^ii'iiis-):''';:!':!!!;;;;;;;';!';;::'.; B 3 052 700 :'''«!?iM;r!l?H^.>t'j*t;'i^'('t'ni ^iiJ 'i M 'S I i^ ^ a nother, holds the destiny of that other in his com - plete control. T his power over the educational, social, iT-u3nt;fr|p b and politica l statu s of women was in the ha njs of men for t housands of years. It has been a long and bitter struggle to rescue women from this subjection and to place them in a position where they could command their own battle for emancipation. To this end heroes, as well as I590 WOMAN SUFFRAGE heroines, have stormed the world's citadel of prejudice. Frrtm fViP jo| |i to the I ';th century, there was an_era ni pnltp- htenmen t and Euro pean women shared with nipn t;nTnp ni the opportunities whicli it. Opened . Uni- versities in Italy an d S pain admitted womer ) stndpnts^ a nd several women were members of their faculties. They not infrequently addressed public meetings and some were famed for their remarkable oratorical powers. I n France and S pain several distinguished them s elve s in the prac tice of medic]'n e_and in a 11 these . landS-Jfianiiug for women brnnm r._fnnhinnnb1r n m n nr^ Jhe upppi- /-inoqpc^ ]\,/rony womcu authors and poets ap- peared whose names are still highly reverenced by their people. Many nf tbf Moth er SupeHor s of th e Convents dnj j. ing this per iorl were renowned tor their scholarshin . literary talent, and executive ability, as well as their p iety and more than one declar ed rebellion against un- arreptable Ptji^f^ P^ ^^^ Chuyr]^ P owers, and or.^a u=- jypri A^n'nning rnmpaigng qgainst them. The WOmen of the world owe much to the Spartan character and clear vision of many of these religious heroines, who continued lives of self abnegation after the monas- teries had become rich and many monks forgetful of their vows. More dark ages for women succeeded the ^.euaia- sance and swept a wav eve ry liberty Avmnpfi had gained d uring this period, tlje Church steeped in superstitious "^^"RtirifiTn using ^'^° ^M-powerful influence to this end. WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1591 In 1377 the Faculty of the University of Bolo gna w here women had studied and tan^y ht lerl the way wiTTf the following decree: ''And whereas woman is the foundation of sin, the weapon of the devil, the cause of man's banishment from Paradise, and whereas for t hese reasons all association with her is to be dilis;ently avoided : "Therefore do we interdict and expressly forbid that anyone presume to introduce in the said college any woman whatsoever, however honorable she be. And if anyone should perpetrate such an act, he shall be severely punished." T he Church edicts were numerous during th is period^ a fact which seems to signify that it was not altogether an easy task to steal the new found liberty from women. Among the avalanches of anathema hurled against them was the following Bull of Pope Innocent 8th in 1487 : " The Holy Chrysostom says : ' What is woman but an enemy of friendship, an unavoidable punish- ment, a necessary evil, a natural temptation, a desirable affliction, a constantly flowing source of evil, a wicked work of nature covered with a shiny varnish.' Al- ready had the first woman entered into a sort of com- pact with the devil; will not then her daughters do it also? Since she was formed of a crooked rib, her entire spirit, her real nature has been distorted and in- clined more toward sin than virtue." During these centuries women were not infrequently reminded by the Pulpit in the words of Tertullian, 1592 WOMAN SUFFRAGE " Woman, thou art the gate of Hell." Protestantism made no protest against these views of the earlier Church. Said Luther: *^ Le t woman m anage h er lini^«^pVin1r1 'tis her lo t - by natur e^ — X ha^ ig h er place—-- Said Calvin: "God hath chosen the foolish things of the world (meaning woman) to confound the wise (meaning man) and base things of the world and things that are despised (meaning women) to bring to naught those that are great and of high worth (meaning men)." Little is heard of women in southern Europe, once th e le aders of the world's progress, aftef ~t!iis dev- a stating tide of superstition swept over them tmtil th^ prftspnt |imp T n northern Etirope wnman Hpgpitp law and rnstom, m aintained a rpmarkahle dfgfPf nf personal inde pendenc e, and women co ntimiall v ap- p eared who had distinguished themselves in letta;;s, p olitics, m usic, art, and even war, • As the chief barrier to every proposed change in the status of woman, was the idea almost universally held, that her intellect was, by nature, so inferior to that of man that the handicap could never be overcome, each woman who achieved something unusual became arl unconscious Liberator of her sex. Durin g the Middle Ages, one curious reh'r of a ncient li berty remained. Tn all f eudal lan ds, a form of sel f g overnme nt, '"'^biVVi attached the frn nrhise to landed pgfatpc^ hfr?*^^ pgtab1ic;lipf] and wh^ pever such prop^ ^'^^y ffll i"^^ ^^^ Vianric r.f ■'i'Tr,rnpp ^f=' j^" frequcntlv WOMAN SUFFRAGE i595 did, the vote was exercise d by them, j Women were still much repressed and opportunities for advanced education were denied them, but as the theory of feu- dalism held that it was property, and not the individual which was represented, it was no anomaly to permit the voice of woman to be heard. T his for m of feudal suffrage was largely utilized by women in France, Ger- rnanj, Bohemia, Austria, and Great Britain^ Tn pranrp-, there Were fifty-one fiefs, forty-seven of which were open to women. ''The heiress tn a fief j:>iqjr>ypr1 fViA g^mP rip^l]|-<; a s a man. "^I^P Ipyif^ nrtniW c oined money, and administered justice. She could attain to the very highest position, take part in the gov- ernment as regent of the Kingdom, Peeress of France, or Governor of a Province. Frntyi |V>p Keo-i'^p^npr nf the S tates General in 1-^02, to their disappea rance iri rf ?^ women vot ed like men far the nomi nation of delep; -ates. They were summoned to the Guilds under the same conditions as men." * Th e new gox £j:.nmer!.t r esultant upon the Revolution, destroyed these ancient r ights^ f me n and women, and in the new distribution of political favors, vastly increased the pfj^Mlp^Pg ar^r^ /^ ajithnritv nf men, while robbing women of prac tically *^^r q1| fVip arlyp^nfacre s they had formerly possessed. Similar political rights were enjoyed by women in Austria, although a pparently not exercised so gener- ally ^s in hrnnrr, ^mt^ iQOb. when the property qual- I'fjrati'nns were reP^nyfd anri nm'versal Sllffrap^e for *" International Suffrage Report," 1909. 1596 WOMAN SUFFRAGE mpn in rp<;|7frf tn the "K[a tional Parliam ent was estah- l ished. H frP ^g^^'" ^^f' polit ical discrimination against wr.r>-|^iq -^yac ■tT^actly incre ased With the further extension In Great Britain not only did w omen exercise a la ndo\vn er' s vote^ but throug hji eredity they w ere eligi- ble to th e position of custodian jiLa-jcastle-ftr sheriff.^ and in reality such offices were held by women. A mong them A nnie Clifford. Countess of Dorset rit;8Q-i67e;^ was particularly noted. " She upheld Lu,i laviful dainK a s hereditary Sheriff of Westmoreland ap ^ninst Kin- f^t^d thev e xercised it until i9.ny . Washington and Jefiferson counted these New Jersey women voters among their constituents. Unfortunately, they offended the party in power, which punished them by taking the privilege away. *" History Woman Suffrage," Vol. I. WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1599 It is interesting to observe that in this same year Mrs. Spencer Stanhope,* of Hreat Rfji-ain wrote to her son that her husband's party was so certain of success that they had announced that their women folk need not vote. The lady was very wroth at this de- . cision, holding it to be " extraordinary and ve ry h ard,^ considering how few privileges we poor females have. Should It come to a very close struggle, I dare say they will then call upon the ladies, and in that case every self respecting woman should most certainly re- fuse her assistance." The natural inf erence is that- v otes attached to pr operty were still recognized in G reat Bri tair } at tlii s dater- JT.o "Prf^^h T?r^^^"^''"ni'it'i i'^'^^ipd a "Dprlarafion of the Rights of Man in 17^0 . but it referred onlyJii. r|ipn Olympe de Gouges entered a protest with a book the same year, dedicated to the French Queen and called " The Declaration of the Rights of Women.'/ A s a result of its teaching a petition was pres ented. Ortnher -?Rth, J 7^9 tn th" Nnt^'^""^ /\cc^t^V(]y ^i^nfrj by Parisian women, demandinp- v otes for women in the election of members of the Assembly. In 1792 "Mii'j Wn]1'itiin(prrnft dr-rribrd by chival- rous Horace Walpole as "a hyena in petticoats," pub- lished her '^VmHir^i^'np ni the Rig-hts of Women," ^.rh\nh rnf nil Fnnrlnnrl ngtiV nnri flirary rlrmvin|fT rnorp to tnlljr^^f "^Ynni^n''i riorht^iJl— Tn T7r>^, Gnndnrret. in the Frrnrh Annmnbln ' . made an imm n rtnl . p lea for * " Woman Suffrage, 1912 " : Mrs. M. G. Fawcett. i6oo WOMAN SUFFRAGE woman suffrage which resolved all the intellectual cen - te rs of France into debating societies upon the subject. \Yntnpn nrp^anized rlnbs to further the-discussioil. The end of this campaign, which was carried on more con- nectedly and effectively than the earlier one in America, was that the clubs were closed in the same year by the "Committee of Public Safety" because the clubs dis- turbed the "public peace;" and the French Democrats who had urged their plea of "liberty, equality, and fraternity," made public by so doing that they had overthrown the doctrine of the "Divine Right of Kings," but still upheld the "Divine Right of Men." This action was followed by the establishment of the Napoleonic Code. Napoleon, jwho hated women of b rains, had exiled those most influe nt^f^ nni-ah1y Mmp_ de Stael. The old rights came to an end w ith the new rights fo r men, and the woman suffrage move- ment which came with the Revolution was put into the barkgronnd wjierp if d^^nhprprl inr many y^prc Kpfnrp bf^^pi" ^pf^^ d of a g j'ain. In 1 819 a man suffrage movement arose in Great Britain which reached a crisis at Manchester in what is known as the Peterloo Massacre in August of that year. Women had joined this Reform movement as active participants. "A picture of the Peterloo Mas- sacre, now in the Manchester Reform Club, is ded- icated to Henry Hunt, Esq., the Chairman of the meeting and to the Female Reformers of Manchester, and the adjacent towns who were exposed to and WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1601 suffered from the wanton and furious attack made on tliem l)v that brutal armed force, the Manchester and Cheshire Yeomanry Cavalry. The picture represents women in every part of the fray, and certainly taking their share in its horrors." ='= " On one of the banners carried by the women as depicted in this very old print are plainly printed the words, "Votes for Women." The Reform Mov ement came up ag ain in Grea t Britani in 1832, and ended by tne passage of the R e- form Act of 1832, which substituted th e word "male p erson" for man and this placed a cons titutional dis- ability upon women. By this act a considerable nunj ;: hpr nf piprL- j, vnrp pnfrnn r 1i i ip<=l . Many women in many lands in the first half of the 19th Century contributed much valuable service toward breaking down the wall of prejudice which bound women's sphere. Mary Somerville in acknowledg- ment of her skill in mathematics and Caroline Her- schell who had distinguished herself in astronomy, were elected members of the Royal Astronomical So- ciety in 1835. Elizabeth Fry had revolutionized the prisons of Great Britain and Florence Nightingale the soldiers' camps and hospitals in the Crimean War. In our own country Emma Willard and Mary Lyon opened seminaries for the "advanced education of women." Ql^jn rnllporp ^yf^g Pgtahlkhpd iti tR^3 with open doors fnr prj^k fViP firgf college in moderg times to admit women. T n 1832, Lydia Maria Child * " Woman Suffrage, 1892 " : Mrs. M. G. Fawcett.' i6o2 WOMAN SUFFRAGE published her " History of Woman," in which she plead for larger freedom for women. In 1836, Abraham Lincoln made his famous declar atiQa in favor ^ pnli ti- ed eQu alitv for women^L-"! go for all sharing the privileges of the government who assist in bearing its burdens, by no means excluding women." In 1840 Margaret Fuller published her great essay on "Man vs. W^omen," and in 1845 her "Women of the 19th Century." W omen took an incre asing lv active parf in fVip pnti-dnvpry agitation and had formed local Societies here and there. In ^8 37, th '^y h^^^ '^ Natmnal r^nvpntion \p Npw Vnrlr with gpypnty-twn r^pip^tpg Kpijpvpri t^ H tb'^ ^^''^ rfpr^'^'"^<^^^ivp body gfjaiOlQfiia-ei'er cowtened In < B^6 a petition was pre- serit£d_lQ— the Ne\^L-- Zork Legislature, a skin g the re- rno val of the legal disabilities of married women. In Tp^^ Maine, the first State to take such action, granted t^nr|-jf.^ wompn r pntrol of thclr own p roperty. These and many other similar events were suc- ceeding each other with great rapidity and preparing the way by their continued agitation of the " women's rights" question as it was called, for the organized demand for the vote. In 1840 a World's Anti-Slavery Congress was held in London. Several women delegates from the United States were barred out after a stormy debate. Wm. Lloyd Garrison and Nathaniel P. Rogers arriving on a belated ship came too late for the discussion, but as WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1603 a protest against the action of the Congress they re- fused to take their delegate's seats and sat in the gallery with the women. Lucretia Mott, the leading woman delegate, and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, the bride of a delegate, determined to call a convention upon their return to consider the many discriminations made against women by law and custom. This they did some years later and it was held in Seneca Falls, New York, in 1848. Here a Declaration of Women's In- dependence, belated by half a century was presented and adopted. It was received with the ridicule and con- tempt with which an ignorant world has ever answered pleas for justice. In the same year, 1848, Mr. Disraeli, said in the House of Commons : " In a country governed by a woman, where you allow women to form part of the other estate of the realm, peeresses in their own right, for example, where you allow women not only to hold land but to be ladies of the manor and hold legal courts, where a woman by law may be a church warden and overseer of the poor, I do not see, where she has so much to do with the State and Church, on what rea- son, if you come to right, she has not a right to vote." T he organized demand for woman suffrag e dates fr om 1848, and the momentum of the movem ent has st eadily increased year after year until n1i>inl nrf nriation«; That laW is Still n pprativp rl1tbP"g^'' '^'^ rpinnvql i<^ a much discusse£ qnr n tinn nnl t1i" p""'^""^ 'Rnt.ii'nmnni- rroT-^^ has the matter under consideration. As no regularly consti- tuted woman suffrage association is legally possible, woman suffragists conduct their propaganda work through committees. They must secure the consent of the police for every meeting, and one or more police- men is present to see that the law is not violated. In Bohemia, a province of Austria, which has been permitted to retain its own Diet, women taxpayers in 1 86 1 were especially granted municipal suffrage and eligibility to the Diet. This definite extension of politi- cal privilege was evidently founded upon ancient feudal rights. For many years qualified women exercised this franchise but it fell into disuse through the an- tawnistic attitude of Election Committees. In 1905, an agitation for universal suffrage for men arose and women came forward at the same time to claim their former rights. Men were granted universal suffrage in respect to the Imperial Parliament in 1906 in com- mon with all other men in the Empire, but in Bohemia, as elsewhere, the political rights of women were de- WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1605 creased with the increase of poHtical rights for men. With the idea in view that their pecuhar campaign could more effectively be conducted within the Diet, women sought the nomination and election of a woman member in 1907 whose eligibility to this position dated from feudal times. At each succeeding election they worked to the same end, with the result that Mrs. Vikova Kuneticka was elected to the Diet in 191 2. The Imperial Law forbidding women to join political organizations is operative over Bohemia, and creates the anomaly of a woman legislator who is legally for- bidden to join her own party organization. In Bosnia and Herzogovina by the new constitution of February, 19 10, authorized by the Austrian and Hungarian Empire, four classes of men may qualify to vote. The first is composed of landowners who pay a tax of 140 crowns on their estate, and widows and spinsters were included. The vote is by proxy. At the first election. May, 19 10, seventy-eight women voted, seventy-six being Mohammedans, one Servian, one Roman Catholic. In 191 2 the Diet of Lower Austria extended to the women voters of Wiener-Neustadt (60,000 inhabit- ants) and Waidhofen (20,000 inhabitants) the right to cast direct votes instead of voting by proxy as before, and the use of the vote was made compulsory. The im- perial law which forbids women to be members of political societies applies to this section of Austria as elsewhere and the curious anomaly is produced of com- i6o6 WOMAN SUFFRAGE pelling women to vote, while forbiding them to join any organization existing for the purpose of further- ing the cause for which they vote. In Galicia, married women property owners were given a vote in 1866, but as this must be cast by their husbands, an independent opinion was evidently not ex- pected. Widows and unmarried women, however, were given permission to select their proxies and to instruct them how to cast their votes. In 1908 a Political Equal- ity League to further the suffrage rights of women was founded. This society followed the example of the one in Bohemia and put up a woman candidate for the Diet, as eligibility to the legislative assembly was an old hereditary right. Miss Marie Duleba, to the surprise of friends and foes, polled 511 votes. Mijjjgnry pnjr)y<^ ^ustitutioua l independence and has its own Parliament. In 1 90 6 a National WOtYl^aTT' Snffrnr^ Assnn'nfj^^ '"'^^'^ fnrtnpH anr| f>ef^ n a cam- p aign to secure the inclusion of women in the strugp ^le t oward universal man suffrage. Those who favored an extension of suffrage to men have been divided into universal suffragists and limited suffragists. The women sought endorsement by either or both camps. After a lively and bitter campaign accompanied by con- siderable "militancy on the part of men," the Gov- ernment presented a Reform Bill to the Parliament of 1913, endorsing the claims of the limited suffragists and including women. This measure was passed after amendment which excluded women and a considerable WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1607 number of men. The Hungarian Woman Suffrage Association has been particularly active, and intelli- gent in its campaign and many prominent men and women have interested themselves in it. Poland. — There has been a feminist movement in Poland for many years, although unorganized until the present time. The tragic struggle of this unhappy land has revealed the fine strong qualities of women W'hose sacrifices for patriotism have challenged the respect and honor of Polish men. A leader, Mme. Kuczalska-Reinschmidt has been untiring in her efforts for many years and now in her old age a vast senti- ment for her cause and great honors for her have come as a reward for her sacrifices. Belgium. — Women employers or employees may vote for members and be eligible to the Counseils des Prudhommes or Courts of Trade, the right having been granted in 1909. A commission, appointed as the result of a national strike in May, 191 3, is now sitting (August, 191 3) and is considering the demand made by the workingmen of the country for " one man, one vote." The clerical government has openly declared that if it is forced to this act, it will also extend " one woman, one vote." Bulgaria. — In South Eastern Europe women have heroically aided in the numerous efforts to secure na- tional liberation and have usually demanded of their victorious countrymen some recognition for their serv- ices. Bulgaria was granted its autonomy by Turkey i6o8 WOMAN SUFFRAGE in 1878, but remained tributary to that Power. Large numbers of women were included in the Hsts of those who labored for freedom and the elevation of the peo- ple. Some of these presented a petition to the first Parliament in 1879, asking for the vote, but with no result. The customs before this date were primitive and patriarchal. No code of laws existed, but the new Parliament turned to Belgium and Germany for models and as these nations at that time granjed few rights to women, the Bulgarian women now found themselves hemmed about by legal restraints they had never before known. In 1908 Bulgaria declared her independence and the women declared theirs by the formation of a Woman Suffrage Association with the wife of the Prime Minister as president. Denmark. — The women o f nnrthern F^nrnpp al- w ays enjoyed soc ial p^iH ppr<;r^p^1 freedom, and al- t]i"iig"h the i"f n^r^'p '^f K '^nian law swept over those rnirntripc;^ jt never t;nrrppHpf] in the pntirp rpprpggmn ni the womeii^ The Scandinavians as p Vf^re are ^ntpp«^plv democratic and i nde pende nt and it i*; not surprising tha t man and woman suffrage has made more advanced prngrpQg thprp than in any other part of the Old World. Danish women were given municipal suffrage and eligi- bility to municipal offices upon the same conditions as men in the year 1908. Unmarried women qualify by the payment of a small tax ; married women may qual- ify upon the taxes by their husbands. In 19 10, 127 women were serving as town councillors, 7 of them WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1609 being members of the City Council of Copenhagen, the Capital. Upon the recommenda tion of the King the ■.g overnment introdtice'd ct parhamentary meas ure, 191 3, tQ^xtend the parliamen tary vote to wom^n gnnli tied to \ :Qte in ^Municipal elections. Af ter having passed the Lower House, the Parliament was dissolved. New elections were held in May, 1913, and the question is still pending. Finland. — In 1 873 widows and unmarried women taxpayers were granted municipal suffrage. The pnpn- th e nation sustained a long and bitter contest against Russia to re.gain its f reedom! \\ ^nen took an acti ve part in th e strugs^le. fearlessly performiu j p ^ man y deeds of danger. In ]\Iay, 1906. the movement for indepen- dence took the form of a national strike and the Czar yielded, a Parliament and universal suffrage for men and women forming the chief Russian concession. An energetic woman's society (Kvinnosaksforbundet Unio- nem) h ad educated the p nhlir mjnd tn rr rri rr^ thr rqn ni i fy Qf iMghtp nf tlip cpvpc nnd "Pnccian npprp ';<;ip]-| h ^ d St imulated national patriotism and Inve nf Hherty^ When the Czar expressed his doubts as to the advisability of including women in the new grant of liberty, Sena- tor Mechelin who conducted the audience replied : " The opinion of the nation demands it, and there is no rea- son to fear that women will not use their vote w^ith the same feeling of responsibility as men." W^omen have served in the Parliament continuallv in consid- i6io WOMAN SUFFRAGE erable numbers, twenty-six having been chosen at the first election. Th e benefits of universal s uffrage have been largely nullifie d however, by the later a ppointmenf of a Russian r:r^..Prr.nr-C/^nPr^| ^yho possesses the right of a veto and who u ses it upon all acts of local in- -terest.^ France. — With the disappearance of their old feudal rights . the'^aClliienL uf Llie UW forbidd ni^ ' them to organize t o secure new rights, an d the estab- lishment of tbp Code N apole on, there was little oppor- t unity for F renrh Wf^mf" t^ " fnmpnt arPbHIioilJ'. "If a husband killed his wife for committing adultery, the murder was 'excusable.' On the other hand an illicit mother could not file a paternity suit." * Yet i n the Revolution of 18^0 and as;ain in that of t8a8., manv men and women arose to preach the doctrine of a n pqiiality of rights for women, (jeorge i^and was one of the most conspicuous advocates. The Republic of 1870 was appealed to by an influential group to extend suffrage to women under the new government, but it refused as the National Assembly of 1789 had done. Since 1878 an organized campaign has been conducted, chiefly in Paris to secure the vote and to secure the removal of the many legal disabilities which are put upon French women. A large group of Catho- lic women work to the same end independently of the others. Its president, Marie Mangeret, made an espe- cial trip to Rome for the purpose of presenting the *"The Modem Women's Rights Movement": Schirmacher. MRS. CARRIE CHAPMAN CATT President, International Woman Suffrage Alliance. WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1613 Catholic women's need for the vote to the Pope and the audience was granted. The suffrage so far gained is the right of women to vote for and be ehgible to the Tribunals of Commerce, a kind of Court composed of. e mployers and employees with authority to adjust dif- ferences. T he Nezv York Tribune of August 13, 1913, confirms the report that the Municip al Cr^^^^^rU r.f Pari<^ _ by unanimous vote, has arrn^-HpH fTi^ mnniripal vote tQ.w^rp?n. Germany. — Men of the twenty-five States of the German Empire possess universal suffrage for the Reichstag (Imperial Parliament) although man suf- frage is limited in the local election of most of the States. W ith the growing democratic spirit the old Fe udal franchise passed into disfav or and with it th^ ea rlier suffrage rights of wnmp.ri — Yet scattered suf- frage rights in minor matters for women taxpayers are still in existence, the relics of the old order, rather than achievements of the new. T n Ton8 a municipal election in Rhineland was declared illegal because the name of a woman voter had been refused by the registrar, and in consequence of a judicial decision, a new election was held. In Silesia, where women landowners still have the right of a proxy vote in the communal election, but where it has not usually been exercised, nearly 2,000 women availed themselves of this ancient privilege in the year 1910 to the general amazement of the Ger- man public. Until May, tqo?^, an imperial law forbade all German i6i4 WOMAN SUFFRAGE womei J^^.laVe part in, political meetings, with the ex- re ptinn of those of the free cities^ A suffrage organiza- tion with headquarters in the free City of Hamburg was therefore constituted in 1902 with individual mem- bers in all parts of the Empire. ]\Ieetings were held in the chief cities with little restriction beyond the neces- sity of securing police consent for all such assemblies, and the presence of police officers who kept a record of each meeting for police reference. With the removal of the taboo in 1908, the German Woman Suffrage Association was normally constituted and now has branches in all the States. Tk e^Prussian Government in 19 10 instituted an offi cial investigation into the_ cause s which produrerl a surplus of female population. ^" n rf'iult r>1] sHi^^ls f^r ^-"^' o^her education were thrown open to w omen in order that they might be better pre - p ared toTarn their own iiveiinood, since it was apparent that the surplus was a perm anent factor. Hptta-t T^t?ttatm — TrTT^cn arT^ bec ame law i n G reat Rritain where by words importing the mascu - UnP o-enrl^r shall be deemed to include females unles s t he contrary is expressly provided. I n 1867 anoth er T? efnrm "Rill passed, which substituted the word ma n for male p erson, a return to the wording before 18.^2. As under similar letter of the law women had claimed their ancient voting rights, a large number of women tax payers sought a place upon the voting lists of 1868. This attempt was made in many parts of England and Scotland, over 5,000 women in Manchester alone unit- WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1615 ing in the demand. The registrars refused to enter the names of women and a test case was brought into Court. The Judge decided that "although the word man in an Act of ParHament must be held to include women, this did not apply to the privileges granted by the State." In t ?Lf word s i7f th *^ -P ^p^rt of the^a^^ tiona4 Soci e ty for Women' s Suffrage, 1869: ~" This, j udgment, theref ore , establish ed as law tliat the same words in the same A ct of Parlia ment shall for the pur- p ose of voting- app ly tn m°n '^r\^y but for the purp ose _ of taxation shall include women." In 1 85 1, an article, which took the form of a re- view of the proceedings of a Convention of Women hold in Worcester, Massachusetts, the previous year, by Mrs. John Stuart Mill appeared in the Westminster Review and presented a strong plea for woman suf- frage. In i86q John Stuart Mill was elected to Parlia ment ugon a woman suffrage plat forrn. Before 1867 the total number of qualifie d voters in Great Bfitam wa s* a bouFotTe million. The R eform B ill of that year more t han doubled the number. . To hn Stuart Mill moj amendment to this bill conferring the fra nchise on women posse ssing the sa me qualific ations as the men under considerati on, f ^pvpnty-three members voted with him an d iq6 against. A N ational Woman Suf- frage Society was formed in England in 1867, inspired by the act of Mr. Mill and the unexpected success of his amendment. The testing of the effect of the Reform i6i6 WOMAN SUFFRAGE Bill upon the political status of women took place in 1868. In 1869 the ancient right of municipal suf- frage was restored to tax paying widows and spinsters of England and Wales, the direct result of the agitation in Parliament. In 1870 the British Parliament gave w omen the right to vote for members of School Boards, and als o the right to he plerfpH fn Srhon] R oards. Many women were elected to these positions at the following election. One Dr. Elizabeth Garrett re- ceived 47,000 votes which it was said was the largest number of votes any candidate in England had ever received for any office at that time. Another, Miss Becker, was continuously re-elected and served as a member of the School Board in Manchester until her death in 1890. Another Miss Stevenson served on the School Board of Edinburgh for 32 years, being con- tinuously re-elected. All three of these ladies were woman suffrage leaders and the endorsement of their candidature was regarded as an indication of popular suffrage sentiment. In TRf^R p Avnman cnffi-og^ Kill -t^r;^^ jn troduced in th e Ho use of Commons and was carried on second reading M ay, 1870, by 12A to QI, but its f nrtbpr prr^^pHnrp' w as stopped b y the G overnme nt. Tn_ T88n. fn11 mifFrnp-p -^a<; PvfpnrlpH tn ihn ^^rr^tr^f^1l^ pf th ejsle nf Man, ^ ^rh^^rh jiac i>p n^vn Pnrlinmptif In 1884 another Reform Bill passed the British Parliament which further extended suffrage to men. At the time British Politics was reputed to be exceed- WOMAN SUFFRAGE ibiy ingly corrupt and in connection with the Reform Bill, a provision was carried which rendered paid canvassing illegal. The year before a very stringent Corrupt Practices Act had passed. Party managers were in a state of distress over the vexed question as to how campaigns could be conducted. The brillant idea ap- peared to some of the Tory leaders, that as no money could be paid for the work, it would be appropriate work for women ! The Primrose League was formed in consequence and the campaign of its members was so successful that the Tory leaders were delighted, and the Liberal leaders disgusted. The latter expressed their spite by dubbing these women representatives of Eng- land's noblest houses "filthy witches." Suddenly their choler w^as checked by the timely suggestion, that what was good for the Tories might be equally good for the Liberals. The Women's Liberal Federation was formed at once under the presidency of the wife of the Prime Minister, Mrs. Gladstone. This, according to Mrs. Millicent Garrett Fawcett, in her " Women's Suf- frage," is the true story of the reason which led Brit- ish women to take so active a part in tbe partisan poli- tics of that Country. Although the majority of the women who entered political life, doubtless had no in- terest in suffrage at the time, yet the political activity of British women enormously stimulated the growth of the woman suffrage movement. The women of Sco t- \^r>A wP|-^ o-iYn"* mn"^'^^'p^^ ciiffrogp in tRRt anri thnsf^ of Ireland in i8q8.v> k 1618 WOMAN SUFFRAGE Foji_some years past the campaign in Great Britain has been recognized as the storm center of the world's movement. The— history of woman suffrage in that Cojintry, including as it does, the early hereditary vot- ing rights of wom en, and an entire century of unceas- ing effort to xecover them, enlivened by many unex- pected and remarkable features, will doubtless always be regarded as the most extraordinary of all lands. From 1867 a National Society called in later years the National Union of Wo man's Suff rage Societies con- ducted a campaign of education and organization. Favor- able sentiment had increased to such an extent that in every Parliament after i 88s a majority of members w ere pl edged to the cause. / Bills , extending the parlia^ mentHr j vote to women passed second reading in 1897, 1908, 1909, 1 910, and 191 1, the Government (Pr ime Minister and his cabinet) preventing them fr om going fo rward to further stages. P arliamentary usage per- mits the Gove rnment^topreempt as much time for its o wn me asures as it desires, and i t has become -a-favor- j tg and unfailing method of the Government to use thls_planj£Ljlefeat any meas ure to whi ch it is opposed. It therefore became obvious that the Gover nment wCLuld never allow a private member's bill to pass. The aim of the campaign in consequence has been to com- pel the Government to take up the question. In Febru- ary, 1907, 3,000 women marched in procession through the streets of London; in October, 1,500 women marched in Edinburgh and during the same month of WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1619 the same year 2,000 marched in Manchester. In-i^oSi.,^^ i^ i^.oo*^ ^ynmpn marrVipH in processJo n in London. and i n loii. 40.000 women , making a line four miles long , marr|^fr| jn London. M eetings indoors and out of doors in big halls and small ones have been held in every part of the United Kingdom. Woma n su ffja^e has been made the most talked of question in the Co untry and its worki ng adherents have enormously increased f rom y ear to y ear. Town an d City Councils to t he number of 132 have pa ssf^rr resolutions cal ling upon the Government and Parliament to extend the parliamentary vote. Among the cities passing such resolutions were Edinburgh, Glasgow, Dundee, Dublin, Cork, Limerick, Liverpool, Manchester, Birmingham, Sheffield, New Castle, Brigh- ton and Leeds. The Mayor of Dublin, in his official robes, presented the petition from that City at the Bar of the House of Commons. A woman suffrage com- mittee composed of 50 members of Parliament, with Chairman and Secretary was formed in 1905 for the purpose of pushing the measure. A petition signed by 200 members of Parliament was that year presented to the Prime Minister requesting that a woman suf- frage bill be brought in. One of the embarrassing difficulties of the campaign was the difference of opin- ion, among women suffragists as to what women should be given the vote. A minority favored uni- versal suffrage for men and women, the majority were somewhat divided as to the standard of limitation i62o WOMAN SUFFRAGE which should be fixed. By the year 1910 the Commit- tee composed of Members agreed upon a woman suf- frage bill known as the Conciliation Bill and pressed its claims with the result that it passed second reading, but was side-tracked by the Government. A ppiifinn aQVingr that fhk hjll ^hould be made law was signed by ^00,000 male voters in January, totd The Commonwealth of Australia cabled to the Prime Minister in November, 1910, the following resolution which had passed both Houses of the Federal Parlia- ment : "That this (House, Senate) is of opinion that the extension of the Suffrage to the women of Australia for States and Commonwealth Parliaments, on the same terms as men, has had the most beneficial results. It has led to the more orderly conduct of Elections, and at the last Federal Elections the women's vote in the majority of the States showed a greater proportionate increase than that cast by men. It has given a greater prominence to legislation particularly affecting women and children, although the women have not taken up such questions to the exclusion of others of wider significance. In matters of Defense and Imperial con- cern, they have proved themselves as far-seeing and dis- criminating as men. Because the reform has brought nothing but good, though disaster was freely prop- hesied, we respectfully urge that all Nations enjoying Representative Government would be well advised in granting votes to women," but the Government was obdurate. WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1621 Meanwhile the Women's Social and Political Union, under the leadership of Mrs. Pankhurst, had come into existence in 1903. In 1905 it made known its policy, henceforth described as Militant Tactics. The effect of militancy upon the British campaign will always be a controversial point, inasmuch as sev- eral additional elements became involved with it. In the words of its advocates militancy meant that "war had been declared against the government." Before this announcement had been made, a public questioning of a Cabinet Minister took place in Manchester. Such privilege has been the prerogative of British men for Centuries. The women who did the same thing found themselves in prison. The consequent discussion aroused all Great Britain. The " Martyrdom " wrought such sensational changes in sentiment that the tactics begun as an incident were continued as a policy. After much public announcement of their intentions, these women met in great meetings from which deputations were appointed to carry a resolution, or petition to the Prime Minister or the House of Commons. The police were always found waiting to block their way and a crowd to watch proceedings. In the scrimmage which followed many women were certain to be arrested who straightway followed their sisters to Holloway jail. Their most intolerant critics pronounced these women political and not criminal offenders, yet the Govern- ment refused to put them in the First Division to which all nations consign political prisoners. In the First i622 WOMAN SUFFRAGE Division prisoners are permitted to wear their own clothes and to have access to books and papers; in the second they wear prison clothes and cannot have books and papers. The offenders grew more numerous and more audacious; the Government responded with longer sentences. Then, in protest, not against impris- onment, but against being put in the Criminal Division, these women prisoners began a " hunger strike " a-nd refused to eat. The Government brought stomach pumps and fed them forcibly. In every case the pris- oners were soon in such physical condition that it be- came evident that a continuation of the treatment would end in death; and the Government released them before the end of their sentence. However severe the criticism of the women became, the punishment meted out to them was so illy fitted to the offense that public opinion which usually condemned the women for each new maneuver, ended by veering around to their side. The courage^deter-mination, activity, initiative, and wilHftg- ne s.s to se ek martyrdom sti rred the admiration of large cl asses of people all over t he world a nd for some years the _ Militants kept the world talking of woman suf- frage as Jt had never talked before! The British G6v-" ernment contributed to thisl^eStrit-quite as much material as the women. Mr. Asquith stubbornly refused to yield to the con tinned appeal of the Nation, aroused by the untiring energies of suffragists and suffragettes, but finally promised, government facilities for the Conciliation WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1623 Bill. This promise he deliberately broke, but made a counter promise that the Government would propose a Reform Bill, which would remove some of the in- congruities of the present voting system and at the same time extend the vote to some 200,000 men who had not asked for it. To this bill he promised facilities for a woman suffrage amendment, should one be pro- posed. All friends of the Government assured the suffragists that Mr. Asquith was a man of his word and that the long expected victory was at hand. The Reform Bill was introduced; the Speaker declared the amendment out of order. Whether Mr. Asquith de- liberately connived with the Speaker to evade his prom- ise, or whether it was a turn as unexpected to him as it was to the suffragists, is an open question. At this point the campaign stands. Hundreds of militant women have suffered prison and torture for the Cause. Misguided they may have been but no one questions their loftiness of purpose, or purity of motive. On the other hand thousands of women out of sympathy with militant methods have pursued their work of education without ceasing. The Independent Labor Party which holds a balance of power in Parliament and which is pledged to universal suffrage for men, has pledged itself that its members will vote against any bill which extends suffrage to any class of men and which excludes women. The Con- stitutional suffragists will now attempt to replace Liberals by Independent Labor candidates at all by- i624 WOMAN SUFFRAGE elections. The Militants are attempting to compel the Independent Labor Members to enter upon a boycott of Government measures, and are attacking Govern- ment property. In support of their policy they make many citations of the views of influential British politicians. Among them is this : Mr. Randolph Churchill speaking in 191 1 about the violent riots in connection with the cam- paign for man suffrage in 1832 said: "It is true there was rioting in 1832, but the people had no votes then and had very little choice as to the alternatives they should adopt." Why, the ^Militants say, does the same argument not apply to women? The comment of Mrs. IMillicent Garrett Fawcett. the President of the National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies which opposes militant tactics, in her book on "The History of the British Woman Suffrage Move- ment," in speaking of the Suffragettes says : "Minor breaches of the law. such as waving flags and making speeches in the lobbies of the Houses of Parliament, were treated more severely than serious crime on the part of men has often been. A sentence of three months' imprisonment as an ordinary offender was passed in one case against a young girl who had done nothing except to decline to be bound over to keep the peace which she was prepared to swear she had not broken. The turning of the hose upon a suffrage prisoner in het cell in a midwinter night, and all the anguish of the hunger strike and forcible feeding are WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1625 other examples. All through 1908 and 1909 every possible blunder was committed with regard to the suffrage prisoners. A dead set was made upon law- breakers, real or supposed, who were obscure and un- known; while people with well-known names and of good social position were treated with leniency, and in some cases were allowed to do almost anything without arrest or punishment." John Bull has shown his tenacious stubbornness t^-'^^ngh the attitu de of the Prime Minic;tpr but J;o n«;p tlip phragp nf a Japane^p writer thp "John P.nll- ess es " are possessed of th^ -^ame natinnal rharartpr anrl tbf enrl i<; r\n\ r\\ffir]]]\ fn fnrpcpp Greece. — No woma n suffrage organization ex ists in Greece and no signs have a ppfnrpH nf any ]-n ovement i n that r|irprtTnn- — although individuals have openly espoused the cause. A National Lyceum of Women was lately organized to further the education of women and to uphold the national ideals of Greece. This society has done valiant service to the country by the collection of funds and the organization of relief serv- ice for the sick and wounded in the Balkan war. Peace and ^ settled ronditi o p will rlnnVitlnm rPTTpnl n nnnT imp etus to movements onward of the rights of men and women. _ Iceland. — Widows and unmarried women, tax- j-^yprg nr gpH-cnppnrtprg wprp ofivpn mnnjc ipal Suffrage Jp tRRt -Xa-i Q02 eligibility to any office for which tb*" yhnfl t^''" ^^'-P".:'!-!;^,:. woe nri-Qr.fP,^1 i^mmpn. Til T9O7 i626 WOMAN SUFFRAGE married women were granted municipal suffrage and eligibility to municipal officeSTzSTT 1908 a new bill grantin g municipal s uffrage to men and wo men, 25 years of age, who p ay a small tax, upon equal terms, wjth men was p assed^u— A bill to extend the parliamen- tary vot *' t^ M^r^m^r. on equal terms with men was passed by the Parliament of 191 2, but must be ratified by the Parliament of 19 13. As all political parties have pledged themselves to it it is expected to pass. The bill must then receive the sanction of the Danish King which will be a mere form. Italy. — The movement towards suffrage for women in Italy is not new. Anna Maria Mozzoni, a woman of rare intellect, presented a woman suffrage petition to the Italian Parliament about 1880. Patriotic women in Italy, as always, greatly aided the revolution which established a constitutional government, and the spirit they aroused never died. Unorganized agitation continued the education they began and in 1908 a National Committee was formed in Rome to work definitely for the suffrage. This Committee formed branches in all the chief cities of Italy and under the direction of Countess Giacinta Martini, a woman re- markably endowed with feminine graces, strong char- acter, broad intelligence and constancy of purpose, be- gan political work at once, laboring to elect members of the Lower House of Parliament who were favor- able to woman suffrage. They succeeded in several instances in carrying their purposes, but the only WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1627 definite suffrage legislation yet attained is the law which extends votes for women in trade for Boards of Trade upon the same terms as men. These Boards form a sort of Court for the adjustment of difficulties arising between employers and employees. Similar bodies exist in France and Belgium. The Netherlands. — For some years the revision of the National Constitution has occupied a conspicuous place in Dutch politics. The Liberal parties have fa- vored it; the conservative ones have opposed it. At last the Parliament is attempting to deal with the situa- tion and apparently the constitution will soon be amended. Looking for ward to this event Dutch wornen have a gitated the questionjoi-equal political rights and have suc ceeded in making their claim a political issiie. In pro portion to population, the organization is stronger than in Great Britain or America,— Norway. — In 1 833, Th e Storthing (National Par- liament), passed_2_-bill-granting municipal suffrage to- women. ^^ ^ bill w*" i " ' ' t permitted to become a law, — but from that time nearly every session recorded some relief from their legal disabilities granted to women. In 1889 all women who paid a school tax were per- rnitted to vote on all school questions, and women with children , who paid no tax we re permi tted to vote on tures. J n 1896 the tax paying qualification was re- duced for the municipal suffrage of men and a con- siderable enlargement of the voters' lists was made. i628 WOMAN SUFFRAGE I n 1901, munici pal suffrage w as made universal for men, and was extended to tax paying^ women. In 1907 municipal suffrage was made universal for woman as it was for men. Tax paying women were granted parliamentary or full suffrage, including eligibility. At the same time parliamentary suffrage was made universal for men. A woman could vote upon taxes paid by herself; or by herself and husband together where there was joint property; or a married woman could vote upon property in her own right. This action was undoubtedly hastened by the Norwegian agitation for National Independence which had drawn the people closer together in their common demand and lifted their ideals to greater heights through the intensity of national feeling engendered by the struggle. The Swedish Government magnanimously granted the separation without recourse to the mis- fortunes of war. The women had stood boldly and helpfully by the side of Norwegian men throughout the campaign, and the men were grateful. In 1905, .^00,0 00 adult Norw egian women, an pnormnnt; j'trnpnrtinn o f the total nu mbgr, petitioned ParliamenLioL-thc-parliamentary vote. The President of the Storthing reported the matter from the chair and the members received it standing, in ac- knowledgment of their sympathy. In May. loi^. the la st tax qualification for women was removed and uni- ve rsal suffrage for women bprame law A bout 2c^o^QOO women v r frf enfrnrrhifr^d hy thf art MISS P. C. SING Captain of six hundred "Amazons." and one of the most eloquent orators In the Chinese Woman Suffrage Movement WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1631 A mono- the benefits of woitkhi ^nffmgp alrp;i<]^ de monstrated are : (i) A stringent child labor law mnr), tnrhirlHintr fiiipjr_ ^ieilL Uf dlJldieil Ulldei 14 vpTrc nf n , o-p nnri impf^gi' n g- strict conditions for the prn^-ilfiympfif- r.f ]-^^y} F i ji T al pay fnr pqnal wnrlr in fj l OSt g^OV- ern ment positions, chiefly post and telegraph Hpf|<-t;Viip«;^ w hich are largely held by women. T wo hundred and ten women were serving as Town Councillors in 191 o and 379 alternates. Of these 9 Councillors and 17 alternates were serving in the City Council of Chris- tiania, the Capital. No woman has been elected to a seat in Parliament, but a woman was elected as alternate in 1910, and in that capacity has occasionally occupied a seat. PnPTpr.AT -^J^ Con stitution of t hp Pnrtnoriipsp T?.g.piihHr rlopg pnj- forbid women to vote.__ An organiza- tion of women designed to further the cause of repub- licanism, conceived the idea of testing the validity of a woman's vote. Carolina Angelo, a doctor of medicine in 191 1 applied for registration as a voter, and when denied, appealed her case to the highest court of Por- tugal. The judge. Dr. Affonso Costa, sustained her demand and declared that that one woman was vested with full political righ<:s. Dr. Angelo cast her first vote at the next election, with considerable ceremony. Ten women accompanied her, and the men present received her with hospitable applause. The common opinion prevailed at the time that any Portuguese woman could 1632 WOMAN SUFFRAGE secure the vote by the same process followed by Dr. Angelo, but that her enfranchisement had not en- dowed other women with a vote. The President and several members of the Cabinet announced themselves favorable to parliamentary action and the women work- ers are confident of ultimate victory for their cause. The movement met with the tragic misfortune of sud- den death by heart failure of Dr. Angelo, but others have come forward to take her place and the organiza- tion is gaining strength steadily. Definite Parliamen- tary action is still pending in 1913. RouMANiA. — In 1910 a treatise on "Women in Roumania" from the pen of Mr. Stourdza appeared. He severely condemned the general code of law mod- eled on the Code Napoleon under which Roumanian women were living. A widespread interest was aroused, and this focused in 191 1 in the formation of a committee to work for the removal of these ancient laws and for the suffrage. In 19 13, this Committee was formally organized into a National Association. A paper in behalf of the rights of women, educational, social, and political, is published by Mr. Stourdza. Russia. — A temporary withdrawal of long-con- tinued oppression of the people by the Russian Gov- ernment offered opportunity for general agitation. A party arose which was permitted to conduct a cam- paign in favor of a constitution. A Duma, or Na- tional Parliament, had been promised by the Czar, and events seemed to point to a time when Russia would WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1633 yield to the progress of events and take her place among the constitutional monarchies of the world. In natural response to the freedom of speech and action allowed at the time, a society called the Russian Union of De- fenders of Women's Rights, was formed in 1905. It joined its demands to the general liberative movement, emphasizing its claims for women. Local branches were established all over Russia and hope beat high in the hearts of Russian men and women. Had the constitutional movement been permitted to develop normally it is believed by the advocates of " women's rights " in Russia, that men and women would have had an equal voice in the new government. For many years women, equally with men had given up family re- lations and domestic peace that they might preach the faith of " freedom of conscience, speech, assembly, and association," for their nation. Hundreds of them had found death upon the executioner's block and thousands more had walked the trail to mysterious and dread Siberia. Such capacity for sacrifice and patriotic serv- ice has compelled men to regard women as equal com- rades in the struggle for the common welfare. A Duma was established in 1905 and the usual free- dom of thought and action guaranteed by civilized lands was promised, but the elections were so controlled that reactionaries composed a considerable portion of the members. The Czar reserved to himself a veto upon all acts and in consequence the promised freedom resolved itself speedily into a new form of the old i634 WOMAN SUFFRAGE tyranny. T he old way of cb eqWirig- prpgr'^^q by HHin^ o r imprisoning its Ip^Hprc wnn ng-T)''<^ ^-fp^i med and the life and liberty of woman suffragists, in c ommon with other reformers, were no longer s afe. I n 190 9, a band o f women, some of whom were connected with cl65r' friends of the Government, succeeded in securmgTOTT- se nt to hold a W oman's rnna-rpcc in St Petersburg TI1P ^|-iprpggi'r.n wag mQrlf> wi'tVi tj^ e provision attached th at no foreign woman should be permitted to atten d t he Conp re^s and that the program should be submitted tn ^ (}n\rprnmpr\\ Censor. Ev erv topic which indicated discussion which might include criticism of the es- tablished order was carefully eliminated by the Censor, yet for one entire week hundreds of women sat to- gether in a convention and the press of St. Petersburg, as well as that of the Provinces was filled with the news of that wonderful phenomenon, a Woman's Con- gress. "Whr p ymm r n vrr ii l In iii i i- I n l l ii- j i Awn Prnv I'nrpg^ jj-lgpirpH by rx-^^r lir^pp anri fQUr^g^ '^ 'Vl ?"^''''1 per m i gcion to report this CongroGo to thc f r — tovvii& - women , nearly al l tlip Hm^pi-nr^rc f^rb^idf th fm to do it. One woman returning from a Congress of the Inter- national Woman Suffrage Alliance, gained permission to give a report of the meeting, but was arrested upon the charge of having implied that the Russian Govern- ment was behind the times! After paying a fine of $50 and giving a promise to speak no more upon that subject, she was given her freedom. The movements in Russia for the rights of men and women are like the WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1635 smouldering tires o f a volcano. An occasional burst nfs] iiuke gives evidence of theFr p resence, wnUe^ tlTe (jvprlyino- rnat of white ashes conceals their real n ature. Some day an eruption will send the powers ot oppres- sion and reaction to destruction and liberate a long suffering people. It is unthinkable that men will not protect women in their claim to equal political rights when that day comes. Servia. — In this land, the ancient feudal rights extended to women, but have fallen into disuse. In 1906, the Servian National Women's Association was formed and shortly after the President, Mme. Miloveck, attempted to use her local vote. She was refused and took her cause to the courts. The judge handed down the remarkable decision " According to law you have a local vote, but you cannot use this vote, as it is not the custom of women to make use of their local vote." The women have pursued their work of education, but all efforts to secure further rights for women were soon lost in the all absorbing Balkan war. Servian women in common with all the women of these coun- tries have taken no inconsiderable part in the work of caring for the sick and wounded, and have nobly shared the sacrifices which every people make in time of war. Sweden. — Swedish w^omen, widows, and unmar- rie d "rate pavers, were given a vote in 1862. In _iQOQ any womai-j qualified to vote was made eligible to municipal office. As five town councils e]er\ rp^rnhprg 1636 WOMAN SUFFRAGE of the Upper House of Parl iament, women thus elected town councillors were elected, 1 1 having a right to vote for members of parliament. In iQ i.^ a Government mPQQiirp w^^c) I'ntrnrliirpri CTranfi'nrr parHai-nprif ary guf- fraorp^fn -^yni^^p Tf Viar| j-lip approval of the King and ^ passed the Lowe r House, but was def eated iia the Upper^^^^ House. The Swedish Woman Suffrage Association has the unique distinction of having branches a bove _ thej)olar circle and in proportion to po pulation of ha v- i ng th e largest membership of any country in the world! Municipal suffrage is based upon a pr operty q ualifica- tion and one indi\adual may c ast ma ny votes, the high- est number of votes allowable being forty. Many women are qualified to cast this number, and as t he S^vHish- people nrf' 1ogirn 1 minded, it will soon follo w that the inrnnsi stenry nf permitting a woman to cast forty votes in_o op el^rtinn and none in another will b e removeii- Spain. — No w^mnn su^^^g^ nrgnni-^nti^n h;is n'L_ ypf Upf>„ p^graniVpH in ^pf] |n. but a member of Parlia- ment ^•|^j-]-pHiirprl a hill in t^tt to extcud Suffrage _tO__ womon, grrrndication that unorganized sentiment exists. Switzerland. — Nosufifiage-xights have been con- ferred upon women in Switzerland, but a regularly con- stituted National Woman Suffrage Association has conducted an active campaign in its behalf for some years. WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1637 The United States of America As a special article treats of Woman Suffrage in the United States, it is unnecessary to add comment upon it here. Suffrage in Britisfi Colonies At tstratja and Nf.w Zealand.— Wornan _suff rage up on the same terms as men was granted in New Zea- land in 1893; South Australia in i 8q 3 ; W e st Australia, 1899; Federal Suffrage f or all w omen of the Com- monwealth__Qi_-AustraIia, 190? ; New South Wales. 1902; Tasmaiiia,»JL9D3 ; Queensland, 1905; Victoria, 1909^ The woman suffrage campaign in Australia lasted thirty-nine years. For severwteen years before the women of Victoria were enfranchised the Lower House had been willing to pass a woman suffrage measure, but the Upper House obstinately refused. The total number of wo men vn i-erg; i n Aus tralia was ^QOO.OOO in Tonn Women are nn\ pji^iblp tn ParUa-" ment in the States of New South W ales an d West^ Australia, They are eligible in all the other States and in the Federal Parliament, They are not eligible in New Zealand. Miss Margaret Hodge in her report for Australia at the Congress of the International Alliance at Stock- holm in 191 1 said : "In every State the enfranchisement of women has led to improved legislation affecting the welfare of Home and Children, Laws dealing with drink, crime, 1638 WOMAN SUFFRAGE vi ce, gambling, have tightened up. and tlie ^reafp^t vi fTinnrft in nhm.rr. ir^ fhn p^^j- p p|-|p, p ^^ I'nf^nt life hy prnviHi'nnr frm'tnorl .•)^nj.p^| n ,.^ fp , ^- h Orird ^^-^^t ^^-"'^ dren. pure milk and fnnri cyppij^p, v-lnrntinn fnr m othere, an d the p^taUJoVimnnt - f Fi m TTintlrrgartcnE for X hp f fining nf rhrirfirtpr; H iildren's playgrounds for healthy recreation; and the substitution of Chil- dren's Courts and the Probation System for the old thoughtless, cruel methods of dealing with juvenile delinquents." In 1903, the first year after women won the Com- monwealth franchise equal pay for equal work was established in the Federal Public Service. Canada^ " Wnmrn have municipa l suffra ge as fo l- lo ws : ~~- 1. Ontario — granted 1884. 2. Nova Scotia — granted 1887. 3. Manitoba — granted 1887. 4. British Columbia — granted 1888. 5. Northwest Territory — granted 1888. 6. Quebec — granted 1889. South Africa.— Mun iripal elerfinr^^; jp ^n jItp .Stafp«^ nf South AfnVn are based npnn a ta xpaying qii alification w hich is equal for men and women. Woman Suffrage in Asia BtJRMAH, — A mnnin'pal g^v^^'n inent was p ^ranted to Pano-nnn, fliP rnpi'fol r^f f^^^f mah, about t882. \Vo mpn WnUAN SUFFRAGE 1639 were s^iven a vote upon th e '^^111'^ ^rrriTi with mpn, a tavp;^yjn^- qualjficatinn hein.cy required of bot h. Bud- (llii^f, Mn1ia]-|impr1-jn, -jnrl r^^^^nrin n women not onr^ rm^-^ialifjprl \n vnt g^ but have done so regularly, for Ijs ldia. — Several cities in I ndia, including Bom bay. which h^^vp heen permitted m unicipal self-government by the British nm-prnnipnt havp gi'vf|-| T|Vntppn a \-5te npnn flip same terms as men. Parsee, Hindu, and Mohammedan women have availed themselves of the privilege in large numbers. There are no State As- semblies and no National Parliament, so that a munici- pal vote is all the self-government accorded to men. China. — During the period of reconstruction after the Revolution, there was a vigorous demand by women of Canton, Shanghai, Nanking, Hankow, and Peking, for a vote in the new Republic. The Revolutionists of Canton Province assigned ten seats to women in the Pro- vincial Assembly (State Legislature) and decreed that these places should be filled by the votes of women. All women interested were permitted to vote and the ten women were elected. One resigned and the nine others served. They were all educated women, teach- ers, or wives of prominent merchants. They spoke upon all measures before the body which interested them with as much composure as any man member and were listened to with distinguished attention. During the sittings of the provisional constitutional convention at Nanking about thirty women demanded 1640 WOMAN SUFFRAGE a hearing and presented the unusual but sound plea that inasmuch as they had been members of the Revolu- tioimry^Society -aiid-h ad borne all the burde ns it m i.- posed^x q-uall y - with men members, even to the risking of theirjives in the war, they now demanded an equal _^ share, in the privileges resultant upon that war. The Convention passed a resolution declaring its belief 4n — the theory of woman suffrage but accompanied it by th e fu rther belief that the " time was no t ripe for it." The Chinese women have formed a National Woman Suffrage Association which was admitted to member- ship in the International Woman Suffrage Alliance at its Congress in Budapest in June, 191 3, forming the twenty-seventh nation represented in that body. The Philippines. — Among the first acts of the Phil- ippine Assembly was to make the election of women on school boards compulsory. A bill to extend suffrage to them was introduced in the Assembly, but was not pushed as it was believed that the American Congress would veto it. (See Questions for Review Page 1781.) PART II Woman Suffrage in the United States By MARY GRAY PECK The Early Period WHEN European voyagers and colonists set foot on this continent, prehistoric and historic soci- eties met. Men and women amistnmprl to thf^j jiopfr^ - of chivalry, and its theo j nci^^^ Af - ^r^A^ur^n .^f wnmfr were confronted wit^ ^^^ '^^-^y <^f h'f^ ^"d thought of ^ their savage ancestors: n a tiT'^l^y thpy nmrn ntnrtlnri Among the Iroquois Indians, the s quaw carried on the agriculture and commerce of the tribe: she held the jxins of business, and her property rights gav e her a v seat in the tribal council. Th omas Chalkeley writes of Indians farther south, " Some of the most esteemed of their women do sometimes speak in their councils. I asked our interpreter why they suffered the women to speak, and he answered, ' Some women are wiser than some men .' He told me they had not done iltly-' thing for many years without the counsel of an ancient grave woman, who I observed spoke much in their councils." While the legal status of women in the American 1641 1642 WOMAN SUFFRAGE colonies was inferior to that of the squaws they dis- possessed, they were restive under their disabihties, and individually protested or disregarded them. Among these protestants was Mistress Ann Hutchinson, a brilliant woman of wealth and breeding, who with her family was banished from Massachusetts because she maintained her right to speak in her own home to mixed assemblies on religious themes.. A more humor ous asser tion of feminine prero gative was th at when the w omen of a certain jja rish refused toTay -af^td-p'^bo mTets wliirh were too dec orative to suiC~thek^ miftister: — bi order to yefWf- from th^ '^n^^unt'^rTrith d ignity, the im'n icitpr rn rnmanded the husbands to see ^ to the matte r. But the commands of t he hii<;banfk fell on dea f ears, and not even the colonial assembly _ preva iled no . t h e. , wnmen tr>_a1ter^ he r i i;re~nf their her^d- gearjjll thp3^ - wnrp ti r erl nf tha ^style. A remarkable instance of a strongminded woman's power to assert herself against custom is found in colonial Maryland, where Lord Baltimore's estate was administered and his executive office filled for a considerable time by Margaret Brent, who claimed in consequence two votes in the provincial assembly. Women took a leading part in the struggle for inde- pendence. Betsy Ross of Philadelphia made the first flag. Mercy Otis Warren, sister of James Otis, was the first person to counsel separation from Great Brit- ain. General Tarleton called the home of Mrs. Bre- vard of Mecklenburg, S. C, where he had headquarters. WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1643 "The Hornet's Xest of America." When another Brit- ish general threatened to burn up the house of a loyal woman, she replied that she would be glad to see it burn, since she well knew he never would burn any- thing he expected to keep! In the darkest hour of the Revolution at the close of 1776, Hannah Arnett of Elizabeth. N. J., listened at the door when her husband and other leading merchants of the city were planning to accept amnesty offered by the enemy, and in her indignation at their faint-heartedness. burst in upon them and delivered a speech ' so electrifying that it changed them into heroes. / Nor were these spirited w^omen conten t with de- manding li berty for their countr y. Ih ey were the first -crfTfiodern times to demand it for their sex, as is seen in the famous letter written by Abigail Adams to her husband. John xAdams. when the latter was sitting with the Continental Congress, in March. 1776. "I long to hear you have declared an independency, and by the way, in the new code of laws which I suppose it will be necessary for you to make, I desire you would remember the ladies, and be more favorable to them than your ancestors. Do not put such unlimited power into the hands of husbands. Remember, all men would be tyrants if they could. If particul a^care and atteft.- tion are not paid to the ladies, we are determined to foment a jrebellio n, and wil l not hold__ours e!yes' boun d " to ob€^z-.any_Ia.ws in- which we have no voice or repre^ jjentation." Like her friend, Mercy Otis Warren, i644 WOMAN SUFFRAGE Abigail Adams deplored the educational disabilities of women as keenly as the economiic and legal. Another influential woman of that day, Hannah Lee Corbin of Virginia, sister of General Richard Henry Lee, wrote her brother protesting against the taxation of women without allowing them to vote. It is on record that at various times women did vote in Vir- ginia, Massachusetts, and New Jersey. Full suffrage ^ was specifically granted to th e women of the last named st ate bv the constitution of July ^ Ly'/>6, Lw u day&~b£=_ f ore the "Hf Ha ration ni Independe nce, and in ^^TTQGf a nd 1707 legis lativ-e-enactmentsxanfimied them intKe •jright Th^ranrli^gp wfj «; illegally taken from t Henrtn 1^7, l^p^aitsp they w^fe availing" themselves of it! J-L^ is_well-to reca^Ur-ifl— these^ days when legislatures„ _are threatening to penalize men for failin g- to - -vo te, how - a hundred years ago they disfranchised women be-_ cause they voted. , The status of women during the colonial period and fnrjh^ generations following the Revolution was that oi- we rrren under the- eommon law of England. The wi fe had no legal e.7 ^i|^tf"^P| ^^^d her property belongeH^ to her hu'^ibnnd As wid^w, she regained some finan- cial independence, with dower right during life to a fraction of her husband's estate. As spinster, she might hold and will property and engage in four general occu- pations. The wife had no legal control over her chil- dren or their earnings, nor over her own earnings. If a system had been devised with the purpose of degrad- WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1645 ing marriage and impelling women to remain outside it, none could have been more beautiful in its complete- ness than the common law. From the Revolution to the Civil War As,. aQOn as increasi ng population and expanding man- jLifacture in the new nation, forcejd-wom^u^- legacy aft4-. economically infer ior as tl^fy w^re to romppt p \vii-h _ men in ^ ^<^ fff^^t to support then iselves_ and those de- pendent iipnn thpm^ ll if i r < i-^ ^t ig-aianfUra p I'n t he labo r_ marVfj- ]^prame eyident Thev were without political repres entation, an d the social system und er _which j t hey / f^ ]\yer{ wa s far less hum ane than that of the Roman Em pire in_ the_ period of its decadence. ' Thp invpntinn o^ mar bmery m the textile industries was followed early in the 19th century by th e entry oT -^ wr'men and girls into thf . factories. Sweated labor was employed without control or limit. Wages paid women were incredibly low, the hours were intolerable, the conditions unspeakable. To crown their misery, wages could be and largely were collected by thei r hus- bands, it they w ere so unfortunate as to be married. Sweated labor commonly received from 9 to 15 cents a day, and 25 cents was the ordinary wage for seam- stresses. The first investig ation into wages and working con- ditions of jvomen was made by ^Matthew Carey, a pub- lishe ^ of Phila delphia, in 1828. The_facts he p ub- \ lished created a widespread indignation among womenj -^T 1646 WOMAN SUFFRAGE but little result followed, for in a report publislied in Boston in 1844 we find practically the same scale of wages. " Mary Mannid makes pants for 25 cents a pair, I pair a day, which means $1.50 a week; Hannah Silsey has to work 14 hours a day to earn $2 a week, and at making striped shirts can only earn $1 a week; Mrs. Oakes earns $1.12^ cents a week." These wo men went on strike.. It was inevitable that these conditions should result nrg^il];7arinn oT^wpfking womeu^or Self preserva- ti on, and such organizations began in the first quarter of the nineteenth century ? F rom that time, wage- e arning women h^^yp fnng-ht <;i'f1p hy t^i rle with workjng- mexL Jor better conditions in the labor work L Conditions were scarcely more tolerable among women of the propertied and professional classes. If ' the^s^jvo inen were unm ande4-aiiilh ad no income the y^ eitlifiiL-Ai^^ ere dependents - in the home of —ji^la tives or ea rned s lender rpiniit-)^rati^i"' ^'J i %-pq uipped musir; teachers, governess esjor private schoaL tearher^ . It was ^/C^ie-vitalile that their p rec arious and hu miliating eco- \^ nomi c^ status should ro use_tliem to revolt. Th is revolt began with _ the movement for~ednca tional- privileges. and^as early as 181 7 Emma Willard secured the first le gislative appropriatio rL- ior r firk/ e . diira<-j nn fr nm the New York legislature. Chief among those who saw the financiaTvalue dfeducation was Catherine Beecher, eldest sister of Harriet Beecher Stowe. Although one of the most energetic and masterful spirits of her day. ' " ^ ' ' , ' ' i ' ' > FRANCES WRIGHT, One of tlio first champions of women's rights. WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1649 Catherine Beecher was an opponent of woman suffrage, and to the end of her life never saw anything incon- gruous between her pubHc activities and her custom of sitting mute on a pubHc platform where she was billed to make an address, while some man read her speech for her! It was Mi^^ Rperher's opinion that women w ere the natural teachers' of chi ldren, an d in her 'i Remedy for the ^^'r^no-g nf Wnmpn " '^hp writes: " There are more than 2,000,000 children in this coun- try without any school. There are probably as many more in schools taught by men, zvh o could be far more, fjpjjf,p,'^'q ff l y fui p] nyr(^ ill rhnp<; iir mjlh oi' otiwf ma.9 ' c uline emplomncnt. I t would require 200,000 women to meet this demand." She thought it was contrary to '*' Divine intention," a phrase much used by both sides in discussing these problems, that women should drudge at mechanical trades 14 hours a day for a pittance, while men were doing their natural work at good sal- aries, and doing it poorly. It was the working girl and her hopeless outlook that was uppermost in Miss Beecher's mind. So, too, it was the tragedy of the working girl which lay heavy on the heart of Mary Lyon, who dreamed of founding a school " where every .\,.^.^r^n^ giV1 ;n A/rac;».arhn^etts can get an ef]vr^t\nn if she ^ uiantci it." Not Miss Beecher's normal school train- ing was the goal of Mary Lyon, but that far-off, shin- ing, forbidden freedom of the soul. Higher Education. As the result of a life as consecrated to a vision as any ever lived, Mt. Holyoke, the first school for the higher 1650 WOMAN SUFFRAGE education of women in the modern world, was opened in 1837; but it was discreetly called a seminary. Meantime^in 1833, Oberlin College had been opened- in Ohio, establishing^ the precedent of higher c o-edu- ca_tioiL_. which has been followed by all we s tern state. uiUAiersities, and which is largely responsible for the pfreater consideration for women which is characteristic of the West. Contemporaneously with these movements in the industrial and educational worlds, women began the_ struggle for entrance into the professions. ^_Wornen have alwaysJifiOXlbfijaJDrld's nurses , and it wa s nat ural that t hemedical pro fession should be one of the first, a ttempted. In 1835 Harriot K. Hunt began the practice of medicine in Boston. But so hostile was the profession to this innovation that when she applied for admission to lectures in Harvard Medical School, twelve years later, she was refused, and it was not till 1853 that she received the degree of M. D. from the then newly established Woman's Medical College of Pennsylvania. As early as 1838 women were giving lectures on " anatomy," often in the interest of the tem- perance movement. In 1848, the principle was estab- lished of women's right to the M. D. (if they could get it!) with the graduation of Elizabeth Blackwell from the College of Medicine in Geneva, N. Y. As was t o be expected, the law and the ministr y^ pmz. fesslQns_gQi[£rned_cliiefly by tradition , and the furthest j^nKjYfd frnmj:h£_^cie ntific spirit which was beginning WOMAN SUFFRAGE 165 1 t o penetrate thought, were those most difficult for w onien to enter. As late as 1869 the State of Illi- nois^enied_the_rigkL -to-practice law to Myra Rrar^ well, who was editing the nffin'al la^ jr^i lfn-^l r>f f l^ P cjti ^ fp bar^ on the ground that she waajiat^p nlv a woman, but a married woman ! The Supreme Court of the United States confirmed the decision. But in 1871 the Su- preme Court of the District of Columbia unwillingly admitted Belva Lockvvood to practice before it, and in 1879 she was admitted to practice before the United States Supreme Court. In the ministry, women won recognition earlier, the freedom of the Friends preparing the way. Several denominations licensed or ordained women to preach, but it was bitterly opposed by the clergy, and, with a few exceptions, their entrance to the theological schools was not accomplished till the 70's. The s truggle for equal n'p-hts before the law begau _ with Hip demarfd that married-wnmpn should be al- ' lo wed to control their ow n property. The first petition , was sent to the New York legislature by Ernestine Rose, a brilliant Polish exile who played a conspicu- ous part in the early equal rights movement. This petition numbered five names which were secured with great difficulty, so fearful were women of incurring notoriety. In 1836 the first married women's prop- erty bill was introduced into the New York legislature, where it was finally passed twelve years later in the famous year of the first woman's rights convention 5 1652 WOMAN SUFFRAGE in Seneca Falls. Maine, however, had beaten New York by four years in passing a similar bill. Bety^een 1848 and_j86ojhe,JievLyQrk_lgg islature, under con^ ;^ tinual pre ssure from the w omen, secured to married women the right to their earning s_a.nd ^-guaTdiaiig hTg~~ o f their c hildren TliiiS-ihe jeriod preceding the Civ il "Warj;ecognized tli£_ principle of ius tire in the legal .status _of marrie-d-j^o men. Important and sweeping as were the changes out- lined in the preceding pages, it was out of two move- ments next to be considered that the agitation for politi- cal rights for women directly arose. These were the Tpmpprgnrp anri Anti-Sla^•ery Hi ovements . Every socia l revolution has its forerunner, and ne ver was there a bolder herald than the women's politic al movernent had in Franr^g AA/'rig-lif ^ who carne tO this r nuntry from ^T"^ hT)-1 i n lli ° '"^'^'; and joinecl forces with Robert Dale Owen in his socialistic colony in Indiana. She was young, handsome, ardent, wealthy, was the first woman to mount the public platform in America, and her demand wasfor^fiomplete^economic, legal, an d polit ical equality between the sexes. She was greeted with a storm of abuse wherever she a p- peared^_a^.^arti£iilar_uprDan-a£isi ng am o ng the clerg y, w ho s eem to have regarded her as directly inspire4 b y the dey iL The word "infidel" saw its first hard wear in this country during the years when Frances Wright was lecturing. A w'~'m^^ nn the.. public plat- for m was reg atded ns next thing to Antichrist WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1653 It was when Frances Wright was in the public eye that t he temperance movement began, Th e curse o f alcoholism, with the poverty and wretchedness attend-_ ant upon it, were the plagues o f the jirst half of the_ 19th century. Wives who worked to su pport the family saw their me ager 'earnings legally claimed by drunken husbands, who at the same time hound their children out to work and collected the ir wages. The_v^Qm.en's hatred of the liquor traffic had a twofold origin : moral a nd economic. A s woman was the great sufferer, a concession was made by the men who led the move- ment, and she w^as allowed to tell her wrongs on the platform in order to awaken popular indignation. W omen fo rmed, temperance_societ ies o f their, awn, _ \v hich contr ibute d the linn's share i n ent husiasm and money to the cause . But although allowed b y courtes y to speak_a t meeting s^ -wdmen were,exclude,d-with vio-- lejTjLjiistuiiance-4\4iea-they apph€4-^r--seats--attd-"v^tes incoaY£iitions, In 1852 Susan B. Anthony was refused permission to s peatTat a state te mperance convention at Albany on the grniind that women were invited to listen, not to tak e part, and in 1853, — at the World 's Temperance Convention in New York, when her name was pro- ^ly — posed tor a committee, ami d a «;rpnp nt His.crraFefnl fnr- v^ htilenoe the wome n_de legates were ejected from the convention, a number of men sym pathizers going I Tut with th em. After the withdrawal one minister re- marked, "He was glad the women were gone; they e 1654 WOMAN SUFFRAGE were now rid of the scum of the convention." Later in the same year, when Antoinette Brown, ordained minister and regular delegate, attempted to speak in another World's Convention in New York, such an uproar resulted that a stranger in the gallery asked his neighbor, "Are those men drunk?" Horace Gree- ley reported this meeting in the New York Tribune thus: "This convention has completed three of its four sessions and the results may be summed up as follows; — First day, crowding a woman off the plat- form; — Second day, gagging her; — Third day, vot- ing that she shall stay gagged. Having thus disposed of the main question, we presume that the incidentals will be finished this morning." This same convention refused the credentials of a delegate who was a grad- uate of Edinburgh University because he was colored. T]Tk__hlJt1 g'' ^^'^ ^"^ thf dirprt r ause of the woman sufi fjnc^ mnv'^m';^ n t, vi4ti4i wn*^ t^""^ -i^nticlaA-pi-y 11^n,^'(-- ment. O bi prHnn tn slavery wn^ ns nid PS t^i^ natinn Benjamin Franklin was president of the first anti- slavery society in America. In 1828 two young South Carolina women, the Grimke sisters, emancipated their slaves and came north to lecture and write against slavery. In 1833 the Antis lavery and Female Anti- slavery Societies were formed, a nd in 1839 when tliey combined, the menu's society split on the question of admitting the women, and formed a new men's society. The altercation came to a head at the Wo rld's Ant i- slavgry Convention, w hich was called in T^nndnn in >k WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1655 1840. To this meeting delegates went from both American societies, among them being Lucretia Mott, William Lloyd Garrison, and W^endell Phillips. ]^\'hen I hey presented their credentials, after heated debate OTul aiiiid intense excitement, the American women ~seats in the convention, to at - te nd which they had come thousands of miles^ , Garri- son staid out of the convention with them. It was on this dramatic occasion that Elizabeth Cadv Stantoiv then in England on her wedding journey, met Lucretia MqU and became a convert to the women's cause. Walking down the Strand one afternoon, arm in arm, the two w omen came to the conclu sion in AnVi^r ni thf.. rejection of _thej\meri can delegates, that be fore w^omen r onid work- pfFectively for Others they must get reco g- ni tion for themselves, pnd fbey p ledged th eniselYfLSjTt c all a \y Oman's Rights Conven tion as soon as_ tli£3L sli^niilH get bark to America . It was not till J848; that the plan of Airs. Mott and Mrs. Stanton materialized. In that historic year of many revolutions, in Seneca Falls, a sleepy country town of \\'estern New York, where Mrs. Stanton at that time resided, the two women above mentioned, with Martha Wright and Mary McLintock, called the fir st Woman' t; RiVhts rnnv ention in the w-orld to meet Tul v TQth and 20th. It co nvened in the W eslevan church, an d men presided because the wo men felt their ig norance of parliamentarv procedur e. A famous ~ Declaration of Sentiments was written, modelled on c M^'Z^ r^.^r ^^^ i6k(^ WOMAN SUFFRAGE the Declaration of Independence, and spirited resolu- tions were passed decla ring the intention o f_ women to ^ win all ri ghts accorded to men.J^ Snsan B. Anthony, who was teaching in Canajoharie, N. Y., read with amusement the account of the doings at Seneca Falls. Three years later she met Elizabeth Cady Stanton, and the two entered upon the friendship which played a leading part in the suffrage movement of the following ■ half century. The complementary characters of these two women made them a rare combination for leadership. ]\lrS:_ Stant on wa g a wnman nf hrillianf mj p d and radical tempg j: ^ Gen, fearless, with wide knowledge of men a nd trenchant gifts as a writer, unim peac hable ^ ^ wife ^ and __mother of many children, she was admirab ly fitj;gd to assume the rhief p osition in a movement which neede d n g o i> P4:^aJ-Qi- fighting b lond who could at the sam€— time-r qj c l -the - c ha n ge of having repu diat£d_th£. noHttaj-resptm sibilities of womanhood . He]: gnirk- wit ., and stiDngLjyitali ty made _J ier impatient o f more cau- tious and less dyna mic nat ur^s^ Su3an_R_Antlio»y^was — ^ legsIE5IEan.tarLd-^mar-a -pa tient than her friend. She— V w as less a commander and more a leader. S he wa s a born teacher, aiming to convince opinion, never to force it. T here was an Old lesta rpen^ pipmpntaj' . 'gen ial humanity in Miss Anthony , an e pic imperson- ality, a large simnlicity which are generally character - istic of great leaders^^ ^In her own estimate she stood MRS. LUCRETIA MOTT One of the organizers of the first Woman's Rights Convention held at Seneca Falls. N. Y.. July 19-20. 1848 WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1659 ninternrpt ed nnderst^inding of the two enhanreH their po wer. To t heir fr iendship as much as to their_indi2. suffrage moveme nt is du e. But Mrs. Stan t on and M iss An thony did not at once take the lead ership. There were matu rer spi rits before tTiem. DeaU i by shipwreck took Margaret Fuller from the commanding position to which her genius, lofty idealism, and wide humanity had raised her, but her book, " The Great Lawsuit," was an arsenal of argu- ment. Ernestine Rose, impassioned orator and legis- lative worker; Lucretia Mott, clear, serene, fearless; Frances D. Gage, self-educated, consecrated to every moral reform; Paulina Wright Davis, an able writer and executive, editor of the first woman suffrage paper in the world, "The Una," established 1853; Angelina Grimke and Abby Kelley Foster, pleaders for the slave ; these were chief figures in the suffrage movement be- fore the war. It was a synthetic group, seeing the conn ection betWf ^'^r' ^H prngrp^givr' mnvpmnnl-r nrnri- mg [ for all, offering their plat form to all w ho had a wrong to be redressed or a grievance to pro claim. This, ca tholic spirit was by no_means cha racteristic of the q^ponenls^— The abuse and violence with which t were assailed is illustrated by the behavior of the. Ne vin of Cleveland, who went up to W illiam LI Garris oru- After he a ring the latter make a suffra gppprVij pnd ciPiVing him by the no se, shook him vio - lently ! Wh en he was through. Garrison asked him, i66o WOMAN SUFFRAGE "Do you feel any better, my friend? Do you hope thus to break the force of my arguments?" T his impregnable di grpgarH r»f pi^blir r^iji nion made them exc eptionally hated, and the Inst stra w wps laid on the patience of the mu ltitude wheaJn i8so Eliza- bet h Smith Miller of Geneva. N. Y.. d augh ter of Ger j- rit Smith, the Abolitionist, invented the bloomer cos- tume, so-called after the lady who popularized it. For some years after this the platform of the women's rights conventions presented a picturesque diversity of costume, ranging from Lucy Stone's black silk and velvet bloomer outfit to Lucretia Mott's Quaker garb. The last survival of this rebellion in dress is to be seen to-day in the quaint, aged figure of Dr. Mary Walker, who obtained from the federal government permission to wear men's attire when she was an army surgeon. After some years, the women gave up trying to reform drpss Mrs Stnntnn said that bloomers were adapted only to forms of classic perfection. Miss Anthony confessed that wearing it had been a physical comfort but a mental crucifixion. W'hen Gerrit Smith saw them go back into traditional garments, he said he "almost despaired of the suffrage movement." j This p-iviny u p r^f rlrpss rpfnrrp iHustratcs the con- vi< ;tion which was taking shape in the minds of the a^ers that they could not hope to make the world in onp o-e neration, and that they must restrict g-ir efForfs to a d efinite program. Up to thisjtime they hadJlTTownJJiemg elve s witlv -passieaat€- WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1661 th e struggle for property and family righfg^ Pf]iirn- jj^nal R'-"^ prnfe«^qinnp1 V?;h\^, pi-r.1iil-.i'ti'r>n of the HqUOr t iaffic, aboHtion of slavery. They had carriec propaganda throup -hnn t the n nrtli anri -inr p g t, p n ti'finni npr legislative bodies, lertnriiify anH org amVing^gorjetips to sciLk cvLiy-formjof Justice to man and woman. As" their activity recedes into the past, it loses its crude details and rises to the altitude of grandeur, while it takes on a splendor of energy, courage, and prophetic vision which challenges the women of today. The Reconstruction Period When the southern cannon opened on Fort Sumter, April i2, 1861 , the women of the North ceased agitat- in g for their own cause, and turnejdjto the support of me go vernment. They went to the front as nurse?; many in disguise fought in the ranks; Anna Ella Car- rol planned the campaign of the Tennessee River which cut the Confederacy in two in 1862 and which was the most brilliant strategic move of the war; Elizabeth Blackwell initiated the Sanitary Commission; Clara Barton directed the Red Cross work on the battlefield; Dorothea Dix acted as head of the women nurses in the hospitals. North and south, women rendered heroic service to both armies, collecting food, medicines, hos- pital supplies, clothing, and in addition taking the places at home of men who had gone by hundreds of thous- ands to the front. Farms were tilled, shops run, busi- ness taken over bv women, and in that hour of ex- ^mSl , ji"^^ WOMAN SUFFRAGE . tremity none r ealized that t he revolution that was ch ecked by the carnage of a hundred battlefields was i nconsequential to the revolution which had taken place~~ mnoticed, no£th and south, behind the-lines^ Th e Federal Government early in the war admitted [o clerkships widows and dependent relatives of sol- diers who had been killed. When the flots ani and jetsoni of the struggle in the shape of old and worn-out slaves began to drift into Washington it was Josephine Griffing who came to their rescue, begging appropria- tions, and when these ceased, collecting funds privately, until out of her efforts developed the Freedmen's Bu- reau. In the second year of the war, a girl who had been employed in the Mint was turned out of her posi- tion because she criticised Gen. McClellan in the con- duct of his campaign. This episode gave to the public one of the most extraordinary w^omen of her time, Anna Dickinson, a girl then in her teens. Miss Dick- inson was at once engaged by the Republican party as a campaign speaker, and for years was the glory of the organization which had the sense to avail itself of her senricei-- The Civil War seemed to the women of that dav ^the grim portal through which thev were to pass to citi zenship with the black man thev had championed . THey regarded the party of Lincoln and Anna Dic k- insorras the_ powerwhich should accomplish the free - dom of slaveand woman. It never occurred to them that they had given husband and son in order to es- tablish the citizenship of the black man, — for that is WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1663 what the war meant to most northern women, — only to see the door shut in their own faces by statesmen and by the party which they had helped to create. The war ended; the president was shot; the grand review at Washington disbanded the huge armament; the XIII Amendment was adopted, and the sordid story of reconstruction began. Susan B. Anthony had gone to Kansas, when one morning late in 1865 she read in a newspaper the state- ment that the word " male^was to be inserted into the proposed XIV Amendment to the Constitution of the United ' States. Up^ to^ thir time, that word had not a ppear ed in the constitution. In a A^sh Miss Anthon y sa w the full extent of the tragedy to the woman 's ^nns f if t^^ ^^^^ Ampnrlmpnt chniild enfranchise th e bln^ll-l"^^^ ^"^"^ pvpliVi'tly di'^fjianchise all wom en, black and whi te—. She took the first train eas t, called uporT all the suffrage leaders in New England, and with Mrs. St ^tnn in New Jerse y I^H ^1 l t t1->p-^.nmpnirrn nrr . ninnt t his poli tica LmOY^ ^^ ^^^ PppnbHmn pnrt y. As a test case to prove women's eligibility to offices for which they could not vote, Mrs. Stanton announced herself a candidate for Congress in 1866, receiving 24 votes. In the same year the American Equal Rights Associa- tion was tor me'd to resume w ork fo r the rights of i~ ' ' ' ■■■-■■■' ■ *'' ' ■ '^ women and th e black race^.^ Almost immediately a division in the ranks developed over the question of this word male in the constitution. Sumner, Garrison, Phillips, Gerrit Smith, Tilton, Horace Greeley, and i664 WOMAN SUFFRAGE other Abolition leaders tried to silence the protests of the women with the statement, " This is the negro's hour. The women will come next." Lucy Stone, Julia Ward Howe, and many other women who had worked against slavery were willing to stand aside, but not Airs. Stanton or Miss Anthony. The only man of power and influence who stood with them was Henry Ward Beecher. They petitioned Congress, collecting hundreds of thousands of signatures protesting against the word male in the XIV Amendment. In the midst of the agitation, the Kansas campaign of 1867 came on. Two constitutional amendm.ents were submitted, one proposing to enfranchise the negro, the other to enfranchise women. Both were critical questions, for they tested public sentiment and would indicate what was to be hoped from state action. The result was dis- couraging. Both amendments lost, but negro suffrage polled 10,000 votes , while the women secured but 9,000 . Trom that moment, the XIV and XV Anie nd- ments became inevitable. Feeli ng it imperative to haxg , a mouth piece for expressing their views on the political crisTs, l\lrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony arreptpd finan -^ trial backing from tw'o Democrats and in 1868 founded the " Rrooliition," a p aper which continued for two years. At the "end of that time it w^as discontinued, leaving Miss Anthony burdened with a debt of $10,000 which it took years of lecturing to wnpe out. T n tSto. chiefly thro ugh the instrnmentab 'ty of T ,nry Stnnp, "flic Woman's Journal" was founded. It has been WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1665 j)iiblished in Boston unintermptedly since that time with uniform brilliance and editorial dignity. Under the able management of Alice Stone Blackwell, Lucy Stone's daughter, it is at present a leading power in the American suffrage movement. / In 1868 the cus tom began of sending women repre- sentatives to national and state party c onventions to ^et a suffrage plank in the platfom] — 1« this year, after fierce opposition in which the Democrats charged the Republicans with betraying the women who had helped them to their determination of building up a negro con- stituency in the South, t he XIV A mendment passed. The Amendment read, "All personslDorn or naturalizecl in the United States and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, ... are citizens of the United States and of the state wherein they reside. ... No state shall . . . abridge the privileges ... of citizens of the United States. When the right to vote is denied to any of the m ale inhabitants of_such state , thp basi^ ni re^- rr;pi t n ti n n thrrrin nhnll bp reduced in the proportion ^xrh•^rh tliP n^^Tr|bfr nf <;nrh tiinlt^ citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of_a ££. Defeated on the X IV Amendment, the suffrag ists who 'To T piTvfd thr l en d nf 1\Tr^ Stnn t^ n n "d ^^'^^ Aatbonv tiv rned to the impending XV. As proposed, this read, ''The rjght_of citizens of th e Unite d Stages to vote shall not be denied or abridged by th e United StatesjK-by-any state on account of race, cole /I i666 WOMAN SUFFRAGE ^ ^v ious condition _of <;prvihirlp " The women demanded -^1^ that the word sex " b e inserted immedia tely after the word " color." The division ot opinion among suffrage leaders grew so pronounced as to the advisability of pressing this change that in i86^ during the height of the constitutional agitation, one wing of the American Equal Rights Association, immediately after the na- I tlonal convention in M ay, met in iNew York and formed" 5w^^a n ew society under the name of the Na ti onal Woman S uffrage Association^ w ith Elizabeth Cady Stanton**N president, and Susan B. Anthony, Ernestine Rose, I Paulina Davis, Josephine Griffing, Elizabeth Milleiv/ and others among the officersr"/The remaining wing of the old association met the following autumn and resolved itself into the American Woman Suffrage As- sociation with Henry W^ard Beecher president, and Lucy Stone, Henry Blackwell, Julia Ward Howe, Mary A. Livermore, T..W. Higginson, Antoinette Brown Black- . well as officers; The latter society, while petitioning Con- gr^ss for a XVI Amendment to deal exclusively with_ enfranchising the women, turned its chief attention to ing state action. -Time has demonstrated this o Hcy as the one to bring first results. The National society held its conventions at the national capital; the American, in leading cities throughout the coun- try. Th e two SD cieties remained separate_down_Jo_th£ year i8qo, when they reunited under the present name, National Am erican \\"oman Suffrage Association. Iru ^70 the XV Amendment was adopted without WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1667 the word sex, and both suffrage societies demanded thei Sibmission ot a XVI A mendment, as-the-next step vL^ t oward a c omplpte democrac}^ But meantime, at a state suffrage convention in St. Louis, Francis Minor, a lawyer, presented reso lutions declaring" that wnmpn were entitled to vote under the wording of the XIV ATTTCndment; that women were included under "All ' persons born or naturalized in the United States and subject to the jurisdiction thereof are citizens of the United States. N'o state shall abridge the privileges of citizens of the United States." This position was enthusiastically endorsed by the convention. The fol- lowing March, 1870. Marilla Ricker of New Hamp- shire applied for registry and was accepted, but did not vote until 1871. To her belongs the distinction of being the first woman to vote under the XIV Amend- ment. In April of the same year, Nannette Gardner voted in Detroit, and 70 women attempted to vote in the District of Columbia. Refused registry in the District, the women took their case into court, carrying it up to the Supreme Court of the U. S., where the verdict was adverse. This began the re markable serie s of trials in the courts, by means of w hich women in Calitornia. lUinOis. Miij^oun. Connecticut. New York. a nd " Pennsylvania attempted to establish their right under the constitution to all the privileges of citizens. The constitutional struggle lasted for five years until th^^^H^^^igl^^^rn '^r H 'T *^ J^^'^^i'-ft "Wnitp r.f fjif TTnited mpreme Court in the Minof-Happefsett case, i668 WOMAN SUFFRAGE in 1875, P^^t an end to the possibility of women vot- ing under the constitution as it stands. The contra- dictions in the arguments of learned judges when they were forced to declare that words which meant one thing in the case of the negro meant something differ- ent in the case of women, roused the deepest resentment in the breasts of the latter. Next in importance to the Minor case was that of Susan B. Anthony, who at- tempted to vote in the presidential election of 1872. These years were the dark ages of the suffrage cause in this country. Repudiated by the Republican party, denied rights in the federal courts on the ground that state rights were paramount, in face of the fact that the ballot had been given to the negro without consult- ing the states, placed secondary to the negro by men they had reckoned their staunchest supporters, con- scious of a deadly subsidence in popular interest which was inevitable when the case was decided against them, all felt discouragement except the dauntless few who in every great cause stand in the gap between the first and the last enthusiasm. But vast social and economic forces began to move obscurely in the darkness of those discouraged years. Full and still, almost unmarked, the tide of w- Oman's energy rose, flowed into the in- dustrial reservoirs of the nation, crept up the highest dykes raised by the professions and the schools, and hung poised and resistless for the hour when the col- lapse of immemorial barriers would let loose the deluge of a new age upon the w^orld. It came in the middle WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1669 eighties. Courts and legislatures took to the one ark 'which was left to them, and in 1887 Congress sent out the raven of the Edmunds-Tucker Act, disenfran- chising the women of Utah. The story of the 70's is briefly told. Virginia was the first southern state to form a suffrage society, which happened in 1870. The Northwestern and Pacific Slope Associations were formed the same year, that . veteran figure, Abigail Scott Duniway, taking leading part. In 1871 Victoria WoodhuU shot like a meteor . into the suffrage movement and raised a commotion that took years to subside. Young, beautiful, gifted with genius but denied patience, she foresaw the course • the cause must take and wrecked herself in premature effort to travel it. With her sister, Tennie C. Claflin. she opened a broker's office on Wall Street in 1870, and shortly afterward began the publication of '" Wood- hull and Claflin's Weekly," a journal which soon be- came notorious because it attacked prostitution and the social system which produces it. The cry of " Free love" was raised by press and public, and when Mrs. Woodhull appeared on the suffrage platform, slanders attaching to her were transferred to all who associated with her. It seems humorous, today, to read that a resolution was offered in one of the suffrage conven- tions disavowing free love! It was tabled, but it is significant that some women were so tormented by the scurrilous attacks upon them that they sought relief in such a resolution. Victoria Woodhull with her chil- 1670 WOMAN SUFFRAGE clren was hounded out of the country, ruined in fortune and broken in heart, to die abroad. It was a strange ^ ^.-^ tnrn n f fnrtnnp Miih\rh mn^^ in Tr|TT, ,, rrmvdPrl nill ljljj_ ^^ . tiiT guished C hicago sndipnrp gatlipr^rl in the Audito- ^j fl um toliear Lady Co ok, the once prosrribpH Tenni ^ Cl aflin. say withou t rifTpngp tlip fhingc fr^r ^.rViiVV. ^r; r* t nria W^ndhull h n d bf c n r n icifirii ,C^ The Fourth of July in Centennial year was the occa- • J^ sion of a memorable scene in Philadelphia where the .--^ Exposition was in progress. In t he ceremonies of that day Am grican WOniP ti Harl |^ppn rlpniprl nfHrial rppre- sentati on on the pl at^^'^^'"! ^'^ ]vr\f-pf^^^rUr^rf^ '^qnnr'^i _ — -^IT w Kile representatives of foreign monarchies from Tur- ' key to Brazil were welcomed. In_t hg midst of the ex- (/ ercises^^jus an B. Anthony made lier way to the chair- * ^^ ma n of the day, and in full view ot t he audience pre"- ^^x - y y. s ented the protest of the women of the nation agamst" th[is_in dignitv. and against their deprivation of c iti- z enship. Mt w as p- solemn indictment whi ch the time { atiH^ plarP rnnd^ ^""'^tonV. Simultaneously Ehzabetlf *^f/ Cady Stanton read the protest with the accompanying ^bill of rights to a crowd from the steps of Independence "^^Hall and was chee rpr] in pvpry rhu^. The events of these years led Mrs. Stanton to write, in 1877, "Xhe_ Amprir;in ppnpV h^v^ nntgrnwn thp rn nstitution, which /. was adap tpd tn t hf; inpn nf 1776, J t is a monarchical document with republican ideas engrafted in it, full of compromises between antagonistic principles. The rfl. \ > SUSAN B. ANTHONY To whose courage and zeal the cause of Woman Suffrage owes much of its progress. •»• c •. WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1673 real work at the dawn of our second century is to make a new one." The early leaders we re beginning to pass away, the on ly ray ot hope which thp y HaH gppn hping" the enfran- cl ijsement of women in Wyoming in i86q. In 1878 Lucretia Mott passed down the aisle out of her last conyention, and Frederick Douglass, knowing that they should see her no more, called after her, " Good bye, dear Lucretia ! " Wit h thf withdrnwnl ^ f thnt b^nir - — .. nant presence the era of the Reconstruc tion with the constitutiona l struggle of women to become included in ihe^ num ber of citizens of their country, came to a close. The Entrance of Woman Suffrage Into National Politics Tn tXt ^ with the jininTi ^f the t wo suffrage associa- tions, a new im pulse began to manifest itself^ -It ^^^a*^. t^ypgr r> f fhp nrlmi'QQinn r>f \A/Y'^i"nitTfT '^c "J gt-afp , th p "l^^^^t^tatP fn OTVP tlip hall nt to its women. Young women were in training to carry the work over into the twentieth century. Notable among them were the two who have held the presidency of the national so- ciety since Sn snn R. Anthony resigned the office. Thes e w PTP Mrc; Gnrrjp riiapmnn Tntf at-| r1 Rpv. Anna How - ^ ar^L-Shaiii— In Mrs. Catt, the suffrage cause secured « n ^pn^rnl; in "Mi^'^ ^^""iw it found an orator.^ The S", former made her first appearance on the speaking pro- gram of a national convention in 1890, During the ^ following decade she formed a new committee, on or- ganization, and served as its chairman. During the ^ Q / i674 WOMAN SUFFRAGE first year of its existence she had brouglit nearly every state and territory into the association. Her first plea in the councils of the society was for system, by means of which growing sentiment might be focussed. She inaugurated a movement of organic correlation of state associations which proved effective for twenty years, and when the suffrage movement was on the eve of entering the field of national politics she organized the Woman Suffrage Party to meet new needs. Other suffrage lead ers have surpassed Mrs. Catt in particular qualttiesTl^ut when it_ ccv!T|p'^ tn thp rernrd of permanent an d prophetic achievement, the winning and clin ch- ing of tangible advantages, those qualities wh ich we c all statesmanship, on thisjlane she stands alone. M SIone' of the prominent figures who have come crowcfing into the arena in the last years have d emonstrated that power to conceive a great plan and carry it to a great consinnmatio n, which she has repeatedly put forth. cietv^t he building of the International Suffrage A lli- anre^^nndjj ^p formation of the Woman Suffrage Pa rty are three inst ances. In T^IXj ^'^ g^t-iVc nf fi]iffr^cTP virtnripc; beg^n. fiilo- ra^do _enfranchi';f d its women in-lhat-yeay. — ^^tS96 Utah and Idaho followed. A p ause of i6 year s-ensued.^ during which the Spanish-American War was f( o r union s, th e Socialist the struggle ot the begun, while t he rise q /. party, the Single Tax_ -floe liln i:; of pubU fe- WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1675 o wnership of natural resources and p vhU q nfiHtiV'^ , all showed the dawn of a new social th oug-ht. The retire- ment of Miss Anthony from the official leadership of the suffrage movement in ipoo and t he selection nf M rs. Catt as her successor, emphasized the pa<;«;ing gj ^ t he old order and tl ie rnming nf tln^ npw ]\/Ti^gg An- thony lived to see herself internationally honored as the greatest living American woman, with royal honors shown her on her visits abroad, while in her own coun- try, her last years were filled with a gratitude, honor, and affection which few leaders of men reap. She died in 1907. one month after attending a suffrage con- vention in Washingt on, D. C, having attained tjie^age ^^p last 3^'"rirs nf th^ roth rentng saw the rise of * ever. more impn^iing nntional and internationaPbodies ^ o f_ women standing for the advancem ent of the rigTits'^^ a nd opportunities of women. Among the most impor- "^^ tant were the National and International Councils of ^^ Women, organized in this country in 1888. Mrs. Milli- ^ cent Fawcett. of England, was president of the Inter- tional Council, Clara Barton, Vice-president. Frances Willard was President of the National Council, Susan B. Anthony was Vice-president. The idea of an in- tern ational organization whic h should represent the wo rld-wide needs and activiti es of women originated wi th Mrs. Stanton. A woman's rightii cuiigress had - been held in Paris in 1878, with delegates from six countries, but no permanent association resulted. Mrs. Si 1676 WOMAN SUFFRAGE Stanton anu Miss Anthony planned to celebrate the 40th anniversary of the Seneca Falls convention by form- ing a permanent International Council of Women, and holding its first convention at the national capital. Dele- gates were present from nine countries, representing 53 national organizations of women, the sessions lasted eight days, during which 80 speakers addressed 53 meetings. Rachel Foster (Avery) as Corresponding Secretary supervised arrangements, spending the then unprecedented sum of $12,000. At the close of the meetings, the Council endorsed Mrs, Stanton's resolu- tion declaring for equal educational and professional opportunities, industrial training for women, equal wages for equal work and a single standard of morality. National councils were subsequently formed in most European countries, which are active today. In 1902, Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, President of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, real- ized a dream of many years by calling a meeting 'in W'ashington to take steps toward organizing the world for suffrage. (See article by Mrs. Catt, page 1587.) Imposing as is the International Woman Suffrage Alliance as the climactic result of two generations of pressure for the political recognition of women, it is to a newer organization in the suffrage arena that all eyes are turning as the most significant factor in the political struggle of women for the ballot in the next few years in the United States. This organization is the Womfi" g;iifFr^P V^r±ii^ Tn October. ^';)r";}, ^^^ WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1677 first con\^ention,gfjjie-y V'oman Suffrage Pa rt y o f N e w ? * Y orJT'wanield in r ^ rn ^ g^'" HnM, v i n'th i ^'^^ -t~'-H^;jnt-^ attending, the platform, boxes, and galleries being filled with distinguished and interested spectators. The party grew out of the union of suffrage societies in Greater New York, known as the Interurban Suffrage council, and its founder, Carrie Chapman Catt, was the first chairman. fThe party plan of work calls for a Leader in each Assembly District, and a Captain in each Election Dis- trict. These leaders are in charge of the work of thoroughly canvassing their respective territories, and seeing that strong working committees are elected by the enrolled suffragists discovered by the canvass. In Boston, Philadelphia, Pittsburg, Baltimore, Cleveland, and Chicago, the organization follows ward and county lines instead of assembly district. In other respects, Jtli£_-— p lan of the parent organization is closely adhered to . ''T^ The advantages of organizing suffragists by political districts instead of in the older heterogeneous clubs is apparent to the most superficial observer. Women are at once educated to speak and think in political terms. T heir suffrage activities lea d at once to practical po litics. They become formidable elements in " constituencies," for thpy; cjpjyp npnn \\]f gnpgti'nnijT ^; pf candidates, p ri- maries, elections, campaign and all kinds of politica l rneetings, as occasions for propagan da. T hey enter_ ^ local and state politics with the purpose of d efeating "7^ antj isuttrage candidates. On the other hand, the ir definite plan of organization ena^ETes them to concen-'~~' -A^ 1678 WOMAN SUFFRAGE trate their forces upon any ffiven p oint at <;l^nrf nnhre, to take a hand in every organjzerl effort fn hette j snrial conditions h y pnl itiral artinti, | [The growth of the party plan of organization has been unprecedented. It has been adopted with uniform success in many states, being specially valuable in cam- paign territory.! In states like Massachusetts, Pennsyl- vania, New York, and Ohio, where there are many large cities, Tit is ackn owledged to be the best method ^ U:>s o^ far devised for grouping masses of population and, ■'^ get ting at the individual voter. It offers defi nite work to all who burden those y illing t^ do so methmg. and do es not -not-a b le to a& sun liTspite of many rivals, the Woman Suffrage Party of New York continues to be the most important branch of the new organization. During its first year, it enrolled 20,000 members, collected $6,000, estab- lished a monthly magazine " The Woman Voter," and organized Greater New York. At th ejclose of 1912 ^ nnm|^P]-P(^| vn r)fy| ni^^'hrm Ju Nrw York City alone. and on the occasion of the meeting in Carnegie Hall to welcome home its founder from her round the w^orld tour for suffrage, Nov ember^ 19.12, some $6,000 \iias__ raised in a few minii tgs,_a-suni equal to the year's col- lec tion m igio. . Other national suffrage organizations are the Friends' Equal Rights Association; The College Equal Suffrage League, founded by Maud Wood Park, of Boston, in 1902. formed into a national organization by its found- WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1679 er and organizer in 1908; the Equal Franchise Society, formed in New York City, in 1909, with Mrs. Clarence Mackay as first president, extending into other states the following" year. Notable local suffrage organizations are the No Vote No Tax League ( 1910), and Suffrage Federation of Cook County ( 1912) , both of Chicago : the Women's Political Union, of New York, headquarters at 46 East 29th St., founder and president, Harriet Stanton Blatch, collections during 19 12, $24,000, membership fee, 25 cents, publication "The Broadside" when the spirit moves, chief object to influence the legislature, its most remarkable recent achievement being the suf- frage parade of May, 19 12, when 10,000 women from all suffrage organizations marched up Fifth Avenue from Washington Square to Carnegie Hall ; the Politi- cal Equality Association, founder and first president, Mrs. O. H. P. Belmont, with 12 associated clubs, hand- some headquarters with shop, reading room, restaurant, and assembly room located in the property purchased by Mrs. Belmont, at 115 East 41st Street, membership 3,000. Among the national organizations of women devoted to objects other than suffrage, the National Women's Trade Union League (1903), and The American Woman's Republic place woman suffrage among the planks in their platform; the Woman's Christian Tem- perance Union (1874) has a suffrage department, and the General Federation of Women's Clubs has formed t68o woman suffrage a committee for the arrangement of political study courses. As a natural accom paniment of the evolu- tion of these and other huge women's organizations ^ the tendency ot the present time in the woman's move- mgfTT Ts" tcTTeturn to thp '^yntlipfir rnrrplntinn nf th e early perio d. Th en, it was because the same women were prominent i n different^movements : today, women ^w'ho a re prominent in special phases realize the economy f^ jp f centralized mtelligence and cooper ative res ources. ^ >/and t he great organizations are dove-tailing their de- -"■^ p artments in order t^ w^^^ tng-ptVipr J/ Tt was Profes- sor Frances Squire Potter who first saw and clearly enunciated this application of the department idea in a working cooperation of men and women's organiza- tions in social and political endeavor. [The plan out- lined by her in the summer of 1909 is to organize polit- ic al districts r ^n thp rippqrtmpnt <^(>Vipmp, with Central hea dquarters in which all organizations share, this head- uarters servin g as a practical laboratory of citizenship. Thi s is the ultini at" nf thp '^y^^-^^^-i^ mn^-Pi-npnt^ ^nH ]<; called the Political Settlement Planr? h e rise and expansion of religious, fraternal, secret, tic, and r eform associations among women at the le 19th century reminds one of the swift of new thought in the Renaissance . It impressed iar i magination and the 20th century is called the_ Voman's age. ) T here are three points upon which the attention ot' women all over the world is being ever more intently fixed, ti^p flrcf I'g prnQj-jtntinrL.:>4Jip ser~ WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1681 ond, insepa rably bound up with the first, is women's , wagp'; and ^rnp omic independence- t he third, pre - li minary to any consideration of the former two, i s woman suffrage. . Owing to its obvious and inclusive character, the last question engages popular attention preeminently.^ Several causes are contributory to this rise in interest during the last few years. First may be mentioned the spectacular militant movement in Eng- lan d, W'hich began with the unfurling of the Votes for "\¥nm pn bannpr in th e "Rnii<;p of Commons in IQO.'^._ The dramatic events the other side of the water, with Mrs . Pankhurst's lecturing tours in this country in the fall o f IQOQ and iQii, had a powerful effect in arous- in g American women of th^ g'^-^alled " l eisure c la ss:"_ The increasing emphasis put by the Federation of Labor on suffrage, owing to the pressure of the w^omen's Trade Unions, is another cause. T he growth,. t>£. jJip Snriqh^i- Party, and its suffrage petition to con- gress in IQI2; the format inr) ni flip Prnerrec-ciyp Pnrt y in IQ12, its adoption of a suffrage plank and the con - sequ ent adherence of prominent women in many p arts oi-tbe-cQ untry. are factors leading to the pre sence of wo man suffrage among paramount political issues of Jj ie day . — But behind all these, behind ^the increasing number of state conventions and legislatures which year by year submit the question to referendum, behind the victorious suffrage amendment in Washington, in 1910, California, In 191 1, Oregon^ Arizona, and Kan- sas, in 1912, Alaska, in I9i3,\lies thefuudnmfntal i682 WOMAN SUFFRAGE cause, which is that women who liave assumed a share in th^~worTd's work naturally and inev i<^flb^Y lia^-p rnm^ to demand a sh are in the worF ''= p^n^-'pmmpnt^ ^y^-]] the defeat si T^taineH h}^ suffrng^ in th *?^ ' ^' 'hi^^ '^nn ititvi^ tio nal campaign in IQ12 was as glorious as former vic- t ories, for it polled a quart er of a million f n vonhl f >r votes and showed the press overwhelmingly favorable, ^ y while the defeat in Michigan of th e same year, by a %7 majority of a few hundred votes frauch^ently C(Hinted, , is generally known to have bee^tu-itrl^ality a suffrai yit'tory. _.-^ 7 "■ In the Unrted-^Sfates, women vote on equal terms withjRCTfm the following states, named in the order nwhich they adopted the amendment : Wyoming (1869, 1890), Colorado (1893), Utah (1896), Idaho (1896), Washington (1910), California (1911), Ore- y gon, Arizona, Kansas (1912), Alaska Territory (1913). Partial franchise is granted women in 22 ■^ states, while in 17 women have no measure of suffrage. The most important victory after those in the full suffrage states is the gaining of presidential and munic- ipal suffrage for women in Illinois, 1973. TP r oof that suffrage has become a popular question i<^ •^een in th^ a ggressive campaign methods adopted bv present-day^ leaders, methods which wou ld not be tolera ted by the publi c It the cause were not approved. AiiToiig these are parades, inaugurated by the New York parade of May, 191 1, in which 3.000 women marched, and reaching their most beautiful development in the rd WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1683 torchliglit parade under the auspices of the Woman Suffrage Party in New York on the evening of No- vember 9, 19 1 2, to celebrate the suffrage victories in the recent election. Other new and picturesque meth- ods are open air speaking, suffrage auto, trolley and walking trips, distribution of literature from balloons, signs strung across thoroughfares or on buildings, show windows with tableaus or "demonstrators" with placards who keep a crowd collected day after day, magic lantern slides run in theaters or on street screens, entr'acte theater speaking, suffrage shops, bazars, tea rooms, amateur plays, songs, and all the time honored methods furbished up to suit the modern love of pageantry. Regular headquarters are a necessity, press bureaus are multiplying, " The Woman's Journal," Boston, " The Woman Voter," New York, " The Forerunner," New York, "Life and Labor," Chicago, at their small subscription fees, are indispensable to those who wish to keep in- formed on the progress of suffrage in our country ."1 The Woman Suffrage Party is a practical introduc- tion to politics, and it is but a question of brief time when women will be candidates for Congress and State Legislatures, as they already are appointed to national and state positions of trust and authority. Bu t that timp w'W\ n^^t ^^m^ MMtb^u<^ dptpr mined fffort on the part of women. Every step of the way will h ave to be tought now in the day of victory as of old in the day of defeat. As the enemy's line is i684 WOMAN SUFFRAGE broken , he becomes the more tenacious of what is lef t. Those who look for a social landslide to bring full suffrage to women in this country by sheer force of gravitation will look a long time. The solid east is entrenched against it, and the solid west is a long way off. (See Questions for Review Page 1782.) MRS. ELIZABETH CADY STANTON. A woman of brilliant mind and a keen and feai^ess worker for the suEfrage cause. PART III Manhood Suffrage In the United States By A. B. WOLFE, PH. D. AMERICAN political institutions are in their origin the heritage of two lines of influence — the English political ideals and methods which the col- onists brought with them, and the influence of the phi- losophy of the French Revolution. Chief among the political ideals the colonists inherited from the mother country was that of representative government. As England is today, with the exception of Switzerland, probably the most responsive political democracy in 'existence, so we find the origin of the representative principle far back in its aristocratic history. The germ of representation, and. therefore indirectly of suffrage, is found in the jury system, which originated as a de- vice of the king to discover taxable property,* in the ancient Anglo-Saxon moots or assemblies of freemen called together to discuss the civil affairs of borough, hundred, or shire (county) and in the great national assembly of wise men, the witenagemote, which was the early germ of Parliament. The constitution of the * Stubbs, " Constitutional History of England," I, 652. 1687 1 688 MANHOOD SUFFRAGE witenagemote was less popular than that of the hun- dred- or shire-moots; its members were summoned by the king, and he summoned whom he chose. The popu- lar voice was associated with its deliberations only to the extent that crowds of the populace of the locality in which it happened at the time to be held attended and shouted their approval or disapproval. Until a system of representation had grown up there could be no real participation by the people in the national gov- ernment. The development of such a system of national repre- sentation began in 1254 when a writ of Henry HI directed the sheriff of each county to "cause to come" to the king's council two knights of the shire, choosen by the men of the shire. In 1265 not only two knights from each shire, but two burgesses from each borough were summoned, and in the famous writ of Edward I, in 1295, the king summoned the knights and burgesses definitely to be elected by the freeholders. The older national council had consisted of members of the privileged classes, summoned as individuals and not as representatives. Down to 1430 all male freeholders were entitled to vote for knights of the shire, but in that year an act was passed confining this right to free- holders resident in the county and in possession of land worth a rental value of at least forty shillings a year. The preamble of the statute explains the reason for its passage : "Whereas the elections of Knights of the Shires to come to the Parliament of our Lord the MANHOOD SUFFRAGE 1689 King in many Counties of the Realm of England have now of late been made by very great outrageous and excessive Number of People dwelling within the same Counties of the Realm of England, of which the most Part was of People of small substance and of no Value whereof everyone of them pretended a Voice equiva- lent as to such Elections to be made, with the most worthy Knights and Esquires dwelling within the same Counties, whereby Manslaughters Riot Batteries and Divisions among Gentlemen and other People of the same Counties, shall very likely rise and be, unless some convenient and due Remedy be provided in this Behalf ..." From this time dates the famous forty-shilling freehold qualification for county voters, which was retained in force for almost exactly four hundred years, till the great Reform Bill of 1832, The significance of this limitation for us is that dur- ing all the two centuries in which the English colonists were braving the storms of the Atlantic to set up trad- ing posts and settlements in America, the national repre- sentation to which they had been accustomed was based upon a property-limited suffrage. For while in the course of time the definition of freehold had been ex- tended to cover the possession of certain ofifices and "livings," as well as land, and while with rising prices in the i6th century a much smaller amount of land sufficed for a forty-shilling freehold, the county suf- frage still remained essentially aristocratic, and Parlia- ment continued, to an increasing extent, to be made up 7 1690 MANHOOD SUFFRAGE of representatives of the great land-holding interests. In the towns, as time went on, a veritable hodge- podge of suffrage qualifications grew up. By common law the election of representatives to Parliament was the right of the inhabitant householders, but in a large number of boroughs other, and exceedingly complex and various, qualifications prevailed, fixed by local cus- tom or by royal charter.* " The right of suffrage might extend to all the householding inhabitants of the borough, or it might be limited solely to the score of officers of the corporation; it might include hundreds of resident and non-resident freemen, or pertain to only the holders of a dozen or fifty ancient land tenures ; in some places it included the forty-shilling freeholders, in others the occupants of certain original houses, often little more than dilapidated hovels ; in others still every potwalloper, or man boiling his own pot, had the right to vote.f Sometimes the choice of parliamentary repre- sentatives fell into the hands of only two or three persons, and thus grew up the list of "rotten" or "nomination" boroughs which contributed to whole- sale corruption and to the deep discontent of the great new manufacturing cities like Birmingham and Leeds which were without representation of any sort, and which finally led, after decades of effort, to radical re- * May, " Constitutional History of England," I, 263, ff. tA. E. McKinley, "The Suffrage Franchise in the Thirteen Enalish Colonies of America," p. 10. See pp. 10-16 for brief dis- cussion of these various qualifications. MANHOOD SUFFRAGE 1691 vision of franchise qualifications and redistribution of parliamentary representation in 1832, and again in 1867 and 1885.* ^y the middle of the seventeenth century, when American colonization was in full swing. Parliamentary representation had becom.e an illusion, and remained so for two hundred years, thanks to the influence of the aristocratic county franchise, the selfish policies of the great landed interests, the apathy of the population in the old boroughs, and the growth of all sorts of restricted borough franchises which could be, and were, controlled by the crown and the nobility. Bribery was universal and unblushing, and the Eng- lish electorate, composed so largely of country squires whose most serious interests were horse-racing and box- ing matches, had sunk to its lowest ebb. Out of such a political soil came the American colon- ists. That they brought with them, as they did, ideas of a closely limited suffrage is not to be wondered at; that they left behind them most of the bribery and corruption current in English life must forever be to their credit. While the whole fabric of English parlia- mentary and local government was in sad need of over- hauling, while it was shot through with inconsistencies, injustices, and corruption, the colonists, nevertheless, brought with them the priceless heritage which still un- derlay English institutions — the tradition of political * For an account of the reforms of 1832, see May, " Constitu- tional History of England," I, Ch. 6; for those of 1867 and 1885, Lowell, "The Government of England," I, Ch. 9; and Anson. "Law and Custom of the Constitution" I, Ch. 5. 1692 MANHOOD SUFFRAGE liberty, the struggle to secure and extend which has been the main thread of English political history from King John and the barons at Runnimede to Lloyd- George and the passing of the House of Lords. And we consequently find that a not inconsiderable element in American colonial history is constituted by the con- tinued and repeated efforts of the men of land and property to maintain their right to the franchise, against the efforts of the royal grantees and governors to de- prive them of it, or to nullify its effects. The government of the American colonies was very far, however, from what we should today call demo- cratic. It is true that the colonists succeeded in ac- quiring and maintaining control over the public purse, a control which came down to our National Government in the form of the constitutional provision that all revenue bills must originate in the House of Repre- sentatives. (Art. I, Section 7) ; but the colonists were the offshoot of a people whose notions were not those of democracy, but of government by the "substantial" men of the country, and prior to the industrial revolu- tion, which took place between 1776 and 1832, that was interpreted to mean government by the landed gentry. Whatever the final judgment of history may be with regard to the character of the colonists themselves, it is clear that they left the mother country at a time when political corruption was the accepted order of the day, when religious bigotry and nagging intolerance and persecution of non-conformists (especially Catho- MANHOOD SUFFRAGE 1693 lies) was universal, and when the landed aristocracy, in league with the selfish intrenched special interests in the rotten boroughs were deliberately setting their face against any action looking toward the bringing order out of the confusion and justice out of the glaring inequities and iniquities of the English suffrage. Whether the colonists came as religious enthusiasts, or as most did, seeking economic opportunity under the wing of some trading company and royal grant, they brought with them no new, no radical, political theories. The Puritans, about whose championship of the cause of liberty so much has been said, had scarcely landed on the rocky shores of Massachusetts Bay before they manifested a religious bigotry not less conspicuous than that from which they " fled," for both Massachusetts Bay and Plymouth lost little time in declaring that " freemanship" in their corporation should not be granted to non-church members. This meant that only church members could vote for civil officers. More- over, dissenters — Quakers, Baptists, and Catholics — were strictly excluded from the franchise and otherwise harshly treated. " Democracy." said Cotton, " I do not conceive that God ever did ordain as a fit Govern- ment either for Church or Commonwealth." * The colonists, religious prejudices apart, were not inspired by any noble belief in the average man. Everywhere * For a discussion of religions restrictions in Massachusetts and Plymouth, see McKinley, " Suffrage Franchise in the Colo- nies," Ch. II, and Bishop, "History of Elections in the American Colonies," pp. 56-64. i694 MANHOOD SUFFRAGE the property qualification for the franchise was retained, and not infrequently made much more stringent than in England. The history of suffrage in the colonies is complex and difficult to follow because of the variety of colonial charters, the conflicts between the people and the royal governors, and the diverse influence of conflicting re- ligious and class interests. In Virginia, the oldest colony, manhood suffrage, it is true, at the very outset prevailed, but as soon as the colony began to be aug- mented by the working classes, who came in as in- dentured servants, the franchise was strictly limited to property owners, and remained so until the Revolu- tion, In New York, to take another example, fifteen years elasped before there was a shadow of popular participation in the government of the colony. Not until 1688 was a truly representative assembly sum- moned, and then only on an extremely limited suffrage, and without any settled order of representation.* There was a long struggle for something like popular govern- ment. In 1683 it was finally enacted that "in all elec- tions the majority of Voices shall carry it and by free- holders is understood everyone who is Soe understood ac- cording to the Lawes of England," a provision which was made more explicit by an act of 1691.. which declared that "by freeholders is to be understood every one who shall have fourty-shillings per annum in freehold." f * See McKinley, p. 196. t Quoted by McKinley, pp. 200 and 210. MANHOOD SUFFRAGE 1695 Thus the recognized English quahfication was inserted bodily into colonial law. In 1699 this forty-shilling freehold requirement was changed, and thereafter the elector must possess lands or tenements to the value of forty pounds. Moreover New York excluded Catholics from the franchise, in 1701, and Jews in 1737, though it is uncertain whether either restriction was strictly enforced. The local suffrage varied greatly from time to time and place to place, but generally speaking, only inhabitant freeholders could vote. The same narrow franchise is found in Maryland. In the early years of the colony, as in Virginia, man- hood suft'rage without regard to residence, payment of taxes, or possession of land, was exercised, but this gave way in 1670 to a requirement of fifty acres of land or other estate worth at least forty pounds. This qualification remained in force until the Revolution, as did also a remarkable provision for compulsory vot- ing, in the shape of a fine of 100 pounds of tobacco upon any qualified male who without good excuse neglected to vote. Maryland also excluded Catholics (who had founded the colony!) in 1654, 1689, and again in 1718. In North Carolina no definite suffrage provisions were in force for the first fifty years. In 171 5 suffrage was granted to all white tax-paying freemen over twenty years old. Later, owing to pressure from royal gov- ernors, a land qualification (fifty acres freehold) was added and remained in force until the Revolution. In South Carolina frequent elections and the use of bal- 1696 MANHOOD SUFFRAGE lots and ballot boxes contributed to an unexpectedly liberal suffrage, in spite of a variety of changing property and tax-payment qualifications. Here too, however, Catholics were excluded. In Pennsylvania the general requirement, both in colonial and local elections, w^as the possession of fifty acres of land or other estate worth £50. Delaware's franchise was similar, with a fine for neglecting to vote added. The condition of affairs in Pennsylvania is vividly suggested by ]\IcKinley: "From 1706 onward the interest in the suffrage in Pennsylvania centers not in the electors but in the masses of non-voters, who, legally disqualified, used every possible means to influ- ence the elections. One sees them frequently in the background of the election picture with sticks or stones or even 'billets of wood,' instead of the forbidden bal- lots, trying by physical means to express their opinions. From this point of view* the ruling class they are ' ser- vants,' or 'great numbers of disorderly persons,' or an 'outrageous ^lultitude,' who by their 'rude and dis- orderly behaviour,' disturb the elections, or who 'pre- sumed to vote when they did not have the right to do so.' " * Space does not permit even a bare outline of the evolution of the suffrage in the other colonies. Let us merely summarize the various kinds of qualifica- tions that existed during colonial times and formed the basis upon which the suffrage requirements of the origi- ♦McKinley, p. 284. MANHOOD SUFFRAGE 1697 nal thirteen state constitutions were based. The colo- nial restrictions included sex, age, race, and nationality, religion, good character, residence, property, freeman- ship in corporations, and certain cjualifications akin to the borough franchise in England. The sex restriction was universal, except in New Jersey, where in colonial times it seems that at least a few prominent women voted. It was not thought necessary, usually, spe- cifically to exclude women, although this was done by a Virginia statute in 1699. South Carolina, Georgia, and Delaware also definitely excluded women. The age limit was twenty-one years, except in Massachu- setts which, in 1647, set it at twenty- four. Negroes were barred in some of the soiithern colonies, though at comparatively late dates, but in the northern colo- nies they were generally permitted to vote if they could fulfil the qualifications as to freemanship, property, etc. The English common law principle that no for- eigner could exercise political rights was adopted by the colonies. After 1740 Parliament forbade the natu- ralization of any Catholic aliens in the colonies — a policy which New York and Massachusetts had al- ready adopted. Religious qualifications, as we should expect, were more rigidly enforced and were more exclusive in New England than elsewhere. Massa- chusetts, as we have seen, required church member- ship as a basis of citizenship, and after 1664 the few new freemen admitted were obliged to pre- sent certificates from the ministers of their towns, 1698 MANHOOD SUFFRAGE certifying that they were orthodox in their be- hef. Even Connecticut, in practice if not in law, appears to have enforced reHgious conformity. Par- ticular sects were outlawed, as the Quakers in the middle of the seventeenth century, from Virginia to Massachusetts (with the exception of Rhode Island). Baptists fared little better and Catholics fared worst. The attitude toward them in New England was always hostile. In other colonies it varied with the changes in English politics. Jews were disfranchised almost as frequently as Catholics. Good character qualifications were common in New England but elsewhere unusual. Residence requirements were rarely made in New Eng- land, because of the fact that before a man could settle in a town he had to get the consent of the author- ities. The most important and characteristic limitation was the property qualification. During the seventeenth century it was either expressly provided for or implied in the laws and customs of many of the colonies and in the eighteenth century such a requirement was uni- versal. In addition to the foregoing requirements some of the colonies had restrictions on the admission of free- men to citizenship which virtually amounted to further restriction on the suffrage. The candidate for admis- sion might be required to pass a period of probation, to take certain oaths, to present a certificate of moral and property qualifications, etc. The most remarkable of all the franchise requirements was found in Rhode MANHOOD SUFFRAGE 1699 Island where, after 1723, the pohtical power of the freeman-freeholder included not only himself but his oldest son as well, if he were of age. The son, that is, was admitted to the town and colonial franchise by hereditary right, as was the case in the borough fran- chise in certain English towns. In the colonial towns almost as wide a variety of qualifications for the local franchise could be found as in the English boroughs. And in addition to all the other types of franchise the president and six teachers in one American college (William and Mary, in Virginia) had by right of their office th.e right to vote for members of the house of burgesses — thus duplicating the English University franchise. At best only a small proportion of the male adult population had the right to vote. "In general," says McKinley, "the potential voters seem to vary from one-sixth to one-fiftieth of the population, and the actual voters shovv^ an almost equal variation ; Massa- chusetts and Connecticut showing at times only two per cent of actual voters among a population where perhaps sixteen per cent were qualified electors; and New York City and Virginia showing the far larger proportion of eight per cent of the population as actual voters. At best the colonial elections called forth both relatively and absolutely only a small fraction of the present percentage of voters. Property qualifications, poor means of communication, large election districts, and the absenceof party organization combined to make I700 MANHOOD SUFFRAGE the most sharply contested elections feeble ni their ef- fects upon the community as compared with the wide- spread suffrage of the twentieth century." * During" the eighteenth century economic changes m the colonies were comparatively slight^ immigration small, and the westward growth of population slow. The stimulus was yet lacking to a vigorous movement for suffrage extension, and we need not be surprised to find that at the time of the ratification of our Federal Constitution no state had manhood suffrage. Nor was representation anywhere in ratio to population, but to taxpayers, or freeholders, or the number of electors in the county or district. During the Revolution, says McMaster, no principle of popular government had been more loudly proclaimed than the great truth that all governments derive their just powers from the con- sent of the governed. Yet most of the early state con- stitutions took over the suffrage qualifications of the colonial era. " The government set up by many a con- stitution, despite the principle announced in its pre- amble was that of a class. Nowhere save in Vermont did manhood suffrage exist. Elsewhere no man voted who did not pay a property tax, or rent a house, or own a specified number of acres of land, or have a specified yearly income. Each one of the state constitutions guaranteed liberty of conscience; but the man who did not exercise that liberty of conscience in such wise as to become a Protestant or a Catholic, a trinitarian or a *McKinley, "Suffrage Franchise in the Colonies," pp. 487-488. MANHOOD SUFFRAGE 1701 believer in the divine inspiration of the Old and New Testament must give up all hope of political prefer- ment. Even to such as could subscribe to creeds and doctrines, the way to public office was barred by prop- erty qualifications, which increased with the dignity of the office until it became absolutely impossible for a poor man to become a candidate for the state senate or the governorship." * Thus for years after the Revolution the qualifica- tions for office holding were even more stringent than for the franchise. The country was slow to change this system. Massachusetts, in 1821, when it removed the property test from others, retained it as a quali- fication for candidates for the state senate. So, too, for years no atheist, freethinker, Jew, or Catholic could be governor in New Jersey, New Hampshire, Con- necticut, or Vermont. Any Christian could be gov- ernor of Massachusetts or Maryland. Elsewhere he must be a believer in an inspired Bible, or in heaven and hell, or acknowledge one God. In four states no priest or clergyman could hold political office. Some states required of their governors not only religious qualifi- cations, but ownership of wealth in amounts ranging from $100 to $10,000. In a number of states there were heavy property qualifications for membership in one or both houses of the legislature.! *McMaster, "History of the People of the United States," V. pp. 376-377- t McMaster, III, pp. I47-I49- I702 MANHOOD SUFFRAGE That these diverse and aristocratic quaUtications could persist after the formation of our Federal Union was due to the fact that the Constitution left suffrage regulation to the states, with the single proviso that all state governments should be republican in form. (Art. IV, Sec. 4.) It also provided (Art. I, Sec. 2) that the electors of the Federal House of Representa- tives should have the same qualification in any state as the electors of the most numerous branch of the state legislature. Such freedom for the states to widen suffrage if they pleased was distasteful to ardent Fed- eralists like Hamilton, but the framers of the Consti- tution knew from the temper of the people that any restriction of the suffrage by the central government would lead to a rejection of the proposed constitution.* A number of powerful influences cooperated after 1789 to the gradual removal of the old suffrage restric- tions. The philosophy of the French Revolution — lib- erty, equality, fraternity — was having powerful ef- fect in this country, especially through the Jeffersonian Democrats. Everywhere the rights of men were con- trasted to the political disabilities under which a large part of the male populace was laboring. The demand for popular government became irresistible. One state after another, in spite of the opposition of the proper- tied classes and to some extent of educated people, abolished property and religious qualifications. To this result contributed the development of transportation * Cf. Smith, " Spirit of American Government." MAXHOOD SUFFRAGE 1703 facilities, the opening of new lands to settlement, the general equaHty of economic opportunity afforded by a new country awakening to its resources, and to a new national consciousness. Xo doubt also the devel- opment of political parties, bidding against each other for votes, helped the movement along. So also did the growth of towns and industrial centers in which the old land qualifications were doubly irksome. Reform was the order of the day from 1790 to 1800. \\'ithin these ten years at least eight states materially broadened their suffrage and office-holding rights. The religious qualification was first to go, in Pennsylvania, and then in South Carolina, X'^ew Hampshire, Dela- ware, and Georgia, Property tests were taken off in X^ew Hampshire and Kentucky, and reduced in some other states. The second decade of our national his- tory was preeminently a period of state constitution making. The movement toward universal manhood suffrage continued unabated, though making headwa}- against the opposition of the privileged classes. The property test was abolished in Maryland in 1801 and 1809, in X^ew York and Massachusetts in 1821, and later in Tennessee (1834), New Jersey (1844), Con- necticut (1845), ^"<^^ i" Virginia not until 1850. By the opening of the Civil \\'ar only a few belated states still required some property qualification. In South Carolina it was abolished in 1865, in X^orth Carolina in 1854 and 1868. The taxpaying requirement was abolished in X^ew York in 1826. in ^Mississippi in 1882 1704 MANHOOD SUFFRAGE (established in 1862), in Louisiana in 1845, Ohio in 1 85 1, and in Virginia, where it had been imposed in 1862, in 1882. The dates are in themselves of little consequence, but taken collectively they are significant indications of the slowness with which the theory of the rights of man and of "universal" suffrage was actually put into the laws of the country. In many cases, of course, the old restrictive laws had become practically inoperative long before they disappeared from the statute books, but the extension of the suffrage was subject to bitter opposition, especially in the East. The history of the long struggle for man- hood suffrage in New York, where the removal of the property test was vigorously opposed by Chancellor Kent, one of the greatest of American jurists, and in Massachusetts, where Daniel Webster opposed the re- moval of a property qualification for candidates to the state senate, is full of interest * and vividly suggestive of some of the aristocratic forebodings expressed by a certain class of people nowadays at the thought of extending the suffrage to women. In other ways the preponderant trend of political thought toward democracy was manifest. Various states abandoned the old indirect method of electing the governor through the legislature, and South Caro- lina and Maryland, which had had an indirect method of electing their senates, abandoned it in 1778 and *See McMaster, "History of the People of the United States, " V, Ch. 50. MANHOOD SUFFRAGE 1705 1837, respectively. But, on the other hand, the influ- ence of the Federal Constitution despite the fact that it was haled as a most democratic instrument was away from, rather than toward, actual democracy. The fact that the states, under their original constitution or charters, which gave the legislatures great powers, had had, with limited suffrage, some unfortunate experi- ences with their legislatures made them all the more likely to imitate, in their constitutional revisions, the cumbersome system of checks and balances and the rigid separation of legislative, executive, and judicial powers, which constituted the most original feature in the Federal Constitution, and which have since proved to be its greatest defect. The states proceeded to increase the power of the governor and of the courts to nullify legislation, and to throw about the legisla- tures all sorts of constitutional limitations. Such lim- itations were perhaps necessary under the conditions of the time, but how far they may go toward nullify- ing popular government has not been realized until recent years.* Before the Civil War, then, the old landed aristoc- racy ideals which had dominated colonial thought and practice, the old intrusion of religious bigotry into mat- ters of state, the limitations, tests, and indirections by * A suggestive book on the aristocratic elements in American constitutions is J. A. Smith's " The Spirit of American Govern- ment," 1907. Cf. also H. Croly's "Promise of American Life," 8 i7o6 MANHOOD SUFFRAGE which the propertied classes had effectually excluded the masses from a voice in government, were swept away, though not without a struggle, before the doc- trine of the rights of man and the resistless logic of American economic conditions, where free land and substantial equality of economic opportunity meant the melting away of the old class lines wdiich had been the inheritance of English polity and English social or- ganization. It is probable as has been suggested (Smith, "Spirit of American Government") that the property qualifications would not have been removed without a more serious opposition had it not appeared that the wide diffusion of landed property would be in some measure a guarantee that the interests of the propertied classes would not be seriously endangered by manhood suffrage. Had the privileged classes fore- seen clearly that within half a century a vast mass of the population would be virtually without taxable property they would probably have presented a more united front against the radical extension of the suffrage. As it was, the democratic movement, hampered by the eternal discussion of slavery, and broken in upon by the Civil War, did not move clearly and smoothly enough to see its own logic and consequently did not attain vigor enough to extend the suffrage to women and it would not have given it, even nominally, to negroes had sectional feeling after the war not pro- duced an abnormal state of public sentiment in the North. ; . >\ ' ' > > > 1 > ' Copyright 1912 by Ella Biichaiiaii. Sculpties>. CAPTIVITY'S CAPTIVE. Woman Tied to Money Bags Showing Economic Dependence. MANHOOD SUFFRAGE 1709 The doctrine of the rights of man, except in the minds of the hated aboHtionists, did not extend to negroes. Outside of New England, where by law in five states negroes could vote, there was no s.tate in the Union in 1865 which did not discriminate against the negro. Tennessee granted a restricted suffrage.* New York, by its constitution of 1821 and 1846 while extending the suffrage to all adult white males, sub- jected negroes to a practically prohibitive property qualification, and as late as i860 it refused negroes equal political rights with whites by a vote of 338,000 to 198,000. Several states which had earlier allowed negroes to vote withdrew the privilege. They could vote everywhere before the revolution except in Vir- ginia, the Carolinas, and Georgia,! but before 1834 they had been disfranchised in Delaware, Maryland, and Kentucky, and all the acts of Congress establish- ing territories before the Civil War expressly reserved the suffrage to whites, as did also the constitution of West Virginia in 1863. After the war we might ex- pect to see race discrimination disappearing from the northern states. On the contrary the constitution of the new state of Nebraska, in 1866, denied negroes the right to vote, and negro suffrage was voted down by decisive majorities in Connecticut, Minnesota, and Wis- consin. Tn the latter state, however, the state supreme * Stephenson, "Race Distinctions in American Law," p. 284. t Bishop, "History of Elections in the American Colonies" pp. 51-52. I7I0 MANHOOD SUFFRAGE court, in 1866, held that suffrage had been granted the negroes by popular vote in 1849.* I" 1868 once more negro suffrage was voted down in New York, this time by a close margin. On the other hand, Minnesota reversed its previous vote and extended the franchise to negroes in 1868, as did Iowa and Dakotah Terri- tory. Congress, in 1867, granted the suffrage to ne- groes in the District of Columbia, although the white males of Washington had rejected the extension by a vote of 6,521 to 35. In 1866 Congress granted negro suffrage in the territories. Then followed the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amend- ments to the Federal Constitution. The Fourteenth Amendment conferred citizenship on the negro and provided that any state abridging the rights of male citizens to vote should suffer a reduction in its con- gressional representation. This was a device to get the southern states to enfranchise the blacks, but none of them took the bait and, feeling running higher in the North, both inside and outside Congress, the Fif- teenth Amendment, conferring the right to vote on negro men, was passed and forced upon the South at the point of the bayonet — whether justly or unjustly, wisely or otherwise, we need not here attempt to say. It is significant, however, that in 1870 when the amend- * Stephenson, "Race Distinctions in American Law," p. 288; F. E. Baker, "Brief History of the Elective Franchise in Wis- consin," in Wisconsin Historical Society Proceedings, Vol. 41, p. 125. MANHOOD SUFFRAGE 1711 ment was ratified the constitutions of sixteen northern states, from Connecticut to CaHfornia, still denied the negro the right to vote. That race prejudice is not the peculiar characteristic of any one section or any- one time is vividly proved by the fact that the people of Ohio in the year of our Lord 1912 voted down an amendment providing for the removal of the word "white" from the state constitution. The Civil War, the stress of Reconstruction, and the determination of radical northern leaders, like Charles Sumner and Thaddeus Stevens, that the negro should be enfranchised at all costs, and the fact that the strug- gle in Congress and in the South turned public atten- tion away from everything else, inevitably put a stop for many years to any effective agitation for the en- franchisement of women. Everywhere the advocates of women's rights were met, even by their friends, with the consoling sentiment, "This is the negro's hour;" and so the women, patience being the badge of all their tribe, had to wait. The southern white voters have found ways in re- cent years to nullify the effect of the Fifteenth Amend- ment and to disfranchise the negro anew; today, in consequence, a body of educational and property qual- ifications stand in the constitution of the southern states — practically the only serious limitations on manhood suffrage in this country. Practically all the states, it is true, both north and south, deny the vote to insane persons, idiots, and to certain kinds of criminals, and I7I2 MANHOOD SUFFRAGE Chinese not born in this country are excluded from the franchise by interpretation of the Constitution. Fif- teen or twenty states deny the vote to paupers. One state, Rhode Island, has a nominal property qualili- cation (ownership of $134 worth of property) in municipal elections. In the Philippines the govern- ment has also imposed a property test. Six northern states, Hawaii, and the Philippines, have a literacy test — usually the ability to read the Constitution, and in some the ability to write one's name. None of these limitations, except those in the Philippines, are to be taken seriously. All the states have the necessary pro- visions concerning naturalization, residence, and regis- tration. In tlie South the state of affairs is entirely different, for literacy and property qualifications are not only widespread but they are enforced. They were enacted and are administered for the express pur- pose of disfranchising the negroes, while yet abiding by the letter of the Fifteenth Amendment, and at the same time not excluding whites. No better illustra- tion could be found of the futility of attempting im- portant legislation ahead of, and in opposition to, strong public sentiment than the way the attempt of the North to force negro suffrage on the South has lieen frustrated by the southern whites. As long as the Federal troops were kept in the South the negro voters were voted in droves by the northern carpetbaggers and southern scalawags, but as soon as the military power was withdrawn the southern whites took mat- MANHOOD SUFFRAGE 1713 ters into their own hands and by fraud, intimidation, and violence succeeded in driving most of the negroes permanently from the polls. About 1890 the South began to be dissatisfied with this state of affairs and since then one southern state after another has suc- ceeded in putting very effective legal barriers in the way of negroes voting. Debarred by the Fifteenth Amendment from directly imposing race qualifications, the southern whites have accomplished the same end by property and educational qualifications and by the so-called "grandfather clauses." Alabama requires the ownership of forty acres of land, or $300 worth of taxable property (or that the voter be the husband of the owner of such property), or the ability to read the Constitution in English; Georgia, forty acres or $500 worth of property, or the ability to read and write the Constitution of the United States or of Georgia; and Louisiana, South Carolina, and Virginia, similar tests ; Mississippi and North Carolina have only the literary test. All the southern states require the payment of poll taxes, and some the payment of all taxes, as a qualification for voting. The property test is always an alternative to the educational test, so that a man who cannot get in under one, may do so under the other. Neither the property, nor taxpaying, nor educational qualifications can be objected to on constitutional grounds because they apply to whites as well as to blacks. Nevertheless rt is evident that they disfranchise many more negroes 1714 MANHOOD SUFFRAGE than whites. The South had no intention of improv- ing the caHbre of the electorate by excluding illiterate whites. Its design was, and is, to include as many whites, and to exclude as many blacks, as possible. To this end the grandfather clause was invented. The principle of the grandfather clause is simple; it pro- vides an exception to the application of the literacy and property tests. One who is not able to satisfy either of these tests may, nevertheless, continue to be a voter for life if he was a voter in 1867, or is an old soldier, or a lineal descendant of such voter or soldier, provided he registers before a certain date provided for by law. (Stephenson, "Race Distinctions in American Law," p. 305.) Grandfather clauses have been en- acted in Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, South Carolina, and Virginia, No negroes had the vote in the South in 1867, and comparatively few of them were soldiers. It is evident, therefore, that this device lets in the illit- erate whites and excludes the negroes; but it is not technically a race distinction. Five southern states also have so-called "character and understanding clauses," which still further re- duce the likelihood of a negro getting a chance to vote. These clauses are also designed to provide ex- ceptions to the property tests. In Mississippi the voter may demonstrate his ability to understand the state constitution when read to him. In Georgia he must un- derstand "the duties of a citizen in a republican form of government." Since the election authorities are in- MANHOOD SUFFRAGE 1715 variably white men, it is not difficult to see what an effective means of discriminating against the negro these tests afford. How many negroes are actually kept from the polls by these various laws it is hard to say. Stephenson cites a typical Mississippi county with a population of 11,700 negroes, only thirty of whom were registered voters. Another county in North Carolina, with a population of 6,700 negroes is said never to have had a negro vote cast. In Louisiana the number of negro votes was reduced from 130,000 to 5,300. The col- ored electors number not more than 10 per cent of the adult males.* Thousands of negroes are kept away from the poles by latent fear and desire not to come into conflict with white sentiment. The writer knows a number of educated southern negroes who have never tried to vote for this reason. The simple fact is that politics plays very little part in the mental life of the southern negro. One principal of a large negro indus- trial school — a prominent graduate of Tuskegee — when asked the name of the governor of his state was obliged to say that he could not remember. We have seen that the extension of the suffrage in America was due to the conditions of American life and to the theory of natural rights — a theory ardently applied to political life in opposition to the older doc- trine of privilege and class which was the theoretical * Bryce, " The American Commonwealth," Rev. ed., II, pp. 545-546. I7i6 MANHOOD SUFFRAGE basis of the old limited suffrage. We may profitably examine these two theories briefl3^ The natural rights theory holds that suffrage is an inherent right of man, like the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. As taxation without representation is tyranny, so all just government is based upon the consent of the governed. This formal theory of suffrage as an absolute right has been given up, because suffrage is legally the gift of the state and it is impossible to support the theory by any logic that will stand criticism. It has had to go by the board along with the whole philosophy of a "state of na- ture," "natural law," and "natural" right, long since discarded. The argument for universal suffrage is now based on grounds of duty and expediency and of social justice, rather than on the idea of either " natural " or " divine " law; but the feeling that some- how we are cheated if we do not have universal suffrage will doubtless continue to exist as long as per- sonality is not repressed by tyranny, political or social ; for no individual likes to admit that he is incapable of a voice in determining the conditions under which he must live. It is a good thing that such is the case; otherwise we should too easily sink into lethargic submission to stale inefficiency and flat tyranny in gov- ernment. Reason may support any limitation on suffrage which it is in the power of normal individuals to remove, but any permanent qualification like sex or race cannot but in the long run be degrading both MANHOOD SUFFRAGE 1717 to the favored and to the excluded classes. That the natural rights theory has been abandoned is due not only to the impossibility of defending it by any formal logic, but also to the facts that manhood suffrage is an accomplished fact, and that political science — a judg- ment of governments by their observed results and needs — has taken the place of a priori political phil- osophy. The second theory — that suffrage is a privilege — is as old as representative government. In its more brutal beginnings it simply expresses the belief of the ruling classes that the masses are unworthy of atten- tion except as soldiers and a source of taxes and that government and wealth, rank, and military power should go hand in hand. In its more refined form the theory holds that all government is a matter of ex- pediency, that it is inexpedient to grant suffrage to all adults — even all adult men — because that would admit classes to the franchise who, through ignorance or vice, would not use it for the public welfare. The privilege theory assumes unconsciously that society is sharply divided into classes and that the privileged classes — those with wealth, education, or social posi- tion — are more devoted in spirit and in deed to the public welfare than are the so-called "lower" classes. It attributes a benevolence and beneficence to the privi- leged classes which they have not shown themselves always to possess. The adherents to this theory argue that people with- I7i8 MANHOOD SUFFRAGE out property should not be allowed to vote, especially in cities, because they will vote away the taxes paid by other people; and only taxpayers should determine the disposition of public funds. This argument over- looks both the fact that non-taxpayers may have just as good judgment on public issues involving the ex- penditure of money as taxpayers, and that most people are taxpayers indirectly, if not directly, since a large part of the burden of taxation is shifted to the con- sumers of taxed goods and the occupants of taxed dwelling houses. It is argued also that only the edu- cated should really participate in government, since they are the only ones who know enough. As well argue that only church-members have religion. Very many of the matters with which government has to deal are matters upon which intelligence can be had only through experience ; many an educated man today is a poorer citizen than many a laborer. It is not un- likely that to turn government over to an aristocracy of property and education would be disastrous to pub- lic welfare. While both these classes think they would be unselfish and broad-minded in the administration of public affairs, experience shows that to no class do the interests of other classes or of society in general loom anything like so large as its own immediate inter- ests. "The world has tried the aristocratic idea for thousands of years," says a recent writer, " and worked out a demonstration that in folly, in inhumanity, in tyrannous spirit, in avarice and selfishness, in intellectual MANHOOD SUFFRAGE 1719 and moral childishness, the rule of the ' better ' people has been on the whole as conspicuous a disappointment, at least, as anything to be feared under the name of democracy." * Every democratic movement inevitably calls out and crystallizes the interests whose special privileges are jeopardized by it. So it is at the present time when a world-wide movement for political and industrial democracy is in progress. Beaten back from every other position, the opponents of the extension of the franchise to women, and in other countries to the men not yet enfranchised, fall back upon the doctrine of limited suffrage as the only "safe" system. Their cry is that the suffrage is already much too wide and that the true line of reform lies in educational and property tests. In support of this view, the failure of manhood suffrage is alleged. Unfortunately Jeffersonian De- mocracy, which introduced the idea of popular govern- ment into America, was followed by Jacksonian De- mocracy, which, with good motives perhaps, prosti- tuted popular government to local, selfish, and party ends. The misapplication of the rights of man gave us the spoils system, rotation in office, and the disas- trous notion that anybody is fit to hold public office, if he can get it. Out of Jacksonian influence and out of the blind and dogged complacence of Americans in the belief that theirs was the one country with good *Cf. Dole, "The Spirit of Democracy," p. in. I720 MANHOOD SUFFRAGE government, and their consequent failure to note how our governmental machinery was falling behind our complex needs, came the semi-valid basis for the argu- ment that manhood suffrage has been a failure. The dire inefficiency of American city government, the cor- ruption of city councils and state legislatures, the some- times seemingly hopeless subserviency of Congress to the large financial interests, the ubiquity of the politi- cal boss, of machine rule, and bipartisan alliances, all tending to give the voter the semblance of power while the substance remains in the hands of the professional (and usually corrupt) politicians — all this is brought forward as proof that male democracy in America is a failure, and that a full democracy, including women as well as men, will only make things worse. On the face of things, this argument has much cogency. American city government is far less effi- cient and honest than the municipal governments of England, France, or Germany, Moreover, the wide- spread use of money for corrupt purposes, until re- cently without let or hindrance by law, has had no parallel in Western Europe for many years. But it may be doubted whether state legislatures and Con- gress have been more dominated by the special inter- ests (trusts, railroads, etc.) than have the European parliaments by the landed proprietors and the big man- ufacturing interests there, under a system of limited suffrage. Moreover, before we bring too sweeping a verdict MANHOOD SUFFRAGE 1721 against American manhood suffrage, we should examine fairly the conditions under which it has had to work, the effects of American self-complacency in matters politic, and the probability that the American people are just now awakening to the fact that two things are necessary to the proper working of any form of republican government — namely, a political machin- ery that will render representatives really representa- tive of public opinion, and an adequately alert public opinion led by able, honest, broad-minded, and informed men and women. The central cause of the failure of American democ- racy to bring the perfect results hoped for has been the extreme rapidity with which we have developed a very intricate and complex economic and industrial state. Similar rapid transformation in some particulars has taken place in England and Germany, but those countries have had many conditions conducive to sta- bility and orderly growth which we have lacked, as well as some obstacles to progress which have not bothered us. Manhood suffrage was established in America when all our life — economic, moral, politi- cal — was comparatively simple, when agriculture was the one great industry, when great corporations, con- centrated control of money and credit, sinister rail- road influence, and fabulous extremes of riches and poverty were non-existent, when social life was sim- ple, when it did not require a long line of court deci- sions to distinguish nicely between what is just legally 1722 MANHOOD SUFFRAGE permissible and what is not, in the conduct of business, and when the tasks of local and state government were comparatively simple and unchanging, so that any set of honest officials could perform them adequately. In the 30's and 40's when there were no intricate ques- tions of public utility franchises, of taxation of cor- porations, incomes and inheritances, of regulating in- terstate commerce, conserving natural resources, or se- curing peace and justice between great employing cor- porations and millions of organized and unorganized working men, women, and children, government was relatively an unimportant matter. The Jacksonian regime proclaimed the spoils to the victors and set in motion the rotation in office which on the one hand pre- vented the development of an ossified bureaucracy, and on the other kept the best men out of office, intensi- fied partisanship, encouraged corruption, and prevented the development of skill in American governmental of- fices; but so long as the country consisted largely of simple farming communities, so long as the forms of wealth and of industrial organization were not diverse, and massed capital had not developed to corrupt legis- latures and city councils and exploit the land and the people, the Jacksonian ideas did little harm. Just as soon, however, as these industrial developments did take place on a large scale — beginning soon after the Civil War — the results were bound to be disastrous, because the people were long in awakening to the fact that they had the form of popular government without MANHOOD SUFFRAGE 1723 its substance, and because the greater the necessity for the government to interfere with private and corporate business, to protect the people, the greater the tendency for the special interests to corrupt the agents of the people and get them to betray their trust. This is the origin of such powerful alliances between big business and corrupt political rings as have disgraced time and again the great commonwealths of New York, Penn- sylvania, Ohio, Illinois, California, and little states like Rhode Island, Delaware, New Jersey, and Maryland. The system of rotation in office made politics a sort of game for high stakes, and the patronage system pros- tituted politics from the service of the state to the service of party, to secure jobs for party workers. So politics becomes a profession — a degraded one — with its tricks of the trade, its recognized rules, its un- scrupulous intrigue, and a lack of real and intelligent devotion to the best interests of community, state, and nation.* Down to the late 8o's, an independent voter was practically unheard of, and scratching a party ticket was for many years after that a heinous offense in the eyes of " practical " politicians. Every effort was made to intensify party loyalty and there are still hundreds of thousands of men who are voting straight party tickets because this old party discipline has become an * Perhaps the best exposition of the methods of the poHtical boss is Henry Champernowne's (pseudonym) " The Boss," a parody on MachiavelU's " The Prince" 1724 MANHOOD SUFFRAGE ingrained habit, and no good thing can, for them, come out of the opposition party. Meanwhile, to this slavish partisanship, so skih fully fostered by the machine politician, must be added a nomination machinery which gradually broke down and virtually threw the power of choice, from president to justice of the peace, into the hands of the inner party rings. One way to judge any form of government is to observe the kind of men it puts in office. Jefferson said, " There is a natural aristocracy founded on talent and virtue which seems destined to govern all soci- eties and all political forms, and the best government is that which provides most efficiently for the purity of the choosing of these natural aristocracies and their introduction into government." * American political democracy has signally failed to do this, and the rea- sons for its failure lie, partly at least, in the inadequacy of the nominating machinery. For it makes no differ- ence what are the safeguards of secret ballot, registra- tion, and public information with regard to the quali- fications of nominated candidates, if the voter has little or no intelligent share in saying who shall be the can- didates in the first place. Party government without some initial means of naming party candidates would be impossible. The time-honored method in this country, until within very recent years, since the direct primary election has largely superseded it, was the party caucus. Originally * Works, IX, p. 425. ^ ,^'^ ^-U''^>"'. MRS. LUCY STONE Founder in 1870 of "The Womtm's Journal" MANHOOD SUFFRAGE 1727 the caucus was a secret meeting of the leading men of the party in the locality. By the time of the Revolu- tion it was pretty well established and was losing its secret character and becoming a miniature town meet- ing. In New England, except in the cities, the caucus retained its original town-meeting character to our time, but elsewhere it became " a mere polling place for the election of delegates to the various conventions and of members of the local party committees, there being no opportunity whatever for any discussion of the merits of the various candidates." The inevitable re- sult was that the real work of nomination " fell either into the hands of 'parlor caucuses' or of political clubs and committees — the power of the individual voter being restricted to the choice between candidates agreed upon at such preliminary secret conferences or named by such organizations."* From about 1832 on there was for each party an established system of local cau- cuses, and county, state, and national conventions. Del- egates to the county conventions were chosen by the local caucus, and so on. Now, so long as the com- munity was industrially undeveloped and there was a fair amount of social equality and all the members of the party locally were acquaintances, the caucus or " pri- mary" could work well — but when increase of popula- tion brought with it the loss of that personal acquaint- ance, when different nationalities came in to intensify * Dallinger, " Nominations for Elective Office in the United States," p. 12. 1728 MANHOOD SUFFRAGE clannish prejudices, when inequahty of weahh and social position and "pressure of business" gave excuse for the more fastidious "gentlemen" to avoid contact with rough men at these informal meetings, the lime was ripe for the advent of the wire pullers and the bosses. And they came. Slates were fixed up before- hand and jammed through by those who had direct personal interest in the election. Thus from the local primary to the great national conventions the selection of candidates fell into the hands of cliques and rings; the political-ly most subservient and "available" man was made the party's candidate, and the average voter accepted the results with equanimity, l^ecause he had always had his vanity tickled by the idea that he was "a sovereign," had been bred to think that all the good men were in his party and all the bad in the opposition. The informed voter had nothing to do but stay away from the polls or hold his nose and vote in disgust for the least corrupt and unfit candidate the bosses deigned to put on the tickets. Occasionally a wave of popular reform sentiment would sweep over the com- munity and the 1x)sses would temporarily bow before it and nominate a good man or two, "who, after election, would find themselves helpless to accomphsh anything for good government. Thus, because the nominating system had its origin among those who had most interest in elections and could work only when someone took the lead, and because the bulk of the " substantial citizens " were too busily engaged in mak- MANHOOD SUFFRAGE 1729 ing money to bother about politics, politics inevitably became corrupt and boss-ridden ; and that in the face moved from the municipal franchise, so that at the present time, all Norwegian women — in nnmher about 500,000 — have the municipal franchise, while only the tax-paying women have the full franchise. The tax-paying qualification was removed from the Par- liamentary franchise in 1913. t Appi'oximnte figures, based on the Census. 1010. WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1793 * TABLE OF WOMAN SUFFRAGE DATES Boards of School Municipal Guardians Boards Councils The Legislature Country Eligi- Eligi- Eligi- Eligi- Vote bility Vote bility Kind Vote biUty Kind Vote bihty Australasia- New Zealand 1877 1877 ad 1886 1886 ad 1893 Commonwealth of Australia ad 1902 1902 South Australia 1897 1892 1892 t 1880 — ad' 1894 1894' Western Aus- tralia t 1871 — ad 1899 New South Wales2 t 1867 — ad 1902 — Tasmania t 1884 — ad 1903 Queensland t 1886 — ad 1905 — Victoria t 1869 — ad 1908 — America— The United States 3 * Wyoming 1869 1869 1869 1869 ad 1869 1869 Colorado 1876 yes 1893 1893 ad 1893 1893 Idaho 1896 1896 1986 1896 ad 1896 1896 Utah 1896 1896 1896 1896 ad 1896 1896 Washington 1890 yes 1910 1910 ad 1910 1910 California 1911 1911 1911 1911 ad 1911 1911 Arizona 1887 yes 1912 1912 ad 1912 1912 Kansas 1861 yes 1887 1912 ad 1912 1912 Oregon 1878 yes 1912 1912 ad 1912 1912 Alaska 1913 1913 1913 1913 ad 1913 1913 Illinois 1913 1913 1913 1913 Canada- Ontario yes yes 1884 — New Brunswick 1893^ 1886 — — Nova Scotia yes 1895 1887 — — Manitoba yes yea 1888 — British Colum- bia 1891 1891 1888 — Prince Edward Island 1899 1899 1888 — — Quebec yes — 1892 — Alberta and — Saskatchewan yes yes yes — — British Honduras Belise 1911 Europe- Finland 1872^ — ad 1907 1907 Norway 1889 1889 1901" 1901' t 1907 1907 '9 Sweden 18S9 1862 1889 1862* 1909* — Denmark 1907 1907 1908 1908 1908 8 1908* — Iceland 1909* 1909 — Isle of Man t 1881 England and Wales 1834 1875 1870 1870 1869 1907 t — Scotland yes yes 1872 1872 1881 1907 t — From "Woman SiifTrage in rractitc.' 1794 WOAIAN SUFFRAGE TABLE OF WOMAN SUFFRAGE DATES {Continued) Boards of Schoo Guardians Boards Town Councils' The Legislature Country Eligi- Eligi- Eligi- Eligi- Vote bility Vote bility Basis Vote bility Basis Vote biUty Ireland 1837 1896 t 1898 1911 t German Em- pire" Austria '1 The Nether- lands 1903^ 1903' France 13 13 Italy 1890 1907 — — — Russia t 1866 '■' — — — Bohemia t 1861 1861 1« Hungary t yesi' — Roumania 1891 — — — — — Asia— Burmah (Ran- goon) t 1884 — Bombay t yes ? Java t yes" ? South Africa— Transvaa. — 1907 t 1903 — — — Cape Colony 1906 1906 t 1882 — — — Natal 1910^^ 1910 t — — — — Orange Free State 1908 1908 t 1904 — -^ ~~ ( — ) Women are excluded from this right, (ad) On an adult basis. (t) On a tax-paying basis. (1) For the Legislative Council or Upper House the Franchise is on a property basis and women are not eligible to be elected. (-) There are also Shire Councils for which women have vote and eligibility (1905). (3) The franchise and eligibility for the State legislature carries with it the franchise and eligibility for the Federal Legislature. (*) Besides the fully enfranchised States here mentioned, four States have school suffrage and eligibility and some form of tax-paying suffrage for women, and sixteen States have some form of school suffrage but no other suffrage for women. One state, Illinois, has limited suffrage created by statute. (=) Nominated. («) Except where otherwise stated by footnote Town Councils only are here referred to. (') On this date the Urban Commune franchise was conferred. The rural Commune franchise was conferred 1863. (') This refers to communal elections. C) The communal franchise had been granted to unmarried women in 1882. WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1795 ('") In m.any German States women vote on a property qualification sometimes in person and sometimes by proxy for rural communes. (») Women are qualified to vote in some cases as tax-payers ; in others as large landowners for some of the Provincial Diets. The vote in general must be exercised by proxy. (") By nomination. (^') Women have stood for election and have polled thousands of Totes. No woman has been elected, so the question of a woman's right to be elected has not been finally decided. (") Women vote by proxy for Municipal and Provincial Councils. C^^) Every village elects a head man, and women vote in large numbers. (") As proxy for absent male parent. (^') Unmarried women vote by proxy in communal elections. (!') A right which women are trying to have definitely established. (18) Full parliamentary suffrage 1913. 13 1796 WOMAN SUFFRAGE INTERNATIONAL WOMAN SUFFRAGE NORTH AMERICA THE UNITED STATES Males Females Total Population, 1910 47,332,122 44,640,144 91,972,266 Number of women having full suffrage and eligibility 1,737,500 Nine States and one Territory have full equal suffrage and eligibility for women for all local, state, and federal elected bodies, and the right to vote for, or stand to be elected to, any official position, including that of President. School Municipal Legisla ture, etc Wyoming, 1869, 1869, 1869. Colorado, 1876, 1893, 1893. Idaho, 1896, 1896, 1896. Utah, 1896, 1896, 1896. Washington, 1890, 1910, 1910. California, 1911, 1911, 1911. Arizona, 1887, 1912, 1912. Kansas, 1861, 1887, 1912. Oregon, 1878, 1912, 1912. Alaska, 1913. Four States have school suffrage and eligibility and some form of taxpaying suffrage for women. School Taxpaying New York, 1880, 1901. Delaware, 1898. Michigan, 1867, 1909. Montana, 1887. Fourteen States have some form of school suffrage, but no other suffrage. o c < -. o p -; nncr tn •^ m ^ Til a; -3 C = » o tfi • m "2 _a « ■ -o re 2 i-*a c 5"ai g." If 55* WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1799 New Hampshire 1878 South Dakota 188/ Massachusetts 1879 Connecticut 1893 Vermont 1880 Ohio 1894 Mississippi 1880 Wisconsin 1900 Nebraska 1881 Oklahoma 1907 New Jersey 1887 Kentucky 1912 North Dakota 1887 New Mexico 1912 One State, Illinois, passed a bill 0913) granting women the right to vote for offices created by statute. This gives presidential suffrage, and limited municipal, township, and county suffrage. STATUS OF SUFFRAGE IN THE UNITED STATES, OCTOBER, 1913 Free States: 1. Wyoming 6. California 2. Colorado 7. Oregon 3. Utah 8. Kansas 4. Idaho 9. Arizona 5. Washington 10. Alaska (Ter.) States where the Amendment is now (1913) before the voters: House Senate Goes to Voters Montana 75-2 15-2 1914 Nevada 49-3 19-3 1914 North Dakota 77-29 31-19 1914 South Dakota 70-30 41-2 1914 States where the Amendment has passed one Legislature and must pass another: House Senate Goes to Voters Iowa 81-26 New Jersey 46-5 New York 125-5 Pennsylvania 131-70 The Legislatures of four other States gave majority votes of both houses for the submission of equal suffrage. These favorable votes were cast in Maine, Michigan, West Vir- 31-15 1916 14-5 1914 40-2 1915 26-22 1915 i8oo WOMAN SUFFRAGE ginia, and Wisconsin. In Maine and West Virginia, the legislative majority fell short of the needed two-thirds; in Alichigan, the amendment failed to carry the popular vote; in Wisconsin, the governor vetoed the bill. HOW WOMEN IN THE UNITED STATES CAN OBTAIN THE POLITICAL FRANCHISE 1. By amendment to the Constitution of the United States: ARTICLE 5— AMENDMENTS How amended. — The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose amend- ments to this constitution, or, on application of two-thirds of the several States, shall call a convention for proposing amendments; which, in either case, shall be valid, to all in- tents and purposes, as a part of this Constitution, when rati- fied by the legislatures of three-fourths of the several States, or by conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or other mode of ratification may be proposed by Congress. 2. By amendments to State constitutions: *Each State has the power to admit the women of its own State to full suffrage. Each State has a separate ma- chinery for altering its constitution. In the majority of the States it is necessary that both Houses of the Legislature shall vote in favor of the question being sent to a referen- dum of the voters. In several States, two successive legis- latures must agree to sending the question to the refer- endum. In a few States, a petition signed by a certain percentage of the electors (the initiative) is sufficient that a referendum be taken. The constitutions of some States require that at certain definite intervals a convention shall be called to amend the State Constitution. All alterations must then be submitted to the voters for ratification or rejection. • See table on Suffrage Constitutional Amendments, p. 1804. WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1801 HOW WOMEN MAY OBTAIN LIMITED FRANCHISE The Legislatures of some States are empowered to enact laws which give municipal and presidential suffrage. Sev- eral bills have passed Legislatures giving school suflfrage, tax suffrage, and bond suffrage. Court decisions pertaining to the constitutionality of limited suffrage: "The women suffrage bill passed by the Illinois legislature (1913) would extend the franchise to women for certain officers not mentioned in the constitution of Illinois and for certain propositions. As these officers specified in the bill are not mentioned in the con- stitution, they need not be elected by the voters prescribed by the constitution. These officials are the creation of the legislaturi^ which also has power to describe whether they shall be appointed or elected, and if elected the qualifications of their electors. The Supreme Courts of various "states have decided that the legis- lature has unlimited power in prescribing restrictions on the right of franchise and in making extensions of this right in elections of statu- tory officers not named in the constitution. Belles v. Burr, 76 Mich. 1 ; Wheeler v. Brady, 15 Kan. 26 ; State v. Cones, 15 Neb. 444 ; Destine V. Dubuque, 7 Iowa, 286 ; State v. Board of Elections, 9 Ohio Cir. Ct. 134; Wood v. Quimby (R. I.) 40 Atl. 163; Hanna v. Young (Md.), 35 Atl. 675 : State v. Dillon, 32 Fla. 545-566 ; Morrison v. Springer, 15 Iowa, 342 ; Woodley v. Town Council of Clio, 44 S. C. 374 ; Wilson v. Florence, 39 S. C. 397 ; Wilson v. Florence, 40 S. C. 290 ; Town of Valverde v. Shattuck, 19 Col. 110 ; Kimball v. Hendee, 57 N. J. 307 ; Landis v. Ashworth, 57 N. J. 509 ; Chamberlain v. Cranbury, 57 N. J. 605; Harris v. Burr (Ore.), 52 Pac. Rep. R. 20; Commonwealth v. Reeder, 171 Fa. 505 ; Buckner v. Gordon, 81 Ky. 669 ; State v. Hing- ley, 32 Ore. 440. The Illinois courts have also upheld such power of the legislature. People V. English, 139 III. 631 ; Plummer v. Yost, 144 111. 68 ; Acker- man V. Henck, 147 111. 514 ; Dorsey v. Brigham, 177 111. 256 ; Daven- port V. Drainage Com., 25 111. App. 92 ; People v. Welsh, 70 111. App. 641 ; People v. Nelson, 133 111. 565. These Illinois cases sustain the power of the legislature to extend the suffrage to women in the election of officers not named in the constitution. Not only have our courts upheld such power of the legislature.- but the legislature continues to exercise such power, and the persons named by the legislature continue to vote, without question, for such officials. Some of the Illinois decisions refer to the extension of the limited school suffrage to Illinois women by the law of 1891. Others refer to i8o2 WOMAN SUFFRAGE the drainage act of 1885 and 1880. The drainage act of 1885 provides that adult owners of land shall petition for the drainage district, and that every adult owner of land shall be a voter. Under this law women petition and vote ; and bonds issued by these districts, organ- ized by the help of women's votes, are held good in commercial circles and by our courts, Davenport v. Drainage Commissioners, 25 111. App. 92. The legislature, by the sanitary district act of 1889, provided a modified system of cumulative voting, whereby the elector must vote for five-ninths of the candidates for positions as sanitary district trustees. This method was uot known to the Con- stitution. The validity of this act was established by our Supreme Court in Wilson v. Board of Trustees, 133 111. 443. The legality of such measures is therefore well settled in Illinois. Among the twenty-five or more states where school suffrage la allowed to women they often also vote on propositions affecting schools. Some states, like Iowa, Michigan, Montana, Kansas, and Louisiana, allow women to vote on all matters relating to bond issues and taxes. Such rights have also been allowed women taxpayers in New York towns and villages and in several municipalities of Delaware and South Carolina. Pennsylvania women, by petitioning for or against local improvements, have practically a voter's privilege. Kansas passed a municipal suffrage bill in 1887. It is true that in many of the states complete suffrage for women can only be secured through the constitution. Thus it was that women in Wyoming, Colorado, Utah, Idaho, Washington, and Califor- nia gained all the voting privileges accorded men. So although full suffrase can only come to Illinois women through the constitution, the present bill gives them great power. When the Charter Convention of Chicago was asked to approve municipal suffrage for Chicago women, opinions were submitted by some of Chicago's leading lawyers and jurists stating that the legis- lature had such power. Among those making such statements were Philip Stein, John Barton Payne, Gwynn Garnett, S. S. Gregory, Wallace Heckman, Clarence S. Darrow, Eugene E. Trussing, John C. Richberg, and Frank H. McCulloch. The Law Committee, of which John P. Wilson was chairman, reported after argument that the legislature did have such power." — Catherine Waugh McCulloch. WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1803 PROCEDURE FOR CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT Must pass one Must pass two Must have a ma- Must have a ma- I egislature. Legislatures. jority on the jority of all ame n d m e n t votes cast at only when sub- the election. mitted to the voters. Alabama Connecticut Alabama Illinois Alaskai Delaware^ Arkansas* Minnesota Arkansas Indiana Connecticut Mississippi Florida^ Iowa Delaware Nebraska Georgia* Mass." Florida New Hampshire* Illinois Nevada Indiana New Jersey Kentucky New Jersey* Iowa Rhode Island Louisiana New York* Kentucky Maine No. Dakota Louisiana Maryland Pennsylvania Maine Michigan Rhode' Island* Maryland Minnesota Tennessee Massachusetts Mississippi Vermont Michigan Missouri" Virginia Missouri^ Montana Wisconsin Montana Nebraska Nevada" New Mexico New Jersey No. Carolina New York Ohio No. Carolina Oklahoma Ohio So. Carolina" Oklahoma^ So. Dakota Pennsylvania" Texas So. Carolina" W. Virginia So. Dakota" Tennessee" Texas Vermont' Virginia' W. Virginia Wisconsin 1 Constitutional convention possible at any time. 2 Does not have to be submitted to the voters. > * Legislature meets annually. * If submitted by petition. If submitted by legislature, majority of all votes cast at election. = If submitted by legislature. If submitted by petition, majority of all votes cast at "election. "Constitutional convention possible at any time. ' Constitution may be amended only once in 10 years. 8 Constitution may be amended only once in 7 years. SUFFRAGE CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS Amendment introduced in 1913? Can it be introduced by initiative petition? Must it pass one or two Legislatures? How large a vote must it receive in the Legislature? *1 Alabama No. Yes. Yea. Yes, 8%. One. One. One. i in each House. 2 Alaska Majority in each House. 3. Arkansas Majority in each House. 4. Connecticut 5. Delaware Yes. Yes. Two. Two. Majority representatives first time; f in each House second time. 1 in each House. 6. Florida Yes. Yes. One. One. I in each House. § in each House. 8 Hawaii See last col- umn. Yes. Yes. Yes. No. One. Two. Two. One. Illinois J in each House. 10. Indiana Majority in each House. 11. Iowa Majority in each House. tl2. Kentucky § in each House. tl3. Louisiana No. One. 1 in each House. 14. Maine Yes. No. Yes. One. One. f concurrent vote in both tl5. Maryland Houses. 1 in each House. 16. Massachusetts 17. Michigan Yes. Yes. Two. One. Majority in the Senate. f those present in House § in each House. 18. Minnesota Yes. One. Majority in each House. tl9. Mississippi No. One. 1 in each House. 20. Missouri 21. Montana Yes. Yes. Yes. 8% in at least i of Con- gressional Districts. Yes. One. One. Majority in each House. f in each House. * Next session 1914. t Next session 1914. 1804 SUFFRAGE CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS How often does the Legislature meet? What is the earliest election at which it could be submitted? How large a vote must it receive at election? Constitutional Enactments. Quadrenni- Nov. 3. 1916. Majority on amend- ally. ment. Biennially. Does not have to be submits ted to voters. Amendment becomes law by vote of the territorial legislature if approved by Congress. Biennially. Defeated in Majority on amend- If submitted by the Legislature, it House 1913. ment. if submitted by must have a majority of all votes Passed Senate petition. cast at election. 1912. 19-2. Biennially. Defeated in House 1913. Majority on ment. amend- Biennially. See last column. Defeated in House and Sen- ate 1913. Amendment becomes law by vote of Legislature. Does not have to be submitted to voters. Biennially. Defeated in Majority on amend- Constitutional convention may be House and Sen- ment. held whenever voted by § in each ate 1913. House, and approved by the majority of electors. Annually. Majority on ment. amend- Constitutional convention may be held whenever voted by | in each House. The consent of Congress is neces- sary to an enfranchising act. Biennially, Majority of votes Only one amendment may be cast at election. submitted at a time, and the same one not oftener than once in four years. Biennially. Killed in com- mittee 1913. Majority on ment. amend- Biennially. Nov.3, 1916. or when prescribed by the Legis- lature. Majority on ment. amend- Biennially. Nov. 1915. Majority on ment. amend- Only two amendments may be sub- mitted at a time, and the same one not oftener than once in 5 years. Biennially. Apr. 1916. Majority on ment. amend- Biennially. Majority on ment. amend- Biennially. Nov. 1914. Majority on ments. amend- Annually. Defeated 1913. Passed House. Majority on ment. amend- Biennially. Defeated 1913 Majority on amend- Michigan undoubtedly carried in at election. ment. Nov. 1912, but was counted out. Biennially. Defeated 1913. Majority votes cast at Passed House election. Biennially. Nov. 1915. Majority of votes cast at election. Biennially. Defeated 1913. Majority on aroend- If submitted by petition, must have ment, if submitted by majority of al votes cast at elec- Legislatiu-e. tion. Constitutional convention possible at any time. Biennially. Nov. 1914. Majority on ment. amend- Not more than three amendmenta can be submitted at any election. 1805 SUFFRAGE CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS Amendment introduced in 19137 Can it be introduced by initiative petition? Must it pass one or two Legislatures? How large a vote must it receive in the Legislature? 22. Nebraska Yes. Yes, 15%. One. i in each House. 23. Nevada Yes Yes Two Majority in each House. *24. New Hampshire . No. 25. New Jersey Yes. Two. Majority in each Hoase. 26. New Mexico Yes. Yea. One. 1 in each House. 27. New York Yes. Two. Majority in each House. 28. North Carolina... Yes. One. § in each House. 29. North Dakota.... Yes. Yes. Two. Majority in each House. 30. Ohio Yes. Yes. One. I in each House. 31. Oklahoma Yes. Yes. 15%. One. Majority in each House. J vote would secure a special election. 32. Pemisylvania Yes. Two. Majority in each House. 33. Rhode Island Yes. Two. Majority in each House. 34. South Carolina . . . Yes. One. f in each House. 35. South Dakota.... Yes. Yes. One. Majority in each House. 36. Tennessee Yes. Two. 3 in each House. 37. Texas Yes. No. No. One. Two. Two. 1 in each House. t38. Vermont 39. Virginia House majority, Senate f , 1st time; majority in each House 2nd time. Majority in each House. 40. West Virginia .... 41. Wisconsin Yes. Yes. One. Two. ? in each House. Majority in each House. * Constitution amended by convention only once in 7 years if approved by voters. t Not until 1920, except for partial suffrage. 1806 SUFFRAGE CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS How often does the WTiat is the earliest election How large i vote Legislature meet? at which it could be submitted? must it receive at election? Biennially. Defeated 1913. Majority of : ill votes cast at election. Biennially. Nov. 1914. Majority on ment. amend- Biennially. Nov. 1920. 3 of all votes cast. Annually. Nov. 1914. Majority on ment. amend- Biennially. As prescribed by 1 of all voting in the Legislature. whole State. and at least 1 of all I'oting in each county. Annually. 1915. Majority on ment. amend- Biennially. Majority on ment. amend- Biennially. 1914. Majority on ment. amend- Biennially. Majority on amend- ment if by petition. Majority of all votes cast at election if sub- mitted by Legislature. Biennially. Majority on amend- ment if submitted by Legislature. Vlajority of all votes cast at election if submitted by Legislature. Biennially. As prescribed by Majority on amend- Legislature. ment. Annually. Town and ward § of those voting. elections 1914. Annually. Majority on ment. amend- Biennially. Nov. 1914. Majority on ment. amend- Biennially. Majority on amend- • ment. Biennially. Defeated 1913. Majority on amend- Passed House. ment. Biennially. As prescribed by Majority on amend- the Legislature. ment. Biennially. Nov. 1915. Majority on ment. amend- Biennially. Nov. 1916. Biennially. .\s prescribed by Majority of v otes cast Legislature. Bill at election. passed. Vetoed. (1913) Constitutional Enactments. If submitted by petition, amend- ment must receive at least 35', ;. of total vote cast at election. Initiative petition 10'"ci filed 30 days before Legislature meets, acted on in 40 days, submitted at next election. Constitutional" convention possible any time. Legislature can extend presidential and municipal suffrage to women without amendment. No amendment may be submitted oftener than once in five years. 3^ petition possible if filed 10 days before Legislature meets. If passed it is subject to referendum. If not, 3'"c more signatures will secure submission. Any amendment submitted by petition may not be voted on oftener than once in 3 years. If defeated, it must have a 25% petition for resubmission. Constitutional convention may be held whenever approved by f vote in Legislature and majority voting at next election of repre- sentatives. Constitutional convention any time if approved by § vote in Legis- lature and majority voting at next election of legislators. Constitutional convention in 1914. There is some authority for the claim that women can be en- franchised by the act of Legisla- ture alone. Constititution may be amended only once in 10 years. 1807 i8o8 WOMAN SUFFRAGE EQUAL SUFFRAGE AND CONGRESS The form of government of the United States is based on the Constitution of September 17, 1787, to which ten amend- ments were added December 15, 1791; an eleventh amend- ment, January 8, 1798; a twelfth amendment, September 25, 1804; a thirteenth amendment. December 18, 1865; a four- teenth amendment, July 28, 1868, and a fifteenth amendment, March 30, 1870. The fifteenth amendment granted the elective franchise to the negro. The Congressional Committee of the National American Woman's Suffrage Association has this year (1913) introduced a Federal Constitutional Amendment proposing the full elective franchise for women. If this amendment should pass, and be ratified by three-fourths of the States, the women of the United States would then have the full elective franchise. This amendment would become the sixteenth amendment to the Constitution of the United States. Equal suffrage States now control 84 of the 532 electoral votes in the Electoral College. Illinois added 29 to the electoral voting power of free States. Suffrage States con- trol one-sixth of the electoral vote for president. The Senate of the United States numbers 96 members. One-fifth of the Senate comes from equal suffrage States. The House of Representatives numbers 436 members. One-seventh of the House comes from equal suffrage States. The Electoral College requires that each State choose a number of electors equal to the number of Senators and Representatives to which the State is entitled in Congress. The number of members to which each State is entitled is determined by the census taken every ten years. By the Apportionment Act consequent on the census of 1910, there is one Representative for every 240.415 persons. The fol- lowing table shows the distribution of the apportionment of Representatives: WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1809 Alabama 10 Arizona 1 Arkansas 7 California 11 Colorado 4 Connecticut 5 Delaware 1 Florida 4 Georgia 12 Idaho 2 Illinois 27 Indiana 13 Iowa 11 Kansas ; 8 Kentucky 11 Louisiana 8 Maine 4 Maryland 6 Massachusetts 16 Michigan 13 Minnesota 10 Mississippi 8 Missouri 16 Montana 2 Nebraska 6 Nevada 1 New Hampshire 2 New Jersey 12 New Mexico 2 New York 43 North Carolina 10 North Dakota 3 Ohio 22 Oklahoma 8 Oregon 3 Pennsylvania 36 Rhode Island 3 South Carolina 3 South Dakota 7 Tennessee 10 Texas 18 Utah 2 Vermont 2 Virginia 10 Washington 5 West Virginia 6 Wisconsin 11 Wyoming 1 Total 436 ♦LEGAL STATUS OF MOTHERS IN THE GUARDIAN- SHIP OF CHILDREN States wherein the father has the right to will away guardianship from the mother. In these States, the father's sole power of guardianship enables him to will away the custody of an unborn child: 1. Delaware (Rev. St 1893, p. 713, Sec. 8). 2. Florida (Statutes 1906, p. 1027, Sec. 2086). 3. Georgia (Code of 1911, Sec. 3033). 4. Maryland (Public Statutes, 1904, Vol. 2, p. 2013, Sec. 179. See also p. 2003 and Sees. 145 and 147). * From "Guardianship of Children," by Catherine Waugh McCuUoch. Reprinted from "Chicago Legal News," Jan. 12, 1912. i8io WOMAN SUFFRAGE 5. South Carolina (Code 1902, Sec. 2689). 6. Tennessee (Code 1896, Sec. 4258, Sec. 4251). 7. Virginia (Sec. 2597, Code 1904). States where the father is sole guardian during his lifetime, and after his death the surviving mother is sole guardian, either conditionally or unconditionally: 1. Alabama (Code of 1907, Sec. 4339, in case of a girl or boy under fourteen by implication). 2. Arizona (Revised Statutes 1901, Sec. 1958). 3. Arkansas (Kirby's Digest 1904, p. 855, Sec. 3759). 4. Idaho (Revised Code 1908, Sec. 5774). 5. Indiana (Burns Annotated Statutes 1908, Sec. 3065). 6. Louisiana (R. C. C, Art. 216 and 250). 7. Michigan (Vol. Ill, p. 2680 (8701), Sec. 5). 8. Mississippi (Code 1906, Sec. 2401) by implication. 9. Montana (Rev. Code 1907, Sec. 7757). 10. Nevada (Compiled Laws 1900, Sec. 563). 11. New Jersey (Gen'l Statutes 1895, p. 1615, Sec. 1). 12. New Mexico (Compiled Laws 1897, Sec. 1434 to 1471). 13. North Carolina (Pell's Revisal, Sec. 1762) if father have not appointed with her consent. 14. North Dakota (Revised Code 1905, Sec. 8240). 15. Ohio (General Code 1910, Sec. 10928). 16. Oklahoma (Compiled Laws 1909, Sec. 54761). 17. Rhode Island (Gen'l Laws 1909, p. 1170, Sec. 5). 18. South Dakota (Compiled Laws 1910, Vol. 2, p. 523, Sec. 370). 19. South Carolina (Code 1902, Sec. 2689). 20. Texas (Civil Code 1897, Art. 2577). 21. Vermont (Public Statutes 1906, Sec. 3155). 22. West Virginia (Code 1906, Sec. 3220). 23. Wisconsin (Supplement 1906, p. 1282, Sec. 3964). 24. Wyoming (Compiled Statutes 1910, Sec. 5739). > > > 1 » 1 ^^ -^ _^ r+ — ^"^ V— ^^ ■v> ■*»* '^ ■^ j^^ •J. r -'•^'^ i ^"^-N, r*r / o / ■""l.^ y. V > r /^ ^ ^ \ f^ 7^ rr /*= / m { i / :: v^ 2 / \ / ~ ^ m L / 0) / ^^ . ^^ j^ < p- i*r*i v^ I / ^^ c a / I.^ / 7 p 5' *^ 7~- / ■/ ?r rjT > / j> / ^ / X / 33 N C H > IL > / -^ n r r+ — H^ L / I 1 — '~--— / xn ^ > L 4— ] / P 1-^ 1 / 2 / Si , i z / O 'O ^f Z / n < H 1 ^ s, o Z"^' 2 r ^^9 1 P o f ^^^^^ 1 ^ " t> C -''"^'"\ I 1 B-. ^ ■— . ^\ - 1 d -: ^ 1 M J __ ^^^ «<* 3 ^ ^^ (/I p z ^ ^^ H z p P f* — ^^^ m ) n □ £, 5 t: f > < f s > n > > 5 -'"**» yi 1 r > z -/■,— 2 ' '^ ^ T; y^ \^ ( -1 i ~ y. G ^rfl _ -/" _ i / c ^* > Y ^ 2 J P^ -"i ' > 1 37 1 3 > / ^ •-N. ( :: '= > 9 y ?: 1 p ^ '^v X-y*"^ § A "-ti ^* :^ D r^** V/JUw X" J" _ sv tfl / \ aq " y} 3 A 1 2 V^ r \ J <^ r ^ »*^ S 5" ^ L ^»l ^ -5^ ^ HH 1 i/i "x-^ — I^^ \ / ^ ^T _ a '^ ^' 1 1 _ V- — ^ s \ I O 1 > r > ^ ^ Z N- Si j) .S' 2 n ^^Km ^^^ 1 ^ T % ■v.? > I *M ± -, »-H M ?: ^^^^H ■ ^ v> J ^ I T" N- \ 1 ? p ^^ ^^^^^B^^^ ^S P \ ? ^ ^H "0 \ I "; "^ y^^^^^^^^^^^^ "X* y c ^H J> \ V, X ^* 1 1 ^w — • ^^^^^ H \ \ 2 ^ 5 ff ■ k, < K A Y. \^^ ^ r^^s^- 1 ^ ^ ^' D n ^"T^ "z^^-V' V ^^ r- c. &. ^^ ' ^^^ ^' , > c ^ ^ ^ 1 < ) ^ »1 V. m ^^ f ^ ~ ■ f^^ ^ •vT \> "^ WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1813 *States which allow the surviving mother to be sole guar- dian, providing she remains a widow: 1. Arizona (Revised Statutes, 1901, Sec. 1958). 2. Georgia (Code 1911, Sec. 3034) "If a widow." 3. New Jersey (Gen'I Statutes, 1895, p. 1615, Sec. 2) "be- ing a widow." 4. North Dakota (Revised Code 1905, Sec. 8240). 5. Oklahoma (Compiled Laws of 1909, Sec. 5476). 6. South Dakota (Compiled Laws, 1910, Vol. 2, p. 423, Sec. 370). 7. Wisconsin (p. 1282, Supplement, 1906, Sec. 3964). States in which the father is sole guardian that allow the mother a voice in the adoption of a child: 1. Florida (Statutes 1906, Sec. 2639). 2. Mississippi (If father has abandoned child. Code 1906, Sec. 542). 3. Wisconsin (Supplement 1906, p. 1282, Sec. 3964). States including District of Columbia which make parents joint guardians of their children — the honor roll: 1. California (1913). 2. Colorado (Rev. Stat. 1908, Sec. 2912). 3. Connecticut (Gen'I Stat. 1902, Sec. 206). 4. District of Columbia (Code 1911, Sec. 1123). 5. Illinois (Rev. Stat. Chap. 64, Sec. 4). 6. Iowa (Annotated Code 1897, Sec. 3192). 7. Kansas (Gen'I Stat. 1909, Sec. 3966). 8. Kentucky (Acts 1910, p. 93). 9. Maine (Rev. Stat. 1903, p. 617, Chap. 69, Sec. 2). 10. Massachusetts (Snpp. 1902-1908, p. 1277, Chap. 145). 11. Minnesota (Rev. Laws 1905, Sec. 3834). 12. Missouri (1913). 13. Nebraska (Cabby's Comp. Stat. 1909, Sec. 5376). • No state takes the guardianship away from a widower upon his remarriage. i8i4 WOMAN SUFFRAGE 14. New Hampshire (Laws 1911, p. 110, Chap. 104). 15. New York (Wadhams Const. Laws 1909, p. 550, Sec. 81). 16. Oregon (Sec. 2, Married Woman's Act 1880). 17. Pennsylvania (Pepper & Laws Digest 1907, p. 4875, Sec. 23). 18. Utah (1913). 19. Washington (Remington & Ballinger's Code, Vol. 2, Sec. 5932). Idaho Statutes do not give technical joint guardianship, but for practical utility Idaho might well be numbered with the joint guardianship States. FACTS CONCERNING THE FULL SUFFRAGE STATES WYOMING Males Females Total Population, 1910 91,670 54,295 152,056 Full equal suffrage and eligibility for women 1869 Number of women eligible to vote 34,000 Percentage who vote 80 to 90 Women in Official Positions. Women are eligible to all positions. They have served as members of the Legislature, as State Superintendents of Schools, as County Clerks, Rec- orders, Treasurers, Justices of the Peace, and members of the House of Representatives. Legislation. The following laws* passed since 1869 may be taken as those in which women may be considered specially interested: Acts providing that men and women teachers shall receive equal pay when equally qualified (Revised Statutes of Wyoming, Section 614) ; raising the age of protection for girls to 18 (same. Section 4964) ; making child neglect, abuse, or cruelty illegal (same. Section 2281) ; forbidding the employment of boys under 14 or girls of any age in mines, or of children under 14 in public exhibitions (same. Section 80) ; making it unlawful to sell or give cigarettes, liquor, or tobacco to persons under 16 (Laws of 1895, Chapter 46, Section 4) ; WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1815 establishing free public kindergarten (same, Chapter 50, Section 1) ; forbidding the adulteration of candy (Laws of 1897, Chapter 39).* Making it illegal to license gambling (Laws of 1901, Chapter 65, page 68) ; and providing for the care and custody of deserted or orphan children, or children of infirm, indigent, or incompetent per- sons (Laws of 1903, Chapter 106, page 134). The " Revised Statutes of Wyoming, 1899," also include the fol- lowing : Sec. 5532. The County Commissioners may sue the reputed father of a bastard if it becomes chargeable ; Sec. 5065 and 5066. Prosti- tutes and those consorting with them are made liable to fine and imprisonment ; Sec. 2106. A married woman, if her husband drinks or gambles, so that she and her family arc deprived of the neces- saries of life, may have a notice served "to the keepers of the houses where he drinks and gambles forbidding them to serve him ; 4864, mothers may inherit from their illegitimate children ; 4862, subse- quent marriage of parents legitimatizes a child ; 4858, inheritance as between husband and wife is the same. The Compiled Statutes, 1910, Sec. 5739, provides that a surviving mother, whether re-married or not, may be the guardian of her child. Here too there is compulsory education with instruction in physiology and hygiene up to the age of 16, and tobacco is forbidden to children under 18, and women physicians and matrons are placed in certain institutions having women and children in custody. 1911 LAWS.- — 1. A measure providing for the submission to the people of a constitutional amendment providing for the initiative and referendum. 2. Provision for the adoption by the people at a special election in cities of 8,000 or over of a commission form of govern- ment. 3. A corrupt practice act. limiting the candidate's campaign expenses and compelling a sworn statement of all expenses, during both the primary and thp general election. 4. Prescribing a penalty of imprisonment for assault or assault and battery upon a female with the intent to commit the crime of rape. 5. A measure providing for the establishment of a state industrial school for juvenile offenders. * This act is incorporated in a Pure Food Bill, covering drinks, drugs, ajid illuminating oils. Laws of 1903, Chapter 82, page 102. COLORADO Males Females Total Population, 1910 430,697 368,327 799,024 School suffrage 1876 Full equal suffrage and eligibility 1893 Number of women eligible to vote 160,000 Percentage who vote 75 to 85 Number of Women Voting. No full official returns are made giving the male and female votes separately. The following official figures of a large number of the more populous cities and counties were supplied by the then Governor: "Precinct 14, Ward 8, is a well-to-do residential district with a large percentage of professional people; Pre- 14 i8i6 WOMAN SUFFRAGE cinct 7, Ward 10, is a wealthy fashionable neighborhood; and Precinct 1, Ward 15, is an average section in a working class district." District. Denver , Counties Cities Elections of 1906 Population. Men. 66,592 .131,208 , 17,314 Women. 67,267 118,124 15,654 Registered. Men. Women. 32,006 25,109 56,459 40,309 12,086 9,333 Percentage of Voting. Registered wlio voted. Men. Women. Men. Worn. 25,230 18,741 78.8 74.5 54,237 33,539 96 83.2 9,739 6,688 77 68.6 Election of 1908 (Denver) Registered. Voting. Men. Women. Men. Women. Wards. Precinct 14.. 369 348 300 299 Waid 10, Precinct 7.. 176 203 141 176 Ward 14, Precinct 1 . . 262 267 221 244 Denver City 41,540 35,620 36,891 29,084 Percentage of Registered wLio voted. Men. Worn. 81.3 85.8 80.1 86.7 84.3 91.3 88.8 81.6 A curious accusation has been brought against the woman vote in Colorado, namely, that the vote of the "bad women" is detrimental. Figures go to show that this vote does not amount to more than one-third of one per cent of the women's vote, so it is absurd to suggest that it counter- balances that of the other women. Women in Official Positions. Women are eligible to all official positions. During the first fifteen years of enfran- chisement nine had been elected to the House of Representa- tives. Other positions occupied by women are those of magistrates, sheriffs, jurymen, city treasurers, clerks, audit- ors, aldermen, etc., etc. To the House of Representatives of 1911 four women were elected, the largest number so far to have sat in one House. At the State election of 1910, ^ 43 of the 62 County Superintendents of Schools were women. In all, sixty-three women were, in 1910, elected to offices of power and responsibility. At the 1912 election four women were elected to the House and one, for the first time in Colorado, to the State Senate. Legislation. A special woman's non-party legislative com- mittee, representative of the important women's societies, passes in review every bill and intimates to the Legislature WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1817 whether the bill is endorsed or condemned by it. The fol- lowing laws passed between 1893 and 1908 may be taken as illustrative of the legislation in which women are specially interested. " Establishing a State Industrial Home for Girls, three of the five members of the Board of Control to be women (Laws of 1897, page 68); Removing the emblems from the Australian ballot — the nearest approach to adopting an edu- cational qualification for suffrage (Laws of 1899, pages 177- 178); Establishing the indeterminate sentence for prisoners (Same, page 233); Requiring one woman physician on the board of the Insane Asylum (Same, page 259); Establishing parental or truant schools (Laws of 1891, page 364); Pro- viding for the care of feeble-minded (Same, page 177); For tree preservation (Same, page 186); For the inspection of private eleemosynary institutions by the State Board of Charity (Laws of 1891, page 364); Requiring in the public schools lessons in the humane treatment of animals (Same, page 362); Making the Colorado Humane Society a State Bureau of Child and Animal Protection (Same, page 191); Establishing juvenile courts (Laws of 1903, page 179); Making education compulsory for all children between the ages of 8 and 16, except those who are ill or who are taught at home, and those who are over 14 who have completed the eighth grade, or whose parents need their help and sup- port, and those children who must support themselves (Same, page 418); Making father and mother joint heirs of deceased child (Same, page 469); Providing that union high schools may be formed by uniting school districts adjacent to a town or city (Same, page 425); Establishing a State Traveling Library Commission, to consist of five women from the State Federation of Women's Clubs, appointed by the Governor (Same, page 252); Providing that any person employing a child under 14 in any mine, smelter, mill, fac- tory or underground works shall be punished by imprison- ment in addition to a fine (Same, page 310); Requiring joint signature of husband and wife to every chattel mortgage, sales of household goods used by the family, or conveyance i8i8 WOMAN SUFFRAGE or mortgage of a homestead (Same, chapter 75, page 153); Forbidding children of 16 and under to work more than six hours a day in any mill, factory, store, or other occupation that may be deemed unhealthful (Same, page 309); Provid- ing " that no woman shall work more than eight hours a day at work requiring her to be on her feet (Laws of 1903, page 310); Making it a criminal offence to contribute to the delinquency of a child (Same, page 298); Making it a mis- demeanor to fail to support aged or infirm parents (Same, chapter 148, page 372); Prohibiting the killing of doves except in August (Same, chapter 112, page 232); Abolishing the binding out of girls committed to the Industrial School (Same, chapter 115, page 248)." Women have been instrumental in securing the following laws in 1909: Providing for the examination of the eyes, ears, teeth, and breathing capacity of school children: De- claring the School for the Mute and Blind an educational institution, thus relieving them from the stigma of receiving public charity; a Factory Inspection Bill, requiring three inspectors, one of whom must be a woman; Creating a State Board of Immigration; Appropriating Five Thousand Dol- lars for the free distribution of diphtheria antitoxin; Creat- ing a Home for the Feeble-Minded and making an appro- priation therefor; Authorizing the donation of State lands for State charitable or philanthropic institutions; Validating the wills of married women; Making it a felony to live on the earnings of a prostitute; the Teachers' Pension Act, etc.; in the session of 1910 laws dealing with child labor; Raising the age of delinquency for girls; Compelling a man to sup- port his wife and children; Providing teaching of the adult blind; Making non-support an extraditable offence; pure food. In addition to the Acts of the Legislature, women were instrumental in ensuring the places of drinking fountains and garbage receptacles in the streets; forbidding of spit- ting in public places; enforcing child labor laws; forbidding the sale of liquor to minors and of tobacco to persons under 16. WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1819 IDAHO Males Females Total Population, 1910 185,546 140,048 325,594 Full equal suffrage and eligibility 1896 Number of women eligible 68,000 Percentage who vote 75 to 85 In 1898, 40 per cent of the total vote was cast by the women and three were elected to the Legislature, a creditable result in a State where men so greatly out-number women. Women in Official Positions. All offices are open to women and they have been elected to the House of Repre- sentatives and to various county and city offices. In 1900 the Legislature passed a bill exempting women from jury service, but this was vetoed by the Governor, in response to a protest from the women themselves. It is not customary for women to serve, however, except in special cases. Legislation. The following laws are among those passed since the granting of suft'rage: Law making gambling illegal (Idaho Laws of 1899, page 389) ; raising age of protection for girls to 18 (same, page 167) ; estab- lishing libraries and reading rooms, and authorizing a tax for their maintenance (Code of 1901, Sec. 994) ; requiring at least 3 per cent, of school fund appropriated each year to be applied to maintain school libraries, the books to be chosen from list compiled by State Board of Education (same, Sec. 106.5) : establishing a State Library Com- mission, consisting of the President of the State University, the State Superintendent of Public Instruction, the Secretary of State and the Attorney General (Laws of 1903; House Bill 164); providing for a department of domestic science in the State University (same, page 433 : Senate Bill 110) ; and for a course of lectures on domestic science in the Academy of Idaho (same, page 51 ; House Bill 52) ; estalilishing an Industrial Reform School (same, page 12 ; House Bill 20) : A Pure Food Act (same, page 95; House Bill 97) ; and giving a married woman the same right to control and dispose of her property as a married man (same, page 345: Senate Bill 35). A series of bills prepared under the direction of the State Board of Health, to prevent the sale of impure food and drugs, to provide for sanitary conditions in all places where food products are prepared or supplied to the public, and to care for the public health in other particulars (1911). A pure seed law and other measures designed to benefit the farmers (1911). i820 WOMAN SUFFRAGE UTAH Males Females Total Population, 1910 196,863 177,488 373,449 Equal suffrage during Territorial Days 1870-1877 Full equal suffrage and eligibility 1896 Number of women eligible 55 500 Percentage of women eligible who vote 85 to 90 Women in Official Positions. Women are eligible to all State offices. One woman was elected to the first State / Senate and several have been elected to the House of Repre- sentatives. In the present house there are four women. Women have been appointed in considerable numbers as county clerks, treasurers, recorders, auditors, assessors, and county superintendents of schools. _ Legislation. Since their enfranchisement Utah women have aided in securing measures providing for equal pay for equal work for teachers ; raising the age of protection for young girls to 18 ; estab- lishing free public libraries in cities and towns; requiring in all schools and educational institutions supported wholly or partly by public funds, systematic instruction in physiology and 'hygiene includ- i. , " ■ =• -' - *-' any •"•""-^ IV. buy, accept, or have in his possession, cigarettes, tobacco, opium or any other narcotic ; providing for the protection of dependent neglected, or ill-treated children, and for the punishment of the per- sons responsible ; requiring the establishment of kindergartens in towns of a specified size ; prohibiting traffic in women ; prohibiting the employment of children in certain industries; prohibiting the employment of women more than nine hours a day or fifty-four hours a week ; providing for medical examination of school children ; author- izing boards of health to take certain steps to protect the public against venereal disease ; providing for sanitary inspection of slaughter houses and other places where foodstuffs are prepared : forcing wife- deserters to pay a certain sum for the support of their families • giving local option on the liquor question. Women have practically the same rights over their independent property as men. In 1911, the following laws were passed: Prevent traffic in women- prohibiting the employment of any child under 14 years of age in any occupation dangerous to physical or moral welfare. WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1821 CALIFORNIA Male Female Total Population, 1910 1,322,978 1,054,571 2,377,549 Full equal suffrage and eligibility October 10th, 1911 Number of women eligible 670,967 Percentage of women eligible who vote 75 to 80 Number of Women Voting. In California, there are 125.5 men to every 100 women, and figures must be regarded in that light. In the municipal election in Los Angeles, 1911, 83,284 women registered in less than a month's time. One woman's club registered over 17,000 women in less than ten daj's. Ninety-five per cent of the registered women voted. In Sacramento at the presidential primary, a trifle over 40 per cent of registered women voted. Report of Berkeley, California, City Election, April 26, 1913 Total registration 18,597 Men registered 9,936 — 53% Women registered 8,661 — 46% Total vote 8,576 Men voted 4,874—56% Women voted 3,702^3% Percentage of registered men voting 49% Percentage of registered women voting 42.7% Percentage of total registration voting 46% In 16 out of Z2 precincts of the city practically 50 per cent. or more of the registered persons are women. In 8 precincts, one quarter of the city, women cast 50 per cent, or more of the vote. The larger women's vote was cast in precincts where the prosperous professional and business people reside. The smaller woman's vote was cast in the manufacturing and laboring section, notably along the water front. The average woman's vote was cast in the precincts where persons of modest means, clerks and mechanics, live. i822 WOMAN SUFFRAGE According to the "California Outlook" the total registra- tion in Los Angeles, qualified for the municipal election, was 171,025. The number of men registered was 97,186, or 56.9 per cent, of the total. The registration of the women footed up to 73,839, or 43.1 per cent, of the total. The total vote was 89,831 — only 52.5 per cent, of the regis- tration. The vote by men was 52,731. The vote by women was 37,100. The percentage of registered men voting was 54.2. The percentage of registered women voting was 50.2. The percentage of total vote cast by men was 58.7. The percentage of the total vote cast by women was 41.3. Legislation. The California Legislature fl913) -was tbe first to me(-t sincH women have had the ballot. It Is said to have made a finer record in the way of advanced legislation desired by women than the Legislatures of the past 25 years put together. Here is a list of its main achievements : The Mothers' Pension Law. granting aid to needy parents in order to keep the children at home rather than have them committed to institutions. The Health Certificate Law. requirins- a certificate of freedom from venereal diseases of all men, before obtaining marriage licenses. The Minimum Wase Law. creating a commission to investigate the conditions of industry of women and children, with power to invoke a minimum wage in industries paying less than a living wage. The Red Light Abatement and Injunction Law. placing the responsi- bility of disorderly houses upon thf owners and lessees rather than upon the inmates, and forbidding such houses. The Joint Guardianship Law, giving mothers equal rights over their minor children. The Juvenile Court Law, separating dependent from delinquent children. The extension of the Eight-hour Law for Women to include workers in apartment houses and nurses in training. The Age of Consent Law. raising the age from 16 to 18. The State Training School for Girls, providing a separate institution for girls, with the most approved correctional methods and thorough vocational training. The Teachers' Pension Law, granting pensions of $500 a year to all teachers who have been in service 30 years. The Net Container Law, specifying that packases shall show the amount of net contents. The Weights and Measures Law, providing for a complete standard of weights and measures and regular inspection of dealers. The Roberts bill, forbidding the destruction of anv foodstuff fit for human consumption. (All New York housekeepers groaned when they read of cargoes of fish being deliberately destroyed in order to keep the price up.j WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1823 The State Civil Service Law, bringing practically all State employees under the merit service. The creation of a State Housing and Immigration Commission to prepare for the coming of Immigrants with the opening of the Panama Canal. Prison Reform ; all sentences except for murder are made inde- terminate ; straitjackets and cold showers are prohibited, and arrange- ments are made for the payment of wages to State's prison convicts and for assistance to discharged prisoners. The Milk Inspection Law, providing for strict regulation of dairies. The White Slave Law, prohibiting traffic in women between counties. The Tuberculosis Law, providing for the reporting of all such cases. Amendment to the liquor laws, forbidding the sale of liquor between 2 and 6 a. m. The creation of a commission to investigate the question of old-age pensions. The Workman's Compensation Law, requiring compulsory compensa- tion for injuries, and establishing a system of State industrial insurance. The Water Conservation Law, establishing a Water Commission with authority over all water in the State. Conservation is a subject in which the women of California have taken keen interest. The Psychopathic Parole I>aw, providing for the parole of persons mentally abnormal but not dangerously insane, under the custody of psychopathic parole officers. The Bilf Board Law, limiting billboards to ten feet in height and prohibiting spite fences of more than that height. The Bastardy Law, requiring fathers to help support illegitimate children. A law providing for the sterilization of inmates of insane asylums and certain convicts. The creation of mosquito control districts. The requirement of the wife's signature to legalize the assignment of a man's wages. The amendment to the Child Labor Law raising the age limit of child workers from twelve to fifteen. Mrs. Seward A. Simons says in The Woman's Bulletin of Los Anpeles: " "This record shows in the most concrete form possible why women need the ballot and how they use their power for the conservation of humanity and the preservation of the home." WASHINGTON Male Female Total Population, 1910 658,663 483.327 1,141,990 Suffrage exercised by women for the Territorial legislature 1883-1887 School suffrage granted to women 1890 Full equal suffrage and eligibility 1910 Number of women eligible 170,000 Percentage eligible who vote 85 to 95 Women in Official Positions. Women are serving as mem- bers of the Legislature, state superintendent of schools, presi- dential elector, and in minor offices. i824 WOMAN SUFFRAGE Legislation. The following laws (1911 Legislature) have been largely due to the women voters: An eight hour bill for working women, excepting those employed in fruit and fish canneries; providing for the recall of state officers; restoration of supreme judgeships to direct primaries; an employers' liability bill, providing for the compensation of injured workmen or their dependents. This abolishes the doctrine of "contributory negligence" and takes the matter of -compensation out of the jurisdiction of the courts; providing for the commission plan of government for cities of from 2,500 to 20,000; the women's protests brought about the defeat of a bill legalizing prize fights. KANSAS Male Female Total Population, 1910 885.912 805,037 1,690,949 Limited school suffrage and eligibility for women 1861 Town Council and Town School Board suffrage and eligibility for women with the right to vote on the issue of bonds for school purposes 1887 Bond suffrage for women 1903 Full equal suffrage and eligibility for women Nov. 5th, 1912 Number of women eligible, about 400,000 Votes at Municipal Elections in Kansas Place. 1887. 1901. 1911. Men. Women. Men. Women. Men. Women. 253 cities 76,629 28,587 Kansas 3,956 1.042 8,900 4,582 Topeka 4,580 1,049 7,338 5,335 9,538 6,105 Fort Scott 1,273 425 1,969 1,270 Leavenworth ... 3,967 2,467 5,590 3,108 Wichita 3,312 2,964 Of the above returns those for the 253 cities were made up from official returns. Those of 1911 are official. Women in Official Positions. Fifty women have been WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1825 aldermen, five police judges, one city attorney. In 1896, a return from half the counties showed that twenty women were county superintendents of schools and 554 were serving on school boards. By 1900, about twenty-five women had been elected mayors of smaller towns; in several cases the whole board of aldermen were women. In 1910 forty-nine women were county superintendents of schools. ARIZONA Male Female Total 118,574 85,780 204,354 Population, 1910 School Board suffrage and eligibility for women 1885 Full equal suffrage and eligibility November 5th, 1912 Number of women eligible to vote, about 50,000 OREGON Male Female Total 384,265 288,500 672,765 Population, 1910 Woman suffrage for School Trustees and School Taxes 1878 Suffrage and eligibility to School Boards for women 1898 Full equal suffrage and eligibility Nov. 5th, 1912 Number of women eligible to vote, about 180,000 Legislation. In 1913, the minimum wage bill, the widows' pension bill, and the teacher's civil service bill was passed. ALASKA TERRITORY Population, 1910 64,356 Full equal suffrage 1913 Number of women eligible to vote 4,000 i826 WOMAN SUFFRAGE FACTS CONCERNING THE STATE HAVING LIMITED SUFFRAGE ILLINOIS Males Females Total Population, 1910 2,911,674 2,726,917 5,638,591 School eligibility 1873 Limited school suffrage 1891 Limited elective franchise 1913 Number of women eligible to vote, about 1,125,000 *THE BILL GRANTING LIMITED SUFFRAGE TO THE WOMEN OF ILLINOIS 48th G. A.— Senate Bill No. 63—1913 A BILL For an Act granting women the right to vote for presidential electors and certain other officers, and to participate and vote in certain matters and elections. Section 1. Be it enacted by the People of the State of Illinois, represented in the General Assembly: That all women, citizens of the United States, above the age of 21 years, having resided in the State one year, in the county ninety days, and in the election district thirty days next preceding any election therein, shall be allov^ed to vote at such election for Presidential Electors, member of the State Board of Equalization, Clerk of the Appellate Court, County Collector, County Surveyor, members of Board of Assessors, members of Board of Review, Sanitary District Trustees, and for all officers of cities, villages and towns (except police magistrates), and upon all questions or propositions sub- * Bill was introduced February 11, 1913, passed June 11, 1913, and became a law July 1, 1913. WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1827 mitted to a vote of the electors of such municipalities or other political divisions of this State. Sec. 2. All such women may also vote for the following township officers: Supervisors, Town Clerk, Assessor, Col- lector and Highway Commissioner, and may also participate and vote in all annual and special town meetings in the town- ship in which such election district shall be. Sec. 3. Separate ballot boxes and ballots shall be provided for women which ballots shall contain the names of the candidates for such offices which are to be voted for and the special questions submitted as aforesaid, and the ballots cast by women shall be canvassed with the other ballots cast for such officers and on such questions. At any such election where registration is required, women shall register in the same manner as male voters. LIST OF CHIEF OFFICES FOR WHICH WOMEN IN ILLINOIS MAY AND MAY NOT VOTE May vote for these (created by statute): National — Presi- dential electors. State — University trustees. County — Col- lector, surveyor, members board of assessors, members board of review, sanitary district trustees. Cities — Mayor, alder- men, city clerk, city treasurer, city attorney. Villages — Pres- ident village board, members board of trustees, village clerk, village treasurer. Townships — Supervisor, town clerk, high- way commissioner, assessors, collectors. Bonds and Little Ballot — On all propositions or questions submitted to vote to electors of municipalities or other political division. May not vote for these (created by Constitution): United States Senate, members of Congress, members of Legislature, governor, lieutenant governor, secretary of State, State au- ditor of public accounts. State treasurer, superintendent of public instruction, attorney general, judges of Supreme, Ap- pellate, Circuit, Superior, Probate and Criminal Courts and clerks of these courts; justices of the peace and police mag- 1 828 WOMAN SUFFRAGE istrates, constables. State's attorney, county commissioners, county judge, county clerk, sheriff, county treasurer, coroner, recorder of deeds. CANADA Males Females Total 3.821,050 3,383,742 7,204,772 Population, 1911 Municipal suffrage granted to women in — Ontario 1884 British Columbia 1888 New Brunswick 1886 Prince Edward Island 1888 Nova Scotia 1887 Quebec 1892 Manitoba 1888 Women have School Suffrage wherever it exists through- out Canada, and have eligibility except in Quebec. School suffrage granted to women: British Columbia 1891 Prince Edward Island 1899 School eligibility granted: British Columbia 1891 Nova Scotia 1895 New Brunswick 1893 Prince Edward Island 1899 (compulsory in 1896) County Council suffrage for women in New Brunswick since 1886 BRITISH HONDURAS Males Females Total Population 29,374 20,084 40,458 Municipal suffrage for women in capital town of Belize 1911 * < 1 t t WOMAN SUFFRAGE i8.-^i EUROPE SCANDINAVIA FINLAND Population according to the last census (.1909), 3,059,324. Alen. 1,520.810; Women, 1,538,514. Communal franchise (rural), without eligibility for women 1863 Communal franchise (urban), without eligibility for women 1872 Political franchise and eligibility for women 1907 Number of Those Number of Percentage of Qualified to Vote. Votes Recorded. Votes Recorded. I'par. Men. Women. Men. Women. Men. Women. 1907 606,802 666,071 No figures recorded. 1908 604,315 664,862 416,873 401,194 68.9 60.3 1909 623,202 681,888 439,347 412,780 70.5 60.5 1910 631.615 693.316 409,886 386,683 64.9 55.8 1911 612,811 707,247 419.491 387,603 65.3 54.8 Bills and Petitions Introduced by Number of Bills and Petitions Brought Into Women Deputies the Provincial Diet in the Years Relating to 1907, 1908 I. 1908 11. 1909 II. 1910. 1911. 1907-11. Rights of Women.. 8 11 12 9 6 5 51 Welfare of Children 10 8 7 5 1 2 33 Social, Church and Economic Quest's 4 16 18 15 13 14 20 Supreme Court 1 113 Total 22 35 37 30 21 22 167 NORWAY Population, 2,391,782. Men, 1,155,773; Women, 1,236,009. School vote and eligibility granted to women 1889 Communal vote and eligibility granted to women 1901 Vote and eligibility for the legislation granted to women 1907 Full suffrage 1913 1832 WOMAN SUFFRAGE SWEDEN Population, 5,521,943. Men, 2,698,975; Women, 2,822,968. Communal franchise without eligibility for unmar- ried women 1862 School Board franchise for women 1862 Ecclesiastical franchise for women 1862 School Board and Poor Law Relief Committee eligi- bility for women 1889 Eligibility of Women to Communal and Church Councils 1909 DENMARK Population, 2,757,076. Men, 1,337,900; Women, 1,419.176. Poor Law Boards franchise and eligibility for women 1907 Communal Franchise and Eligibility for women 1908 ICELAND Population, 85,188. Men, 41,083; Women, 44,105. Communal and ecclesiastical franchise for unmar- ried women 1882 Communal and ecclesiastical franchise and eligi- bility for women (married or unmarried) in Reykjavik and Hafnarfjordur 1908 Franchise and eligibility for all local bodies for women (married or unmarried) 1909 ISLE OF MAN Males Females Total Population, 1911 23,953 28,081 52,034 This small island lying equidistant from England, Scotland and Ireland has a legislative body of its own, the House of Keys, for which the right to vote was granted to women owners in 1881 and extended to women ratepayers in 1892. WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1833 THE UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND Males Females Total Population, 1911 22,012,872 23,352,727 45,365,599 England and Wales Males Females Total Population, 1911 17,448.476 18,626,793 36,075,269 Poor Law Guardians to be elected by ratepayers 1834 Municipal suffrage, but not eligibilitj^ provided for qualified women. Municipal Corporation Elec- tions Act (32 and 33 Vic. c. 55) 1869 School Board suffrage and eligibility for qualified unmarried women for the new established School Boards. The Education Act, 1870 (33 and 34 Vict. c. 75.). Right to sit as elected members taken away in 1902 when the duties of School Boards were handed over to the County Councils, to which women could not be elected. Education Act, 1902 1870 Woman elected as a Poor Law Guardian for the first time 1875 County Council suffrage (including that for the London County Council) but not eligibility, provided for qualified unmarried women in the Act establishing these bodies (51 and 52 Vic. c. 41) 1888 Urban and Rural District Council suffrage and eligibility for qualified women, married or un- married, by the Act establishing these bodies. The Act further removes the disability of mar- ried women to vote for Poor Law Guardians, deprives women of the right to vote as owners and provides that, in addition to the electors, residents shall also be eligible for election (56 and 57 Vict. c. 73) 1894 15 i834 WOMAN SUFFRAGE London Borough Councils substituted for London Vestries and women lose their right to sit but not their right to vote by the London Govern- ment Act, 1899 1899 London County Council suffrage disability of mar- ried women removed by the London County Council Electors Act (63 and 64 Vict. c. 29) 1900 Town Council, County Council (including the Lon- don County Council) and London Borough Council eligibility conferred on women by the Qualification of Women Act, 1907 (7 Ed. VIL c. 33) 1907 Scotland Males Females Total Population, 1911 2,307,60o 2,451,842 4.759,445 School Board suffrage and eligibility provided for qualified women for these newly established bodies by the Education (Scotland) Act, 1872 (35 and 36 Vict. c. 62) 1872 Town Council suffrage, but not eligibility, provided for qualified unmarried women by the Munic- ipal Electors (Scotland) Act, 1881 1881 County Council suffrage, but not eligibility, pro- vided for qualified unmarried women, when these bodies were established by the Local Gov- ernment (Scotland) Act, 1889 (52 and 53 Vic. c. 50) 1889 Parish Council suffrage and eligibility provided for qualified women, married or unmarried, when these bodies were established in place of the old Parochial Boards by the Local Govern- ment (Scotland) Act. 1894 (57 and 58 Vic. c. 58). These bodies act as Poor Law Guardians and correspond to the Boards of Guardians and District Councils of England, Wales and Ireland 1894 WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1835 Town Council suffrage disability of married women removed by the Town Council (Scotland) Act, 1900 (63 \'ic. c. 49) 1900 Town and County Council eligibility provided for qualified women, married or unmarried, by the Local Government (Scotland) Acts, 1907 (7 Ed. VII. c. 4 and c. 48) 1907 Ireland Alales Females Total Population, 1911 2.186,804 2,195,147 4,381,951 Poor Law Guardians to be elected by ratepayers bv the Poor Law Guardian (Ireland) Act (1 and 2 Vic. c. 56) 1837 Belfast Town Council suffrage granted to qualified women by a local Act 1887 Town Council suffrage granted to qualified women to the Councils of Blackrock and Kingston by local Acts 1894 Poor Law Guardian suffrage and eligibility pro- vided for qualified unmarried women (59 and 60 Vic. c. 5) 1896 County Councils, Town Councils and District (both Urban and Rural) Councils established; suffrage for qualified women, married or unmarried, provided for these Councils and for Boards of Guardians; eligibility for men or women, who are electors or residents, provided for the Dis- trict Councils but women not made eligible for election to Town or County Councils. Registration (Ireland) Act, 1898, Local Gov- ernment (Ireland) Act, 1898, and Adaptation Order, December 22nd, 1898 1898 Town Council and County Council eligibility for qualified women, married or unmarried, pro- vided by the Local Authorities (Ireland) Quali- fication of Women Act, 1911 1911 1836 WOMAN SUFFRAGE OTHER GERMANIC COUNTRIES GERMAN EMPIRE Population (according to the census of 1910), 64,903,423. Men, 32,031,967; Women, 32,871,456. Communal Franchise. In several German States women are allowed a very restricted vote for the representation of rural communes. As a rule they can only vote by proxy. In 1912, a ruling was made whereby married women under certain circumstances are allowed to vote. No eligibility. AUSTRIA Population, 28,571,934. Men, 14,034,022; Women, 14,537,912. Suffrage for Provincial Diet to tax-paying women, who are large landed proprietors. As a rule they vote by proxy. Very limited communal vote in some provinces. No com- munal eligibility. BOHEMIA Population, 6,769,548. Men, 3.307,633; Women, 3,461,855. The franchise and eligibility for women for the Provincial Diet 1861 Communal franchise for women except in Prague in Reinchenberg 1864 NETHERLANDS Population, 5,945,155. Men, 2,944,079; Women, 3,001,076. Communal franchise. The women of Holland are at pres- ent as totally excluded from any share in local government as they are from the political franchise. SWITZERLAND Population, 1910, 3,741,971. Women do not possess any electoral rights either in the Commune or in the State. WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1837 THE LATIN COUNTRIES FRANCE Population, 1911 36,601,509 Votes and Eligibility. French women are still excluded from all forms of political election. They, however, have some voting rights, and, in certain cases, are eligible for election. They have forms of suffrage in education, employment. Council of Experts, Commerce, Church and Mutual Insur- ance. They are eligible for appointment to the Poor Law Relief Councils, School Committees, and Charity Commit- tees. BELGIUM Population, 1910 (estimated December 31st, 1910) 6,693,584 Votes and Eligibility. Belgian women have no suflfrage rights, except for the Councils of E.xperts (Conseils Des Prud'Hommes), for which they gained the vote and eligibility in 1909. The Political Vote. The Communal Vote, which women had when Belgium and Holland were united, was taken from them when these countries separated. ITALY Population, 1911 34,687,000 Franchise. Italian women acquired the right to vote for Councils of Experts (Consiels de Prudhommes) in 1907, and for Councils of the Chambers of Commerce, in 1912. Eligibility. Women have been eligible to Poor Law Re- lief Committees (Commissions d'Assistance), since 1890; to Commercial Courts (Tribinaux de Commerce), since 1893; and to School Committees, since 1907. 1838 WOMAN SUFFRAGE SPAIN Population, 1910 19,588,688 No women sufifrage movement has yet arisen in Spain, not that the women take no interest in social questions, but because the majority of Spanish women who do take part in politics are free-thinkers. They wish first of all to oppose clericalism and to establish secular education. PORTUGAL Population, 5,975,000. The suffrage movement in Portugal is closely connected with the political situation m that country. The woman's movement was in its infancy when the leaders of the Repub- lican Party made an appeal to the women to come to their help in overthrowing the monarchy. The Republican League of Portuguese Women was founded, and was recognized as a political organization. This league played an important part in the establishing of the republic. The reward for their work was to be the political franchise. It caused both surprise and disappointment when the Franchise Bill brought in in 1911 excluded the women. Last year the senate adopted a bill conferring suffrage on all women over 25 on an edu- cational basis, but this has not been acted upon by the lower house. THE SLAVONIC COUNTRIES RUSSIA Total European Population, 1910 163,778,800 118,690,600 Municipal and Administrative Vote. Women do not them- selves vote either for the Municipal Councils or for the Pro- vincial Councils (zemstvo), but those who pay the land tax according to the conditions applicable in each province have, since 1866, had the right to vote by proxy through their hus- bands, brothers, sons, grandsons, or sons-in-law. WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1839 In the elections of the nobility a woman of the nobility- may appoint as her proxy a man of the nobility of the same district. For the management of schools there are several bodies. 1. School Boards have admitted women on the same terms as men as managers since 1874. Both men and women managers have the right to vote on questions concerning their school. 2. Committees set up by social, municipal or provincial (zemstvo) organizations have the power to consult experts of either sex and are as follows: (a) Preparatory Comrfiittees in which both men and women have the same right of voting. (b) Executive Committees on which only the members (municipal or provincial) take part. (c) Medical Committees of the province (zemstvo) on which women doctors have the same rights as men. This is true also of the towns, but there are very few municipal medical committees. Public Poor Relief Committees do not exist. There are, however, private philanthropic bodies, whose object is to help the poor, and whose members, men and women, have the same rights. Women have no votes for members of the Committees which impose the taxes. Political Vote. For the legislature (Douma Imperiale) women may not vote in person but may appoint as their proxies to vote for them their husbands, brothers, sons, grandsons, or sons-in-law. BULGARIA Population, 1910 4,329,108 Eligibility. In 1908, Bulgarian women were made eligible for appointment to School Councils, the bodies which ap- point both the men and the women teachers of the primary schools. This is the one victory in Bulgaria. 1840 WOMAN SUFFRAGE Suffrage Propaganda. Several different feminist societies, founded after 1889, combined in 1900, to form the Union of Bulgarian women, which became an auxiliary of the Inter- national Woman Suffrage Alliance in 1908. At a Congress held in 1908 it decided to work for the municipal franchise and instructed its Executive to organize a campaign. SERVIA Males Females Total Population, 1910 1,503,511 1,408,190 2,911,701 Woman Suffrage has been discussed in Servia for many years. In 1902, the Senate voted in favor of a bill conferring votes on women, but the tragic events immediately following prevented the ultimate adoption of the reform. It was not until 1909 that an Association for Woman Suffrage was founded. Its activities have been compulsorily in abeyance for several months (1913). The political parties seem to be all in favor of votes for women. OTHER EUROPEAN COUNTRIES HUNGARY Population, 20,886,487. Men, 10,345,333; Women, 10,541,154. Communal Franchise. In Hungary a woman who is of age, unmarried, a widow, or legally separated from her hus- band, possesses the active, indirect communal franchise on a property basis. That is to say she can vote, but not in per- son, only by means of a male proxy. ROUMANIA Estimated Population, 1910 6,966,000 Administrative Committees. Women have voted for School Committees since 1891, but possess no other electoral right. WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1841 Poor Relief is not nationally organized, but women play an important part in the administration of private charities for the relief of the poor. Political Vote. The question of woman suffrage has hardly arisen in Roumania. The Socialist Party, which stands for adult suffrage, is the only one which recognizes the principle of the political equality of the sexes. TURKEY— GREECE— MONTENEGRO Population: Turkey in Europe (mainland only) 6,130,200 Greece (1907) 2,631,952 Montenegro 250,000 Turkish women have no voting rights. It has not been possible to get any definite information re- garding Greece and Montenegro. AUSTRALIA AND NEW ZEALAND NEW ZEALAND Population, 1911 Males Females Total 1. Excluding Maories 531,910 476,558 1,008,468 2. Maories 28,475 23,369 49,844 School Board suffrage and eligibility granted to women 1877 Municipal suffrage and eligibility granted to women ratepayers 1886 Municipal suffrage and eligibility extended to the wives and husbands of ratepayers 1899 Parliamentary suffrage, but not eligibility, granted to women by the Electoral Act, 1893 1893 Number of women qualified to vote and voting. — Number of women qualified to vote is almost as great as the men. (See table, page 1842.) 1842 WOMAN SUFFRAGE <: H :3 w c/) W « Cm ^ W « fe w 0^ CO W W W 1 c/} > < ■^ ^ u OH '^ < Q Z u 1^ w ZEALA REPRES c < ►J < > N w 5 ^ ^ < w ^ w mo K H« H U) s w H -- u. 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