband his 
 forces, to leave Scotland, and to await further instruc- 
 tions in France. " This may at first justly startle you," 
 wrote the unhappy King ; " but I assure you that if for 
 the present I should offer to do more for you, I could 
 not do so much." Montrose replied that he should not 
 presume to question his Majesty's commands, but obey 
 them in all humility. Only he would venture to remind 
 the King that something was due to those who had 
 endured and risked so much for him, and that some 
 measures should be taken for securing their lives and 
 properties when no longer allowed arms to defend them.
 
 X /A" THE KING'S NAME 189 
 
 The King bade him accept the terms oftered him. 
 " The most sensible part of my misfortunes," lie wrote, 
 "is to see my friends in distress, and not to be able 
 to help them. And of this kind you are the chief. 
 Wherefore, according to that real freedom and friend- 
 ship which is between us, as I cannot absolutely com- 
 mand you to accept of unhandsome conditions, so I 
 must tell you that I believe your refusal will put you 
 in a far worse estate than your compliance will." If 
 Montrose refused he was warned that he must do so 
 on his own responsibility. The King could no longer 
 avow him. 
 
 The terms were better than might have been expected 
 Middleton, who conducted the negotiations, had no wish 
 to press too hard on a brave enemy. All ^Montrose's 
 followers were to go free in life and lands, save one 
 whose estates had been already made prize of and could 
 not be reclainicd. Three men only were excepted. 
 Montrose himself, Crawford, and Huit}' (who had 
 changed sides again after his defeat at Auldearn) were 
 to leave the kingdom by the first of September in a vessel 
 provided by the Estates. After that day their lives 
 would be forfeit. The terms were accepted. At 
 Itattray in Perthshire, on .July .'iOth, Montrose callc<l 
 round him for the last time the survivors of that devoted 
 band which he had led so often to victory, and had 
 found so faithful in defeat. In the King's name he 
 bade them farewell, and released them from the King's 
 service. Many implored with tears to be allowed to 
 share his fortunes whatever they might Ijc, and swore 
 on their knees to follow him to \\w. world's end. IJut 
 he wcjuid not siifler them to risk their hard won pardon.
 
 I90 MONTROSE chap, x 
 
 He reminded them that they were serving their King 
 still by obeying him, and withdrew with a few chosen 
 followers to the bare and battered halls of Old Montrose 
 to prepare for his departure. 
 
 The danger was not yet past. The Covenanters were 
 furious when they learned Middleton's easy terms ; and 
 Montrose soon found that, though they could not openly 
 repudiate them, they were bent on annulling them by 
 secret treachery. If he was found on Scottish soil after 
 the first day of September his life would not be worth an 
 hour's purchase. The ship provided for his voyage did 
 not come into the port of Montrose till the last day of 
 August, and her captain, a morose Covenanter, swore 
 that he could not be ready to sail for another week. 
 The exiles were not unprepared. Arrangements had 
 been made for their transport with a Norwegian skipper 
 lying off Stonehaven. On the morning of September 
 3rd he took his passengers on board and weighed 
 anchor. In the evening the Marquis, in disguise and 
 with a single companion, slipped into a wherry in the 
 port of Montrose and rejoined his friends on the open 
 sea. A few days later they were all safely landed at 
 Bergen.
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 
 THE LAST CA]\IPAIGN 
 
 Montrose knew the temper of the men who now ruled 
 Scotland too well to share in the delusions that had 
 brought Charles into their power. From the Scottish to 
 the English camp would prove, he felt certain, but a short 
 step. As clearly as Ave see it now, though from a different 
 point of view, he saw that the time for compromise was 
 past, and that on one side or the other the victory must 
 be absolute and unconditional. But though right in his 
 conviction that peace could only be won at the sword's 
 point, Montrose did not recognise that the power of 
 the sword had passed for ever from the King. He even 
 flattered himself that the tide was on the turn at the 
 very moment when he had been ordered to lay down his 
 arms, and that a few Avceks Avould have seen all the 
 Royalists in Scotland united as one man to rescue their 
 sovereign from the cruel and treacherous hands into 
 which he had falloii. It was a delusion as complete as 
 the delusion of Charles, lie mi^'ht, indeed, have con- 
 tinued a desultory campaign among the nuniiitains so 
 long as he remained alive and free ; he miglit have 
 indulged the King with another Kilsytli, or the Mac- 
 donalds with another Tnverlochy ; but no man living.
 
 192 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 not Oliver himself, could have succeeded where Montrose 
 had failed. Statesman and soldier had alike been 
 powerless to persuade or compel those unstable chiefs 
 and their wild followers to the order, discipline, and 
 concord necessary to ensure success in all military 
 operations. In another generation another Graham had 
 to face the same problem ; but Dundee, more fortunate 
 than his kinsman, was saved from the same failure by a 
 glorious death on the field of battle. 
 
 And yet the course of Scottish afll'airs during the next 
 two years seems at first to suggest that the genius of 
 Montrose might have guided them to different issues. 
 The jealousy and irresolution of Huntly must always 
 have paralysed every effort that he might permit to 
 assist him. But the strange outburst of popular feeling 
 which culminated in the abortive enterprise known as 
 Hamilton's Engagement, might under a vigorous and 
 skilful leader have at least saved the King's life. There 
 was no such leader then in Scotland save Montrose alone. 
 Yet the certainty of victory under Montrose would never 
 have tempted the men who cheerfully followed Hamilton 
 to inevitable defeat. It may be true that Lanark pro- 
 fessed himself willing to serve under Montrose in the 
 capacity even of a sergeant ; but the words, if sincere, 
 were not spoken till after the annihilation of his party, 
 Avhen he was himself a fugitive and his brother a 
 prisoner. At the time when Hamilton dared to make a 
 stand against the tyranny of Argyll, Montrose, outside 
 the little circle of his own friends and followers, was the 
 object of general aversion to all Scotland. Royalists like 
 Huntly and trimmers like Traquair were jealous of him. 
 The extreme Covenanters, headed by Argyll and includ-
 
 XI FEELING AGAINST MONTROSE 193 
 
 ing the large majority of the clergy, hated him with the 
 
 deadly hatred that only fear can inspire. By the more 
 
 moderate Presbyterians, who now called themselves 
 
 Royalist, he was distrusted as a renegade from the 
 
 Covenant and the champion, as they conceived him, of 
 
 Episcopacy. Nor did they even call their cause the same. 
 
 The restoration of the monarchy was their rallying cry 
 
 as it had been his ; but while they were arming against 
 
 an English foe, his victories had been won against his 
 
 own countrymen. The cruelties practised in the name 
 
 of the Covenant had excited no indignation; for they 
 
 had been practised in remote parts of the kingdom 
 
 either on men who were regarded as little 1 tetter 
 
 than wild beasts, or on men who were fighting against 
 
 the sacred cause of religion and liberty. Even the 
 
 butchery after Philiphaugh was but the just vengeance 
 
 of God. But thousands of houses had been left desolate 
 
 and thousands of innocent lives lost to gratify the vain 
 
 and furious ambition of Montrose. Such in times of 
 
 disorder will always be the reasoning of the stronger 
 
 side. It is possible, indeed, that the enthusiasm of 
 
 these new Royalists was in some degree due to the 
 
 feeling tliat it would not be forced to submit to the 
 
 dictation of a man whose ways were not theirs. 
 
 Only among the Highhunlers could Montro.so have 
 
 found allies, and among their mountains was his 
 
 only battle-ground. Tliey knew ntjthing of Kirk or 
 
 Covenant, of Presbyterian <;i- Independent. The men 
 
 of .Macdonald bore no grudge against the destroyer of 
 
 the Campbells ; the men of Athole would liave lieard 
 
 without a niuniiur that every Mackenzie had been jiut 
 
 to the sword from Kintail to Loch Broom. They did 
 
 o
 
 194 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 not care, probably the majority did not know, for what 
 they had been marching, phindering, and fighting from 
 Aberdeen to Inveraray. They knew only that they were 
 following a captain who led them always to revenge and 
 booty. Bnt in the Lowlands Montrose had no party, 
 and to the Lowlands his allies would not follow him. 
 It is a hard thing to say, but it is the plain truth, that 
 all his brilliant exploits, his dauntless courage, his ardent 
 and unselfish devotion to a noble, if mistaken, ideal had 
 proved of no real service to his master. Had Strafford 
 lived to join hands Avith Montrose the history of the 
 Great Kebellion might have been differently written. 
 But Montrose stood alone, the champion of a lost cause, 
 the martyr of an impossible loyalty. All the circum- 
 stances of the time were against him, its spirit and its 
 temper, its ideals and its convictions. At the moment 
 when he was ordered to disband his forces, Montrose 
 was the King's most dangerous ally. 
 
 The scene was now shifted from the Highlands of 
 Scotland to the French capital, but the j)lay was the 
 same. Here Montrose had expected to find the promised 
 instructions from the King and the necessary credentials, 
 but if they ever reached Paris they never came into his 
 hands. His jDlan for renewing the war had been already 
 submitted to the Queen, and had received her gracious 
 approval. But fair words were all he was to get from 
 Henrietta Maria. Help she would not, or could not 
 give. Money was scarce among the exiles ; the Queen 
 was extravagant and her courtiers greedy. She did 
 nothing without the advice of Jermyn, and the advice 
 of the favourite was never given against his own interests. 
 He kept the purse, and would allow no strange fingers
 
 XI HIS RECEPTION IN PARIS 195 
 
 in it. Not a pistole could be spared from the mainten- 
 ance and amusements of the little household for the 
 wild schemes of an enthusiast who could no longer be 
 useful and might prove troublesome. At such a court 
 jMontrose could not be welcome. Nor does his own 
 behaviour seem to have been altogether judicious. He 
 was accused of setting too high a claim on his past 
 services, of a manner unbecoming a subject in the 
 presence of his Queen ; and the publication of Wishart's 
 narrative of his exploits, which might indeed have 
 been postponed to a more favourable time, is said to have 
 been seriously resented, as likely to offend the Presby- 
 terian party to whom the Royalists were now turning 
 for help. tSo ran the gossip of the time, perhaps not 
 entirely without reason. Montrose had always worn 
 his heart upon his sleeve. For the King's sake he was 
 ready to undergo every hardship, to submit to every 
 indignity. But it was not in his nature to waive what 
 he considered his just claims before men who had sat 
 idle while he fought, and now rejected him when he had 
 failed. He may well have been galled to see these proud 
 carpet-knights preferred to those who had borae the 
 1)iir<len and heat of the day, to find liiniself and his 
 faitliful followers slighted and in want, while money was 
 freely lavished on the Queen's French servants ami 
 Knglish favourites. 
 
 But though Montrose won no honour among his own 
 countrymen, his pride might hiivo been soothed by the 
 adniinition he excited elsewhere. He was the first 
 person whom visitors to Paris desired to* see. Dc Bctz 
 begged for the honour of an interview, praised liim 
 everywhere, ;iih1 introdufcvl liiiri to M.izarin. 'IIk;
 
 196 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 Cardinal at once offered him high employment and 
 liberal pay, and promised more. But Montrose had 
 no taste for the French service, nor l)elief in the 
 Cardinal's promises. He thought that he might serve 
 both his King and himself better at the Austrian Court. 
 In the spring of 1648, after one more attempt to gain 
 the Queen to his side, and finding her now pledged to 
 the Presbyterian alliance, he left Paris and, travelling 
 through Switzerland and the Tyrol, came to the Emperor 
 at Prague. 
 
 Ferdinand received him graciously, conferred on him 
 the baton of a field-marshal, and lent a ready ear to 
 his plans. Montrose was commissioned to levy regiments 
 for his King in Flanders, and furnished with letters 
 of recommendation to the Emperor's brother Leopold, 
 Governor of the Spanish Netherlands. His recej)tion by 
 the Archduke, whom he found at Tournay, was no less 
 gracious ; but the crushing defeat inflicted by Conde on 
 the Imperial forces at Lens made any active aid from 
 this quarter impossible, and Montrose went on to join 
 his friends at Brussels. 
 
 The Prince of Wales had now broken from the irk- 
 some bondage of his mother and Jermyn, and was 
 settled at the Hague with Sir Edward Hyde for his 
 Chancellor. There, too, were his brother the Duke of 
 York, and his aunt Elizabeth of Bohemia, the gifted 
 and unfortunate Queen of Hearts, with her son 
 Prince Eupert. With the latter Montrose at once 
 oj)ened a correspondence. Rupert answered cordially, 
 but his worn duties as Admiral of the Fleet left him, he 
 said, no present leisure for an interview. At the Hague, 
 as at Paris, Montrose had his enemies. One friend,
 
 XI EXECUTION OF THE KING 197 
 
 indeed, supported him with all the ardour of a brave 
 and cenerous "woman. Between the nature of Elizabeth 
 of Bohemia and the nature of Montrose there was much 
 in common, and the warm sympathy that sprang up 
 between these two noble spirits forms the one pleasant 
 incident of this dark and miserable time.^ But the rest, 
 though more gracious than their countrymen in Paris, 
 still held aloof. The complete and ignominious failure 
 of Hamilton's Engagement had poured a fresh body of 
 exiles into Holland, who persisted in assuring the Prince 
 that only through Presbyterian Scotland could salvation 
 come, and in warning him against the employment of a 
 man so universally detested as Montrose. Charles was, 
 on one side at least, the true son of his father. He was 
 determined to keep friends with both parties, and to 
 commit himself to neither. But for the present it was 
 clearly not his interest to oftend the Presbyterians, who 
 ha<l the advantage of numbers and were moreover on 
 the spot. Hyde was therefore commissioned to hold a 
 secret interview with Montrose, and was on the point of 
 leaving the Hague for that purpose, wlien a fresh and 
 terrible turn was given to affairs by the news of the 
 King's execution. 
 
 Wishart tells us that on the receipt of the intelligence 
 Montrose fell down in a swoon. On recovering he broke 
 
 ' See the concspomlcnco printed in McmoirHnf Mon(roitc, vol. ii. 
 cliaii. xxxiv., and Mnnoira of the Elcdrcss Sophia of Ilanoirr. If 
 the latter is to he hidicvcd Montrose wu.s a suilor for tlie liand of 
 her sister, tlie i'riineHS IvOuiHe, who afterwards retired into a 
 nnnnery. IJut there m no liint of this in tlic tineen'.s letters, nor 
 in any other <ont<nii>orai7 authority. Nor is it likely that 
 .Montrose at the ;,'re)it erisis of his life should have found either 
 leUurc or inclination to indulge in dreams of matrimony.
 
 198 MONTROSE ciiAr. 
 
 into passionate exclamations of grief, declaring that there 
 was nothing now left for him in life. His chaplain, 
 in the spirit rather of the Cavalier than the clergyman, 
 reminded him that vengeance was still left, and that the 
 murdered King's son still lived. " It is so," answered 
 ]\Iontrose ; " and therefore I swear before God, angels, 
 and nien, that I will dedicate the remainder of my life 
 to avenging the death of the royal martyr, and re-estab- 
 lishing his son upon his father's throne." He then 
 retired to his room, and would see no one for two 
 days. On the third morning, Wishart, being admitted, 
 found that the Marquis had embodied his vow in the 
 following lines, which may be admired for their passion 
 if not for their elegance : 
 
 Great, Good, and Just, could I but rate 
 
 My grief with thy too rigid late, 
 
 I'd weep tlie world in such a strain 
 
 As it should deluge once again ; 
 
 But since thy loud-tongued blood demands supplies 
 
 More from Briareus' hands than Argus' eyes, 
 
 I'll sing thine obsequies with trumpet-sounds. 
 
 And write thine epitaph in blood and wounds. 
 
 A new element was now added to the factions which 
 seethed round the little Court at the Hague. Charles 
 the Second had been proclaimed in Edinburgh immedi- 
 ately on the news of his father's death, and commissioners 
 now arrived from the Estates to dictate to him, whom 
 they had just acknowledged as their King, the sole con- 
 ditions under which he could be allowed to enter his 
 kingdom. The Estates meant Argyll; the chief com- 
 missioners Avere his sworn friends, Cassillis and Robert 
 Baillie ; the terms they offered were those the late King
 
 XI PARTIES AT THE HAGUE 199 
 
 had lost his Hfe by refusing. The moderate Presby- 
 terians, the survivors of the Engagement, were repre- 
 sented by Lanark and Lauderdale. As they were now 
 outcasts equally with Montrose, it might have been 
 thought that they would make common cause with him 
 against the common enemy. The King used all his 
 courtliest arts to effect a reconciliation which might give 
 him the power of dictating instead of accepting terms ; 
 but his arguments and persuasions were alike vain. 
 Sworn foes on all other points, Engagers and Cove- 
 nanters were at one in their denunciation of the bloody 
 murderer James Graham. Among the former the 
 bitterest was Lauderdale, whose name was destined to 
 become a byword throughout Scotland for l)rutality. 
 Hyde attempted to reason with him. He was told that 
 it was in the nature of such a war as had lately raged 
 in Scotland to give no quarter on either side ; he Avas 
 reminded that Montrose had never been guilty of such 
 deliberate cruelties as his adversaries had freely perpe- 
 trated, that he had taken no man's life in cold blood, 
 nor ever broken his faith with a prisoner. That Hyde 
 spoke truth Lauderdale could not deny, but the tiiith 
 mattered nothing. He swore passionately that, greatly 
 a.s he desireil the King's restoration, he would rather 
 that it should never be cfrcctod, than cfl'ected with the 
 help of this crutd and inhuman James (irahaiii. Jiow 
 nnich of this indignation was sincere, and how much 
 a.s8umed u.s a cloak for the intrigues of faotidii, it would 
 be hard to say. That there M'a.s a deep and \videspiea<l 
 feeling in Scotland against Montrose is certain ; but it 
 is dillicult to believe that pity for human sudering can 
 at any time have strongly moved such a man as l^audcr-
 
 200 MONTROSE cuai'. 
 
 dale. The rest of the party followed his lead. The}^ 
 would not meet Montrose in council ; they would not 
 stay in tlie royal presence when he came into it ; they 
 desired the King not to permit Wishart to preach before 
 him, on the ostensil)le grounds that he, like Montrose, 
 was under the ban of the Kirk, but in reality because he 
 was Montrose's chaplain and had written a narrative of 
 his exploits. This foolish and insolent violence had the 
 natural effect. Charles turned to Montrose, and frankly 
 asked for his advice on the commissioners' proposals. It 
 was as frankly given. The King was Avarned that his 
 hereditary right of succession was being changed for "a 
 conditional election of ans and ^7s," which must inevit- 
 ably leave him a mere tool in the hands of Argyll and 
 the Kirk ; that to sign their Solemn League and Cove- 
 nant would be to condemn his father's memory by 
 countenancing the origin of the rebellion that had cost 
 him his kingdom and life. He Avas reminded that the 
 very men who had proclaimed him King were even 
 now slandering, persecuting, and murdering his faithful 
 subjects whose only crime was loyalty to the Throne. 
 Finally he was recommended to be resolute and bold, 
 and to trust the justice of his cause to God. The disease 
 was gone too far for gentle remedies ; in vigorous and 
 active measures lay the only human means of success. 
 And such measures Montrose was ready to undertake so 
 soon as the King should sanction them. The suspicious 
 nature of that loyalty which shouted God save the Kivfj ! 
 while it struck at the King's most faithful subjects was 
 an argument that came home. The violent language 
 used against Montrose added fresh point to it every 
 day ; and the same ship that brought the commissioners
 
 XI MONTROSE'S .VEJT COJ/.U/SS/OJV 20i 
 
 to the Hague brought also the news of Huutly's death. 
 His brother-in-law Argyll had sent him to the scaffold, 
 pathetically lamenting with his last breath that he had 
 done so little in the cause for which he suffered. 
 
 It was the misfortune of Montrose to serve two 
 masters who could never be trusted. As the father had 
 been, so was the son. Charles knew that part of this 
 advice was good ; that if he accepted the conditions of 
 the Estates he could be a king only in name ; and he 
 must ha^e had a shrewd suspicion that, while Cromwell 
 was master in England, he would not long even in 
 name be king in Scotland. That he believed at this 
 time in the chance of vigorous action is not impossible. 
 The infatuation of exiles is pioverbial, and there were 
 undoubtedly others besides Montrose who shared his 
 views. It would be unjust therefore to brand Charles 
 with the delil)crate treachery of sending a brave man to 
 inevitable death. But he could not resist the attractions 
 of that <louble game which had led his father to the 
 block. If Montrose succeeded, Charles would be free 
 for ever from the patronage of Kirk and Covenant ; 
 if he failed, these unwelcome allies might still be left 
 to fall back upon. The t(.'rms of the Estates were 
 therefore declined, but in such a way as to leave an 
 opening for future negotiations ; and a commission was 
 issued appointing the Manpiis of Montrose Lieutcnaiil- 
 (lovcrnor of Scfjtland and Commandci-in-Chief of the 
 Royal Force.s, and at the same time Ambassador-Extra- 
 onlinary to solicit aid from the Northern Courts in the 
 name of the King of Hnghuid. 
 
 Montro.so at once set to work. Tliougii the i'owers 
 on wliose help he ulicil were more generous in comi)li-
 
 202 MONTROSE CHAP. 
 
 ments and promises than in snbstantial aid, he contrived 
 by the end of August to despatch a small force, mostly 
 Germans and Danes, under the Earl of Kinnoull, to the 
 Orkneys. He had chosen these islands for the place of 
 muster, partly because they belonged to the Earl of 
 Morton, Kinnoull's uncle, who was believed to be well 
 affected, and partly because he thought that the terror of 
 his name might not have penetrated to that remote part 
 of the kingdom. Kinnoull was ordered to establish his 
 men at Kirkwall, and to occupy himself in levying and 
 drilling the islanders till his chief joined him at the end 
 of the year. 
 
 But the hand of fate was against this wild venture 
 from the first. Morton and Kinnoull were both dead of 
 a fever within a few weeks after they had met at Kirk- 
 wall. Sir James Douglas, Morton's brother, was sent to 
 Denmark with a message to Montrose urging his imme- 
 diate coming to Scotland, He need not wait to bring 
 an ai'my with him ; his own presence in the country 
 would at once raise twenty thousand men for the King's 
 service. Kinnoull had found time, before the fatal sick- 
 ness seized him, to announce his safe arrival, and to 
 assure his chief that he was "gaped after with that 
 expectation that the Jews look after their Messiah." 
 All agreed that Scotland was weary of the bondage of 
 the Covenant, and impatient for a deliverer. But Mon- 
 trose had been advised that despatches were on their 
 way from the King in Jersey, and had no choice but to 
 wait for them. It were better for the reputation of 
 Charles that those despatches had never been written. 
 They contained, indeed, the George and riband of the 
 Garter, with many fluttering words ; but they contained
 
 XI THE BEGINNING OF THE END i.o% 
 
 also words which, written on the eve of the fatal confer- 
 ence of Breda, and read, as we now read them, by the 
 light of its results, convict the King, if not of deliberate 
 treachery, at least of a cruel disregard of his general's 
 honour and life. They told him of the reopened nego- 
 tiations with the Covenant and of the approaching con- 
 ference : they urged him to instant and vigorous action ; 
 and they assured him that nothing should be conceded 
 on his sovereign's part which could offer the least 
 impediment to his proceedings, or the least diminution 
 of his authority. And all tlie while Charles knew well 
 that the one inevitable condition, whatever else might 
 be taken or left, without Avhich no basis of an under- 
 standing with the Covenant was possiljlo, must be the 
 dismissal of James Graham from his service. Elizabeth 
 of Bohemia, who knew her nephew's disposition too 
 well, had always foreseen this risk. "I pray (Jod keep 
 the King in his constancy to yoti and his other true 
 friends and servants," she had written to IMontrosc ; and 
 through all her letters to him ran tlie half- concealed 
 warning that more danger was to bo expected fidiii this 
 quarter than fi-om his open foes. But Montrose, if he 
 had ever shared tlie (Queen's fears or remembered them 
 now, had no eyes for any part of this cruel letter l)ut 
 that wln'ch counselled instant action. He liad already, 
 in default of his own presence, desi)atched another and 
 much larger force to the Orkneys un<ler KinnouU's 
 brother William Hay, wlio ha<l now succeeded to tho 
 title. JiUt again the fates were adverse. A vicdent 
 stonn arose on the jta-ssage ; the greater part of the little 
 fleet went down at sea, or woh dashed to pieces on these 
 rugged coasts; out of twulve hundred nicii only two
 
 204 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 hundred, witli a few field -pieces, came safe to laud. 
 Montrose himself did not reach Kirkwall till the end of 
 March, accompanied by many of his old officers and a 
 small but eager body of gentlemen volunteers. 
 
 It is idle to say that the delay was fatal to the 
 success of an enterprise Avhich could never in any 
 circumstances have succeeded. But it was fatal to the 
 continuance of that feeling which had prompted the letter 
 of Kinnoull and the message of Douglas. The feeling 
 had never indeed, even since the execution of Charles, 
 been such or so widespread as they persuaded themselves 
 with the exaggeration in all ages characteristic of the 
 supporters of a lost cause. But through the greater part 
 of the year 1649 the courage and hopes of the ultra- 
 Royalists or Cavalier party in Scotland undoubtedly 
 stood higher than at any time since the days imme- 
 diately following the battle of Kilsyth. A rising of the 
 Mackenzies under Pluscardine, Seaforth's brother, had 
 indeed been easily suppressed in the spring ; but it showed 
 that the flame once kindled by Montrose vras not yet 
 wholly dead. Along with this reviving loyalty, though 
 separate from it, was a strong and growing dislike, even 
 among those who had hitherto held aloof from the 
 Engagers, against the tyranny of the extreme Cove- 
 nanters, the men of the Solemn League, Avho were led 
 by Argyll. The moderate Presbyterians who shared 
 this dislike would have welcomed the restoration of the 
 young King as gladly as the Cavaliers ; but they were 
 not prepared to welcome him on the same terms. It 
 Avas the misfortune of the Cavaliers to confound this 
 partial and calculating sentiment with their own uncon- 
 ditional loyalty ; and of this mistake Montrose was the
 
 XI AN UNWORTHY KING 205 
 
 victim. It was a mistake of which Argyll was not slow 
 to take advantage. His emissaries proclaimed everywhere 
 that the desired restoration was to be accomplished, 
 not by the brutal violence of the excommunicated 
 traitor James Graham at the head of an army of 
 foreign mercenaries and Highland savages, but by the 
 peaceful and ready consent of the exiled King to the 
 wishes of his loving subjects. Argyll had not Itccn 
 deceived in his estimate of Charles. AVhcn the con- 
 ference met at Breda the King promised everything 
 demanded of him. Montrose was given up with the 
 rest. He was publicly ordered to lay down his arms, 
 to disband his forces, to withdraw from the kingdom. 
 He was told that the King would not forget his interests 
 when in a position to remember them. At the same 
 time the bearer of this cruel and unkingly order was 
 privately instructed, with the characteristic duplicity of 
 these unhappy Stuarts, to ascertain Montrose's strength 
 before delivering it, and to withhold it if lie should be 
 found sutticiently strong to enable Charles to Ijreak his 
 word with the Covenant when once safe in Scotland. 
 These orders never reached Montrose ; they were not 
 indeed written till sonic days after his defeat and cap- 
 ture. When he lande<l at the head of his army in 
 Scotland he wa.s still acting in obedience to the King's 
 conmiands. ' liut the mischief had been done. Tlic 
 
 ' Napier ha-s jirintcd all tlicsc! letters and instructions from llio 
 Wigton TajxTH, Mciiwirs of Mnnlrosc, ii. 748-708. It ih wortli while 
 to note the ilaU-s. The «lfH[iatch enclosing llio (Jarter and urging 
 Montrose "to jiroceed vigorously and efTfctually " was dated from 
 Jersey, January llilh (old style), IG.'iO. Montrose was in Scotland 
 on April lltli. He was defeated on A]iril 27tli. The despatch 
 ordering him to disband his forces was dated from Mreda on May
 
 2o6 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 declaration which he published immediately on landing 
 was burned by the common hangman at the cross in 
 Edinburgh. A counter-declaration Avas issued denounc- 
 insr him in terms of the most scurrilous abuse, and 
 calling upon all in whom the fear of their God, duty to 
 their King, and love for their country, were not utterly 
 extinguished, to aid in bringing this traitor to justice. 
 Every pulpit in Scotland thundered curses on his head. 
 Those who dared to speak a good word for him were 
 flung into prison. From one end of the country to the 
 other he was held up to execration as a wretch abhorred 
 of God and man. 
 
 It is improbable that Montrose had ever allowed him- 
 self to reflect on the desperate hazard of his venture. He 
 had never been apt to calculate the chances against him, 
 and he was not likely to do so now. That he can have felt 
 confident or even hopeful of success seems incredible to 
 
 10th ; it reached Leith on May 18th, the day on which Montrose 
 was brought a prisoner to Edinburgh. On May 25th, four days 
 after his execution, a letter was read in Parliament from the King, 
 dated May 12th, at Breda, "showing that he was heartily sorry 
 that James Graham had invaded this kingdom, and how he had 
 discharged him from doing the same, and earnestly desires the 
 Estates of Parliament to do himself that justice as not to believe 
 that he was accessory to that invasion in the least degree."— Bal- 
 four's Annals, iv. 24. Argyll was conscious throughout of the 
 double part the King was playing, but was of course careful to keep 
 it secret. It is not agi-eeable to Englishmen to contrast the 
 behaviour of Charles with that of the young French King. Among 
 the Montrose archives is a letter addressed to the Scottish Parlia- 
 ment by Lewis, acting under the advice of the Queen Regent and 
 prompted by the Cardinal de Retz, in which mercy is asked for 
 their prisoner "seeing he hath done no more than devote himself 
 in a most generous spirit to his paramount duty in fulfilling the 
 commands of the King, his sovereign lord and yours." But 
 Montrose was dead before the letter was sent.
 
 XI MONTROSE'S ILLUSION 207 
 
 US. In his little army "svere indeed some stout soldiers, 
 Danes and Germans, who, like all mercenaries, could be 
 tnisted to sell their lives dearly ; Init at least one-half 
 was composed of raw Orkney men, unused to arms and 
 with little heart for a cause they can hardly have luider- 
 stood. Hurry and some of his old officers were still 
 with him ; and among the gentlemen volunteers were 
 the Earl of Kinnoull, Viscount Frendraught, Sir James 
 Douglas (Morton's brother). Sir William Hay of Dal- 
 getty, Colonel James Hay of Naughton, Drummond of 
 Balloch, Menzies of Pitsfoddels, Ogilvy of Powrie. His 
 only cavalry consisted of the horses which carried him- 
 self, his principal officers, and some of the volunteers. 
 Tlie whole force did not exceed fifteen hundred men 
 with a few brass field-pieces. He hoped indeed to find 
 allies as he advanced, especially among the Mackcnzies, 
 whose chief, the vacillating Seaforth, though he pre- 
 ferred to stay by the King's side, had sanctioned a 
 rising of his clan. l>ut past experience can hardly have 
 encouraged him to count much on such hopes. On the 
 other hand, lie knew that his old antagonist, David 
 Leslie, wa.s arrayed against him, and that though the 
 Scottish army lia<l been nominally disbanded it had only 
 been quartered about the country ready for muster at a 
 (lay's notice, ^'et the orders issued to his officers were 
 a.s firm and confident as ever. They arc such, indeed, as 
 almost to suggest a doubt whether bis mind was aide 
 to realise the full gravity of his position. ^\'(' rc^ad in 
 them of life-guards and regiments and squadrons, as 
 though he had the full conijtlcnient of a regulai- iniiiy 
 at his disposal. The truth is, that his ardent and 
 romantic imagination, which bad always seemed to
 
 2o8 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 Iielons; rather to some kni^jht-errant of the Middle Acces 
 than to a man of the modern world, was now exalted 
 to a height of enthusiasm whence all things looked 
 possible. He conceived himself to stand before the eyes 
 of Europe as the peculiar champion of fallen and insulted 
 monarchy. Resolute as he was to obey his sovereign's 
 commands in all matters of life and death, the thought 
 of avenging the father was probably even nearer his 
 heart than the thought of restoring the son. The 
 standards he had caused to be prepared for his expedi- 
 tion indicate the spirit in which it was undertaken. 
 The royal banner displayed a bleeding head upon a black 
 ground. On his own, wrought of white damask, were 
 embroidered two rocks divided by a deep chasm ; on the 
 top of one a lion crouched for the spring, and beneath 
 was the motto. Nil Medium. It was his favourite boast : 
 
 He either fears his fate too much, 
 
 Or his deserts are small, 
 That dares not put it to the touch, 
 
 To gain or lose it all. 
 
 The spirit of devotion to a cause, a creed, or a principle, 
 Avhich counts no cost, knows no fear, and will brook 
 no compromise, has always been called by those who 
 cannot understand it, and by those who dislike its 
 object, the spirit of fanaticism. It can take many 
 shapes, from Christian meekness and heroic valour to 
 luicouth extravagance and savage ferocity. It inspired 
 alike the martyrs of the early Church, the warriors of 
 the Crusades, the ])riests of the Inquisition, and the 
 troopers of Cromwell. Such was the spirit that now 
 led Montrose to his doom. 
 
 In the second week of April he broke up his camp at
 
 XI THE LAST BA TTLE 209 
 
 Kirkwall and crossed to the mainland. His landing was 
 eflFected at a point on the north-eastern extremity of 
 Caithness, where tradition still preserves the memory of 
 John o' Groat's House. He had already despatched a 
 party of men to seize and garrison the strong castle of 
 Dunbeath in order to secure his retreat, and with his 
 little force now reduced to twelve hundred men he 
 moved slowly south. In the shires of Caithness, Suther- 
 land, and Itoss he had expected to find willing recruits 
 among men who had known nothing of the horrors of 
 the last campaign, and he supposed that the whole 
 array of the Mackenzies would be marching to meet 
 him under the gallant Pluscardine. He was grievously 
 disappointed in both hopes. His conciliatory letter to 
 the Sheriff of Caithness produced no response, and as 
 he advanced the inhabitants fled everywhere in terror 
 before him. He crossed the Ord into Sutherlandshiro 
 to meet the same reception. When he reached Invcr- 
 carron at the head of the Firth of Dornoch, he had not 
 been joined by a single ally. 
 
 Meanwhile the Earl of Sutherland liiul mustered his 
 vassals. He did not dare to give battle, but falling back 
 before Montrose intercepted all communications from 
 the south. At tlic first news of war Colonel Strachan, 
 a Covenanter of the straitest .sect, who had distinguished 
 himself in the previous year by hi.s vigorous suppression 
 of the Mackenzies, had been sent north with a strong 
 body of cavalry, while Leslie himself made all haste to 
 his support with three thousand foot. When Strachan 
 and Sjitherland met, it was agreed to attack at once. 
 The latter was sent roiind with his own nittii to secure 
 the passes into the hills, while Strachan with his cavalry 
 
 P
 
 210 MONTROSE CHAP. 
 
 moved up the soutli side of the Firth upon the royal 
 camp. 
 
 It was Saturday, April 27th. Montrose had heard 
 of the advance, but his scouts had seen only a single 
 weak troop of horse. Strachan had divided his force 
 into three divisions ; one he led straight forward upon 
 the enemy, the others he kept out of sight among the 
 wooded and broken ground on either side of his main 
 advance. Montrose was deceived. He sent his few 
 horse forward under Hurry, and drew up his foot on a 
 l^iece of flat exposed ground at the head of the Firth. 
 It was Philiphaugh over again. The enemy were upon 
 him before he was aware of their strength. He at once 
 ordered his foot to retreat to a rough and wooded hill 
 at the rear of their position. Before they could reach 
 it the cavalry was among them. The wretched islanders 
 fled without firing a shot. The Germans fought bravely, 
 but were ridden down right and left by the troopers ; 
 within two hours they were all killed, taken prisoners, 
 or drowned in flight across the Firth. The rout was 
 complete. Douglas, Ogilvy, Menzies (who l^ore the 
 royal standard), Avere dead ; Hurry and most of the 
 surviving officers were prisoners. Wounded and dis- 
 mounted Montrose still fought on for life or death, 
 when young Frendraught, himself covered with wounds, 
 pressed to his side with the offer of his own horse. It 
 was little matter what became of him, said the gallant 
 lad, so long as his Majesty's general was safe. Mon- 
 trose leaped into the saddle, and followed by Kinnoull 
 and a few others galloped off to the hills. Frendraught 
 surrendered, and was committed to the care of his uncle 
 Sutherland at Dunrobin. The pursuit was maintained
 
 XI FLIGHT OF MONTROSE 2ii 
 
 till dark, and for many days afterwards the country 
 people hunted out and slew the unfortunate Orkney- 
 men till it was said that there was not a family in the 
 islands which had not to mourn a son or a brother. 
 Within the present century the place of slaughter was 
 popularly known by a Gaelic name signifying the Rock 
 of Lamentation. 
 
 The little band of fugitives soon separated. There 
 was no safety in numbers, and the ground was unfit for 
 horsemen. Montrose dismounted, threw away his cloak, 
 star, and sword, exchanged clothes with a peasant, and, 
 accompanied only b}' Kinnoull and an Orknej' gentleman 
 named Sinclair, struck off into the heart of the mountain- 
 ous wilderness that forms the western part of Suther- 
 landshire. His design was to make for his garrison in 
 Caithness, Avhence, should the disaster prove irretriev- 
 able, he might escape to the Continent. But neither he 
 nor his companions knew the country. For two days 
 and nights they wandered aimlessly up the Oikel 
 river without food or shelter. On the third day Kin- 
 nouU's strength failed him, and he lay down to die. His 
 companions must have shared the same fate, had they 
 not come at evening to a little cottage where they were 
 8upplie<l with bread and milk. Tlnough the night and 
 the next day they pressed on, ignorant of their course, 
 but su(tpo3ing at least that they were leaving tluir 
 enemies behind tiicm. They Mere in truth heading 
 straight for the toils. The direction of their (light iiad 
 l)eeu l)ctrayc(l by the discovery of Montro-so's star ami 
 sword, and word sent into As.synt to be on the watch, 
 with promise of reward to wiiumsoever should take 
 Jaraea Graham alive. The fu-ntivcs were discovered in 
 
 o
 
 212 MONTROSE CHAP. 
 
 the last extremity of hunger and brought to the Laird's 
 house at Ardvrech. The Macleods of Assynt had long 
 been followers of the Earls of Sutherland with whose 
 family they were connected by marriage, and Neil 
 Macleod, the present Laird, had been recently appointed 
 the Earl's Deputy-Sheriff of that district. From such a 
 man at such a time a fugitive Eoyalist with a price upon 
 his head had little to hope for. Montrose tried at first 
 to buy his captor's favour, then, finding this useless, 
 prayed at least for death rather than to be delivered alive 
 into his enemies' hands. To prayers and bribes Macleod 
 was alike inexorable. The great news was at once 
 despatched to Leslie, who hurried north with a strong 
 body of soldiers to secure the prize. Argyll had won 
 the last move in the deadly game ; Montrose was the 
 prisoner of the Covenant.^ 
 
 ^ I cannot find any good authority for the popular tradition tliat 
 lias branded Macleod with the treachery of betraying an old friend 
 and companion-in-arms. After the Restoration, when the act of 
 his having delivered an officer holding the royal commission over 
 to a usurping power Avould of course be called treasonable, he was 
 twice tried on this indictment ; first before the Scottish Parliament, 
 when, after four years' imprisonment, he was released by order of 
 the King under an Act of Indemnity ; a second time at Law, when 
 he was acquitted of this and other treasonable charges. In Nichol's 
 Diary of Transactions in Scotland, the father is said to have been 
 out with Montrose ; but neither in Gordon's History of the Earldom 
 of Sutherland (where the story of the capture is told by one who 
 knew the Laird) nor in Mackenzie's History of the Macleods is there a 
 trace of any Macleod of this lino having been in arms for the King 
 during the war. On the contrary, the evidence of both books, such 
 as it is, tends the other way, and Gordon explicitly says that Neil 
 fought under the Earl of Sutherland for the Covenant. John 
 Macdonald, the bard of Keppoch, composed a pathetic lament for 
 Montrose, "the manly, mighty lion," in which Neil "of woful 
 Assynt " and his family are not spared ; but he is not accused of be-
 
 XI 
 
 HIS CAPTURE 2V- 
 
 traying a friend {Cinnha MJtontroisc in Mackenzie's BcatUies of Gaelic 
 Poetry, for a translation of which I am obliged to Jlr. Alexander 
 Xicolson, Advocate, of Edinburgh ; according to the bard three- 
 fourths of the meal, which formed a part of the reward, was found 
 to be sour). In the Old Statistical Account of Scotland it is alleged 
 that Neil was on the march to join ^lontrose in Caithness, that the 
 fugitive was brought to his house during his absence, and that the 
 traitor was (presumedly) his wife, a sister of Monro of Lamlaii- one 
 of Strachan's officers. This story (first told in 1792 by the minister 
 of Kincardine) is, however, directly at variance with Gordon's, and 
 it was proved moreover before Parliament that Neil had received the 
 promised reward. On the whole evidence it seems hard to suppose 
 that Macleod acted otherwise than any Covenanter in his situation 
 would at that time have acted towards the man whom he had been 
 taught to regard as the most dangerous enemy of his country.
 
 CHAPTER XII 
 
 THE END 
 
 And now for Montrose the end had come, the end 
 to all the high ambitions, the wild dreams, the long 
 struggle. The time of delusion was for ever past ; nothing 
 was left but the bare and terrible reality. Still Leslie was 
 a brave soldier, and his fallen enemy might at least have 
 hoped to be spared in his hands from insult. He was 
 spared from no insult that the savage exultation of his 
 foes could desire. For six years they had fled before 
 his face and trembled at his name ; that long debt of 
 terror and humiliation was now to be amply repaid. 
 Leslie was the soldier of the Covenant, and the orders of 
 the Covenant were strict to leave nothing undone that 
 might add a sting to the bitterness of death. In a fever 
 from his still undressed wounds, clad in the mean 
 peasant's garb in which he had been taken, with a pad 
 of straw for saddle and a bridle of rope, Montrose was 
 set on the back of a ragged Highland pony, with his 
 feet tied beneath its belly, and led as in a triumphal 
 procession through all the chief towns of the North. 
 Wherever he passed the people were incited by the 
 ministers of the Kirk to rail and hoot at their once
 
 CHAP. XII THE TRIUMPH OF THE COVENANT 215 
 
 terrible eiiemj'. At Inverness, AAhere the gloomy 
 pageant was increased by the prisoners from luvcr- 
 carron, the women came out to curse him for the ruin he 
 had wrought. At Keith he was compelled to listen to a 
 long and violent sermon on the text, " And Samuel said, 
 As thy sword hath made women childless, so shall thy 
 mother be childless among women." Yet there were 
 some, even among the clergymen, whom this spectacle of 
 fallen greatness moved to gentler feelings ; and it should 
 at least be remembered to Leslie's credit that those who 
 were not ashamed or afraid to OAvn their friendship for 
 his prisoner Avere allowed free access to him. It is 
 remarkable that at Dundee, which had suffered so much 
 from his soldiers, he was received with general expres- 
 sions of pity ; and here Leslie was persuaded to allow 
 him to exchange the filthy rags in wdiich he had hitherto 
 been paraded for clothes more ])ecoming his quality.^ 
 But the compa.ssioii of friends and the triumph of foes, 
 pain and pity and scorn, were endured with the same 
 equanimity. " All the way," wrote an eye-witness of the 
 sorry nuirch, " the jNIartpiis never altered his coun- 
 tenance ; but, with u majesty and state becoming him, 
 kept a countenance high." Even tiio sight of his two 
 
 ' In the Mcmor]i nf th/i fiomcrriUcs ^lontrosp is said to Imvo 
 very nearly eir(;( tod lii.H escape throufjh tlic help of the Lady 
 of Grange, at whoso house, near Dundee, ho wa.s lodged for a 
 night. The story is mentioned nowhere else — not even in fho 
 minute account of the journey written hy an eye-witness, the 
 Kcv. .lames Kraser, chaplain to Lord Lovat, fronj which and 
 from an account by another eye-witness (printed from the 
 Wigton iM.inuHcripts for the Maitland Cluli), these details are 
 takfii. NiipiiT accepted it at first, but eventually rejected it on 
 grounds which Hecin tonic sufficient {Mnnoira 0/ Muntrosc, ii. ch. 
 38 and 39).
 
 2i6 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 youngest children, who were brought to take leave of 
 him at Kinnaird Castle, could not shake his composure. 
 
 Meanwhile great preparations were l)eing made in 
 Edinburgh. The glorious news had thrown the Parlia- 
 ment and the Kirk into transports of delight. One 
 thousand pounds xind a chain of gold with a diamond 
 clasp were at once voted to Strachan ; the city bells were 
 rung, bonfires lit, and a public thanksgiving decreed 
 throughout the country. Macleod was rewarded partly 
 in money and partly, it is said, by four hundred bolls of 
 meal ; he was also appointed by Sutherland captain of 
 the garrison of Strathnaver. Of the prisoner's sentence 
 there could be no question. The attainder passed on 
 him in 1644 had never been repealed, and Avithout the 
 formality of a trial Parliament, with one voice, pro- 
 nounced for death. But the manner of his death must 
 be signal; and a committee was appointed to prepare 
 plans for the ceremony as if for some national rejoicing. 
 
 At four on the afternoon of May 10th, Montrose was 
 brought from Leith to the Water Gate at Holyrood, and 
 handed over by the soldiers to the civil power. The 
 orders of Parliament were read to him by the provost, 
 in his robes of state, at the head of the chief magistrates 
 of the city. He answered that he was ready to submit 
 to them, regretting only to think that his master, whose 
 commission he bore, should be dishonoured through him. 
 The cruel pageant then began. Hurry, with the rest of 
 the prisoners from Invercarron, came first, walking two 
 and two in chains. A cart followed, driven by the 
 common hangman of the city in the hideous livery of 
 his office. In the cart was a high chair, and on the chair 
 sat Montrose, bareheaded and tightly bound. The long
 
 xii THE ENTRY INTO EDINBURGH 217 
 
 ascent of the Canongate was crowded with people, mostly 
 of the lowest class, whose minds had been artfully in- 
 flamed by the fierce eloquence of the pulpits to greet the 
 enemy of their country and religion in a manner worthy 
 of his crimes and the occasion. It was even secretly 
 hoped that their greetings might not be confined to empty 
 execration, and the prisoner's hands had been drawn 
 behind his back that he might not defend his face. But 
 the sad and shameful sight turned these rough hearts to 
 pity. ]Many were even moved to tears to see with what 
 serene and lofty composure this man, who had once 
 known the height of glory, could now endure the 
 extremity of disgrace. From the Water Gate to the 
 Nether Bow only one voice was raised in scorn ; the voice 
 of a woman, of Jean, Countess of Haddington, the 
 daughter of Huntly, the sister of Gordon. The Avrctched 
 creature is even said to have spat upon her dead brother's 
 fricn<l a.s the cart passed below the ])alcony in which she 
 sat. In tlie same balcony was Argyll, with a party of 
 guests met to celebrate the marriage of his son Lome to 
 a daughter of the Earl of Moray. Either by accident or 
 design the cart was halted at this point, and i\Iontroso 
 looked up. As his eyes met those of Argyll, the latter 
 was seen to turn pale and shrink Ijack from the window. 
 An angry murmur rose from the crowd, and an Engli.sli 
 voice was hoard to cry that Argyll might well shrink 
 from the man he had not dared to face for seven years.^ 
 
 ' 'riiis disprafcfiil scene ih mcntionefl in more flian one con- 
 temporary <locuiiu"iit ; amon>{ others, tliougli in a sliglitlj' dilTcrciit 
 form, in a letter from M. de (Jmymond, French RcHident in Edin- 
 burgh, to Cardinal Mazarin. See Mi-mnlrx of Muntmsr, ii. 77-82, 
 and iiotrs. Argyll alwayH maintainetl that he had refused to take 
 any part in pronouncing sentence on ^lontrosc.
 
 21 8 MONTROSE CHAP. 
 
 So dense was the crowd and so slow the pace of the 
 procession that it was seven o'clock before the Toll)ooth 
 was reached. As the prisoner passed through the Nether 
 Bow Port and entered within the city walls, the last hope 
 that he might at least be spared the ignominious death 
 reserved for the lowest criminals must have vanished. 
 Before his eyes a monstrous gibbet rose to the height of 
 thirty feet from a scaffold covered with black cloth. It 
 rose close by the old city cross, the spot, as his memory 
 must have recalled with peculiar bitterness, where his 
 young and ardent enthusiasm had first displayed itself 
 before the admiring eyes of so many who were now 
 clamouring for his blood. 
 
 Scarcely had Montrose entered the prison when a 
 deputation from the Parliament arrived to interrogate 
 him. At first he refused to speak with them until he 
 was assured that they had made their peace with the 
 King and had warrant to examine him. Being satisfied 
 on this point, he asked that he might be left to rest for 
 the present. He was tired, he said, with a long journey ; 
 and " the compliment they had put upon him that day 
 was something tedious." 
 
 But there was to be little rest for him. All tlirough 
 Sunday and the early hours of Monday, the ministers 
 persecuted him, by order of the General Assembly, with 
 a relation of his manifold misdemeanours and assurances 
 of his certain damnation unless he Avould confess and 
 receive the absolution of the Kirk. His capital offence 
 in their eyes was his breach of the Covenant. That he 
 stoutly denied. " The Covenant which I took," he said, 
 "I own it and adhere to it. Bishops, I care not for 
 them. I never intended to advance tlieir interest. But
 
 XII AT THE BAR OF PARLIAMENT 219 
 
 when the King had g;ranted you all your desires, and yon 
 were every one sitting imder his vine and under his 
 fig-tree, — that then j'ou should have taken a party in 
 England by the hand, and entered into a League and 
 Covenant with them against the King, was the thing I 
 judged my (hxiy to oppose to the yondmost." They told 
 him then that, as he still persisted in his stubbornness, 
 they had no power to remit his sentence of excommuni- 
 cation, and must leave him to the judgment of the 
 Almighty, " with the fearful apprehension that what is 
 bound on earth God will bind in Heaven." "I am very 
 sorry," he answered, "that any actions of mine have 
 been offensive to the Church of Scotland, and I would, 
 with all my heart, be reconciled to the same. But since 
 I caimot obtain it on any other terms — unless I call 
 that my sin which I account to have been my duty — I 
 cannot for all the reason and conscience in the world." 
 
 Shortly before noon on ^Monday he was summoned 
 to hear his sentence at the bar of Parliament. He had 
 a.sked for a barber to shave him, and had been refused ; 
 " I would not think but they would have allowed that 
 to a dog," was his comment. His friends had, however, 
 l)een permitted to stip])ly him with a dress suited, as one 
 of the spectators thouglit, lather to a festival than a 
 tragedy. He entered the House in a suit of black cloth, 
 trinmied with silver, and covered with a scarlet ohtak, 
 lined witli crimson and trimmed also with silver. His 
 stockings wore of carnation silk, his garters and the 
 rosettes of his shoes of the same colour. On his head 
 was a beaver hat with a Ijroad ])and of silver ]a(;c. When 
 the Chancellor, Loudon, ha<l rcjieated the full tiilc of 
 his crimes, he aHke<l leave to speak. Leave was granted.
 
 220 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 Montrose stood up "in the place of deliiKjucnts," un- 
 covered, and spoke. 
 
 " Since you have declared to me that you have agreed 
 ^vith the King, I look upon you as if his Majesty were 
 sitting amongst you ; and in that relation I appear 
 with this reverence, — bareheaded. My care has been 
 always to walk as became a good Christian and loyal 
 subject : I did engage in the first Covenant, and was 
 faithful to it. When I perceived some private persons, 
 under colour of religion, intend to wring the authority 
 from the King, and to seize on it for themselves, it was 
 thought fit, for the clearing of honest men, that a bond 
 should be subscribed, wherein the security of religion 
 was sufficiently provided for. For the League, I thank 
 God I was never in it ; and so could not break it. How 
 far religion has been advanced by it, and what sad con- 
 sequences followed on it, these poor distressed kingdoms 
 can witness. When his late Majesty had, by the blessing 
 of God, almost subdued those rebels that rose against 
 him in England, and that a faction of this kingdom Avent 
 in to the assistance of the rebels, his Majesty gave com- 
 mission to me to come into this kingdom, to make a 
 diversion of those forces Avhich were going from this 
 against him. I acknowledged the command was most 
 just, and I conceived myself bound in conscience and 
 duty to obey it. What my carriage was in this country 
 many of you may bear witness. Disorders in arms 
 cannot be prevented ; but they were no sooner known 
 than punished. Never was any man's blood spilt but in 
 battle ; and even then, many thousand lives have I pre- 
 served. And I dare here avow, in the presence of God, 
 that never a hair of Scotsman's head, that I could save,
 
 XII THE SENTENCE 221 
 
 fell to the ground. And as I came in upon his JMajesty's 
 warrant, so upon his letters did I lay aside all interests 
 and retire. And as for my coming at this time, it was 
 by his Majesty's just commands, in order to the acceler- 
 ating the treaty betwixt him and you ; his Majesty 
 kno^^^ng that, whenever he had ended with you, I was 
 ready to retire upon his call. I may say, that never 
 subject acted upon more honoui'able grounds, nor by so 
 lawful a power, as I did in these services. And there- 
 fore I desire you to lay aside prejudice, and consider me 
 as a Christian, in relation to the justice of the quarrel ; 
 as a subject, in relation to my royal master's command ; 
 and as your neighbour, in relation to the many of your 
 lives I have preserved in battle : and be not too rash ; 
 but let me be judged by the laws of God, the laws 
 of nature and nations, and the laws of this land. If 
 otherwise, I do here appeal from you to the righteous 
 Judge of the world, who one day must be your judge 
 and mine, and who always gives out righteous judg- 
 ments." 
 
 The Chancellor's reply was less dignified. Among the 
 epithets luirled at the prisoner were infamoxii^, perjural, 
 traichiroun. ; he was the most cruel and iidnniian 
 butcher that the world had ever seen ; he had de- 
 stroyed the father by his boundless pride and ambition, 
 and woidd, had he been suffered, have destroyed the 
 son. Montrose was then commanded to kneel, while his 
 sentence was read by Warriston. lie was to be hanged 
 on a gibbet at the cross of Kdin])urgh, with a copy of 
 his Memoirs by Wisjiart an<l a copy of his la.st declara- 
 tion tied l)y a rope about hi.s neck ; after hanging for the 
 space of three hours, his head, hands, and legs were to
 
 222 ArONTA'OSE CHAV. 
 
 be cut off, and distributed as follows : his head was to 
 be fixed on an iron spike on a pinnacle of the Tolbooth ; 
 one hand was to be set over the gate of Stirling, the 
 other over the gate of Perth ; one leg over the gate of 
 Aberdeen, the other over the gate of Glasgow. If, at 
 his death, he was penitent and released from excommu- 
 nication, then the trunk of his body was to be decently 
 buried in the churchyard of the Grey Friars ; if other- 
 wise, it was to be laid by the hangman's men under the 
 common gallows on the Borough Moor. AVliile this brutal 
 sentence was read Montrose showed no sign of discom- 
 posure. Only at the end he sighed twice, and raising 
 his head looked round the ring of relentless faces ; but 
 he spoke no word. The Doomster then, according to 
 law, repeated the sentence, and Montrose was removed 
 to the Tolbooth. 
 
 Scarcely had he re-entered his prison, when the 
 ministers again attacked him. But he would argue with 
 them no more. " I pray you, gentlemen," he said, " let 
 me die in peace." One of his gaolers, moved to some 
 momentary pity, asked these impertinent busybodies 
 if nothing would satisfy them but tormenting the last 
 hours of an unfortunate man. It Avas the only way, 
 they answered, to humble his proud spirit and bring him 
 to God. 
 
 Early the next morning, Tuesday, May 21st, he waa 
 waked by a loud noise of drums and trumpets. He 
 asked his guards Avhat these unusual sounds might mean, 
 and was told that the soldiers were being mustered to 
 arms, lest the malignants should attempt a rescue. 
 "What !" he said, "is it possible that I, who Avas such a 
 terror to these good men when alive and prosperous,
 
 Kii AT THE PLACE OF DEATH 223 
 
 continue still so foiTuidable to them now that I am 
 bound for slaughter ? Then I should lie still more ter- 
 rible to them when dead ! " Even now his persecutors 
 would not leave him in peace. As he was preparing for 
 the last scene, Johnston of AVarriston, the chief instigator, 
 it is said, of all this barbarity, came into his cell. Mon- 
 trose was dressing his hair, which he wore long, after the 
 fashion of the Cavaliers. "Why," sneered this brutal 
 fellow, "is James Graham so careful of his locks?" 
 " My head is yet my own," Avas the answer ; " I A\ill 
 arrange it to my taste. To-night, when it will be yours, 
 treat it as you please." 
 
 At three in the afternoon Montrose was led out to 
 die. The largest crowd ever assembled on the streets of 
 Edinburgh was gathered round the place of execution ; 
 every house-top, window, and balcony was thronged with 
 spectators. At one end of the scaffold stood the chief 
 magistrates of the city, at the other a group of the 
 inevitable ministers. Beside the hangman was a bench 
 on which were arranged in ghastly order the implements 
 of butchery. A space was kept clear round the scaffold 
 by a strong force of soldiers. As Montrose walked down 
 the High Street from the Tolbootii, surrounded l)y his 
 guards, in the same rich dress that he had worn before 
 the Parliament, all were struck with his calm and iioblc 
 bearing. " He stepped along the street," wrote an eye- 
 witness, " with so great state, and there appeared in his 
 countenance so much beauty, majesty, and gravity, as 
 amazed all the beholders. And many of his enemies 
 did acknowledge him to be the bravest subject in the 
 world ; and in him a gallantry that graced all the crowd, 
 more bcsectuing a monarch than a peer."
 
 224 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 He mounted the steps and stood upon the scaffold. 
 The grace granted to even the meanest criminals was 
 denied to him ; he was not allowed to address the [)eople. 
 But to the magistrates and others round him he thus for 
 the last time justified himself. 
 
 "I am sorry if this manner of my end be scandalous 
 to any good Christian here. Doth it not often hapi)en 
 to the righteous according to the way of the unrighteous % 
 Doth not sometimes a just man perish in his righteous- 
 ness, and a wicked man prosper in his wickedness and 
 malice % They who know me should not disesteem me 
 for this. Many greater than I have been dealt with in 
 this kind. But I must not say but that all God's judg- 
 ments are just. And this measure, for my private sins, 
 I acknowledge to be just with God. I wholly submit 
 myself to Him. But, in regard of man, I may say they 
 are but instruments. God forgive them ; and I forgive 
 them. They have oppressed the poor, and violently 
 perverted judgment and justice. But He that is higher 
 than they will reward them. What I did in this 
 kingdom was in obedience to the most just commands of 
 my sovereign : and in his defence, in the day of his 
 distress, against those who rose up against him. I 
 acknowledge nothing ; but fear God and honour the 
 King, according to the commandments of God, and the 
 just laws of nature and nations. And I have not sinned 
 against man, but against God ; and with Him there is 
 mercy, which is the ground of my drawing near unto 
 Him. It is objected against me by many, even good 
 l)eople, that I am under the censure of the Church. 
 This is not my fault, seeing it is only for doing my duty, 
 by obeying my Prince's most just commands, for religion.
 
 XII THE SPEECH OJV THE SCAFFOLD 225 
 
 his sacred person, and authority. Yet I am sorry they 
 did excommunicate me ; and, in that which is accord- 
 ing to God's laws, without wronging my conscience or 
 allegiance, I desire to be relaxed. If they will not do 
 it, I appeal to God, Avho is the righteous Judge of the 
 Avorld, and who must, and will, I hope, be my Judge and 
 Saviour. It is spoken of me, that I would blame the 
 King. God forbid ! For the late King, he lived a saint, 
 and died a martyr. I pray God I may end as he did. 
 If ever I would M-ish my soul in another man's stead, it 
 should be in his. For his ^lajesty now living, never 
 any people, I believe, might be more happy in a king. 
 His commands to me were most just ; and I obeyed 
 them. He deals justly with all men. I pray God he 
 be so dealt withal ; that he be not betrayed under trust 
 as liis father was. I desire not to be mistaken ; as if my 
 carriage at tliis time, in relation to your ways, were 
 stubborn. I do but follow the light of my conscience ; 
 my rule, which is seconded by the working of the Spirit 
 of God that is within me. I thank Him I go to heaven 
 M'ith joy tiie way He paved for me. If he enable me 
 against tlie fear of death, and furnish me with courage 
 and confidence to embrace it, even in its most ugly shape, 
 let(J<jd be glorified in my end, though it were in my 
 damnation. Yet I say not this out of any fear or mis- 
 tru.st, but out of my duty to God and love to His people. 
 I have no more to say, but that I desire yoiu' charity 
 and prayers. And I .siiall pray for you all. I leave my 
 soul to God, my service to my Prince, my good-will l<i 
 my friends, my love and chanty to you all. And thus 
 briefly I have exonerated my conscience." 
 
 Once more tlic ministers pressed round him, proflfering 
 
 Q
 
 226 MONTROSE chap. 
 
 the remission of his spiritual sentence if he would con- 
 fess his sins against the Church and the Covenant. Once 
 more he answered that he could not accept it on those 
 terms, but desired their prayers. They bid him pray 
 for himself if he Avould ; they would make no inter- 
 cession for a man who died under the ban of the Church. 
 One of these misguided creatures did not scruple to call 
 him a faggot of hell, Avhich his })rophetic eye could 
 already see in flames. Montrose made no reply, but 
 bent his head in silent prayer, covering his face with his 
 hat and raising one hand to heaven. As the executioner 
 then approached to tie round his neck the copies of his 
 declaration and the memoirs of his campaigns, Montrose 
 gave the man a few pieces of gold, saying that he was 
 even more proud of such a collar of merit than when the 
 King had sent him the Garter. Only when his arms 
 were pinioned did he show any signs of displeasure ; but 
 he contented himself with asking if they had any more 
 compliments to bestow on him, as he was anxious to lose 
 no honour durinsj the short time left to him on earth. 
 He then climbed the huge ladder with a steady ste}) and 
 a countenance that had assumed its wonted serenity. 
 "May God have mercy on this afflicted kingdom," he 
 cried Avith a loud voice, and then moved his arms for the 
 signal. The hangman burst into tears as he thrust him 
 off the step, and as the body swung slowly out into the 
 air, a universal sob of pity broke from all that vast 
 crowd. 
 
 The inhuman sentence was carried through in all its 
 details, and the dismembered trunk was placed in a rude 
 shell and thrust into the common earth below the gallows 
 on the Borough Moor. A pretty story, which there is
 
 XII THE LAST HONOURS 227 
 
 no reason to discredit, tells how a few nights later the 
 grave was secretly opened, and that heroic heart removed, 
 embalmed, and carried to Lady Napier. For the strange 
 adventures of this precious relic, how it was lost to the 
 family, found, and lost again, there is no room here ; 
 the curious will find them fuU}'^ described in the elaborate 
 and interesting work to which these pages already owe 
 so much.^ 
 
 Eleven years passed, and again a vast crowd thronged 
 the High Street of Edinburgh to witness a different scene. 
 The King, for whom Montrose had died, was now 
 restored to the throne of his fathers, and had decreed 
 the empty tribute of a public funeral for the num 
 whom he had not dared to lift a finger or speak a word 
 to save. The scattered remains had been previously 
 collected, and carried amid great pomp to Ilolyrood. 
 There they lay in state from Januaiy 7th, IGGl, to May 
 1 1 th, on which day they were placed beside the bones of 
 his grandfather in the old cathedral church of St. Giles. 
 No more imposing ceremony, it is said, was ever seen in 
 Edinburgh. The streets were lined by the Train-bands, 
 the Koyal Life-Ouards formed the escort. Marshalled 
 by the heralds in their robes of office, the provost and 
 magistrates of the City with the Ijarons and burgesses of 
 Parliament walked two abreast all clad in dce|t mourning. 
 'Jiie ooflin was carried by fourteen carls, wiiilu twelve 
 noblemen of Ic.sser rank held the pall. The armour worn 
 by the dead man in battle, his field-marshal's baton, bis 
 
 * Sec Mnnoirs of MonlruHc, ii. Sli-SlC, aiul Aji]Miii(lix 1. The 
 carnation nilk HtockiiigH, and the linen Hhcet in which tliu body 
 waa wrajipcd, are in tho potuicusioa of Lord Napier und Kttrick.
 
 228 MONTROSE CHAr. 
 
 Garter, and the other insignia of his state were borne 
 before it by various members of his House. Behind 
 walked the young ]\h\rquis and his brother Lord Iiol)crt, 
 followed by the nearest relatives of the family. The 
 long procession was closed by Middleton, now Lord 
 High Commissioner of Scotland, representing the King, 
 in an open mourning -coach drawn by six horses and 
 attended by six gentlemen of quality on either side, bare- 
 headed and also in deep mourning. Though the day 
 broke dark and rainy, the sky cleared and the sun shone 
 as the solemn pageant passed on its way from the 
 palace to the cathedral, while the bells pealed from 
 every steeple in the city. Nothing was Avanting to 
 enhance the splendour of the scene ; to those wlio 
 allowed themselves to reflect, nothing could have been 
 wanting to add to its irony. The route was the same 
 as that by Avhich the living man had been dragged before 
 the eyes of many now present amid brutal insults to 
 an ignominious doom. As the coffin was lowered into 
 the vault the Train-bands fired a volley, and the cannon 
 thundered in answer from the Castle. In that Castle, 
 a prisoner under sentence of death, execrated by all 
 Scotland, lay Archibald, Marquis of Argyll. 
 
 It was left for our own generation to pay the last 
 honours due to the memory of the illustrious dead. 
 In the little aisle that now bears his name a lofty window, 
 blazoned with the royal arms of Scotland and the shields 
 of the families and clans that shared his triumphs and 
 his fall, looks down upon the plain stone slab that for 
 more than two hundred years alone marked the grave 
 of jMontrose. Over against the grave rises a stately 
 shrine. Beneath an arched and fretted roof, supported
 
 XII THE TOMB IN ST. GILES'S 229 
 
 on gilded pillars, lies carved in white marble the figure 
 of the Great Marquis, bareheaded, in full armour, 
 with his sword upon his breast. Above the figure a Latin 
 inscription records that this monument has been raised to 
 the memory of James Graham, ]\Iarquis of Montrose, by 
 his descendants and kinsmen, by the bearers of his name, 
 and by the admirers of his lofty genius. On a tablet 
 below are engraved the lines with which he solaced the 
 long hours of his last night on earth : 
 
 ^o 
 
 Scatter my aslics, strew them in the air — 
 
 Lord, since Tliou knowest where all these atoms are, 
 
 I'm liopi-ful Tliou'lt recover once my dust. 
 
 And confident Tliou'lt raise me with the just.^ 
 
 ' This memorial was erected l)y general subscription in 1888. 
 Among its most active promoters was the late Mr. Graham ilurray 
 of Stcntoii, to whose kindly assistance this little book has been 
 much indebted. 
 
 THE END 
 
 PrtnUdhy R. & R. ClarK, Edinburgh,
 
 MESSRS. MACMILLAN & CO.'S PUBLICATIONS. 
 
 Now publishing. Crown Svo. 2s. 6d. each. 
 
 TWELVE ENGLISH STATESMEN 
 
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 INDEX. 
 
 FAGB 
 
 Abrahams (!.)• • • 4» 
 Abbey (E. A. ) • • iS> 47 
 Abbot (F. E.) . . .42 
 Abbott (E. A.) 6, 17, 38, 39, 42 
 Acton (Lord) . . . n 
 Adams (Sir F. O.) . . 36 
 Addison . . 4, 34- 25 \ 
 
 iEsop. . . . i4i 48 
 AoAssiz(L.) ... 4 
 AlNOKR (Rev. A.) 5,20,27,42 
 Ainslie(A- D.). . . I ~ 
 AiRv(Sir G. B.) . 3, 34 
 AlTKEN(MaryC.) . . 25 
 AlTKEN (Sir W.) . 30 
 
 Albemarle (E.irl of) . 4 { 
 Aldous(J.C p.) 40, 4 > 
 
 Aldrich T. 1'.) . .17 
 Alkxandf.r (C. F.) . 17, 25 
 
 ALhXANDER (T.) lO 
 
 Alexander (Bi-,hop) . 4^ 
 Allbutt (T. C.) . . aS 
 Allen (G.) ... 7 
 Allincham (W.) . . 25 
 Amiel(H. F.) . . .4 
 Anderson (A. ). . . 17 
 Anderson (L.)- • • 2 
 Anderson iDr. McCall) . 28 
 ANUKhWs(C. M.) . . n 
 
 Andrews (Dr. Tbomas) . 33 
 Appi.etos iT. G.) . . 4' 
 Archkh-Hind (R. D.) . 4' 
 Arnoi.i>(M.)^, 17,24125.38. JV 
 Arnold (IJr. F.) . .11 
 Arnold (W.T.) . .11 
 Ashley (VV. J.). . 4, 3^ 
 ATKrNsON (G. F.) . . 7 
 Atkinsiis (1. B.) . . J 
 Atkinson (Rev. J. C.) 2,4'' 
 Attwri.i (H.) . .25 
 
 AusTi;s (Jane) . . .21 
 Austin (Allied) 10, 17, 14 
 
 Autknrieth (Georg) . o 
 AwDi<v(K.) . .48 
 
 Bacon (Francis) . 4. 34, 2' 
 
 BADKVflCII n,. N.) . 30, 50 
 
 Baii.i:v(I.. II.) . . JO 
 
 Bainks (Rev. E.) . . 43 
 Bakrr 'SirS. W >4,-,*5, ,7,47.48 
 
 Balcm (Klizabet) ' . 14 
 
 Baldwin (I'rof. I. M.) , 31 
 
 Balfour (K. M.) . 7 
 
 Balfour (J. H.) . . 7 
 
 Ball (I.; . . .47 
 
 Ball (W. Plait) . . 7 
 
 Ball(W. W. R.) . IS, 38 
 
 Bali.anck(C A.) . 28 
 
 Barker (('>. K.) . . 31 
 
 Barkrr (Laily) . 3, 9, 47, 48 
 
 Barlow (J.) . . 14, 48 
 
 Barnard (C.) . . 34 
 
 Barnard (K. A. P.). . 4 
 
 Barnes (R. H.) . . 5 
 Barnrs(W.) ... 4 
 
 Barnrtt (E. A.) . c, 37 
 
 Barrv (A.) -43 
 
 Bartholomrw (J. G.) 3 
 
 Bartlett (J.). 9,17 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Harwell (R.) . . .28 
 
 BASTABLE(Prof. C. F.) . 35 
 Bateman (J.) ... 4 
 Bates (K. L.) . . . 24 
 Bateson (W.) . . 7 
 
 Bath (Marquis of) . . 36 
 Bather (Archdeacoo) . 42 
 Baxter (L.) ... 4 
 Beesly (Mrs.) . . 5, 11 
 Behrens (H.) ... 8 
 Be.nkdikt(R.) . . 38 
 
 Benham (Rev. W) . 6, as, 4' 
 Benson (Arch • 1 if) . 42 
 Benson (\V. A. S.) . 2, 33 
 Bentlev .... 4 
 Berg(L.). 
 Berlioz (H.) . 
 Bernard (C. K.) 
 Bernard (J. H) 
 Bernard (H. M.) 
 Bernard (M.) . 
 llERNAhD (T. D.) 
 Berners (J.) 
 Besant (Sir W.) 
 Bettanv (G. 'I ) 
 
 BlCKERTON (T. ll.) 
 
 I.kjelow(M. M.) 
 Bik6las(D.) 
 BiNNiE(Rev. W.) 
 
 Bn<Ki;LL(.\.) . 
 hiKKs(T. R.) 7, 3a, 39 
 
 BjORNSON (B ) . 
 
 Black (W.) . 
 Blackburne (fi;.) . 
 Blackik (J. S.) .II, 
 Blake ( J. F.) . 
 Blake (W.) . 
 Bi.AKisroN (J. R.) . 
 
 Bl.ANFOHD(li. F.) . 
 
 Blanford(W. T.) . 
 Blennerhassett (R.) 
 Blo.mfikld (R.) 
 Blvth (A. W.) . 
 B.jhm-Bawerk (Prof) 
 
 BOLDRRWOOU (Rolf). 
 BONAR (J.) . .1 
 
 Bond (Rev. J.). 
 BuoLF. (G.) 
 Booth (C.) 
 
 I'oWfiKAUD (C ). 
 
 I!orrow(G.) . 
 
 BosANQUKT (B.) 
 
 Bosk (W. P. .In) 
 Houghton (G. H.) , 
 BoUTMV (E.) . 
 Bowkn (II.C). 
 
 I'...WKR(F. O.) 
 
 I!radf«rd(A. M.) . . 4v 
 
 Bradford {(',.). . , 34 
 
 Bradley (A G.) . . 4 
 
 Brett (R. B ) . . .11 
 
 Briih.rs (J. A ). . .34 
 
 Bri'.iit ni. A). . . 10 
 
 P.RKiHT {7"^'") • • -1^ 
 
 Brimlrv((>.) . -34 
 
 Bmodif. (Sir B ). . . 8 
 Brodribb(W. j.) . 16,46 
 
 4 
 4 
 
 33 
 
 35 
 I 5 
 42 
 14 
 4 
 7 
 28 
 
 15 
 
 21 
 42 
 
 15 
 
 , 42 
 
 31 
 
 "i 
 
 4 
 , 34 
 3 
 4 
 9 
 
 10. 34 
 
 11, 30 
 47 
 to 
 
 >4 
 
 35 
 
 21 
 
 35 
 3'- 
 33 
 37 
 >5 
 21 
 
 3. 37 
 4 ' 
 47 
 15 
 3' 
 
 I.. ■(> 
 ■ 25 
 6.36 
 . la 
 
 • 29 
 
 • 50 
 24. 25 
 
 . 38 
 
 • >7 
 . 36 
 
 3 
 
 . at 
 17.25 
 
 13 
 
 PAGB 
 
 Brooke (Sir J.) . .4 
 Brooke (S. A.). 16,17,26,42 
 
 Brooks (Bishop) . 42, 47 
 
 Brown (Prof. C.) . . 33 
 
 Brown (J. A.) . . . i 
 
 Brown (Dr. James) , . 4 
 
 Brown (T. E.) . .17 
 
 Browne (J. H. B.) . 14 
 
 Browne (Sir T.) . . 25 
 
 Bruce (P. A.) . . 12,33 
 Bkunton (Dr. r.L.) 28,29,42 
 Bryce (James) . 
 BUCHHEIM (C. X.) . 
 BUCKLAND (.\.). 
 
 Buckley (A. B ) 
 BUCKNILL (Dr. J.C) 
 BUCKTON (G. B.) . 
 Bunvan . . .4, 
 
 BUKDETT(C. W. B.). 
 BURGON (J. VV.) 
 BURK" (E.) . . 
 
 Burn ^^<.). 
 
 Burnett (F. Hodgson) 
 
 Burns 
 
 Bury (J. B.) . 
 
 Botcher (Prof. S. H.) 
 
 16, 34, 46 
 
 Butler (A. J.). . 17,46 
 
 Butler (Rev. G.) . . 42 
 
 Butler (Samuel) . . 17 
 
 Butler (Arrl-.er) . . 4a 
 
 Butler (Sir \V. F.) . . 4 
 
 Buxton (Mrs. S.) . . 38 
 
 BVRON . . . .25 
 
 Cairnes (J. E.) . 35, 36 
 Cajori (F.) ... 28 
 
 Caldecott (R.) . IS. 48 
 
 Calderon . . . «7 
 Cai.derwood (H.) 7,9,32,33 
 
 CAi.DEHWoon (\V. I,.) . 49 
 
 Callaway (Bi-li.p,. . 4 
 
 Calvert (Kev. .V.) . . 39 
 
 Cameron (V. L.) . . 47 
 
 Cami-i(Ell(I). II ) . .7 
 
 Cami'Iiei.l (Sir G.) . . 4 
 
 Cami'hi'I.i.(J- "•) • 4. >8 
 
 CAMriiRi.i. ( (. K ) . . 47 
 
 Camphkli (Dr. I. M.) . 42 
 Cami'Iikli. (i'rof. Lewis) 5,16 
 
 Cantili.on . . .35 
 
 Caiks(\V. W.). . . 16 
 
 Carles (W. R.) . . 47 
 Cari.vi.k (T.) ... 4 
 
 Cammarthkn (L.i'lv) 21 
 
 Carnarvon (EnrI of) . 46 
 
 Caknot(N. I,. G ) • .34 
 
 Caki'Knticr (llishoD) . 43 
 
 Carr(J.C.) . . 3,17 
 
 Carroll (I.ewl<) 33,48 
 
 Cartkr (K. Briiil' ri'll) . 29 
 
 "assi'.l (Dr. D.) . 13 
 
 Catti'i (I MiK.) . . 33 
 
 Cautlky(G. S.) . 17 
 
 Tazknovk ( F. G.) . . 41 
 
 ClI M.MI'.HS (J. ,\.) . . II 
 
 I Chalmers ( I. B.) . , 10 
 
 ' Chalmers (M. D.) . . 36
 
 52 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 fAGB 
 
 47 
 >7 
 30 
 39 
 37 
 17 
 40 
 
 6, 
 
 Chanler (W. a.) . 
 Chai'man (Elizabeth R.) 
 Chai'pelhW ). 
 Chase (U"^^'- F"- H.). 
 CllASStKKSbE (]Ji;tua) 
 ClIAUCEK ... 1 
 
 Cheetham (Archdeacon) 
 
 Cherry (R. K.) 
 
 Chevne (C. H. H.) 
 
 Chevne (T. K.) , . 39 
 
 Chirol(V.) . . .56 
 
 Christie (\V. D.) 
 
 Church (Rev. A. J.).4,i6,38,46 
 
 Church (F". J.). . 20,46 
 
 Church (R. \V.). 
 
 4, s. 6, 12, 17, 24, 41, 
 Clare (G.) 
 Ci-arkH. W.) . 
 Clark (L.) . . 
 Clark (R ) 
 Clark (S.) . . 
 Clark (T. M.). 
 Clarke (C. r..) 
 Cleveland (Duchess) 
 Clippokii (Ed.) 
 Clifford (W. K.) . 24, 
 Clifford (Mrs. W. K ) 
 Clough (.\ H.) .18, 24 
 Cobden (R ) 
 Cohen (J. B.) . 
 Cole (G. A. G.) 
 
 COLSNSOCJ. W.) 
 
 Coleridge (C. R.) . 
 Coleridge (S. T.) . 
 Collier (Hon. John) 
 Collins (C ) . 
 Collins ( ) . Churlon) 
 Colquhoun (F. S.) . 
 CoLViN (Sidney) 
 
 CoMBFfG.) 
 
 Comev(.'V. M.). 
 Commons (J. R.) 
 Congreve (Rev. J.) . 
 Conway (Hugh) 
 Cook (E. T.) . 
 Cooke (A. H.) . 
 Cooke (C Kinloch) . 
 Cooke (J. P.) . 
 Cooper (E.H.) 
 
 CORBETT (J.) . .4, 
 
 CORFIELD (W 
 
 Cornish (F.) 
 Corson (H ) . . 
 COSSA (L.) 
 
 Cotes (E.). 
 Cotterili, (J. H.) . 
 Cotton (Bishop) 
 Cotton (C.) 
 Cotton(J.S.) . 
 
 C0UES(E.) 
 
 Col'rthoi'f. (W. J.) . 4, 
 
 COWELL (G.) 
 
 COWPER . .18, 24 
 
 Cox (G. V.) 
 CRAiK(Mrs.) 18, 21, 24. ?5, 47, 48 
 Craik (H.) . 6, 10, 24, 36 
 Crane (Lucv) . . .47 
 Crane (Walter) . . 47 
 Craven (Mrs. D.) . . 9 
 Crawforp^F M> .14,21,34 
 Crawshaw (\V. H.). . 24 
 Crrighton (Hishop Nf.) s, 1? 
 
 CRICHTON-BROWNE(SirJ.) 10 
 
 Cross (J. A.) . . .38 
 Crosskev (R.) . . . 14 
 
 ,H.) 
 
 4» 
 35 
 25 
 
 3 
 37 
 
 4 
 10 
 
 35 
 
 5 
 
 4 
 
 3^ 
 
 4S 
 
 25 
 
 j6 
 
 8 
 
 47 
 4 
 
 'J.: 
 18 
 2 
 IC 
 24 
 18 
 26 
 10 
 
 8 
 3"^ 
 4- 
 
 21 
 2 
 
 30 
 30 
 
 43 
 2 
 
 4- 
 1 , 
 
 43 
 2 
 3 
 
 21 
 10 
 43 
 15 
 36 
 'o 
 6, 24 
 
 29 
 
 25 
 12 
 
 8,43 
 
 PAGE 
 
 • 3 
 
 . 46 
 
 • 33 
 . 24 
 
 . 3(' 
 
 41, 
 
 4 
 
 24> 
 
 Grosslev (E.) . 
 Crossi.ev (H.) . 
 Gumming (L.) . 
 CUNLIPKE (J. W.) . 
 Cunningham (C.) . 
 Cunningham (.Su H.S.) 
 Cunningham (Rev. J.) . 40 
 
 CUNNINGHAM(ReV.W)40,4I,. 3 
 
 Cunynghamk (Sir A. 1.) . 30 
 C'lKTEis (Rev. G. H.) 40,43 
 
 CUKTIN (J.) . . .21 
 
 D'Akcv(C. F.). . . 32 
 Daubs (G. H. R.) . . 18 
 Dahlstrom (K. P.). . 10 
 Dahn (F.) . . .21 
 Dakvns(H. G.) . . 46 
 Dale (A. W. W.) . . 40 
 Dalton (Rev. J. N.) . 46 
 Daniell (Alfred). . .3! 
 Dante . . ,4, 17, 46 
 Dasent (A. I.). . .12 
 Davidson (Bishop) . 
 Davies (Rev. J. 1.1.). 
 DAyiEs(W.^ . 
 Davis (R. H.) . 
 Dawkins (W. B.) . 
 Dawson (G. M.) 
 Dawson (Sir J. W.) . 
 Dawson (W. J.) 
 Day (L. B.) 
 Day (R. E.) . 
 Dean (A.). . . 
 Dean (B.). 
 Defok (D.) 
 Degerdon (W. E.) . 
 Deighton (K..). 5, 19, 
 Delamotte (P. H.). 
 Delbos (L.) 
 Dell (E.G.) . 
 De Morgan (M.) . 
 Deussen(P.) . 
 De Quatrefages (A.) 
 De Rousiers (P.) . 
 Db Varigny (H.) 
 DeVere(A.) . 
 D'Iskaeli (B.) . 
 Dicey (A. V.) . . 15,36 
 I Dickens (C.) . . 21,24 
 Dickens (M. A.) . 22, 24 
 Diggle (Rev. J. W.). . 43 
 Dilke (Ashton W.) . . 24 
 Dii.KE (Sir Charles W.) 30, 36 
 Diluwvn (E. A.) . . 22 
 Dobbin (L.) ... 8 
 DoHsoN (A.) . . 5. 14 
 Donaldson (J.) . . 41 
 Donisthorpf (W.) . . 36 
 DoKi;(J. C. R.) . . 47 
 Douglas (Theo.) . . 22 
 
 DOWDEN (E.) 5, 17, IQ, 26 
 
 Dovle (Sir F. H.) . . 18 
 Dovle().A.) . . .12 
 Drage(G.) . . .37 
 Drake (B.) . . .46 
 
 DRUMMOND(Prof. J.) . 43 
 
 Dkvden . . . .25 
 Du Cane (E. F.) . . 36 
 DuFF(Sir M. K. G.) 6, 25, 36, .C7 
 Duncan (S. J.). . . 22 
 dunsmuir (a.). . . 2/ 
 DOntzer (H.) . . . 5, 6 
 DuRANn (Sir M.) . . 22 
 Dyer (I..). . . a, 35 
 Dykr(H.). ... 37 
 Eadie (J.). . . 4, 38, 40 
 
 43 
 43 
 4) 
 21 
 I 
 II 
 II 
 18 
 21 
 
 33 
 10 
 
 49 
 ■^5 
 38 
 27 
 3 
 
 • 31 
 
 • 14 
 . 48 
 
 • 32 
 
 I 
 
 • 35 
 
 7 
 18, 24 
 22 
 15. 
 21, 
 22, 
 
 J E.) 
 
 Earl(A.). 
 Eastlake (Lady) 
 Ebers(G.) 
 Eccles (A. S.) . 
 EiHiKwoKTH (Prof. F. Y.). 
 Edgeworth (.M.) 
 Edmunds (Dr. W.) 
 Edwards-Moss (Sir 
 Ehi.ers(E. S.). 
 Eimer(G. H.T.) 
 Elderton (\V. a.) 
 Ellkrton (Key. J.) 
 Elliott (Hon. A.) 
 Ellis (A.). 
 Ellis (X.). 
 Emerson (R. W.) 
 Emerson (O. F.) 
 Erman (A.) 
 Evans (Lady) . 
 Evans (S.) 
 Everett (J. D.) 
 Falconer (Lanoe) 
 Farrar (Arcbd.) 
 Karhek (SirX. H.) 
 Fasnacht (G. E.) 
 Faulkner (F.). 
 Fawcett (Prof. H.) 
 Fawcett (Mrs. H.) 
 Fay (Amy) 
 Fayker (Sir J.). 
 Fearnlev (W.) 
 Feakon(D.R.) 
 Ferkel(W.) . 
 Fessenden (C.) 
 Field (.Mrs. E. M.) 
 Field (Rev. 1.) 
 Fielde(A. M.). 
 Finck(H.X.) 
 FiSHKR (Rev. O.) 
 FisKE(J.). 7, 12, 
 FisoN(L.). 
 
 FlTCH(J.G.) . 
 
 Fitz Gerald (Caroli 
 
 Fitzgerald (Edward) 
 Fitzmaurice (Lord E ) 
 Flagg (A. X.) . 
 Fleischer (E ). 
 Fleming (G.) . 
 Fi.ory(M. A.) . 
 Flower (SirW. H.). 
 FlOckiger (F. A.) . 
 Fonda (A. J.) . 
 Forbes (A.) . . 4. 
 Forbes (Rev. G.) . 
 Forbes-Mitchkll (W.) 5, 
 Fortescue (Hon. J. W.) 4 
 F'osTER (Prof. M.) . 7,34, 
 Foster-Melliar (A.) 
 
 FOTHERGILL (Dr. J. M.) 9 
 
 FowLE(Rev. X.W.) 
 Fowler (Rev. T.) 
 Fowler (W.W.) .2,25, 
 Fox (X. W.) . 
 Fox (Dr. Wilson) 
 Foxkll (W. J.) 
 
 FOXWELL(Prof. H.£) 
 
 Framji(D.) . 
 Francis (F.) . 
 Frankland (P. F.) . 
 F'hanklin (W. S.) . 
 Fraser (Mrs ) . 
 Fraser (Bishop) 
 Fraser-Xvtler (C. C.) 
 Frazer (J. G.) . 
 French (G. R.) 
 
 PAUB 
 
 • 33 
 
 • 41 
 
 22 
 
 29 
 35 
 22 
 28 
 38 
 
 • 29 
 7 
 
 II 
 
 ■ 43 
 
 ,6 
 
 20, 25 
 
 3 
 
 4>25 
 
 31 
 
 a 
 
 2 
 
 18 
 
 33 
 22 
 
 61 3<)i 43 
 
 36 
 
 25 
 
 8 
 
 37 
 ■7 
 30 
 •4 
 34 
 10 
 
 34 
 33 
 22 
 
 12 
 
 "4 
 I 
 
 33 
 
 43 
 
 I 
 
 10 
 18 
 
 18,25 
 6 
 
 31 
 S 
 
 22 
 
 3 
 
 49 
 29 
 35 
 47 
 43 
 47 
 30 
 35 
 10 
 
 29 
 
 36, 43 
 5, 3" 
 
 32, 37 
 
 uie) 
 
 30 
 38 
 29 
 43 
 36 
 12 
 22 
 I 
 
 33 
 
 48 
 
 43 
 
 18 
 
 I 
 
 »7
 
 INDEX. 
 
 53 
 
 Freeman (Prof. E. A.) 
 
 2. Si »2. 37 
 Friedmann (F.) 
 Froissart 
 Frost (A. B.) . 
 Froude (J. A.). 
 
 FULLERTON (W. M.) 
 FURNIVALL (F. J.) . 
 
 FvpfeCC. A.) . 
 Fvfe(H.H.) . 
 Gairdner (j.) . . 
 Gaisford (H.) . 
 Galt (J.) .... 
 Galton (F.) . 
 GAMGfcE (.Arthur) . 
 Garhner (K.) . 
 Gardner iPcicy) 
 Garnett (R.) . 
 Garnett (W ^ . 
 
 GaSKELL (^lr^.) 
 
 Gaskoin (Mrs. H.) . 
 Gkddes(W.D.) 
 Gee(H.) . 
 Gke(W.W. H.) 
 Gr;iKiE(Sir A.). 4iS.6, " 
 Gennadius (I.) 
 Genung ([. K.) 
 George (H. I?.) 
 GlBBiNs(H.de B.) . 
 Gibbon (C'larU-s) 
 Ginrji.sG (T. H.) 
 
 GlLI,IES(li C.) 
 
 Giu:hrist (A.). 
 GiiFf; (P.). 
 Gilma.v(N. P.) 
 
 GlLMoor. U^ev. J ) 
 
 17 
 
 33 
 
 40 
 
 4 
 25 
 43 
 
 4 
 47 
 
 i8 
 
 5 
 lo 
 33 
 
 1 
 
 35 
 
 14 
 
 38 
 
 <6 
 
 40 
 34 
 
 .34 
 
 SI 
 
 »7 
 ao 
 
 II, 30 
 12 
 12 
 
 34 
 
 
 
 35 
 40 
 35 
 
 33 
 
 35 
 
 Gladstone {Dr. J. 
 Gladstone (W. E. 
 Glaister (E.) . 
 Clover (E.) 
 godprav (h.) . 
 godkin (g. s.). 
 Gobthk 
 
 Goi.l,IK(I.) 
 GOLloMITH 
 
 H.) 
 
 4 
 31 
 37 
 16 
 
 i, lo 
 . «7 
 
 • a, 9 
 
 • 43 
 3 
 6 
 
 18, as 
 
 . 37 
 
 5 14. >8, as, 26 
 
 5, J4, 
 
 GONNKK (E. C. K.) . . II 
 
 GOOUFKI.LOW (I.) . . 14 
 
 GooDNOw (F. J ' . .1; 
 (3oBi>ON (General C. G.) . 5 
 GoRiMiN M.adv Duff) . 47 
 Gordon (II.) . . .3* 
 GosLMKN ;l<t. Hon.G. J.). 35 
 GossK (Edmund) . 5, 16 
 
 Gow(J.) .... a 
 Gow(W.) ... 31 
 
 Gracian (Balthazar) . as 
 Graham (IJ) . . .18 
 Graham (J. W.) . aa 
 
 Grand HOMMK (E.) . . 9 
 Crank (W. E.). . . 43 
 Grant (C.) . . . ai 
 Grav (Crof. Andrew) . 34 
 Cray (Asa) . . 7, ■'(> 
 Grav . . . 5, 18, a6 
 
 Crav (J. L.) . . . a6 
 Cri f."HV (K. A.) . 3. 3« 
 Grhf.n n. k.) II, i», 14, »s. »6 
 Ckkkn (Mri J. k.) . 5, II, la 
 GRtFN(W.S.). . . 47 
 
 r.PFfNHii.i. (W. A.) . . as 
 (.1 i •ivviioD (K.) . . a4 
 (if 1 KNWOOn (J. K.) • . 48 
 
 Grrmfhi. (Mrs ) . . 9 
 Griffiths (W. H.) . . av 
 Grimm . 4B 
 
 Grove (Sir G.). 
 Guest (E.) 
 Guest (M.J.) . 
 Guillemin (A.) 
 Guizot(F. P. G.) 
 Gunto.n (G.) . 
 
 GWATKI.N (H. M.) 
 
 Halle (E. von) 
 
 Hales (J. W.) . 18, 21, 2 
 
 .lALLWARD (K. F.) . 
 Hamerton (P. G.) . 3. 
 Hamilton (Prof. D. J .) 
 Hamilton (J.). 
 
 ! I ANBURY (D.) . 
 
 Uannay (i)avid) 
 Harden (A.) . 
 Hardwick (Archd. C.) 4° 
 Hardy (A. S.) . 
 Hardy (W. J.). 
 Hare (A. W.) . 
 Hare(J.C.) . 
 Harker(.A..) . 
 HARRls(Rev. G. C.). 
 Harrison (F.). s. 6i 12 
 H arkison (Miss J.) . 
 
 I HARTE(U(et) . 
 I HARTIG(I)r. R.) 
 
 i Hartley (Prof. W.N.) 
 I Hassall (.A.) . 
 
 Hatch (P. J.). 
 
 Hauser(K.) . 
 
 Hawkins (H. P.) . 
 
 Haves (A.) . 
 
 Headlam (A. C.) . 
 
 Headi.ey (K. W.) . 3c, 
 
 Heavisidi- (O.) 
 
 Hei.m(E.). 
 
 Hei FS (Sir A.) . . 
 
 Hfe.MFEL(Dr. W.) . 
 
 Heni.i-v(W. E.) . 
 
 H K l< M A N ( H . ) . . 
 
 Herodotus . . 
 
 lU.KKICK . . . 
 
 Herr.mann (G.) . 
 
 HERTEL(Dr.) . 
 
 Hertz(H.) . 
 Hickie(W. J,). 
 
 HiGINllOTHAM (C. J.) 
 
 Hill(D.J.) . 
 Hill (F. Davenport) 
 Hill(0.). 
 Hii.i. (G. B.) . 
 HioRNs(A. H.^ 
 Hobart (lx>rd) 
 Hobday (E.) 
 
 HrjDGsoN (Rev. J. T.) 
 HnFFr>iNG(Pro('. H.) 
 H..ifman(\V. J.) . 
 Hofmann (A. W.) . 
 Hoik (Rev. C). 
 Holiday (Henry) . 
 Holland (T. E.) 
 "oi.i.way-Calthrop(H 
 Holm (A.). 
 lloLMRs(0. W.,junr.) 
 
 lloMRK 
 
 Hooi.CT.). 
 Hookiih (.Sir J. D.) . 
 Hooi.R(C:. H.) . 
 Hooi-f.r(G.) 
 HfH>FB«(W H.) 
 HofKINS (E.) . 
 Hoiius(M. A.M.) 
 
 HORACR 
 
 "9. 
 
 2^ 
 £ 
 
 15 
 »l 
 <'> 
 76 
 10 
 ic 
 34 
 39 
 5 
 3» 
 37 
 37 
 12 
 
 30 
 
 26 
 
 10 
 
 5 
 
 33 
 
 I 
 
 8 
 
 la 
 
 48 
 
 ?7 
 
 48 
 
 n 
 
 ii 
 
 4^ 
 
 15 
 
 47 
 39 
 4 
 1 
 18 
 aa 
 
 17, 2(, 46 
 
 HoRTON (Hon. S. D.) . 35 
 
 HoSKEN(J.D.) . . 18 
 
 HOVfiNDEN (R. M.) . . 46 
 
 Howell (George) . 15, 35 
 Howes (G. B.) . . 35, 49 
 HOWITT (A. W.) . I 
 
 HowsON (Very Rev. J. S.) 41 
 Hozier(CoI. H. M.). . 30 
 HUbner (Baron) . . 47 
 Hughes (T.) 
 
 4, s. iS, 22. 'fi, 4I1 43, 47 
 HUDDILSTOK (J. H.) . 39 
 
 Hull(E.) . . 2, II 
 
 HULLAH (J.) . . 2, 25. 30 
 
 HuMPHRY(Prof.SirG.M.) 35,49 
 Hunt (Rev. W.) . . la 
 
 HUNT(W.) ... 3 
 
 Hutchinson (G. W. C.) . 3 
 HUTTON (K. H.) . 5. 26 
 
 Hutton (Rev. W. H.) . 5 
 Huxley (T) 
 
 5, 26, 32. T>, 34, 35. 37. 49 
 HvDE(\V de W) . 
 Illingwortm (Kcv. J. R.) 
 I.MrEv(S. P) . 
 
 1 NGRAM (T. U.) 
 
 Ireland (A.) . 
 Irving (H ) . 
 Irmng (J.) . . 
 Irving (Washington^ 
 Jack (A. A.) . 
 Jackson (U. C.) 
 
 Jackson (K. G.) 
 ACKSON (Helen) 
 jACOH(Rev. J. A.) 
 jACor.s(J.) 
 
 JAMES (Henrj'). 
 AMES (Rev. H.) 
 James (Prof. \V.) 
 Jardine (Rev. R ) 
 Jeans (Rev. O E.) 
 jEBii(Prof. R.C.) 4 
 Jki.i ktt (Rev. J. H.) 
 
 43 
 43 
 
 • 29 
 
 • 13 
 . 26 
 . 20 
 . II 
 ■ 15 
 
 • 17 
 
 • 34 
 
 • 47 
 . 2a 
 
 • 43 
 
 25,47 
 22, a6 
 
 • 43 
 
 • 33 
 
 • 33 
 4 5. 46 
 
 13. 16, a6 
 43 
 
 HoBT (F. J. A.) 5, 39, 4'J, 4 1 , 43 
 
 Jenks (Prof. Ed.) . . 37 
 Jennings (A. C.) 13.38 
 
 Jersey (Coiiniess of) . 48 
 Jkihson(H.) . . .37 
 Jhvons (VV. S.) 5, 3a, 35, 36, 37 
 
 Jewett(S.) . . 
 
 
 i3 
 
 J EX -H LAKE (Sophi.l). 
 
 
 9 
 
 JoCKLINK (E.) . 
 
 
 26 
 
 Johnson (Amy) 
 
 
 34 
 
 Johnson (Samuel) . 5, 
 
 16, 
 
 »S 
 
 Joi.ley(A.J.) . 
 Jones (Pror D. E.) . 
 
 
 39 
 
 
 34 
 
 J0NKS(F.). 
 
 
 8 
 
 Jones (H.ArUiur) .16, 
 
 18, 
 
 a6 
 
 Jones (11. .S.) . 
 
 
 a 
 
 Julius (Dr. P.). 
 
 KAHLDEN (C.) . 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 '9 
 
 Kalm (P.) 
 
 
 47 
 
 Kant 
 
 
 »a 
 
 Kantiiack (A. A.) . 
 
 
 :i 
 
 Kaki 
 
 
 KAVANAfiiURt.lln A M.) 
 
 s 
 
 Kay (Kcv, W). 
 
 
 19 
 
 Kkarv (.\iinic). 13, aa, 
 
 38 
 
 48 
 
 KF.Al<V(Eli»;i) . 
 
 
 48 
 
 Kkath 
 
 5 
 
 a6 
 
 Kl'lll.K(J.). 
 
 
 a6 
 
 KllLI.NKR(r)r. L.) . 
 
 . 
 
 31 
 
 KrLl.o<.<. (Rev. S H.) 
 
 . 
 
 43 
 
 Kfi.i.y(E.) 
 
 . 
 
 M 
 
 Kl.l.TIK(I..S) . 
 
 . 
 
 KllLVIN(U.lll). II, 31 
 
 13 
 
 34
 
 54 
 
 fAGE 
 
 Kbmpb (A. B.) . . -33 
 Kennedy (Piof. A. B. W.) lo 
 Kennsdy (B. H.) . . 46 
 Kennkdv (P.) . . .22 
 Kkvnes(J. N.). . 32,36 
 KlDD(B.) ... 37 
 
 KlEl'ERT (H.) . , .II 
 
 KiMBEK (D. C.) . . 35 
 
 KlNG(K. H.) ... I 
 
 KiNG(G.). • • .13 
 KiNGSLEv(Charles)s, 10, 13,14, 
 16,18,22,2^,26,27, 30,41,47,45 
 Kingsley(G.) . . .38 
 KlNGSi.Ev{ Henry) . 25,47 
 Kll-LING (J. L.). . . 47 
 
 K1PI.ING 1 Kudyard) .23, 27, 48 
 
 KiRKl-ATRICK (Prof.) 38, 4! 
 
 Klein (Dr. K.). . 7,29,30 
 Klein (K.) ... 28 
 Knight (W.) . 17, 28, 32 
 
 Kuenen (Prof. A.) . . 38 
 KvNASTON (Rev. H.) 43, 46 
 Labberton (R. H.). . 3 
 La Farc;i; (J.) ... 3 
 Lafargue (P.). . . 23 
 Lamb. . . . 5,26,27 
 Lanciani (Prof. R.). . 2 
 Landauer (J.). . . 8 
 Landor . . . 5, i6 
 Lane-Poole (S.) . 6, i6 
 Lanfrev (P.) ... 6 
 Lang (.\ndrew) 15, 26, 46 
 
 Lang (Prof. Arnold). . 49 
 Langley (J. N.) . . 34 
 Langmaid (T.). . 10 
 
 Lankester (Prof. Ray) 7, 27 
 Lassar-Cohn (Dr ). . 8 
 Laslett (T.) ... 7 
 Laughton (J. K.) . . 4 
 Laurie {A. P.). . . i, 3 
 Lawnence (T. J.) . . 15 
 Lawton (\V. C.) . . 27 
 Lea (a. S.) . . 3- 
 
 Leaf (W.) . 17, 46 
 
 Leahy (Sergeant) . . 38 
 Lee cm.) . . . .23 
 Lee (S.) . . .25, i6 
 Lees (C. H.) . . . 3 , 
 Lee-Warner (W.) . . 13 
 Leefer (A.) . . .4" 
 Legge(A. O.) . . 13,43 
 Leibnitz . . . .36 
 Leslie (G. D.) . . .27 
 Lethabv (W. R.) . 2, 38 
 Letiibridv.b (bir Roper) 5, 13 
 Levy (.\my) . . .23 
 Lewi (R.) . . .16 
 Lewkowitsch (J.) . . 38 
 Lightfoot (l;i!.hop) 
 
 5, 13, <., 40, 41, 43,44 
 Lightwood (J. M.) . . 15 
 Lindsay (Dr. J. A.) . . 29 
 Littledale (H.) . . 17 
 Lockver(F N.) 3,8,34,38 
 
 LODEMAN (E. G.) . . 10 
 
 Lodge (Prof. O.J.) 3,27,34 
 Lodge (R.) ... 5 
 Lowenson-Lessing (F.) . 11 
 LoEwv(B.) . . .33 
 Loftie (Mrs. W. y.). . 2 
 Longfellow (H. W.) . 26 
 Lonsdale (J.) . . 25.46 
 Lover (S.). . . -23 
 LowE(W. H.) . . 3^ 39 
 Lowell (J. R.). 15, 18, 27 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 page 
 
 Loudon (W. J.) . .33 
 Louis (H.) ... 38 
 LujBOCK(Sir J.)7, 10, 11,27, <o 
 18 
 47 
 9 
 8 
 
 4 
 
 II 
 
 23 
 13 
 
 44 
 27 
 23 
 
 2l* 
 12 
 
 46 
 27 
 17 
 
 44 
 •3 
 
 Lucas (F.) 
 Lucas (Joseph). 
 Lunt(J.). 
 
 Lupton (S.) . . . 
 Lvall (Sir Alfred) . 
 Lvde(L. W.) . 
 Lysaght (S. R.) 
 ).YTE(H. C. M.) 
 Lvttelton (.\. T.) . 
 Lyttelton (E.) 
 Lvtton (Karl ol ) 
 MacAlisier (IJ.) . 
 Macarthur (M.) . 
 Macaulay (G. C.) .20, 25 
 Macaulay (Lord) . 
 Maccoll (Norman) . 
 McCuRDY (J. F.) . 
 M'CosH(Dr. J.) 
 MacliONAld ((.eorge) 
 Macdonald ((;.) 
 
 .'VtACKAIL (J. W J 
 
 MacKnight (J.) 
 Maclagan (Dr. T.). 
 Maclaren (Rev. Alex.) 
 Maclaren (Archibald) 
 Maclean (G. E.) . 
 Maclean (W.C.) 
 
 32) 
 
 29 
 46 
 37 
 29 
 
 44 
 48 
 31 
 29 
 
 Maclear (Rev 0^)38,40,41 
 
 McLennan (J. C.) . . 33 
 
 M'Lennah (J. !• .J . I 
 
 M'Lennan (Maicolm) . 23 
 
 Macmillan(R- V. H.) 27,44 
 
 Macmillan (Mii-hael) 6,19 
 
 Macmillan (M. K.) . 23 
 
 Macquoid (K. S.) . . 23 
 
 Madoc (F.) . . .23 
 
 Maguire(J.F.) . 48 
 
 MAHAFFY(Prof. J. p.) 
 
 13. if', •'7, 32i 41. 47 
 
 36 
 23 
 
 25 
 
 35 
 8 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 34 
 
 t 
 
 2^ 
 36 
 3» 
 30 
 
 36 
 
 49 
 
 34 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 23 
 
 I 
 
 ,25,32 
 
 9. 25 
 . 21 
 
 37 
 
 44 
 33 
 
 Maitland (F. W.) 
 Malet (L.) 
 M.\LORY (Sir T.) 
 Malthus(T. R.) . 
 Mansfield (C. B.) . 
 i\L\Rcou (J.) 
 
 M.1.KKHAM (C. R.) . 
 
 Marr (J. E.) . 
 Makkiott( f. A. R). 
 Marrvat (Capt.) 
 .Marshall (Prol. A ) 
 Marshall (H. R.) . 
 Martel (C.) . 
 Martin (Frances) . 
 Martin (Fre<lerii_k). 
 Martin (H.N.) 
 Martineau (C. A ). 
 Martineau (H.) 
 Martineau (Dr. J.) 
 Mason (A. E. W.) . 
 Mason (O.T.). 
 Masson(D.) 5, 18, 
 Masson (G.) 
 Masson (R. O.) 
 Mathrvv(E. J.) 
 Maturin (Rev. W.) . 
 Maudsley (Dr. H.) . 
 Maurice (F. D.) 
 
 10, 27, 32, ^8-40, 41, 
 Maurice (Gen. F.) 5,30, 
 Max MeLLER(F.) . 
 Mayer (A.M.). 
 Mavo-Smith (R.) . 
 
 i3i 
 
 ■) 
 
 Mayor (J. B.) . 
 Mayor (Prof. J. E. B.) 
 Mazini (L.) 
 Meldola (Prof. R.) 
 Mendenhall (T. C 
 Menger (C.) . 
 Menschutkin (A.) 
 Mercier (Dr. C.) 
 Mercur (Prof. J.) 
 Meredith (G.). 
 Meredith (L. A.) 
 Meyer ^E. voii) 
 Meyrici<(E.) . 
 Miall(L. C.) . 
 Michelet (M.) 
 MiERs(H.A.) . 
 Mill(H.R.) . 
 Miller (R. K.). 
 
 MiLLIGAN (Rev. W.). 
 
 Milton . 5, it 
 MiNTO (Prof. W.) 
 Mitford (A. P,.) 
 
 MiTFORD (M. R.) . 
 
 MiVART(St. George). 
 Mixter(\V. G.) 
 MOLESWORTH (Mrs.) 
 Molloy (G.) . 
 
 MOLYNEUX (\V. C. F.) 
 
 Monahan (J. M ) 
 
 MoNTtFlOKE (C. G.) 
 MONTKLIUS (O.) 
 
 Moore (C.H.). 
 MooKHOusE (Bishop) 
 
 MORIER (J.) 
 .VlOKISON (J.C.) 
 
 MoRLEY (John). 4, 
 Morris lE. E ). 
 Morris (Mowbray) . 
 Morris (R.) 
 MoRSHEAD (E. D. a.) 
 Moulton (L. C ) 
 MOULTON (R. G.) . 
 Mudie(C. E.) . 
 Muir(I.). 
 MuiR(M. M.P.) . 
 
 Mi)LLER(H.) . 
 MuLLINCiER (J. B.) . 
 
 MuN(T.). 
 MUNR0(J. E. C.) . 
 Murphy (J. J ). 
 Murray (I), ('tiristie) 
 Murray (G.) . 
 Myers (K.J 
 Myers (!•. W H.) . 
 Mylne (Hish.jp) 
 Nadal (K. S.) . 
 
 NERNST(Dr.) . 
 
 Nettleship (H.). . 
 Newcomb (S.) . 
 Newcastle (Duke 
 
 Duchess) 
 Newman (G.) . 
 Newton (Sir C.T.). 
 Nichol(J.) 
 Nichols (E. L.) 
 Nicholls (H. a. a.) 
 Nisbet(J.) 
 Noel (Lady A.) 
 Nordenskiold (\. E.) 
 NoRGATE (Kate) 
 NORRIS (W. E.^ 
 Norton (Charles Eliot) 
 Norton (Hon. Mrs.) 
 Norway (A. H.) 
 Oliphant (T. L. K.) 
 
 PAQB 
 
 • 40 
 .3,6 
 
 • 49 
 
 33, 
 
 30, 
 
 34 
 
 34 
 
 36 
 
 8 
 
 29 
 
 30 
 18 
 
 IS 
 3 
 30 
 50 
 13 
 14 
 
 • 3 
 
 40, 44 
 18, 25, 27 
 
 5, 23 
 10, 23 
 . IS 
 
 • 35 
 . 8 
 
 • 49 
 
 • 33 
 . 30 
 
 • 15 
 38,42 
 
 I 
 
 2 
 
 • 44 
 . 23 
 
 • 5 
 
 27 
 
 S 
 
 25 
 
 31 
 46 
 
 5, 20, 
 
 4 
 
 25, 
 
 3a 
 
 18 
 
 I 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 13 
 
 35 
 
 15 
 
 33,44 
 
 23 
 
 8 
 
 18,46 
 19, 27 
 
 44 
 
 27 
 
 8 
 
 16 
 3 
 
 and 
 
 26- 
 
 29. 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 33 
 
 I 
 
 8 
 
 23 
 
 47 
 
 13 
 
 21 
 
 46 
 
 . 2^ 
 
 31 
 
 .31
 
 INDEX. 
 
 55 
 
 PAGE 
 OLlPHANT(MrS.M.O.W.) 
 
 5, t3, i6, 23, 25, 49 
 Oliver (Prof. D.) . 
 Oliver (Capt. S. P.). 
 Oman (C. W.) . 
 Orr(H. B.) . 
 Osborn(H. F.) 
 OsTWALU (Prof.) 
 
 OTTft (L. C.) . 
 
 PagkCI.E.) . 
 Palgravh (Sir F.) 
 Palgrave (F.T.) 
 
 5 19, 21, 25, a6, 42, 49 
 Palgrave (K. H. Inglis) . 55 
 Palgrave (W. G.) 19, 37 
 Pal.mek (Lady S.) 
 Parker (T. J.). 
 Parker (W. K.) 
 Parker (\V. N.) 
 PARKts(Sir H.) 
 Parkin (G. R. ) 
 Parki.sson (S.) 
 Parkman (F.) . 
 Parry (G.) 
 Parsons (.Alfred) 
 Pasteur (L.) . 
 Pater (W.) 
 Paterson (.\.). 
 Paterson (.\. B.) 
 Paterson (J.) . 
 Patmoke (Coventry) 
 Patteson (J. C.) 
 Pattison (.Mark) 
 Pali.se.s- (F.) 
 
 Payne (E.I.) . 
 Pea BODY (C. H. 
 
 Peacock (T. L.) . . 23 
 Pearson (C. H.) . . 37 
 Pease (.\. K.) ... 14 
 Pkel(F..). . . .19 
 Peile(J.). . .31 
 
 Peli.issihr (E.) . . 32 
 Pknnell(J.) ... 3 
 Pennington (R.) . . 11 
 Penrose i F. C.) 
 Pk»cival(H. M.) . 18, 19 
 Perkinh (J li.) 13 
 
 Pem ■•• (W.) . . 46 
 
 1) : , . w(J.B.) . 8, 35, 49 
 
 I'.lil.i iM..HK((. 0.) . . 16 
 
 I'liii.i.ips (F. E.) . . 23 
 
 pHILLII-i (I. A.) . . 10 
 
 Phii.mi'S (W. C.) . . 3 
 
 Pic TON (J. A.) . . . »7 
 
 PlFPAKO (f{. G.) . . 39 
 
 PlKF.fL. O.) ... 13 
 
 PiKR (W.). ... 47 
 
 Pi avkaik(W. S.) . . a^. 
 
 Pl.ATO . t6, 4'i 
 
 Plumi-trk (I)e»n) . 44 
 
 PoLLAi«r>(A. W.) .16, 17, 46 
 Pollock (Sir K., Bart) 
 
 6, 16, >7i 3^> 37 
 Pollock (I..vly) t 
 
 Pooi.f (M. K ) . . . 77 
 PooLK(k.L.) . . . M 
 POPK. .Si »3. »7 
 
 Postf. (E.) . . 3<i 4'' 
 Potter (I..) . . • '7 
 Potter (K.) . .44 
 
 Potts (W.) ... 28 
 PUMTON (T.) ... 34 
 pRR«iTWICH (J.). . .11 
 
 Price (E. C.) . . . ai 
 Prick (L.L.F.R.) . . 36 
 
 i 
 
 47 
 
 4 
 
 I 
 
 7 
 8 
 
 13 
 39 
 13 
 
 4/ 
 
 2j 
 
 49 
 
 6 
 
 49 
 6 
 
 37 
 
 34 
 
 47 
 
 • 'i 
 
 ■ 15 
 
 . 8 
 
 16, 23, 27 
 
 . 23 
 
 . 19 
 . 16 
 
 25i 49 
 . 6 
 
 5i 6, 44 
 
 13. 
 
 "3> 
 
 12, 36 
 io> i4 
 
 Prickard (A. O.) 
 Prince Albert Victor 
 Prince George 
 Procter (F.) . 
 Propert (J. L.) 
 Prowse (D. W.) . 
 purcell (e. s.) 
 Quesnav(F.) . 
 Kabbeno (U.) . 
 R.'le(J.) . . . 
 Ramsay (Sir A. C.) . 
 Ramsay (W.) . 
 Ransome (C.) . 
 Rathbonf. (W.) 
 Ratzel(F.) 
 Rawi.inson (W.G.). 
 Rawnsley (H. D.) . 
 Ray(P. K.) . 
 Rayleigh (Lord) 
 Reichel (Bishop) . 
 Reid(J. S.) . 
 Remsen (I.) 
 Renan (E.) 
 Rendall (Rev. F.) . 
 Reynolds (E. S.) . 
 Reynolds (H. R.l . 
 Reynolds (Sir J. R.) 
 Reynolds (O.) 
 Rhoades(J.) . 
 Rhodes (J. F.). 
 
 RiCARDO . 
 
 Richardson (B. W.) 
 RtCHEY(A. G.). 
 RlOHTON (E.) . 
 
 Ritchie (.\.) . 
 Robb(R.). 
 
 Robinson (Preb. H.G.) 
 Robinson (J. L.) 
 Robinson (Matthew) 
 RoCKSTRO(W. S.) . 
 
 Ro<.ers(J.E. T.) . 
 Romanes (G. J.) 
 RoscoK (Sir H. E.) . 
 Roscob(W. C.) 
 RosKiiHKY (Earl oQ . 
 Rosenbuscii (H.) 
 
 ROSKVEAK (E.). 
 
 Ross (P.) . 
 
 ROSSETTI (C. G.) . 
 ROTHSCHII.I) (F.) . 
 ROUTLKDGK (J.) 
 
 RowK (F.J.) . 
 Roy (Neil) 
 
 ROcKKR(Prof. A. W.) 
 Rt/MKOMU (Count) . 
 RUbllHROnKI'. (W. G.) 
 kussKLi. (Dcnn) 
 RiissKi.i. (Sir Charles) 
 Ri'ssKLL (W.Clark). 
 KissKi.i (T.) . 
 
 ktIlll:l(Pr,|,l.(W. G.) 
 
 Kvi.anii f F.) 
 Kvi.K(Prof. H 
 Sadlkk (II.) 
 Saintsiiukv (G.) 
 Salmon ( Kcv. G.) 
 Salt (M.S.) , 
 SANiiroKii (Mishnii) 
 Saniifori) (M. E.) 
 Sanuvs (J. K.) . 
 .Savck(A. H.) . 
 Scaipk(W. 15.). 
 scartaz/ini (g. 
 
 SCMI IKMANN ' Dr.) 
 
 Scmmollkk ((J.) 
 
 K.) 
 
 page 
 
 28 
 
 46 
 46 
 
 41 
 
 3 
 13 
 
 5 
 36 
 
 36 
 6, 36 
 
 (. 
 
 8 
 17 
 
 9 
 
 I 
 
 15 
 
 19 
 
 J2 
 
 34 
 
 4-» 
 
 46 
 
 8 
 
 6 
 
 40, 44 
 
 34 
 
 44 
 29 
 14 
 
 23 
 
 13 
 
 35. 36 
 
 14. 29 
 
 16 
 
 18 
 
 6 
 
 10 
 
 44 
 
 3' 
 
 6 
 
 5 
 
 . 37 
 
 7 
 
 8,9 
 
 19 
 
 5 
 
 II 
 
 9 
 
 93 
 
 I9i 49 
 
 >3 
 
 37 
 
 2C 
 23 
 
 9 
 a8 
 
 30 
 
 44 
 
 37 
 
 4i »3 
 
 3< 
 
 38, 4<> 
 
 16 
 
 38, <4 
 
 3 
 
 5, 16 
 
 44 
 
 A.) 
 
 44 
 
 6 
 
 47 
 
 n 
 
 all 
 >7 
 
 3.1 
 
 pagb 
 8, q 
 
 a 
 a 
 
 • 9 
 
 • 33 
 
 • 23 
 
 25 
 
 30 
 so 
 29 
 
 I 
 
 44 
 
 15 
 
 19. 
 
 ScriORLEMMER (C.) . 
 SCHREIBER (T.). 
 SCHUCHHARDT (C.) . 
 SCHULTZ (Dr. G.) . 
 
 Schuster (A.) . 
 Scott(M.) 
 ScoTT (SirW.). 
 ScRATCHLEY (Sir Peter) 
 Scudder (S. H.) 
 Seaton (Dr. E. C.) . 
 Seebohm (H. E.) 
 Seelev (Sir J. R.) .13, 
 Seiler (Dr. Carl) 
 SELBORNKiEarloOsi 25, 40, 42 
 SeligiMan (E.) . . . 36 
 Sellers (E. ) ... 2 
 Service ij.) . . 41, 44 
 Sewell t E. M. ) . . 13 
 Shadwell (C. L.) . . 46 
 Shairp (J. C.) . . 4. '9 
 
 Shakespeare . 17, 19, 25, v6 
 Shann (G.) . . 10, 34 
 Sharp :W.) ... 6 
 Shaw (Miss) . . .14 
 Sheldon (W. L.) . . 32 
 Shelley . . . 19, ^6 
 SiiiPTON (Helen) . . 23 
 Shirley (VJ N.) . .44 
 Shore (L. E.) . . . 3t 
 Shorthouse (J. H.) 23, 24 
 Shokti ANi> Ail'mral) . >t 
 Shuckburgh E. S.) 14,46 
 Shufeldt (R. W. ) . . 49 
 SiBSON (Dr. F. i . .29 
 
 SlDliWICK (A.) . . .20 
 
 SiixiwiCK Prof. H.) 32,16, i7 
 
 SlME (J.) ... II, 11 
 
 Simpson (Rev. W.) . . 40 
 
 Skeat (WW.) . . 17 
 
 Skri.vh (J. H.). . 6, 19 
 
 SlADE (J. H.) . . . 10 
 
 Si.eeman ([,.) . . .47 
 
 Sl.DMAN ' Kcv. A.) . . 39 
 
 Smart i'W. ; . , . ■^'^ 
 
 Smai Lftv (O. W.) . 6, 78 
 
 SvKTHAM (I nnd S.) . 6 
 
 Smith (Adam) . 3, 6, 15, 36 
 
 Smith ( Ali-xandcr) . 17, 
 Smith 'C • 
 Smith (F. H^vWinson) 
 Smii H (("■ rr.rl). 
 
 Smith ((iulitwin) 
 
 4, 6. 14, ji, 28, 37, 4S 
 Smith (H.) 
 Smith (J > 
 Smith (VrvT) 
 Smith (W C, ) . 
 .Smith (I,. Pcariall) . 
 S..hm(K.). 
 SoMPRVIII K (I'rof. W.) 
 
 'Sni'THFV . 
 
 Spanton (^J.) . 
 spfndkm (j k.) 
 Sphnshh 
 
 SlTlTTISWOonF fW). 
 
 St. Asaph (111 hop of) 
 St. Jii'iNsTON (A.) .23, 
 Stani rv (tVan) 
 Stani pv (ll.n Maude) 
 Statham (K.) . 
 Stfihiin'. (W.). 
 Stppi (F A) . 
 Stfihpn (r K.) 
 Stipi'f- (II ) 
 Stkihkn (Sir J . y.) 14, 
 
 '9 
 24 
 »4 
 
 47 
 
 • i<» 
 
 8 
 
 ■ 44 
 
 8 
 
 • 24 
 . 40 
 
 7 
 6, 16 
 
 • 3 
 
 • 29 
 i9i 2S 
 
 • 14 
 
 • 40 
 «9 
 44 
 17 
 37 
 
 4 
 24 
 
 9 
 16 
 ]8 
 
 47i 
 
 •5 
 
 16,
 
 Sf"' 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 PAGB 
 
 Stephen (J. K.) . . 6 
 
 Stki'hkn (L.) . . 5 
 
 Strfhens (J. B.) . . 19 
 
 Stephens (W R. W.) . 5 
 
 Stevens (C. E.) . . 16 
 
 Stevenson (K. S.) . . 6 
 
 Stevenson 0- J-J • • " 
 
 Stewart (A.) . . .49 
 Stewart (Haltour) 33, 34, 45 
 
 Stokes (Sir G. O.) . . 34 
 
 Stoky (R. H.) . . . 4 
 
 Stone (W. H.). . . 34 
 
 Strachev (Sir E.) . . 25 
 
 Strachey(J. St. L.) . 37 
 
 Strachev (Oen. R.). . 11 
 
 STRANGKORU(VisCOUriteSS) 47 
 
 Strettell (A.) . . 19 
 
 Stubbs (l>e.iM) . . . 45 
 
 Stubbs (Llishop) . . 40 
 
 Sutherland lA.) . . 11 
 
 SWAINSON (H.). . . a 
 
 SwETE (Prof. H. B.). • 39 
 
 Swift (Dean) . . .15 
 
 SVMONDS (J. A.) . . s 
 
 SVMONDS (Mrs. J. A.) . 6 
 
 svmons(a.) . . . i^ 
 
 Taggart (W. S.) . . 38 
 
 Tainsh (E. C.)- • • 17 
 
 Tait (Archbisfiop) . 6, 45 
 
 Tait (C. W. a.) . .14 
 Tait (Prof. P. G.) 33.34,45 
 
 Tanner (H.) . . . 1 
 
 Tarr(R. S.) . . 11,34 
 
 Tavernier (J. B.) . . 47 
 
 Taylor (E. R.). . . 3 
 
 Taylor (Kraiiklin) . . 30 
 
 Taylor (Isaac). . 32, 45 
 
 Taylor (Sedley) 30, 34 
 
 Tegetmeier (W. B.) . 9 
 
 Temple (Bishop) . . 43 
 
 Temple (Sir R.) . . 4 
 
 Tennant (Dorothy). . 48 
 
 Tenniel (Sir John) . . 48 
 Tennyson (Lord) 17, 19, zo, 26 
 
 Tennyson (Frederick) . 20 
 
 Tennyson (Lord H.) iSi 49 
 
 Theodoli (Marcheia) . 24 
 
 Thompson (D 'A. \/.) 8 
 Thompson (E.). 
 Thompson (H. M.) 
 Thompson (S. P.) 
 V.) 
 
 Thomson (A. W 
 Thomson (Sir C. W.) 
 Thomson (Hugh) 
 Thoreau . 
 Thornk (Dr. Thome) 
 Thornton (J.). 
 Thornton (W. T.) 32 
 Thorpe (T. E.). 
 TnRiNG(E.) . 
 Thrupp(J. F.). 
 Thursfikld (J. R.) . 
 Todhunter (I.) 
 
 T0RRENS(W.M.) . 
 ToURGliNIEF (L S.) . 
 
 TouT(T.F.) . 
 TozER (H. F.) . 
 Traill (H. D.). . 4. 5, 36 
 
 12 
 
 i6 
 
 34 
 
 10 
 
 50 
 
 J4 
 
 28 
 
 29 
 
 7 
 
 37. 46 
 
 6, 9 
 
 10, 28 
 
 33 
 
 S 
 
 6 
 
 S 
 24 
 14 
 
 page 
 Trench (C.-\pt. F.) . . 37 
 Tkknch (Archljisho(j) . 45 
 Tkkvhlvan (Sir G. O.) 14,28 
 'I'Ki-vt.R (G. H.) . . 20 
 lKlliE<A.). ... 8 
 
 Tristram (W. O.) . . 15 
 Troi.lope (A.) ... 5 
 Truman (J.) . . .20 
 Tucker (T.G.) . . 46 
 Tuckwell(W.) . . 14 
 Tukts (J. H.) . . . 32 
 Tui.i.OCH (Principal). . 45 
 Turner (C. Tennysoi.) . 20 
 Turner (G.) . . . 1 
 Turner (H.H.) , . 34 
 Turner (J. M. W.) . . 15 
 Turpin (G S.) . . . 9 
 TvLOK (E. B.) . .1 
 
 Tvrwhitt (R. St. J.) 3, 20 
 Tvkkh;i,l(R. Y.) . 16,28 
 Vaughan(C. J.) 39, 4T, 41, 45 
 Vaughan (Rev. D. J ) 26,28,45 
 
 Vaughan (Rev. E. T.) 
 V'aughan (Rev. R.) . 
 Velev (M.) 
 Venn (Rev. J.). 
 Vernon (Hon. W. Vf .) 
 Verrall (A. W.) 
 Verrall (Mrs.) 
 V'ickerman (C.) 
 Victor (H) 
 Vines (S. H.) . 
 Viollet-Le-Duc(E. E.), 
 Wain (Louis) . 
 Waldstein (C.) 
 
 WAfKER(Prof. F.A.) 
 
 Walker (Jas.) 
 Walker (Louisa) 
 Wallace (A. R.) . 7 
 Wallace (Sir D. M.) 
 Walpole (S.) . 
 Walton (I.) 
 Ward (A. W.) 
 Ward(H. M.) 
 
 WARt.(S.). 
 
 Ward(T. H.) . 
 WAKD(Mrs. T. H.) . 
 Ward (W.) 
 Wake(W. R.). 
 Waters (C. A.) 
 Waterton (Charles) 
 Watson (E.) . 
 Watson (R.S.) 
 Watson (W.) . 
 Way (A. S.) . 
 Webb(W. T.) . 
 Webster (Mrs. A.) . 
 Weisbach (J.) . 
 Welby-Gregorv (Lady) 
 
 33, 
 
 45 
 4S 
 24 
 45 
 17 
 46 
 
 2 
 38 
 24 
 
 8 
 10 
 
 48 
 
 2 
 
 36 
 
 8 
 
 38 
 
 36 
 
 37 
 
 36 
 
 IS 
 
 6, 25 
 
 7.8 
 
 20 
 
 21 
 
 24. 49 
 6, 26, 4t 
 
 4. Si I 
 
 30 
 
 30. 
 
 3 
 35 
 47 
 
 6 
 
 • 47 
 
 20, 25 
 
 . 46 
 
 18, 20 
 
 20, 49 
 
 10 
 
 4> 
 
 Welldon (Rev. J. E. C.) 45 46 
 West(M.) ... 24 
 Westcott (Bp.) 38, 39,40,41,45 
 Westermarck (E.). . 1 
 Wetherell (J.) . : 32 
 Wheeler O.T.) . . 14 
 Whewell (W.). . . 6 
 Whitcomb (L. S.) . 3, I*) 
 White (A.) ... 28 
 
 page 
 15, 3' 
 
 ■ -9 
 
 • 34 
 ■y 
 
 s6, 23 
 
 • 45 
 
 45 
 
 49 
 
 SO 
 
 4' 
 45 
 30 
 7 
 32 
 29 
 
 36, 
 35, 
 
 2, 16, 
 
 White (Gilbert) 
 White (Dr. W. Hale) 
 White (W.) . 
 Whitney (\V. D.) . 
 Whittier (J. G.) 20, 
 Whittuck (C. A.) . 
 Wickham (Rev. E. C.) 
 
 WiCKSTEKD (P. H.) . 
 
 Wiedershkim (R.) . 
 WiESER (F. von) 
 
 WiLBRAHAM (F. M.). 
 
 WiLKiNs(Prof.A. S.) 
 Wilkinson (S.) 
 
 WlLLEV(A.) 
 
 Williams (C. M.) . 
 Williams (C. T.) . 
 Williams (G. H.) . 
 Williams (H.). 
 Williams (Montagu) 
 Williams (S. E.) 
 Williamson (M. B.) 
 WiLLINK (A.) . 
 Willoughby(E. F.) 
 
 WiLLOUGHBY (K.) 
 
 Willoughby(W. W.) 
 Wills (W. G.) . 
 Wilson (A. J.). 
 Wilson (Sir C.) 
 Wilson (Sir D.) , 
 Wilson (E. B.). 
 Wilson (Dr. G.) 
 Wilson (Archdeacon) 
 Wilson (Mary). 
 Winch (R. F.) . 
 
 Winchester (Bishop oO. 
 Windelband (W.) . 
 WiNGATE (Major F. R.) . 
 Winkworth (C.) 
 
 WiNKWORTH (S.) • 
 
 Winter (W.) . 
 Wolseley (Gen. Visconnt) 
 Wood (A. G.) . 
 Wood (C. J.) . 
 Wood (Rev. E.G.) . 
 Woods (Rev. F.H.). 
 Woods (Miss M. A.). 
 Woodward (C. M.) . 
 WOOLNER (T.) . 
 Wordsworth 4, 6, 17, 20, 26, 28 
 
 I. 4. 
 
 14, 3» 
 6 
 . 16 
 . 45. 
 . 45 
 . 141 
 
 • 45- 
 
 • 36 
 . 30 
 
 . 36 
 
 4. 
 
 17 
 
 • 5» 
 S. 6. 28- 
 
 • 45 
 . i& 
 
 27 
 
 6 
 32 
 
 30 
 & 
 
 25 
 IS 
 30 
 
 20 
 
 45 
 45 
 I 
 21, 42 
 
 . 10 
 
 . zo 
 
 14 
 
 WORTHEY (Mrs.) 
 Wright (Rev. A.) 
 Wright (Miss G.) 
 Wright (J.) 
 Wright (L.) . 
 Wright (M. O.) 
 Wright (W.A.) 
 
 WuLKER(Dr.) . 
 
 Wurtz (Ad.) . 
 WvATT (SirM. D.) 
 
 . 24 
 
 • 39 
 
 • 9 
 10, 26 
 
 . 34 
 . 28, 31 
 9,18,25,40 
 
 . 16 
 
 • 9 
 3 
 
 Veo(J.) .... 34 
 YoE (Shway) . . -47 
 Yonge(C.M.)6, 8,9, 12,13,14, 
 24, 26, 28, 32, 38,49 
 Young (E.W.) . . 10 
 Younghusband(G. J. and 
 
 F. E.) . . . . 30 
 Ziegler (Dr. £.) . • 2g.. 
 
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