UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION GIFT OF THE PUBLISHER m.S^^p Received / / ^^^f LIBRARY OF THE' University of California. GIFT OF Class OUTLINES OF GREEK HISTORY WITH A SURVEY OF ANCIENT ORIENTAL NATIONS BY WILLIAM C. MOREY, Ph.D., D.C.L. PROFESSOR OF HISTORY AND POLITICAL SCIENCE, UNIVERSITY OF ROCHESTER AUTHOR OF "OUTLINES OF ROMAN HISTORY," "OUTLINES OF ROMAN LAW," ETC. COMPLIMENTS AMERICAN BOOK CO A. P. OUNN^^gga^-t^ PIN FT & BATTERY SAN ;f;R.A.?^c.ISCC) ." NEW YOKK ; CINCINNATI : CHICAGO AMERICAN BOOK COMPANY Copyright, 1903, by WILLIAM C. MOREY. Entered at Stationers' Hall, London. GREEK HISTORY. W. p. I PREFACE The purpose of this book is to give to young students a general idea of the growth and character of the civilization of ancient Greece. As it is intended to form, with the author's "Outlines of Roman History," a complete elementary course in ancient history, it contains a brief introduction indicating the relation of history to civilization in general, and referring to the primitive culture with which civilization may be said to begin. It also contains a preliminary sketch of the progress of civilization before the time of the Greeks among the ancient Oriental peoples. The fundamental idea has been kept in mind that the his- torical significance of any people must be estimated by what it has contributed to the general civilization of the world. The historical importance of the ancient Greeks rests upon their contributions to the growth of political liberty and to the development of a superior intellectual and aesthetic culture. The attempt has been made to select and describe those facts which illustrate the most important and distinguishing traits of the Grecian character. The political history is intended to show the extent to which the Greeks were successful in the development of free institutions and an organized city state, and also the reasons of their failure to develop a national state system. The history of culture is intended to show the great advance made by the Greeks upon the previous culture of the Orient. The successive stages of this culture are traced through the several periods of Greek history. As the history of Greece finds its most significant center in Athens, and as the history of Athens finds its center in the age of Pericles, this period is taken as the one best suited for a survey of the more 6 PREFACE special features of Greek culture. The permanent character of this culture is also emphasized by showing how it persisted after the fall of the Athenian empire, how it was carried to the East with the conquests of Alexander, and how it was carried to the West with the Roman conquest and has retained its influence upon the modern world. To keep the student's mind fixed upon the points under dis- cussion, the topical method has been employed. While this method may not appear to be the most literary in its form, it certainly seems the most scientific in its results. By the logi- cal arrangement of these topics the student is enabled to see the relation between the general and the special subjects. He will come to have a scientific conception of history when he learns that a particular fact or event is important as it bears upon a more general movement, and that such movement is important as it relates to the general development of the national life and character. The relation of the several chapters to one another is indicated in the table of contents. That the student may obtain some idea of historical grouping, he should be encour- aged to present a synopsis of each chapter, indicating its gen- eral divisions and subordinate topics as set forth in the text. He should also be expected to supplement this synopsis by notes gathered from the instruction given in the class-room and from his own reading, and by brief remarks upon the books or chapters which he has read in connection with his class-room work. Each chapter is supplemented by " selections for reading,-' with references to specific chapters in the books with which the student should be most familiar; also a subject for "special study," w^hich may be assigned as a topic for a class-room essay or oral dissertation. These " selections " and " studies " are given simply as specimens of what the teacher may require. The extent of such work must be determined by each teacher for himself, adjusted as it must be to the proficiency of each class. The references include some of the more important sources, which are inserted, like other PREFACE 7 authorities, simply to afford illustrations of the subjects treated, and not to give the young pl^pil the fallacious notion that he is reconstructing history from "original authorities " a kind of work which forms the most advanced and difficult part of an historical training. Teachers who wish to employ what is called the " source method " will lind valu- able suggestions in the report of the New England History Teachers' Association, published under the title, " Historical Sources in Schools." They will also obtain an idea, of the legitimate use of sources from Professor Bourne's " Teaching of History and Civics in the Elementary and the Secondary School." The illustrative material which has been introduced into the text has been selected for the sole purpose of throwing light upon the subjects treated. The maps are given to enable the pupil to locate every place mentioned. The " Pro- gressive Maps " are drawn for the purpose of showing the geographical history of Greece and the Orient. Appended to the volume is a classified list of some of the most important and recent books upon Oriental and Greek history; the older works are generally excluded, unless they still possess an exceptional value. It is perhaps proper to say a word upon that mooted ques- tion, the spelling of Greek names. It is well known that these names, for the most part, first came into the English language through the Latin, and for a long time their Latinized form was preserved. The comparatively recent attempt to recast these names into a form more consistent with the original Greek has not been attended with unqualified success. The use of Kroisos for Croesus, Kleisthenes for Clisthenes, Kykla- des for Cyclades, Kypros for Cyprus, seems strange, if not repulsive, to the English reader. It is a satisfaction to know that that accomplished Greek scholar and archaeologist, Pro- fessor Ernest Arthur Gardner, in his recent work on " Ancient Athens," has declared himself in favor of the familiar Latin- ized forms. While admitting the difficulty of attaining any 8 PREFACE complete consistency, he says, "In spelling, custom and familiarity must^be the paramount considerations ; and I think a natural reaction is setting in among scholars against a too indiscriminate use of A:, ei, on, etc., in forms that are often not only uncouth in appearance, but actually misleading in pronunciation" ("Ancient Athens," Preface, viii). The spelling of Greek names sanctioned by Professor Gardner and. favored by the more conservative writers, is used in this book. In attempting to put the history of Greece into the form of a text-book, the author has kept before his mind simply what he believes to be the needs of pupils and the wants of teachers. He has adopted neither a purely narrative style, which often fails to give the real significance of events, nor a purely philosophical method, which often deals with abstract generalizations unsupported by facts. His aim has been to point out, as clearly as possible, the most essential and significant facts in Greek history, to show their bearing upon the growth of the Hellenic city state, to indicate their influence upon the development of Greek culture, and to suggest the important place which this culture holds in the civilization of the world. W. C. M. University of Rochester, Rochester, N.Y. CONTENTS CHAPTER I. Introduction The Beginnings of History ANCIENT ORIENTAL NATIONS 11. The Far Eastern Countries China and India . III. The Mesopotamian Countries Babylonia and Assyria IV. The Hither Orient Egypt, Phoenicia, and Judea PAGE 11 21 32 45 BEGINNINGS OF GREECE PERIOD I. The Prehistoric Age of Greece (- V. Hellas and the Hellenes VI. The Oldest Civilization of Greece VII. Homer and the Homeric Culture (76 B.C.) VIII. IX. X. XI. XII. 69 83 94 PERIOD II. The Formation of the Greek S-Avx^s (776-500 B.C.) The Character of the Greek City State The Dorian City State Sparta The Ionian City State Athens The Expansion of Greece the Colonies The Culture of the Early Greek States fiV^IES 11^ 120 139 149 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY PERIOD III. The Persia.n Wajis ; Growing Power of Athens (500M:71I b:c.) XIII. The Encroachments of the East upon the West . . 165 XIV. The Invasions of Greece by Darius and Xerxes . . . 177 XV. Effects of the Persian Wars upoii Greek Culture . . 193 PERIOD IV. The Athenian Empire ; Age of Pericles (479-431 B.C.) XVI. The Growth of the Athenian Empire 202 XVII. The Athenian Constitution under Pericles . . .217 XVIU. Athens and Athenian Art under Pericles .... 228 9 10 CONTENTS PAGE CHAPTER XIX. Intellectual Culture in the Age of Pericles . . .242 XX. Social Culture, Life and Manners 251 PERIOD V. The Fall of the Athenian Empire (431-359 B.C.) XXI. The Peloponnesian War 263 XXII. The Later Struggles for Supremacy .... 277 XXIII. The New Phase of Greek Culture 287 THE SPREAD OF HELLENISM PERIOD VI. The Union of Greece and the Orient (359-229 B.C.) XXIV. Macedonia and Greece under Philip .... 299 XXV. Alexander and the Conquest of the East . . . 307 XXVI. Greek Culture and the Eastern World . . . .320 PERIOD VII. The Union of Greece and the Occident (229-146 B.C.) XXVII. Macedonia and the Greek Federations .... 334 XXVIII. The Absorption of Hellas by Rome .... 340 XXIX. Greek Culture and the Western World . . . .346 APPENDIX List of Books upon Oriental and Greek History . 355 INDEX 367 LIST OF COLORED MAPS PROGRESSIVE MAPS No. 1. Ancient Oriental Peoples 20 No. 2. Greece and the Orient, about 1250 B.c 68 No. 3. Hellas and the Hellenes, after the Dorian Migration . . 80 No. 4. Greater Hellas, Sixth Century e.g. (Colonization) . 1.36, 137 No. 5. Eastern Nations before the Lydian and Persian Conquests 166 No. 6. Persian Empire under Darius, about 500 B.C. . . .170 No. 7. The Athenian Empire : Greatest Extent, about 450 b.c. 214,215 No. 8. Peloponnesian War, 431-404 b.c 262 No, 9. Empire of Alexander the Great, .323 b.c 308 No. 10. Divisions of the Empire of Alexander, 301 b.c. . . . 316 The -^tolian and Achaean Leagues, about 229 b.c 330 OUTLINES OF GREEK HISTORY WITH A EEVIEW OF ORIENTAL NATIONS CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION. THE BEGINNINGS OF HISTORY I. The Subject-matter of History History and Civilization. The subject of our present study is the history of ancient Greece with a review of the earlier peoples of the East, by whom the Greeks were more or 4ess influenced. But to understand the history of any people, it is necessary first of all to have some idea of what we mean by " history." Our first idea of history is the simple notion that it deals with the past. But there are many peoples who have lived and x^assed away, and many events which have taken place, that have little or no historical importance. The mere study of antiquities of things that are past is not the study of history in the proper sense; although it may aid us in getting a knowledge of historical facts. History properly deals with what we call "civilization," or the progress of man- kind. It seeks those facts which mark this progress, the causes which have led to it, or the influences which have re- tarded it. A people which has contributed something to the progress of mankind, we properly regard as an historical peo- ple. The Greeks, for example, occupy a high place in the history of the world, because they have added much to the world's civilization. . \\ 12 INTRODUCTION Meaning of Civilization. AVheii we speak of civilization, we refer to a certain degree of advancement in the things which make up human life which contribute to human wel- fare and to human happiness. Barbarous peoples have very few of the things which make life worth living. They obtain their food with difficulty ; their clothing is scanty ; and their homes are without comfort. Their social life is narrow, and confined to the family or the clan. Their language is limited. Their art is coarse. Their religion is crude ; and their moral ideas are often low and groveling. In short, they do not pos- sess what we call civilization. Civilization means a certain degree of progress in some or all of these phases of human existence. It is a movement away from barbarism in the direction of a higher physical, intellectual, and moral life. Elements of Civilization. We may perhaps get a clearer idea of what is meant by civilization, if we look at some of the ele- ments which make it up, and which we should constantly keep in mind as we study the history of any people. It is by these features, or marks, that we are able to judge whether a nation is more or less civilized. The first mark of civilization is the improvement of the means of subsistence the getting of better food, of more com- fortable clothing and habitations. The primitive life of hunt- ing and fishing gives way to the domestication of animals, to the cultivation of the soil, to the manufacture of various prod- ucts, and to the exchange of these products with other peoples ; that is, to the growth of industry and commerce. Another mark of civilization is the growth of social and political institutions. The family grows into the clan ; the clan into the tribe; and the tribe into the state. The relations between men, also, become controlled less and less by force, and more and more by reason and law. Governments grow up, which protect the rights of persons and the interests of the community. We may also judge of the extent to which a people is civil- ized by the developipent of itst iQ^ngiiag^ w^d literature. Lan- THE BEGINNINGS OF HISTORY 13 guage becomes extended and enriched by the growth of new words. But more than this, words become reduced to a written form. Ideas which were once transmitted only from mouth to mouth in the form of traditions, become fixed in writing and in a permanent literature. Civilization is still further marked by the growth of philos- ophy and science; that is, by the development of a spirit of inquiry. The world of nature appears to the barbarian as an insoluble mystery ; to the civilized man, it appears more and more to be a world of order and governed by law. Hence, knowledge becomes extended and reduced to a scientific form. Moreover, we may judge of the advancement of a people by their progress in art and refinement. When men become civil- ized, they learn to love the beautiful. The crude ideas of art expressed in unsightly huts, in grotesque figures, in gaudy colors, in loud and discordant noises, become refined by a sense of symmetry and proportion, by a taste for subdued colors and harmonious sounds as seen in the higher forms of architec- ture, sculpture, painting, and music. Finally, the advance of civilization is shown in the growth of higher ideas regarding religion and morality. The earlier religions consist in the worship of sticks and stones, of animals, of ancestral spirits, and of the forces of nature. Their cere- monies are weird and elaborate, and are intended to appease the anger of the gods. But as civilization advances, religion becomes more and more a simple belief in one supreme and beneficent Being, and an incentive to a higher and better life. Religion and morality become united in a common love to God and man. Significance of Historical Facts. By keeping before our minds these various elements which enter into civilization, we can better judge of what is more important and what is less im- portant in history. For example, men are to be judged by the ex- tent to which they have improved their own people or the world in some of these lines of progress., So, too, events must be 14 INTRODUCTION regarded as important according to their influence in improving mankind in some way or other. Nations, also, are to be judged in the same way by the extent to which they have con- tributed to some of those elements Avhich make the world more civilized. In studying the history of Greece, therefore, we shall try to learn not only what advancement the Greeks made upon the peoples who went before them, but also how far and in what way they have contributed to the present enlighten- ment of the world. II. Early Condition of Mankind The Prehistoric Age. As we begin the study of history the question will naturally occur to us, How did civilization be- gin ? To this question no one can give a very satisfactory answer. We know that before the Greeks were civilized, there were civilizations in the East more or less developed among the Egyptians on the Nile ; the Babylo'nians and Assyr'- ians on th^ Tigris and Euphra'tes ; the Hindus on the Indus and the Ganges ; and the Chinese on the great rivers of eastern Asia. But all these civilizations must have grown out of a more primitive condition of mankind a condition the knowl- edge of which is not contained in any written records. This early stage of progress we call the " prehistoric age." Our knowledge of it is derived largely from material relics, such as stone and metal implements, cave dwellings, shell heaps, traces of fire, the contents of mounds, and other evidences of human existence. Early Stages of Progress. From such remains of the pre- historic age it is possible to form some idea of the early progress of man before the dawn of civilization. It is, of course, impossible to give the exact steps of this progress, cov- ering as they do many thousands of years. It is customary to divide this long and obscure period of prehistoric development into " ages," called the Stone Age or the Age of Savagery, and the Metal Age or the Age of Barbarism. THE BEGINNINGS OF HISTORY 15 The Stone Age refers to the lowest condition of the human race, when the highest art was shown in the manufacture of weapons and implements from stone. Men of this age are supposed to have lived in caves at the time of animals noAV extinct ; to have clothed themselves with the skins of wild beasts ; to have obtained their food by hunting and fishing ; to have satisfied their artistic taste by personal decorations ; and to have worshiped material objects or animals, which were thought to have the power of bringing good or evil. This Early Stone Implements long period is subdivided into the Old Stone, or Paleolith'ic, Age, when implements were made of rough, stone, and the New Stone, or Neolith'ic, Age, when implements w^ere made of polished stone, thus showing a higher degree of mechanical skill. The Metal Age marks a great step in human progress, on account of the discovery and use of the metals. During this age men began to live in artificial dwellings ; to obtain their food by the domestication of animals and the cultivation of the soil ; to clothe themselves wdth fabrics w^oven by the loom ; to have higher ideas of art in the way of ornaments of silver and gold; and to worship the spirits of their ances- tors and the forces of nature, especially celestial objects. 'This 16 INTRODUCTION period is subdivided into the Bronze Age, when articles were made of copper, or a mixture of copper and tin ; and the Iron Age, when the discovery and use of iron gave a new impulse to the mechanical arts. Early Metal Implements Dawn of Civilization. These so-called ages can not, of course, be separated from one another by any well marked lines. They simply indicate what were probably the early stages of human development. They merge into one another ; and the features of one age often survive and continue to exist in the next age, and sometimes even remain after the dawn of civilization. For convenience we may say that civilization begins with the use of a written language ; and it is chiefly by the use of written records that the progress of civilization is traced. But we must not think that there is any clear and definite line which separates civilization from barbarism ; the one succeeds the other as imperceptibly as day follows night. Primitive Culture of Civilized Peoples. It is evident that at the dawn of civilization men had already made some progress in their manner of living, and already possessed a certain stock of customs and ideas inherited from their prehistoric ances- tors. They were living in artificial dwellings, built of wood or of clay baked in the sun. They subsisted not only by hunt- THE BEGINNINGS OF HISTORY 17 ing and fisliiug, but also by the rearing of flocks and herds, by the cultivation of the soil, and by exchanging their products with one another. They had the use of fire and cooked their food; they made utensils of clay, and also of metals such as copper, tin, iron, gold, and silver. They had a simple govern- ment, consisting of a chief, a council of elders, and perhaps a general assembly. Their knowledge was restricted mostly to the practical affairs of life, and they recorded their ideas in the form of picture writing. Their art was shown in articles of personal adornment, in crude graven images, and in simple decoration of their implements. Their religion consisted mostly in the worship of ancestors and the forces of nature, in weird ceremonies and in mythical stories about the gods. With a primitive stock of culture such as this, the civilized nations of the world may be said to have begun their career. But the degree of advancement made upon this early culture has differed greatly among the different divisions of the human race. III. Divisions of the Human Race Unity and Diversity of Mankind. It is generally believed that all the peoples of the world have had a common origin. But at what time man first appeared upon the earth, and how the different parts of the earth were first peopled, no one can tell. We find at the beginning of the historical period men living in nearly every part of the world, and separated into different groups, which are more or less distinct from one an- other. So while men may have had a common origin, they have, in the process of time, become broken up into various races and peoples; and these different races and peoples have shown very different degrees of capacity for development. Classification by Physical Features. Many attempts have been made to find a scientific method of distinguishing the different races of men. They have, for example, been classified according to color, into the White or Caucasian race, the Black or ISTegro race, and the Yellow or Mongolian race. morey's greek hist. 2 18 INTRODUCTION They have also been classified according to the shape of the head, the texture of the hair, and other physical features. But scholars are by no means agreed as to the best and most scientific method of making the race distinctions of mankind. Classification by Language. The most ordinary and conven- ient way of classifying men is by the languages which they speak. It is true that language is not a perfect means of dis- tinguishing races; because some peoples have been known to adopt the language of another. But it is also generally true that in adopting the language of another people they have also adopted the manners and civilization of that other people. And so, while a common language may not always indicate a common race origin, it does generally indicate a common his- torical development. In studying the growth of civilization, therefore, we may consider the peoples of the world as divided into groups, corresponding to the different languages which they speak. ^ The Historical Peoples. The various peoples of the world, distinguished as they are by different languages, also differ greatly in their historical importance. The peoples who have 1 The various languages of the world, and the most important peoples speaking them, may be grouped as follows: I. Monosyllabic (in which each word consists of a single root, without inflections), Chinese, Siamese, Burmese. II. Agglutinative (in which two or more roots are joined in a single word, which is not inflected) , American aborigines, Hungarians, Turks. III. Inflected (in which a word usually consists of a root the meaning of which may be variously modified by means of inflectional endings), comprising: 1. Hamit'ic, Egyptians, Lib'yans, Ethio'pians. 2. Semz^'ic, Hebrews, Babylonians, Assyrians, Phceni'cians, Arabians. 3. Indo-European, or Ar'yan, comprising: (1) Indie, peoples of India. (2) Iran'ic, Medes, Persians. ' (3) Ilellen'ic, peoples of Greece and western Asia Minor. (4) /faric, ancient Romans and their historical descendants, the Italians, French, Spaniards, Portngnese. (5) T t^fe ^ fe^T ^^^^ fallen cities, and made 1 ^ -p^ .,1.^^+- +^,^^ 4--u^ The Name Nebuchadnezzar in her for a short time the Cuneiform center of Eastern civili- zation. He rebuilt the city of Babylon, surrounded it with massive walls, and adorned it with sumptuous palaces. To rival the beauties of nature and to please his queen, a Median princess, he built the famous 'Hianging gardens," which were artificial hills built in the form of iminense terraces and cov- ered with luxurious shrubs and flowers. During this brief period of her later supremacy Babylon attained, in the highest degree, all the luxury and pomp peculiar to Oriental civiliza- tion. To the religious art of the early Chaldeans she added the palatial architecture of the Assyrians. The great skill which the Assyrians had developed in the industrial arts was also acquired by the Babylonians. And Babylon also vied with Nineveh as the great commercial center of the world. But Babylon finally fell before the rising power of Persia (538 B.C.), which absorbed all the countries of western Asia, and whose history became, as we shall hereafter see, inter- woven with that of Greece. The Assyrio-Babylonian Civilization. We have considered Babylonia and Assyria as the seats of three successive empires ; but in their culture we should regard them simply as present- 44 ANCIENT ORIENTAL NATIONS ing three phases of one and the same civilization. The early Babylonians had received the rudiments of their culture from the Accadians, and had developed a form of religion, science, and art which showed the evidence of intellectual growth and a certain degree of refinement. The Assyrians took up the culture of the Babylonians, and impressed upon it a political and imperial stamp, such as was naturally derived from a great and conquering people. And this imperial character was transferred back to Babylon with the establishment of the later empire. So the civilization which was finally developed in the Mesopota- mian valley was a mingling of Babylonian and Assyrian elements. If we should try to disentangle these elements, we might say that the Babylonian culture was more religious and jjriestly, more intellectual and scientific, receiving its best expression in the temple tower, which was a center both of religion and science. And we might say that the Assyrian culture was more secular and political, more materialistic and practical, receiving its highest expression in the royal palace, which was the center of imperial power. But as a matter of fact these different forms of culture came to be but two sides of one civilization, which existed alike at Nineveh and Babylon. The Influence of Mesopotamian Culture. The Mesopotamian valley must be regarded as one of the great centers of ancient civilization. By its commercial and political relations its culture was extended to the shores of the Mediterranean Sea. The religious ideas of the Babylonians became the common property of the East, and their notions regarding the origin of the world and the early condition of mankind became entwined with the Hebrew account of creation. Their progress in certain branches of science, especially in astronomy, formed a contribution to the intellectual developnient of the ancient world. Their skill in some of the industrial arts, such as weav- ing and the cutting of intaglios, has scarcely been equaled by modern nations. Their political organization formed the basis of the later imperial systems of the East, which were after- ward transferred to Europe under the later Eoman empire. THE HITHER ORIENT 45 SELECTIONS FOR READING Sayce, Ancient Empires, Ch. 2, "Babylonia and Assyria" (3) i ; Article "Babylonia" (" Encyclopaedia Britannica"). Lenormant, Vol. L, Bk. IV., Ch. 4, "Civilization, Manners, and Monu- ments of Assyria " (3). Rawlinson, Monarchies, Vol. L, Assyria, Ch. 7, "Manners and Cus- toms" (3). Smith, P., Ch. 17, "The Cuneiform Writing and Literature" (3). Ragozin, Media, etc., Ch. 9, "Babylon the Great" (6); Chaldea, Ch. 5, "Babylonian Religion" (6). Maspero, Life, Ch. 16, " Assurbanipal's Library " (3). SPECIAL STUDY Assyrian Architecture. Smith, pp. 377-383 (3); Lenormant, Vol. I., pp. 456-465 (3) ; Rawlinson, Monarchies, Vol. I., pp. 277-339 (3) ; Mas- pero, Life, Ch. 11 ; Hamlin, Ch. 4 (19) ; Smith and Slater, Ch. 3 (19). CHAPTER IV THE HITHER ORIENT EGYPT, PHOENICIA, AND JUDEA I. Ancient Egypt and its Civilization Egypt and the Nile. To complete our brief review of the progress of civilization before the time of the Greeks, we must pass from the Mesopotamian valley to the shores of the Mediterranean, where the Oriental culture reached its highest development. This sea forms, in fact, the center of a new world. It not only became the center of a world commerce, but it also, by the facility which it afforded for the exchange of id^as, became the center of a world culture. Upon its shores have flourished some of the greatest nations of both ancient and modern times. The oldest, and in some respects 1 The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. 46 ANCIENT ORIENTAL NATIONS MEDITERRANEAN ^ SEA the most remarkable, of these nations was Egypt, The people who settled Egypt belonged to what has been called the Hamitic race. But where they came from, or when they made their first settlements, is a matter of conjecture. We can better explain why they, of all the African people, were the first to become civilized. We have already seen that the peoples that have made the great- est progress are those who have found their homes upon the shores of great rivers. What the Euphra- tes was to Babylon, and the Tigris was to Nineveh, the Nile was to Egypt. Every historian from the time of Herodotus has been im- pressed with the fact that " Egypt is the gift of the Nile." The hab- itable part of Egypt consists of a long, narrow valley, nearly six hundred miles in length, with a width of only about seven or eight miles until it spreads out into a wide area about the delta of the river. Not only has this valley been cut by the Nile, but its great fertility is due to the annual over- flow of this river. The climate of Egypt is exceedingly dry ; and to this fact is due the remarkable preservation of the monuments of this country. Egypt may be divided into two principal parts. (1) The lower, or northern part, includes the extended plain about the Delta, where the soil is most fertile, and where the earliest civilization was developed. It was here, also, that the first empire was established, with its center at Memphis. (2) The upper, or southern part, includes the rest of the valley as far as the rapids, called the " first cataract," near the borders of Ethiopia. This formed a second area of civilization, with its Egypt Seats of empire, 1 II, III THE HITHER ORIENT 47 center at Thebes. In either direction from these two centers the banks of the Nile became dotted with a multitude of towns and villages, each one of which was a seat of industry and art. The country was subdivided into districts, called "nomes." These are supposed "to represent the numerous small states of the prehistoric age out of which the historic Egypt was constituted" (Sayce). ^ Egyptian Dates and Dynasties. Formerly the chief sources of our knowledge of Egypt were : first, the Greek historians, especially Herodotus, who visited Egypt in the fifth century B.C. ; and second, the Egyptian priest, Man'etho, who lived in the third century B.C., and who wrote a history containing a list of the various dynasties and kings, but whose work has reached us only in fragments. Since the beginning of the nineteenth century, however, a vast amount of additional information regarding Egypt has been derived from the in- scriptions which have been deciphered and the monuments which have been brought to light. With these sources many attempts have been made to reconstruct the chronological history of Egypt. But scholars do not yet agree in regard to the dates of the early Egyptian history.^ The general divi- sions of Egyptian history and the most important dynasties may be briefly indicated as follows : 1. Tlie Old Empire (about 4000-2700 B.C.), covering the first to the tenth dynasties inclusive, with the capital at Memphis. During this time the most important dynasty was the fourth, when the great pyramids and the sphinx were built at Gizeh, and the vast necropolis, or rock cemetery, was laid out at 1 Egyptologists are grouped into two schools, according as they advocate the long or the short chronology. (1) The long chronology, generally advo- cated on the continent, fixes the date of Menes, the first king, variously at 5702 B.C. (Boeckh) , 5004 (Mariette) , 3892 (Lepsius) , and 3623 (Bunsen) . (2) The short chronology, advocated generally in England, formerly fixed the date of the first king at about 2700 B.C. (Wilkinson and Rawlinson). The tendency at present, as shown in the writings of Petrie and Maspero, is to carry the date of Menes back at least to 4000 B.C. The dates in the text are approximately those of Lepsius, followed by Ploetz. 48 ANCIENT ORIENTAL NATIONS Sakka'rah, near Memphis. The kings of the fourth dynasty are known as the " pyramid builders," the most noted of whom was Khufu (or Cheops). 2. TJie Middle Empire (about 2700-1670 e.g.), covering the eleventh to the seventeenth dynasties, with the capital first at Thebes and afterward at Tanis. The most important dynasty was the twelfth, when Lake Moeris was constructed as an arti- ficial reservoir for regulating the water supply of the Nile, the so-called labyrinth was built, and obelisks began to be erected. This dynasty was followed by the conquest of Egypt by for- eign kings, called the Hyksos or Shepherd Kings, whose rule extended from the thirteenth to the seventeenth dynasty, which was the darkest period of Egyptian history. 3. The New Empire (1670-525 B.C.), covering the eighteenth to the twenty-sixth dynasties (to the time of the Persian con- quest), the capital being again at Thebes and afterward at Tanis and Sais. The most important dynasties were: the eighteenth, when Egypt recovered its independence by driving out the Shepherd Kings, and under Thothmes III. extended its power into Ethiopia and into Asia as far as Nineveh, and THE HITHER ORIENT 49 magnificent temples and palaces were built at Thebes (Kar- nak and Luxor) ; the nineteenth, when the empire reached its highest glory, under Seti I. and his son Ram'eses II. (Greek Sesos'tris), the " grand monarch '' of Egypt ; the i^ twenty-first, when the seat of power was transferred to Tanis m the Delta ; the twenty-second, when Jerusalem was captured and plundered by the Egyptian king; the twenty- fifth, when Egypt was con- quered by the Ethiopians and afterward by the As- syrians ; and the twenty- sixth, when Egypt re- covered its independence under Psammet'ichus I. (with the capital at Sais), and after a century was finally reduced to a Per- sian province. Egyptian Industry and Industrial Arts. But more important than the knowledge of these dates and dynasties is the knowl- edge of the Egyptians themselves, and of their progress in the arts of civilized life. Their industrial life grew out of the nature of the valley in which they lived. The rich deposits of the Nile gave them a fertile soil so that they became an agricultural people. They plowed the ground, and raised crops of grain, such as wheat and barley; of vegetables, such as onions, radishes, and melons; of flax, which they wove into garments. For regulating and distributing the water supply of the ISTile they built canals and reservoirs. The most remark- able of these artificial reservoirs was Lake Moeris, by which an outlying district called the Fayoum' was transformed from Head from Sarcophagus of Rameses II. 50 ANCIENT ORIENTAL NATIONS a desert waste into fertile fields. The Egyptians acquired great skill in the industrial arts, working in clay, stone, and glass ; in wood, ivory, leather, and the textile fabrics ; in the coarser metals, bronze, lead, and iron ; and in the precious metals, gold and silver. They exchanged these products with one another, by boats plying the waters of the Nile, which became an artery of commerce. They did not, however, carry on an extensive commerce with foreign countries. Gold Bracelet of the XVIIIth Dynasty Egyptian Society and Government. Egypt, at the dawn of history, had already become a united empire. But there is evidence that this empire grew up from a union of towns and villages which had previously been independent, each under its own ruler and priests. These towns became grouped into districts, or nomes, under local governors ; and these in turn came under the common authority of a king who ruled over the whole country. The people were divided into classes, but not into rigid castes like the people of India. The upper classes included the priests, whose office was hereditary, and the warriors, who were devoted exclusively to military pur- suits. The lower classes comprised the common people, in- cluding the artisans, the farmers, and the herdsmen. The land was generally owned by the upper classes, and let out to the peasants, who paid their rent in the products of the soil. Above all these classes was the king, or Pha'raoh, who was THE HITHER ORIENT 51 Pharaoh looked upon as a divine person. He was the fountain of all authority; and the labor, the property, and the lives of the people were at his disposal. He was approached only by the priests and the military nobles. His authority was limited only by the will of the gods ; but in interpreting this will, the priests became a kind of power behind the throne. Egyptian Religion and Science. The religion of Egypt was a strange mixture of seemingly in- congruous elements. It is difficult to find in it any single principle, so that scholars have differed in their opinions as to its real char- acter. This is probably due to the fact that different religious customs grew up in different localities, before the country was organized in a common empire. The lowest form of religion was animal worship, such as was prevalent among the primitive tribes of Africa. The crocodile, the serpent, the hawk, the cow, the cat, and many other animals were held as sacred. For many centuries the bull Apis was worshiped as an important god at Memphis. This low form of worship survived in Egypt even after the development of higher religious ideas. Besides this animal worship we find a complex form of nature worship. The forces of nature were worshiped as gods, and represented in human forms. The mix- ture of these two forms of religion animal worship and nature worship is seen in the representation of the gods with human bodies and the heads of animals. The animal features came afterward to be regarded morey's greek hist. 4 Serapis 52 ANCIENT ORIENTAL NATIONS as simply symbolical of spiritual qualities. In the higher gods, however, human heads were joined to human bodies. The chief object of nature worship Avas the sun, the source of light and life, whose journey through the heavens was the cause of day and night and an ^ emblem of life and death. The Rm sun god was worshiped under different names at different places as Ptah at Memphis, as Amun- Ea at Thebes, as Osi'ris at This and Aby'dos. "The unification of the empire brought with it the unification of these various cir- cles of gods. They were all grouped together under the sov- ereignty of Ptah while the old empire lasted, and of Amun when Thebes gained the supremacy " (Sayce). The gods were often joined in " triads '' -^ the most noted of which was that of Osiris the father, Isis the mother, and Horus the son. AVith the recognition of a supreme god, the most learned men of Egypt attained an idea which approached that of monotheism. We sometimes find in the old records such statements as this : " Before all things which actually exist, and before all begin- nings, there is one God, unmoved in the singleness of his own Unity " (quoted by Jamblicus). Amun Ptah Judgment of the Soul before Osikis THE HITHER ORIENT 53 The Egyptians believed in immortality, or the continued existence of the soul after death. This belief led to the practice of embalming the body of the deceased, that the mummy might be preserved for the return of the spirit. The Egyptians also believed in a system of future rewards and pun- ishments and in the transmigration of souls, like the Hindus. The priests of Egypt, who had charge of the religion, were also the learned class. They cultivated philosophy, and the various sciences astronomy, geometry, arithmetic, and medicine which here attained a considerable degree of development. The Ramesseum Egyptian Architecture and Monuments. The religious spirit of the Egyptians was strongly impressed upon their architecture, which consisted mainly of tombs and temples. The buildings for the dead. are seen in the rock-sepulchers cut in the sides of the hills which flanked the Nile as, for example, the necropolis at Sakkarah (near Memphis) and also at Thebes. Separate 54 ANCIENT ORIENTAL NATIONS Colossal Statues of Ramesks 11. monumental tombs took the form of pyramids, and reached the most gigantic proportions at Gizeh. In these artificial mountains of stone rested the remains of kings. The most impressive and finished specimens of architecture are seen in the massive temples, which were made up of a colossal combi- nation of columns and sculptured walls. Noted examples of these temples were those of Luxor and Karnak and the Kamesse'um near Thebes, the ruins of which are among the most imposing in the world. Egyptian architecture is dis- tinguished by simplicity of general design, but especially by grandeur of proportions and great elaborateness of decoration. It is also distinguished by the use of columns, instead of walls, as the chief means of supporting the roof a feature which was afterward adopted by the Greeks. Egyptian Sculpture, Painting, and Music. The other arts were also cultivated by the Egyptians. This people was probably the first to make sculpture an independent art, that is, not joined THE HITHER ORIENT 55 to architecture. Some of the best of their statues belong to a very early period. The colossal Sphinx is perhaps the most ancient example of independent sculpture existing in the world. But a less pretentious form of statuary grew up in the form of portrait statues, which were placed in the tombs to preserve the image of the deceased. Many of these portrait statues show a considerable degree of artistic skill. But Egyptian sculpture came to lose its independent character and to be used for the decoration of buildings. It appears in immense figures affixed to tombs and temples, and also in the multitude of bas-reliefs which adorned the walls of buildings. These sculptured designs were almost always colored, like the Assyr- ian, and show the early steps in the growth of painting. The subjects of these paintings are almost infinite in variety, from the representation of the gods to scenes of domestic life. The Egyptians also attained some skill in music, and possessed such instruments as the guitar, the harp, and the pipe, while the drum and the trumpet inspired the soldier on his march. Egyptian Writing and Literature. The great number of inscriptions cut upon the buildings and monuments indicate the peculiar character of the Egyptian waiting, and one of the ways in which records were kept. On account of these inscriptions and designs the buildings are veritable books in stone. But they remained practically sealed books until a key was found by which the inscriptions could be deciphered. The "Eoset'ta stone," discovered near one of the mouths of the Nile ^during Napoleon's expedition to Egypt (1799), contained a ro^^al decree written in three kinds of characters, the hieroglyphic, the demotic, and the Greek. With this key the French scholar Champollion deciphered the language (1821), and may be said to have unlocked the treasure-house of Egyptian learning. This line gives an example of the hieroglyphic characters : immmm my\*_ p^ 1 / , V K ( V 1 V V ,;\ _^-V^.a,.A - ^ ' V '^ . - ) ^^'--^ / -^0 ^ : y -'C'- --.s -3 , ^ %p: ^ V ^, \I E -- L N 1 V ': ; I ^ SPHACTERl- 1 , ^ _ \ ^ Laconian^ %^ V <5 6 SCALE OF MILES ^-V^ t 6 io 20 30 40 &0 \ * .. a* The Peloponnesus a Peloponnesian state. Sparta was still a city state, maintain- ing an authority over other city states. Position of Sparta in Greece. While there are many things that we might criticise in the narrow government, the austere training, and the domineering policy of Sparta, we must confess that she contributed much to the future greatness of Greece. She set an example of simplicity in life, of self-control, of patriotic devotion, of respect for existing institutions. She showed the importance of physical education, of healthy, strong, and symmetrical bodies ; and she gave Greece an ideal of physical manhood, which furnished an inspiration to Greek sculpture. She also set a pattern of military organization, by which in the subsequent period of foreign invasions Greece morey's greek hist. 8 120 BEGINNINGS OF GREECE was saved from destruction. Although Sparta did not repre- sent the highest culture of Greece, she did much to make that highest culture possible. SELECTIONS FOR READING Cox, Ch. 5, "Constitution and Early History of Sparta" (10). i Smith, Ch. 7, "Early History of the Peloponnesus " (10). Bury, Ch. 3, "Growth of Sparta" (10). Oman, Ch. 7, "The Dorians in the Peloponnesus" (10). Allcroft, Vol. I., Ch. 8, "The Spartan State" (10). Curtius, Vol. L, Bk. II., Ch. 1, "History of the Peloponnesus" (11). Holm, Vol. I., Ch. 15, " Sparta, the Constitution of Lycurgus" (U). Greenidge, Ch. 5, " Mixed Constitutions" (20). Gilbert, pp. 81-91, " The Lacedaemonian League" (20). Plutarch, "Lycurgus" (13). SPECIAL STUDY The Spartan Discipline. Oman, pp. 68-70 (10) ; Smith, pp. 66-69 (10); Abbott, Vol. I., pp. 211-217 (11); Curtius, Vol. I., pp. 215-222 (11) ; Holm, Vol. I., pp. 181-185 (11) ; Grote, Part n., Ch. C (11) ; Blumner, Ch. 3 (22). CHAPTER X THE IONIAN CITY STATE ATHENS I. The Athenian Monarchy and its Decline Character of the Ionian Race. As the Dorians represented the physical and military side of Greek culture, so the lonians represented its political and intellectual side. The lonians, therefore, stand for what we generally regard as the highest and most essential features of Greek civilization the love of freedom, the taste for intellectual pursuits, and a fine sense of beauty. The chief seats of the Ionian race were Attica, the 1 The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Appendix, where a fuller title of the book Will be found. THE IONIAN CITY STATE ATHENS 121 islands of Euboea and the Cyclades, and the central coasts of Asia Minor (see map, page 80). Of all the Ionian city states, Athens may be regarded as the most typical. The history of this state shows a continual tendency in the direction of democratic institutions. As we study it we shall see passing before us in succession the various phases of government monarchy, aristocracy, tyranny, and democracy. The Ancient Monarchy of Athens. Our knowledge of the early history of Athens is based almost entirely uj)on traditions ; but we are able to see that its most ancient government was patterned after the Homeric type with a king, a council, and an assembly. We can also, see that the Athenian state was evidently formed, in the usual way, out of a union of smaller groups the family, the gens, the phratry, and the tribe each of which was bound together by a common religion. The district of Attica was covered by a number of small communi- ties, each of which had been formed by such a union; and these communities came to be united about the Acropolis of Athens the common citadel of Attica where they joined in the common worship of Athena. The king was the head of this common state; and he was supposedto have founded the early institutions of Athens which in fact were the result of a gradual growth. The royal line included a long list of names from Cecrops, the mythical founder of Athens, to Codrus, the " last of the kings." The most celebrated of the intervening kings were Erech'theus, n after whom one of the noted buildings of Athens was named I ^^^Erechthe'iim), and Theseus, who was said to have brought the T|^ various towns of Attica (twelve in number) under one cen- J tralized monarchy. While we know very little of these tradi- tional kings, there can be little doubt that the ancient monarchy was the result of a gathering together of the smaller Ionian towns of Attica about a common center at Athens. Divisions of the People in Attica. In each of the Ionian towns of Attica there were certain divisions of the people which remained after the towns were united under the common 122 BEGINNINGS OF GREECE monarchy. In the first place, there were the four Ionian tribes which bore distinct names (Geleon'tes, Hople'tes, ^gic'ores, and Ar'gades) and which were each made up of phratries and clans. In the next place, there were three class divisions, upon which were based social rank and political privileges : (1) the well-born, or nobles (Eujmt'ndce), (2) the farmers (Georn'ori), and (3) the artisans {Demiur'gi). Of these classes the Eu'patrids stood nearest to the king. They were the only persons who possessed political privileges ; and from them the king chose the members of his council. If the rest of the freemen were ever called together in an assembly, it was only on very rare occasions. Decline of the Monarchy ; the Archonship. The decline of the kingly power at Athens was woven by tradition into a patri- otic story. It is related that when the Dorians were once invad- ing Attica, an oracle declared that that side would win whose king was slain. Codrus was then the king of Athens. In order to save his country Codrus devoted himself to3^ath ; he disguised himself as a peasant, entered the ranks of the enemy, and was killed ; and the Athenians declared that no one after Codrijs was worthy to bear the name of king. This was the tradition. The fact seems to be that the power of the king gradually declined, as other magistrates were appointed to exercise authority alongside of him. Relating to this subject Ar'istotle, who wrote a book on the Athenian government, says: " The first magistrates, both in date and importance, were the king, the polemarch (or commander in war), and the archon. The earliest of these offices was that of the king, which existed from the very beginning. To this was added, secondly, the office of polemarch, for the reason that some of the kings were feeble in war. The last of these three offices was that of the archon " (Athenian Constitution, Ch. 3). . Afterward, there were appointed six junior magistrates called, by way of distinction, thesmoth'etce, or guardians of the law. This whole body of magistrates came to be called the "nine archons." They were arranged in the following order: first, the three senior archons, THE IONIAN CITY STATE ATHENS 123 including (1) the chief archon, after whom the year was named, and who came to be regarded as the highest civil officer, (2) the polemarch, who commanded the army^ (3) the king archon, Y^ho presided over the public worship ; and, secondly, the six junior archons, or thesmothetce, who were equal in rank, who fkept the public records, and who acted as judges in certain cases. The nine archons were chosen from the bod}^ of Eupa- trids, or the nobles, and served for a year. Those who had served as archons became members of the council which position they held for life. As this council was accustomed to sit on the hill of Ares (Mars), it was called thq " Council of the Areop'agus." The Conspiracy of Cylon (628 b.c). Although the king- ship had now given way to the archonship, still the govern- ment was entirely in the hands of the noble families ; that is, the Eupatrids. Their rule was often harsh, and the people were discontented. We now see the first attempt to establish a 'tyranny" at Athens. The story goes that an ambitious young man by the name of Cylon - who had won a foot race at the Olympian games and had married the daughter of the tyrant of Megara hoped that his popularity would enable him to acquire the same power in Athens that his father-in- law exercised in Megara. So, with the aid of Megarian troops, he and his followers seized the Acropolis. But the people, in- stead of coming to his support, as he expected, joined the nobles in putting down the conspiracy. They besieged the Acropolis, and starved the conspirators into submission. Cylon himself escaped ; but his followers, when they saw that they must surrender, sought refuge near the shrine of Athena, which stood upon the summit of the Acropolis. To seize them while under the protection of the goddess would have been sacrilege. The archon Meg'acles, therefore, induced them to leave the shrine by promising them a fair trial. But to guard against any possible treachery, they attached a cord to the statue of the goddess, and, holding to this as a safeguard, they de- scended from the citadel. When they reached the foot of the 124 BEGINNINGS OF GREECE hill, the cord broke, and by command of the archon they were nearly all massacred. Thus the first attempt at tyranny proved a failure. On account of the treacherous act of the archon Megacles, his family (called the Alcmaeon'idae) was "accursed." The city of Megara, also, incurred the bitter hatred of the Athenians for its aid in this conspiracy. The Reforms of Draco (621 b.c). We can not say exactly what effect the conspiracy of Cylon had upon the condition of the people. It may be that they were emboldened to make new demands for justice and equality. It may be that their loyalty during this disturbance induced the nobles to grant them some rights. However this may be, certain changes were made which were intended to bring about a more peaceful con- dition of things. These changes were made by Draco, one of the six junior archons. In the first place, if we are to believe Aristotle, there were M^s^e political changes made by Draco. " The franchise was fOf^^veii to all who could furnish themselves with a military t\/t^*^ enuipment. There was also to be a new council, consisting of j^our hundred and one members, elected by lot from among V^^^ those who possessed the franchise. Both for this council and KjQ 1 lok the other magistracies, the lot was cast among those who \ \ ,tf^^re over thirty years of age ; and no one might hold office jfi%. twice until every one else had had his turn" (Athenian Con- ^istitution, Ch. 4).^ By giving the franchise to those who could )r furnish themselves with a military equipment, Draco made wealth, as well as birth, the basis of political rights. Another change attributed to Draco was the reduction of the laws to a written form. Hitherto the law had been sim- ply a body of customs which the nobles could interpret about as they pleased. When now these customs were written down, their severity became apparent ; so that it was said that the 1 The attempt of certain recent critics (like Nissen, Niese, and Peter Meyer in his "Aristotle's Politics and the Athenian Constitution") to throw dis- credit upon the above statements can not be regarded as successful, and seems to have been fully met by Gustav Gilbert. (Cf. " Constitutional Antiquities of Sparta and Athens," Eng. ed., 1895, pp. xxxiii-xxxix ; also p. 119, note.) THE IONIAN CITY STATE ATHENS 125 laws of Draco were " written not in ink but in blood." And there was some ground for this opinion ; for a petty theft could be punished by death, and an insolvent debtor could be sold into slavery. But this severity was probably due not to Draco, but to the old customs themselves, which he simply put into a written form. II. Solon axd the Athenian Aristocracy Solon as a Reformer. Thus far we have seen the decline of the old Athenian monarchy* and the growth of an aristo- cratic form of government a government which rested not only upon the high-born Eu- patrids, but upon the wealthy men who could furnish the equipment of a heavy-armed soldier. This aristocratic gov- ernment was reorganized by Solon. It was placed by him upon a broader basis, which Solon (So-called) prepared the way for the future democracy. The Athenians looked upon Solon as their greatest lawgiver. He was fitted by nature to be a social and political reformer. He was a man of thought, and was counted among the seven wise men of Greece. Like a genuine Greek, he believed in moderation in all things. He was, withal, a philanthropist and patriot, and placed all his ability at the service of his country. Need of Social Reform. The legislation and reforms of Draco did not relieve to any extent the condition of the com- mon people. The government was still in the hands of those who were privileged by birth or the possession of wealth. But 126 BEGINNINGS OF GREECE more than this, the poorer classes were held in a state of practical bondage to the rich. Aristotle has given us a vivid account of the condition of the people at this time. "The whole country," he says, " was in the hands of a few persons ; and if the poor tenants failed to pay their rent, they were liable to be reduced to slavery, and their children with them. Their persons were mortgaged to their creditors, a custom which pre- vailed until the time of Solon, who was the first to appear as the leader of the people. But the hardest and bitterest part of the condition of the masses was the fact that they had no share in the offices existing under the constitution. At the same time they were discontented with every other feature of their lot ; for, to speak generally, they had no part nor share in anything." (Athenian Constitution, Ch. 2.) Rem^al of Economic Burdens. Solon was .elected to the OttAnship (594 b.c), with full authority to remedy the evils Yf\9^'ot the state. His first measure was to emancipate the debtor j^jjJ^ slaves. The persons who had been sold into slavery were ^^'^J^^Fl^i^-^ freed. Those who had fled l/^?^/ 1^ \i^^rW^ 'W '^^^^ ^f *^^e poor which #^-> iL^'^^yj^^*'*4i(^^ ^^ ini "^Scr ^^^ been mortgaged were I/^ p^t^^0S^ ^Ht^tt^ss^^ relieved from their bur- Att V^^^^^ dens. All debts secured \ ^{QM^ /vinHENiAN Coin of Solon's Time ,, f/K . M^ upon the persons or prop- . '^^ty of debtors were canceled ; ^ and all loans made upon the \Ar security of the person were henceforth prohibited. This social reform was called " the removal of burdens." Extension of Political Rights. The reforms of Solon affected not only the social condition of the people, but their political rights as well. He knew that the people could not protect 1 Aristotle says that Solon "canceled all debts public and private" ; but he probably had in mind the kind of debts which caused the wretched condi- tion of the people which Solon intended to relieve. THE IONIAN CITY STATE ATHENS 127 themselves unless they received a larger share in the govern- ment. He did not, however, break down all class distinctions and make a pure democracy ; but he did give to all the free inhabitants of Attica certain political privileges according to the amount of their wealth. The people had already been divided for the purposes of taxation into four " census classes '' as follows : 1. Those who received from their land an income of five hundred measures of barley or wine, and were called "Five Hundred Measure Men " (Pentaco'sio-medim'ni). 2. Those who received three hundred measures, and could furnish a horse for the army, and hence were called " Knights " {Hip'peis). 3. Those who received two hundred measures, and were supposed to be able to own a yoke of oxen, and were called " Yokemen " {Zeug'itce). 4. All others, whether they owned landed property or not, called "Laborers" (The'tes). Upon these census classes Solon based the distribution of political rights ; that is, the right to hold office and the right to vote. The archons could be elected only from the first class. The inferior officers could be elected from the first, second, or third class, but not from the fourth class. The members of all four classes, however, could vote in the assem- bly. Still further to protect the lower classes from injustice, he established a system of jury courts (helice'a) in which all citizens, including the Thetes, could sit as jurors (dicas'tce). The New Council of Four Hundred. Solon retained the old Council of the Areopagus, which continued, as Aristotle says, to be the " guardian of the constitution," since it watched over the conduct of the magistrates and the welfare of the citizens, and punished the greater crimes against the state. But the Council of Four Hundred and One, established by Draco, was abolished ; and a new Council of Four Hundred was created one hundred members being chosen by lot from each of the four Ionian tribes. This council prepared the laws to be sub- 128 BEGINNINGS OF GREECE mitted to the people in the assembly. In this, as in the other features of the new constitution, we can see that the purpose of Solon was not to destroy the aristocratic element in the state, but to give a greater importance to the democratic element. Solon and the Athenian Discipline. Like the Spartans, Solon believed that the character of the state depended upon some form of discipline. But, unlike the Spartans, he believed that the sources of public virtue were in the home. He held the father responsible for training the son in habits of industry. He believed that education physical, intellectual, and moral was a means of preserving the state. " In the shady wres- tling-grounds, which spread themselves out in the neighborhood of the city, the young Athenians were to unfold the vigor of their bodies and minds, and grow to be a part of the state, which demanded men not drilled in the Spartan fashion, but fully and freely developed " (Curtius). Solon believed it to be the duty of every citizen to have an interest in public affairs ; and he disfranchised the man who refused to take part in political life. He also believed that individual liberty should be restrained in the interests of public morality ; and he pun- ished those who led infamous lives, or attempted to corrupt others. The Athenians were thus trained by a discipline, no less than the Spartans. But it was a discipline more rational, and based upon broader ideas of human nature ; and it finally led to a higher form of culture. The Last Years of Solon. The reforms of Solon were guided by wisdom and moderation. They were therefore criticised by the extremists of all parties. That they might be fairly tested, Solon is said to have bound the Athenians by an oath to observe them for ten years ; and then he departed from the city. He traveled in Egypt, in Cyprus, and is said to have visited Croesus, the king of Lydia. In response to a question of the king, as to who was the happiest of men, Solon, knoW' ing the fickleness of fortune, is said to have replied that " no one can be counted truly happy until he is dead." Whether this story is true or not, the fate of Croesus afforded an example THE IONIAN CITY STATE -ATHENS 129 of the truth of these words ; for he was afterward driven from his throne. Indeed, Solon also learned their truth ; for when he returned to Athens, he found his native city, for whose hap- piness he had so faithfully labored, still disturbed by civil strife, and he was led to believe that his work was a failure. III. PiSISTRATUS AND THE ATHENIAN TyRANNY Political Parties at Athens. As the old distinctions based upon birth the high born and the low born were passing away, new parties were growing up, composed of men who were looking after their own special interests. These parties took their names from the localities where they received their strongest support. There were, in the first place, the wealthy landowners, whose estates occupied the most fertile part of the lowlands, and who were hence called the Men of the Plain ; they formed the extreme aristocratic or oligarchical party. In the next place, there were the small farmers, shepherds, and herdsmen living upon the highlands, and therefore called the Men of the Hill; they formed the extreme democratic or popular party. Finally, there were the merchants and traders engaged in commerce, and hence called the Men of the Shore; they formed the moderate or conservative party. During the absence of Solon these parties were engaged in bitter struggles. In the midst of this strife and discord, one of the chief defects of the Athenian constitution became apparent. This was the lack of a single executive head, with sufficient power to administer the government with a firm hand. The war between the par- ties gave an opportunity for an ambitious man to seize the government, and to rule as a " tyrant." Usurpation of Pisistratus. The man who now played the role of tyrant at Athens was Pisis'tratus. He was an able general, a fluent speaker, a man who combined culture with craftiness. Although a noble by birth, he espoused the cause of the people and became the leader of the popular party. To seize the government he used a stratagem. He suddenly 130 BEGINNINGS OF GREECE appeared one day in the market place with bloody wounds inflicted by his own hand. But he gave the people to believe that he had received these wounds in defending their rights. In spite of the protest of Solon, the people were deceived and voted him a bodyguard of fifty men armed with clubs. With this he seized the Acropolis and made himself supreme (560 B.C.). After a rule of five years his enemies united and he was driven into exile. To restore himself to power he re- sorted to another stratagem. This time he was drawn into the city in a chariot attended by a stately woman dressed in armor to represent the goddess Athena, under whose segis he claimed to be brought back to power. The people were again deceived, and he was reinstated.' After a rule of six years he was again expelled. He recovered his power a third time, not by a strat- agem, but by open force, with the aid of a body of mercenaries obtained from Argos. From this time he was permitted to rule until his death. The Rule of Pisistratus. The methods which Pisistratus used to acquire his power were entirely different from the mode in which he exercised it during his three successive terms. " His administration," says Aristotle, " was more like a constitutional government than the rule of a tyrant." He retained the political forms established by Solon, only taking care that his own supporters should be elected to the archon- ship. He advanced money to the poorer people to aid them in obtaining a livelihood. He appointed local judges in the country, so that the rights of the lower classes might be pro- tected without their being obliged to come to the city for jus- tice. He adorned Athens with public buildings, not only to satisfy his own love of art, but to give work to the unem- ployed. He was a patron of literature and collected a library which he threw open to the i)ublic. He, is said to have made the first collection of Homer's poems. He gathered about him the poets and artists of Greece. He also encouraged com- merce and formed alliances with foreign states. He encour- aged in every way the worship of the gods, and instituted THE IONIAN CITY STATE ATHENS 131 splendid festivals in their honor. Although a tyrant by name, he was one of the greatest of Athenian rulers, and began the policy which afterward made Athens the literary and art center of Greece. Fall of the Athenian Tyranny. At the death of Pisistratus, the power passed into the hands of his two sons, Hip'pias and Hippar'chus. Hippias, being the elder, was really the head of the government. During the early years of his rule he fol- lowed his father's example, governing the people with mild- ness and encouraging art and literature. But a conspiracy was formed, led by the noted tyrannicides, Harmo'dius and Aristogi'ton, resulting in the assassination of the younger brother, Hipparchus. Embittered by this deed, Hippias be- came a tyrant in fact. He put to death his suspected ene- mies. He banished those whom he feared. He surrounded himself with a bodyguard of foreign mercenaries. He imposed arbitrary taxes upon the people. As the result of four years of such despotic rule, the name of tyrant was made forever odious to the Athenians. But Athens was helpless to throw off this tyranny without the aid of the gods or the help of some foreign power. The gods, accordingly, sent a foreign power to their relief. The Spartans were enjoined by the Delphic oracle to go to the aid of Athens. Under their king, Cleom'enes, the Spartan army entered the city and invested the citadel. The children of Hippias were captured by the Spartans ; and to obtain their release, Hippias surrendered the Acropolis (510 B.C.). He was permitted to retire into Asia Minor; the Athenians passed against him and his family a sentence of perpetual exile, and he became an open and bitter enemy of Greece. TV. Clisthenes and the Athenian Democracy Transition from Tyranny to Democracy. During the fifty years which extended from the rise of Pisistratus to the fall of Hippias (560-510 b.c), the Athenians were able to see 132 BEGINNINGS OF GREECE the dangers of a tyranny. They learned that the character of a tyranny depended upon the character of the tyrant. If the power was in the hands of an able and generous man like Pisi stratus, the people might prosper; but if it fell into the hands of a suspicious and violent man like Hippias, their liberties would be endangered. The man who now appeared as the friend of the people was Clis'thenes, who had taken part in overthrowing the recent tyranny. He was an able and far-seeing statesman, and one of the greatest political reformers that Greece ever produced. Although not devoid of personal ambition, he identified his own interests with those of the people, and placed the government upon a more demo- cratic basis. New Territorial Basis of the State. The political organiza- tion had hitherto been based upon the old Ionian tribes, which were made up of phratries and clans. To possess any political rights, one must, therefore, belong to one of the old Ionian families. But Clisthenes laid a new foundation to the state, by dividing the territory into local districts and giving to all persons residing in these districts a share in the govern- ment. The smallest district was the deme, or township, which had its own local government, with its town officers and its town meeting. A number of demes (generally three or four) made the next larger district, the trittys, which might be compared to our county. There were thirty of these trittyes a group of ten in and about the city of Athens, of ten along the coast, and of ten in the intermediate territory. To make his new local tribe, which was a sort of senatorial district, Clisthenes selected by lot one trittys from the city group, one from the coast group, and one from the interior group. In this way the territory of Attica was divided into ten local tribes, each one of which was made up of people living in different localities. This ingenious arrangement tended to break down the old strife between the men of the Plain, the Hill, and the Shore. We might compare the old Ionian state of Solon with the new Attic state of Clisthenes as follows : THE IONIAN CITY STATE ATHENS 133 The Old Ionian State 4 Ionian tribes. 12 pliratries, or brotherhoods. 560 (?) clans, or gentes. The New Attic State 10 local tribes. 30 trittyes, or county districts. 100 (?) demes, or townships. The New Government of Clisthenes. The new territorial divi- sion of the people furnished a new basis for the various branches of the government. 1. The assembly (ecde'sia) was now made up of all per- sons who were enrolled in the various demes, whether they were members of the old Ionic tribes or not. The assembly became the real sovereign power in the state. It passed upon questions relating not only to peace and war, but also to reve- nues and taxation, and to domestic and foreign policy. 2. The senate (boide) was now composed of five hundred members, fifty of whom were chosen by lot from each local tribe, or senatorial district. It took the place of the old Coun- cil of Four Hundred chosen from the Ionian tribes. It formed a deliberative body, preparing measures to be submitted to the assembly, and it also had a supervision over matters of ad- ministration. 3. The chief magistrates were still the nine archons, who were, however, now chosen by lot from candidates presented by the demes. About this time there was a new arrangement made in respect to military officials. Ten generals (strate'gi) were elected, probably one from each tribe, to command the ten tribal regiments ; while the polemarch remained the commander in chief of the whole army. The ten generals came in time to supersede the archons as chief magistrates of the state. Protection against Tyranny; Ostracism. The great purpose of Clisthenes was to insure the political equality of all citizens. The changes which he made in the constitution were sufficient to protect the state against the dangers of aristocracy. Neither birth nor wealth now conferred any special privileges. It was also necessary to protect the state against the dangers of tyr- anny, or the usurpation of power by a prominent party leader. 134 BEGINNINGS OF GREECE Clisthenes decided to leave to the people themselves the ques- tion whether the presence of any man threatened the safety of the state. If at any special meeting of the assembly, called for that purpose, six, thousand votes were cast against any man, that man was obliged to withdraw from the city for ten years. As these votes were written upon pieces of earthen- ware (ostraca), the process was called " ostracism." It was in- tended, not as a punishment, but as a precaution. The person ostracized lost none of his rights of person or property ; he simply went into an honorable exile. This peculiar custom, while it was intended as a safeguard against tyranny, was yet capable of abuse and of being used for partisan purposes. The Triumph of Democracy. From this review we can see how the ancient monarchy of Athens was gradually transformed into a well-organized democracy. The old king, who held his office by hereditary right, was displaced by the archons, chosen at first from the nobles, and finally from the whole body of the people. The ancient Council of Elders, or war chiefs, passed into the Council of the Areopagus, which consisted of the ex-archons, and which was supplemented by new councils, at first, the Council of Four Hundred and One, established by Draco, and chosen from the wealthy classes ; afterward, the Council of Four Hundred, established by Solon, and chosen from the four Ionian tribes ; and, finally, the Council of Five Hundred, established by Clisthenes, and chosen from the mem- bers of the new Attic tribes. The assembly had passed through somewhat similar changes, until it had come to be composed of the whole body of citizens, and to hold the sovereign power of the state. As Athens came to represent the principle of democracy, the Spartans came to be the chief defenders of the aristocratic principle. Under their king, Cleomenes, they even invaded Attica and attempted to overthrow the new Athenian constitution; but these efforts proved a failure. With her democratic institutions firmly established, Athens continued to grow in strength until she became the chief city of Hellas and the champion of Greek liberty. THE IONIAN CITY STATE ATHENS 135 SELECTIONS FOR READING Smith, Ch. 10, "Early History of Atliens to Pisistratus" (lO).i Oman, Ch. 11, "Early History of Attica" j Ch. 13, " Solon and Peisis- tratus" (10). Bury, Ch. 4, " Union of Attica and the Foundation of the Athenian De- mocracy" (10). Curtius, Vol. I., Bk. II., Ch. 2, "History of Attica" (11). Abbott, Vol. I., Ch. 9, "Early Attica" ; Ch. 13, "Solon" (11). Holm, Vol. I., Ch. 26, " Athens to the Time of Solon " ; Ch. 27, " Athens under Peisistratus and his Sons "'(11). Grote, Part II., Ch. 11, " Solonian Laws and Constitution" (11). Cox, Greek Statesmen, "Solon," "Peisistratos," " Kleisthenes " (26). Plutarch, "Solon" (13). Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, Chs. 3-21 (13). SPECIAL STUDY The Constitution of Clisthenes. Oman, Ch. 16 (10) ; Cox, Ch. 12 (10) ; Abbott, Ch. 15 (11) ; Bury, pp. 211-215 (10) ; Allcroft, Vol. I., Ch. 15 (10) ; Curtius, Vol. I., pp. 401-411 (11) ; Grote, Part I., Ch. 31 (11) ; Greenidge, pp. 157-162 (20) ; Gilbert, pp. 145-152 (20). 1 The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Appen- dix, where a fuller title of the book wiU be found. rROOXiESS ^ O^ I y-} Abdtra^Sb Maronea*^^ ^ \J LtMNOS TENEDbSl SEA Chi; CHIOi o p o n t i s k Lbydc Phocspai $k '*Co\QP^> D I COLONIES OX THE KORTHEKN .EGEAN ANU PnOPOSTIS SCALE OF MILES SAM08ghSt^ ^ 6 10 20 30 4'0 50 "136 Loni ^E MAF ZSTo. 4. .P H R ^ ^ * '^ l| ^ggphesus / #" IP ^ THERA N F ^ I C REATER HEEEAS Sixth Century B.C CYPRUS E Naucri A uphrates' Y^ Chief Seats of Colonization, ^ '"'u'ans I I .Eolians and Achceans rians I I Phcenicians SCALE. OF MILES East 25 from 360 "ibo ^ .-/\/1 I.L. POATES. EN6R. 137 LIST OF PRINCIPAL GREEK COLONIES The name of the parent colony is placed in parenthesis, together with the date of settlement when known. These dates can be regarded as only- approximate, and are variously given by different authorities ; the dates below are generally those accepted by Grote. I. Eastern Colonies. 1. Northern ^gean. Methone (Eretria, 720 e.g.). Mende (Eretria). Torone (Chalcis). Olynthus (Chalcis, 480 b.c). Potidia (Corinth). Abdera (Teos, 553 b.c). Maronea (Chios), ^nos (^olia). 2. Propontis. Abydos (Miletus). Lampsacus (Miletus, 650 b.c.) . Cyzicus (Miletus, 756 b.c). Chalcedon (Megara, 674 b.c). Byzantium (Megara, 657 b.c). Perinthus (Samos, 600 b.c). Sestos (^olia). 3. Euxine or Black Sea. (a) Southern and Eastern Coast. Heraclea (Megara, 560 b.c). Sinope (Miletus, 770 b.c). Trapezus (Sinope). Phasis (Miletus). Dioscurias (Miletus). (&) Western and Northern Coast. Apollonia (Miletus). Mesembria (Megara). Odessus (Miletus). Istrus (Miletus). Olbia (Miletus). Heraclea (Heraclea Pontica). Tanais (Miletus?). Phanagoria (Miletus). 4. Africa. Naucratis (Miletus, 660 b.c). Cyrene (Thera). Barca (Cyrene). 138 II. Western Colonies. 1. Adriatic Coast. Corcyra (Corinth, 730 b.c). Ambracia (Corinth, 650 b.c). Apollonia (Corinth, 600 b.c). Epidamnus (Corcyra^ 625 B.C.). 2. Italy, (a) Southern Coast. Tarentum (Sparta, 707 b.c). Sybaris (Achaia, 720 b.c). Croton (Achaia, 710 b.c). Locri (Locris, 683 b.c). Rhegium (Chalcis, 720 b.c). (6) Western Coast. Cumae (Chalcis, 1050 b.c?). Neapolis (Cumse). Posidonia (Achaia). Velia (Phocsea, 550 b.c). 3. Sicily. (a) Ionian Colonies. Naxos (Chalcis, 735 b.c). Catana (Naxos, 729 b.c). Zancle (Chalcis, 728 b.c). Himera (Zancle, 648 b.c). (b) Dorian Colonies. Syracuse (Corinth, 734 b.c). Gela (Rhodes, 690 b.c). Agrigentum (Gela, 582 b.c). Selinus (Megara, 630 b.c). 4. Gaul. Massilia (Phocsea, 697 b.c). Olbia (Massilia). CHAPTER XI THE EXPANSION. OF GREECE THE COLONIES I. The Extension of Hellas The Hellenic World. We look upon Sparta and Athens as the two most important cities of Greece ; but we must not lose sight of the fact that the Hellenic world extended far beyond the boundaries of these two states. There were many other cities which passed through a similar political experience. Some of them, like Sparta, formed aristocratic governments. Others, like Athens, worked their way toward democratic in- stitutions. The most important of the aristocratic cities, or oligarchies, were Thebes in Boeotia, Chalcis and Ere'tria on the island of Euboea, and also Corinth, Megara, and Sicyon, on or near the isthmus of Corinth. The most important of the dem- ocratic cities, after Athens, were Argos and Elis. Moreover, these political movements were not confined to Greece proper, that is, to European Hellas ; they extended to that part of Hel- las lying upon the Asiatic coasts. Here, in the presence of Oriental monarchies, the Greek spirit of freedom showed itself in political agitations and revolutions. The whole Hellenic world seemed imbued with a common Hellenic spirit the spirit of liberty and of local independence. Colonial Expansion. At the same time that the cities of Hellas, both in Europe and in Asia, were working out the problem of free government, the boundaries of the Hellenic world were widening by the establishment of colonies. The causes leading to the colonial expansion of Greece Were various. In the first place, the growth of population required the forma- tion of new settlements ; and these could be formed only in the unoccupied lands which bordered upon the adjoining seas. In 3iorey's greek hist. 9 139 140 BEGINNINGS OF GREECE the next place, the political discontent resulting from aristo- cratic oppression led many people to seek a refuge in new- lands. In their new settlements they hoped to find more free- dom than they had possessed at home. Hence, we find a large number of colonies established by cities subject to aristocratic rule. Finally, the growing spirit of commerce furnished a strong impulse to colonization. The coasts of the ^gean were indented with natural harbors; and the Greeks early shared with the Phoenicians the spirit of commerce and the trade routes of the sea. With the decline of the Phoenician powder, the Greeks became the leading commercial people of the East. Like the Phoenicians, they dotted the shores of the Mediter- ranean with their trading posts. Greece thus became the mother of colonies, and from the eighth to the sixth century (750-550 B.C.), the territory of Hellas was continually growing wider and wider. Character of the Greek Colony. The Greek colony was a community of Greek citizens transported to a new land. It was generally the offshoot of a single city, although one colony might sometimes be formed by the people of different cities. The Greek colony carried with it the traditions, the customs, the language, and the religion of the parent city. Wherever it might be planted, it continued to bear the blossoms and fruits of Greek culture. The founding of a colony was a mat- ter of so much importance that it was customary to consult the oracle at Delphi to ascertain whether the undertaking would meet with the divine sanction. If the response was favorable, a "founder" was appointed to lead the colonists to their new home. The sacred fire taken from the altar of the parent city was carried with the colouists as a symbol of their filial devo- tion. The infant colony worshiped the same gods as the parent city ; and in every way showed tire sacred reverence due from a daughter to a mother. But in its political life the col- ony was entirely independent of the parent state. Though bound by filial affection, it was not subject to parental author- ity. It formed its own government, made its own laws, and EXPANSION OF GREECE THE COLONIES 141 was expected to work out its own destiny.^ The colonies thus became new centers of Greek life. The Colonizing Cities. The cities of Greece were not equally zealous in the planting of colonies. Of the chief cities, Athens was one of the least conspicuous in this movement. This may have been due to the fact that she was at first more devoted to politics than to commerce, or to the fact that her subjects were less discontented than elsewhere. Sparta, on account of her distance from the sea, was also not important as a colonizing state. But her subjects especially the Messe- nians were sometimes driven by her oppressive government to seek a refuge beyond her dominion. Of the cities of Greece proper the foremost in the colonizing movement were Chalcis and Eretria, situated on the island of Euboea ; and //^Af0^^lX>^\ X^^^ of these two cities Chalcis was the leader. This city had a favorable seaboard ; it commanded the copper trade of the East ; and its aristocratic government ^^^^ ^^ Eretria was a cause of popular discontent. These facts are sufficient to explain its colonizing spirit. Next after Chalcis and Eretria should be mentioned Megara and Corinth, both of which were favorably situated for commerce, and were often misruled by an oppressive oligarchy. But the city which surpassed all others as a colonizing center was situated not in Europe, but in Asia. This was Miletus, the most celebrated city of Ionia. It possessed four large harbors, and seems to have fallen heir to the commercial enterprise of the Phoenicians. Miletus is said to have been the mother of eighty colonies. Other, less important, colonizing cities of Ionia were Phocaea, Teos, and 1 This statement does not apply to the subject colonies, or "cleruchies," sent out by Athens as a means of maintaining her influence in a foreign land. In this case the settlers retained their political relations and rights as mem- bers of the parent state. 142 BEGINNINGS OF GREECE Samos. A few colonies were established by the ^olian cities of the north, and a still less number by the Dorian cities of the south of Asia Minor. (See maps, pages 80 and 136, 137.) Areas of Colonization. The lands open to Greek coloniza- tion were the unoccupied coasts of the Mediterranean and Black seas. Some of these lands had already been held by Phoenician colonists; but the decline of Phoenicia gave an opportunity to the Greeks, either to take possession of the old Phoenician sites, or to establish new settlements. The new lands were generally inhabited by a barbarous people ; but the native products of these lands afforded a strong in- ducement to Grecian traders. There were two general areas open to colonization, which we may distinguish as the Eastern and the Western. The Eastern area comprised the northern coasts of the ^gean Sea; the shores of the Propon'tis with its tributary straits, the Hellespont and the Bosphorus; the extensive coast of the Euxine or Black Sea; and also the northeastern coast of Africa. The Western area comprised the western coasts of Illyr'icum and Epirus ; the coasts of southern Italy and Sicily; and the seaboards of the western Mediterranean, including southern Gaul, and extending along the shores of Spain. II. The Eastern Colonies of Hellas Colonies of the Northern ^gean. If we desired to make a journey to the various Greek colonies, we should naturally set out from the island of Euboea and .coast along the northern shores of the Mgesrn. Here we should find the towns settled chiefly by the Euboean cities of Chalcis and Eretria. The first colony which we touch is Metho'ne, founded by Eretria on the Thermaic Gulf. But the most important part of this coast is Chalcid'ice, a three-pronged peninsula jutting far out into the sea, which took its name from Chalcis in Euboea. On this peninsula we should find more than thirty towns settled by Chalcis and Eretria, among which are Mende, EXPANSION OF GREECE THE COLONIES 143 Olyn'thus, and Toro'iie. The only important city of Dorian origin was Potidse'a, founded by Corinth. As we proceed farther to the east, we come to certain cities founded by the Asiatic lonians; for example, Abde'ra, founded by Teos, and Marone'a by Chios. Beyond these are the two chief towns settled by the ^olians of Asia Minor, namely, ^nos on the Thracian Sea, and Sestos on the Hellespont. The chief sources of wealth on these northern coasts were the rich deposits of gold, silver, and copper, and the valuable timber gathered from the forests and used for shipbuilding. Colonies on the Propontis. As we sail through the Helles- pont into the Propontis, we pass several Ionian cities Aby'- dos, Lamp'sacus, and Cyz'icus founded by Miletus. The lonians not only made extensive settlements on the southern coast of the Propontis ; they also established stations on the northern coast, like that of Perin'thus, founded by the people of Samos. But the lonians were not the only people who found their way into this little inland sea. The Dorian peo- ple of Megara established the city of Chalce'don on the southern shore of the Bosphorus, or the strait leading into the Euxine. The earlier colonists evidently had shut their eyes to the great advantages of the opposite shore ; for the Delphic oracle is said to have advised the later colonists of Megara to " build opposite the city of the blind." The Megarians thus obtained the honor of founding the most important emporium of the East, the colony of Byzan'tium which afterward became the city of Constantinople. Colonies on the Euxine or Black Sea. On passing through the Bosphorus we enter the great expanse of the Euxine, or the Black Sea. On account of its forbidding shores this sea was at first known to the Greeks as the Axei'nos (inhospi- table) ; but when its coasts had become covered with Greek colonies and made attractive to the stranger, it was called the Euxei'nos (hospitable). It was on the shores of this sea that the Ionian city of Miletus, following in the track of Phoeni- cian merchants, established the largest part of her colonies. 144 BEGINNINGS OF GREECE Early in the eighth century (770 b.c.) she planted her first colony at Sino'pe on a projecting headland of Asia Minor. Farther east arose the flourishing town of Trape'zus (Trebi- zond), which soon became an important emporium. At the eastern extremity of the sea, in the fabled land of Colchis, were established other trading posts, like Phasis and Dioscu'- rias. Turning back to the Bosphorus once more, let us follow along the western and northern coasts of the Euxine, among the barbarous Thracians and Scythians. Here the colonizing movement was slower. But along these coasts the merchants of Miletus had opened ports at Apollo'nia, Odes'sus, Istrus, and other places between the Bosphorus and the Danube. Beyond the Danube to the north were erected outlying stations, like Ol'bia, Phanagori'a, and Tan'ais, the last-mentioned place being the remotest frontier of Greek civilization. The advantages gained by the Ionian city of Miletus by planting so many colonies in the Black Sea spurred her Dorian rival, the city of Megara, to make similar efforts. As a result, Megarian settlements were established in the places left vacant by Miletus such as Mesem'bria on the western coast and Heracle'a (Pontica) on the southern coast, from which a town of the same name was settled on the opposite shore in the Chersone'sus Tau'rica (Crimea). From this great region of the Black Sea, the Greeks were supplied with many valuable commodities. Its mines, its fisheries, its cattle, its timber, its fields of grain, besides its supply of slaves, contributed to the wealth of the merchants and to the industrial development of the Greek peo})le. Colonies in Africa. As we leave the shores of the ^gean and the Euxine and pass to the south, we find new evidences of commercial enterprise. The northern shores of Africa were for the most part held by Carthage and Egypt. Carthage, a colony of Tyre, was building up a commercial empire of its own. But Egypt for a long time took little interest in foreign trade ; and the country was closed to the merchants of other lands. It was due to the enterprising spirit of Miletus, as well EXPANSION OF GREECE THE COLONIES 145 as to the exceptionally liberal policy of the Egyptian king Psaminetichus, that the Nile was opened to Greek traders. On the Delta of this river was established the commercial station Nau'cratis. This station j&nally grew into an extensive Greek settlement, from which Egyptian commodities, as well as Egyptian ideas, flowed into Hellas. To the west of the Nile the inhabitants of the little island of Thera formed a colony at C^re^e, which itself became a colonizing center, planting settlements at Barca and other places along the coast. III. The Western Colonies of Hellas Colonies in Epirus and lUyricum. In making a tour of the western colonies one would set sail from Corinth, pass through the Gulf of Corinth, and visit first the settlements planted by the Corinthi- ans on the shores of Epi- rus and Illyricum. Here one would land at Cor- cy'ra, the most important . , , p , , T CI Coin of Corcyra island 01 the Ionian !Sea. Although this island was at first occupied by the Eretrians, it afterward passed into the hands of Corinth, and was regarded as properly a Corinthian colony. With this island as a start- ing point, the Corinthians took possession of the adjoining coasts, and settled colonies at Ambra'cia, Apollonia, and many other places. Far to the north, Corcyra planted a colony of its own at Epidam'nus on the coast of Illyricum. But the island of Corcyra was not only a colonizing center for north- western Greece ; it was from very early times a sort of half- way station between Greece and Italy. Colonies in Italy ; Magna Graecia. On crossing the Ionian Sea, we first touch the heel of Italy, the ancient country of lapyg'ia ; and here we enter into a new area of Greek coloni- zation. When the Greeks first settled in Italy, the country 146 BEGINNINGS OF GREECE was inhabited by a barbarous people. Southern Italy thus furnished a suitable field for Greek emigrants. It became a sort of overflow for the surplus population and discontented people of the home lands. If we coast along the southern shores of Italy, we first come to the important colony of T^en'tum, founded by refugees from Sparta, and situated upon the best harbor of the peninsula. We then pass Syb'aris and Croton, settled by the overflowing population of Achaia ; and Locri, whose inhabitants had left their home in Locris as the result of civil discord. In passing through the Sicilian Straits, we see to the right the important town of Khe'gium, with its mixed population of Chalcidians from Euboea and Messenians from the Peloponnesus. On the western coast of Italy to the north we find three important colonial centers : first, Ve'lia (or E'lea) settled by the people of Phocsea from Asia Minor ; next, the celebrated city of Posido'nia (Peestum), named from the god of the sea, and settled by an Achaean people ; finally, to the north, Cumse, whose origin is lost in antiquity, but which was probably founded by the Chalcidians, and from which sprang up the neighboring town of Neap'olis (the new city). Southern Italy thus furnished many new homes for the Greek people ; and so thoroughly was it Hellen- ized that it received the name of Magna Grsecia. Colonies in Sicily. Perhaps more important than the colo- nies in Italy were those established on the coasts of Sicily. Like Italy this island was for the most part inhab- ited by barbarous people, although the Carthagini- ans were already encroach- ing upon the eastern extremity. We find in Sicily two groups of colo- CoiN OF THE Carthaginians in Sicily ,, t nies: the one Ionian to- ward the north, and the other Dorian toward the south. The center of the Ionian group was Naxos, founded by that enter- EXPANSION OF GREECE THE COLONIES 147 prising people whom we have so often met before, the Chalcid- ians, and who were here joined by the inhabitants of the island of Kaxos in the ^gean. From ISTaxos in Sicily was settled the neighboring town of Cat'ana. The Chalcidians strengthened their position on the Sicilian straits by building the city of Zancle (Messa'na) on the shore opposite Kheginni. This city also became a refuge for the Messenians, who shrank from the rule of Sparta, and from whom the city derived its later name. The influence of Zancle was paramount along the northern coast, where it founded new towns, like Him'era. Turning to the c? ^ Coin of Syracuse south, the center of the Dorian group of colonies was Syr'acuse. This city was the strongest and most celebrated of all the cities of the island. It was founded by Corinth, and became an important factor in the later struggle between the Dorian and Ionian states of Greece. Under the shadow of Syracuse the Dorian people from the far-off island of Rhodes formed a settlement at Gela, which in turn sent out a colony to Agrigen'tum. The farthest outpost on the southwestern coast was Seli'nus, planted by Megara. The greater part of Sicily, like southern Italy, thus became Greek in its population, in its political institutions, and in its civilization. Colonies in Gaul and Spain. It remains for us to notice the outlying colonies in the western Mediterranean. The most hardy of all the Greek mariners were probably the Phocseans of Asia Minor. They braved the dangers of the deep and the hatred of the Carthaginians, and succeeded in opening a trade route to the coasts of Spain. As an intermediate station they built the city of Massil'ia (Marseilles), which became an impor- tant colonizing center. To the east and to the west trading posts were established which gave to the Phocaeans the com- 148 BEGINNINGS OF GREECE mand of this region. But with the exception of Massilia these distant ports became merely trading stations, and to a limited extent only the centers of Greek culture. In Spain were a few Greek colonies, but the Hellenic influence never became strong on these distant coasts. The effect of the establishment of these colonies was to give to .the Greeks the command of the Mediterranean Sea, and to make its coasts a part of the Hellenic world. SELECTIONS FOR READING Smith, Ch. 12, " History of the Greek Colonies" (10). l Bury, Ch. 2, "Tlie Expansion of Greece" (10). Oman, Ch. 9, ",Tlie Age of Colonization" (10). Cox, Ch. 8, " Hellas Sporadike" (10). Timayenis, Vol. I., Part II., Ch. 5, " The Hellenic Colonies" (11). Abbott, Vol. I., Ch. 11, " The Greek Colonies" (11). Holm, Vol. I., Ch. 21, "Greek Colonization" (11). Curtius, Vol. I., Bk. II., Ch. 3, "The Hellenes beyond the Archipelago" (11). Greenidge, Ch. 3, "Colonization" (20). SPECIAL STUDY Greek Commerce and Marine. Bury, pp. 109, 110 (10) ; Curtius, Vol. II., pp. 543-546 (11) ; Guhl and Koner, pp. 253-264 (22) ; Blumner, pp. 481-488 (22) ; Becker, pp. 277-292 (22) ; Harper's Class. Diet;, "Navis" (18); Smith, Diet. Antiq., "Ships" (18). 1 The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. CHAPTER XII THE CULTURE OF THE EARLY GREEK STATES I. The Religious Culture of the Greeks General Character of Greek Culture. We have now learned something of the most important cities of Greece and of the various colonies scattered over the coasts of the Mediterranean and the Euxine. From the fact that these cities and colonies were almost entirely independent of one another, we might con- clude that they had no bond of union and no common life. But this would be a mistake. There were many things which gave to the Greeks a common national life. The various cities, independent as they were, all seemed working toward a common political end the overthrow of monarchy and the establishment of freer institutions. The colonies, also, though scattered and isolated, were inspired by a common commercial spirit. But that which more than anything else made the Greeks one people, and that which gives to them a special interest to us to-day, was their superior type of culture a culture which distinguished them from all other peoples. Although deriving many of their ideas from the East, they gave to these ideas a new stamp, and developed a form of civilization distinctively their own. If we should try to characterize this type of culture, we might call it, for the want of a better word, humanistic that is, based upon human nature and pervaded by a human spirit. The Greeks believed in the dignity of man. They sought to attain a symmetrical human development in accordance with human reason. Religion as a Bond of Union. In considering the early phases of Greek culture we may regard religion as the first and the most fundamental. Religion was the strongest bond of 149 150 BEGINNINGS OF GREECE union between the different elements of Greek society, and also between the different branches of the Greek race. We have already seen how the early family, the gens, the phratry, the tribe, and the state, were each bound together by a common worship. So, too, the Achaeans, the ^olians, the Dorians, and the lonians, wherever they might live, all worshiped the same gods. However much they might be embittered by mutual jealousies and by wars, they found in their religion a common bond of sympathy. The Delphic Oracle. One of the most important centers of the religious and national life of the Greeks was the oracle of Apollo at Delphi, situated in Phocis at the foot of Mt. Parnassus. The Greeks looked upon Apollo as preeminently the god of revelation, the god of light, of inspiration, and of prophecy. He had many oracles, but no others so renowned as that at Delphi. Here, according to tradition, he had killed the serpent Python. Here was his most illustrious temple, rich with costly gifts bestowed by his worshipers. Here his breath was supposed to issue from a cleft in the rock, over which stood a tripod the seat of the Pyth'ia, or priestess, who uttered his will. The inspired words of the Pythia were taken down by the attendant priests, and delivered to the people. The oracle was consulted by private persons and by the envoys of cities from every part of Hellas. Answers were given to questions relating to religion and politics, to national disputes, to wars, and to colonization. Although these answers often had a double meaning and were difficult to interpret, still the Delphic priests were able by means of this sacred oracle to exercise a great and generally a beneficial influence upon the Greek people. The Amphictyonic League. The influence of the Greek religion, as a bond of union, is also seen in the associations of cities called Amphic'tyonies. They were leagues of sev- eral cities or tribes, bound together under the guardianship of some god and for the protection of his worship. The most important of these was the famous Amphictyon'ic League, CULTURE OF THE EARLY GREEK STATES 151 organized for the protection of the temple of Apollo at Delphi, It was made np of twelve states of central and northern Greece, which sent to Delphi a number of delegates forming a council. Although religious in its origin, it also had a political influence in binding the cities together under a kind of legal code. The cities were bound, not only to protect the temple of the god, but to respect one another's rights in time of war not to cut olf the running water which supplied a city, and not to destroy any Amphictyonic town. Such restrictions brought a humane element into the conduct of war, and was a step in the growth of international law. The Panhellenic Games. The religious institutions which perhaps more than all others tended to promote a national unity and a national type of culture, were the great public games. These were celebrated in honor of the gods ; and they show how closely religion was connected with all the phases of human life, with art and literature, and even with athletic sports. Chief among these games were those held every four years at Olympia in Elis. The physical contests consisted in running, jumping, throwing the discus or quoit, casting the javelin, wrestling, boxing, and sometimes in chariot racing. These games were not barbarous sports, but were subject to strict rules, intended to promote the restraints of discipline and the sense of honor. The competitor must be a Greek of good character, well trained and unblemished b}^ any physical or moral taint. The reward of the victor was a wreath of olive leaves. He was made the object of special honors ; the Olym- piad, or the succeeding period of four years, received his name, and his statue was carved by a distinguished artist and set up for public admiration. The games also furnished a field for intellectual culture. Here poets recited their verses ; painters displayed their pictures; and men of science explained their discoveries. Olympia became adorned with noble buildings especially the temple of Zeus. The multitude which gathered here from every part of Hellas carried back to their homes the feeling of a common kinship, and the love of Greek ideals. 152 CULTURE OF THE EARLY GREEK STATES 153 Other, less noted, games were the Pythian, given in honor of Apollo near his shrine at Delphi ; the Ne'raeau, in honor of Zeus at jSTemea in Argolis ; and the Isthmian, in honor of Poseidon on the Isthmus of Corinth. These four Panhellenic games were among the most important features in the Greek national life. In them we see " all the Greeks united in the common practice of their religion, and in the common observ- ance of their customs, pursuing the same aims of physical and intellectual improvement, and at peace with one another for at least a small part of the year, even though war might be raging among the various states " (Holm). Special Religious Festivals. Besides these general celebra- tions which belonged to the whole of Greece, there were special festivals which were more local in their character. These were holiday enter- tainments given in honor of certain dei- ties, and for the sake of social recreation. They consisted of processions, singing, dancing, games, and other diversions in which the people took a part. There were a number of these festivals in At- tica. The most important of them were : the Panathenae'a, given in honor of Athena; the Dionys'ia, in honor of the god of wine, Dionysus; and the Eleu- sin'ia, in honor of the goddess Demeter. The last-named festival was of peculiar interest, especially to those who had been initiated into the secret rites of this worship. It consisted of a solemn procession in which every one might take part, from Athens by the " sacred way " to the city of Eleusis, the seat of the mysterious worship of the goddess. The secret ceremonies and doctrines attending this worship were called the "Eleu- sinian mysteries," of which no one was supposed to have any knowledge except the initiated. Panathenaic Vase (6th century B.C.) 154 BEGINNINGS OF GIIEECE II. The Beginnings of Gkeek Art Character and Sources of Greek Art. The art of Greece, like that of the Orient, was closely related to religion. But Greek art was as different from Oriental art as the Greek religion was different from the Oriental religion. The gods of Baby- lon, who dwelt among the stars, could be approached only by lofty temples, towering toward the sky. The grim religion of Egypt produced imposing structures which were gigantic and awe-inspiring. But the Greek religion aj^pealed more strongly to human sympathy and revealed a finer sense of beauty. It produced an art which showed the marks of taste and reason, of moderation, of symmetry, and proper proportion. Some of the early features of Greek art were no doubt derived from the East ; but its distinctive character was due to the refined taste of the Greeks themselves. That which we most admire in a Greek temple or a Greek statue is that combination of artistic qualities simplicity of design, grace of form, sym- metry of structure, and sincerity of expression which we can find in no earlier people. The Greek Temple. For the highest expression of Greek art we must look to the temple. During the historical period we find in Greece no royal palaces, like those in Assyria or Egypt, or even like those previously built on Greek soil at Tiryns and Mycenae. The reverence for royalty passed away with the growth of political freedom ; and so the architectural skill and taste of the Greeks were devoted almost entirely to the service of the gods. In every city the temple was the most beautiful and conspicuous object. In its design the Greek temple was a simple roof supported by columns and covering a space inclosed by four walls. It is supposed that this design grew out of the form of a dwell- ing house, made of wood, with a front porch. At first the building had two columns in front (m antis), and then four columns (pro' style) ] afterward it had also four columns in the rear (amphip'i'ostyle), and finally the whole building was CULTURE OF THE EARLY GREEK STATES 155 1, In antis ; 2, prostyle Types of the Greek Temple 3, aniphiprostyle ; 4, peristyle (the Parthenon) 0, opisthodomus ; S, statue (West) N, naos ; surrounded entirely by a colonnade (per'istyle). The inclosed space in the largest temples generally consisted of a principal part (na'os or cello), in which was placed the statue of the deity, and a rear part (opisthod'oynus), which contained the treasures of the temple. The architectural style of the building was indicated chiefly by the columns and capitals which supported the roof. The Doric Style. The earliest Greek style of architecture was the Doric, which is supposed to have had its origin among the Dorian people of the Peloponnesus. One of the best specimens of this order was the temple of Athena on the island of ^gi'na. By looking at the parts of this building we may get an idea of the structural features of the Doric style. The building rests upon a stone founda- tion (crepido'ma), built in the form of steps, supporting the column. The column consists of two parts : first, the shaft, grooved with perpendicular flut- ings and having a perceptible swelling (en'tasis) in the center ; and second, the capital, made up of a circular band (echi'nus) surmounted by a square block (ab'acus). Upon the column morey's greek hist. 10 [iiMiiMiii-ijriri^^ West Front of Temple at ^gina 156 BEGINNINGS OF GREECE was placed the entablature, which consisted of three parts : first, the architrave, presenting a plain surface of stone, above which was a slight projection (tce'nia)-^ then the frieze, made up of a succession of projecting and fluted blocks (tri'gliphs) with intervening spaces {meVopes) ; and, finally, the projecting cornice, upon which the roof was supported. Looking at the front, or facade, of the build- ing, we see the triangular space, or gable, be- tween the cornice and the roof, called the pediment ; this was often filled with the finest specimens of the sculptor's art. The Doric was the simplest of the Greek styles. It gave the impression of strength and repose and was regarded by the Greeks as masculine in its character. The Ionic Style. The more refined and feminine style was the Ionic, which may perhaps have had its origin in Ionia. This was not used to a great extent in European Greece until the next period. The most im- portant example during this period was the renowned temple of Artemis (Diana) at Ephesus. We may see the distin- guishing features of this order by comparing it with the Doric. The Ionic column has a distinct base with three circular bands. The shaft is more slender than the Doric. The capital is adorned with a spiral roll, or volute, which forms a marked feature of this style. The architrave is divided into three layers of stone; and the frieze is not separated into triglyphs and metopes like the Doric, but consists of a continuous sur- Greek Doric Style 1, shaft ; 2, echinus ; 3, abacus ; 4, ar- chitrave ; 5, taenia ; 6, frieze ; 7, cor- nice Greek Ionic Style CULTURE OF THE EARLY GREEK STATES 157 face, sometimes decorated with ornamental de- signs. The Doric and Ionic styles represent the chief phases of early Greek architecture ^ and suggest respectively the stronger and the more refined elements of the Greek character. Architectural Decoration. One of the essential features of Greek art is seen in the method used in architectural decoration. Indeed, the differ- ence between true art and false art can be most quickly detected in the use of decorative features. The Greeks used color upon their buildings ; but the color was employed not to cover up or con- ceal, but to emphasize the structural features. They used ornamental designs; but these were employed not to draw attention to themselves, but to make more beautiful the whole building. They also adorned their buildings with sculptured figures ; these, however, were not obtrusive and pretentious, but 'ILiy^ULJB Grp:ek Corin- thian Style Greek Decoration 1, fret ; 2, egg and dart ; 3, bead and fillet ; 4, honeysuckle subordinate to the main struc- ture, contributing to the gen- eral effect, and helping to interpret its real meaning. The Greeks employed a great variety of ornamental designs, such as the fret, the egg and dart, the bead and fillet, and the honeysuckle. The way in which these designs were em- ployed may be seen in the ac- companying illustration. Here is no pretense and no decep- 1 The so-called Corinthian order, which was of later development, "hardly deserves to be called a distinct order. Its only peculiar feature is the capital ; otherwise it agrees with the Ionic order " (Tarbell). 158 BEGINNINGS OF GREECE tion. The Greeks believed that perfect art is unpretentious and does not tell a lie. Early Greek Sculpture. The art of sculpture did not make as rapid progress in this period as did architecture. In fact, most of the examples which are left to us are crude and archaic. We can see the first feeble efforts to break away from the stiff and conventional forms of the East, and to give to stone the features of life. The influence of religion is seen in the early attempts to represent the gods in the form of men ; but these attempts are suggestive of idols rather than statues. The credit of giving to statues a more lifelike appearance is ascribed to the mythical Daed'alus, who was said to be a native of Athens. Schools of sculpture grew up in the cities of Asiatic Greece, Samos, and Chios ; in European Greece, at Argos, ^gina, and Athens; and in Sicily, especially at Selinus. We have pre- served to us some of the sculptured reliefs from the metopes of the temple at Selinus. These consist of small groups of figures representing mythological scenes, and are carved in a very rude fashion. But they are interesting, as they show the early way in which sculpture was used for temple decoration. Among the strongest influences which led to the improvement of sculpture during this time were the encouragement given to physical training and the custom of erecting at Olympia statues to successful athletes. But it is not until the close of this period that we see the sculpture beginning to acquire some of those artistic qualities which we have noticed in the archi- tecture. III. The Greek Language and Early Literature The Greek Language. Another strong bond which united the various branches of the Greek people was their language. This gave them a common means of communication, and like their religion it preserved among them the feeling of kinship. It also separated them from the outside "barbarian" world, and contributed to the growth of a distinct Hellenic culture. CULTURE OF THE EARLY GREEK STATES 159 Although a branch of the great Aryan or Indo-European family, the Greek early surpassed the other languages of this group as an instrument of thought and expression. Nothing, not even the Greek religion or the Greek art, reflects more strongly the characteristic features. of the Greek mind its freedom, its versatility, its refinement, its wonderful aesthetic and intel- lectual resources. By means of this remarkable language the Greeks produced a literature which has given them a high place among the most civilized peoples of the world. We can here take only a hasty glance at the growth of the literature during this formative period. Decline of Epic Poetry. At the beginning of the period the Greeks already possessed the " poems of Homer." These epics were the richest inheritance that they had received from the prehistoric age of greater value than all the treasures of Mycenae. These poems pictured in matchless verse the glories of the past, and recounted the deeds of gods and heroes. The epic was thus the poetry of action, and as such the Homeric epic could not be equaled. It was feebly imitated by a class of poets ^called the Homer 'idae, who still sang of the legends of Troy and of mythical heroes. A new and lower kind of epic was introduced by He'siod, who is said to have been a native of Boeotia. This kind of epic was less heroic and more didactic in its character; that is, written for purposes of instruction. The " Theog'ony " of Hesiod is a sort of theological treatise containing a description of the gods and the religious faith of the ancient Greeks. The " Works and Days " is a poem of common life, describing the labors of the farmer and inter- spersed with wholesome moral advice. Transition to Lyric Poetry. With the decline of the epic, or the poetry of action, there arose a new kind of poetry more closely related to human thoughts and feelings. This is shown in what are called the elegiac, the iambic, and finally the lyric verse. The elegiac and the iambic poetry, like the older epic, made their first appearance among the lonians. The elegy was composed of alternating lines of different lengths, the one 160 BEGINNINGS OF GREECE of six feet (hexameter), the next of five feet (pentameter). It was accompanied by the music of the flute, and was serious in its character, sometimes used to express feelings of sadness, and sometimes patriotic in its appeals. The chief elegiac poets were Calli'nus of Ephesus, and Tyrtse'us of Athens. It is said that Tyrtseus was sent to Sparta during the Messenian wars to inspire the Spartan soldiers with a heroic spirit. The iambic poetry, differing from the elegy, was the poetry of wit and satire, and devoted to raillery and invective. Its chief representative was Archil 'ochus, a native of the island of Paros. These two forms of poetry the elegiac and the iam- bic prepared the way for the higher and more cultivated form of the lyric. The ^olian Lyric Poetry. The influence of music upon poetry may be seen in the growth of the lyre, an instrument which the Greeks regarded as especially their own. To the earlier four-stringed lyre, or cithara, which had formerly been used to accompany the voice, other strings were added by Terpan'der of Lesbos, giv- ing to it the compass of the octave. This was considered as an epoch in the history of music. It not only increased the capacity of the instrument, but gave a new inspiration to the singer. The new poetry which arose received its name from the lyre, and it made its first appearance on the ^olian island of Lesbos, the home of Terpander. The chief poets of ^olia were Alcae'us, who sang of patriotism and war; Sappho, who sang of love ; and Ana'creon, who sang of the pleasures of life. Of these Sappho is preeminent. To the Greeks she was "the poetess," as Homer was "the poet." Of the few fragments which remain to us, modern critics can hardly ex- press their admiration. Says one, " Of all the illustrious artists of all literature, Sappho is the one whose every word has a Greek Lyres CULTURE OF THE EARLY GREEK STATES 161 peculiar and unmistakable perfume, a seal of absolute perfec- tion and inimitable grace" (Symonds). The Dorian Lyric Poetry. Another form of lyric poetry was cultivated by the Dorians. Their poems were not so personal as the ^olian songs, which were intended for a single voice ; they were more public in their nature, and intended to be sung by a number of voices. They comprised hymns, or choruses, for the public worship of the gods, and songs to be sung at public festivals. The chorus, accompanied by dances or pro- cessional marches, was not a new thing in Greece. But it came to have a new character, and wCs reduced to a regular form under the influence of three poets Alcman, Stesich'orus, and Ari'on. Alcman regulated the rhythmic movement of the per- sons singing the chorus. The movement of the singers from right to left before the altar, and the part of the hymn, or ode, sung during this movement, were called the " strophe " ; the movement from left to right, and the corresponding part of the hymn, were called the " antis'trophe." Stesichorus added an after-part, sung after these movements were completed, by the chorus when standing still, and called the " ep'ode." Arion is said to have given a special form to the chorus in the wor- ship of Dionysus, the wine god. The chorus of fifty singers was arranged about the altar in the form of a circle, and the hymns were accompanied with dancing, gestures, and mimetic features. This choral hymn was known as the ^' dith'yramb," and from it sprang the later drama. IV. Early Greek Philosophy The Beginnings of Philosophy. Another phase of Greek cul- ture, quite as important, perhaps, as those already mentioned, is seen in the growth of philosophical thought. We begin to see something like philosophy in the sayings of the " Seven Wise Men," among whom were numbered Tha'les and Solon. These men put into pithy form practical maxims for the guidance of life. Some of these maxims were inscribed upon 162 BEGINNINGS OF GREECE the temple of Apollo at Delphi ; for example, " Know thyself." "Do nothing in excess." Other sayings ascribed to the wise men were these: "The greatest blessing is the power to do good." " Pardon is better than punishment." " The most difficult things are to keep a secret, to forgive injuries, and to improve one's time." Besides these words of wise men, the growth of science also prepared the way for philosophy. Mathematics and astronomy were among the earliest of these sciences. When men began to learn that the move- ment of the heavenly bodies is controlled by certain fixed laws, and not by the whim of the gods, they began to lose faith in the old mythology, and to seek for some explanation of things more in accordance with reason. Philosophy thus tended to purify the old religion. The Early Ionic Philosophy. Like other forms of Greek cul- ture, philosoj)hy had its origin in the Ionian cities of Asia Minor. Here the Greeks came into contact with the scien- tific notions of the Assyrians and Egyptians, which fur- nished a kind of starting point for Greek philosophy. The Ionic philosophers w^ere students of physical science, of the laws of the material world ; hence their philosophy was what might be called a physical, or materialistic, philosophy. As they studied the various and changing forms of matter, they were led to believe that there must be some primitive form of matter from which all other forms are derived. There are three men who mark the progress of this kind of thinking Thales, Anaxim'ines, and Anaximan'der. Thales was a mathematician and astronomer. He traveled in many lands, and is said to have taught the Egyptians how to measure the height of their pyramids by means of the shadows. As he studied the world, and saw that it is every- where encircled by the ocean, that the land arises from the abyss of the sea, that everything is tinctured with moisture, that even the seeds grow only under its influence, he was led to believe that ivater, in some form or other, is the primitive matter from which everything else proceeds. CULTURE OF THE EARLY GREEK STATES 163 Anaximines, however, saw that the world, with its lands and waters alike, is surrounded by the all-embracing air ; that even where there is no water there is air ; that air is the breath of life, and that without it all beings cease to exist. He, there- fore, concluded that air is the primitive substance. But Anaximander saw that all the kinds of matter which we know anything about are continually changing in their form and qualities ; that water, for example, is condensed from vapor, and that vapor must have come from something more primitive in fact, that everything must have come from some unknown original substance different from anything which we see. This primitive chaotic matter, from which he believed everything was evolved, he called the infinite substance. The Philosophy of Pythagoras. A new school of philosophy was founded by Pythag'oras, who w^as a native of Samos, an Ionian city of Asia Minor. He is said to have traveled in Egypt, and perhaps in Phoenicia and in Babylon, and to have absorbed the wisdom of these countries. At any rate, he was called the most learned man of his time. He finally settled at Croton in southern Italy, where his philosophy exercised a great influence in Magna Graecia. . Pythagoras was first of all a mathematician ; and he looked at everything through mathe- matical eyes. He saw that everything possesses number, either one or many ; and hence he reasoned that number is the principle of everything. We can not of course indicate the method of his reasoning, or the various ways in which he ap- plied his principles. It is enough for us at present to remem- ber that he was the mathematical philosopher. He was also a religious and moral teacher and organized a secret frater- nity, the purpose of which was to cultivate the highest virtue among its members. The Eleatic Philosophy. Another school of philosophy arose in Elea (Velia), on the western coast of Italy, called the Ele- atic school. This was also connected, like the others, with Ionia in Asia Minor ; since its founder, whose name was Xenoph'- anes, originally came from the Ionian city of Colophon. This 164 BEGINNINGS OF GREECE philosopher embodied his ideas in a poem " On Kature." As he looked at the world, he saw that all things are parts of one complete and harmonious whole; and hence to ex2)ress his idea in a brief form he used this phrase, " The All is One." He also affirmed that the one universal principle which com- prehends and controls everything else, is God. Aristotle says that " he looked up to heaven and pronounced the One to be God." This idea was entirely opposed to the old mythological idea of the gods contained in Homer and Hesiod, and shows that the philosophy of the Greeks was tending to elevate and purify the old religious ideas. We can thus see, in the Greek art and literature and phi- losophy, evidences of the growing refinement, versatility, and power of the Greek mind, which was gradually expressing it- self in a distinctive Hellenic culture, different from that of any other ancient people. . SELECTIONS FOR READING Mahaffy, Survey, Ch. 3, "First Two Centuries of Historic Develop- ment" (10). 1 Cox, Ch. 7, "Intellectual Education of the Greeks " (10). Smith, Ch. 13, " History of Literature "; Ch. 13," History of Art " (10). Holm, Vol. I., Ch. 24, "Growth of Greek Philosophy, Literature and Art in Asia Minor" (11). Curtius, Vol. II., Bk. IL, Ch. 4, " The Unity of Greece" (11). Symonds, Greek Poets, Ch. 1, "Periods of Greek Literature" (23). Zeller, First Period, Parti., "The Three Earliest Schools" (24). Collignon, Bk. L, "Origin of Greek Art" (19). Tarbell, Ch. 3, "Greek Architecture" (19). SPECIAL STUDY The Greek Festivals and Games. Smith, Ch. 6 (10) ; Cox, pp. 47-50 (10) ; Holm, Vol. L, Ch. 19 (11) ; Guhl and Koner, pp. 199-231 (22) ; Gulick, pp. 91-105, 306-308 (22) ; Bliimner, Chs. 8, 11 (22) ; Harper's Class. Diet, (see names of different games and festivals). 1 The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Appen- dix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY ^>Kc PEEIOD III. THE PEESIAN WAES; GEOWINa POWEE OF ATHENS (500-479 B.C.) CHAPTER XIII THE ENCROACHMENTS OF THE EAST UPON THE WEST I. The Lydian Conquest of Asia Minor Character of the New Period. We now approach the period which is, in many respects, the most eventful and heroic in the whole course of Greek history. The Greeks had already become an active, enterprising, and cultivated people. Their influence was beginning to be felt on nearly every shore of the Mediterranean not only in European Greece and Asia Minor, but also on the Propontis and the Euxine, in Italy and Sicily, and even on the coasts of Africa, Gaul, and Spain. They had everywhere broken down their old monarchies, and had estab- lished freer institutions. They were also laying the foun- dations of a broader and more liberal culture. They had, in short, come to be the representatives of a new and higher civi- lization. But now came a great crisis in their history, when they were called upon to defend their very existence. Their cities, their colonies, their commerce, their free institutions, and their new culture, were all threatened with destruction 165 rno<:>iiinssi^E iM^r* jsto. 5. 160 ENCROACHMENTS OF THE EAST UPON THE WEST 167 by the great powers of the East. During this time we shall see a struggle between the East and the West which was to decide whether Greek civilization was to survive, or whether Europe was to fall under Asiatic dominion. As we follow this conflict we shall see not only the triumph of Europe over Asia, but also how Athens came to be the principal center of Greek life and influence. Position of the Asiatic Cities. The chief point of contact between the East and the West was the coast of Asia Minor, which was fringed with Greek cities. These cities formed the eastern frontier of the Hellenic world. They were in many respects the pioneers of Greek civilization. They had thus far taken the lead in the cultivation of poetry, art, and philosophy. But, like the cities of Greece, they were politi- cally independent of one another. While they had a common religion and a common culture, they were not inclined to bind themselves together in a common state, and hence they were comparatively weak in the presence of their Oriental neigh- bors. Lydia and the Conquest of the Greek Cities (560 B.C.). Of the four great Oriental powers which were flourishing in the sixth century, namely, Lydia, Media, Babylonia, and Egypt, Lydia was in the closest proximity to the Greek cities of Asia Minor. The kings of Lydia were inspired with the Oriental passion for conquest. Under their king Gyges, the Lydians subdued Magnesia and Colophon; and under Alyat'tes they captured Smyrna and formed alliances with Ephesus and Miletus (see map, page 80). But it was their more renowned king, Croesus, who completed the conquest of this part of the Greek world. Croesus adopted, however, a very liberal policy toward his new subjects. While he compelled them to pay tribute, he granted them a certain amount of local freedom, and did not force them to raise troops for his army. The prosperity of the Greek cities was thus not seriously affected by the Lydian conquest ; on the contrary, they found in Lydia a protector rather than an oppressor. 168 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY II. The Rise and Conquests of Persia Rise of Persia under Cyrus (558-529 B.C.). But a power greater than Lydia soon appeared and absorbed all the countries of western Asia. This power was Persia. It was originally a small province situated on the Persian Gulf, and subject to the Median empire. About the middle of the sixth century b.c. its prince, whom we know as Cyrus the Great, revolted from Media, and became the founder of a new world empire. Many stories are told about the birth and early life of this great man ; but they are largely mythical, and need not be rehearsed. His chief significance for us is the fact that he created the most powerful empire that the world had yet seen, and established a policy which was destined to bring Asia into conflict with Europe. Conquest of Lydia and the Asiatic Greeks. With the over- throw of the Median empire, Cyrus proceeded to extend his kingdom to the West. This required the conquest of Baby- lonia west of the Tigris, and of Lydia west of the Halys River. Lydia was especially alive to the dangers of Persian aggression. Her energetic king, Croesus, who had now under his control the Greek cities of Asia Minor, assumed the part of defender of western Asia. He is said to have consulted the oracle of Apollo at Delphi, and to have received the re- sponse that "if he crossed the Halys, he would destroy a great empire." Not thinking that this might apply to his own em- pire, as well as to that of Cyrus, he crossed the river, and after an indecisive battle retreated into his own territory. Without delay Cyrus invaded Lydia and captured Sardis. The Greeks then offered to surrender on condition of receiving the same privileges that they had enjoyed under Croesus. This was re- fused, and they were rapidly reduced to submission. Asia Minor now became a part of the Persian empire. The Greek cities were obliged to pay tribute, to furnish ships and soldiers, and to submit to the control of a Persian governor. Conquests in Asia and Africa. After the conquest of Lydia and the Greek cities, Cyrus turned his attention to his next ENCROACHMENTS OF THE EAST UPON THE WEST 169 great rival, Babylonia. With the fall of Babylon (538 b.c), this empire also became a part of his dominions. It is to the credit of Cyrus that he permitted the Jews, who had been held in captivity since the days of Nebuchadnezzar (see page 63), to return to their home in Jerusalem. After the death of Cyrus his son, Camby'ses (529-522 b.c), extended the Persian authority over Phoenicia, Cyprus, and Egypt, and even reduced the Greek colonies of Cyrene and Barca on the African coast. But an army sent into Ethiopia perished in the sands of the desert ; and an expedition planned against Carthage failed, because the Phoenician sailors refused to serve against their kinsfolk. The rule of Cambyses was oppressive and often cruel, and was marked by frequent revolts in different parts of the empire. Conquests in Europe under Darius. The insurrections which attended the death of Cambyses were quelled by Dari'us, who was, next to Cyrus, the greatest king of Persia. He has a special interest for us, because he was the first to extend the Persian authority into Europe which fact paved the way for the subsequent invasion of Greece. The purpose of Darius in entering Europe was, according to Herodotus, to send an expedition against the barbarous Scythians. So far as the Scythians were concerned, this expedition proved a failure. But on his return to Asia, Darius left in Europe an army which subdued Thrace and the Greek cities to the north of the Propontis and the ^gean as far west as the river Strymon, and even compelled Macedonia to acknowledge the supremacy of the great king. The Persian empire was thus extended into Europe to the boundary of Thessaly, the northern province of Greece. Ill, The Persian Empire and its Civilization Extent of the Persian Empire. Before we consider the further attempts of Persia to encroach upon Europe, we may take a brief survey of this great empire and of the civiliza- tion which was now brought face to face with that of Greece. FiiOORESsi^nE m:^p :xo. g. ENCROACHMENTS OF THE EAST UPON THE WEST 171 In its geographical extent Persia surpassed all the previous empires of the East. It not only covered all the lands hitherto occupied by Assyria, Babylonia, Media, Lydia, and Egypt, but added to them other territory not included in these older empires. It extended from the Indus River to the ^Egean Sea, a distance of about three thousand miles. It com- prised, in fact, the whole civilized world except India and China in the Far East, and Greece and Carthage in the West. Political Organization of the Empire. The form of govern- ment established over this vast domain was patterned after that of the Assyrians, but strength- ened and perfected by the genius of Darius. For purposes of admin- istration the territory was divided into a number of provinces, or satrapies, each under a provincial governor, or satrap, appointed by the king. The provinces were subject to the satraps, and the satraps were subject to the king. The chief duty of the provincial subjects was to furnish men for the royal army, ships for the royal navy, and money for the royal treasury. The provinces were joined to the capital, Susa, by military roads, the most important of which was the great royal road from Susa to Sardis, fifteen hun- dred miles long. The person of the king was exalted above that of other men. He sat upon a throne made of gold, silver, and ivory. His garments were of richest silk. To serve him was the highest mark of nobility. To minister to his comfort, one dignitary was chosen to carry the royal parasol, another The Persian King 172 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY the royal fan, while other officers were appointed to perform other equally honorable duties. The chief support of the royal authority was the army drawn from the different provinces. When called together, it was marshaled by nations, each with its own costume and subject to royal officers. The footmen were armed with the sword, the spear, and their favorite weapon, the bow, in the use of which they were expert. The cavalry was an impor- tant branch of the army, and was very effective when fighting upon an open plain. The choicest part of the Persian army were the " Ten Thousand Immortals," so called because their numbers were perpetually maintained. On the sea the Per- sians were able to gather from their subjects a large number of ships, mostly triremes armed with iron prows. With such an army and navy the Persians had already conquered Asia, and hoped to conquer Greece. Persian Art and Literature. As the Persians were chiefly a conquering and ruling people, they were not distinguished for their intellectual achievements. Whatever art they pos- sessed was mostly a mere reproduction of that of Assyria and Babylon. Their architecture and sculpture showed no evidences of marked originality. While using an Aryan speech, the Per- sians adopted for writing the wedge-shaped characters of their predecessors. They made no contributions to science ; and for many generations they possessed no literature worthy of notice except the " Aves'ta," which was the Persian Bible. Persian Religion and Morality. The most distinctive feature of the Persian civilization was its religion. The. religion of Persia was doubtless an outgrowth of a lower polytheistic nature worship ; but it seems to have reached its highest de- velopment under the influence of Zoroas'ter. This religious reformer is supposed to have lived in Bactria about the middle of the seventh century b.c. Some scholars are inclined to believe that his name stands merely for a mythical person; while others strongly assert that " we must accept the histori- cal reality of Zoroaster " (Sayce). He considered the powers of ENCROACHMENTS OF THE EAST UPON THE WEST 173 nature as separated into the powers of light and the powers of darkness the one under the control of the great god of light (Ormuzd), who is the creator of all that is good ; and the other under the control of the god of darkness (Ah'riman), who is the father of all that is evil. This is a system of religion which we call Dualism. The whole universe is looked upon as a struggle between light and darkness, between the good and the evil, in other words, between Ormuzd and Ahriman. Human life in the same way is regarded as a perpetual struggle between good and evil ; and the duty of man is to cleave to that which is good and to shun that which is evil. Morality was closely related to religion. The Persians believed in truthfulness as a high moral virtue, and despised lying and deceit. The higher elements of the Persian religion were corrupted under the in- fluence of a priestly class, the Magi, who were inclined to worship the symbol of fire in place of the god of light, and to regard the performance of religious rites and ceremonies as the chief duty of life. Persia and Greece. We should, of course, recognize the services which Persia performed by uniting the countries of the East under a higher political system, and by resisting the barbarous Scythians of the north. But we can not fail to see the striking contrast between this civilization and that of Greece. In Greece we have seen the decline of monarchy and the establishment of free institutions; in Persia we see the culmination of monarchy in the most highly centralized form of despotism. In Greece we have seen the growth of a new culture based upon the dignity of man, the supremacy of reason, and the love of beauty ; in Persia we see the decaying stages of an old culture, which had been inherited from the older monarchies of the East, which had been developed under the influence of a priestly class, and which was strongly marked by Oriental features, extravagance, luxury, and effeminacy. If we take a larger view, we may see in Persia and the East the lower stages of human progress from which arose a higher development in Greece and the West. 174 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY IV. The Revolt of the Ionian Cities Causes of the Ionian Revolt. The great conflict between the East represented by Persia, and the West represented by Greece, began with the revolt of the Greek cities in Asia Minor, The cities of Ionia were at this time under the control of the Persian satrap Ar- SCALE OF MILES Q TENEDOS ^ LESBOS '.^^^ Phocea~r.ti-'^ / 4^:f Ni Seat of the Ionian Revolt ENCROACHMENTS OF THE EAST UPON THE WEST 175 position which she afterward assumed in resisting the Per- sian encroachments. When Aristagoras had roused the Greeks of Asia Minor, he crossed over to Greece and first sought the aid of Sparta, as the most powerful of the Greek states. Meet- ing with a rebuff here, he turned to Athens, as the second city of Greece. Athens regarded herself as the mother of the Ionian colonies. She was also indignant because Persia had espoused the cause of her former tyrant, Hippias, w^hom she had ban- ished some time before (see"pagel31). Persia thus seemed to Athens to be the supporter of tyranny, while her own kins- men w'ere struggling for liberty. The Athenians accordingly voted that a squadron of twenty ships be sent to the aid of the Ionian cities. ' To this squadron were added five ships from Eretria in Euboea ; and this small fleet formed the first hostile expedition sent by the European Greeks against Persia. The Burning of Sardis (499 e.g.). Before the satrap Arta- phernes could gather a sufficient force to defend his capital, the Greeks "made themselves masters of the whole city, except the citadel. One of the buildings being set on fire by a soldier, the flames spread from house to house until the whole city was consumed. ... In the burning of Sardis the temple of Cyb'ele, the tutelar goddess of the country, was totally destroyed, which was afterward made a pretense by the Persians for burning the temples of the Greeks'' (Herodotus, Bk. Y., Chs. 101, 102). The Greeks in their retreat from the city were followed by the Persian army and suffered a severe defeat. This so dis- heartened the Athenians that they returned to Greece. The burning of Sardis, with its sacred temple, aroused the wrath of Darius against the Athenians. Herodotus tells the .story that the king, on learning of this disaster, called on Zeus for vengeance, and commanded a slave to remind him thrice every day of the Athenians who had dared to interfere in the affairs of Asia. Suppression of the Revolt. ^^The lonians continued their resistance; but on account of their lack of union and effect- ive organization, they were unable to cope with the forces of morey's greek hist. 11 176 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY the king. Off the little island of La'de, near Miletus, they were severely defeated by the Persian navy. The city of Miletus, the center of the revolt, was stormed, captured, and burned ; and its inhabitants who escaped the sword were reduced to slavery. The remaining cities of Asia Minor were reduced in rapid succession. The neighboring islands which had taken part in the revolt Chios, Lesbos, and Ten'edos were obliged to succumb. The Persian fleet reduced the rebellious towns on the Hellespont and the Propontis. The people of Chalcedon and Byzantium fled at the Persians' approach, and their cities were destroyed. The able Greek commander, Milti'ades, who was ruler of the Thracian Cher- sonese, and who had favored the cause of the Ionian cities, escaped and took refuge in Athens. After a war of nearly seven years (500-493 b.c), the revolt was entirely suppressed, and the Persian authority was reestablished in Asia Minor with greater severity than ever before. We see in the course of the Ionian revolt one of the chief elements of weakness that marked the Greek race; namely, the lack of union and the incapacity for effective organization. " At no time was there anything which could be called soli- darity among the Asiatic Greeks ; even the members of the same tribe had nothing to bind them together, except the worship of a common deity'' (Abbott). By loving liberty more than union, they lost their independence. SELECTIONS FOR READING Allcroft, Vol. IL, Ch. 1, " Introductory" (10). i Smith; Ch. 15, "Rise of the Persian Empire" (10). Oman, Ch. 13, " Greeks of Asia and the Lydian Monarchy" (10). Bury, Ch) 6, "Advance of Persia to the ^gean" (10). Timayenis, Vol. I., Part III., Ch. 1, "Persia " (11). Cox, General History, Bk. IL, Chs. 1, 2, "The Persian Empire" (10); Greek Statesmen, " Aristagoras " (26). 1 The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Appen- dix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. INVASIONS OF GREECE BY DARIUS AND XERXES 177 Abbott, Vol. I., Ch. 16, " The Greeks in the East " (11). Curtius, Vol. II., Bk. II., Ch. 5, " Conflicts with the Barbarians" (11). Holm, Vol. I., Ch. 23, " The Greeks of Asia Minor in Conflict with Lydia and Persia" (11). Grote, Part II., Chs. 32, 33, " Rise and Growth of the Persian Empire " (11). Herodotus, Bk. III., "Thalia" (Extension of the Persian Empire) (13). SPECIAL STUDY The Ionian Revolt. Smith, Ch. 16 (10) ; Cox, Bk. II., Ch. 3 (10) ; Oman, Ch. 15 (10) ; Timayenis, Vol. I., pp. 131-135 (11) ; Bury, Ch. 6, 6 (10) ; Abbott, Vol. II., pp. 39-56 (11) ; Curtius, Vol. II., pp. 193-204 (11) ; Holm, Vol. II., Ch. 1 (11) ; Herodotus, Bk. V., Chs. 28-38,49-54, 97-126 (13). CHAPTER XIV THE INVASIONS OF GREECE BY DARIUS AND XERXES I. The First Invasion, under Darius The Plans of Darius against Greece. By the suppression of the Ionian revolt, the Persian king was left free to pursue his policy of conquest. He was now determined to punish Athens and Eretria for interfering in the affairs of Asia, and especially for the part they had taken in the burning of Sardis. Darius accordingly laid his plans to insure the successful invasion of Greece. In the first place, it was necessary to secure the Idys,^ alty of the Ionian cities, so that another expedition into Europe might not be endangered by another revolt in Asia. In the next place, it was necessary to reconquer the people of Thrace and Macedonia, who had practically recovered their independence during the Ionian revolt. For the execution of these plans, the king appointed his young son-in-law, Mardo'- nius. The duties laid upon Mardonius were, therefore : (1) to conciliate the Ionian cities ; (2) to restore the Persian suprem- acy in Thrace and Macedonia; and (3) to invade Greece and destroy the cities of Eretria and Athens. 178 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY Failure of the Expedition under Mardonius (492 b.c). Hav- ing collected an army and fleet in Cilicia (sUish'i-a), Mardonius proceeded to execute the designs of the king. He first paci- fied the Asiatic Greeks. He did this, not as Artaphernes had tried to do, by supporting their hated tyrants, but by expel- ling these despotic officers and restoring the Grecian democra- cies. He thus took away from the cities one of the chief causes of their discontent. He then entered Europe by way of the Hellespont. His fleet reduced the island of Thasos. His land forces pursued their way through Thrace into Macedonia, and in spite of a temporary defeat brought these territories once more under the Persian power. The first and second parts of his programme were thus successfully carried out. But Eretria and Athens did not receive the punishment intended for them ; for the entire fleet of Mardonius was wrecked as it attempted to round the rocky point of Mt. Athos (see map, page 72). This first expedition thus failed to accomplish its ultimate purpose ; but this failure did not quench the wrath of the Persian king. Relations of Athens and Sparta. It soon became clear that if Greece was to be saved from the vengeance of Persia, it could be done only by the united efforts of Athens and Sparta, the two leading states of Hellas. If Darius had intended simply to punish Athens, Sparta might have been inclined to hold aloof. But when the king sent his heralds to all the cities of Greece, demanding from them "earth and water" as a token of submission, it was evident that Athens and Sparta must stand or fall together. To this demand of the king most of the island states, including ^gina, yielded. Many of the continental states hesitated; but Athens and Sparta stood firm, and even treated with indignity the royal heralds. Though Athens was the special object of the king's hatred, she was willing to recognize the headship of Sparta in the coming conflict. Expedition under Datis and Artaphernes (490 b.c). Darius placed his new expedition in the hands of a Median general, Datis, and his own nephew, Artaphernes, son of the Persian INVASIONS OF GREECE BY DARIUS AND XERXES 179 satrap whom we have before noticed. Instead of following the previous course of Mardonius and risking another disaster at Mt. Athos, the new generals proceeded directly across the sea. Their fleet consisted, it is said, of six hundred triremes. On their way they captured Naxos and reduced its inhabitants to slavery. But they spared Delos, the seat of the shrine of Apollo. They soon landed on the island of Euboea, and attacked the city of Eretria. After a gallant defense, the city fell by the treachery of two of its citizens. It was burned and its people were enslaved. The Persians now crossed over to Attica to mete out a similar punishment to Athens. By the advice of Hippias, the banished Athenian tyrant now in the service of the enemy, the Persians landed on the shore of Attica near the plain of Marathon. Miltiades and the Battle of Marathon (490 b.c). Upon Athens now rested the chief duty of defending Greece. She collected an army and sent it to meet the invaders. It was led by the ten strategi, or generals, who usually commanded the army each in his own turn. One of the generals was Mil- tiades, who had previously met the Persians and was ac- quainted with their tactics. To Miltiades it seemed necessary to attack the Persians on the plain of Marathon. The' other generals were divided in their opinions, but finally decided to ^ / yield to the advice of Miltiades and to give to him the chief f'^^*^^"'' command. A swift runner, ^hilip'pides. was dispatched to /r-^ Sparta for aid. This aid was promised ; but it was delayed on account of a Spartan superstition that an army should not be sent away before the time of the full moon. The only assist- ance which the Athenians received was from the friendly city of Platse'a, which sent its entire army, a thousand fighting men, raising the total force to ten or eleven thousand. The Greeks were drawn up in front of the town of Marathon. Opposite them the Persians were stationed nearer the sea and supported by their fleet. The battle line of the Greeks was equal in length to that of the Persians ; but the center was made weak in order to strengthen the wings. At a given signal, the 180 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY N> J FM<- /.S':^^'BAY OF MABATHON Battle of Marathon, b.c. 490 Greeks, heedless of superior numbers and the terrible shower of arrows, rushed upon the enemy. The battle was long and obstinate. The Persians broke the weak center of the Athe- nians and pressed forward in the intervening space. But the strong wings of the Greek army closed upon the enemy and routed them with great slaughter. The Persians were pursued to their ships, and with great difficulty embarked and sought refuge upon the open sea. Not entirely discouraged, the Persians sailed directly to Athens, hoping to find the city unguarded. But Miltia- des made a forced march to Athens ; and the Per- sians, when they arrived, found the city protected by the vic- torious army of Miltiades. Foil'ed at every point, Datis and Artaphernes sailed with their defeated forces back to Asia. When the full moon was passed, the Spartan army arrived to find that Marathon had been won. The Athenians were entitled to look upon Marathon as their own battlefield. The Spartans paid the highest tribute to their valor. The poets of Greece vied with one another in sing- ing the praises of the dead heroes. A monumental mound was thrown up in their honor, which remains to the present day. Two statues were erected to Miltiades, one at Athens and the other at Delphi. While the battle of Marathon did not end the struggle between the East and the West, it marked an im- portant step toward the ascendency of Athens in Greece, and of Greece in the civilization of the world. Fall of Miltiades. By the victory at Marathon, Miltiades became the great hero of the hour ; but from his exalted posi- tion he was destined soon to fall. He had proved himself INVASIONS OF GREECE BY DARIUS AND XERXES 181 to be the greatest soldier that Greece had yet produced. Flushed with honor, he promised the Athenians other victories if they would intrust him with a sufficient force. Herodotus tells the story that he prevailed upon the Athenians to grant him seventy ships for a foreign expedition on the assurance that he would enrich them with an abundance of gold ; that he proceeded against the island of Paros, which had sided with Persia during the war, and failing in his expedi- tion returned to Athens ; that he was charged by his enemies with deceiving his countrymen and w^as sentenced to pay a fine of fifty talents; that he died soon after from a wound received during the expedition, and that his fine was paid by his son Cimon (Herodotus, VI., 132-136).. This pitiful story need not affect our judgment of Miltiades as the first great MiLTiADES (So-called) soldier of Greece. If he was inconsiderate in making a fool- ish request of the Athenians, the Athenians were quite as inconsiderate in granting such a request. The world will think of Miltiades, not as the man who failed in an expedition against Paros, but as the heroic warrior who won the battle of Marathon. II. Interval between the First and Second Invasions (490-480 B.C.) Position of Athens in Greece. During the ten years which elapsed between the battle of Marathon and the next Persian invasion, Athens was gradually rising into greater prominence. 182 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY The great victory she had won placed her upon a level with Sparta as a military power. She looked upon her success as the result of the free institutions established by Clisthenes. Every citizen had now a share in h^r government, and took a pride in the glory she had achieved. The democratic spirit was growing stronger. The friends of Hippias, the banished tyrant, were ostracized ; and the popular party held the reins of government. The political questions which now arose in Athens were questions relating not so much to the form of government as to the best mode of maintaining and strength- ening the Athenian democracy. Aristides and Themistocles. The leaders of the Athenian democracy during this time were Aristi'des and Themis'tocles. Aristides, who was called " the Just,'' was a friend of liberty and a true patriot. He had supported the democratic reforms of Clisthenes, and had com- manded the Greek center at Marathon. No one was held in higher esteem as a man of personal and political integ- rity. He believed in preserv- ing the institutions and the policy which had made Athens the strong and successful de- fender of the liberties of Greece. Themistocles was no less a lover of freedom and no less a patriot. But he looked to the future as well as to the present. The success which Athens had already attained should not,- he thought, blind her eyes to the need of other achievements. He looked to what Athens might do, as well as to what she had done. Without attempting to compare or to contrast the personal characters of these two leaders, we may simply look upon one Themistocles (So-called) INVASIONS OF GREECE BY DARIUS AND XERXES 183 as the conservative, and the other as the progressive states- man of Athens both, however, the friends of democratic government. The Naval Programme of Themistocles. With a far-sighted vision Themistocles saw tliat the battle of ^larathon had not ended the struggle with Persia. He also saw that in the com- ing conflict Athens, the chief object of Persia's hatred, must again bear the chief brunt of Persia's attack. Persia was both a great military and a great naval power. In any future conflict, if Sparta was to be recognized as the chief military power of Greece, Athens should be recognized as its chief maritime power. There was also another consideration in favor of the policy of Themistocles. Athens was now embroiled in a war with ^gina, the neighboring island state which had shown a sympathy with Persia, ^gina had already a strong fleet. The only hope of winning in this war was by meeting ships with ships. With arguments such as these The- mistocles enforced upon the people the need of a strong navy. 4^^ Ostracism of Aristides. This progressive scheme naturally excited the opposition of the conservative men of Athens. They argued that if Persia attempted to invade Greece by way of Thrace and Macedonia, it would be necessary to meet her with a land force. If she came again by the sea, she could again be defeated as she had been defeated at Marathon by a land force. Upon the well-armed hoplites Greece might depend in the future as she had done in the past. Aristides was in sympathy with these views. But the people yielded to the influence of Themistocles. That the new naval project might be carried through without hindrance, Aristides was ostracized. Themistocles thus became the leader at Athens without a rival. Athens becomes a Maritime Power. It was through the influence and patriotism of Themistocles that Athens became the greatest naval power in Greece. This was brought about by the building of a strong fleet and the construction of an adequate harbor. The fleet was built with the aid of the silver mines 184 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY recently opened at Laurium in the south of Attica. It was at first proposed that the product of these mines, which belonged to the state, should be divided among the citizens. But Themistocles appealed to the patriotism of the people and induced them to devote the proceeds of the mines to the building of war ships. In a short time Athens possessed a fleet of two hundred triremes, numbering more than that of ^gina and Corinth combined. About this time perhaps earlier Themistocles also transferred the harbor of Athens from the bay of Phale'rum, which was exposed alike to storms and to enemies, to the Pirse'us, which was far better adapted for a naval station. This new port was surrounded by natural de- fenses, but was now further strengthened by fortifications. On account of these works Themistocles may properly be regarded as the founder of the maritime greatness of Athens. It was by his foresight and genius that Athens, and Greece as well, was made ready for the next great war with Persia. III. The Second Persian Invasion, under Xerxes t The Preparations of Persia. The first invasion of Greece had ended in a humiliating defeat. Herodotus tells us that Darius, who had been already exasperated with the Athenians, was still more incensed when he heard of the defeat at Marathon (Herodotus, Vll., 1). The king therefore began the greatest preparations for a new attack. But these were interrupted by a revolt in Egypt, and were finally cut short by the death of the king himself. Darius was succeeded by his son Xerxes, a man of far greater pretensions and of far less ability than his father. Prompted to take up the task left unfinished by Darius, he called together his nobles and announced his purpose. "As Cyrus, Cambyses, and Darius," he said, " have each enlarged the empire, I wish to do the same. I propose to bridge the Hellespont and march through Europe, and fire Athens for burning Sardis and opposing Datis and Artaphernes. By reducing Attica and Greece, the sky will INVASIONS OF GREECE BY DARIUS AND XERXES 185 be the only boundary of Persia " (Herodotus, YII., 8). Four years he spent in preparing for his great expedition. Infantry, cavalry, horse transports, provisions, long ships for bridges, and war ships for battles were collected from various Asiatic nations. Three years were spent in cutting a channel through the isthmus at Athos, to evade the promontory near which the fleet of Mardonius had been wrecked. Xerxes ordered two bridges of ships to be thrown across the Hellespont, over which his enormous army might pass into Europe. The Congress at Corinth (481 e.g.). In view of these immense preparations, the Greeks were convinced more than ever before that upon their union depended their strength and safety. To no one else was this more clear than to Themistocles, the great Athenian, who was in this crisis the soul of Greece. In fact at no time did Hellas come so near being one nation as it did under the influence of Themistocles. At his suggestion, a congress of the Greek states was called at Corinth to consider the means of defense. The Greeks there assembled decided to lay aside all internal strifes and to act together against the common foe. They sent envoys to the states not represented, with the request to furnish aid for the defense of their com- mon country. By this means they were able to know who was for them and who was against them. Argos replied that she would yield to the request if she were granted an equal share in the command with Sparta. Gelo, the tyrant of Syra- cuse, agreed to send a large force provided he was made com- mander in chief, or at least commander of the combined fleet. These conditional offers were rejected. Corey ra, with more apparent grace, agreed to furnish sixty ships but the ships never came. It was evident that dependence could be placed only upon the states represented in the congress, which states now formed a united Hellas. To Sparta, which was already the head of the Peloponnesian league, was given the nominal headship of this new Greek confederation. The Greek Lines of Defense. The question now arose as to the best mode of defending the Grecian territory. The answer 186 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY to this question depended upon the phj^sical features of the country, and also upon what parts of Greece should be pro- tected. There were three principal points at which Greece could be defended. The first of these points was at the vale of Tempe, where the entrance into northern Greece could be guarded. The second was farther south, at the pass of Ther- mopylae, where 'an entrance into central Greece could be pre- vented. The third point was still farther south at the Isthmus of Corinth, by which the Peloponnesus could be defended ; but a stand here would require the abandon- ment of Attica. The defense of any of these points, which were all near the shore, would require the support of the Grecian fleet to prevent the Persians from landing a force in the rear of the position. It became evident that the land and naval forces could best cooperate at Thermopylae; for the shore to the south of this place is protected by the long island of Euboea, and cannot be approached by a fleet coming from the north, except through the narrow strait leading from the point of Artemis'ium. Here the army could defend the pass, and the navy could guard the strait. When the north- ern pass at Tempe was found to be untenable, it was decided to make a stand at Thermopylae no doubt the strongest defensive point in Greece. The Advance of Xerxes. After collecting his forces at Sardis, Xerxes marched to the Hellespont. Crossing into Thrace, the army was reenforced by the fleet, which had followed by way 1 V \\^ nth > -V ^ "^V^ Seat of the Second Persian War Route of Persian Army Course of Persian Fleet INVASIONS OF GREECE BY DARIUS AND XERXES 187 of the coast. Here the great king reviewed his immense arma- ment, gathered, it is said, from forty-six different nations. Here were Persians clad in corselets and armed with great bows and short javelins. Here were Ethiopians covered with , the skins of beasts and having arrows tipped with sharp stones. Here were the savages from central Asia, and the more civi- lized warriors from Assyria and Media. According to Herodo- tus the whole army amounted to some millions of men. The fleet consisted of more than twelve hundred ships collected from Phoenicia, Egypt, Ionia, Cyprus, and other maritime states. With this prodigious armament Xerxes hoped to appal and overwhelm the little armies and fleets of Greece. He advanced by way of Thrace and Macedonia to the pass at Tempe, and was surprised to find this point abandoned. He then pushed through Thessaly and approached the pass of Thermopylae. Thermopylae and Artemisium (480 b.c). The first conflict between the Greeks and the Persians comprised both a land and a naval battle. The army, under one of the Spartan kings, Leon'idas, was intrusted with the de- fense' of Thermopylae, a narrow pass between the mountains and the sea. The Grecian fleet, also under the command of a Spartan, but having Themistocles in charge of the Athenian division, had been dispatched to Artemisium to prevent the approach of the Persians by the sea. Leonidas had with him about four thousand men, including three hundred Spartans, whom he stationed behind an old wall once built by the Phocians. That the whole Spartan army was not hurried to the defense of this most important position, was due to a super- stition similar to that which had before delayed the arrival of M t . C d I I , d , D O K I S r n vj_o I o Pass of THERMOPYLiE 188 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY the Spartan troops at Marathon. But with his small force Leonidas determined to hold the pass. For two days Xerxes hurled against him as large detachments of his army as he was able but in vain. Even the "Ten Thousand Immortals" were repulsed. Then a citizen of Malis, who has been branded as the "Judas of Greece," Ephial'tes by name, revealed to Xerxes a secret path over the mountains, by which a force could be thrown in the rear of the Spartan position. By this act of treachery Thermopylae was lost. Leonidas and his Spartan band preferred death to dishonor, and perished ex- amples for all time of courage and patriotic devotion. At Artemisium the Grecian fleet was held to its duty by the inspiring influence of Themistocles. The fleet comprised nearly three hundred vessels, about half of which were fur- nished by Athens. By persuasion, and even by bribery, Themistocles induced the Spartan commander to hold his posi- tion. For three successive days the Greeks fought the Persian navy. Although these battles were indecisive, they prevented the Persians from approaching Thermopylae by the sea. But when the news came that Thermopylae was lost, it was useless to hold this position longer ; and the fleet retired southward to the island of Sal'amis All central Greece was now open to the invader. Themistocles and the Battle of Salamis (480 b.c). The army of Xerxes pushed through central Greece into Attica, burned Athens, and destroyed the temples on the Acropolis. The inhabitants fled to the neighboring towns. The Persian fleet meanwhile followed the Greeks to Salamis. It was here that Themistocles by his influence and adroitness brought on the decisive battle of the war. The Peloponnesian army had retreated behind the wall thrown across the Isthmus of Cor- inth, and its leaders insisted that the fleet should retire to the same place. But Themistocles saw the great advantage of fighting in the narrow strait between Salamis and the Attic shore, where only a part of the Persian fleet could be brought into action. The council of Greek admirals, however, decided INVASIONS OF GREECE BY DARIUS AND XERXES 189 to retire toward Corinth, where they could act with the land forces, and also have a way of retreat if defeated. Themisto- cles showed to the Spartan commander that to retire from their present position would cause the abandonment of the allied states of Salamis, Megara, and ^Egina, and would offer the fleet a temptation to disperse for the defense of the various cities. A new council was called, and in the heat of debate Themisto- cles was charged with being a " man without a country," now that Athens was lost. But he replied that with a hundred and eighty war ships at his command he could found a city any- where. He threatened to withdraw his vessels and sail to Italy if the allies saw fit to abandon their Athenian comrades. By this threat the allies were persuaded to stand firm and fight in the strait. But to prevent any further indecision, Themistocles sent a messenger to Xerxes, giving the advice, as coming from a friend, that the Greeks must be attacked imme- diately to prevent their escape. Xerxes accordingly ordered up his fleet, and sent the Egyptian squadron to the strait oppo- site Megaris, to prevent any escape west of Salamis. At this juncture Aristides arrived from his retirement in ^gina, and pleaded with his old rival that they should now be rivals only in the cause of Greece. He announced that the battle must take place at Salamis, as all means of escape were cut off. This showed Themistocles that his plans had been successful. The Greek fleet now held the strait east of Salamis. The Per- sian squadron gathered on its front. The Phoenicians moved in heavy columns on the right and the Ionian s on the left. The great king sat upon a throne erected on the slope of Mt. ^ga'leos to watch the conflict. The details of this battle are uncertain ; but the victory of the Greeks was decisive. The Phoenician squadron, upon which Battle of Salamis, b.c. 480 190 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY the king chiefly relied, was shattered. Nearly half of the Persian fleet was destroyed; and a new glory crowned the loyal states of Greece. Continuance of the War by Mardonius. The victory at Sala- mis had broken the naval power of Persia; but the land forces were still intact. Xerxes, however, seemed to regard the cause of Persia as lost, and ordered a general retreat of the army. He directed the remnants of his fleet to hasten to the Hellespont to guard the bridges by which he might recross into Asia, and which were now threatened by the Greeks. But there was one man who still seemed to believe that the conquest of Greece might be completed by the army alone. This man was Mardonius. He it was who had failed in the flrst expedition under Cyrus, and who had encouraged Xerxes to undertake the present invasion. Intrusted with three hundred thousand men, Mardonius was permitted to remain in Greece to retrieve the disaster at Salamis. Before beginning his campaign the fol- lowing year, Mardonius sought the alliance of Athens against the rest of Greece. He promised to aid the Athenians to rebuild their city and to give them all the neighboring terri- tory that they desired. But the xlthenians sent back the word that " so long as the sun keeps its course, we will never join the cause of Xerxes" (Herodotus, VIII., 143). Attica was once more invaded, and the Athenians were again obliged to flee for safety. Again Greece was called upon to resist the invaders. Athens again called upon Sparta for aid, which was furnished after the usual delay. While the Grecian army was being collected, Mardonius retreated into Boeotia, near Platsea, to await the final contest. Plataea and Mycale (479 e.g.). Against the army of Mar- donius the Greeks brought a force of about a hundred thou- sand men under the command of the Spartan Pausa'nias. The Athenian division was led by Aristides. The Spartan com- mander was evidently convinced of the superiority of the Athenian division, for he insisted that it should hold the place of honor and danger against the strongest wing of the Persian INVASIONS OF GREECE BY DARIUS AND XERXES 191 Per$ian Greek* army. After fighting and maneuvering in three different positions, the battle was finally decided near the walls of Platsea. Although the generalship of Pausanias was faulty in many particulars, the day was won by the sturdy valor of the Spartans and the brave soldiers of Athens and Plataia. The Persian army was nearly annihilated. Mar- donius was killed. The surviving Persians fled to Thebes and then to Thessaly, and afterward made their way back to Asia. Another decisive victory was thus added to those of Salamis and Marathon. In commemo- ration of this victory the assembled allies made an offering of thanksgiving to Zeus Eleuthe'rios (the Deliverer), and instituted a public festival, called the Eleu- the'ria, to be celebrated once in every four years. The defensive alliance against Persia was also renewed; this is known as the " league of Platsea." On the same day, it is said, on which the battle of Plataea was fought, the Grecian fleet, having set out from Delos, gained a signal victory over the Persian navy on the Asiatic coast near the promontory of My c 'ale (map, page 80). This gave the Ionian Greeks fresh hope that the day of their deliverance was near. The Liberation of Greece. From this brief sketch of the great events in the Persian wars, we can gain some idea of their great significance. They preserved Greece and Europe from Oriental domination. They revealed to the Greeks their own character and strength. The battles of Marathon and Ther- mopylae and Salamis and Plataea showed them that courage morey's greek hist, 12 Battle of Plat^.a, b.c. 479 192 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY and patriotism are virtues essential to national independence. These wars have been aptly called '' wars of liberation." The rout of the Persians saved Greece and her whole civilization. "For the question was not as to a more or less glorious result of the contest, or the rise or fall in the relative power of the combatants ; it rather involved the annihilation or continuance of Greek life " (Curtius). The Greeks were not only freed from foreign domination ; they acquired a new spirit of confidence and an intellectual energy which inspired them to new afihievements in the fields of culture. Their victories gave them "half a century of comparative repose in which they were able to devote their energies to the works of peace and attain in them a height which is unique in history " (Holm). SELECTIONS FOR READING Smith, Chs. 17-20, Battles of Marathon, Thermopylse, Artemisium, Sala- mis, Platsea, Mycale (10). i Allcroft, Vol. II., Ch. 3, " Them istocles and the Naval Programme " (10). Oman, Chs. 19, 20, " The Invasion of Xerxes" (10). Bury, Ch. 7, "The Perils of Greece" (10). Abbott, Vol. II., Ch. 3, " The Great Invasion " (11). Curtius, Vol. II., Bk. III., Ch. 1, " The War of Liberation " (11). Holm, Vol. II., Ch. 4, "The Year 480" (11). Cox, Greek Statesmen, " Miltiades," " Aristides," " Themistocles " (26). Plutarch, "Aristides," "Themistocles" (13). Herodotus, Bk. VIII., "Urania" (Artemisium and Salamis) (13). ^schylus. Drama of "The Persians" (13). SPECIAL STUDY Carthaginian Invasion of Sicily. Oman, Ch. 21 (10) ; Bury, pp. 300-304 (10) ; Allcroft, Vol. IL, Ch. 14 (10) ; Holm, Vol. II., Ch. 6 (11) ; Abbott, Vol. II., Ch. 12 (11). 1 The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Appen- dix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. CHAPTER XV EFFECTS OF THE PERSIAN WARS UPON GREEK CULTURE I. The New Spirit ix Literature Transitional Period in Greek Culture. The Persian wars mark an epoch not only in the political but in the intellectual life of Greece. They not only assured the independence of Greece from foreign dominion, but they aroused a spirit of intellectual free- dom, and gave a new vigor and earnestness to the Greek mind. The people had formerly been accustomed to look back to the time of Homer as their "heroic age." They were now inclined to look upon their own heroes as equal to the heroes of the Trojan war. " The idea was afloat in the air that the Trojan war was an earlier act in the same drama that the warriors of Salamis and Platsea were fighting in the same cause as the heroes who had striven with Hector on the plains of Troy " (Bury). The poems of Homer now became more popular ; and the new heroic spirit put a new life into poetry and art. This is seen in the higher honor which was now given to military courage in the pseans sung to fallen heroes, and in the sculptures carved to represent warriors and warlike scenes. The culture of this time may not form a well-defined " period " ; but it marks a clear transition from the simple and archaic culture which preceded it in the formative period to the more highly developed culture of the age which followed it. Lyric Poetry ; Simonides. We may see the influence of this new spirit in the more vigorous and lofty tone given to lyric poetry. The poet who more than any other expressed the patriotic feeling awakened by the Persian wars, was Simon'ides. Born in Ceos, an island near Attica, he spent most of his life in Athens. He wai a man of the world, and breathed the spirit 193 194 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY of his age. He was also a philosophical thinker, whom Plato called " the wise and the divine." He was the first to use lyric measures in funeral dirges and monumental inscriptions. He wrote many noble epitaphs in honor of those who fell in the battles of the Persian wars, for example : "In dark Thermopylse they lie ; Oh, death of glory thus to die ! Their tomb an altar is, their name A mighty heritage of fame." The Poetry of Pindar. The lyric poetry of Greece reached its highest development in Pindar. This great poet was a native of Boeotia. He received his education at Athens ; and he was honored by all the free states of Hellas. He was hence a truly national poet. While he did not despise military courage, he believed that there were more enduring virtues than those dis- played in war. Hostility to Persia had tended to unite Greece in war ; but something else was needed to preserve her great- ness in peace. And so Pindar, with a genius far superior to that of Simonides, glorified the national institutions of Greece the festivals, the games, the shrines of the gods, and the higher religious beliefs of the people. The poetry of Pindar was lofty in its spirit, profuse in its imagery, and sonorous in its rhythm. His triumphal odes comprise the chief part of his works that have come down to us. In these he expressed his admiration for physical and moral virtue, and for religious ideals, as well as his belief in future rewards and punish- ments. And so he sings : ' The deeds that stubborn mortals do In this disordered nook of Jove's domain All find their meed ; and there's a judge below Whose hateful doom inflicts th' inevitable pain." Rise of Dramatic Poetry. Another way in which the spirit of the new age showed itself is seen in the rise of dramatic poetry. The drama grew out of one form of the lyric. We have already seen how the early lyric poetry acquired two dis- EFFECTS OF PERSIAN WARS UPON GREEK CULTURE 195 tinct forms, the ^olian and the Dorian the one expressed in the ode to be sung or recited by a single person ; the other expressed in the choral hymn to be sung by a number of voices (see page 161). The personal ode reached its perfection in Pindar. But the choral hymn, which had been used by Arion for the worship of Dionysus, and which was known as the dithyramb, became transformed into the drama. Heretofore the chorus had been accompanied by dancing and gesticulations and had expressed in a rude and wild way the emotions sup- posed to be appropriate to the worship of Dionysus, the wine god. But Thespis, a lyric poet of Attica, introduced an actor who assumed different characters and carried on a sort of dia- logue with the leader of the chorus ; and this served to explain the motive of the choral hymn. This form of the drama, with a single actor, was cultivated by Phryn'ichus, wiio took for his subject events in the Persian wars. His tragedy on the " Capture of Miletus " melted his audience into tears ; but as it seemed to reproach the Athenians for not aiding their kin beyond the sea, a fine was imposed upon him and the play was proscribed. In a later tragedy, however, he stirred the patriotic feeling of his audience by depicting the effect which the news of the battle of Salamis had upon the Persian court. The Tragedies of .^schylus. But the greatest dramatist and literary genius of the period of the Persian wars was iEs'chylus, who lifted tragedy into the domain of genuine art. He was present at the battles of Marathon, Artemisium, Salamis, and Plataea. He surpassed Simonides in his patriotic fervor, Pindar in his lofty spirit, and Phrynichus in his pathetic power. He improved the form of the drama by introducing a second actor; so that the dialogue became the principal fea- ture, while the chorus echoed the emotions produced by the play. By combining the dialogue and the chorus he depicted some great event, either historical or mythical, so as to reveal the workings of human passion under the control of the divine will. In his earliest tragedy, " The Persians," he followed Phrynichus in picturing the effects of the news of Salamis 196 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY upon the court of Persia. The subjects of his later tragedies were taken from the heroic myths, but infused with deep human feeling and religious sentiment. His greatest work was probably the " Prome'theus Bound," in which a god, chained to a rock by command of Zeus, is made to suffer for the good deeds done to men. II. Improvement in Art ; Sculpture Transitional Period in Greek Sculpture. As the literature of this period shows the influence of more vigorous thought and a more elevated spirit, so the art espe- cially sculpture shows a similar influence. The crude and stiff forms of the archaic period were giving way to more careful workmanship and to a greater freedom of design. We begin to see the figures in stone and bronze express- 1 / -1} ^^^^ ^ greater degree of life and action. The L \ Jr * patriotic feeling of the age is expressed in * . vl lfcj bronze and marble; and the warlike virtues Jr-^3iSS ^^^ exalted in the sculptured groups which adorn the temples. We can here perceive a distinct movement in the direction of that higher art which was to follow in the age of Per'icles. Grave Monuments ; Aristion. One of the earliest evidences of this change is seen in the care bestowed upon monumental designs, especially those intended to commemorate the heroes of the Persian wars. The art of the sculptor was employed to honor military virtue. An example of this is the noted gravestone, or stele, of Aris'tion, commonly called the " soldier of Marathon." Here is a panoplied warrior holding his upright spear, and giving the impression of calm courage. Although there are some features of the archaic " soldikr of Marathon " EFFECTS OF PERSIAN WARS UPON GREEK CULTURE 197 style still remaining, there is yet a certain dignity and life- likeness which shows some advance upon the older art. Temple Decoration ; Marbles of ^gina. More striking ex- amples of the vigorous spirit of the time are seen in the decora- tion of the temples. Hitherto, the metopes in the frieze had been filled with small reliefs, representing some mythological jliij|ii ii iii|lpl||[iw Pediment of the Temple at ^Egina (Restored) person or event. Now the whole pediment, between the archi- trave and the roof, was filled with groups of statuary, revealing a high degree of life and action. These are often battle scenes suggested by the Trojan war, commemorating Grecian valor and the protecting care of the gods. The most noted of the pedimental groups of this period are the marbles of ^gina. The group in the western pediment is supposed to illustrate the struggle of the Greeks and the Trojans over the body of Patro'clus, and the intervention of the goddess Athena. In the center stands the calm figure of the goddess. On her right are the Grecian warriors, on her left the Trojans both groups ciltved in the attitude of combat. Attic Statuary; the Tyrannicides. The progress made in the direction of independent statuary is seen in the two bronze figures of the tyrannicides at Athens, the work of Ante'nor. These statues, although separate, were intended to stand to- gether representing a single action. They were intended to honor the men who struck the fatal blow against Athenian tyranny, and who were regarded as the liberators of the city Harmodius and Aristogiton (see page 131). These bronze 198 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY figures personify the spirit of liberty, and express in their vigorous attitude the idea of physical and moral bravery. The original statues were carried away from Athens by Xerxes, and another group was set up in their place. When Alexander the Great after- ward conquered Persia, he restored to Athens the origi- nal bronzes, and the two groups were placed side by side on a terrace overlook- ing the market place. The Works of Myron. But the statuary of this transitional period reached its highest stage in the works of Myron, who ap- proached most nearly the great sculptors of the age of Per'icles. His works ex- hibit not only the freedom and action which generally marked the period, but an The Tyrannicides (Copies) exceptional degree of anatomical correctness. In them we see the beneficial effects of the national games upon Greek statuary. One of the most famous of the statues of Myron is the Discob'olus (the disc-thrower), who is represented in the momentary act of summoning all his strength to hurl the discus. Every limb, every muscle is tense and contributes to the main action of the body, and the beholder waits expec- tantly to see the feat aocomplished. Myron executed many other works, such as a colossal group, on one pedestal, of Zeus, Athena, and Hercules; and statues of Apollo and of Dionysus, as well as a noted figure of a satyr (Mar'syas). These works of Myron, as well as those previously men- tioned, grew out of the intellectual activity and the more vig- EFFECTS OF PERSIAN WARS UPON GREEK CULTURE 199 orous life which attended the Persian wars, and which pre- pared the way for the higher and more refined art of the coming age. III. State of Philosophy and Science The Period Unfavorable to Philosophy. While the energetic spirit of this period gave a new inspiration to literature and art, it was not so favorable to philosophical and scientific thought. The Greek mind was stirred with intense feelings, which could find an appropriate expression in the verses of Simonides or the marbles of ^gina. But the times were not conducive to calm reflection and the construction of philo- sophical systems. In- deed, the most influential philosophy of the time was perhaps embodied in the exalted words of wis- dom scattered through the verses of the poets Simonides, Pindar, and ^Eschylus. The only professed philosophers whose names properly belong to this period are Heracli'tus of Ephesus and Parmen'ides of Elea, two men who lived at the opposite extremes of the Hellenic world, the one under the dark shadow of the Persian power, the other on the brighter and more peaceful soil of Italy. Heraclitus of Ephesus. Discobolus " OF Myron Asia Minor had been 200 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY the original home of Greek philosophy. Here at Miletus had flourished Thales, Anaximander, and Anaximines. But the Per- sian wars had blighted the culture of the Ionian cities. The last representative of the Ionian school was Heraclitus. A native of Ephesus, he had seen his land ravaged by war and finally deprived of its liberty. In despair he took refuge in the neighboring mountains, and in his hermit retreat he deplored the miseries of the world. He was aptly called the " weeping philosopher." The whole world seemed to him to be a world of conflict and of change. To him everything appeared to be in a state of agitation; and hence he laid down the principle that " strife is the father of all things." There is nothing stable and enduring; and so he reasoned that "all things are in a state of flow." Everything is continually coming and going, and nothing is fixed. If there is any primary element in the universe, it must be something like fire, which never retains a definite and permanent form. The philosophy of Hera- clitus embodied the natural reflections of a man who lived in that part of the Greek world which had once been free and prosperous, but which had now lost its faith and hope. Parmenides of Elea. If the Persian war quenched the philo- sophical spirit in Ionia, where it had once flourished, it could not be expected to encourage philosophy in Greece, where it had not yet been cultivated to any extent. Even Sicily had suf- fered from a war between Syracuse and Carthage. The only spot in the Hellenic world which seemed to afford an oppor- tunity for calm reflection and high philosophical thought was southern Italy. And here at Elea still flourished the school established by Xenophaiies, the philosopher who believed that the universe at its foundation is One, and that that One is God (see page 164). The philosopher who now arose at Elea and who was doubtless the greatest thinker of this age, was Par- menides. If Heraclitus believed that everything is in a state of change, it was because he simply looked on the surface of things by the means of the senses. If by the aid of reason we look below the surface, we shall find an ultimate principle EFFECTS OF PERSIAN WARS UPON GREEK CULTURE 201 which does not change the absolute Being, ever the same, yesterday, to-day, and forever. And so Parmenides distin- guished between the world of sense, which is only appearance, and the world of reason, which is reality. With such a faith in an eternal principle, he lived a noble life ; and it became a sort of proverb among the Greeks to speak of a ''life like that of Parmenides." In conclusion we may say that the Persian wars aroused a sentiment of patriotism and encouraged active and vigorous feelings, which were expressed in poetry and art. But they discouraged the cultivation of calm thought, and so philoso- phy declined in Asia Minor, and flourished only in Italy, which was in the least degree affected by the wars of the period. But we shall see that the Persian wars indirectly contributed to the growth of the Athenian empire and the higher culture of the age of Pericles. SELECTIONS FOR READING Smith, Ch. 21, " History of Literature" (10). i Mahaffy, Survey, Ch. 4, "Passage from Sporadic to Systematic Cul- ture" (10). Holm, Vol. II., Ch. 12, "Literature, Science, and Art" (11). Pater, p. 266 et seq., "The Marbles of ^gina" (12). Tarbell, Ch. 7, "Transitional Period of Greek Sculpture" (19). Collignon, p. 127 et seq., "The ^ginetan School" (19). Perry, Second Period, "From 500 b.c. to the Beginning of the Career of Pericles" (19). Symonds, pp. 144-152, "Simonides" ; Ch. 6, "Pindar" (23). Zeller, 20, "Parmenides" ; 22, " Heracleitus " (24). SPECIAL STUDY Greek Music and Lyric Poetry. Bliimner, pp. 111-113 (22); Gulick, pp. 82-84 (22) ; Guhl and Koner, pp. 199-212 (22) ; Harper's Class. Diet., "Musica" (18); Smith, Diet. Antiq., " Music, Greek " (18) ; AUcroft, Vol. II., pp. 185-188 (10) ; Jebb, Greek Poetry, Ch. 4 (23). 1 The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Appen- dix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. PERIOD IV. THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE; AGE OP PERICLES (479-431 B.C.) CHAPTER XVI THE GROWTH OF THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE I. Themistocles and the Recovery of Athens The Supremacy of Athens. We have now reached the period in which Athens becomes the center of the Greek world. We have already seen this remarkable city gradually coming to the front. Her superiority has been evident in many things in the development of her free institutions ; in the growth of her maritime power; in the influence of her great statesmen ; in the part which she took in the defense of Hellas. During the coming half century we shall see her rising into still greater prominence, until she becomes the leader of Greek politics and of Greek civilization. We shall see her under Themistocles recovering from the disasters of the Per- sian wars. We shall see her under Aristides becoming the center of a new confederacy. We shall see her under Cimon establishing her supremacy over the maritime states of Greece. Finally, under Pericles, we shall see her completing her empire and reaching the highest point of culture attained by the ancient world. The Policy of Themistocles. For a brief time after the re- treat of the Persians, Themistocles continued to shape the destiny of Athens. The city had twice been occupied by the enemy, and it was now a heap of ruins. The people returned 202 THE GROWTH OF THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE 203 from their places of refuge in Salamis and ^gina, and began to rebuild their fallen houses. But Themistocles saw that a defense for the city was quite as important as a shelter for the citizens. Without strong walls their homes would still be in- secure. But he looked beyond the mere matter of temporary safety; he still clung to his policy of making Athens the strongest state in Greece. He saw not only the possibility of another invasion from a foreign enemy, but what was more likely, the possibility of a war with jealous neighbors. At any rate Athens should be fortified. Her walls should be so strong and extensive as to afford a safe retreat for all her citizens. Yielding to the influence of their leader, the people set to work in earnest to encircle the city with new walls. The Building of the City Walls. The policy of Themisto- cles to strengthen Athens excited the jealousy of the neighbor- ing states, ^gina and Corinth appealed to Sparta to put a stop to this work. An embassy was therefore sent to Athens to remonstrate against the scheme of fortifying the city. As Themistocles believed that Sparta was prompted by a secret enmity, he adopted the deceitful arts usually employed against an enem.y. He ordered the work on the wall to be stopped before the eyes of the Spartan envoys. He then suggested that a special embassy of three persons, of which he would be one, be sent to Sparta to make negotiations regarding the mat- ter. He then hastened to Sparta, but instructed his two col- leagues one of whom was Aristides to delay as long as possible, and to push forward with all speed the work of building the walls. While he was dallying with the Spartan ephors, and complaining of the delay of his colleagues, the whole population of Attica men, women, and children were toiling day and night to complete the walls, using in their extremity even tombstones and the debris of ruined temples. At last, when the walls were of sufficient height to protect the city, Themistocles boldly declared the truth, and assured the Spartans that the fortifications had been built, not only for the security of Athens, but for the safety of all Greece. 204 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY The Fortification of the Piraeus. Now that the walls of the city were completed, Themistocles turned his attention to the new harbor which he had designed before the last Persian invasion. This new harbor, the Piraeus, .was about four and a half miles from Athens, and could not well be inclosed within the same walls. A new and strong line of works was now thrown about the Piraeus; and to an impregnable city was added an impregnable harbor. At this port grew up a com- mercial population merchants, sailors, resident foreigners The Pir^us, the Port of Athens (Restoration) who carried on trade. The Piraeus thus became a suburb of Athens, and an important commercial center. Completion of the Work of Themistocles. The elevation of Athens to a position in which she might become the independ- ent ruler of the sea, was the last great work of Themistocles. This was entirely in line with the policy that marked his whole career the policy of a wise patriot, a military genius, and a far-seeing statesman. By means of a commanding influence, which excited the admiration of his countrymen, and also by means of craft and cunning which laid him open to the con- demnation of his enemies, he constantly labored for the great- ness of Athens. To him more than to any other man did THE GROWTH OF THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE 205 Greece owe her deliverance from the domination of Persia; and upon the foundations which he laid was built the Athenian empire. When in a few years his common enemies at Athens and Sparta gained the upper hand, he was driven into exile; he was hunted from the land he had saved ; and at last he was obliged to find a refuge among his enemies in Persia. In spite of the many stories told about his acts of bribery and his apparent sympathy with the Persian king and his acceptance of Persian honors, there is no evidence to show that he ever, even in his exile, raised his hand against the cause of Greece. II. Aristides and the Confederacy of Delos Liberation of the ^gean Cities. The further growth of Athens is seen in the freeing of the ^gean cities from the Persian authority, and their union into a maritime confederacy. Dur- ing the Persian wars, most of the cities of the ^gean those upon the islands as Well as those upon the Asiatic coast had lost their independence, and were now struggling to regain their freedom. To Sparta it seemed best not to continue the war against Persia, but to invite the oppressed people to for- sake their homes and come to Greece, where they could find new settlements. But Athens desired to complete the war of liber- ation, and to lend a helping hand to the Greeks of the ^gean. Sparta reluctantly acceded to this policy. As Sparta was still the nominal head of Greece, the fleet was placed under the command of Pausanias, the victor at Platsea. The Athenian division was commanded by Aristides, with whom was associ- ated Cimon, the son of Miltiades. The fleet first sailed south to the island of Cyprus, the most important stronghold of Per- sia in the Mediterranean, and many of the cities there were set free. Turning to the north, Pausanias besieged Byzantium, which was soon reduced. The work of liberation, so well begun, was interrupted by the treacherous conduct of the Spartan commander. 206 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY Treachery of Pausanias. With the spoils of Byzantium in his hands, Pausanias showed that he was at heart more of a Persian than a Greek. He threw aside the restraints of Spartan discipline, and assumed the dress and manners of a Persian satrap. Oriental luxury seemed to him more attract- ive than Greek simplicity. He even offered to ally himself with the Persian king, and to betray into his hands the states of Greece. The victor of Platsea thus became a traitor to his country. Despised by his fleet, he was recalled to Sparta. After a time, when the evidence of his guilt became clear and he was about to be arrested, he sought refuge in the temple of Athena. But this did not protect him from the vengeance of the people. The doors of the temple were closed by a wall, and the traitor was starved to death. Aristides the Commander of the Fleet. The treason of Pau- sanias led to a new step in the growth of Athenian suprem- acy. AVhen the officers of the Grecian fleet at Byzantium compared the treacherous and brutal conduct of Pausanias with the upright character of Aristides they with one ac- cord offered the command to the Athenian admiral. Sparta, in a short time, sent a new commander ; but he was not recog- nized, and he returned with his vessels to Greece. By obtain- ing the chief command of the Grecian fleet, Athens acquired the supreme control of the sea. Sparta withdrew from the leadership which she had nominally held since the Congress of Corinth (see page 185) ; and she relapsed into her former position as simply the head of the Peloponnesian league. Formation of the Delian Confederacy. The time was now ripe for the formation of a new confederacy under the leadership of Athens. The chief duty of organizing the new league fell to Aristides, the commander of the fleet. He formed alliances with the cities, not only on the islands, but also on the Asiatic coasts, for the purpose of forming a union to resist the Persian power. All members of the confederacy were to be equal; they were to send delegates to a common congress ; and they were to furnish ships or money for the common cause. The THE GROWTH OF THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE 207 confederacy was to be a perpetual union ; and no member could withdraw without the consent of the others. The island of Delos, the seat of the shrine of Apollo, was selected as the place where the common meetings were to be held, and where the common treasury was to be established. The assessments for the treasury were intrusted to Aristides, in whose justice all had confidence. The confederacy of Delos was essentially an Ionian league, under the leadership of Athens ; and it was an offset to the Dorian league of the Peloponnesus under the leadership of Sparta. Henceforth the interests of Athens and of Sparta became more and more opposed to each other; and they came to be recognized as the two rival powers of Hellas. The Character of Aristides. The formation of the Delian confederacy was preeminently the work of Aristides. It is a question whether any other statesman of Greece could have brought about this result. To no one else were the allies so willing to intrust their cause. He won the respect of all his contemporaries, and received the title of " the Just." It is a mistake to suppose that he was in sympathy with the aristoc- racy. While he was a conservative, he was a friend of the people, and no one was more thoroughly a patriot. He moved forward when the interests of Greece required it. He may not have had the great genius and adroit skill of Themisto- cles; but he was a man whose character is a shining light in the ancient world. III. CiMON AXD THE Growth of Imperialism The Leadership of Cimon. The man who now came to the front in Athens was Cimon, the son of Miltiades. He had not only shared with Aristides the command of the allied fleet ; he had also shared with him the confidence of the allied states. He was well qualified to take the lead in the further develop- ment of Athenian power. He was a soldier of the first rank ; and he used his ability to enlarge and make strong the newly formed confederacy. The policy of Athens under Cimon is morey's greek hist. 13 208 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY seen in the steps by which the confederacy of Delos was grad- ually changed into an empire by which the allies, instead of being the equal members of a league, became the subjects of an imperial city. Extension of the Confederacy. The first great ambition of Cimon was to bring all the cities of the ^gean within the Delian league. He proceeded to Thrace and freed many cities on that coast. He reduced the rocky island of Scyros, where a nest of pirates threatened the commerce of Athens ; and he planted upon it a colony of Athenian citizens. But his greatest military achievement was the defeat of the land and naval forces of Persia near the mouth of the river Eurym- CiMON (So-called) edon in southern Asia Minor (466 b.c. ; From a -em ^^ap, page 137). This double victory insured the freedom of the cities of Caria and Lycia, on the Asiatic coast, and thus added to the strength of the confederacy. The Policy of Coercion. But while Athens was thus liber- ating those cities which wished her protection, she was also drawn into the policy of coercing those cities which did not wish her protection. For example, the island of Naxos, which had voluntarily joined the league, desired to be independent, and seceded from the confederacy (466 b.c). But it was com- pelled by force of arms to return to its allegiance. Another example may be seen in the case of Thasos, also a member of the league. The Thasians complained that Athens was encroaching upon their commercial interests, and revolted; and they even called upon Sparta for assistance. But the allied fleet under Cimon reduced the island to submission (463 B.C.). The tendency of this policy of coercion was to change the allied cities into subjects, and to make Athens not merely the leader of a confederacy, but the sovereign of an empire. THE GROWTH OF THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE 209 Enmity between Sparta and Athens. During the Thasian revolt we can see the bitter feeling which was growing up between the two rival powers of Greece. The Spartans, al- though at peace with Athens, secretly prepared an expedition to send into Attica, as a diversion in favor of the Thasians. This hostile and treacherous design was not executed, on ac- count of a terrible earthquake at Sparta and a general revolt of the Spartan helots. The Spartan army was thus compelled to remain at home to crush this dangerous revolt, which at last became so formidable that the Spartans were forced to call upon Athens for help. Whether Athens should give aid to Sparta, was now the burning question before the Athenian assembly. The new leaders of the democracy, Ephialtes and Pericles, were utterly opposed to helping a city which had already proved itself faithless. But Cimon espoused the cause of Sparta, and through his influence an army was sent to aid in putting down the revolt. That Cimon was wrong and his opponents were right became evident when the Spartans, jealous and suspicious, dismissed the Athenian army with the curt remark that its services were no longer needed. This piece of effrontery served to widen the breach between these rival states. The party of Cimon, which had favored the cause of Sparta, lost its influence ; and Cimon himself was ostracized (461 B.C.). In the same year in which Cimon was exiled, the chief leader of the democratic party, Ephialtes, was assassinated. By the removal of these two party chiefs, Pericles became the leading man in Athens. IV. Pericles and the Athexiax Empire Pericles and his Policy. Under Pericles Athens reached its highest power and glory. In his character this great man united many of the best qualities of his predecessors, the skillful statesmanship of Themistocles, the patriotic spirit and democratic sympathies of Aristides, the military accom- 210 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY Pericles plishments and imperial ambition of Cimon. But he added to these the power of persuasive eloquence, which made him the foremost orator of his day, and gave him ahnost absolute control over the Athenian as- sembly. His political policy was to extend and secure the imperial power of Athens, and to make it the foremost city of the world. The Building of the Long Walls. Pericles followed the policy of Themistocles in seek- ing iirst of all to make Athens an impregnable city. The for- tifications erected by Themis- tocles about Athens and about the Piraeus had created two Pericles desired to unite these two places by one system of defensive works, and -thus to prevent Athens from being cut off from her harbor and from the rest of the world. This defensive system may have been begun by Cimon ; but it was completed by Pericles. One of the new walls, the south- ern, ran from the city to the Bay of Phale- rum ; and another, the northern, ran to the harbor of the Piraeus. In a few years a third and middle wall was erected near and par- allel to the northern one, the two together being known as the " Long Walls." These formed a wide and secure avenue from separate centers of defense. SARONTC The Walls of Athens THE GROWTH OF THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE 211 the city to the Piraeus. Athens and the Piraeus were thus united in a single fortified area, which formed a military and naval base of operations for the whole empire. Extension of the Athenian Power. It was a part of the policy of Pericles to extend the influence of Athens upon the land as well as upon the sea, and thus to make Athens the head of a continental as well as a maritime league. The first step in this direction was taken as the result of an alliance which had already been formed by Athens with Argos and Megara. Tliis alliance excited the jealousy of the neighbor- ing Dorian states, Corinth and ^gina ; a war followed, and ^gina was reduced to the condition of a tributary state. The next step was the result of an attempt made by Sparta to settle a dispute between Phocis and Doris. This brought on a war between Athens, on the one side, and Sparta and Boeotia, on the other. After two engagements at Tan'agra (457 B.C.) and at (Enoph'yta (456 e.g.; map, page 214) Phocis and Locris became the willing allies of Athens, and Doris and Boeotia (except Thebes) were compelled to join the new continental league. By these two movements the Athenian power was extended over the most of central Greece. Culmination of the Athenian Empire. At the same time that Athens was gaining new allies on the land, she was also obtaining greater power over her allies upon the sea. The members of the Delian confederacy were at first expected simply to furnish ships and sufficient money to maintain the fleet. Soon they were inclined to make their contributions entirely in money, while retaining their independence. After- ward the contributions were regarded as tribute due to Athens, which Athens had a right to collect. Again, it was at first expected that the affairs of the confederacy were to be managed by a congress of delegates, meeting at Delos ; but the allies soon regarded these meetings as irksome, and the political control of the confederacy gradually passed into the hands of Athens. Finally, the common treasury was transferred from Delos to Athens (about 454 B.C.). By these 212 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY steps the political and financial administration of the league became centralized in Athens ; and the Delian confederacy became transformed into an Athenian empire. Of all mem- bers of the original confederacy, only three Chios, Lesbos, and Samos were allowed to retain their position as equal and independent allies. Restoration and Death of Cimon. After the empire was finally established, Cimon, who had been recalled from his banishment, recovered for a brief time his influence over the Athenian assembly ; and his policy again found favor with the people. His policy involved peace with Sparta and war with Persia. A Five Years' Truce was accordingly formed between Athens and Sparta (450 b.c), by which each jjarty agreed to respect the rights and possessions of the other. Cimon then set out on a new expedition against Cyprus, in which island Persia was now attempting to reestablish her authority. This expedi- tion resulted in a decisive victory over the Persians, and also in the death of Cimon (449 B.C.). It is said that Cimon con- cluded a treaty of peace with Persia ; but concerning this there is much doubt. With the death of Cimon, Pericles regained his previous position as the ruling spirit of Athens. Survey of the Athenian Empire. This point of time marks the limit reached by Athens in the development of her impe- rial policy. Her whole dominion comprised an empire upon the land and an empire upon the sea. (1) The land empire comprised the most important states of European Greece outside of the Peloponnesian league, including Megaris, Boeotia, Phocis, Doris, East Locris, Thessaly, Naupac'tus in West Locris, and some of the cities of Argolis and Achaia, to which should be added the islands Zacynthus and Cephal- lenia in the Ionian Sea. (2) The maritime empire comprised all the important islands of the ^gean Sea, as well as the Greek cities on the coasts of Asia Minor and Thrace, which had been recovered from Persia. For administrative purposes all the maritime cities except those of Lesbos, Chios, and Samos were grouped in five THE GROWTH OF THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE 213 great tributary districts ; the first comprising the islands of the central and western ^gean from Imbros to the Cyclades, including ^gina and Euboea; the second, the cities on the Thracian coast, including also the island of Thasos ; the third, the cities surrounding the Propontis ; the fourth, those along the Ionian coast ; and the fifth, those along the shores of Caria and Lycia. In these five districts were more than two hundred and sixty cities that paid tribute to Athens. The population of the whole empire has been estimated at about two millions (Holm, II., 223) ; but the data upon which this estimate is made are very uncertain. Failure of the Imperial Policy of Athens. The wonderful energy which Athens displayed at this time is evident when we consider that, within a period of thirty years, she had re- covered all the ^gean cities lost during the Persian wars, and had established her authority over a large part of European Greece. But her ambitious policy to maintain an empire upon the land proved a failure. She was soon beset with difficulties and afflicted with reverses, which weakened her influence among her continental allies. News had already come that a fleet of two hundred vessels, sent some time before to free Egypt from Persia, had been annihilated (454 B.C.). Sparta still claimed the right to interfere in the affairs of central Greece. Boeotia opposed the effort to establish democratic governments within her borders, and defeated the Athenians in a battle at Chaerone'a (446 B.C.) The spirit of revolt extended to other cities ; and one after another the Athenian land allies renounced their allegiance. Under these depressing circumstances Pericles concluded a Thirty Years' Truce with Sparta (445 b.c), by which Athens gave up her claims to the Peloponnesian cities, and each party was re- stricted to its present possessions. Although obliged to give up her land empire, Athens still maintained her supremacy upon the sea, and still retained her position as the foremost leader of Greek democracy and the highest representative of Greek culture. raooREss E T^IA^T* JSTo.V. TRIBUTARY STATES OF THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE The following table gives a list of the tributary states that paid annu- ally more than one talent, arranged by tributary districts : I. Island District. ^gina, Ceos, Cythnos, Siphnos, Paros, Naxos, Tenos, Andros, Carystus and Chalcis in Eubcea, and Hephsestia in Lemnos. II. Thracian District. Peparethus, Methone, ^nea, Potidsea, Mende, Scione, Spartolus, Olynthus, Galepsus, Torone, Singus, Acanthus, Abdera, Maronea, ^nos, Thasos, Samothrace. III. Hellespontine District. Perinthus, Selymbria, Byzantium, Chalce- don, Cyzicus, Proconnesus, Lampsacus, Arisbe, Abydos, Tenedos. IV. Ionian District. Myrina, Cyme, Phocsea, Clazomense, Erythrae, Teos, Colophon, Ephesus, Miletus. V. Carian District. Halicarnassus, Ceramus, Cnidus, Chersonesus in Caria, Calynda, Phaselis, Cos, Astypalsea ; also Camirus, lalysus, and Lindus in the island of Rhodes. The following is a list of the above tributary states arranged according to the amount of their annual tribute : 30 talents, iEgina, Thasos ; 16^ talents, Paros ; 15 talents, Abdera, Byzantium ; 12 talents, Lampsacus ; 10 talents, ^nos, Chalcis, Perinthus ; 9 talents, Chalcedon, Cyme, Cyzi- cus ; 7 talents, Erythrse ; 6f talents, Naxos ; 6 talents, Andros, Ephesus, lalysus, Camirus, Lindus, Potidsea, Samothrace, Scione, Teos, Torone; 5 talents, Carystus, Cos, Mende, Miletus, Selymbria ; 4 talents, Abydos, Ceos ; 3 talents, JEnea, Acanthus, Chersonesus in Caria, Hepheestia, Cnidus, Cythnos, Methone, Peparethus, Phaselis, Proconnesus, Siphnos, Tenedos, Tenos ; 2 talents, Arisbe, Olynthus, Phocsea, Singus, Sparto- lus ; if talents, Halicarnassus ; i^ talents, Astypalsea, Galepsus, Calynda, Ceramus, Clazomense, Colophon, Maronea, Myrina. (Cf. Beloch, Grie- chische Geschichte, Ed. 1893, I., 402.) The wliole number of tributary states was as follows : Island District, 41 ; Thracian District, 68 ; Hellespontine District, 50 ; Ionian District, 42 ; Carian District, 62 ; undetermined, 4 ; total, 267. (Cf. Boeckh, Staatshaushaltung der Athener, Ed. 1886, 11. , 362-369.) 216 THE ATHENIAN CONSTITUTION UNDER PERICLES 217 SELECTIONS FOR READING Cox, Ch. 8, " Growth of the Athenian Empire " (10) .1 Timayenis, Vol. L, Fart IV., "The Athenian Ascendency" (11). Oman, Ch. 23, "Building up of the Athenian Empire"; Ch. 24, " Athens at the Height of her Power" (10). Smith, Ch. 23, " Rise and Growth of the Athenian Empire " (10). Allcroft, Vol. II., Ch. 8, " Rise of Athens"; Ch. 9, "Athens a Terri- torial Power" ; Ch. 10, " Athens under Pericles" (10). Curtius, Vol. II., Bk. III., Ch. 2, "Growth and Power of Athens"; Ch. 3, "The Years of Pericles" (11). Holm, Vol. II., Ch. 14, " Pericles to the Thirty Years' Truce" (11). Plutarch, " Cimon," "Pericles" (13)/ Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, rfis. 23-27 (Ephialtes and Pericles) (13). SPECIAL STUDY The Confederacy of Delos. Oman, pp. 241, 242 (10) ; Smith, Ch. 22, 6 (10) ; Cox, Ch. 7 (10) ; Abbott, Vol. IL, Ch. 8 (11) ; Bury, Ch. 8, 2 (10) ; Allcroft, Vol. II., pp. 91-104, 139-151 (10) ; Curtius, Vol. IL, pp. 376-385, 430-432 (11) ; Holm, Vol. IL, Ch. 17 (11) ; Greenidge, pp. 189-204 (20) ; Gilbert, pp. 416-434 (20). CHAPTER XVII THE ATHENIAN CONSTITUTION UNDER PERICLES I. The Political Organization Character of the Athenian Democracy. As the civilization of Athens reached its highest development during the age of Pericles, we should review its principal features before we consider the causes which led to its decline. First of all, we may look at the constitution of the state as it existed at this time. We have already seen the gradual tendency of 1 The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Appen- dix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. 218 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY Athens toward popular government in the decline of the monarchy, in the growth of the archonship, in the extension of the franchise by Solon, and in the radical reforms of Clisthenes. And this popular tendency had continued since the time of Clisthenes. Ephialtes had taken away the ancient privileges of the Areopagus ; and Pericles had induced the people to take an active part in the exercise of their political duties, by introducing a system of payment for public service. By the term " democracy," the Athenians understood a state in which all the powers of government are exercised directly by the citizens, and in which all citizens are equal before the law. The Athenian idea of democracy differed from the modern idea chiefly in two ways : first, in that the Athenians had very little notion of the modern idea of representation ; and second, in that the number of citizens formed a com- paratively small part of the whole population. Classes of the Population. We may get an idea of the limited nature of the Athenian democracy by looking at the different classes of persons residing in Attica, which formed the territory of the Athenian city state. These persons com- prised the slaves, the resident foreigners or " metics, " and the citizens. 1. The slaves of Attica have been estimated at about 100,000 (Gilbert, p. 170). They included captives taken in war and persons imported from the slave markets on the Thracian and Scythian coasts. Their lot was not especially wretched. They were employed in domestic and agricultural labor, and were even allowed to work for themselves on consideration of paying their master a yearly sum. The state sometimes employed slaves as policemen and clerks. The slave, how- ever, had no political or civil rights, although he might be protected from the cruelty of his master, and in grave emer- gencies might serve in the army and the fleet. 2. The resident foreigners, or " metics," numbered perhaps 10,000. These persons were engaged mostly in trade, and formed a valuable part of the population. But they had no ATHENIAN CONSTITUTION UNDER PERICLES 219 share in the government. They could not hold land in Attica. They were obliged to pay a yearly tax and sometimes to serve in the army and navy ; for example, as shield-bearers or rowers. Every resident foreigner was bound to choose a citizen to represent and protect his interests. 3. The class of citizens formed the rest of the population of Attica. The early policy of admitting foreigners to citizenship was changed by Pericles, who restricted citizenship to those who were born of an Athenian father and an Athenian mother. The whole number of Athenian citizens, including men, women, and children, was at the time of Pericles in the neighborhood of 120,000. Of this population the number of voters is gener- ally estimated as about 30,000. This comparatively small body of persons, scattered through the local districts that is, the tribes and demes of Attica, formed the democracy. The Athenian Assembly, or Ecclesia. The most important political body in the state was the ecclesia, or general assembly of the people. It consisted of the whole body of male citizens above eighteen years of age. It met forty times each year on the Pnyx a sloping hill backed by a perpendicular rock, where was located the hema, the stone platform upon which the orators stood to address the people. The assembly was the ultimate source of political authority. Here any citizen could speak and vote upon questions properly submitted by the council ; but proposals thus submitted could be passed, rejected, or amended by vote of the assembly. Any citizen could pro- pose a measure by first submitting it to the council. But it was a peculiar feature of the constitution that the mover of a resolution was held responsible for the measure which he proposed a provision painfully illustrated in the case of Mil- tiades (see page 181). The vote in the assembly was generally taken by a show of hands ; although the ballot was used when the welfare of an individual was at stake. The assembly was often brought under the power of some influential man, whose character and oratorical ability enabled him to sway the multi- tude and to become the "leader of the people," or, as Aris- 220 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY The Bema on the Pnyx toph'anes puts it, " the master of the stone on the Pnyx." And so Thucyd'ides describes Athens at the time of Pericles as "a democracy ruled by its ablest citizen." The Athenian Council, or Boule. Since the decline of the Areopagus, the most important political body after the assembly was the Council of Five Hundred. This consisted of fifty members, at least thirty years of age, chosen annually by lot from each of the ten local tribes. In other words, the council was composed of ten sections, each one being made up of fifty members from a single tribe. The business of the council was to preside over the affairs of the state. But for convenience, each tribal section of fifty was authorized to preside in turn during a tenth part of the year, the order of their turns being decided by lot. The members of the presiding section were called pryt'anes ; the period for which they served, the pryt'any ; and the public building in which they lived, the Prytane'um. The presiding section chose each day by lot one of their number as president, who was chairman, not only of the council, but also ATHENIAN CONSTITUTION UNDER PERICLES 221 of the assembly. The council exercised the highest adminis- trative and executive powers in the state. It prepared the measures to be submitted to the assembly. It could itself pass ordinances, provided they did'not conflict with the exist- ing laws. It had charge of the public buildings, festivals, and religious ceremonies. It had control of the public finances. It saw that the laws of the state were carried into execution; and in certain exceptional cases it exercised judicial functions. The Athenian Magistrates; the Generals. As the decline of the Areopagus was followed by the growing importance of the council, so the decline of the archonship was attended by the growth of the '' generalship " as an executive office. The ten strategi, or generals, came to be the most important magistrates in the government. They were at first probably elected one from each tribe; but afterward they were all elected by the whole assembly without regard to tribes. On account of the fact that they required a special kind of ability, they were elected, not by lot, but by the vote of the citizens. The first duty of the generals was to command the army, but to this were added other functions. They had charge of the means for defending the state the maintenance of the fortifications, the army, and the navy. They also had charge of foreign affairs, the negotiation of treaties, and the receiving of ambas- sadors. They furthermore had the power to call extra sessions of the assembly, if in their judgment the public interests required it. Besides the generals there were a large number of subordinate magistrates, civil and military, that need not be named here.^ The Athenian Courts ; the Dicasteries. One of the most peculiar features of the Athenian constitution was the organi- zation of the courts. The old council of the Areopagus retained a certain jurisdiction over some grave offenses, like murder and arson. But the great majority of judicial cases were tried by jurors drawn from the body of citizens, and from 1 For the Athenian magistrates, see Gilbert, Constitutional Antiquities, pp. 214-265. 222 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY these courts there was no appeal. The whole jury list (helioea) was made up of six thousand citizens, at least thirty years of age, who each year voluntarily presented themselves before the archon and took an oath to perform their duties faithfully. This whole judicial body was divided into ten sections, or dicasteries of five hundred members each leav- ing a thousand supernumeraries who could be drawn upon when necessary. The jurors serving on a single case were drawn from these sections, and might number two hundred or more for a single case. From the time of Pericles the jurors received a small pay for their services. The business of the courts was prepared by the three senior archons; while the six junior archons {thesmothetce) formed a sort of board of revision by which the harmony of the laws was preserved. The popular character of the Athenian courts shows the ex- treme democratic principles which controlled the state, since an opportunity was given to every citizen at some time to share in the administration of justice. PoHtical Parties at Athens. The growth of the Athenian democracy, like that of every popular government, was marked by the development of parties and of factional strife. We have already seen, from very early times, political divisions between different portions of the people, for example, the Eupatrids and the common people ; and the men of the Hill, the Plain, and the Shore. But from the time of Clisthenes, there had come to be two quite well-defined political parties, the demo- cratic and the oligarchical. The democratic party was in favor of the new constitution, with the popular changes brought about by Clisthenes, Ephialtes, and Pericles ; it was eminently the patriotic party of Athens, opposed to foreign influences, whether Spartan or Persian. The oligarchical party, on the other hand, was opposed to the constitution, which had de- prived its members of their old exclusive privileges; it was in S3mipathy with the aristocratic ideas of Sparta, and did not hesitate sometimes to take the part of Persia. Between these two extreme parties, there was what may be called a moderate ATHENIAN CONSTITUTION UNDER PERICLES 223 party, less defined than the others, which did not oppose the democratic constitution so much as it did the policy of the democratic leaders. The strife between these parties was allayed for a time by the overpowering influence of Pericles, only to break out again, as we shall see, during and after the Peloponnesian war. II. The Military Organization Composition of the Army. The defense of the Athenian state against its foreign enemies required an efficient military organization. The army, like the gov- ernment, was based upon democratic principles. Every young man at the age of eighteen was enrolled, and took his oath of allegiance as a citizen and a soldier. For two years he was engaged in military training when it was not customary for him to attend the assem- bly. From twenty to fifty, he was liable to be called upon to serve in the field, wherever and whenever the state re- quired it. After fifty until sixty, he was called upon to serve only in Attica and for the defense of Athens. The army when called into the field consisted of the heavy-armed, the light-armed, and the cavalry. The heavy-armed troops, or hoplites, which formed the main body of the army, were drawn from the three upper census classes (see page 127), and were armed with the shield, helmet, breast- plate, greaves, sword, and spear. The light-armed troops were drawn from the fourth or lowest class, and did not have the complete defensive armor of the hoplites, and sometimes fought with bows and arrows. The cavalry consisted of the wealthier citizens who could furnish a horse ; but this branch Greek Hoplite 224 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY of the service, though highly respected, was never very efficient in Greece, on account of the mountainous character of the country. The Greeks sometimes used war chariots, but not to the same extent as the Eastern nations. The Greek Phalanx. When a levy was to b^ made for a mili- tary expedition, the ten local tribes would be called upon to furnish their respective quotas. The men thus called into the field would be organized into " phalanxes." The phalanx was a military body quite peculiar to the Greeks. It consisted of from two thousand to four thousand men, drawn up in a solid body, eight ranks deep, under its own commander. It was organized into a number of divisions and subdivisions, each under its own officers. The phalanx was the basis of all tactics, or military evolutions. It was usually arranged in the form of a rectangle sometimes, however, in the form of a crescent, and sometimes in Ihe form of a wedge. The Greeks X->ossessed great skill in maneuvering in wheeling to the right, to the left, and to the rear, and in changing from the order of march to the order of battle. The Greek phalanx was afterward used by the Macedonians, and was the most effective of ancient military organizations before the time of the Romans. The Athenian Fleet. As Athens was preeminently a sea power, her main strength lay in her fleet. At the time of Pericles the fleet consisted of three hundred vessels, always ready for the sea, and about one hundred select ships held in reserve to defend the Piraeus. The war vessel of this period was a ship of three banks of oars, called the trireme. Each vessel was commanded by a trierarch, and carried about two hundred men. Besides the officers there were ten heavy-armed marines, sixty-two men who worked the uppermost bank of oars, fifty -four the middle bank, and fifty-four the lowest bank. The success of the naval battle depended largely upon the skill of the oarsmen; the effort was made to run down and disable the opposing vessels rather than to board them. In the exceptional case of boarding, the marine* were called into action. By its efficient organization the Athenian navy in the ATHENIAN CONSTITUTION UNDER PERICLES 225 time of Pericles commanded the eastern Mediterranean and was the great bulwark of the empire. III. The Financial System The Athenian Money. To manage the revenues and expendi- tures of the state, as well as to facilitate the trade between the people, it was necessary to adopt some kind of financial system. And this system in turn required some kind of money by which values could be measured. The Athenian money consisted chiefly of silver although gold and copper were used to some extent. The chief coin w^as the silver drach- -11 Attic Drachma ma, which contained about sixty-seven grains of silver. The other coins were the obol, one sixth the value of the drachma; the mina, one hundred times more valuable ; and the talent, which was sixty times as valuable as the mina. The following table shows the rela- tion of these coins to one another, giving also a rough estimate of their values in terms of our money ^ : 6 obols = 1 drachma (nearly 20 cents). 100 drachmas = 1 mina (nearly 20 dollars). 60 minas = 1 talent (nearly 1200 dollars). The Expenses of the State. The administration of the public finances was placed in the hands of the council. Although a regular annual estimate of the public expenses was not made, we may distinguish the following chief items of expenditure : (1) Religion, which included the cost of public sacrifices and 1 The purchasing power of money was much greater in ancient than in mod- ern times. Boeckh estimates that the annual expenses including food, clothing, and habitation of an average family of four persons would amount to about four hundred drachmas (about $80), or that of one person to about one hundred drachmas (about $20). (Public Economy of Athens, p. 109.) 226 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY festivals. (2) Civil service, that is, the pay given to the dicasts (one or two obols a day), to the members of the coun- cil (about a drachma a day), to the citizens attending the ecclesia (one obol a day, afterward raised to nine obols), and to the public magistrates. (3) Army and navy, which were main- tained in times of peace, and which required extraordinary out- lays in time of war. (4) Public buildings, which required a specified sum for annual repairs, and extraordinary sums of money for the erection and decoration of new structures. (0) Public bounties, including the theor'icon paid to poorer citi- zens for attending public entertainments, and pensions paid to the orphans of deceased soldiers, to destitute invalids and cripples, and sometimes to poor citizens in the form of gratuitous distribution of grain. Ordinary Revenues. The expenses of the state were met by what we may distinguish as ordinary and extraordinary revenues. The ordinary revenues were derived chiefly from the following sources: (1) The tribute, which was raised from the members of the confederacy, and which varied in total amount from 460 talents, the earliest assessment, to 1200 talents, the assessment during the early years of the Pelopon- nesian War. (2) Rent from state property, especially from the silver mines of Laurium. (3) Duties on goods exported and imported at the Piraeus. (4) Taxes laid upon goods sold in the market, and also upon every resident foreigner for the protection given him by the state. Extraordinary Revenues. There were also certain extraordi- nary sources of revenue, which may be arranged as follows : (1) Voluntary contributions, which were invited by a decree of the assembly to meet the unusual expenses of war. (2) In- come tax, imposed in times of war, and graded according to the wealth of the citizens. (3) Ship money, which was imposed upon certain private individuals, each one of whom was obliged to equip a trireme, with the privilege of commanding it; in later times this obligation might be divided between two or more citizens. ATHENIAN CONSTITUTION UNDER PERICLES 227 With such a financial system Athens was able to maintain its government, to provide for the common defense, and also to adorn the city so that it became the art center of Greece, and in fact of the world. SELECTIONS FOR READING Allcroft, Vol. II., Ch. 11, " Constitutional Development in Athens " (10). i Bury, Ch. 9, 1, "Completion of the Athenian Democracy " (10). Curtius, Vol. II., pp. 486-501, "Pericles and the Democracy" (11). Holm, Vol. II., Ch. 16, " Athens under Pericles ; the Government of the City" (11). Grote, Part II., Ch. 46, "Constitutional and Judicial Changes under Pericles" (11). Greenidge, Ch. 6, "Democracy" (20). Abbott, Pericles, Ch. 16, "The Athens of Pericles; the Government" (27). Whibley, Political Parties, Ch. 1, "Athenian Constitution and Empire" (20). Gilbert, pp. 214-310, "Organs of Administration" (20). Freeman, pp. 107 et seq., "The Athenian Democracy" (12), SPECIAL STUDY The Athenian Dicasteries. Allcroft, Vol. II,, pp. 134-136 (10); Abbott, Vol. II., pp. 400-404 (11) ; Holm, Vol. II., p. 198 (11) ; Cur- tius, Vol. II., pp. 495-498 (11) ; Greenidge, pp. 174-178 (20) ; Gilbert, pp. 391-416 (20); Smith, Diet. Antiq., " Dicasts " (18); Schomann, Antiquities, pp. 465-493 (20) ; Aristotle, Ch. 03 (13). 1 The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Appen- dix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. morey's greek hist. 14 CHAPTER XVIII ATHENS AND ATHENIAN ART UNDER PERICLES I. The Topography of Athens Athens as a Center of Art. The greatest interest which we have to-day in Athens is due not to the fact that she became the ruler of an empire, or even to the fact that she was the promoter of democratic institutions. As an imperial ruler she was far outstripped by Rome ; and her democratic institutions have been greatly improved upon by modern states. But in the domain of art she has been without a peer. Her temples, though in ruins, and her statues, though mutilated, reveal to us a sense of beauty and an aesthetic taste to which we can find no parallel in any other people. And the highest point of this kind of culture she reached during the time and under the influence of Pericles. It is, therefore, to Athens as the center of art that we must look if we would find one of the most important sources of her influence upon the world. Limits and Divisions of the City. Before considering some of the principal works of Athenian art, we may glance for a moment at the city itself, which these works were intended to adorn and beautify. With the Acropolis as its center, the limits of the city had been gradually widening from the earli- est times. At the time of the Persian wars, the '' old line " of the city had been reached. With the building of the new wall of Themistocles, the circumference of the city was en- larged to five or six miles. During the times of Cimon and Pericles the city was still further extended by the erection of the Long Walls so as to take in the Piraeus. To make the entire circuit of the city walls at this time would require a journey of perhaps twenty miles. The population of Athens at 228 ATHENS AND ATHENIAN ART UNDER PERICLES 229 Plan of Athens, Time of Pericles the time of Pericles is variously estimated at from 120,000 to 190,000, four fifths of whom were slaves. In the city proper we find certain districts or wards, which correspond to the demes of Attica. To the northwest, within the Dip'ylon Gate, the chief entrance to the city, was the section called the Inner Cerami'cus, and thus distinguished from the neighboring out- lying district called the Outer Ceramicus. Other districts of the city were Mel'ite to the west, Cydathense'um and Limnse to the south, Diome'a and Col'lytus to the east and north each marked by its own peculiar topographical features. The Hills of Athens. In taking a general view of Athens, the hills first attract our attention. The most important of these is, of course, the Acropolis. This is a pinnacle of solid limestone rock, rising abruptly to the height of two hundred feet, with a length of about a thousand feet. It was in more than one sense the highest part of Athens ; it was not only the most elevated spot of land, but it was the seat of the highest 230 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY religious and aesthetic life of the city. Passing by, for the present, the buildings of the Acropolis, we notice the next im- portant hill to the west, the Areopagus. This was the place where the celebrated council of the same name held its ses- sions the name being derived from the tradition that Ares, who had murdered the son of Poseidon, was tried on this spot. Still farther to the west and south is the Pnyx, the hill upon which the Athenian assembly, or ecclesia, held its meetings (see page 219). To the north of the Areopagus is the hill of Colo'- nus,"upon which is located the so-called These'um, said to be to-day the best-preserved temple in Greece. This was formerly supposed to have been built by Cimon to receive the bones of Theseus, which were brought from the island of Scyros. But this opinion has been shown to be groundless ; it is now thought to have been dedicated either to Heracles or to Hephaestus. These four hills were the most impor- tant in Athens, although there were others, like the hill of the Nymphs and the Museum hill, which were inclosed within the city walls. The Agora and its Porti- coes. Closely connected with the hill of Colonus and the Areopagus ad- joining them to the east and extending toward the Acropolis was the Ag'ora, the great public Sketch of the Agora i i i square, or market place, and the busiest spot in Athens. Here was the center of the political and commercial life of the city. The square was shaded by the foliage of plane trees and lined with beautiful buildings porticoes or porches, inclosed by columns and form- ATHENS AND ATHENIAN ART UNDER PERICLES 231 ing a succession of colonnades. Among these buildings were the Painted Porch {Sto'a Poec'ile) adorned with the paintings of Polygno'tus; the Royal Porch (Stoa BasiVeos), occupied by the king archon; the porch dedicated to Zeus the Deliverer (Stoa Eleuthe'rios) ; the shrine of the Mother (Metro'um), where the laws and archives were kept ; and the Council Hall (Buleute'riinn), where the boule held its meetings. There were many other buildings in the vicinity of the Agora during the time of Pericles, and still others added afterward.^ Overlook- ing the Agora, perhaps from the south, stood the statues of the tyrannicides, Harmodius and Aristogiton, reminding the people of their deliverance from the oppressive rule of the Pisistratidse (see pages 197, 198). Other Buildings of the Lower City. If we leave the Agora and proceed around the base of the Acropolis on the north, we come to the Prytaneum, the chief center of the official life of Athens. Passing along the Street of the Tripods, to the east of the Acropolis we see the Ode'um, or the Music Hall of Pericles, erected, it is said, in imitation of the tent of Xerxes, and used for musical contests. Farther to the south we may see the great theater of Dionysus, which we shall have occa- sion to notice again. At some distance from the Acropolis to the southeast, we may see the unfinished remains of the Olympic 'um, the great temple dedicated by Pisistratus to the Olympian Zeus, but not completed until centuries afterward by the Roman Emperor Hadrian. The abandonment of this temple immediately after the overthrow of the hated Pisistrat- idse shows the influence which the political prejudices of the people often exercised upon the growth of art. We shall see other evidences of the way in which architecture was affected by the conservative and the progressive ideas of the time, when we study the buildings on the Acropolis. 1 It is impossible to g^ive an accurate restoration of the buildings in the Agora. For attempts in this direction see maps in the following works : Harrison, Monuments of Athens, p. 5; Butler's Story of Athens, p. 313; Gardner, Ancient Athens, opp. p. 538. 232 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY II. The Acropolis and its Buildings The Acropolis before Pericles. The art of Athens reached its highest perfection in the buildings which crowned the Acropolis. The most important of these were the Par'the- non, the Propylse'a, and the Erechthe'um. By looking at the circumstances which Plan of the Acropolis attended the erection of these buildings, we may obtain a new illustration of the progressive policy of Pericles. Before his time there had already been an ancient tem- ple on the summit of the Acropolis, which was destroyed during the Persian wars. This old temple was built on the fabled spot where the goddess Athena and the god Poseidon had con- tended for the possession of Athens. Here was the sacred olive tree which Athena had caused to rise from the earth ; and here was the salt spring which Poseidon opened by a stroke of his trident. Here, also, rested the honored bones of Erech'theus, the hero king of Athens, whose name was joined to that of Poseidon. Over this spot, therefore, had been erected two shrines, the one to Athena, and the other to Poseidon- Erechtheus. These shrines were covered by a single roof, so that the " old temple " was in fact a double temple. AVhen this temple was destroyed by the Persians, a new one was planned to take its place, not however upon the ruins of the old building, but upon a fresh spot farther to the south. This was also intended, it is believed, to be a double temple like its predecessor, dedicated to the worship of both Athena and Erechtheus. The foundation of this new temple is gen- erally ascribed to Cimoii ; but it was more likely the work ATHENS AND ATHENIAN ART UNDER PERICLES 233 of Themistocles, whose fall caused it to be temporarily aban- doned. Building of the Parthenon. When Pericles came into power, he desired to carry ont the policy of his great predecessor, Themistocles. The conservative party, however, was opposed to erecting a temple, or setting up the ancient olive wood image of Athena, in any other place than upon the old sacred spot. But \\ EST Front of the Parthenon (Restoration) Pericles, like Themistocles, was not bound to the past; he believed that the gods would be most highly honored by giving them the best that the state could afford. He therefore deter- mined to build a splendid temple on the foundations laid by his predecessor, and to erect within it a new and magnificent statue of Athena. On the advice of the gifted architect Icti'nus, the original plan of the temple was somewhat changed, but its double character was preserved. The eastern part was dedicated to Athena ; and in it her new statue was to be erected. The conservative party insisted that the worship of Erechtheus, at least, might remain in the old place. Pericles acceded to their 234 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY desire ; and so the western part of the new building became, not a shrine to Erechtheus as originally intended, but a second chamber of the goddess, where her robe was woven by Athe- nian maidens {parthenoi). The word Parthenon was originally applied to this chamber ; but it was soon extended to the whole building, which was called the temple of Athena Parthenos,^ or the Virgin Goddess. The building was constructed of Pentelic marble, in the Doric style refined by Attic taste, of the most exquisite proportion and symmetry, and ever since admired by artists and critics as the finest example of classic architecture. (For plan of Parthenon, see page 155.) Construction of the Propylaea. The next great architec- tural work of Pericles was the construction of the Propylaea, the magnificent entrance to the Acropolis. Before this time Cimon, who had built the south wall of the Acropolis, had provided for an entrance; but this seemed to Pericles entirely unworthy of the sacred citadel. With the aid of the architect Mnes'icles, the whole western end of the Acropolis was changed into an immense portico, constructed like the front of a temple with columns and pediment. In the Propylaea we find the Doric and Ionic styles united for the first time, the front and rear parts being supported by Doric columns, and the central pas- sageway by Ionic columns. The whole effect of this great portal was beautiful and imposing. South of the Propylsea was a little temple dedicated to Athena Ni'ke, popularly called Ni'ke Ap'teros. This is said to have been built by Cimon to celebrate his victory over the Persians at the river Eurymedon (see page 208). Although it encroached upon the architect's plan of reconstructing the whole front of the Acropolis, it was permitted to remain at the urgent request of its priestly guardians. The Erechtheum. The respect which Pericles was willing to pay to the conservative feeling of the time is shown not only 1 On this subject of the construction of the Parthenon, see Furtwangler, Masterpieces of Greek Sculpture, Appendix; also Harrison, Mythology and Monuments of Ancient Athens, Ch. 5, "Phidias and the Parthenon." ATHE^^S AND ATHENIAN ART UNDER PERICLES 235 in the preservation of the temple to Nike, but also in the con- struction of the Erechtheum on the site of the " old temple.'' There were many who still had a reverence for the sacred spots near this ruined building. Some of these spots were beyond the area of the old building. To bring these places POBCH OF THE MAmENS (CARYATIDES) under a single roof required a unique plan, the most irregular of all the temples of Greece. Notwithstanding its lack of sym- metry, the whole structure was one of great beauty and rich- ness of detail. The western end is flanked by two porches, the one facing to the north and supported by Ionic columns, the other facing to the south and supported by uniquely 236 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY carved female figures (Caryat'ides) and called the " Porch of the Maidens." This building was probably not completed until after the time of Pericles. In these buildings the Parthenon, the Propylaea, and the Erechtheum the Acropolis not only showed the civilizing policy of Pericles and the artistic skill of Greek architects, but also expressed the highest religious aspirations of the Athenian people. It showed how closely art was joined to religion, and that the city was adorned for the glory of the gods as well as for the honor of the state. (See frontispiece.) III. Athenian Sculpture and Painting The Statues of the Acropolis. The sculpture of Athens, like its architec- ture, was seen in its perfection on the Acropolis. In the development of this kind of art, we see everywhere the influence of Phid'ias, the most re- nowned of Greek artists. The works which he did not execute himself were generally made under his direction. We may first notice his three great statues of Athena. (1) The first of these was the bronze colossal statue of Athena Prom'achus, or the Pro- tector, which stood between the Pro- pylaea and the Parthenon, towering so high that the top of the gilded spear could be seen by mariners from the sea. This statue, which is described by ancient authors as grand and imposing, has never been successfully restored. (2) Next was, the ivory and gold statue of Athena Parthenos, the Virgin Goddess, which stood in the great hall of the Parthenon. It was about forty-seven feet high including the pedestal. Two Athena Parthenos ATHENS AND ATHENIAN ART UNDER PERICLES 237 small copies of this statue have been preserved (3) The third was the bronze statue of the Lemnian Athena so called be- cause it was a gift from the people of Lemnos. It is described by ancient authors as the most beautiful of the works of Phid- ias. Although the original has been lost, the figure has been restored by means of marble copies of the head and the body, which have been adjusted to each other. The "Three Fates" from the Parthenon Pediment The Parthenon Pediments. The eastern and western pedi- ments of the Parthenon were filled with two remarkable groups, the former representing the birth of Athena, and the latter the contest of Athena and Poseidon for the soil of Attica. Nothing but fragments of these figures remain ; but even in their ruin they have been called " the sublimest crea- tions of Greek art that have escaped annihilation " (Tarbell). They are wonderful reproductions of the human form in action and in repose, and show surpassing skill in the man- agement of drapery. The Parthenon Frieze. Scarcely less remarkable were the extensive array of reliefs which decorated the inner frieze surrounding the Parthenon. These represented the Pan- athenaic procession, which on the birthday of Athena con- 238 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY veyed the peplos, or robe of the goddess, from the outer Cer- amicus through the streets of Athens to her temple on the Acropolis. This frieze contained a vast variety of figures prancing horses held in check by the steady hand of their riders, elderly men bearing olive branches and preceded by flute players, chariots occupied by armed warriors, beautiful l^ -\ maidens and dignified magistrates, a group of Olympian di- vinities, and many other subjects. The total length of this frieze was more than five hundred feet, and it was elevated about forty feet from the pavement of the temple. Lord Elgin, by permission of the Turkish government, removed about half of these reliefs, with other sculptures from the Parthenon, to the British Museum, where they are now deposited under the name of the " Elgin Marbles." Other Specimens of Relief. The metopes of the outer Par- thenon frieze were filled with small groups in high relief, representing many mythological subjects. These were in har- mony with the idea of decoration which had been employed in the earlier Doric temples. But there was another interest- ATHENS AND ATHENIAN ART UNDER PERICLES 239 ing form of relief carving ex- isting at this time which we should notice ; namely, that placed upon the gravestones in the cemetery outside the Dipylon Gate. Here, even in the presence of death, we may see the same calmness of mind that formed one of the distin- guishing features of the high- est Athenian art. Upon these marbles we see depicted no violent expressions of grief, but peace mingled with sad- ness repose in the midst of sorrow. Athenian Painting. It is impossible for us to form a very clear idea of the progress made in painting during this time; because this art is less durable than that of. sculpture. But we know from the works of classic authors that painting had made considerable prog- ress. The colors, however, were still put on in flat tints, with- out shading. The great painter of this period was Polygnotus. He was born in the island of Thasos, but came to Athens and is said to have been made an Athenian citizen. His most famous works were placed upon temples, stoas, and other pub- lic buildings, especially the Painted Porch (Stoa Poecile) and the Propylaea. His subjects were mostly mythological and historical scenes. Grave Relief IV. Influence of Athenian Art Art in Other Parts of Greece. Although Athens was the highest center of Greek art, there were other cities not far behind her in art culture. This was due both to the direct 240 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY influence of Athenian artists, and also to the spirit of rivalry which existed in other places. Phidias assisted in the adorn- ment of the famous temple of Zeus at Olympia. His statue of the Olympian Zeus was regarded by many as his master- piece and as one of the wonders of the world. The statue represented the father of the gods seated upon a throne, and ruling the world in calm majesty. It was forty feet high and wrought, like the Athena of the Parthenon, in ivory and gold. This sublime work of art has been lost, and not even an adequate copy of it remains, although attempts have been made to repro- duce it from the description of ancient writers. Art in Argos. Another center of Greek art was Argos, which was the seat of a school which nearly equaled that of Athens. The great master of this school, and hence the chief rival of Phidias, was Polycli'tus. Like Phidias he wrought statues in ivory and gold, and though they lacked the majesty of the great works of Phidias, they were unsur- passed in their artistic beauty. He was especially successful in molding the human form, and in giving to his fig- ures the appearance of natural grace and repose. The Wounded Amazon is often referred to as an example of his style, although it can not be absolutely identified as his work. Art in Thrace. The influence of Grecian art may be seen even in the remote city of Monde in Thrace. Here flourished the sculptor Paeo'nius. From the little information we have, we should judge that his works were almost equal to those of the more renowned artists of Athens and Argos. His chief work, which has been found at Olympia, represents a Wounded Amazon (Style of Polyclitus) ATHENS AND ATHENIAN ART UNDER PERICLES 241 Winged Victory floating in the air with her drapery blown by the breeze a figure bold in design and beautiful in execution, and combining in a remark- able degree the qualities of movement and repose. These examples must suffice to illustrate the great superiority of Greek art in its highest form, as contrasted with the more ancient art of the East, which it superseded. In place of the grotesque, the monstrous, the realistic, and often repulsive figures of the Orient, we here see forms of symmetry, of proportion, and of ideal beauty, which, whether expressed in architecture or in sculpture, have fur- nished to the world the highest models of taste. Victory of PjiONius (Restored) SELECTIONS FOR READING Allcroft, Vol. II., Ch. 13, "The Imperial City " (10). i Abbott, Pericles, Ch. 17, " The Athens of Pericles" (27). Holm, Vol. II., Ch. 20, "Athens under Pericles" (11). Mahaffy, Rambles, Ch. 4, "The Acropolis of Athens" (21). Smith, Ch. 34, "Athens, and Athenian Art during the Period of her Empire" (10). Bury, Ch. 9, 6, "The Restoration of the Temples" (10). Curtius, Vol. II., pp. 592-641, "Athens the Center of Intellectual Life" (11). Dyer, Ch. 5, " Athens from the Time of Themistocles " (19). 1 The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Appen- dix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. 242 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY Butler, Chs. 7, 8, "The Golden Age" (19). Tarbell, Ch. 8, "The Great Age of Greek Sculpture " (19). Gardner, Handbook, Ch. 3, "The Fifth Century " (19). SPECIAL STUDY The Parthenon. Smith, pp. 394-395 (10); Tarbell, pp. 190-199 (19) ; Gardner, Ancient Athens, Ch. 7 (19) ; Butler, pp. 209-223 (19) ; Harrison and Verrall, 18 (19) ; Furtwangler, Appendix, pp. 423- 442, 451-468 (19) ; Stuart and Revett, pp. 47-56 (19). CHAPTER XIX INTELLECTUAL CULTURE IN THE AGE OF PERICLES I. The Theater as a Means of Culture The Theater of Dionysus. The greatness of Athens during the time of Pericles is seen not only in the splendid works of art which adorned the city, but also in the high grade of intel- lectual culture which distinguished the Athenian people. One of the chief centers of intellectual life was the theater. This was a place not simply for amusement, but for instruction, and for moral and religious inspiration. Athens had but one place where dramatic performances were placed upon the stage the theater of Dionysus. It was situated on the south- eastern slope of the Acropolis, and was, it is said, capable of seating thirty thousand people, or the whole voting population of Attica. The performances took place in the open air during the festivals of Dionysus, the wine god, and consisted of trage- dies, comedies, satyric dramas, and choral hymns, the most important of these being the works of the great tragedians. We may get a general view of the theater by looking at its different parts the stage, the orchestra, and the auditorium. The Stage and the Actors. The stage was erected in what appeared to be a separate building, presenting an architectural INTELLECTUAL CULTURE UNDER PERICLES 243 The Theater of Dionysus (Restoration) front to the audience. It consisted of (1) an elevated platform {loghim), upon which the actors played their parts, and (2) of a rear wall (scena), which furnished the background of the play, representing the locality where the action was supposed to take place. The number of professional actors in a play was limited to three ; but this did not limit the number of char- acters, as the same actor might take more than one part. Typi- cal characters were represented by masks, which covered not only the face, but the head as well. To increase the apparent size of the actor a thick-soled boot (cothurnus) was worn. The 1 2^3 Masks used in Tragedy morey's greek hist. 15 244 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY costumes were similar to the ordinary Greek dress, but more elaborate in style and color. The actor was paid by the state, and his profession came to be an honorable one. The Orchestra and Chorus. In front of the stage was a semi- circular, level area, called the orchestra, set apart for the chorus. Its central position suggests to us the time when the chorus was the most important part of the drama; but it had now come to be subordinate to the dialogue. The size of the chorus was now reduced from the original number of fifty to twelve or fifteen. It was composed of men or boys, hired to per- form this subordinate part of the play. The words of the chorus were delivered by singing or by recitation, accompanied by dancing and gesticulations, all of which was intended to interpret the thought and emotions of the play. The Auditorium and the Audience. Encircling the orchestra was the auditorium, or the rising tiers of seats occupied by the spectators. The seats were without backs except the reserved front row, set apart for distinguished persons, the most honored seat being that of the priest of Dionysus. The price of admission to the main body of seats was the same to all two obols for each day's per- formance. That the poor- est citizen might not be excluded, Pericles pro- Seat of the Priest of Dionysus vided that the admission fee should be paid by the state to any person applying for it. The Athenian audience was lively, intelligent, and discrimi- nating, and has been pronounced to be "superior to any [other] audience of the same size which has ever been brought together" (Haigh). WL ASv^^H ^w ^^>3%B^^^K|^^H 3 INTELLECTUAL CULTURE UNDER PERICLES 2J:5 II. The Drama and the Great Tragedians The Elevation of the Drama. There were several causes which tended to elevate the character of the Greek drama at this time. The high artistic taste which was shown in the other arts had a beneficial effect upon the art of dramatic composition. Again, the fact that dramatic performances took the form of contests, in which a number of competitors usually three strove for the approval of the audience and for the prizes awarded by official judges, tended to stimulate the efforts of dramatic writers. Moreover, the drama was that form of literature which appealed to the sympathies of the people ; and, in the form of tragedy, it responded to their higher moral and religious instincts. Finally, it was encouraged by Pericles himself, who looked upon it as a means of public education and culture. From ^schylus to Sophocles. We have already noticed the origin of the Greek tragedy and the heroic character that it acquired in the hands of ^schylus (see page 195). Although .Eschylus continued to write during the early part of this period, he yet represented the older.spirit born of the Persian wars. The newer spirit was embodied in Sophocles, who at the age of twenty-eight wrested the prize from .Eschylus, and from that time expressed the highest dramatic genius of the Greeks. He introduced the third actor upon the stage ; and this gave greater freedom and scope to dramatic composition. He also gave less prominence to the chorus, which be used chiefly to accompany the dialogue and to give a moral back- ground to the play. Moreover, he introduced less of the heroic and superhuman element, and brought his characters into closer relation to human life. The Tragedies of Sophocles. Sophocles is said to have composed more than a hundred dramas, of which only seven have come down to us. It is impossible to characterize in a few words these great works of literature. They are wonder- ful delineations of human suffering under the stress of adverse 246 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY circumstances. In the " Antigone " (page 86), we see a noble woman struggling to obey the divine will, against the commands of an earthly power ; in the " Elec'tra," a lofty nature bowed down with an overwhelm- ing sense of duty ; in the "King (Edipus," the re- morse of one who had been led, against his own will, to commit a horrible crime; in the " CEdipus at Colonus," the pitiful suf- fering of an old man de- prived of the blessings of life. And also in the "Ajax," the "Philocte'- tes," and the "Trachin'- ise," we see other phases of human suffering under circumstances which ap- peal to the deepest sym- pathy. Sophocles as a Literary Artist. In estimating the significance of Sophocles we should look at him not simply as a tragedian but as an artist as truly an artist as was Phidias or Polyclitus. His works, like theirs, are distin- guished by proportion and symmetry, by extraordi- nary grace and beauty of form. In his dramas, as in the build- ings and sculpture of the Acropolis, we see the distinctive features of the best Hellenic taste. It has been well said that the tragedies of Sophocles "exhibit the same union of power Sophocles INTELLECTUAL CULTURE UNDER PERICLES 247 with purity of taste, the same self-restraint, the same instinct for beauty, which can still be admired in the remains of the temple. In the poetry, as in the marble, the Athenian spirit showed the fineness to which it could be tempered by the con- currence of those influences and conditions which the age of Pericles had brought together " (Jebb). The Works of Euripides. The last of the great tragedians was Eurip'ides, who composed his earlier plays during the period of Pericles but continued to write during the following period. He thus represents to a certain degree the chang- ing spirit of the age. While less of an artist than Sopho- cles, he appealed quite as strongly to the sympathies of the people. Aristotle called him the " most tragic of poets." Eighteen of his plays are still extant ; and from these we can judge of his style and method of treating his sub- jects. In his hands the chorus became less connected with the action of the play, and his characters were brought into closer relation to common life. The ancient legends, which ^schylus had clothed with a sublime pathos, and Sophocles had invested with a dignified charm, Euripides often reduced to the level of ordinary events. The lack of reverence which he showed for the old mythology was due no doubt to the philosophical drift of the times, with which he sympathized more than did his predecessors. This gave to his writings what appeared to many as a taint of skepticism. This under- current of Greek philosophical thought, which tended to dilute the old religious beliefs, we can better understand by looking at the opinions of the philosophers themselves. Euripides 248 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY III. The Progress of Philosophy and Education The New Philosophy; Anaxagoras. It was not until the time of Pericles that any special encouragement was given to philosophy at Athens. Hitherto, as we have seen, philosophy had been cultivated chiefly in Asia Minor and southern Italy. From this time, however, Athens gradually became the philo- sophical center of Greece. The first thinker who belonged to what we might call the Athenian school was Anaxag'oras. Although born at Clazomense in Asia Minor, he early came to Athens, where he spent the most of his life, and numbered among his friends Pericles and Euripides. His name marks an epoch in the development of the Greek mind; because he seems to have been the first to declare that the world was brought into shape and is governed by a supreme Intel- ligence. This doctrine was opposed to the old mythology ; and as the people were jealous of their ancient beliefs, Anaxagoras was charged with atheism and banished from the city. The Sophists as Teachers and Philosophers. At this time there also appeared a class of men called sophists. They were primarily teachers who gave lectures upon science, gram- mar, rhetoric, and the art of reasoning. They professed to represent the entire culture of the time, and to prepare young men for the practical duties of life. Their pretense of learning was often mistaken for the possession of wisdom ; and their training in the art of reasoning often degenerated into mere quibbling, or the attempt " to make the worse appear the better reason." On this account the sophists were sometimes led to overlook the distinction between truth and error. Their philo- sophical ideas had therefore no firm foundation. To them one opinion seemed as good as another ; or to put it in their own words, " Man is the measure of all things." Athenian Education. Whatever criticism we may pass upon the philosophical ideas of the sophists, we must not forget the service which they rendered to education. From the INTELLECTUAL CULTURE LENDER PERICLES 249 time of Solon, the Greeks had been thoroughly impressed with the importance of training the young, in order to develop the body, the mind, and the emotions. The most elementary education consisted of reading, writing, and arithmetic. Their reading and writing included the committing to memory of the sayings of the wise men and passages from the old poets ; these were also copied upon waxed tablets by means of the stylus. Their arithmetical computations were made with the aid of the abacus, or count- ing board. To this was added music, for the cul- tivation of the feelings ; while gymnastic exercises gave to the youths sound, symmetrical bodies. To this elementary discipline given in the schools and gymnasia was now added a more advanced kind of ^ ^^^^^^ ^^' the Poets education given by the sophists, .in the form of conversations and lectures. Such instruction was given in the frequented places of Athens in the streets and in the porches of the Agora, and afterward in the " Academy " and " Lyce'um." It included all branches of practical and theoretical knowledge; and was intended to give what we should call a "liberal educar tion " to make broad-minded men and enlightened citizens. IV. Begixxixgs of Prose Literature The History of Herodotus. We should not leave this subject without a few words regarding that form of culture which is expressed in prose literature. In Greece, as elsewhere, poetry preceded prose in the order of development. The epic, the elegy, the lyric, the drama, had been cultivated ' before any noteworthy works in prose were written. Even philosophy was at first written in the form of poetry. The first really 250 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY great work of prose literature in the Greek language was the history written by Herodotus, a native of Halicarnassus. Herodotus was born during the period of the Persian wars. This great conflict between the Greeks and the Persians was to him the greatest of all events. It became the subject of his history, and furnishes to us our chief knowledge of that struggle. He traveled extensively, and became ac- quainted with the manners, institutions, and legends of many countries. He came to Athens when the culture of that city was at its height ; and he became a close friend of Sophocles and an ardent admirer of Peri- Herodotus ^^^^' U^^^ these influences his history be- came imbued with an Athenian spirit, and acquired the character of an artistic literary composition. Into his work are skillfully woven the narrative of historical events and the description of foreign countries, facts which he him- self observed as well as stories and myths told him by others. The critical accuracy of Herodotus has often been questioned ; but the charming qualities of his simple, direct, and graphic style have always been admired. The Oratory of Pericles. Another form of prose literature was beginning to show itself in orator}^ This was to a great extent the product of the democratic institutions of Athens. It was also influenced by the professional teachers of rhetoric, who instructed citizens how to plead in the courts and how to address the assembly. The earliest extant orations are those of An'tiphon, who composed speeches as examples of forensic debate. But so far as we know, the greatest orator of the age of Pericles was Pericles himself. His position as leader of the people was due, not only to his character as a man and his ability as a statesman, but also to his power of eloquence, by which he was able to control the Athenian assembly. When we remember that the Athenian state was ruled by the assembly, and that for twenty years the assembly was controlled by the SOCIAL CULTURE, LIFE AND MANNERS 251 words of Pericles, we must regard hiin not simply as " the most accomplished of orators," as Plato calls him, but as an orator who, for eifective eloquence, has had few equals in the world's history. SELECTIONS FOR READING Allcroft, Vol. IL, Ch. 15, "Literature" (lO).i Jebb, Classical Poetry, pp. 157-221, "The Attic Drama" (23). Gow, 31, "The Greek Drama" (18). Butcher, pp. 85-132, Sophocles (12). Holm, Vol. 11., Ch. 29, "Art and Literature" (11). Curtius, Vol. II., pp. 546-558, "Intellectual Life at Athens" (11). Symonds, Ch. 7, "Greek Tragedy and Euripides" (23). Zeller, pp. 83-88, " Anaxagoras" ; pp. 88-101, "The Sophists" (24). Bury, Ch. 9, 11, " Higher Education and the Sophists" (10). Bliimner, Ch. 3, "Education" (22). SPECIAL STUDY The Greek Theater. Blumner, Ch. 12 (22) ; Gow, pp. 259-286 (18) ; Guhl and Koner, pp. 121-133, 275-281 (22) ; Becker, pp. 403-412 (22) ; Grant, pp. 310-316 (16) ; Haigh, especially Ch. 3 (23) ; Harper's Class. Diet., "Theatrum " (18) ; Donaldson, Bk. IL (23). CHAPTER XX SOCIAL CULTURE, LIFE AND MANNERS I. Industrial Life in Athens Occupations of the People. From these higher planes of cul- ture we may descend to the more ordinary phases of Athenian life the social customs and manners of the people. Let us first look at the industrial society. How did the Athenians get their living? Many of them received some compensation by serving the state. The higher officials, it is true, received 1 The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Appen- dix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. 252 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY no reward except the honor which attended the position. But pay was given to the members of the council, to the " dicasts '' when serving as jurors, to all citizens attending the assembly, and to those who served in the army and the fleet. But the mass of citizens obtained their living at Athens, as in other communities, by engaging in some agricultural, manufacturing, commercial, or professional pursuit. Agriculture and Agricultural Products. From the earliest times agriculture was regarded as an honorable occupation. No one but a free citizen could own land in Attica. Although the land was not very fertile, and was generally worked by slaves, it yielded a fair income to its owner. The soil was adapted not so well to the raising of cereals as to the cultiva- tion of olives, figs, and grapes. With the cutting down of the forests, the land was also used for grazing. On the hills of Attica bees were kept, and the honey of Hymettus was famous. The farmers furnished most of the food required for the people, except grain and some of the luxuries of the epicure, which were obtained from other lands. Manufactures and Industrial Arts. Although a certain amount of industry was carried on in the household, such as spinning, weaving, and embroidery, there grew up in Athens a great variety of trades in which separate classes of artisans were employed. There were millers and bakers; makers of cloth, fullers and dyers; workers in wood, like furniture, cabinet, and wagon makers; workers in iron, like blacksmiths and makers of arms and armor; artisans in clay, glass, silver, and gold. "In con- sequence of the flourishing condition of the Attic trades, the articles were sought everywhere, as, for example, the Attic metal and leather wares, lamps, utensils of all kinds, especially of earthenware " (Curtius). Greek Vase SOCIAL CULTURE, LIFE AND MANNERS ^53 Commerce and Trade. Like many other cities of Greece, Athens became an important commercial center, especially after the building of her famous seaport, the Piraeus. But as a large part of the commercial business was carried on by resi- dent foreigners, this occupation was not in so high repute as those of the farmer or the manufacturer. The exports were mostly manufactured articles, including oil and wine. The imports included grain from Pontus, Syria, and Egypt, and wood, iron, and copper from Macedonia and Thrace. An important mercantile occupation was that of the banker, whose business was to change, borrow, and lend money, and also to assist people in making investments. Professional Pursuits. Certain people gained their living by pursuits which we should call "professional." For example, the physician, who was supposed to derive his knowledge from the god Ascle'pius (^scula - pius), was held in great esteem ; he received fees for his services, and sometimes had a fixed salary paid by the state. Although the ordinary school- master was regarded as hardly better than a servant, the higher teachers, like the sophists, were honored and received consid- erable pay for their instruction. The common sculptor was looked upon merely as a stonecutter; but there were artists, architects, and painters, like Phidias, Ictinus, and Polygnotus, whose position ranked as a profession, accompanied with honor and large remuneration. A similar difference existed between the lower and the better class of actors and musicians. In the matter of law, every man was expected to plead his own cause ; but in the course of time men assumed the part of counselors, to give advice to litigants and to prepare speeches to be delivered by them in the courts of justice, and this became a lucrative profession. ASCLEPIUS 254 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY Greek Slavery. In Athens, as well as in the other parts of Greece, and in fact in all the nations of antiquity, a large part of the industry, especially that of a menial character, was per- formed by slaves. Generally the slave received no compensa- tion for his work except his support; but occasionally he might be intrusted with a certain amount of money and allowed a percentage on what he made from it, and with his profits he might even purchase his freedom. The worst effect of slavery was to throw a kind of reproach upon almost all forms of manual labor, and thus to degrade the poor class of freemen who were obliged to work for a living. II. Domestic Life in Athens The Athenian Home. After looking at the way in which the Athenian obtained his living, we may look at the way in which he lived, especially at his own home. As he spent a large part of his time at the Agora and other public resorts, we might suppose that his home life would be a matter of minor impor- tance. While this is true to a certain extent, still he was not unmindful of his family. In his own house he was the su- preme master, and the law did not interfere with his authority. Absorbed in public life, the Athenian, however, looked upon his home chiefly as the place where he could eat, sleep, offer his daily prayers, entertain his friends, and store his goods ; while he left its management almost entirely to the house- wife and her retinue of servants. The House and its Furniture. The ordinary dwelling house was an unpretentious structure, as compared with the magnifi- cent public buildings on which the Athenians lavished their wealth. As we approach the house we see nothing but a plain wall facing the street, and entered by a single door, upon which is hung a metal knocker. In its plan the house was simply a series of rooms surrounding a court, which was open to the sky. The court itself was usually surrounded by a series of columns, which in the finer houses produced a dignified and artistic SOCIAL CULTURE, LIFE AND MANNERS 255 Interior of a Greek House (Restoration) effect. Sometimes there might be a second court in the rear, surrounded by the women's apartments ; and often the house might be constructed with a second story. The roof was flat and covered w^ith clay tiles. The decoration and furniture of the house corresponded, of course, to the wealth of the occu- pant. The Greeks generally preferred comfort to luxury. But the furnishings, however simple they might be, showed a refined taste. The chairs, stools, and couches were made of ornamental woodwork. The lamps, made of metal or terra- cotta, were especially artistic. In different places around the court we might see bronze or marble statuettes and vases of precious metal and of elegant workmanship. Dress and Ornaments. The Greeks also showed their simple taste in their dress, which was in strong contrast to the elabo- rate and gaudy apparel of the Oriental people. The dress of the men and women was quite similar, although that of the latter was more full and flowing. It consisted usually of two garments ; first, a tunic called chiton, held in place by clasps 256 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY upon the shoulder, and a belt or girdle about the waist ; and second, a broad cloak called hima'tion, thrown in loose folds about the body. The mode of adjusting the himation often showed the skill and taste of the wearer (see page 246). The feet might or might not be protected by sandals. The elaborate ornaments worn by the Greeks at the time of Homer were discarded by men at the time of Pericles. The Athenian gentleman, dressed in his tunic and cloak, with sandals, a ring upOn his finger, and a walking stick in his hand, was fully equipped for the street. The Athenian women still retained a taste for ornaments. They wore a fillet for con- fining the hair, earrings of various designs, Athena necklaces, and bracelets and anklets. They also carried fans and parasols, either for use or for ornament. The general effect of the simple female costume of the Greeks may be seen in the pictures here given of statues representing different mytho- logical characters. Marriage and the Position of Women. As the father was the master of the household, he provided for the mar- riage of his children ; and the betrothal was really an engagement made between the parents of the bride and groom. Although marriage was a legal contract, the wedding was a sacred, as well as a festive, ceremony. The parties purified themselves with the water brought from a sacred spring, and the bride's father offered a sacrifice to the gods of mar- Urania riage. Then followed a banquet, in which the guests partook of the wedding cake. The banquet closed with a libation and SOCIAL CULTURE, LIFE AND MANNERS 257 kind wishes for the newly married couple, who were attended to their future home by a procession of friends and attend- ants, garlanded with flowers and singing the nuptial song to the music of flutes. The Athenians believed that the proper sphere of woman was the home ; and she was hence deprived of the liberty which she enjoyed in Homeric times, and even at this time in Sparta. Her world was the little world of household duties. For this sphere she had been trained by her mother ; and she was taught that politics and the turmoil of the street should be left to men. Her employments, spin- ning, weaving, embroidery, and the culti- vation of her personal charms, were not of course conducive to a high intellectual Polymnia culture. The women of Athens are therefore often satirized by certain comic poets and other writers. But we must re- member that the Athenians worshiped Athena as the guardian of their city, and venerated their goddesses quite as highly as their gods ; that woman was one of the most exalted subjects of the best Athenian art; and that female charac- ters, like the Antigone of Sophocles, are among the most noble in the whole range of Athenian literature. These facts show that the Athenians were not entirely insensible to the attractions of feminine beauty and feminine virtues. Funeral Ceremonies. The Athenians had a great respect for the dead. To Demeter give a proper burial to one's relatives was one of the most sacred of duties. Even a stranger who found a dead body was required to cover it with earth. The 258 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY funeral ceremonies were strictly defined. The body was washed, anointed, clothed, crowned with a chaplet, and laid out in the vestibule. An obolus was placed in the mouth as a fee to Charon, who was supposed to row the departed spirit across the river Styx. Then were brought together and deposited Laying out of the Dead near the body vases and other personal effects, to be placed in the grave. Over the bier were uttered loud lamentations. On the third day the funeral procession, made up of the mourn- ing relatives and their friends, attended the body to the spot where it was to be burned or buried. If the corpse was burned, the ashes were collected in an urn. If it was buried, it was placed in a coffin, and above the grave was erected some kind of monument. One of the most important of the burial grounds of Athens was in the Outer Ceramicus beyond the Dipylon Gate. III. Social Life ix Athens Athenian Sociability. The Athenians were essentially a sociable people. This is seen in their hospitality, which they possessed in common with all other Greeks, but especially in their love of companionship and of social entertainments, and also in their love of conversation. Of all the Greek peoples the Athenians excelled in the power to talk in an interesting SOCIAL CULTURE, LIFE AND MANNERS 259 manner. With their high intellectual tastes, they liked to com- pare their ideas upon literature and art and philosophy ; and with their strong democratic spirit, they cared little for the aristocracy of blood or wealth. The marks of a gentleman were refined manners, a bright intellect, a good education, and, not the least, the capacity to converse in a pleasing man- ner upon many topics. Their social qualities were thus in harmony with their general intellectual culture. Society of the Street. The open air was, in many respects, the home of the Greek gentleman. In the streets he could always find his friends, with whom he was accustomed to pass many hours of the day. The chief center of the social life of Athens as it was of the political and commercial life was the Agora. Here under the shade of plane trees, or within the neighboring porches and porticoes, he could find comfort and the companionship of friends. Here he could discuss the policy of Pericles, the art of Phidias, the plays of Sophocles, the ideas of Anaxagoras and the sophists, or engage in talk of a lighter strain. A great deal of the intellectual culture of Athens was thus developed by this kind of social intercourse, which we might call the " society of the street." The Lyceum and Academy. The Athenians found other places of resort and social pleasures in the gymnasia, of which we shall notice only the two most famous the Lyceum and the Academy. They were both situated outside the walls of the city, the Lyceum just to the east, and the Academy about a mile to the north. They were at first simply exercising grounds laid out for the benefit of the young men. But it became customary for the older men to repair to these places, not only to watch the games, but to find a retreat from the bustle of the city. The gymnasia became in time more spacious and elegant in their arrangements, surrounded by colonnades, with adjoining halls furnished with seats for philosophers, rhetoricans, and others who delighted in intel- lectual conversation. In this way the gymnasia such as the Lyceum and the Academy came to be not only places for morey's greek hist. 16 260 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY exercise and recreation, but centers of intellectual and social life. These places were under strict regulations, based upon the Greek idea that there should be rational moderation and decorum in all things. Social and Political Clubs. Another feature of the social life of Athens is seen in the organization of clubs. These grew out of the early custom of forming parties, like picnics, at which each person contributed his portion of the viands. But in time they came to be permanent organizations of persons, made up generally of young men, who shared in the expense of main- taining the club. The club was organized primarily for social . purposes, to cultivate companionship ; and one of its features was a stated dinner or banquet given perhaps once a month. But from these social clubs grew up political clubs made up usually of aristocratic yomig men, devoted to the interest of the oligarchical party ; and these came to exercise some influ- ence upon the political life of Athens. The Banquet and Symposium. The banquet was not simply a special feature of the social clubs ; it was a general feature of Athenian society. As there were no places of public amuse- ment open after sunset, the banquet was the chief form of entertainment for the evening. It was generally a dinner party given by a gentleman at his own house to his friends. It differed from the ordinary dinner in being more elabo- rate and in being restricted to men, and also in being followed by a "symposium.'' The character of the symposium varied, of course, with the character and culture of the guests. With the most highly cultivated, it was indeed a " feast of reason and flow of soul," accompanied as it was by refined conversa- tion, dashes of oratory, sparks of wit, relieved by rehearsals from the poets and the music of the flute or lyre. A less cultivated class would be entertained by enigmas and rid- dles, jests and jokes at the expense of friends, and games of skill or chance. With the most convivial and least cultivated, the symposium might descend to ribaldry, the singing of bois- terous songs ; and with the exhaustion of their own resources PEEIOD V. THE TALL OF THE ATHENIAN EMPIEE (431-359 B.C.) CHAPTER XXI THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR (431-404 b.c.) I. From the Beginxixg to the Peace of Nicias (431-421 B.C.) Causes and Significance of the War. We have now passed in review the most important facts in Greek history since the close of the Persian invasions a period marked by the growth of the Athenian empire, and culminating in the brilliant age of Pericles. Since the so-called Thirty Years' Truce (see page 213), Athens had achieved triumphs in peace surpassing the mili- tary glory which she had acquired in the wars with Persia. But from this height of prosperity she was destined soon to fall. As we take a certain pride in her prosperity, so the story of her fall has for us a kind of tragic interest. If we look at some of the methods which Athens used in developing her empire, we must be convinced that her great- ness was, to a certain extent, acquired at the expense of others. In building up her empire she had degraded her allies into subjects. In adorning her city she had used the funds which were contributed for the common defense. She was evidently devoted more to her own interests and glory than to the com- mon welfare of Greece. Her imperial policy awakened not only the discontent of her own subjects, but also the jealousy of the Peloponnesian states under the lead of Sparta. All 263 264 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY these things were remote causes which finally led to that long and bitter conflict known as the Peloponnesian war. While an undue importance is sometimes given to this war, there are yet certain reasons why it has for us a peculiar significance : (1) because it is described by one of the world's greatest his- torians, Thucydides ; (2) because it marks the downfall of the Athenian empire ; and (3) because it illustrates one of the great defects of the Greek character the incapacity to form a national state. Events Leading to the War. This war was essentially a struggle between Athens and Sparta. The events which led to it, however, did not directly concern Sparta herself, but Corinth, one of the members of the Peloponnesian league. It was Corinth that first became embroiled with Athens. Corinth was incensed because, in a quarrel between herself and her colony Corcyra, Athens had taken the part of Corcyra. On the other hand, Athens was incensed because, in an attempt to put down a revolt in Potidsea, a colony in Chalcidice origi- nally founded by Corinth, but now a subject ally of Athens Corinth had taken the part of Potidsea. These facts, of course, produced a bitter feeling between Corinth and Athens. But Corinth was in no condition to cope single-handed with a power like Athens; and so she appealed to Sparta for aid, claiming that Athens had broken the Thirty Years' Truce. Sparta called a meeting of the Peloponnesian states ; and it was there decided to declare war against Athens. Parties to the War. By this declaration of war Greece became divided into two hostile camps, under the leadership respectively of Sparta and of Athens. Sparta was the head of the I)oria.n racg ^and ot'~Ehe Peloponn esian league, which was a confederacy consisting largely of inland st^[tes; she was also the representative of aristocracy ; and she had under her com- mand the best-organized army of Greece. Athens, on the other hand, was the head of the Ionian race, and of the Delian confed- eracy, which had become an empire of maritime states ; she was also the promoter of democratic institutions ; and she THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR 265 had under her control the most powerful navy of Greece. Around these two leading powers were grouped the various states of Hellas. Sparta had on her side all the states of the Peloponnesus, except Argolis and Achaia, which remained neutral, and, outside the Peloponnesus, Megaris, Boeotia, East Locris, Phocis, Ambra'cia, Anacto'rium, and the island of Leucas. Athens, on her part, was supported by all the island states of the ^gean, except Melos and Thera, together with the coast cities of Asia Minor, Thrace, Chalcidice, and Thessaly (a luke- warm ally), also Acarnania and Naupactus, and the western islands of Corcyra, Zacynthus, and afterward Cephallenia. These various states supported their respective leaders with soldiers, ships, and money. The War Policy of Pericles ; his Death. If we compare the respective forces of the two leading states, we may see the rea- son of the war policy adopted by Pericles. The Athenian army could not hope to defeat the superior land forces which Sparta sent to invade Attica ; and so the inhabitants of Attica were called upon by Pericles to find a safe refuge within the walls of the city, while the powerful Athenian navy was sent to harass and ravage the coasts of the Peloponnesus. In this way the war was conducted during the earlier years that is, by periodical invasions of Attica by the Spartan army, and by successive attacks upon the Peloponnesian coasts by the Athe- nian navy. In the third year of the war Pericles died (429 b.c), stricken down by a terrible plague which broke out in the over- crowded city. In the death of Pericles Athens lost her greatest statesman, at a time when she needed him most. No one man whom she had ever produced expressed more fully what was best in the Athenian character. " None did so much to make his country great, his city beautiful. Statesman, politician, and diplomat ; soldier, general, and admiral ; philoso- pher, artist, and orator ; immovable in soul, inflexible in purpose, incorruptible in honor ; he was the first and last embodiment of all the qualities which went to make Athens great" (Allcroft). 266 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY Progress of the War. New and less experienced leaders now came forward to guide the affairs of state. The man who aspired to the position of Pericles was Cleon, a coarse leather- dealer, a bold demagogue, and a vociferous orator. Opposed to him was Nicias {7iish'i-as), a Avell-bred man, a conservative leader, but overcautious and devoid of energy. During the next four years the progress of the war was marked by four important events the fall of Plataea, the revolt of Lesbos, the sedition at Corcyra, and the capture of Sphacte'ria. 1. Plataea, a city on the borders of Boeotia, was an old and steadfast ally of Athens. Leaving the plague to do its work in Attica, the Spartans invested this city (429 b.c). No aid came from the distracted city of Athens ; and after two years of siege, the Plataeans were obliged to surrender, and were mercilessly put to death. 2. During the siege of Platsea, the Athenians were startled with the news that Lesbos, one of their most powerful allies on the Asiatic coast, was in a state of revolt. This revolt was provoked by the oligarchical faction, which was hostile to Athens. A year was required to reduce to- submission Myti- lene and the other cities of the island (427 B.C.). When the question arose in the Athenian assembly as to what should be done with the insurgents, Cleon demanded that every one of them should be put to death ; his stormy eloquence prevailed and a decree was passed to that effect. As the result of wiser counsels, however, the decree was changed the next day, and made to apply only to the leaders of the revolt. But under this more merciful act, over a thousand men, it is said, were put to death, the walls of Mytilene were dismantled, and the lands were allotted to Athenian citizens. 3. Not only the island of Lesbos in the east, but the island of Corcyra in the west, was distracted by the seditious at- tempts of the oligarchical faction to break the alliance with Athens (427 b.c). This sedition was attended with the most horrible scenes of bloodshed and crime, and the island was plunged into a reign of terror. Never before had the strife of THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR 267 parties been so deadly. Sparta sent there a fleet to aid the oligarchs in their revolt against Athens. Athens also sent a fleet to aid the democratic party in putting down the rebellion. Finally, the democratic party triumphed by utterly extermi- nating the defeated faction ; and the alliance with Athens was renewed. 4. Soon after this disgraceful sedition at Corcyra, the Athe- nians gained a great success by the capture of Pylos and the island of Sphacteria, on the western coast of Messenia. Pylos was a height upon the mainland; it was captured and fortified by the able general Demos'thenes. The Spartans hastened with an army and fleet to dislodge the Athenian force. The fleet was defeated in the bay, and a part of the army was entrapped on the neighboring island of Sphacteria. The Spartans sued for peace ; but the voice of Cleon overpowered the Athenian assembly, and the war continued. As Cleon boasted that he could capture the beleaguered Spartans he w^as given the authority to do so. With the aid of Demosthenes, he reduced the island within twenty days, and re- turned triumphantly to Athens with three hundred prisoners (425 B.C.). This piece of good fortune made the boasting dema- gogue the hero of the hour, and gave the Athenians new hope. Brasidas and the Campaign in Chalcidice (424 b.c). Except the capture of Platsea, the Spartans had gained no important victory on land or sea since the beginning of the war, and now the loss of Sphacteria was humiliating. Added to this mis- fortune, the Athenians soon captured the island of Cythera (424 B.C.), from which they could cut off the Spartan commerce and harass the neighboring coasts of Laconia. But from these discouragements and threatening dangers, Sparta was rescued by the ability of her most able general, Bras'idas. This keen- sighted general saw that the repeated invasions of Attica were useless as long as Athens could draw support from her ^gean i "^^m %' Vm ^ % 4 i ^ ^M.Bay of PylosM CO m C^^ i V yi^ i ^ 1 Sphacteria 268 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY allies. He therefore determined to strike at the sources of Athenian power, and planned the most brilliant campaign of the war the expedition into Chalcidice. Here were situated some of the most important allies of Athens, in a country rich in resources. With a small force Brasidas marched through Megaris, Boeotia, and Thessaly. While he was far away to the north, the Athenians tried to get possession of Boeotia, but were severely defeated in a battle at De'lium (424 b.c). On his arrival in Chalcidice, Brasidas appealed to the cities to throw off the yoke of the tyrant Athens. Sev- eral towns quickly responded to his call Acan'thus, Stagi- rus, and Ar'gilus. Amphip'olis soon sur- rendered, and Brasi- das was prevented from taking Ei'on only by the arrival of the Athenian general Thucydides (the historian), who had been lying with a small squadron off the island of Thasos. Turning to the south, Brasidas took possession of the little peninsula of Acte and then the cities of Torone and Mende on the other peninsulas. The Athenians thus lost an important part of their empire, situated on the northern ^Egean. The Peace of Nicias (421 b.c). Cast down by these disasters Athens obtained a truce for a year (423 b.c). At its conclusion Cleon still clamored for war, and was himself appointed general. A battle fought at Amphipolis resulted in the defeat of the Athenians, and the death both of Cleon and of the Spartan general Brasidas. The way was thus opened for peace. This was negotiated by Nicias, now the leading man of Athens (421 b.c). The parties agreed to restore the acqui- sitions made by each during the war. Sparta was to give up Campaign in Chalcidice THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR 269 Amphipolis, and Athens was to give up Pylos and Cythera and the captives taken in war. It was agreed that peace should be maintained for fifty years. II. Fkom the Peace of Nicias to the Sicilian Disaster (421-413 b.c.) Alcibiades and the Sicilian Expedition. The so-called Peace of Nicias proved to be futile, and was soon followed by new com- binations and intrigues between the different states. In this confused state of affairs there appeared at Athens a new leader, a man who was to exercise a remarkable influence during the remaining years of the war. This man was Alcibi'ades, one of the most brilliant and unprincipled characters that Athens ever produced. Fascinating in person, descended from a noble family, related to Pericles, a wayward pupil of Soc 'rates, he be- came a political adventurer, selfish, ambitious, cunning, and unscrupulous. Under his influence the Athenians were iirOw allured into an expedition which proved the most disastrous in their history. In Sicily lay an important part of the Hellenic world. Here Greek culture had found a genial home. Here Greek politics had run the usual course from tyranny to de- ^5m!?:^S!>k, mocracy, which fact seemed to show a sym- ^^^^^^^ti pathy with the Athenian spirit. The chief B^^j^M city of the island was Syracuse, a Dorian wrk^^i^W colony founded by Corinth, and hence a natu- ^^^S^ ral ally of Sparta. The reduction of Syracuse ^A^^^^L would open the way for a western Athenian /- ^^^^^-^\ empire. This was the dazzling scheme advo- I \ cated by the new war champion Alcibiades. | ] "It is impossible for us," he said, "to mark At r^TTiTAT)FS out the limits of our dominion, and as our policy compels us to continue the plan of reducing others, let us make this expedition, and thus prostrate the pride of the Peloponnesians by showing that we care not for the present 270 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY peace ; and at any rate let us liumble the Syracusans, if we do not extend our rule over the whole of Hellas " (Thucydides, VI., 16-17). These words of Alcibiades became the policy of Athens. An immense fleet was prepared and dispatched to Sicily under the command of three generals, Alcibiades, Nicias, and Lam'achus (415 b.c). Recall and Treachery of Alcibiades. The fleet sailed for Sicily and began its operations in the vicinity of Syracuse ; when orders came from Athens commanding Alcibiades to return to the city to answer the charge of sacrilege. This charge was based upon an act which had occurred before the sailing of the fleet. In one night the numerous busts of Hermes, set up in different parts of the city as a protection from evil, were muti- lated an act of sacrilege which outraged the religious sense of the whole Athenian people. Suspicions had already been cast upon Alcibiades, who was known to be reckless and pro- fane ; but before the expedition set sail there had been found no evidence sufficient to warrant his trial. Since then, however, it appeared that Alcibiades had profaned the Eleusinian rites, by engaging with his companions in a mock celebration of the mysteries. The people were not only horrified at these acts of sacrilege and profanation, but believed that they were connected with a plan to overthrow the democracy; thus they were in- duced to recall Alcibiades from Sicily and to place him upon trial. But Alcibiades, instead of answering the call of his country and facing the charges brought against him, fled to Sparta and became an open enemy of Athens. The Siege of Syracuse. The operations against Syracuse were now left to Nicias and Lamachus, who held their forces near the friendly cities of Catana and Naxos (map, page 136). The city of Syracuse was originally built on the little island of Ortyg'ia ; but it had now been extended so as to occupy a part of the mainland, called Achradi'na, which was fortified by an old wall. By a clever ruse Nicias succeeded in landing the Athenian force southwest of the city on the shore of what was called the Great Harbor. He there fortified a camp, and won THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR 271 an important victory over the enemy. At the approach of winter he withdrew his forces to Catana. In the meantime the Syra- cusans threw up a new and stronger wall in front of the old one to protect the city, and sent to Corinth and Sparta for help. In the spring, Nicias Bay of Thapsua landed his entire force at Thapsus to the northwest of Syracuse, stormed the heights of Epip'olse, and took a strong position in front of the Syracusan walls, known as "the Circle." This he fortified with the intention of ex- tending his siege lines on the south to the Great Harbor, and on the north to the Bay of Thapsus. By so doing he would cut off Syracuse from all com- munications by land. The Syracusan s tried to pre- vent the extension of the siege wall to the south by throwing up two cross walls. But these were stormed in succession ; and although Lamachus was killed, the Athenian siege wall was extended to the Great Harbor. Here had been collected in the meantime the Athenian fleet. Nicias, thinking that his cause was the same as won, failed to follow up his suc- cess by extending his northern siege w^all to the Bay of Thapsus. Sparta sends Aid to Syracuse. The war, up to this time, seemed to be a succession of Athenian victories. Nicias had, with the aid of his able colleague, Lamachus, inflicted many defeats upon the enemy, and had practically put Syracuse in a state of siege. But from this time all was changed ; and this change was due largely to the influence of Alci blades. Syracuse anb Vicinity Athenian camp ; &, c, first two cross walls, which the Syracusans lost; rf, third cross wall, which the Syracusans held 272 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY While the Spartans were hesitating as to whether they should send aid to Syracuse, they were spurred on by the words of the Athenian traitor. He assured them that he had no love for Athens or its democratic institutions ; that Athens desired to conquer not only Sicily but the Peloponnesus ; that two lines of policy should be pursued by Sparta : (1) to send strong reenforcements to Syracuse, and (2) to seize and fortify Dece- le'a in Attica, and thus threaten Athens at her very walls. The Spartans followed the advice of Alcibiades. They seized Decelea, from which they wasted the fields of Attica; and they sent their ablest living general, Gylip'pus, to the aid of Syracuse. Upon his arrival Gylippus seized the heights of Epipolae and built a strong cross wall so as to prevent the Athenians from any further operations toward the Bay of Thapsus on the north. He then collected all the vessels pos- sible and shut up the Athenian fleet in the Great Harbor on the south. By these two strategic strokes the Athenians in- stead of the Syracusans were put in a state of blockade. Destruction of the Athenian Army. The rest of this cam- paign was nothing but a series of Athenian disasters. Athens sent her best living general, Demosthenes, to the aid of Nicias. With a strong armament Demosthenes was able to enter the Great Harbor and reach the Athenian camp. His practiced eye took in the desperate situation. He saw that the heights of Epipolse must be retaken, and that the Syracusans must be dislodged from their third cross wall, which prevented the extension of the siege lines to the Bay of Thapsus (see map, page 271). Demosthenes made the attempt to do this ; but his army was severely defeated by Gylippus. Noth- ing was now left except to abandon the expedition; but the mouth of the harbor was held by the Syracusans with a fleet reenforced from Corinth. The attempt to escape from the harbor brought on a series of naval battles in which the Athenian fleet was practically destroyed. The at- tempt of the army to retreat by an overland march to Catana was also foiled. Most of the soldiers were captured, and THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR 273 Demosthenes and Nicias were condemned to death. "Thus ended," says Thucydides, " the greatest undertaking of this war, and I think the greatest in which the Greeks were ever concerned, the most splendid for the conquerors, and the most disastrous for the conquered ; for they suffered no common defeat, but were absolutely annihilated, army, fleet, and all, and of many thousands who went away, only a handful ever saw their homes again " (Thucydides, YII., 87). III. From the Siciliax Disaster to the Eall of Athens (413-404 B.C.) Last Phase of the War. The terrible disaster at Syracuse was the prelude to the fall of Athens. Her final ruin was now only a question of time. But this last phase of the war presents to us a number of striking features. It shows us, as we have not seen before, except perhaps in the Persian wars, the great fortitude and reserve strength of the Athe- nians. It also shows us the real weakness of the Athenian empire, by the general disposition of her allies to revolt from her as soon as her power was crippled. We shall also see, as a result of the revolt of her allies, the war transferred from the west to the coasts of Asia Minor. Still further, the trans- ference of the war to Asia leads to the interference of Persia once more in Grecian affairs. And during this whole period we can not lose sight of the intrigues of that accomplished traitor, Alcibiades. The Intrigues of Alcibiades. So far the schemes of Alcibiades had been successful. Although the author of the Sicilian ex- pedition, he was glad to see it fail. He also had the satisfac- tion of seeing Sparta maintain her garrison at Decelea, which was a continual thorn in the side of Athens. He now con- tinued his intrigues against his native city by inducing Sparta to send a fleet to stir up a revolt among the Athenian allies on the Asiatic coast. In spite of these efforts, the Athe- nians were able to keep hold of the island of Samos as a 274 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY base of operations, and succeeded in reducing many of the revolted cities. The Spartans began to suspect the loyalty of Alcibiades ; and, fearing for his life, he now turned traitor to Sparta and took up his residence with Tissapher'nes, the Persian satrap at Sardis. Here he began a new set of intrigues, apparently against both Sparta and Athens, but really to advance his own interests. He assured Tissaphernes that Persia would be the gainer by not taking sides with either party, but by letting them wear each other out. The Persian authority might then be established over all the Greek cities. For a time this adroit scheme seemed to work to his satisfaction ; but when he began to see that his influ- ence was waning with the Persian satrap, he entered upon his most audacious line of diplomacy. This was nothing less than to bring about his own restoration to power at Athens. The Athenian assembly had already condemned him to death; and hence a political revolution at Athens would be necessary for him to accomplish his purpose. The '' Four Hundred " at Athens. Before attempting to stir up a revolution at Athens, Alcibiades began his new scheme by winning over to his side some of the generals of the fleet at Samos. He argued that Athens was doomed unless she could obtain the aid of Persia; that Persia was opposed to a demo- cratic government; but that he could obtain a friendly treaty with Persia, provided an oligarchy was set up at Athens in place of the present democracy. Those generals who were al- ready well disposed toward oligarchy, accepted his view, and Pisan'der was dispatched to Athens to bring about the desired revolution. With the aid of the oligarchical party, the consti- tution was changed. All power was now placed in the hands of a Council of Four Hundred, with the right to consult, if they wished, with a body of five thousand selected citizens. The new council began its work by the attempt to effect a treaty of peace with Sparta ; but this attempt proved a failure. Restoration and Disgrace of Alcibiades. AVhile this revolu- tion was going on in Athens, the great body of the Athenian THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR 275 army and fleet at Samos declared itself against the revolution, and claimed to be the only legitimate government of Athens. Not, perhaps, fully aware of his intrigues, and trusting that he might have some influence with Persia, the soldiers elected Alcibiades as one of their generals. In this position Alcibiades assumed the part of a patriot and showed his most remarkable abilities, which were devoted unreservedly to the success of the Athenian cause. The Spartans and their allies were now operating in the Hellespont. Here the Athenians obtained a number of victories, and under Alcibiades destroyed the entire Peloponnesian fleet near Cyzicus. The patriotic traitor also captured Chalcedon and Byzantium on the Bosphorus, and the Athenian commerce was opened once more to the Euxine. Flushed with these victories, Alcibiades returned to Athens, where the government of the Four Hundred had, in the mean- time, been overthrown, and the democracy reestablished. The Athenians received him with open arms ; and the decree against him was annulled. To show the Athenians his piety and his courage, Alcibiades engaged in the Eleusinian mysteries. The procession had been obliged for the past seven years to go to Eleusis by sea ; but Alcibiades now conducted it by the usual " sacred way " in the face of the Spartan garrison at Decelea. He was then appointed sole general of the Athenian fleet, with power to conduct the war on the Asiatic coast. But on an unfortunate day, while he was temporarily absent, his fleet suf- fered a defeat at the hands of the Spartan admiral, Lysan'der. For this failure the Athenians deposed him from his command, and he retired in disgrace to his own castle on the Hellespont. The Last Battles of the "War. It required two more battles to finish the war. One of these was fought (406 e.g.) near the small islands of Arginu'sse, between Lesbos and the mainland, where the Athenians gained a victory. But this victory proved a disgrace to Athens ; since she condemned to death the gen- erals who had won it, on the ground that they failed to rescue their shipwrecked comrades a thing which, under the cir- cumstances, was doubtless impossible. The last battle was 276 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY fought (405 B.C.) in the Hellespont near the mouth of a little river called ^gospot'ami (" Goat's Streams "). A new Spartan fleet had been built with the aid of Persian gold, furnished by the younger Cyrus, the new Persian governor in Asia Minor. With this new armament Lysander captured the entire Athe- nian fleet, and this event destroyed the maritime power of Athens. Lysander followed up his victory by reducing the cities on the Hellespont and Bosphorus. The allies fell away, and nothing was now left for Sparta but to reduce the city of Athens itself. The Fall of Athens (404 b.c). In a short time Lysander sailed into the Saronic Gulf and blockaded the Piraeus ; and the Spartan army came down from Decelea and encamped be- fore the walls of the city. Without money, ships, allies, or food supply, Athens refused to surrender. It was only famine and starvation that brought the city to terms. Corinth and Thebes demanded that the city be totally destroyed. But Sparta refused to destroy a city that had done so much for Greece in the past. Athens was, however, required to destroy the Long Walls and the fortifications of the Piraeus, and to become a subject ally of Sparta. Accepting these conditions, Athens opened her gates to the enemy, and the Athenian empire was no more. Thus ended the Peloponnesian war, which had lasted for twenty-seven years, which had desolated nearly every part of the Greek world, and which, in spite of the courage displayed, had revealed some of the weakest and worst phases of the Greek character political jealousy, local self-interest, deceit, and cruelty. SELECTIONS FOR READING Smith, Ch. 25, "Causes of the Peloponnesian War" (10), i Timayenis, Part V., Ch. 1, "Commencement of Hostilities " (11). Bury, Ch. 11, "Decline and Downfall of the Athenian Empire" (10). Allcroft, Vol. III., Ch. 0, " Bras id as and Cleon '' (10). Holm, Vol. II., Ch. 21, " Corey ra, Potidsea, and Platsea" (11). 1 The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Appen- dix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. THE LATER STRUGGLES FOR SUPREMACY 277 Curtius, Vol. IIL, Ch. 5, "The Decelean War" (11). riutarch, " Alcibiades," "Lysander," "Nicias" (13). Thucydides, Bk. II., Ch. 35-46, Funeral Oration of Pericles (13). SPECIAL STUDY The Sicilian Expedition. Oman, Ch. 32 (10) ; Timayenis, Vol. I., pp. 352-359 (11) ; Cox, Gen. Hist., Bk. II., Ch. 7 (10) ; Cox, Athenian Empire, Ch. 5 (16) ; Bury, Ch. 11, 3-5 (10) ; Allcroft, Vol. IIL, Ch. 8 (10) ; Holm, Vol. IL, Ch. 27 (11) ; Curtius, Vol. IIL, pp. 340-413 (11). CHAPTER XXII THE LATER STRUGGLES FOR SUPREMACY I. The Supremacy of Sparta The New Spartan Empire. The political history of Greece immediately after the fall of Athens is a period of renewed agi- tation, jealousy, and strife, and illustrates still further the inca- pacity of the Greeks to form a national state. With too great a passion for local liberty, they were unwilling to make con- cessions for the general good. When one city gained the supremacy, it used its power for its own interests rather than for the common welfare. Sparta now succeeded for a time to the empire which Athens was compelled to give up. The cities of Greece had been called upon to revolt against Athens in order to obtain their liberties. But they soon found that the tyranny of Athens was light compared with the despotism of Sparta. As Sparta was the patron of oligarchy, she compelled the cities to give up their democratic governments. A military governor, called a " harmost," was placed over most of them; and whatever civil authority there was to be exercised, was placed in a board of ten persons, called a "decarchy." Under such a government the property and lives of the people could not be safe. morey's greek hist. 17 278 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY In Athens there was established a board of thirty oligarchs who have received the name of the " Thirty Tyrants " (404- 403 B.C.). Under their leader, Crit'ias, their rule was harsh and oppressive and resulted in anarchy and a reign of terror. Citizens were put to death, and property was confiscated with- out mercy. It was only by a popular revolution led by the patriot Thrasybu'lus that the Thirty were deposed and a democratic form of government reestablished. This was sufficient to show that the imperial rule of Sparta could not continue without opposition. Persia and the " March of the Ten Thousand *' (401-400 b.c). While Sparta w^as trying to establish her authority over the cities in Greece and Asia Minor, an event occurred which resulted in bringing her into conflict with Persia. This event was the expedition made by Cyrus the Younger, the Persian governor of Asia Minor, who had espoused the cause of Sparta in the Peloponnesian war. In order to place himself on the Persian throne in place of his brother, Artaxerx'es, Cyrus enlisted in his service about ten or twelve thousand Asiatic Greeks, besides a large number of native troops. With these he pushed his way through Phrygia, Cilicia, Syria, and Mesopotamia toward the Persian capital at Susa. He met his brother, Artaxerxes, near Babylon and fought a battle at Cunax'a, in whicli the Greek forces defeated the great army of the king. But here Cyrus was killed, and the other leaders were entrapped and put to death. The Greeks chose new leaders, chief among whom was Xen'ophon. They then began their long and wearisome march homeward through a hostile country. They moved up the banks of the Tigris River, harassed by the army of Tissaphernes, through the snows of Armenia, suffering from cold and hunger, and finally reached the shores of the Euxine at Trapezus, where they raised the joyful shout, "The sea, the sea!" Hence' they continued their retreat, partly by water and partly by land, until they reached the friendly city of Chalcedon and finally the shores of the MoiesLn Sea. This famous "March of the THE LATER STRUGGLES FOR SUPREMACY 279 jVL\rch of the Ten Thousand Ten Thousand," recorded by Xenophon himself, revealed the weakness of the Persian empire and the superiority of the Greek soldiers, and led directly to a conflict between Persia and Sparta. War between Persia and Sparta (399-394 b.c). The rebel- lious attempt of Cyrus, assisted as it was by Greeks, aroused the wrath of the Persian king. He therefore appointed his faithful general, Tissaphernes, as governor of Asia Minor, with orders to reduce all the Grecian cities on the coast. Sparta now regarded herself as the protector of the Greeks, and answered their call for help. The war against Persia which followed was carried on for six years, at first under inferior generals, but finally under the Spartan king Agesi- la'us. This able commander defeated Tissaphernes, recov- ered the Asiatic cities, carried the war into the enemy's country, and threatened to overthrow the empire itself. To relieve his empire from the presence of the Spartan army, the Persian monarch sent an emissary to Greece with bags of gold to stir up a revolt among the subjects of Sparta in 280 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY Europe. The dangers at home compelled the Spartans to recall Agesilaus from Asia, and the conquest of Persia was delayed for more than half a century. Revolt of the Greeks against Sparta (395-387 b.c). When Agesilaus reached Sparta, he found a large part of Greece united in an attempt to throw off the Spartan yoke. Thebes, Corinth, Athens, and Argos had formed a league for the libera- tion of the Hellenic states. The war which ensued is called the Corinthian war, because it was waged to a great extent in the vicinity of the isthmus. Besides many engagements fought on land, a decisive naval battle was fought near Cnidus on the southwest coast of Asia Minor (394 b.c). In this battle the Greek allies, under the Athenian general Conon, assisted by the Persians, defeated the opposing fleet, and practically destroyed the maritime power of Sparta. Conon freed the cities on the Asiatic coasts from the Spartan power, and then sailed to Athens. Under his direction, the forti- fications of the Piraeus and the Long Walls, which had been razed after the Peloponnesian war, were rebuilt. The stress of the war was so great that Sparta appealed to Persia to act as arbiter and to settle the affairs of Greece, This resulted in the so-called Peace of Antal'cidas (387 b.c). By this peace the Greek cities in Asia were once more given up to the Persian king; the islands of Lemnos, Imbros, and Scyros were given to Athens ; and all the cities of Greece proper were henceforth to be "free and independent." Further Aggressions of Sparta (387-379 b.c). It is true that Sparta had by the late war lost her maritime power and her control of the Asiatic cities. But still, by the terms of the Peace of Antalcidas, the bonds which had united her enemies were broken ; and she was now free to deal with them sepa- rately. She claimed the right to carry into execution the terms of the peace, and made her despotic influence felt every- where. To ofl:'set the power of Thebes in Boeotia, she caused the city of Plataea to be rebuilt. To punish her enemies in Arcadia, she razed the walls of Mantine'a. In order to prevent THE LATER STRUGGLES FOR SUPREMACY 281 a rival power from growing up outside of Greece, she waged war against the newly formed confederacy in Clialcidice. This league had grown up from a union of the Greek and Macedonian cities under the headship of Olynthus ; it was now broken up by Sparta in the so-called " Olynthiac war " (382- 379 B.C.). Tor fear that Thebes might rise against her while her armies were engaged in Chalcidice, Sparta seized the Theban citadel, the Cadmea, and placed within it a Spartan garrison. This most arrogant piece of aggression led to the uprising of Thebes with other states, and to the overthrow of the Spartan supremacy. II. The Supremacy of Thebes The Liberation of Thebes (379 b.c). The story of the revolu- tion which resulted in freeing Thebes and the rest of Greece from Spartan domination. Gulf of^orinth BfEOTIA centers about the names of two great Theban pa- triots Pelop'idas and Epaminon'das. Pelopi- das was a Theban who had taken refuge in Athens. With a band of compan- ions he entered his native city in disguise, killed the oligarchic leaders, and with the aid of the people forced the Spartan garrison to with- draw from the citadel. Thebes was thus made free. Under the guidance of Epaminon'das the other cities of Boeotia gained their independence, and formed a new Boeotian confederacy to withstand the power of Sparta. The New Confederacy of Athens (377 b.c). Athens took courage from the success of Thebes, and gathered together many of her old allies in a new Athenian confederacy. She built a new navy and regained something of her old maritime 282 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY power. She at first aided Thebes in resisting Sparta; and then, envious of the growing power of Thebes, she formed a treaty with Sparta. In the midst of these jealous intrigues and the attending conflicts, Athens proposed that a general conference be held at Sparta for the pacification of Greece. It was there proposed that the Peace of Antalcidas should be renewed that all states should remain free and independent. Athens and Thebes wished this to mean that all cities should be free to form alliances if they chose, and thus to preserve their newly formed leagues. But Sparta refused to accept this meaning, although she wished still to retain her hold upon her own allies. The treaty was hence signed without Sparta. While Athens had been able to recover some of her influence, Thebes and Sparta were now the great rival powers of Greece. War between Thebes and Sparta; Battle of Leuctra. Sparta was at this time as jealous of Thebes as she had once been of Athens. She therefore sent an army into Boeotia to destroy the newly formed confederacy, but was defeated in the memo- rable battle of Leuctra (371* b.c). The ruling spirit in Boeotia was Epaminondas, the great Theban patriot, whose name is one of the most distinguished among Grecian states- men and generals. To him is due the new arrangement of the Grecian pha- lanx which won the battle of Leuctra. He seems to have discovered one of the great principles of successful war- fare that is, to be stronger than the enemy at the point of contact. The old Greek phalanx was arranged in lines eight men deep. The Spartan army was so formed at Leuctra. Epaminondas also arranged the main part of his line in the same way. But on his left wing, which he intended to be the point of contact, he arranged the phalanx in the form of an irresistible column fifty men deep, guarded on the extreme left by a body of cav- alry. In this way he crushed the Spartan right wingj and the Battle. OF Leuctra, B.C. 371 THE LATER STRUGGLES FOR SUPREMACY^ 283 rest of his army was pushed forward to complete the victory. The battle of Leuctra had two important effects : first, it intro- duced a new feature into ancient warfare, which was afterward employed by the Macedonians ; secondly, it insured for the time being the ascendency of Thebes. Extension of the Theban Power. The power of Thebes was now supreme in central Greece. To extend her influence into Peloponnesus, Epaminondas invaded this territory, and deliv- ered the people from Spartan control. In Arcadia, he helped the city of Mantinea to rebuild its prostrate walls, and gath- ered the Arcadian towns into an independent union, with the new city of Megalop'olis as their capital. In Messenia he rescued the population from their long serfdom, and built for them a new city, Messe'ne, on the slopes of Mt. Itho'me. Sparta, fearing for her safety, appealed to Athens for assistance. Athens accordingly sent an army into the Peloponnesus to prevent the further encroachment of Thebes. While Thebes was thus extending her power to the south under Epaminondas, she was also extending her power to the north under Pelopidas. She brought Thessaly under her authority, and even established influential relations with Macedonia. It was not long before troubles arose again in the Peloponnesus. Epaminon'das again invaded the country and met the Spartans at Mantinea (362 b.c), where he gained a victory over the Spartans and their allies ; but at this battle Epaminondas was killed. As the Thebans, without their leader, were unable to follow up their victory, peace was estab- lished. With the decline of the Theban power, Athens was once more regarded as the leading city of Greece. Failure of the Grecian State System The supremacy of Thebes had failed to create a national state for Greece, just as the supremacy of Sparta and that of Athens had failed before. The Greeks had, it is true, been able to develop a city state with local self-government, far in advance of the Oriental sys- tem of government. But they did not possess the capacity to organize their cities into a single state, based upon their com- 284 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY mon nationality. Their various leagues failed, because under the predominance of one city the rights of the others were disregarded. With all their love of liberty springing from their own self-interest, they failed to recognize that other essen- tial principle of good government, the love of a higher law based upon the common welfare. III. The Supremacy of Syracuse in Sicily Parallel History of Sicily and Greece. In tracing the gen- eral course of Greek history, we have seen the growth of a number of city states, which were agitated by political revolu- tion, and in which tyranny, oligarchy, and democracy were contending for mastery. We have also seen Greece, under the leadership of Athens, delivered from the invasion of Persia, and developing a high form of culture. We have, moreover, seen a tendency on the part of some one city to lift itself into a position of supremacy over the others. There is a general similarity between these movements in Greece proper and those in western Hellas. In Sicily we see a similar movement in the development of a large number of cities disturbed by political revolution; a similar conflict against a foreign enemy ; a similar development of a high intellectual culture ; and a similar tendency toward supremacy on the part of one city. But the predominant city in Sicily was not Athens or Sparta or Thebes, but Syracuse ; and the foreign enemy of Sicily was not Persia, bat Carthage. Carthage and Syracuse. From very early times the Car- thaginians desired to get control of the island of Sicily; and their invasions had been repelled under the leadership of Syracuse. On the same day, it is said, that the Greeks won their victory over the Persians at Salamis, the Sicilians won a decisive battle over the Carthaginians at Himera (480 b.c). Being relieved for a time from these foreign enemies, the Sicilian cities pursued their steady course of culture and their varied course of political revolution. The Sicilian expedition, THE LATER STRUGGLES FOR SUPREMACY 285 which proved so disastrous to Athens, gave a new impulse to the ambition of Syracuse, and under various governors we see her occupying a leading position in Sicily, and even in Magna Graecia. Dionysius the Elder, and the Younger. A few years after the destruction of the Athenian fleet at Syracuse, the Cartha- ginians made a new and more vigorous attempt to subdue the island. They captured the cities of Selinus, Himera (409 b.c), and Agrigentum (406 b.c). In their extremity the Syracusans chose Dionys'ius the Elder as their leader in war, and from this position he became a tyrant. He was a man of varied virtues and vices, of unusual clemency to a vanquished foe, and of unwonted cruelty to his own subjects. His great achieve- ment was the driving back of the Cartha- ginians to the west- ern extremity of the island, and the de- fense of Syracuse by an enlarged fortification, which took in the heights of Epipolae (see map, page 271). He also brought under his control many of the cities of Sicily, and aspired to found a Syracusan empire. He entered Italy as a tribe of northern barbarians (the Sabel- lians) were engaged in reducing the cities of the southern peninsula. Many of these cities in Bruttium he subdued and plundered, and others in lapygia he made dependent upon him ; and even the kingdom of Molos'sia, across the Ionian Sea, he brought under his influence. He adorned Syracuse with splendid buildings and works of. art, and made it the home of noted men ; so that it vied with Athens as the most cultivated city of the Greek world. He was succeeded by his son, Dionysius the Younger, who had none of the remarkable Dominions of Dionysius, 379 b.c. 286 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY abilities of his father. Under his rule, the city rapidly fell into discord and anarchy, from which it was rescued by Timo'leon. Timoleon the Liberator. Suffering under the weak rule of the Younger Dionysius and threatened again by the Cartha- ginians, Syracuse appealed to the mother city of Corinth for help. Corinth fitted out a small expedition, and appointed Timoleon, one of her citizens, as its leader. This commander took possession of the citadel of Syracuse. Then advancing against the Carthaginians, he defeated them in a decisive battle. There were other cities of Sicily which were ruled by tyrants. These tyrants he expelled, and in these cities, as in Syracuse, he erected democratic governments. With the expulsion of the Syracusan tyrants, the cities of Magna Grsecia also re- covered their independence. Thus Timoleon became the true liberator of western Hellas. When he had accomplished his great mission, he laid down his power and retired to private life. Sicily remained a flourishing seat of Grecian culture, but in its jjolitical life the island soon relapsed into the dis- turbed condition which marked the rest of the Greek world. SELECTIONS FOR READING Timayenis, Vol. I., Part VI., " Hegemony of Sparta" (11).^ Hohn, Vol. Ill,, Ch. 5, " Arrogance of Sparta" (11). Curtius, Vol. IV., Bk. V., Ch. 1, "Athens under the Thirty" (11). Sankey, Ch. 9, "Peace of Antalcidas " (16). Oman, Ch. 36, " Attempts to overthrow the Spartan Hegemony " (10). Smith, Ch. 40, "The Supremacy of Thebes "(10). Allcroft, Vol. IV., Ch. 6, " Sicilian Affairs " (10). Plutarch, "Agesilaus," "Pelopidas," "Timoleon" (13). SPECIAL STUDY The " March OF the Ten Thousand." Smith, Ch. 36 (10) ; Bury, Ch. 12, 2,(10) ; Oman, pp. 417-420 (10) ; Timayenis, pp. 417-420 (11) ; All- croft, Vol. IV., Ch. 2 (10) ; Holm, Vol. III., pp. 2-6 (11) ; Curtius, Vol. IV., pp. 185-192 (11) ; Xenophon, Anabasis (13). 1 The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Appen- dix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. CHAPTER XXIII THE NEW PHASE OF GREEK CULTURE I. Development of Pkose Literature The New Culture of Greece. From what we have seen of the political agitation and decay that marked the Grecian world after the age of Pericles, we might conclude that the culture of Greece would show similar signs of decay. But this was far from being the case. Nothing shows so clearly the strength and elastic nature of the Grecian mind as the fact that, in the midst of exhausting wars and civil strife, literature and philos- ophy and art continued to flourish. And it is interesting to know that Athens still remained the most important center of this culture. But the culture of Athens now acquired something of a new character. By coming into contact with a variety of states through successive alliances, the Athenians became less narrow and more cosmopolitan. Moreover, the dangers and dis- asters which afflicted Greece made the thought of the period perhaps less creative and spontaneous, but more reflective and critical. We may see less of the high emotional elements which show themselves in poetry ; but we see more of those calmer intellectual qualities which are expressed in prose literature history, oratory, and philosophy. The Athenian Historians. Foremost among the historians of this time are Thucydides and Xenophon ; and of the great historians of Greece and perhaps of the world, Thucydides stands preeminent. He may be regarded as the father of sci- entific history. His subject was the Peloponnesian war a war in which he had taken a subordinate part. The record which he has left us of this war is perhaps more important to civilization than the war itself. The war marked the fall of 287 288 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY Thucydides the Athenian empire ; the record of the war marked the begin- ning of a new epoch in literature. The one showed the politi- cal incapacity of the Greeks ; the other is a lasting evidence of their great intellectual ability. The work of Thucydides is marked by calm judgment, a love of truth, honesty, and accuracy in the statement of facts, and a per- ception of the relation of cause and effect in historical events. His style, though sometimes ob- scure, is pure and forcible, and withal "classic," which means " the absence of all that is tawdry, the absence even of all that we call florid, a certain severity and reticence, which are as marked in the prose of Thucydides as in the marble of Phidias" (Mahaffy). Xenophon is the other important historian of this period. He can scarcely be compared with Thucydides as an historian, but he writes in an easy and interesting manner upon a great variety of subjects. His "Anab'asis " tells the story of the March of the Ten Thousand, in which he himself took part. His " Hellen'ica " is an attempt to cover that part of the Pelo- ponnesian war left unfinished by Thucydides. His " Memo- rabil'ia" draws a lifelike portrait of his great master, Socrates, His ' Cyropsedi'a" professes to describe the education of Cyru^ the Elder, but is quite as much a description of what the author regards as a just prince. His " fficonom'icus " gives us an insight into the home life of the Greeks. He wrote interest- ing works upon other subjects, the variety of which might justify us in calling him an essayist as well as a historian. The Athenian Orators. The making of speeches was not a new art among the Athenians, as we have already seen in con- nection with our study of the law courts and the assembly. But it is now that oratory becomes reduced to a written and THE NEW PHASE OF GREEK CULTURE 289 permanent form. Of the many orators who attained distinc- tion, we may select three as the most representative Lys'ias, Isoc'rates, and Demosthenes (who is not to be confused with the general of the same name). Lysias was employed, like many others, to write speeches for those who were obliged to plead their own cause in the courts. As he wrote for plain men, he used a plain, direct, and simple style. By writ- ing clearly and distinctly, he be- came a master of vivid and effective speech. Somewhat different from Lysias was Isocrates. He was primarily a teacher of rhetoric, and hence the orations which he Lvsias wrote but did not deliver have more of a rhetorical finish, and are perhaps more attractive in language than effective in thought. But the greatest of all the orators of Greece was Demosthenes, who holds the same preeminent place in ora- tory that Thucydides does in history. His life belongs to the later part of- this period, and even reaches over into the Macedonian epoch. In the face of innumerable obstacles he at- tained the greatest skill and power in the art of expression. He combined the vivid effective speech of Lysias with the finished periods of Isocrates ; but he possessed, more than either of these, an earnestness of purpose, a force of argument, a Isocrates 290 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY power of persuasion, and an energy of diction, which have given him a place among the world's greatest orators. The most celebrated of his ora- tions are his twelve " Philip- pics," in which he appealed to his countrymen to resist the encroachments of Philip of Mac'edon. II. Culmination of Greek Philosophy New Phase of Philosophy. The high intellectual devel- opment which Greece main- tained during this time, is seen not only in history and oratory, but also, and perhaps in a still greater degree, in phi- losophy. It was during this period that the philosophical thought of Greece reached its best and highest expression. Before this time philosophers had been trying to discover how the universe was made, and whether there is any such thing as an ultimate and fixed principle. Now they begin to study the human mind, the correct methods of reasoning, and the proper mode of discovering truth. The great names which belong to this period are those of Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle, three men who rank among the greatest thinkers that the world has produced. The Practical Philosophy of Socrates. The name of Socrates is connected with that of the old sophists of the Periclean age. Among them he first appeared as the defender of truth, and the founder of a more scientific method of thinking. The son of a poor sculptor, with no personal attractions, he became one of the most conspicuous figures in Athens. He turned the thoughts of men into new channels. He showed them how foolish it was to follow the method of the old philosophers, and THE NEW PHASE OF GREEK CULTURE 291 to speculate about things which can not be known. His first maxim was, " Know thyself." He confounded the sophists who prided themselves upon their extensive wisdom. He taught men that true wisdom consists in knowing that wliich is good and doing that which is right. He taught them the ditlerence* between justice and injustice, between virtue and vice, between courage and cowardice. He taught them their duties to them- selves, to their fellow-men, and to God. He taught that God is the supreme Good, who reveals Himself in the universe and in the human conscience, ruling the world by His providence, and guiding men in the path of duty. His long life extended be- yond the period of the Pelopon- nesian war. He was finally tried and condemned to death by a small majority of his fellow-citizens, on the charge of introducing new gods into the state and of corrupting the youth. While we must con- demn the Athenians for this wretched act of injustice, we need not wonder at it. Like many other people the mass of the Athenians were blindly attached to their old religious ideas, and shut their eyes to the new light. Socrates represented the higher intel- lectual and moral life of Greece. He left no writings ; but his beneficial influence upon the world has never ceased. The Idealistic Philosophy of Plato. Socrates left behind him many disciples who founded new schools. But the most, distinguished of these was Plato, the founder of the so-called " Academic school." He carried out still farther the method of Socrates. In order to discover truth, he studied the ideas^ in the human mind, which he believed are reflections of the ideas in the divine mind. He believed that our ideas are born with us, brought into the world from our preexistent Socrates 292 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY state. The divine ideas are embodied, not only in us, but in the world ; and we should study the universe to discover these ideal principles in accordance with which all things are gov- erned. So, in human life, we should conform to the ideal prin- 'ciples of justice and virtue ; in other words, a perfect life is a life in harmony with the divine Idea. By such a method of thinking, Plato constructed a broad system of idealistic phi- losophy. The writings of Plato are in the form of dialogues, in which Socrates is often represented as the chief speaker; so that it is sometimes diffi- cult to distinguish between the thoughts of Socrates and those of Plato himself. The dia- logues are often named after some person ; for example, the " Protag'oras," which dis- cusses the nature of virtue ; the " Phsedo," which sets forth the arguments in favor of im- mortality, the " Thesete'tus," which is a discourse on the theory of knowledge. One of the most celebrated of Plato's Dialogues is ''The Pepublic," which discusses the principles which should govern the perfect state. From the political conflicts of the time Plato stood aloof ; and hence he shows to us the Greek mind in its purest and most tranquil frame. The Realistic Philosophy of Aristotle. The course of Greek philosophy was continued in Aristotle, who, though born in the city of Stagi'ra (or Stagirus) in Chalcidice, came to Athens, and became a pupil of Plato. Although he regarded himself as a follower of Plato, his method differed considerably from that of his master. If we call Plato's philosophy idealistic, we may call Aristotle's realistic. Instead of beginning with ideas, Aristotle began with facts ; and he tried to discover the Plato THE NEW PHASE OF GREEK CULTURE 293 general laws which govern the facts of nature. He was there- fore a man of wide observation and general learning. By gath- ering and classifying a vast number of facts, he became the founder of many sciences of Logic, which treats of the laws of thought ; of Psy- chology, or the science of the human mind; of Biology, or the science of living things; of Politics, or the science of the state. He is said to have studied the constitutions of many of the states of Greece; and the recently discover'ed work on the Athenian consti- tution, which is attributed to him, has added much to our Aristotle (So-called) knowledge of that government. Aristotle, like Demosthenes, belongs to the later part of the period we are now consider- ing, and his life extended into the Macedonian period. III. Kew Phase of the Drama; Comedy Origin of the Greek Comedy If we see in the history, the oratory, and the philosophy of this period the calmer and more serious phases of the Grecian mind, we may see in the new form of the drama its lighter and more sparkling qualities. We no longer see that form of the drama which was produced by the great tragedians just after the Persian wars. We see quite another form, which is said, however, to have sprung from the same origin namely, the worship of Dionysus, the wine god. While tragedy sprang from the graver choral songs which accompanied the winter festival, the other phase of the drama that is, comedy sprang from the more frolicsome songs which attended the rural festivals in the springtime. To each morey's greek hist. 18 294 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY of tliem was added the dialogue ; but each retained its own character the one grave and the other gay. The comedy had already begun to be used at the time of Pericles ; but it reached its higher development during the Peloponnesian war. The purpose of the comedy was to excite laughter and ridicule, and hence it shows the capacity of the Greeks for wit and humor. Masks used in Comedy The Old, Middle, and New Comedy. It is usual to separate the Athenian comedy into the old, the middle, and the new, according to the object toward which its satire was directed. The old comedy, of which Aristoph'anes was the great repre- sentative, flourished just after the age of Pericles. It was di- rected against individuals, the public and private citizens of Athens, who were by name held up to ridicule before the laughing populace. It served the purpose of the modern comic paper in subjecting to bold and ludicrous caricature well-known persons, with little care sometimes for the justice of the picture. The middle comedy, which extended from the close of the Peloponnesian war to the Macedonian epoch, was less personal in its attacks, and was directed not so much toward persons as toward types of people. The new comedy, which grew up in the following period, was hardly more than a con- tinuation of the preceding form, with perhaps more refined methods, being a comedy of manners. The Comedies of Aristophanes. The greatest of all the comic writers of the Greeks was Aristophanes, who belonged to the old school. He mingled in the political life of Athens, and belonged to the party which was "against the government." He was also opposed to the new order of things, the new THE NEW PHASE OF GREEK CULTURE 295 culture, the new philosophy, and longed for the good old days of Miltiades and Pericles. His comedies might give us the best picture we have of Athenian life, if they contained less of caricature and satire. From other sources we may learn that some of his pictures are fairly just, while others are marked by the grossest injustice. Among his most noted works are the " Clouds," the " Knights," the ' Wasps," and the " Birds." The " Clouds " indicated the method of the sophists, and un- justly held up Socrates as the type of this whole class. The '^ Knights " attacked with brilliant satire that coarse dema- gogue Cleon, who, though not an admirable character, perhaps does not merit all the abuse he received. The " Wasps " is an amusing picture of the Athenian jury system, in which every man is represented as trying to get a day's pay without a day's work. The " Birds " is " a fantastic satire upon the Athenian habit of building castles in the air, and of indulging in extrava- gant dreams of conquest " (Symonds). With all his ribaldry, Aristophanes was a poet of real genius, of sparkling wit, of great versatility, and sometimes of exquisite beauty. IV. Kew School of Greek Art The Younger Attic School. Another illustration of the fact that the political conflicts of this period did not destroy the culture of Greece is shown in the continuance of art. Architecture fol- lowed the forms already existing, al- though we can see a tendency to use the more graceful Ionic style, in place of the more dignified and severe Doric. A similar tendency is seen in the char- acter of sculpture. We see less of the grand and divine dignity of the work of Phidias. But we see more grace and human beauty less of that which is Ares Ludovisi 296 THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY impressive, and perhaps more of that which is attractive. We see a marvelous skill in the pose of the human figure, and a wonderful expression in the human face. Notwithstanding the changes which modified the artistic spirit, the sculpture of this period will compare favorably with that of the Periclean age. The greatest names which belong to this school are those of Scopas, Praxit'eles, and Lysip'pus. Scopas of Paros. Although a native of the island of Paros, it is conjectured that Scopas lived in Athens a number of years. However this may be, his work was not con- fined to Athens. He was the architect of a temple built to Athena at Tegea, in Arcadia, and he cai-ved the statuary in the pedi- ments of this temple. He was also engaged in Caria in executing the reliefs on the renowned Mausole'um, or funeral monument of Mauso'lus. Besides these sculptures, there are also two famous pieces of statu- ary which some, perhaps without sufficient reason, have attributed to him. Whether they belong to him or not, they are gen- erally supposed to repre- sent the art of this period. The one is the Ares Ludovisi, which shows the god of war in an attitude of idle repose. The easy relaxed position of this powerful figure impresses one as a master stroke of the sculptor's art. The other is the group of Ni'obe and her children, which is supposed to be the work of either Scopas or Praxiteles. It represents the mother in an NiOBE THE NEW THASE OF GREEK CULTURE 297 attitude of supplication, imploring the gods to spare the ven- geance which they have pronounced upon her and her children. The face of Niobe is unequaled in art as the expression of prayerful grief. Praxiteles of Athens. The name of Praxiteles stands next to that of Phidias in Greek art. He was a native of Athens, but we know very little of his life. One of the most famous of his works was the Aphrodite of Cnidus, which was visited from all parts of Greece by his admirers. But critics have been disposed to give the place of honor to his Hermes with the infant Dionysus, which in a mutilated form has come down to us. He executed a large number of figures of gods, goddesses, etc., which were charac- terized by their grace, symmetry, and beauty. Lysippus of Sicyon. The last great name which may be asso- ciated with this school is that of Lysippus of Sicyon, whose life, however, reached into the next period. His works appear to have been entirely in bronze. He was especially noted for his selection of human subjects. One of his most famous pieces is the figure of an Athlete. He was also distinguished for his portrait statues, one of which that of Sophocles (see page 246) is regarded as the finest ancient work of its kind. New School of Painting. During this period there was a marked advance in the method of painting. Previously colors had been applied in fiat tints with no gradations of light and shade ; and hence the so-called paintings were more prop- erly colored drawings. But colors were now graded so as to Hermes of Praxiteles 298 * THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY produce the effect of light and shade, which we call chiaro- scuro. This method was introduced by Apollodo'rus of Athens. But it was improved by the two great painters, Zeuxis and Par- rha'sius. The realistic effect of the new style of painting is illustrated by the story often told of these rival artists, how the former painted a bunch of grapes that deceived the birds, and the latter a curtain that deceived the rival painter himself. In this brief review of the culture which followed the age of Pericles and which flourished during this most distressing period in the political life of Greece, we are able to see more clearly than ever before the sterling qualities of the Greek mind qualities which continued to shine in the midst of political storms. Every phase of culture, with the exception of poetry, remains ; and in some respects there is a new revelation of intellectual life. What other age can show such a versatility of genius Thucydides in history, Demosthenes in oratory, Plato in philosophy, Aristophanes in comedy, and Praxiteles in art ! SELECTIONS FOR READING Mahaffy, Survey, Chs. 6, 7, "The Fourth Century b.c." (10). i Hohn, Vol. II., Ch. 26, " The New Culture " ; Vol. III., Ch. 12, " Litera- ture and Art in the First Half of the Fourth Century " (11). Allcroft, Vol. III., Ch. 12, "Literature"; Vol. IV., Ch. 11, "Litera- ture " (10). Zeller, Second Period, "Socrates, Plato, Aristotle" (24). Mayor, pp. 27-143, " Socrates to Aristotle" (24). Jevons, pp. 404-435, "Demosthenes" (23). Symonds, Vol. I., Ch. 8, "Aristophanes" (23). Tarbell, Ch. 9, " Great Age of Greek Sculpture, Second Period " (10). Gardner, Handbook, Ch. 4, " The Fourth Century " (19). SPECIAL STUDY Greek Rhetoric and Oratory. Fowler, Chs. 29-32 (23) ; Mahaffy, Greek Literature, Vol. II., Chs. 11, 12 (23) ; Brddif, Demosthenes, Chs. 1, 7, 9 (27) ; Jebb, Greek Literature, Bk. II. (23) ; Jebb, Attic Orators, Vol. I., Chs. 7-11 ; Vol. IL, Chs. 12-18, 22 (23). 1 The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Appen- dix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. THE SPEEAD OF HELLENISM >J*Jt PEEIOD VI. TH& UNION OF GEEEOE AND THE OKIENT (359-229 B.C.) CHAPTER XXIV MACEDONIA AND GREECE UNDER PHILIP I. Macedonia, its People and Kixg Transition to the New Epoch. From our study of Greek history up to this time, we have been able to see that the greatest achievements of the Greeks were not in the direction of political organization, but rather in the direction of a high intellectual life. We have had our attention continually called to the varied and remarkable evidences of their genius in epic, lyric, and dramatic poetry ; in history, oratory, and philosophy ; in architecture, sculpture, and to a certain ex- tent in painting. It is true that Greece had derived some of the primitive elements of her culture from the great coun- tries of the East. But in the course of time she had developed within her own small territory a type of civilization which far surpassed that which the East had ever possessed. We have now reached the period in which the superior culture of Greece is no longer to be confined within the narrow limits of Hellas, but is to be extended and diffused among the people 299 300 THE SPREAD OF HELLENISM SCALE OF MILES of the East. If in early times the tide of Orientalism once flowed toward the ^gean, now the tide of Hellenism is to flow back toward the Orient. The great feature of the coming epoch is the union of Greece and Asia in a wider civilization, wliich we may call "Graeco-Oriental." The country which is to form the bond of union between the West and the East is Macedonia. The two great men who are to be most influen- tial in bringing about this union are Philip and Alexander the Great the one bringing under his control Greece; the other, Asia. Macedonia and the Macedonians. Macedonia now comes to occupy for the flrst time an important place in history. It was a country lying to the north of Thes- saly, beyond the Cam- bunian IVIountains. Geographically it may be divided into two parts : the high- lands, lying toward the north and west and broken up by hills and mountains ; and the lowlands, lying toward the sea and drained by three rivers which flow into the Thermaic Gulf. The people were remotely related to the Greeks. But they were still in a semi-barbarous condition, living by hunting wild beasts and plundering one another. They were a hardy race, and had in them the making of good soldiers. In the highlands they were separated into many tribes, each under its own chief. l>ut in the lowlands, near the sea, they had come into contact with the Greek colonies, and had begun to be more civilized and to have something like a united government. Early Kings of Macedonia. We have little to do with the earlier kings of this country, except so far as they were Macedonia at the Accession of Philip H. MACEDONIA AND GREECE UNDER PHILIP 301 brought into relation with the Greeks. We hear of Alexan- der I. who served in the army of Xerxes, but who afterward took part in the Greek festivals, and was considered as a real Greek. We also hear of Archela'us, a more noted king, who came into closer relation with the Greeks ; who ruled with skill and energy, enlarging his kingdom ; and who adopted some of the customs of the Greek people, even inviting to his court Greek poets and artists. At the time of the Theban supremacy, Macedonia became so strong and threatening that Pelopidas invaded the country, checked the ambition of its ruler, and brought back to Thebes the young prince Philip as a hostage. This young Philip, while in bondage, became versed in the civilized arts of Greece and especially in the military system of Epaminondas, and thus became fitted for his future work as the king of Macedonia. Accession of Philip II. (359 b.c). On his return to Macedonia Philip was appointed regent of the kingdom at the age of twenty -three ; and in a short time he had. him- self proclaimed king. He proved to be a man of wonderful ability, versed in the best as well as the worst arts of statecraft. He possessed unusual hilip . ( om) powers of organization. He was able as a warrior, and still more able as a wily diplomatist. He soon crushed all his rivals, and seated himself firmly upon the throne. He then extended his power over the mountain tribes, and pushed back the barbarians on the frontiers the Illyrians on the west and the Paeo'nians on the north. But more than this, he gathered together his scattered subjects into a well-organized army. This gave to the people a common military .discipline and a common national spirit. In organizing his army, Philip adopted the Greek phalanx ; but he strengthened it by making the line sixteen instead of eight men deep. He armed the men 302 THE SPREAD OF HELLENISM with lances twenty-one feet long, so that the front of the phalanx presented a projecting forest of bristling spears. He also organized a fine body of heavy-armed cavalry, made up of the best men of the kingdom and called "companions," which formed in action the right arm of his battle line. Extension of the Macedonian Kingdom Philip directed his energies to extending his kingdom along the coast. By deceiv- ing the Athenians he got possession of Amphipolis and Pydna. He then captured Potidsea, a Corinthian colony in Chalcidice which had been brought under tlie power of Athens. But instead of keeping this city himself, he turned it over to Olynthus, the capital of the Ohalcidian confederacy; he did this to make Athens jealous of Olynthus, and thus to keep these two cities' from uniting against him. He soon pushed into Thrace and founded a city called after his own name Philip'pi. This gave him control of the Thracian mines, which yielded him an annual revenue of a thousand talents (nearly $1,200,000). Thus in a few years Philip had converted a semi-barbarous country into a well-organized and growing kingrdom. II. Encroachments of Philip upon Greece Athens and the "Social War" (358-355 b.c.). The aggres- sions of Philip on the northern coasts of the ^Egean Sea were made upon territory which Athens either owned or coveted. Since the foundation of her second confederacy (see page 281), Athens had recovered much of her old power and influence ; and she was now disposed to resist the encroachments of the Macedonian king. But she was prevented at this time from making any serious opposition to him, as she was engaged in putting down a revolt of her own allies Chios, Cos, Rhodes, and Byzantium (map, page 262). This revolt was incited and aided by the satraps of Asia Minor, and also by Mausolus, the governor of Caria. After a weary war known as the " Social war " the independence of the allies was acknowledged. MACEDONIA AND GREECE UNDER PHILIP 303 As a result of this war, Athens again lost her influence on the Asiatic coast, at the same time that she was losing her hold on the northern shores of the ^gean. Philip and the "Sacred War" (357-346 b.c). Philip was aided in his aggressions, not only by the revolt of the Athenian allies just mentioned, but also by a more serious quarrel which broke out in central Greece. This was a bitter feud between Phocis and Thebes regarding the oracle at Delphi (map, page 76) , and is known as the " Sacred war." The Thebans brought against the Phocians the charge of sacrilege, claiming that the Phocians had seized lands belonging to the temple of Apollo. The Phocians were condemned by the Amphictyonic Council, and were heavily fined. They refused, however, to pay this fine, and added to their first crime another, by seizing the temple itself with its treasures. A long war followed between Phocis and Thebes the latter being assisted by Thessaly and Locris. The Phocians were victorious in battle and pushed their armies into Thessaly. Thebes, therefore, appealed to Philip for aid ; and the Macedonian king entered Greece as the ally of Thebes and the champion of Apollo. He defeated the Phocians and made himself master of Thessaly. Pressing on to Thermopylae, he found this pass held by an Athenian army. Instead of exposing his own army to slaughter, he deemed it wiser to withdraw and to wait for a more convenient season in which to extend his influence in Greece. Demosthenes and Philip. The one great man who now ap- peared as the defender of Greece against Philip was Demos- thenes. He had already made a reputation as an orator ; and he now assumed the role of a statesman. Inspired with a patriotic spirit as pure as that of Pericles, he labored under the delusion that Athens might again be great and might stem the advancing power of Macedonia. Demosthenes was opposed by the peace party of Athens. This party had for its leader Eubu'lus, for its popular representative Pho'cion, and for its chief orator ^s 'chines. These men believed that it would be for the best interests of Athens to come to terms with Philip. 304 THE SPREAD OF HELLENISM But Demosthenes determined to resist every advancing step made by the Macedonian king. To arouse Greece to a sense of her danger, he delivered the first of a series of famous orations known as " Philippics." Philip was now busy in the north, trying to get possession of Olynthus, and to reduce to his power the whole Chalcidian confederacy. Olynthus appealed to Athens for aid; and Demosthenes delivered his '' Olynthiac orations," to urge the people to make war upon Philip and to save the Chalcidian city. His earnest efforts induced the Athenians to declare war, but failed to save the beleaguered town. Olynthus fell (348 B.C.), and with it all the Chalcidian cities, whose inhabit- ants, according to the ancieilt custom, were either put to death or sold into slavery. The kingdom of Philip now extended nearly to the Hellespont on the east, and to the pass of Ther- mopylae on the south. III. The Pacification of Greece The Peace of Philocrates (346 b.c). The ambition of Philip was now directed to getting control of the whole Hellenic penin- sula. But to obtain any further influence in Greece, it was necessary to get possession of Thermopylae, where a short time before he had been stopped by the Athenian army. This pass, he was convinced, could be taken more easily by diplomacy than by force. He accordingly surprised and pleased the Athe- nians by showing a desire to make peace. On motion of Philoc'- rates, an Athenian embassy was appointed to negotiate a treaty with the king. The embassy included in its number the rival orators, ^Eschines and Demosthenes. After some dallying and annoying delay, the "Peace of Philocrates" was concluded.^ By its terms each party was to retain its present possession^ but Philip claimed the privilege of punishing the sacrilegious Phocians, which privilege was granted to him. In order to inflict upon this wicked people the punishment authorized by the treaty, Philip was allowed to lead his army through the MACEDONIA AND GREECE UNDER PHILIP 305 pass of Thermopylae. He thus obtained the key of Greece for the possession of which he had been intriguing ; and to insure its permanent occupation, he placed in it a Macedonian garri- son. He then marched to Delphi ; but instead of wreaking his vengeance upon the Phocians, as had been expected, he simply scattered them in small villages, and received himself the two votes in the Amphictyonic Council hitherto possessed by Phocis. Turning now to the Peloponnesus, Philip formed alliances with Argos, Messenia, and Elis ; and his emissaries were stationed in nearly every city. As the indirect result of the Peace of Philocrates, Macedonia thus became the lead- ing state in Greece. The Battle of Chaeronea (338 b.c). But Athens was not ready, even now, to accept the supremacy of the Macedonian king. It is true that Demosthenes had urged the peo'ple to accept the Peace of Philocrates ; but he was afterward led to question the honesty of Philip in his dealings with Greece. He also saw that Philip was about to make further aggressions in Thrace. It was through the influence of Demosthenes that Philip was prevented from getting possession of Byzantium on the Bosphorus. It was also through his influence that Athens and Thebes joined in a final effort to crush the king, when he was once more called into Greece to protect the oracle at Delphi. But at Chaeronea, in Boeotia (map, page 281), Philip defeated the combined forces of the Grecian allies, and de- stroyed the last opposition to his power. This battle is gener- ally regarded as marking the loss of Grecian independence. But we can see that the independence of Greece had been gradually declining since the first interference of Philip in Grecian affairs. Greece fell before Macedonia on account of her incapacity to form a united state, like that which Philip had created for his people. The Congress of Corinth (338 b.c). Philip now proceeded to do for Greece what Greece had failed to do for herself. He called together at Corinth a congress of all the states. This congress is said to have been the most representative body that 306 THE vSPREAD OF HELLENISM the Hellenic world had ever seen Sparta alone standing aloof. The king gave to the Greeks a constitution which formed a kind of federal state. Every city was to be free, and to manage its own affairs, and not to be subject to any tribute. The Ampliicty- onic Council was to be the supreme arbiter in the settlement of disputes between the ditf erent states. The king was to be the president, having the power to declare war and peace. At this congress Philip revealed his greatest project, which was noth- ing less than the conquest of Persia, in which Greeks and Mace- donians would unite in avenging the wrongs done to Greece since the days of Xerxes. The proposals of the king were accepted, and he was appointed commander in chief of the armies which were to invade the Persian empire. But while making plans for this expedition, Philip was assassinated, and the completion of his work was left to his son, Alexander the Great. SELECTIONS FOR READING Curteis, Ch. 3, "Macedonia and Hellas at Philip's Accession" (17). Smith, Ch. 42, "Accession of Philip " (10). Bury, Ch. 10, "Rise of Macedonia" (10). Timayenis, Vol. II., Part III., Ch. 2, "The Phocian and Olyuthiac Wars" (11). Holm, Vol. IIL, Ch. 16, "The Sacred War" (11). Oman, Ch. 42, "Philip and Demosthenes" (10). Allcroft, Vol. v., Ch. 6, " Peace of Philocrates" (10). Curtius, Vol. v., Bk. VII., Ch. 3, "Athens and King Philip" (11). Plutarch, "Demosthenes," "Phocion" (13). SPECIAL STUDY The Macedonian Army. Bury, pp. 819, 820 (10) ; Allcroft, Vol. V., pp. 115, 116 (10) ; Curteis, pp. 34-38 (17) ; Wheeler, Alexander, pp. 215- 217 (27) ; Dodge, Alexander, Ch. 12 (27); Grote, Part II., ch. 92. 1 The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Appen- dix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. CHAPTER XXV ALEXANDER AND THE CONQUEST OF THE EAST I. Conquests in Western Asia Accession of Alexander (336 e.g.). By the work of Philip the barriers which separated Greece from Macedonia were broken down ; but the barriers which separated Europe from Asia still remained. To level these was the work of Alexander. In this young prince we see a remark- able combination of qualities. From his father he inherited an imperial will, a keen insight in- to men and things, and a genius for military organization. From his mother a half-barbarian princess he inherited an im- petuous nature, a fitful, fiery temper, and a tendency to super- stition. By his great teacher, Aristotle, he was trained to vir- tue and the love of truth, to an exalted appreciation of knowl- edge, and to a sympathy with the Hellenic spirit. From his favorite author. Homer, he de- rived a heroic inspiration, a zeal for warlike action, and a passion to rival the deeds of Achilles. From the time that he was a boy of twelve when, according to Plutarch, he had tamed the fiery steed Buceph'alus to the battle of Chaeronea, where he had led the Macedonian cavalry, he had shown that he was born to rule. At the age of twenty he ascended his father's throne. His first work was to quell the spirit of revolt 307 Alexander FROORESSIVE M:^r> T>C-o ALEXANDER AND THE CONQUEST OF THE EAST 309 which seemed everywhere to show itself with the news of his father's death. He put out of the way his possible rivals. He entered Greece and had himself proclaimed commander in chief, as his father had done. He punished the tribes of the north and west which threatened the frontiers of his kingdom. Angered by a Grecian revolt led by Thebes, he wiped that city fix)m the earth, sparing only the temples and the house of the poet Pindar. Having pacified his kingdom in Europe, he was ready to enter upon the conquest of Asia. Asia Minor ; Battle of the Granicus (334 b.c). The expedi- tions of Alexander are so filled with incidents that we can do scarcely more than simply to trace on the map his route through the Eastern countries, and point out the sites of his most important battles. He crossed the Helles- pont with a small but well-trained army consisting of thirty thousand infantry and five thousand cav- alry. He first visited the plains of Troy, already hallowed in his Battle of Granicus imacrinntinn bv f-lip tnlpQ nf TTn , Macedonian phalanx ;&, allied cav- imaginatlOn Oy tne tales or no- airy ;c, companion cavalry ;f the Persian army could not be brought to the battle line. Alex- ander, who had moved far to the south of this position, was obliged to face about, march back toward the north, and attack Darius in his chosen position. After a severe conflict, a large part of the Persian army was destroyed and the rest put to flight. Syria was thus brought under Alexander's power. Instead now of pushing directly into the heart of Persia, as the " Ten Thousand " had done under Cyrus the Younger, Alex- ander decided first to secure the Mediterranean coasts to the MACEDONIANS Battle of Issus (For letters, see page 30( on the extreme right by (e) the archers and javelin throwers the cavalry- charge being intended to pierce and break the enemy's lines; and (3) to bring up the reserved left wing and complete the victory. No general has ever surpassed Alexander in the use of cavalry. In all his great battles Alexander commanded the attacking right wing, and his most trusted general, Parme'nio, commanded the reserved left wing. (See Dodge, pp. 237-244, .'305-310, ;368-386.) ALEXANDER AND THE CONQUEST OF THE EAST 311 south. He therefore moved through Sidon and reached Tyre. At this place he met the most serious resistance which 'he en- countered in all his campaigns. The new city of Tyre was situated on an island about half a mile from the coast. Having no fleet at hand, Alexander could reach the city only by building an immense mole, or causeway, through the sea to the walls. By this stupen- dous piece of work he was able to storm and capture the city. The overtures for peace which the Persian king now felt disposed to offer him were scorn- fully rejected. Siege OF Tyre Egypt; Founding of Alexandria (332 B.C.). There remained only one more province on the Mediterranean to be secured, and that was Egypt. The march to the south, however, was blocked at Gaza, a strongly fortified town defended by its faithful governor, Batis. To assault these walls Alex- ander performed another great feat of engineering skill. He built a mound of earth, two hundred and fifty feet high and twelve hundred feet broad at the base, around the entire city. Although repulsed three times, he finally took the town by storm. He put to death what remained of the garrison, and sold the women and children into slavery. The story is told that the heroic defender, Batis, was cruelly bound to a chariot and dragged to death, after the manner in which Achilles had treated the body of Hector. The way was now opened to Egypt, which welcomed Alexander as a deliverer. The prov- ince willingly acknowledged his authority. On the coast west of the Delta, he founded the new city of Alexan'dria, the first and most famous of many towns which perpetuated his name. Thence he moved westward along the coast, and then southward through the Libyan desert to the noted temple and oracle of Zeus Amnion. Here, it is said, the oracle addressed him as the son of Zeus and the future conqueror morey's greek hist. 19 312 THE SPREAD OF HELLENISM of the world. This may have had some influence upon Alex- ander, in leading him to claim divine honors for himself. II. Conquests in Central and Eastern Asia Central Persia; Battle of Arbela (331 b.c). Having organ- ized the government of Egypt, Alexander returned to Tyre and made his preparations to pierce the heart of the Persian empire. He crossed the Euphrates at Thap'sacus, and passed through Mesopotamia beyond the Tigris. In a broad plain near the village of Gauga- me'la, and thirty miles west MACEDONIANS ^ ^