JNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA' * A ^> t y &^m>* iNIYERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA dV^T&- M ^y?/ HE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFOR HE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFOR -I i I , \ / X ^1 ^<-Bca>*^-tfr fajL* !^/C&. CTfe^VX--^ cL^<^ ^t^ t-fe^*^. MEMOIR OF THE LATE CAPTAIN PETER HEYWOOD, R. N. WITH EXTRACTS FROM HIS DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. BY EDWARD TAGART, l Who is the happy Warrior ? Who is he That every man in arms should wish to be ? 'Tis he whose law is reason ; who depends Upon that law as on the best of friends ; Who, if he rise to station of command, Rises by open means ; and there will stand On honourable terms, And therefore does not stoop, nor lip in wait For wealth or honours, or for worldly state ; A soul whose master- bias leans To homefelt pleasures and to gentle scenes. WORDSWORTH. LONDON : PUBLISHED BY EFFINGHAM WILSON, ROYAL EXCHANGE. 1832. SATHER PRINTED BY GEORGE SMALLF1ELD, HACKNEY. PREFACE. THE word c Memoir' is prefixed to this Volume only because the work appeared too long for a hum- bler title. Notices of Captain Heywood's life have already been laid before the public in Marshall's Naval Biography, in the United Service Journal for April 1831, and in the History of the Mutiny of the Bounty. Of these sources of information the author of this volume has freely availed himself; he trusts not in a manner for which this general acknowledgment will not be considered satisfactory. Having been favoured with the perusal of the family volume containing the transactions and correspon- dence which took place at the time of the trial, he had formed the design of drawing up a sketch of Captain Hey wood's character and eventful history before the two last-mentioned writings appeared. That correspondence is of itself quite worthy of appearing in a detached form. Had there been no important additions to make to what was already before the public, two inducements to attempt this presented themselves to his mind ; one, to afford to many of his own friends a portion of the pleasure which he had himself experienced in his acquaint- A 796944 ii PREFACE. ance with the subject of this Memoir, combined with 'some -particulars respecting him which they would probably never gain from any other source; the other, to avail himself of the interest attached to Captain Heywood's life, and the respect very wide- ly felt for his character, to draw attention to those religious views which certainly were a marked feature in that character, were mainly connected with his vigorous intellect and right feelings, and, in the author's opinion, are the only true founda- tion of that love to God and love to man which constitute the essence of the gospel. Yet the author is sensible that he owes some apology to Captain Hey wood's family, and to many respected friends, for venturing to set forth a work to which he cannot be qualified to do justice. With regard to Captain Heywood's merits as an officer, as a scientific, intelligent, and honourable member of the naval profession, he can merely re- peat what has been already said of him, or gather a little from some very imperfect memoranda. His contemporaries in the service are probably aware that he manifested talents of a very superior order on various occasions, which do not appear in any writings respecting him, and which, if they did ap- pear, the author of this volume, from his wholly different sphere of pursuit, would be incapable of properly appreciating. LIST OF CHARTS. THE following list of Charts, constructed by the late Captain P. Hey wood, of the Royal Navy, has been kindly furnished to the Author by Mr. Horsburgh. It appears to be a proper accompaniment to this volume. 1. A Chart of Rio de la Plata, with complete Sailing Directions for that river. The latter were published by the Committee of Lloyd's ; and are also inserted in Horsburgh's India Directory. The Chart has not been engraved. 2. A large Chart, in two sheets, of South Africa and the Madagascar Seas from the Cape of Good Hope to the Equator. Published by James Horsburgh. 3. A Chart of the Malabar Coast from Goa to Cape Comorin. Published by the late Mr. Dalrymple, Hydro- grapher to the Admiralty. 4. A Plan of Mergee River, on the Malabar Coast. Published by the late Mr. Dalrymple, Hydrographer to the Admiralty. 5. A Chart of the South and East Coast of Ceylon from Colombo, round to Point Pedro, the N.E. point Published at the Hydrographical Office, Admiralty. 6. A Survey made by himself, under the authority of Admiral Rainier, of Point Pedro Shoal, at the N.E. ex- tremity of Ceylon, and from thence along the Coast of Coromandel to Karical. Published by Mr. Dalrymple. 7. A Chart of the Bay of Bengal. Not engraved. 332 8. A Chart of the Coasts embracing the Gulf of Mar- taban. Not engraved. 9. A Survey of the Typa of Macao (Canton River). Published in 1826, by R. Laurie. 10. Track Chart among the Philippine Islands and Bashees. Not published. 11. A Chart of the Straits of Basseelan. Published by Mr. Dalrymple. 12. A Plan of Pollock Bay, Mindanao. Published by Mr. Dalrymple. 13. A Chart of the Straits and Islands near the West end of Timor. Not engraved. 14. A Chart of the Banda Sea, and dangers between Timor and New Holland, the latter explored by Captain Hey wood. Not published. 15. A Chart of Sangir and Togalando Passages, North of Celebes. Published by Mr. Dalrymple. Exclusive of the above, Captain Heywood delineated some other plans of shoals, and anchoring places, of which no copy is in my possession. But the positions or geo- graphical situations of many places and dangers, through- out the Eastern seas, were furnished to me by my late much-esteemed friend Captain Heywood, which, together with his valuable observations made in navigating those seas, have essentially contributed to render my Sailing Directory for the Indian navigation much more perfect than it would otherwise have been. JAMES HORSBURGH. G. SMALLFIELD, PRINTER, HACKNEY. PREFACE. iil Captain Hey wood was among the first who paid particular attention to the use of Chronometers at sea, and aided in bringing that art to perfection. The arrangement of the signals at present in use in the English Navy is understood to have been in- debted to him for some very beneficial suggestions. He constructed many valuable Charts of seas whose navigation was wholly unknown before he register- ed his observations. But perhaps his chief excel- lence as an officer was the activity and singleness of his attention to the duties of his station -his conscientiousness in their discharge together with an entire freedom from ordinary weaknesses of cha- racter, from selfish ends and aims, which gave him an easy superiority in command, and invariably at- tached all around him to his person. It was the author's chief wish to exhibit his cha- racter as a man. But for this also, his qualifica- tions are feeble. Acquainted with him only a short time before his death, and that when his health was declining, how many traits of character must have escaped his knowledge ! A great and good charac- ter, like one of nature's varied landscapes, may be admired at the first glance, but it requires to be seen in every variety of light and shade, to be again and again contemplated from one advantageous position and another, before all its value can be appreciated. How many scenes are there, that can never appear at first to the eye of the most ardent and tasteful IV PREFACE. lover of the beautiful works of God with that deep and peculiar feeling of fond admiration, that com- prehension of all their latent sources of interest and value, which time and familiarity have wrought for them in the heart of one who has been their com- panion from the rising to the going down of the sun, who has watched their varying aspect in stillness and in storm ! Captain Heywood's was no ordinary mind. With that reserve which is al- ways more or less the accompaniment of self-respect, never obtruding himself on the attention, he had 4 that within which passeth show/ He was one of those richly-endowed beings, with respect to whose minds every succeeding interview impresses upon you the conviction, that there is still many an un- discovered vein of valuable ore to become the prize of some further acquaintance. While the author confesses these disqualifica- tions, he will be happy to see his omissions sup- plied, his errors corrected, by others who have en- joyed superior opportunities. Aware that many of Captain Heyw r ood*s letters are in the possession of his friends, and that a large collection of them has been made, he has of course been often tempted to wish that he could have enriched his volume with more of Captain Hey wood's correspondence. The author owns he has no reason to make the observa- tion from experience ; but it is a difficult and deli- cate thing to apply as a stranger to strangers more PREFACE. V especially when the purpose of the applicant might be viewed with a very doubtful eye. He has been checked, too, by the remembrance of Captain Hey- wood's peculiar modesty and reserve, his disincli- nation to have his name and sentiments paraded before the public eye a disinclination sufficiently manifested by the fact that he destroyed a consider- able number of manuscripts before his death, per- haps the only materials for a faithful representation of his whole mind. To the Mutiny of the Bounty the author owes more than general acknowledgment. With a few verbal alterations, the general arrangement and con- necting links of the correspondence which took place previous to the trial have been adopted from that volume. It appeared unnecessary to attempt an improvement. But in the course of transcription for the press, some passages have escaped that refer- ence to their source which ought to have been ob- served, particularly the introduction of the quota- tion from Lord Byron, with the preceding remarks in the narration of the shipwreck of the Pandora, which appeared too apt to be torn from their asso- ciation ; and the observations on Christian's motives for detaining Hey wood, with the note, pp. 150 152. Yet in this part of the Memoir some addi- tions have been made to the correspondence from that family volume to which the historian of the Mutiny of the Bounty acknowledges his obligations. VI PREFACE. The author has only to add, that for the appear- ance of this volume and its contents he alone is re- sponsible. The diaries, from which some extracts are given, were entrusted to his hands by Mrs. Hey wood out of regard to the interest which that lady knew the author to feel in Captain Heywood's memory, and to enable him to see better what Cap- tain Heywood was, but without any view to publi- cation. Upon himself, therefore, must entirely rest the blame, if there be any, arising from their ap- pearance. He has endeavoured to avoid every thing w r hich could apply otherwise than pleasantly to any living individual. To have done otherwise would have been injustice to Captain Heywood's memory as well as to the parties concerned. He hopes that, although he may not have been successful in giving a perfect picture of this beloved and respected man, there may yet be found in this volume a sufficiently rude outline of his life and cha- racter to render it not unworthy the occasional con- templation of those who knew and loved him best. 4 Passing sweet are the domains of tender memory ;' and in these domains no spots are sweeter than the haunts of departed worth the spots where we can meet and converse again with the honoured and virtuous dead. ( vii ) CONTENTS. CHAP. I. Page Birth and parentage of Peter Hey wood makes his first voyage in the Bounty Mutiny unfavourable sentiments of Lieu- tenant Bligh Pandora sent in search of the Mutineers Heywood hastens on board the Pandora, and is confined in irons wreck of that vessel, and Heywood's sufferings Heywood's letter to his Mother from Batavia Miss N. Hey- wood's letters to Mr. Heywood, of Maristow, and Commo- dore Pasley Heywood's arrival at Portsmouth after great sufferings ----..---------- 1 52 CHAP. II. Correspondence of Peter Heywood with his Mother and Sisters during his confinement on board the Hector awaiting his trial letters from Commodore Pasley to Miss N. Heywood and Peter Miss N. Heywood anxious to visit her brother, but is dissuaded lines composed by Peter Heywood at Ota- heite Peter Heywood's letter to his Mother, correcting the story of his swimming off to the Pandora, and describing his conduct on the island letters from Colonel Holwell, Dr. Scott, and Commodore Pasley ..-. 53 95 CHAP. III. The trial evidence of the witnesses Mr. Heywood's defence Heywood found guilty, and is sentenced to death, but re- commended to mercy remarks Nessy Heywood's impa- tience to join her brother Mr. Graham's consolatory letter to Dr. Scott Heywood's letter to the same, expressing his resignation touching letter to his mother Nessy Heywood visits Mr. Graham in London Peter Heywood's remarks on material points of the evidence transmitted to the Earl of Chatham Nessy Heywood's letter accompanying them despatch of the warrant granting a full and free pardon to Heywood consequent correspondence Heywood's restora- tion to his family lines written by Mr. Heywood on the days of his condemnation and pardon 96 163 Vlll CONTENTS. CHAP. IV. Page Heywood re-enters the navy -his gradual promotion takes the command of the Vulcan at Amboyna surveys the island of Ceylon Admiral Rainier's honourable testimony to his services returns to England in company with James Hors- burgh, Esq. becomes Captain of the Polyphemus in 1806 proceeds to the Rio de la Plata description of Port Praya and Cape Town of the climate and country of Monte Video returns to England assists Mr. Horsburgh in constructing charts engaged for a short time on the French coast, and receives the thanks of the Admiralty for his conduct in the presence of a French squadron receives a commission for the Nereus, and joins Lord Collingwood in the Mediterra- nean procures the admission of British forces into the for- tress of Ceuta returns to England with the remains of Lord Collingwood employed in the Rio de la Plata on various confidential services account of Tristrian D'Acunha, Gough's Island, and Benguela observations on the contest between the Junta of Buenos Ayres and the Government at Monte Video various transactions on that station honourable tes- timonies of the British merchants to Captain Heywood's ser- vices returns home paper on the commerce to the Rio de la Plata is again employed on the South American station observations on the government and inhabitants of Buenos Ayres letters to Lord Melville on the state of Chili Capt. Heywood prevails on the Government of Buenos Ayres to permit the exportation of specie he returns to England, and again receives the thanks of the merchants for his re- marks on the Rio de la Plata is appointed to the command of the Montagu, and ordered to the Mediterranean letter describing his meeting with two unfortunate Taheitians opinions on American naval officers the Montagu paid off at Chatham seaman's farewell to H. M. S. Montagu Capt. Heywood retires from professional duty 164303 CHAP. V. Captain Hey wood's marriage letter to Lord Melville declining the rank of Commodore letter on the state of Greece and its subjection to the priesthood his moral excellence and religious views his last illness and death 304333 ERRATA. P. 94, Hue 12, for " sed tout," read set taut. P. 288, line 3 of note, for " meeting," read mutiny MEMOIR. CHAPTER I. PETER HEY WOOD, the fourth son of Peter John Heywood, Esq., was born at the Nunnery, near Douglas, on the 6th of June, 1773. His father was a Deemster of the Isle of Man, and Seneschal to his Grace the Duke of Athol. No particulars of his early years have reached us, except that he was educated by the Rev. Mr. Hunter, at Nantwich. Were it possible to trace the history of his boyish days, there is every thing in his subsequent life to inspire the belief, that he would be found honourably distinguished among his compeers by various traits of superior talent and generous disposition. At the early age of fifteen, he entered the Naval Service, on the llth of October, 1786. Even at that age he was the object, not only of the warmest affection, but of the entire confidence and unquali- fied esteem of his family. In the words of a be- loved sister, who will shortly be introduced to the reader's acquaintance, " Nothing but conviction from his own mouth could possibly persuade her, 2 that he would commit an action inconsistent with honour and duty." It is certain that his behaviour and letters, under the extraordinary and awful scenes of suffering which awaited him on his very entrance into life, display a strength and nobleness of soul to which no epitaph can do justice ; which must reflect great credit upon his domestic training, and, without other evidence, attract our respect towards that family of which he was a member. Indeed, his conduct and sentiments, whilst he was yet a boy, exhibit a spirit so rare and extraordinary, as almost to justify the conviction, that the natures of some human beings are of a superior quality, setting them at once above the common level of their species that, in the language of the great poet of human nature, "they are born great," and that circumstances are but the occasions of develop- ing this native greatness this inherent dignity, which attaches to them from the cradle to the grave. Peter Heywood made his first voyage as a Mid- shipman in the Bounty, a ship of about two hundred and fifty tons' burthen, which had been fitted up by government, under the care of Sir Joseph Bankes, for the purpose of conveying the Bread Fruit and other plants from Otaheite to the West Indies. This was done in consequence of the representations of the merchants and planters, that essential benefit would be derived from their introduction into the West-Indian colonies. On the 23d of December, 1787, the Bounty sailed from Spithead, under the command of Lieu- tenant William Bligh. The melancholy issue of the voyage is very generally known. For the details of its history, the character of Bligh, and the circumstances which sowed the seeds of discord between the crew and their commander, the reader may be referred to the twenty-fifth number of the Family Library, and Marshall's Naval Biography. It suffices here to mention, that, after a hazardous and unsuccessful attempt to sail round Cape Horn, the Bounty turned away towards the Cape of Good Hope, touched in Adventure Bay, Van Diemen's Land, August the 20th, 1788, and anchored in Matavia Bay, October 26th, where she remained six months. The vessel was on her way home, laden with bread fruit and other plants, in flourish- ing condition, having so far fulfilled the object of her voyage, when between the hours of 4 and 8, A. M., on the 28th of April, 1789, the unhappy catastrophe, fraught with so many terrible conse- quences, took place. Mr. Christian, the master's mate, who, in conse- quence of his skill as a seaman, had been doing lieutenant's duty the greater part of the voyage, was called at the appointed hour to relieve the watch. His mind had been deeply wounded by some angry and insulting words that had fallen from his com- mander in a dispute two days before ; and it ap- pears that he had formed the design of quitting the B 2 ship the first opportunity, having prepared with that view a stout plank and staves for a raft, deter- mined at all risks to commit himself to the waves. When he came on deck to take the command of the watch, he found the two midshipmen, who were mates of the watch, Hay ward and Hallet, asleep. Relying on the disaffection of many of the crew, he instantly changed his purpose of quitting, into the far more daring one of seizing the shi"p. Under pretence of wanting to shoot a shark, he obtained the keys of the arm chest from the gunner, and, placing arms in the hands of those whom he could trust, he effected his purpose without resistance and without delay. Lieutenant Bligh and eighteen innocent companions were cast adrift in the launch, a boat scarcely large enough to sustain the burthen ; with such scanty provisions as the compassion of the more tender-hearted part of the crew supplied, and opportunity enabled them to throw into the boat. To the astonishment of all concerned, and of those, too, who read the interesting account of their sufferings in one of the most extraordinary voyages eyer made, twelve out of the nineteen lived to reach their country and their homes. Young Heywood, now in his sixteenth year, awoke from his sleep in the midst of these transac- tions. To his surprise, his eye was caught by the un- usual sight of a seaman sitting on an arm-chest, with a drawn cutlass in his hand. In reply to his in- quiries respecting the cause of it, he heard that the ship had been taken from the captain, who was already confined, and was to be sent home a pri- soner. Heywood then ran on deck, and in a stupor of amazement beheld the proceedings. For some minutes he stood uncertain whether to com- mit himself to what appeared to be certain death, by going with his lieutenant in the boat, or to remain in the ship ; but, as was natural, he inclined to the latter. Upon the representation of a com- panion of the probable danger of remaining, he ran down to his berth to fetch some clothes, with a final resolution of accompanying the launch, when his companion, Mr. Stewart, and himself were forcibly kept below by one of the crew named Churchill, who presented a pistol at the breast of the first that attempted to mount. Thus Mr. P. Heywood, who had not yet completed his sixteenth year, and of whom Lieutenant Bligh declares, that previous to this time, " his conduct had always given him much pleasure and satisfaction," arid upon whom it really appears, that his greatest hopes of sup- pressing the mutiny rested, was numbered with the guilty mutineers, " compelled, by circumstances over which he had no controul, to associate for a time with the misguided men who so grossly offended against the laws of their country." Lieutenant Bligh, singularly preserved from a complication of dangers, landed at the Isle of Wight on the 14th of March, 1790. Soon after his arrival he published a Narrative of the Voyage and Mutiny, in which every thing is naturally represented in the light most favourable to himself; and great allow- ance must surely be made for the colouring of a mind exasperated, by the remembrance of suffering, against the authors of his losses and disappoint- ments, and of all the miseries which he and his com- panions endured. But, as the author of the History of the Mutiny justly observes, no excuse can be found for one who deeply and unfeelingly, without provocation and in cold blood, inflicts a wound on the heart of a widowed mother, already torn with anguish and tortured by suspense for a beloved son, whose life w r as in imminent jeopardy. About the end of March, 1790, two months subsequent to the death of a most beloved and lamented husband, Mrs. Heywood received the af- flicting information, but by report only, of a mutiny having taken place on board the Bounty. In that ship Mrs. Heywood's son had been serving as mid- shipman, who, when he left his home in August, 1787, was under fifteen years of age, a boy de- servedly admired and beloved by all who knew him, and to his own family almost an object of adoration, for his superior understanding and the amiable qualities of his disposition. In a state of mind little short of distraction, on hearing this fatal in- telligence, which was at the same time aggravated by every circumstance of guilt that calumny or malice could invent with respect to this unfortunate youth, who was said to be one of the ringleaders, and to have gone armed into the captain's cabin, his mother addressed a letter to Captain Bligh, dictated by a mother's tenderness, and strongly expressive of the miseries she must necessarily feel on such an occasion. The following is Bligh's reply : 'London, Aprils, 1790. c MADAM, ' I received your letter this day, and feel for you very much, being perfectly sensible of the extreme distress your must suffer from the conduct of your son Peter. His baseness is beyond all description, but I hope you will endeavour to prevent the loss of him, heavy as the misfortune is, from afflicting you too severely. I imagine he is, with the rest of the mutineers, returned to Otaheite. 4 1 am, Madam, (Signed) c WM. BLIGH.' Colonel Holwell, the uncle of young Heywood, had previously addressed Bligh on the same melan- choly subject, to whom he returned the following answer : ' March 26, 1790. c The only way of accounting for this ferocity of sentiment towards a youth, who had in point of fact no concern in the mutiny, is by a reference to certain points of evidence given by Hayward, Hal- lat, and Purcell on the court-martial, each point wholly unsupported. Those in the boat would no doubt, during their long passage, often discuss the conduct of their messmates left in the Bounty, and the unsupported evidence given by these three was well calculated to create in Blights mind a prejudice against young Heywood ; yet, if so, it affords but a poor excuse for harrowing up the feelings of near and dear relatives/ The following letters exhibit a very different spirit, but shew how dark was the view which even those most interested in young Heywood's favour took of his conduct and situation. * Mutiny of the Bounty. W.S. STANHOPE, JSs^., to Capt. SHUTTLEWORTH. 4 Grosvenor Square, April 13, 1790. 4 MY DEAR S. 4 I have made all the inquiries I could respecting the ship Bounty and the circumstances of the late Mutinv / c With respect to young Heywood in particular, I have been able to learn nothing further than that, as he was not one of those who were sent off with Captain Bligh, he is presumed to be among the mutineers. The consequence of such a mutiny is very alarming, of which his friends appear to be very sensible ; but, on the other hand, the particular circumstances of this mutiny are unknown, the possibility that young Heywood may have had little to do with it, but have been kept on board on ac- count of his youth, the possibility also of escape, and in case of the worst, there being, I believe, a senior officer to him on board in the same predica- ment, who is nearly related to a man in high office, are circumstances which may administer some little hope of comfort to his family in their present dis- tressful state/ His warmly-attached sister, Miss Nessy Hey- wood, with an ardour peculiarly her own, and with a pen that never rested in his service, from the first delayed not to make every inquiry respecting her brother. Her uncle, J. M. Heywood, Esq., thus replies to that young lady : 10 c London, April 14, 1790. c DEAR MADAM, * I should have given an earlier answer to the favour of your letter if I had not waited to see Lieut. Bligh. I yesterday had the good fortune to meet with him, when I obtained all the intelligence I could respecting your unfortunate brother. When I inquired what his behaviour and conduct had been previous to the arrival of the ship at Otaheite, he told me he had no reason to find any fault with him, but expressed his astonishment at his having been of the number of those who deserted, after having shewn him always great kindness and attention. I believe Mr. Bligh and the whole of the ship's crew, who came away with him, are unanimous in ascrib- ing this horrid transaction to the attachments un- fortunately formed to the women of Otaheite. He has no idea of any other, and believes that the plan of the mutiny had not been concerted many days before it was carried into execution. He particu- larly told me that your brother was not one of those who entered his cabin, which circumstance gave me great satisfaction I have only to add that I sincerely sympathize in the sufferings of poor Mrs. Heywood and your whole family. It is happy for her that she is ignorant of the true cause of your brother's not returning ; * and I hope she will ever remain so. As the unfortunate and uncommon * Mr. Bligh's letter to Mrs. Heywood was concealed from her. 11 situation into which his strange conduct has thrown him, may prevent, for a length of time at least, his return to England, the only consolation I can hold out to you is, that when he does return, his general good conduct and character, previous to this unhappy business, may, with some allowance for the un- bridled passions of youth, plead for his pardon* You must have the philosophy at present to con- sider him as lost for ever. But I trust that Provi- dence will restore him to you, and enable him by his future good behaviour to make atonement to his country, and to those shipmates who have suffered such extreme hardships, and so narrowly escaped death. With my best wishes to all your family, 6 I remain, my dear Madam, 6 Your most faithful, humble servant, ' J. M. H.' The following letter from Mr. Hallet, one of the midshipmen, who came home with Lieutenant Bligh, though dated somewhat later, may be placed here to shew how the feelings of the Heywood family were harassed by the worst views of Peter's con- duct. Mr. HALLET to Miss N. HEYWOOD. c Loch Ryan, 29^ March, 1792. c MADAM, c Your affecting letter of the 15th February did not come to hand till the 15th of this month, which 12 I take the earliest opportunity of answering, and assure you that I sympathize strongly in your grief, and will, as far as in me lies, answer your different interrogations. I shall begin with saying, that be- fore the unfortunate period at which the mutiny in the Bounty took place, the conduct of your brother was such as to have procured him our universal esteem. But what were the unpropitious motives by which he was induced to side with the criminal party, I am totally ignorant of, nor can I (as you may readily conceive it was a time of great confu- sion among us) declare positively the part he acted in it. Should I ever be called upon to give my evidence, w r hich you must be sensible will be a dis- tressing thing for a person to give against those with whom he had formerly lived in habits of inti- macy, notwithstanding the friendship I had for your brother, I shall be strictly bound by oath to adhere to truth, though I hope, if ever a trial should take place, that the consideration of his youth, at the time he committed the rash act, which might, as has too frequently been the case, lay him open to be led away with wrong notions by those who had arrived at more mature years, will plead with the jury in his favour. 4 I am, Madam, 4 Your most obedient, humble servant, 4 J. HALLET/ 4 His Majesty's government were no sooner made 13 acquainted with the atrocious act of piracy and mutiny, than it determined to adopt every possible means to apprehend and bring to condign punish- ment the perpetrators of so foul a deed. For this purpose the Pandora frigate, of twenty-four guns, and one hundred and sixty men, was despatched, under the command of Captain Edward Edwards, with orders to proceed, in the first instance, to Ota- heite, and not finding the mutineers there, to visit the different groups of the Society and Friendly Islands, and others in the neighbouring parts of the Pacific, using his best endeavours to seize and bring home in confinement the whole or such part of the delinquents as he might be able to discover/* On the 23d of March, 179 1 5 just eighteen months after the Bounty's last departure from Matavia Bay, the Pandora arrived there in search of that ill-fated ship. Scarcely had she anchored when Messrs. Heywood and Stewart paddled off in a canoe, and made themselves known to her commander, who instantly ordered them to be put both legs in irons, and treated them as though they had been c piratical villains/ as he then thought proper to designate them ; a sufficient proof that Lieutenant Bligh, when reporting the loss of his ship, had made no discrimination between the innocent and the guilty. The other survivors of the Bounty, twelve in number, who were then at Otaheite, being shortly * Mutiny of the Bounty. after collected from different parts of the island, handcuffs were made and fitted to the wrists of the whole party ; and a sort of prison, appropriately styled Pandora's Box, being only eleven feet in length, was built upon the after-quarter of the deck, in order that they might be kept separate from the crew, and the more effectually prevented from hav- ing any communication with the natives. Such of those friendly creatures as ventured to look pitifully towards them, were instantly turned out of the ship, and never again allowed to come on board. Two sentinels were kept constantly upon the roof of the prison, with orders to shoot the first of its inmates who should attempt to address another in the Otaheitian dialect. A midshipman was sta- tioned in front of the bulk-head, through which the only air admitted found its way by two iron gratings, each about nine inches square. The mas- ter-at-arms received directions not to converse with the prisoners on any other subject than that of their provisions. Spare hammocks supplied the place of beds until they became crowded with vermin, after which the sufferers were obliged to sleep on the bare deck. The heat of the prison, during calm weather, was so intense that the perspiration ran in streams from their bodies ; and to add to their mi- sery, they were incessantly assailed by the effluvia proceeding from two tubs placed near them. In short, nothing was wanting to render their situation truly deplorable. 15 From Otaheite the Pandora proceeded to the westward, cruising among the different islands in her route, but without gaining any intelligence of the Bounty. During this search she lost a mid- shipman, and several men who were blown out to sea, when returning from Palrnerstoii's Isles in the jolly boat, and thereby exposed to a lingering death, through hunger. The schooner which had been built by the Bounty's people, and commissioned as a tender by Captain Edwards, also parted company in a gale of wind ; but after encountering many dangers, succeeded in reaching the island of Java. c The Pandora arrived on the 29th of August on the coast of New Holland, and close to that extra- ordinary reef of coral rocks, called the 6 Barrier Reef/ which runs along the greater part of the eastern coast, but at a considerable distance from it. Her second lieutenant was immediately sent to ascertain if any opening existed through which she could pass. At 5 P.M. he made a signal in the affirmative, but Captain Edwards wishing to be well informed on the subject, continued lying too until 7 o'clock, by which time the current had set the ship so near to the reef, that soundings were obtained with fifty fathoms of line, although no bottom could previously be found with more than double that quantity. The main-yard was then braced up, in order to stand off; but before the courses could be set, she struck with great violence upon a patch of coral, and almost instantly bilged. 16 The sails were scarcely furled, and boats hoisted out, when the carpenter reported that she had nine feet water in the hold. ' Three of the Bounty's people, Coleman, Nor- man, and M'Intosh, were now let out of irons, and sent to work at the pumps. The others offered their assistance, and begged to be allowed a chance of saving their lives ; instead of which, two addi- tional sentinels were placed over them, with orders to shoot any who should attempt to get rid of their fetters. Seeing no prospect of escape, they betook themselves to prayer, and prepared to meet their fate, every one expecting that the ship would soon go to pieces, her rudder and part of the stern-post being already beat away. c About ten o'clock, however, she beat over the reef, and was brought to an anchor in fifteen fathoms water. At this dreadful crisis, the wind blowing very strong, and the ship surrounded by rocks and shoals, all the people who could be spared from the pumps were employed thrumbing a sail to fodder her bottom ; but this scheme was soon abandoned in consequence of one of the chain pumps giving way, and the water gaining rapidly upon the other, which rendered it necessary for every person to bale at the hatchways in order that she might be kept afloat till day-light. Whilst thus engaged, one man was crushed to death by a gun breaking loose, and another killed by a spar falling from the skids into the waist. All the boats excepting one, were in If the mean time kept at a distance from the ship on account of the broken water, and the high surf run- ning near her. c About half an hour before day-break, a consulta- tion was held among the officers, who were unani- mously of opinion that nothing more could be done to save the ship, and that every effort should be directed towards the preservation of the crew. Spars, hen-coops, and every thing buoyant, were accord- ingly thrown overboard to afford them support till the boats could come to their aid ; but no notice was taken of the prisoners, although Captain Ed- wards was entreated by Mr. Heywood to have mercy upon them, when he passed over their prison to make his own escape, the ship then lying on her broadside, with the larboard bow completely under water. Fortunately, the master-at-arms, either by accident or design, when slipping from the roof of " Pandora's Box" into the sea, let the keys of the irons fall through the scuttle or entrance, which he had just before opened, and thus enabled them to commence their own liberation, in which they were generously assisted, at the imminent risk of his own life, by William Moulter, a boatswain's mate, who clung to the coamings, and pulled the long bars through the shackles, saying he would set them free, or go to the bottom with them. 4 Scarcely was this effected when the ship went down, leaving nothing visible but the top-mast cross-trees. The master-at-arms and all the sen- 18 tinels sunk to rise no more. The cries of them and the other drowning men were awful in the extreme ; and more than half an hour had elapsed before the survivors could be taken up by the boats. Among the former were Mr. Stewart, John Sumner, Richard Skinner, and Henry Hillbrant, the whole of whom perished with their hands still in manacles. 'On this melancholy occasion, Mr. Hey wood was the last person but three who escaped from the pri- son, into which the water had already found its way through the bulk-head scuttles. Jumping over- board, he seized a plank, and was swimming towards a small sandy quay (key) about three miles distant, when a boat picked him up, and conveyed him thi- ther in a state of nudity. It is worthy of remark, that James Morrison endeavoured to follow his young companion's example, and, although hand- cuffed, managed to keep afloat until a boat came to his assistance. 'This account would appear almost incredible. It is true, men are sometimes found to act the part of inhuman monsters, but then they are generally actuated by some motive or extraordinary excite- ment ; here, however, there was neither ; but on the contrary, the condition of the poor prisoners ap- pealed most forcibly to the mercy and humanity of their jailor. The surgeon of the ship states, in his account of her loss, that as soon as the spars, booms, hen-coops, and other buoyant articles, were cut loose, " the prisoners were ordered to be let out of 19 irons." One would imagine, indeed, that the offi- cers on this dreadful emergency would not be wit- ness to such inhumanity, without remonstrating effectually against keeping those unfortunate men confined a moment beyond the period when it be- came evident that the ship must sink. It will be seen, however, presently, from Mr. Heywood's own statement, that they were so kept, and that the brutal and unfeeling conduct which has been im- puted to Captain Edwards is but too true. c It is an awful moment when a ship takes her last heel, just before going down. When the Pandora sunk, the surgeon says, " the crew had just time to leap overboard, accompanying it with a most dread- ful yell. The cries of the men drowning in the water was at first awful in the extreme ; but as they sunk and became faint, they died away by degrees." How accurately has Byron described the whole progress of a shipwreck to the final catastrophe ! He might have been a spectator of the Pandora, at the moment of her foundering, when f She gave a heel, and then a lurch to port, And, going down head foremost sunk Then rose from sea to sky the wild farewell ! Then shriek'd the timid and stood still the brave ; Then some leap'd overboard with dreadful yell, As eager to anticipate their grave ; And the sea yawn'd around her like a hell, And down she suck'd with her the whirling wave, Like one who grapples with his enemy, And strives to strangle him before he die. c 2 20 And first one universal shriek there rush'd Louder than the loud ocean, like a crash Of echoing thunder ; and then all was hush'd, Save the wild wind and the remorseless dash Of billows ; but at intervals there gush'd, Accompanied with a convulsive splash, A solitary shriek the bubbling cry Of some strong swimmer in his agony.' The survivors being all assembled on a sandy key, only ninety yards long and sixty wide, it was found that thirty-nine men, including the above, had met with a watery grave. The only articles of provision saved from the wreck were three bags of biscuit, a small keg of wine, and several barracoes of water : the number of persons to subsist thereon was ninety-nine, and the distance they had to pro- ceed in four open boats, before a fresh supply could be hoped for, at least 1100 miles. Thus circum- stanced, the strictest economy became necessary, and orders were accordingly given that only two ounces of bread and one gill of wine, and the same quantity of water, should be served to each man, once in twenty-four hours. The weight of the bread was accurately ascertained by a musket-ball and a pair of wooden scales made for each boat. The boats 5 sails were now r converted into tents for the Pandora's crew, most of whom had landed in a very exhausted state, and required a little rest previous to their departure. The prisoners, how- ever, were kept at a distance from them without the least covering to protect their naked bodies 21 from a vertical sun by day, and the chilling effect of heavy dews at night. A spare sail, which was lying useless in the key, being refused them by Captain Edwards, they tried the experiment of burying themselves neck deep in the sand, which caused the skin to blister and peel off from head to foot, as though they had been immersed in scalding water. The excruciating torture -which they suf- fered from thirst, aggravated as it had been by in- voluntarily swallowing salt water, whilst swimming from the wreck, was, if possible, increased by the* sight of rain and their total inability to catch any of it. Exposed in this manner to alternate heat and cold in the latitude of 1 1 S., some conception may be formed of their sufferings, but words will be found wanting to describe them. The damages sustained by one of their boats having been repaired, and such other preparations made for the voyage as circumstances would admit, the whole party embarked on the 31st of August, and proceeded towards the island of Timor, which they saw on the 13th of the following month. In a miserable condition they arrived at the fort of Coupang on the night of the 15th of September. Whilst there, Mr. Heywood and the other thirteen prisoners were closely confined in the castle, but al- though for several days treated with great rigour by their Dutch gaolers, they do not at any time appear to have suffered so many privations at once, as when in the sole custody of a British captain. 22 Having remained here three weeks, they embarked on the 6th of October in the Rembaug, a Dutch Indiaman, and on the 30th anchored at Samarang. On the 7th of November they arrived at Batavia, after a very dangerous passage of thirty-three days, during which the ship was twice nearly driven on shore, and proved so leaky as to render it necessary for every person on board to work at the pumps, a species of liberty which the prisoners were allowed to enjoy until their strength entirely failed them, when they were again placed in irons, and suffered to rest their weary limbs on an old sail, alternately soaked with rain, salt water, and the drainings of a pig-stye, under which it was spread. At Batavia, Captain Edwards distributed the purchase-money of the schooner among his people, in order that they might furnish themselves with nankeen apparel : and the prisoners, having their hands at liberty, availed themselves of this opportu- nity to obtain some articles of clothing by making straw hats for sale, and acting as tailors for those who had become comparatively rich by the produce of their labour as shipwrights. It was in a suit thus purchased that Mr. Hey wood arrived at Spit- head, after an absence of four years and a half, all but four days. At Batavia, Hey wood availed himself of the first opportunity to write to his mother. The following letter was sent off by one of the Pandora's men, who was to sail in the first ship. It breathes a spirit 23 of manly fortitude and resignation, and shews that his mind had attained no common strength. The charges of ingratitude, mutiny, and desertion, under which he knew himself to be suffering, were suffi- cient of themselves to shake the strongest nerves ; and the patience arid fortitude evinced by him at that early period of life, excited the just admiration of his family and friends. But the uses of adversity, in a form, too, that w r ould have crushed a weaker frame either of body or of mind, had been already sweet to him. His tender youth passed through these, and even more appalling scenes, not only unscathed, but rising superior to difficulties, as if the enmity of fate had no power to disturb an equa- nimity and rectitude of feeling which philosophy and religion aspire, too often in vain, to teach ; or rather, as if a chastening but protecting Providence had addressed him w r ith the words, 6 My son, give me thine heart/ and had designed to shew in him how well that voice could be obeyed. < Batavia, November 20//2, 1791. ' MY EVER-HONOURED AND DEAREST MOTHER, ' At length the time has arrived when you are once more to hear from your ill-fated son, whose conduct, at the capture of that ship in which it was my fortune to embark, has, I fear, from what has since happened to me, been grossly misrepresented to you by Lieutenant Bligh, who, by not knowing the real cause of my remaining on board, naturally 24 suspected me, unhappily for me, to be a coadjutor in the mutiny ; but I never, to my knowledge, whilst under his command, behaved myself in a manner unbecoming the station I occupied, nor so much as even entertained a thought derogatory to his honour, so as to give him the least grounds for entertaining an opinion of me so ungenerous and undeserved ; for I flatter myself he cannor give a character of my conduct, whilst I was under his tuition, that could merit the slightest scrutiny. Oh ! my dearest mother, I hope you have not so easily credited such an account of me ; do but let me vin- dicate my conduct, and declare to you the true cause of my remaining in the ship, and you will then see how little I deserve censure, and how I have been injured by so gross an aspersion. I shall then give you a short and cursory account of what has hap- pened to me since ; but I am afraid to say a hun- dredth part of what I have got in store, for I am not allowed the use of writing materials, if known, so that this is done by stealth ; but if it should ever come to your hands it will, I hope, have the desired effect of removing your uneasiness on my account, when I assure you, before the face of God, of my innocence of what is laid to my charge. How I came to remain on board was thus : 4 The morning the ship was taken, it being my watch below, happening to awake just after day- light, and looking out of my hammock, I saw a man sitting upon the arm-chest in the main hatchway, 25 with a drawn cutlas in his hand, the reason of which I could not divine ; so I got out of bed and inquired of him what was the cause of it. He told me that Mr. Christian, assisted by some of the ship's com- pany, had seized the captain and put him in con- finement ; had taken the command of the ship and meant to carry Bligh home a prisoner, in order to try him by court-martial, for his long tyrannical and oppressive conduct to his people. I was quite thunderstruck ; and hurrying into my berth again, told one of my messmates, whom I awakened out of his sleep, what had happened. Then dressing myself, I went up the fore-hatchway, and saw what he had told me was but too true ; and again I asked some of the people, who were under arms, what was going to be done with the captain, who was then on the larboard side of the quarter-deck, with his hands tied behind his back, and Mr. Christian alongside him with a pistol and drawn bayonet. I now heard a very different story, and that the captain was to be sent ashore to Tofoa in the launch, and that those who would not join Mr. Christian, might either accompany the captain, or would be taken in irons to Otaheite and left there. The relation of two stories so different, left me unable to judge which could be the true one ; but seeing them hoisting the boats out, it seemed to prove the latter. c In this trying situation, young and inexperienced as I was, and without an adviser, (every person being as it were infatuated, and not knowing what 26 to do,) I remained for awhile a silent spectator of what was going on ; and after revolving the matter in my mind, I determined to choose what I thought the lesser of two evils and stay by the ship ; for I knew that those who went on shore, in the launch, would be put to death by the savage natives, whereas the Otaheitans being a humane and generous race, one might have a hope of being kindly received, and remain there until the arrival of some ship, which seemed, to silly me, the most consistent with reason and rectitude. < While this resolution possessed my mind, at the same time lending my assistance to hoist out the boats, the hurry and confusion affairs were in, and thinking my intention just, I never thought of going to Mr. Bligh for advice ; besides, what confirmed me in it was, my seeing two experienced officers, when ordered into the boat by Mr. Christian, desire his permission to remain in the ship, (one of whom, my own messmate, Mr. Hayward,) and I being assisting to clear the launch of yams, he asked me what I intended to do. I told him, to remain in the ship. Now this answer, I imagine, he has told Mr. Bligh I made to him ; from which, together with my not speaking to him that morning, his sus- picions of me have arisen, construing my conduct into what is foreign to my nature. 6 Thus, my dearest mother, it was all owing to my youth and unadvised inexperience, but has been interpreted into villany and disregard of my coun- 27 try's laws, the ill effects of which I at present, and still am to, labour under for some months longer. And now, after what I have asserted, I may still once more retrieve my injured reputation, be again reinstated in the affection and favour of the most tender of mothers, and be still considered as her ever dutiful son. < How it grieves me to think I must be so expli- cit when I have such a burthen to go on with ! but necessity obliges me. However, to continue my relation : 6 I was not undeceived in my erroneous decision till too late, which was after the captain was in the launch ; for while I was talking to the master-at- arms, one of the ringleaders in the affair, my other messmate whom I had left in his hammock in the berth, (Mr. Stewart,) came up to me, and asked me, if I was not going in the launch. I replied, No upon which he told me not to think of such a thing as remaining behind, but take his advice and go down below with him to get a few necessary things, and make haste to go with him into the launch ; adding that, by remaining in the ship, I should incur an equal share of guilt with the mutineers them- selves ; upon which he and the master-at-arms had some altercation about my messmate's intention of going into the boat. I reluctantly followed his ad- vice I say reluctantly, because I knew no better, and was foolish ; and the boat swimming very deep in the water the land being far distant the thoughts 28 of being sacrificed by the natives and the self-con- sciousness of my first intention being just all these considerations almost staggered my resolution ; how- ever, I preferred my companion's judgment to my own, and we both jumped down the main-hatchway to prepare ourselves for the boat but no sooner were we in the berth than the master-at-arms ordered the sentry to keep us both in the berth till he should receive orders to release us. We desired the master- at-arms to acquaint Mr. Bligh of our detention, which we had reason to think he never did, nor were we permitted to come on deck until the launch was a long way astern. I now, when too late, saw my error. 6 At the latter end of May we got to an island to the southward of Taheite, called Toobouai, where they intended to make a settlement, but finding no stock there of any kind, they agreed to go to Ta- heite, and, after procuring hogs and fowls, to return to Toobouai and remain. So, on the 6th June, we arrived at Taheit6, where I was in hopes I might find an opportunity of running away, and remaining on shore ; but 1 could not effect it, as there was always too good a look-out kept to prevent any such steps being taken. And besides, they had all sworn that should any one make his escape, they would force the natives to restore him, and would then shoot him as an example to the rest ; well knowing that any one by remaining there might be the means (should a ship arrive) of discovering their place of 29 abode. Finding it therefore impracticable, I saw no other alternative but to rest as content as pos- sible and return to Toobouai, and there wait till the masts of the Bounty should be taken out, and then take the boat, which might carry me to Taheite, and disable those remaining from pursuit.* But Provi- dence so ordered it, that we had no occasion to try our fortune at such a hazard, for, upon returning there and remaining till the latter end of August, in which time a fort was almost built, but nothing could be effected ; and as the natives could not be brought to friendly terms, and with whom we had many skirmishes, and narrow escapes from being cut off by them, and, what was still worse, internal broils and discontent, these things determined part of the people to leave the island and go to Taheit, which was carried by a majority of votes, 4 This being carried into execution on the 22d September, and having anchored in Matavai bay, the next morning my messmate (Mr. Stewart) and I went on shore, to the house of an old landed pro- prietor, our former friend ; and being now set free from a lawless crew, determined to remain as much apart from them as possible, and wait patiently for the arrival of a ship. Fourteen more of the Bounty's people came likewise on shore, and Mr. Christian * ' Morrison mentions, in his Journal, a plan to this effect, contrived by Heywood, Stewart, and himself, but observes, " it was a foolish attempt, as, had we met with bad weather, our crazy boat would cer- tainly have made us a coffin." ' 30 and eight men went away with the ship, but God knows whither. Whilst we remained here, we were treated by our kind and friendly natives with a ge- nerosity and humanity almost unparalleled, and such as we could hardly have expected from the most civilized people. * To be brief having remained here till the latter end of March, 1791, on the 26th of that month his Majesty's ship Pandora arrived, and had scarcely anchored, when my messmate and I went on board and made ourselves known ; and having learnt from one of the natives who had been off in a canoe, that our former messmate, Mf. Hayward, now promoted to the rank of lieutenant, was on board, we asked for him, supposing he might prove the assertions of our innocence. But he (like all worldlings when raised a little in life) received us very coolly, and pretended ignorance of our affairs ; yet formerly he and I were bound in brotherly love and friendship. Appearances being so much against us, we were ordered to be put in irons, and looked upon oh, infernal words ! as piratical villains. A rebuff so severe as this was, to a person unused to troubles, would, perhaps, have been insupportable ; but to me, who had now been long inured to the frowns of for- tune, and feeling myself supported by an inward consciousness of not deserving it, it was received with the greatest composure, and a full determina- tion to bear it with patience; ascribing it to the corrective hand of an All-gracious Providence, and 31 fully convinced that adversity is the lot of man, sent to wean him from these transient scenes, and fix his hopes on joys more permanent, lest, by a too long round of good fortune, he should forget the frailty of his nature, and the existence of a Supreme Omnipo- tent Being. Had my confinement been my only misfortune, I would patiently have resigned myself to it. But one evil seldom comes unaccompanied. Alas ! I was informed of the death of the most indulgent of fathers, which I naturally supposed to have been hastened by Mr. Blights ungenerous conduct. This thought made me truly wretched. I had certainly been overpowered by my grief had not Mr. Hay- ward again assured me, that he had paid the debt of nature before the news of the Bounty's fate arrived in England, and that he had the news by letter from my best-beloved Nessy, which made me somewhat easier, and I endeavoured to bear it as I ought. Yet I have still my fears on my dear mother's ac- count, lest such an account of me, when added to her recent affliction, might overpower her spirits and constitution, and make her grief too poignant and burdensome for life. But may God of his infinite mercy have ordered otherwise ! and that this may find you, and all my brothers and sisters, as well as I could wish, and have the desired effect of rooting in you a belief of my innocence, and eradicate your displeasure, the thought of which makes me most unhappy. 32 * My sufferings, however, I have not power to describe ; but though they are great, yet I thank God for enabling me to bear them without repining. I endeavour to qualify my affliction with these three considerations; first, my innocence not deserving them ; secondly, that they cannot last long ; and thirdly, that the change may be for the better. The first improves my hopes ; the second my patience ; and the third my courage. I am young in years, but old in what the world calls adversity ; and it has had such an effect, as to make me consider it the most beneficial incident that could have oc- curred at my age. It has made me acquainted with three things which are little known, and as little believed by any but those who have felt their effects : first, the villany and censoriousness of mankind; secondly, the futility of all human hopes ; and thirdly, the happiness of being content in what- ever station it may please Providence to place me. In short, it has made me more of a philosopher than many years of a life spent in ease and pleasure would have done. fc Should you receive this, do assure my much- respected friend, Mr. Betham, of my innocence of the crime laid to my charge. His disinterested kindness to me is deeply rooted in my mind. Make him acquainted with the reason of my re- maining in the ship. Perhaps his assistance in interceding with his son-in-law, Mr. Bligh, in my behalf, might undeceive him in his groundless 33 opinion of me, and prevent his proceeding to great lengths against me at my approaching trial. If you should likewise apply to my uncle Pasley, and Mr. Heywood, of Plymouth, their timely aid might be the means of rescuing me from an ignominious lot. 4 As they will no doubt proceed to the greatest lengths against me, I being the only surviving officer, and they most inclined to believe a prior story, all that can be said to confute it will pro- bably be looked upon as mere falsity and invention. Should that be my unhappy case, and they resolved upon my destruction as an example to futurity, may God enable me to bear my fate with the fortitude of a man, conscious that misfortune, not any miscon- duct, is the cause, and that the Almighty can attest my innocence. Yet why should I despond ? I have, I hope, still a friend in that Providence which hath preserved me amidst many greater dangers, and upon whom alone I now depend for safety. God will always protect those who deserve it. These are the sole considerations which have enabled me to make myself easy and content under my past misfortunes the relation of which I shall now continue. c Twelve more of the people who were at Ota- heite having delivered themselves up, there was a sort of prison built on the after-part of the quarter- deck, into which we were all put in close confine- ment, with both legs and both hands in irons, and D 34 were treated with great rigour, not being allowed ever to get out of this den ; and, being obliged to eat, drink, sleep, and obey the calls of nature here, you may form some idea of the disagreeable situ- ation I must have been in, unable as I was to help myself, (being deprived of the use of both my legs and hands,) but by no means adequate to the reality. c On the 9th May, we left Otaheite, and pro- ceeded to the neighbourhood of the Friendly Islands, where we cruised about six weeks in search of the Bounty, but without success, in which time we were so unfortunate as to lose a small cutter and five hands. About the beginning of August we got In among the reefs of New Holland, to endeavour to discover a passage through them ; but it was not effected ; for the Pandora, ever unlucky, and as if devoted by heaven to destruction, was driven by a current upon the patch of a reef, and on which, th,ere being a heavy surf, she was soon almost bulged to pieces ; but having thrown all the guns on one side overboard, and the tide flowing at the same time, she beat over the reef into a basin and brought up in fourteen or fifteen fathoms ; but she was so much damaged while on the reef, that imagining she would go to pieces every moment, we had contrived to wrench ourselves out of our irons, and applied to the captain to have mercy on us, and suffer us to take our chance for the pre- servation of our lives. But it was all in vain he 35 was even so inhuman as to order us all to be put in irons again, though the ship was expected to go down every moment, being scarcely able to keep her under with all the pumps at work. 4 In this miserable situation, with an expected death before our eyes, without the least hope of relief, and in the most trying state of suspense, we spent the night, the ship being by the hand of Providence kept up till the morning. The boats by this time had all been prepared ; and as the captain and officers were coming upon the poop or roof of our prison, to abandon the ship, the water being then up to the combings of the hatchways, we again implored his mercy ; upon which he sent the corporal and an armourer down to let some of us out of irons, but three only were suffered to go up, and the scuttle being then clapped on, and the master-at-arms upon it, the armourer had only time to let two persons out of irons, the rest, except three, letting themselves out ; two of these three went down with them on their hands, and the third was picked up. She now began to heel over to port so very much, that the master-at-arms sliding overboard, and leaving the scuttle vacant, we all tried to get up, and I was the last out but three. The water was then pouring in at the bulk-head scuttles j yet I succeeded in getting out, and was scarcely in the sea when I could see nothing above it but the cross trees, and nothing around me but a scene of the greatest distress. I took a plank (being D 2 36 stark-naked) and swam towards an island about three miles off, but was picked up on my passage by one of the boats. When we got ashore to the small sandy key, we found there were thirty-four men drowned, four of whom were prisoners, and among these was my unfortunate mess-mate (Mr, Stewart) ; ten of us, and eighty-nine of the Pandora's crew, were saved. c When a survey was made of what provisions had been saved, they were found to consist of two or three bags of bread, two or three breakers of water, and a little wine ; so we subsisted three days upon two wine-glasses of water, and two ounces of bread per day. On the 1st September we left the island, and on the 16th arrived at Coupang, in the island of Timor, having been on short allowance eighteen days. We were put in confinement in the castle, where we remained till October, and on the 5th of that month were sent on board a Dutch ship bound for Batavia. 6 After a very tedious and dangerous passage, the ship being twice near drove ashore, and so very leaky as to be scarce kept above water with both pumps constantly going, on the 30th we anchored at Samarang, in the isle of Java, and on Monday, the 7th, anchored here at Batavia. I send this by the first ship, which is to sail in about a week, by one of the Pandora's men. We are to follow in a week after, and expect to be in England in about seven months. 4 Though I have been eight months in close con- finement in a hot climate, I have kept my health in a most surprising manner, without the least indis- position, and am still perfectly well in every respect, in mind as well as body ; but without a friend, and only a shirt and pair of trousers to put on, and carry me home. Yet with all this I have a con- tented mind, entirely resigned to the will of Provi- dence, which conduct alone enables me to soar above the reach of unhappiness. You will most probably hear of my arrival in England (should it ever hap- pen) before I can write to you, which I most ear- nestly long for, that I may explain things which I now cannot mention ; yet I hope this will be suffi- cient to undeceive those who have been so ungenerous as to express, and others who have been so credulous as to believe, all that is laid to my charge. I can say no more, but remember me to my dearest brothers and sisters, &c., and believe me still to be 4 Your most dutiful and ever obedient son, ' PETER HEYWOOD/ Before this interesting narrative reached his home, various were the thoughts and fears, and various the rumours and opinions, respecting poor Hey wood's fate and conduct, which harassed his afflicted family. c I hear/ says Mr. J. M. Hey wood, in a letter to Miss N. Heywood, dated May 12, 1792, < that your brother will probably return in the Crown man-of- 38 war, and you may be assured that I will pay every attention to his situation as soon as I am informed of his arrival. The circumstance of his having swam to the Pandora, will, I trust, be strong in his favour, and make his conduct appear in a much better light than that of the other young men who were so unfortunate as to remain on board the Bounty when Mr. Bligh was so ill-treated . Miss N. HEYWOOD to J. M. HEYWOOD, Esq. '- Isle of Man, June 3, 1792. c I will not attempt, my dear Sir, to express the gratitude at this moment felt by myself and every one of our family for your most friendly letter, and the generous promise it contains of support and protection to my most dear and unfortunate brother. c The occasion of my again troubling you on the subject is a letter I yesterday received from the father of Mr. Thomas Hayward (one of the mid- shipmen who came with Mr. Bligh in the boat, after the fatal mutiny). He informs me that on his arrival at Batavia, after great sufferings, Cap- tain Edwards agreed for three Dutch ships to con- vey the crew of the Pandora to Europe, giving a lieutenant to each division, the first of which had arrived at the Cape of Good Hope, before the Thames frigate sailed thence on the 10th February. The Crown man-of-war has since arrived in En- gland, and, as far as I can learn, without bringing 39 any account of the Pandora's people, though she must have remained some time at the Cape, where she arrived only two days before the Thames sailed. It is certainly a little surprising that the two other divisions of the Pandora's people, which were then hourly expected,, had not arrived at the Cape before the Crown sailed. A para- graph in the Gazetteer of 24-th last month, says, several of the crew of the Pandora are brought to Dover by the Swan, a Dutch ship, from Batavia, but I have not seen the account confirmed. I fear it is a premature report. We have, therefore, in addition to our former anxiety, ten thousand dis- tracting apprehensions for my dear brother's safety. Permit me, dear Sir, to trespass a little longer on your patience by transcribing a paragraph from Mr. Hay ward's letter : " I will therefore take the liberty, my dear young lady, of requesting you to make all possible interest with all .your friends, that appli- cation be made to his Majesty, so as to be prepared against the most fearful consequences of the im- pending trial, as I well know that Mr. Bligh's representations to the Admiralty are by no means favourable." This paragraph, my dear Sir, you will readily believe, has alarmed me beyond ex- pression, as we find that, notwithstanding my bro- ther's extreme youth and perfect innocence, (which no one who knew him will for a moment doubt,) he must when the trial takes place be in the most imminent danger. Forgive me, my dear Sir, for 40 troubling you with this long letter, as it is the subject in which of all others my heart is most deeply in- terested. C I am, my dear Sir, with every sentiment of gratitude, "Your most obliged and affectionate, HEYWOOD/ On the same day she writes the following letter to her beloved brother : c Isle of Man, 3d June, 1792. 4 In a situation of mind only rendered support- able by the long and painful state of misery and sus- pense we have suffered on his account, how shall I address my dear, my fondly-beloved brother ! how describe the anguish we have felt at the idea of this long and painful separation, rendered still more dis- tressing by the terrible circumstances attending it ! Oh ! my ever dearest boy, when I look back to that dreadful moment which brought us the fatal intelli- gence that you had remained in the Bounty after Mr. Bligh had quitted her, and w r ere looked upon by him as a mutineer! when I contrast that day of horror with my present hopes of again beholding you, such as my most sanguine wishes could expect, I know not which is the most predominant sensa- tion, pity, compassion, and sorrow for your suf- ferings, or joy and satisfaction at the prospect of their being near a termination, and of once more embracing the dearest object of our affections. 41 4 1 will not ask you, my beloved brother, whether you are innocent of the dreadful crime of mutiny ; if the transactions of that day were as Mr. Bligh has represented them, such is my conviction of your worth and honour, that I will, without hesitation, stake my life on your innocence. If, on the con- trary, you were concerned in such a conspiracy against your commander, I shall be as firmly per- suaded his conduct was the occasion of it. But, . alas ! could any occasion justify so atrocious an attempt to destroy a number of our fellow-crea- tures ? No, my ever dearest brother, nothing but conviction from your own mouth can possibly persuade me that you would commit an action in the smallest degree inconsistent with honour and duty ; and the circumstance of your having swam off to the Pandora, on her arrival at Otaheite (which filled us w r ith joy to which no words can do justice), is sufficient to convince all who know you, that you certainly staid behind either by force or from views of preservation. 6 How strange does it seem to me that I am now engaged in the delightful task of writing to you ! Alas ! my beloved brother, two years ago I never expected again to enjoy such a felicity, and even yet I am in the most painful uncertainty whether you are alive. Gracious God, grant that we may be at length blessed by your return ! But, alas! the Pandora's people have been long expected, and are not even yet arrived. Should any accident have hap- 42 pened, after all the miseries you have already suffered, the poor gleam of hope with which we have been lately indulged will render our situation ten thou- sand times more insupportable than if time had inured us to your loss. I send this to the care of Mr. Hayward, of Hackney, father to the young gentleman you so often mention in your letters while you were on board the Bounty, and who went out as third lieutenant of the Pandora, a circum- stance which gave us infinite satisfaction, as you would, on entering the Pandora, meet your old friend. On discovering old Mr. Hayward's resi- dence, I wrote to him, as I hoped he could give me some information respecting the time of your arrival, and in return he sent me a most friendly letter, and has promised this shall be given to you when you reach England, as I well know how great must be your anxiety to hear of us, and how much satisfac- tion it will give you to have a letter immediately on your return. Let me conjure you, my dearest Peter, to write to us the very first moment ; do not lose a post ; 'tis of no consequence how short your letter may be, if it only informs us you are well. I need not tell you that you are the first and dearest object of qur affections. Think, then, my adored boy, of the anxiety we must feel on your account ; for my own part, I can know no real joy or happiness in- dependent of you, and if any misfortune should now deprive us of you, my hopes of felicity are fled for ever. 43 4 We are at present making all possible interest with every friend and connexion we have, to insure you a sufficient support and protection at your approaching trial ; for a trial you must unavoidably undergo, in order to convince the world of that innocence, which those who know you will not for a moment doubt. But, alas ! while circumstances are against you, the generality of mankind will judge severely. Blights representations to the Admiralty are, I am told, very unfavourable, and hitherto the tide of public opinion has been greatly in his favour. ' 'Tis now time, my dear Peter, to give you some account of our own family. If you have not al- ready heard it, be not too much shocked when I tell you, that we have no longer the blessing of a father. Alas ! my beloved Peter, he did not live to hear (and fortunately for himself he did not, for it would have broken his heart) the fatal account of that horrid mutiny which has deprived us of you so long. His severe fits of the gout, and distress of mind from the repeated disappointments he met w r ith, put an end to his existence on the 6th of February, 1790. He died blessing you, and in- cessantly talked of the pleasure he should feel if he lived till your return. My mamma is at present well, considering the distress she has suffered since you left us ; for, my dearest brother, we have ex- perienced a complicated scene of misery from a variety of causes, which, however, when compared 44 with the sorrow we felt on your account, was trifling and insignificant ; that misfortune made all others light, and to see you once more returned, and safely restored to us, will be the summit of all earthly happiness. c Farewell, my most beloved brother ! God grant this may soon be put into your hands ! Perhaps at this moment you are arrived in England, and I may soon have the dear delight of again beholding you. My mamma, brothers, and sisters, join with me in every sentiment of love and tenderness. Write to us immediately, my ever-loved Peter, and may the Almighty preserve you until you bless with your presence your fondly affectionate family, and particularly your unalterably faithful friend and sister, (Signed) c NESSY HEYWOOD/* * Previous to the writing of this letter, the following copy of verses shews how anxiously this young lady's mind was engaged on the unhappy circumstances under which her brother was placed : ' On the tedious and mournful Absence of a most beloved BROTHER, who was in the BOUNTY with Captain BLIGH at the Time of the FATAL MUTINY, which happened April 28th, 1/89, in the South Seas, and who, instead of returning with the Boat when she left the Ship, staid behind. ' Tell me, thou busy, flatt'ring Telltale, why- Why flow these tears why heaves this deep-felt sigh ? Why is all joy from my sad bosom flown, Why lost that cheerfulness I thought my own ? Why seek I now in solitude for ease, Which once was centred in a wish to please, When ev'ry hour in joy and gladness past, And each new day shone brighter than the last ; 45 Among the many anxious friends of the Hey- woods was Commodore Pasley, to whom this affec- tionate young lady addressed herself on the melan- choly occasion ; and the following is the reply which she received from this officer : 4 SheernesS) June 8, 1792. * Would to God, my dearest Nessy, that I could rejoice with you on the early prospect of your brother's arrival in England ! One division of the Pandora's people are arrived, and now on board the When in society I loved to join ; When to enjoy, and give delight, was mine ? Now sad reverse ! in sorrow wakes each day, And grief's sad tones inspire each plaintive lay : Alas ! too plain these mournful tears can tell The pangs of woe my laboring bosom swell ! Thou best of brothers friend, companion, guide, Joy of my youth, my honour, and my pride ! Lost is all peace all happiness to me, And fled all comfort, since deprived of thee.' ***** ' Though guiltless thou of mutiny or blame, And free from aught which could disgrace thy name ; Though thy pure soul, in honour's footsteps train'd, Was never yet by disobedience stain'd ; Yet is thy fame exposed to slander's wound, And fell suspicion whispering around. In vain to those who knew thy worth and truth, Who watch'd each op'ning virtue of thy youth ; When noblest principles informed thy mind, Where sense and sensibility were join'd; Love to inspire, to charm, to win each heart, And ev'ry tender sentiment impart ; Thy outward form adorn'd with ev'ry grace ; With beauty's softest charms thy heav'nly face, Where sweet expression beaming ever proved The index of that soul, by all beloved ; 46 Vengeance (my ship). Captain Edwards with the remainder, and all the prisoners late of the Bounty, in number ten, four having been drowned on the loss of that ship, are daily expected. They have been most rigorously and closely confined since taken, and will continue so, I have no doubt, till Blights arrival. You have no chance of seeing him, for no bail can be offered. Your intelligence of his swimming off on the Pandora's arrival is not founded. A man of the name of Coleman came off ere she anchored ; your brother and Mr. Stewart Thy wit so keen, thy genius form'd to soar, By fancy wing'd, new science to explore ; Thy temper, ever gentle, good, and kind, Where all but guilt an advocate could find : To those who know this character was thine, (And in this truth assenting numbers join,) How vain th' attempt to fix a crime on thee, Which thou disdain'st from which each thought is free ! No, my loved brother, ne'er will I believe Thy seeming worth was meant but to deceive ; Still will I think (each circumstance though strange) That thy firm principles could never change ; That hopes of preservation urged thy stay, Or force, which those resistless must obey. If this is error, let me still remain In error wrapp'd nor wake to truth again ! Come, then, sweet Hope, with all thy train of joy, Nor let Despair each rapt'rous thought destroy 5 Indulgent Heav'n, in pity to our tears, At length will bless a parent's sinking years ; Again shall I behold thy lovely face, By manhood form'd, and ripen'd ev'ry grace ; Again I'll press thee to my anxious breast, And ev'ry sorrow shall be hush'd to rest. f NESSY HEYWOOD. ' Me of Man, Feb. 25th, 1792.' 47 next day. This last youth, when the Pandora was lost, refused to allow his irons to be taken off, to save his life. I cannot conceal it from you, my dearest Nessy, neither is it proper I should your brother appears by all accounts to be the greatest culprit of all, Christian alone excepted. Every ex- ertion, you may rest assured, I shall use to save his life, but on trial I have no hope of his not being condemned. Three of the ten who are expected are mentioned in Bligh's narrative as men detained against their inclination. Would to God your bro- ther had been one of that number ! I will not dis- tress you more by enlarging on this subject. As in- telligence arises you shall be made acquainted with it. Adieu, my dearest Nessy. Present my affec- tionate remembrances to your mother and sisters, and believe me always, with the warmest affection, c Your uncle, 6 THOMAS PASLEY.' In the same kind tone to Nessy, but containing the same or still darker views of Peter's con- nexion with the mutiny, are letters from J. C. Cur- wen, Esq., and J. M. Hey wood, Esq., to both of whom she applied for aid. 6 His extreme youth/ says the former, is much in his favour, and I wish to God, for your sakes, it may extenuate a fault, the extent of which I dare sav was not foreseen or con- */ sidered. It would be cruel to flatter you ; and how- ever painful, I think it just to say, that unless some 48 favourable circumstances should appear, any interest which can be made will be of little avail.' * Though you have every reason to believe that he has been in this instance drawn aside to join in the mutiny/ says Mr. Hey wood, ' the goodness of his heart will I fear avail him little when he is convicted of a crime, which, viewed in a political light, is of the blackest dye, highly aggravated by the circumstan- ces of cruelty to his commander and the crew who were driven from the ship/ By one of that division of the Pandora's men, whose arrival in the Vengeance is mentioned by Commodore Pasley, the letter from Peter, contain- ing an account of himself up to his arrival at Ba- tavia, must have been delivered to Mrs. Hey wood. On its receipt Miss N. Hey wood thus writes to Commodore Pasley ; and every reader of sensibility will sympathize in the feeling she displays : 'Isle of Man, ^d June, 1792. c Harassed by the most torturing suspense, and miserably wretched as I have been, my dearest uncle, since the receipt of your last, conceive, if it is possible, the heartfelt joy and satisfaction we experienced yesterday morning, when, on the ar- rival of the packet, the dear delightful letter from our beloved Peter (a copy of which I send you inclosed) was brought to us. Surely, myexcellent friend, you will agree with me in thinking there could not be a stronger proof of his innocence and 49 worth, and that it must prejudice every person who reads it most powerfully in his favour. Such a letter, in less distressful circumstances than those in which he writes, would, 1 am persuaded, reflect honour on the pen of a person much older than my poor brother. But when we consider his extreme youth, (only sixteen at the time of the mutiny, and now but nineteen,) his fortitude, patience, and manly resignation, under the pressure of sufferings and misfortunes almost unheard of, and scarcely to be supported at any age, without the assistance of that which seems to be my dear brother's greatest com- fort a quiet conscience, and a thorough conviction of his own innocence when I add, at the same time, with real pleasure and satisfaction, that his relation corresponds in many particulars with the accounts we have hitherto heard of the fatal mutiny ; and when I also add, with inconceivable pride and delight, that my beloved Peter never was known to breathe a syllable inconsistent with truth and ho- nour ; when these circumstances, my dear uncle, are all united, what man on earth can doubt of the innocence which could dictate such a letter? In short, let it speak for him : the perusal of his artless and pathetic story will, I am persuaded, be a strong- er recommendation in his favour than any thing I can use. c I need not tire your patience, my ever-loved uncle, by dwelling longer on this subject (the dear- est and most interesting on earth to my heart) ; let E ,50 me conjure you only; my kind friend, to read it, and consider the innocence and defenceless situation of its unfortunate author, which calls for, and I am sure deserves, all the pity and assistance his friends can afford him, and which, I am sure also, the good- ness and benevolence of your heart will prompt you to exert in his behalf. It is perfectly unneces- sary for me to add, after the anxiety I feel, and cannot but express, that no benefit conferred upon myself will be acknowledged with half the gratitude I must ever feel for the smallest instance of kind- ness shewn to my beloved Peter. Farewell, my dearest uncle. With the firmest reliance on vour v kind and generous promises, I am, ever with the truest gratitude and sincerity, 4 Your most affectionate niece, * NESSY HEYWOOD.' The letter of Peter Hey wood was forwarded / from Batavia. His treatment, and that of his fellow prisoners, was almost as bad there as in the Pandora. They were closely confined in irons in the castle, and fed on very bad provisions ; and the hardships they endured on their passage to England, in Dutch ships, were very severe ; sleeping on nothing but hard boards, on wet canvas, without any bed, for seventeen months ; always subsisting on short allowance of execrable provisions, and without any clothes for some time, except such as were supplied by the charity of two young men. It is extraor- 51 dinary that he preserved his health under the dread- ful sufferings he endured, during eight months' close confinement in a hot climate. Mr. Heywood was removed into the Gorgon, of forty-four guns, lying in Table Bay, March 19th, 1792, and from that period till his arrival in England he appears to have been allowed the inestimable indulgence of walking upon deck for six or eight hours every day, whilst at other times he was confined with only one leg in irons. On the 21st of June, two days after his return to Spithead, he was transferred to the Hector, seventy-four. From the Gorgon, at Spithead, he directed a letter to Richard Betham, Esq., contain- ing a detailed statement respecting the mutiny of the Bounty, and of his conduct, similar to that in the letter already given. By the same post which brought the above were received also two other letters one to Mrs. Heywood, and the other to his sister Nessy, both of which have been lost. In them he related all the particulars of his voyage from Batavia, to which we have in part alluded above. He had, during his confinement, learned to make straw hats, and that with both his hands in fetters. He finished several, which he sold for half-a-crown a-piece, and with the product of these he procured a suit of coarse clothes, in which, with a cheerful and light heart, notwithstanding all his sufferings, he arrived at Portsmouth. There, in the Hector, commanded by Captain (the late Admiral Sir George) Montague, the prisoners were treated with the greatest hu- E 2 52 manity, and every indulgence allowed that could, with propriety, be extended to men in their unhappy situation, until the period when they were to be arraigned before the competent authority, and put on their trial for mutiny and piracy. CHAPTER II. THE trial did not take place until the month of September. In this period of anxious and awful suspense, a most active and interesting correspond- ence was carried on between this unfortunate youth and his numerous friends, which exhibits the charac- ter of himself and the whole family in the most ami- able colours. Mrs. Bertie, (then resident at Ports- mouth,) a daughter of Mr. Heywood, of Maristow, became from the moment of Peter's arrival his warm and attentive friend, and in a letter to his mother, dated 28th of June, 1792, says, c I take the liberty, though a stranger, of addressing you, to tell you that a friend of mine, whom I sent to see him this day, give 8 the most favourable account of his looks and health, which he assured him he enjoyed perfectly. He was in want of a few things which, at my father's request, he has been and w r ill be supplied with. He expressed a great hope that neither you nor any of his friends would come to see him in his present situation, trusting on his trial to make his innocence appear. My motive for writing is, that, as his let- 54 ters to you may have miscarried, I think it will be a great satisfaction to you to know that he has a friend and relation on the spot who will do every thing she can to make his present confinement as comfortable as possible/ In the same cover, her father, Mr. Heywood, also writes to the family to say that it would be his endeavour to render him all the assistance in his power. This gentleman also wrote to Peter, giving the same assurance, and ad- vising him to keep up his spirits as much as pos- sible, trusting to a consciousness of his innocence, and to the certainty of having an honourable ac- quittal. Again Peter writes to his mother, expressing his disappointment at not having yet heard from home. H. M. S. Hector, June 29, 1792. 4 MY DEAR MOTHER, 6 From my not having as yet received any answer to the letters I wrote you on the 20th inst., I am apprehensive that by some unforeseen accident they may have miscarried, or perhaps, as I have since heard you are in Whitehaven, (the direction upon them being for Douglas,) the cross postage and con- trary winds which the packets might meet with, have perhaps occasioned the delay. Let me hear from you as soon as possible, and be so good as to get me a couple of registers of my age, c An intimate friend of Mr. Heywood,, of Mari- stow, has received instructions from that gentleman to 55 authorize the first lieutenant of this ship to furnish me with whatever I should be in want of. Oh ! my dear mother, what an instance of generous friendship is this ! and how unexpected ! To come before it was asked is more than I could have hoped even from a father. It will, I hope, be yet in my power to shew myself worthy the patronage of so generous a man. I wrote to him on Wednesday last, and likewise to my uncle Pasley. Alas ! I have heard of the death of my aunt, whose loss I truly deplore. How various are the vicissitudes of this transitory life, and how futile are all human ex- pectations ! This, I think, I have pretty well expe- rienced, when my age is considered, Yet I already find those things which by the w r orld are called evils, to be of benefit to my disposition, and hope I shall reap intrinsic advantage from them. I wish to be informed of the welfare of my dear brother and sisters, and hope I shall yet be able to shew myself deserving of so kind a patron, and the name of, my ever honoured and dearest mother, ' Your most obedient and dutiful son, < P. H.> On the same day, Mrs. Heywood, the afflicted mother, was writing as follows to her son, and the ardent Nessy's pen was also engaged in the same service : 6 Isle of Man, June 29, 1792. 6 Oh ! my ever dearly-beloved and long-lost son, with what anxiety have I waited for this period ! I 56 have counted the days, hours, and even minutes* since I first heard of the horrid and unfortunate mutiny which has so long deprived me of my dear- est boy: but now the happy time is come when, though I cannot have the unspeakable pleasure of seeing and embracing you, yet I hope we may be allowed to correspond. Surely there can be nothing improper in a liberty of this sort between an affec- tionate mother and her dutiful and beloved son, who, I am perfectly convinced, w r as never guilty of the crime he has been suspected of by those who did not know his worth and truth. I have not the least doubt but that the all-gracious God, who of his good providence has protected you so long^ and brought you safe through so many dangers and dif- ficulties, will still protect you, and at your trial make your innocence appear as clear as the light. All your letters have come safe to me, and to my very dear good Nessy. Ah ! Peter, with what real joy did we all receive them, and how happy are we that you are now safe in England ! I will endea- vour, my dearest lad, to make your present situation as comfortable as possible, for so affectionate and good a son deserves my utmost attention. Nessy has written to our faithful and kind friend, Mr. Hey- wood, of Plymouth, for his advice, whether it would be proper for her to come up to you ; if he consents to her so doing, not a moment shall be lost, and how happy shall I be when she is with you ! Such a sister as she is ! Oh ! Peter, she is a most valu- able girl. What comfort will she give you, and how will she lessen the many tedious hours you must, 1 fear, pass in your confinement ! Take care of your health, which is so dear to me, and put your full trust in that Supreme Being who never has nor ever will forsake you. I will not tell you the grief and anguish I and all your brothers and sisters felt when we first heard of the horrid mutiny, and that you were not returned/ An account of the other branches of the family follows, and Mrs. Heywood concludes : ' As Nessy writes, I will leave her to tell you all I may have omitted. May the Al- mighty still protect and, bless you, my dearest boy, is the continual prayer of your most affectionate mother, 4 ELIZABETH HEYWOOD/ On the same day this 'most valuable girl' thus writes :* * The following lines shew how much her fond mind was fixed on her unfortunate brother : ' On the Arrival of my dearly-beloved Brother, Peter Heywood, in Eng- land, written while a Prisoner, and waiting the Event of his Trial, on board his Majesty's Ship Hector. 1 Come, gentle Muse, I woo thee once again, Nor woo thee now in melancholy strain ; Assist my verse in cheerful mood to flow, Nor let this tender bosom Anguish know; Fill all my soul with notes of Love and Joy, No more let Grief each anxious thought employ ! ****** Return'd with every charm, accomplished youth ! Adorn'd with Virtue, Innocence, and Truth ! Wrapp'd in thy conscious merit still remain, Till I behold thy lovely form again. 58 ' MY DEAREST AND MOST BELOVED BROTHER, 4 Thanks to that Almighty Providence which has so miraculously preserved you, your fond, anxious, arid, till now, miserable Nessy, is at last permitted to address the object of her tenderest affection in England ! Oh ! my admirable, my heroic boy, what have we felt on your account ! yet how small, how infinitely trifling, was the misery of our situ- ation when compared with the horror of yours ! Let me now, however, with confidence hope that the God of all mercies has not so long protected you in vain, but will at length crown your forti- tude and pious resignation to his will with that peace and happiness you so richly merit. How blest did your delightful and yet dreadful letter from Batavia make us all ! Surely, my beloved koy, y u could not for a moment imagine we ever supposed you guilty of the crime of mutiny. No, Protect him, Heav'n, from dangers and alarms, And oh ! restore him to a sister's arms ; Support his fortitude in that dread hour When he must brave Suspicion's cruel pow'r; Grant him to plead with Eloquence divine, In ev'ry word let Truth and Honour shine ; Through each sweet accent let Persuasion flow, With manly Firmness let his bosom glow, Till strong Conviction, in each face exprest, Grants a reward by Honour's self confest. Let thy Omnipotence preserve him still, And all his future days with Pleasure fill ; And oh 1 kind Heav'n, though now in chains he be, Restore him soon to Friendship, Love, and me. * NESSY HEY WOOD. * Isle of Man, August bth, 1 792.' 59 no ; believe me, no earthly power could have per- suaded us that it was possible for you to do any thing inconsistent with strict honour and duty. So well did we know your amiable, steady principles, that we were assured your reasons for staying be- hind would turn out such as you represent them ; and I firmly trust that Providence will at length restore you to those dear and affectionate friends who can know no happiness until they are blest with your loved society. Take care of your pre- cious health, my beloved boy. I shall soon be with you ; I have written to Mr. Heywood (your and our excellent friend and protector) for his permis- sion to go to you immediately, which my uncle Heywood, without first obtaining it, would not allow, fearing lest any precipitate step might injure you at present ; and I only wait the arrival of his next letter to fly into your arms. Oh ! my best beloved Peter^ how I anticipate the rapture of that moment ! for alas ! I have no joy, no happiness, but in your beloved society, and no hopes, no fears, no wishes, but for you. I hope you have, ere this time, received a letter from me which I wrote before we had your letter from Batavia, and sent to the care of Mr, Hay ward, of Hackney ; but as he in- formed me he could not get it transmitted to you from the difficulty of communication, I took the liberty of requesting Mr. Heywood would send for it, and after reading it, forward it to you, I sent 60 him also your two last letters, scarcely allowing ourselves time to read, much less (oh ! how great would have been the satisfaction !) to keep them. I have ten thousand things to tell you, my dear Peter, that have happened since our mournful separation? but my mind is at present occupied solely with your idea, and my brother and sisters desire to add a few words. Farewell, for a little while. Recom- mending you to the care of that kind Providence who has hitherto, in his merciful goodness, pro- tected your innocence, I remain, with the fondest love, your most affectionate sister, 1 NESSY.' Mr. Heywood's sisters all address their unfortu- nate brother in the same affectionate, but less im- passioned strain ; and a little trait of good feeling is mentioned, on the part of an old female servant, that shews what a happy and attached family the Hey woods were, previous to the melancholy affair in which their boy became entangled. Mrs. Hey- wood says, c My good, honest Birket is very well, and says your safe return has made her more happy than she has been for these two and forty years she has been in our family/ And Miss Nessy tells him, c Poor Birket, the most faithful and worthiest of servants, desires me to tell you that she almost dies with joy at the thought of your safe arrival in England. What agony, my dear boy, has she felt 61 on your account ! her affection for you knows no bounds, and her misery has indeed been extreme ; but she still lives to bless your virtues/ The poor prisoner thus replies, from his Majesty's ship Hector, to his ' beloved sisters all :* c July 12, 1792. 4 This day I had the supreme happiness of your long-expected letters, and I am not able to express the pleasure and joy they afforded me ; at the sight of them my spirits, low and dejected, were at once exhilarated ; my heart had long and greatly suffered from my impatience to hear of those most dear to me, and was tossed and tormented by the storms of fearful conjecture but they are now subsided, and my bosom has at length attained that long-lost se- renity and calmness it once enjoyed : for you may believe me when I say it never yet has suffered any disquiet from my own misfortunes, but from a truly anxious solicitude for, and desire to hear of, your welfare. God be thanked, you still entertain such an opinion of me as I will flatter myself I have de- served ; but why do I say so ? Can I make myself too worthy the affectionate praises of such amiable sisters ? Oh ! my Nessy, it grieves me to think I must be under the necessity, however heart-breaking to myself, of desiring you will relinquish your most affectionate design of coming to see me ; it is too long and tedious a journey, and even on your arrival, you would not be allowed the wished-for happiness, both to you and myself, of seeing, much less con- 62 versing with, your unfortunate brother ; the rules of the service are so strict, that prisoners are not permitted to have any communication with female relations ; thus even the sight of, and conversation with, so truly affectionate a sister is for the present denied me ! The happiness of such an interview let us defer till a time (which, please God, will ar- rive) when it can be enjoyed with more freedom, and unobserved by the gazing eyes of an inquisitive world, which in my present place of confinement would of course not be the case. 6 I am very happy to hear that poor old Birket is still alive ; remember me to her, and tell her not to heave aback, until God grants me the pleasure of seeing her. c And now, my dear Nessy, cease to anticipate the happiness of personal communication with your poor, but resigned brother, until wished-for freedom removes the indignant shackles I now bear, from the feet of vour fond and most affectionate brother, if < P. H.> In a previous letter, dated July 5, to his eldest sister Mary, Peter says, fc I had a letter yesterday from Mr. Fryer, late master of the Bounty, in answer to one I wrote him, who says, " Keep up your spirits, for I am of opinion, no one can say you had an active part in the mutiny, and be assured of my doing you justice when called upon." I had the honour of a visit from a Mr. Delafons, (a friend of 63 my uncle Pasley's,) who, after inquiring iqto the particulars relative to my situation, advised me to write a petition to the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to grant me a speedy trial, the form of which he was so good as to draw up and send me on Tuesday. I hope it may have the desired effect of speedily making my guilt or innocence known to the world, and of relieving me from the miserable state of anxiety and suspence I am now in/ His uncle Pasley was indeed most active and kind in his service, as will best be testified by the following letters : To Mr. P. HEYWOOD. 4 Sheerness^ July 6, 1792. c I have letters, my dear Sir, from Sir A. Ham- mond and Captain Montague in answer to mine. I had desired the former to supply you with money, or whatever else you might want, on my account ; but by his letters it would appear that Captain Ber- tie has already taken care on that head. Capt. M. writes me that he has delivered a memorial from you to the Lords of the Admiralty. Mr. Delafbns, my friend, who has been with you, is a very sensi- ble, judicious man ; consult him on every step you take, as no person can be a better judge of the proper mode of defence, I have seen Mr. Fryer the master, and Cole the boatswain, both favourable witnesses. To-day I set off for Woolwich and Deptford to endeavour to see the gunner and car- 64 penter, and shall try to see, ere I return, Hayward and Hallet. I have tried to get the rigour of your confinement mitigated, but find that at present nothing can be done as to enlargement. The Ad- miralty, I find, have laid your case before the Crown lawyers for their opinion, whether you should be tried by a Naval Court Martial or Admiralty Court, but as yet no ans\ver is returned. Rest assured of my utmost exertions ; whenever you are tried 1 shall attend. Believe me, with great truth, your affectionate uncle, 6 T. PASLEY.' To Miss N. HEYWOOD. ' July IS, 1792. I received your letter, my dearest Nessy, with the enclosure, (your brother's narrative,) but did not choose to answer it till I had made a thorough investigation, that is, seen personally all the princi- pal evidences, which has ever since occupied my whole thoughts and time. I have also had some letters from himself, and notwithstanding he must still continue in confinement, every attention and indulgence possible is granted him by Captain Mon- tague of the Hector, who is my particular friend. I have no doubt of the truth of your brother's nar- rative ; the master, boatswain, gunner, and carpen- ter, late of the Bounty, I have seen, and have the pleasure to assure you that they are all favourable, and corroborate what he says. Thatfellozv, Captain 65 Edwards, whose inhuman rigour of confinement I shall never forget, I have likewise seen ; he cannot deny that Peter avow r ed himself late of the Bounty when he came voluntarily aboard ; this is a favour- able circumstance. I have been at the Admiralty, and read over all the depositions taken and sent home by Bligh and his officers from Batavia, like- wise the court-martial on himself; in none of which appears any thing against Peter. As soon as Lieut. Hayward arrives with the remainder of the Pan- dora's crew, the court-martial is to take place. I shall certainly attend, and we must have an able counsellor to assist, for I will not deceive you, my dear Nessy ; however favourable circumstances may appear, our martial law is severe ; by the tenour of it, the man who stands neuter is equally guilty with him who lifts his arm against his captain in such cases. His extreme youth, and his delivering him- self up, are the strong points of his defence. Adieu ! my dearest Nessy ; present my love to your mother and sisters, and rest assured of my utmost exertions to extricate vour brother. V c Your affectionate uncle, Tis not for man, despairing, to repine At those misfortunes which may him befal In this his present life 'tis God's design Adversity should be the lot of all. Know, to each mortal upon earth 'tis sent To wean him from these transient scenes of bliss, To fix his hopes on joys more permanent, And from his mind all grovelling thoughts dismiss. Your blessings he withdraws, that man may see His own weak insufficiency, and know That there's a Power above, whose firm decree Rules over all this earthly globe below. Nor can there ever happen an event But Providence doth wisely it ordain, And 'tis, by his omnisciency, meant Some greatly good and useful end to gain. # * # * In future, therefore, rivet in thy mind A firm belief of this great truth that God Is author of events of every kind, Though dark'ning oft with woe life's thorny road. Think that in reason we should thank as much The goodness of the Almighty e'en for those Misfortunes we receive, or deem as such, As for the greatest blessings he bestows. With pious resignation so depend On God in all conditions, and submit Thyself and thy concerns, till life shall end, To his disposal. * And strive to acquiesce in every state Or turn of fortune He appoints, who knows What's best for thee for all. His time await, And he'll deliver thee from all thy woes !' 81 The sound of these last words had scarcely left His ears, when Somnus from his eyes withdrew. He found his limbs of feeling quite bereft, And stiffened by the cold nocturnal dew. Soon he perceived that this mysterious dream Was as an admonition from above; It cheered his soul, and on his heart a gleam Of comfort poured which woke anew his love. It cleared away the gloom which shaded o'er His thoughts ; it made him resolute to be More patient than he had been heretofore, More hopefully resigned to God's decree. Thus comforted, he rose from off the ground; Then kneeling down upon a grassy sod, He raised his hands, and glancing all around, Poured forth his thanks to his Almighty God. From that same moment it was his to feel His mind with shielding wisdom strongly armed; Repining lips he learnt thenceforth to seal, And brightly-kindled trust his bosom warmed. PETER HEYWOOD, aged 17. Otaheite, Feb. 6, 1790. Mr. P. HEYWOOD to Mrs. HEYWOOD. c Hector ', August 15, 1792. 4 These few lines, my dear and honoured mother, are only to inform you that Lord Hood's fleet is arrived at S pithead, and the amiable Mrs. Bertie sent to inform me that my trial will now, as she imagines, soon take place the fleet being to wait till it is over. Nothing that can give me comfort is she inattentive to. In short, her whole behaviour to me is unequalled. 82 c The question, my dear mother, in one of your letters, concerning my swimming off to the Pandora is one falsity among the too many about which I have often thought of undeceiving you, and as frequently forgot. The story was this. On the morning she arrived, I, accompanied by two of my friends, (the natives,) was going up the mountains, and having got about a hundred yards from my own house, another of my friends (for I was an universal fa- vourite amongst these Indians, and perfectly con- versant with their language) came running after me, and informed me there was a ship coming. I imme- diately went up on a rising ground, and saw, with the utmost joy, a ship lying to off Hapiano, a dis- trict two or three miles to windward of Matavai, where I lived. It was just after daylight, and think- ing Coleman might not be awake, and therefore ignorant of such pleasing news, living a mile and a half from me, and wishing to give any one such satisfaction as that, I sent one of my servants to inform him of it, upon which he immediately went off in a single canoe. There was a fresh breeze, and the ship working into the bay, he no sooner got alongside than the rippling capsized the canoe, and he being obliged to let go the tow-rope, went astern, and was picked up in the canoe next tack. Thus h$ was the first person taken on board the Pandora. I, along with Stewart my messmate, was then stand- ing on the beach, with a double canoe manned, with 83 twelve paddles, ready for launching. Therefore, just as she made her last tack into her berth, (for we did not think it necessary to go off sooner,) we put off, and got alongside just as they streamed the buoy ; and being dressed in the country manner, tanned as brown as themselves, and 1 tattooed like them in the most curious manner, I do not wonder at their taking us for natives. I was tattooed, not at my own desire, but theirs ; for it was my constant en- deavour to acquiesce in any little custom which I thought would be agreeable to them, though painful in the process, provided I gained by it their friend- ship and esteem, which you may suppose no incon- siderable object in an island where the natives are so numerous. The more a man or woman there is tattooed, the more respect is paid them ; and a person who has none of these marks is looked upon as bearing a most indignant badge of disgrace, and considered as a mere outcast of society. You may suppose, then, that my disposition would not suffer me to be long out of fashion. I always made it a maxim when I was in Rome to act as Rome did, provided it did not interfere with my morals or religion. By this means I was the greatest favourite of any Englishman on shore, and treated with re- spect by every person in the island, in whose mouths my name ever was an object of love and esteem. Perhaps you may think I flatter* myself, * That he did not flatter himself, Captain Bligh's second voyage to G 2 84 but I really do not. Adieu, my dearest mother. Your dutiful son, P. H.' Miss N. HEYWOOD to Mr. P. H'EYWOOD. ' Isle of Man, August 17, 1792. * How shall I thank you, my best-loved brother, for your last dear letter and charming poem ? How has the perusal of it delighted us all ! How have I wept over it, while my attention was divided be- tween admiration at the mysterious interposition of Providence, which I am convinced was the case on that remarkable and lamented day when we were for ever deprived of our beloved parent, and gratitude to a beneficent Being, who has so graciously pre- served, and will, at length, with confidence I speak it, restore you to our wishes, the amiable, the truly perfect character your opening virtues promised ! ' I have a letter from my uncle Pasley, by the packet, full of the most favourable accounts. Is not this delightful ? I cannot help contrasting our pre- sent situation with what it has been these five years past, when each dreaded arrival of the packet brought us some distressing intelligence ; now how different ! Its return is impatiently wished for, and every letter is replete with comfort, satisfaction, and happiness ! Otaheite proves, from the very many inquiries the natives made about him of the ship's company, and the very great esteem and respect they professed for his memory and character. 85 You make me blush, my dear brother, by your en- comiums. I dare not flatter myself with any merit but that of endeavouring to deserve them. If I have studied to acquire any new accomplishments, in your absence, believe me, my first pleasure in the attainment of them was, the hope of approving myself in some degree worthy of such a brother. # * * * ' Your most fondly-attached sister, 4 NESSY HEYWOOD.' Mr. P. HEYWOOD to Miss N. HEYVVOOD. ' Hector, August 23, 1792. 4 My dearest Nessy's of the l?th I have this morn- ing received, and have also information from Mr. Beardsworth, that Mr. Erskine and Mr. Mingay are not retained for me, but a Mr. Const. The contrast, as my dear girl observes, betwixt the past and the present is great, and let us hope ere many weeks it will be much greater. I am glad you like my piece of poetry, I was going to say, and which your par- tiality dignifies with the name of poem ; but don't imagine I am to believe all you say. You flatter me, Nessy, more than I can ever deserve. I have had as yet no authentic intelligence when the trial will be. Lord Hood returned from London last night, and his flag was hoisted this morning, so that I daily expect to receive certain information. When I do, I shall not, I think, inform you of the exact 86 day on which my fate is to be decided, as it would throw you into the most painful state of anxious suspense. Therefore, let it suffice, my dearest Nessy, to know that it is not far off that I am perfectly well, and hope. 6 Your faithful brother, ' P. H.' Nessy having, in one of her letters, inquired how tall he was, and having received information on this point, expressed some surprise that he was not taller. c And so/ he replies, ' you are surprised I am not taller ! Ah, Nessy ! let me ask you this : Suppose the two last years of your growth had been retarded by close confinement, nearly deprived of all kinds of necessary aliment shut up from the all-cheering light of the sun for the space of five months, and never suffered to breathe the fresh air (an enjoyment which Providence denies to none of his creatures) during all that time and without any kind of exercise to stretch and supple your limbs besides many other inconveniences which I will not pain you by mentioning how tall should you have been, my dear sister ? Answer, four feet no- thing : but enough of nonsense/ Till the moment of the trial, every thought of this sensitive and affectionate sister was absorbed in her brother's fate ; and the following lines were written by her on receiving information that the trial was soon to take place : 87 ' Oh ! gentle Hope ! with eye serene, And aspect, ever sweetly mild ; Who deck'st with gayest flowers each scene In sportive, rich luxuriance wild ! Thou soother of corroding care, When sharp affliction's pangs we feel, Teachest with fortitude to bear, And know'st deep sorrows' wounds to heal. Thy timid vot'ry now inspire, Thy influence in pity lend ; With confidence this bosom fire, Till anxious, dread suspense shall end. Oh ! let not fear invade my breast ; JVJy Lycidas no terror knows ; With conscious innocence he's blest, And soon will triumph o'er his foes. Watch him. sweet Pow'r, with looks benign ; Possession of his bosom keep ; While waking, make each moment shine, With fancy gild his hours of sleep. Protect him still, nor let him dread The awful, the approaching hour, When on his poor devoted head Fell slander falls with cruel power. Yet, gentle Hope, deceive me not, Nor with deluding smiles betray ; Be honour's recompence his lot, And glory crown each future day ! And oh ! support this fainting heart With courage, till that hour is past, W T hen, freed from envy's fatal dart, His innocence shines forth at last. Among the friends who manifested their sympa- thy in his situation at the approaching crisis were Col. Holwell, his uncle. Commodore Pasley, and Dr. Scott. 88 The first thus writes from Southborough, Tun- bridge, August 21, 1792: 4 MY VERY DEAR PETER, 6 1 have this day received yours of the 18th, arid am happy to find that, notwithstanding your long and cruel confinement, you still preserve your health, and write in good spirits. Preserve it, my dear boy, awful as the approaching period must be, even to the most innocent, but from which all who know you have not a doubt of your rising as imma- culate as a new-born infant. I have known you from your cradle, and have often marked with plea- sure and surprise the many assiduous instances you have given (far beyond your years) of filial duty and fraternal affection to the best of parents, and to brothers and sisters, who doated on you. Your education has been the best ; and from these conside- rations alone, without the very clear evidence of your own testimony, I would as soon believe the Archbishop of Canterbury would set fire to the cky of London, as suppose you could directly or indi- rectly join in such an absurd piece of business. Truly sorry am I that my state of health will not permit me to go down to Portsmouth to give this testimony publicly, before that respectable tribunal where your country's laws have justly ordained you must appear. But consider this as the touchstone, my dear boy, by which your worth must be known. Six years in the navy myself, and twenty-eight years 89 a soldier, I flatter myself my judgment will not prove erroneous. That power, my dear Peter, of whose grace and mercy you seem to have so just a sense, will not now forsake you. ' Let me know as soon as possible when the court- martial is to be, and who are its members. Ever, with prayers for your health, thine affectionately, c J. HOLWELL.' Dr. SCOTT to Mr. P. HEYWOOD. c Isle of Man, August 27, 1792. c MY DEAR YOUNG FRIEND, c I was favoured with yours of the 19th, and it gave me true satisfaction to know you are bearing up under a load of misfortunes with that true mag- nanimity which ever attends on the innocent, with the resignation becoming a Christian, and accom- panied by a fortitude rarely to be met with at your years. 4 Would to heaven it were in my power to offer you consolation under your great trial, or that any thing could fall from my pen which would in the least alleviate your sufferings ! However, my dear Sir, let me admonish you to keep up your spirits, and be assured you have my warmest wishes that your misfortunes may be brought to a speedy and happy conclusion. From the good opinion I always formed of your character, I have ever considered you innocent of the crime that has been laid to your charge, and though some appearances might be 90 against you, yet the unprejudiced mind acts upon firmer principles than to be biassed by foul-mouthed calumny. On these grounds you have, and ever had, my good opinion. Consider, then 5 what a glorious triumph will be yours when^ cleared of every aspersion that now gives you pain ; liberty will become doubly dear to you by having (undeservedly too) experienced bondage. The joy and affectionate congratulations of your family and friends are pros- pects, which, I trust, will have their due weight in helping to support you in your present calamitous circumstances. With what double relish will you then enjoy prosperity, who have undergone so much the reverse ! That the time may not be far distant, is the sincere wish of, my dear young friend, 4 Yours, most cordially, ' PATRICK SCOTT/ Commodore PASLEY to Miss N. HEYWOOD. ' London, September 6, 1792. 4 1 set off for town, my dearest Nessy, the moment Lieut. Hayward arrived. All the evidences left town early this morning, and the trial will most probably take place about Monday the 10th. I shall say nothing of what I expect the result will be, but at present appearances are favourable, and I would wish you to keep up all your spirits. Last night I had a meeting with Mr. Const (at his chambers) and my friend Mr. Graham, who will write you the earliest moment possible from Portsmouth. 91 This gentleman is an intimate and very particular friend of mine, and has (though, I know, attended with great inconvenience to him) voluntarily offered his services, which I most joyfully accepted, know- ing his uncommon abilities, happier, and my mind more at ease, by his attendance than I could have been from that of the first counsel in England. My love to your Mamma and all the family. God grant you may soon have favourable accounts of the re- sult ! I shall myself be most unhappy till I hear it. ' My dearest Nessy, your truly affectionate uncle, T. P.* The SAME to Mr. P. HEYWOOD. 'London, Sept. 6, 1792. 4 This will be delivered to you by my very parti- cular friend Mr. Graham, of whose abilities I have the highest opinion, and trust your cause to him with a confidence I should not have done to any man in England the whole bar of counsel not ex- cepted. I request you, my dear young friend, to place your perfect confidence in him, and follow implicitly his advice. It is impossible to know all that may be brought forth, but so far as we do know, I have every reason to think you may look forward with pleasing hopes. I refer you to my friend Mr. Graham for information. Your counsel seems a sensible, clever young man, but my dependence is on Graham. If he had not been so kind as to offer 92 me his services in this, (for which I shall esteem myself for ever obliged to him,) I would at all events have attended myself. God grant I may hear soon of your honourable acquittal ! it will, believe me, rejoice the heart of your most affectionate uncle, 'T. PASLEY/ On the subject of the employment of counsel, Peter Heywood thus expressed himself in a letter to his sister Mary, dated July 25th : 4 1 am sorry to find by your letter, my dear sister? that you all seem to be very ignorant of the nature of a naval court-martial, by supposing that the as- sistance of counsellors can be of any use. Mr. Larkham has this moment desired me to assure you that counsel to a naval prisoner is of no effect, and as they are not allowed to speak, their eloquence is not of the least efficacy. I request, therefore, you will desire my dear mother to revoke the letter she has been so good to write to retain Mr. Erskine and Mr. Mingay, and to forbear putting herself to so great and needless an expense, from which no good can accrue. No, no ! Mary it is not the same as a trial on shore ; it would then be highly requisite ; but, in this case, / alone must fight my own battle ; and I think my telling the truth undisguised, in a plain, short, and concise manner, is as likely to be considered deserving the victory as the most elabo- rate eloquence of a Cicero upon the same subject. 1 have not the least fear of being at a loss on my 93 trial, as my uncle Pasley has most kindly promised to be with me, and will, I make no doubt, assist if permitted. ' Your fondly affectionate brother, 'P. H.' Under these auspices conscious that he was an object of the tenderest attachment of his family, and of the warm interest of a large circle of friends, whose approbation he was most anxious to justify, this noble-minded youth awaited his trial. Alas ! the cup of his distresses was not yet full. His last letter before the trial was addressed to his mother. Hector, Sept. 11, 1792. ' If I had not received my dear mother's letter of the 6th, I should not have written but yet 'tis as well to do so, because I have something to say that will give you pleasure, though my trial is not yet over. On Saturday, the 8th, Mr. Graham came on board to see me, and brought a letter from my ge- nerous uncle Pasley. The next day he came again, accompanied by Mr. Const. With them I had a private conference, by Captain Montague's permis- sion, and from what information I had the happi- ness to receive, I have every reason (as may you, my dear mother) to look forward with the most pleasing hopes of ' I need not indeed I should not, say much to you, my dearest mother, on so tender a subject ; but let it suffice to tell you, 94 * The awful day of trial now draws nigh, When I shall see another day or die. 9 My next will give you either good news or bad; therefore I know my dear mother will, with the for- titude and resignation of a true Christian, prepare herself for either. Methinks the hint is sufficient. Let me then request, my beloved parent will endea- vour to obtain that tranquil serenity of mind which now is, thank God, possessed by her ever dutiful son, from a trust in that Providence who alone has and ever will, he doubts not, continue to watch over him with paternal care. Tell my sisters to set tout the topping lifts of their hearts, from an assurance that, with God's assistance, all will yet end well. Adieu, my beloved mother. Love to all, and Hope ! ' Your truly dutiful and most filially affec- tionate son, ' P. HEYWOOD.' The last letter from his beloved Nessy, previous to the awful event, thus concludes : ' Adieu, my inestimable brother. My mamma sends her most tender love and anxious maternal wishes for your liberty and safety, and my brothers and sisters desire me to say every thing that is most expressive of boundless affection. May that Al- mighty Providence, whose tender care has hitherto preserved you, be, still your bountiful Protector! May he instil into the hearts of your judges every sentiment of justice, generosity, and compassion ! 95 May hope, innocence, and integrity be your firm support, and liberty, glory, and honour, your just reward ! May all good angels guard you from even the appearance of danger ! and may you at length be restored to us, the delight, the pride of your adoring friends, and the sole happiness and felicity of that fond heart which animates the bosom of my dear Peter's most faithful and truly affectionate sister, 'N. H.' CHAPTER III. ON the 12th of September, 1792, the Court assembled on board His Majesty 's ship Duke, to try the prisoners accused of mutiny. In order to understand Mr. Hey wood's defence, it is necessary to give those parts of the evidence which relate to him. Mr. Fryer^ the master of the Bounty, deposed, " That he did not perceive Mr. Peter Heywood on deck at the seizure of the ship." Mr. Cole, boatswain, deposed, " That he saw Mr. Heywood, one of the prisoners, lending a hand to get the fore stayfalls along, and when the boatswain looked on, spoke something to him, but what it was does not know, as Christian was threatening him at the time. That Heywood then went below, and does not remember seeing him afterwards/' He then mentioned four prisoners, who were cry- ing because they were not allowed to go in the boat with Bligh, and the Court then asked if he had any reason to believe that any other of the prisoners were detained contrary to their inclinations? Ans. " I be- 97 lieve Mr. Heywood was ; I thought all along he was intending to come away ; he had no arms, and was assisting to get the boat out, and then went below ; I heard Churchill call out to keep them below/ The Court 4 Do you think he meant Heywood ?' c I have no reason to think he meant any other/ Mr. Purcell^ carpenter, examined. 'Did you see Mr. Heywood standing upon the booms ?* 'Yes, he was leaning the flat part of his hand upon a cutlass, when I exclaimed, In the name of God, Peter, what do you with that ? when he instantly dropped it, and assisted in hoisting the launch out, and handing the things into the boat, and then went down below, when I heard Churchill call to Thompson to keep them below, but could not tell whom he meant ; I did not see Mr. Heywood after that/ The Court ' In what light did you look upon Mr. Heyw r ood, at the time you say he dropped the cutlass on your speaking to him?' Witness 'I looked upon him as a person confused, and that he did not know that he had the weapon in his hand, or his hand being on it, for it was not in his hand ; I considered him to be con- fused, by his instantly dropping it, and assisting in hoisting the boat out, which convinced me in my own mind that he had no hand in the conspiracy ; that after this he went below, as 1 think, on his own account, in order to collect some of his things to put into the boat/ The Court c Do you, upon the solemn oath you have taken, believe that Mr. H 98 Heywood, by being armed with a cutlass at the time you have mentioned, by anything that you could collect from his gestures or speeches, had any intention of opposing, or joining others that might oppose, to stop the progress of the mutiny ? 3 Witness ' No/ The Court late third lieutenant of the Pandora, and formerly midshipman of the Bounty, deposes, that Peter Heywood was unarmed on the booms. Having stated that when he went below to get some things, he saw Peter Heywood in his berth, and told him to go into the boat, he was asked by the Court, if Heywood was prevented by any force from going upon deck, he answered, 99 'No.' The Court 'Did you, from his behaviour, consider him as a person attached to his duty, or to the party of the mutineers?' Witness 4 1 should rather suppose, after my having told him to go into the boat, and he not joining us, to be on the side of the mutineers; but that must be understood only as an opinion, as he was not in the least employed during the active part of it/ The Court c D id you observe any marks of joy or sorrow on his coun- tenance or behaviour ?' Witness 4 Sorrow.' Lieutenant Hallet, late midshipman of the Bounty, on being asked if he saw Peter Heywood on that day, he replied, once, on the platform, standing still and looking attentively towards Captain Bligh ; never saw him under arms nor spoke to him ; does not know if he offered to go in the boat, nor did he hear any one propose to him to go in the boat ; that when standing on the platform, Captain Bligh said some- thing to him, but what he did not hear, upon which Heywood laughed, turned round, and walked away. Mr. Fryer, the master, called in and examined by Mr. Heywood. ; If you had been permitted, would you have stayed in the ship in preference to going into the boat ?' Witness c Yes.' Prisoner 4 Had you stayed in the ship in expectation of re-taking her, was my conduct such, from the first moment you knew me to this, as would have in- duced you to intrust me with your design ; and do you believe I would have favoured it, and given you all the assistance in my power ?' Witness c I be- lieve he would : I should not have hesitated a mo- H 2 100 ment in asking of him, when I had had an oppor- tunity of opening my mind to him/ The same question being put to Mr. Cole, the boatswain, Mr. Peckover, the gunner, and Mr. Pur* if I had done, must have endangered the lives of those who were so fortunate as to quit the ship) I shewed myself faithful to the last moment of the captain's stay, what is there to leave a doubt in the minds of im- 110 partial and dispassionate men of my being perfectly innocent? Happy indeed should I have been if the master had stayed on board, which he probably would have done if his reasons for wishing to do so had not been overheard by the man who was in the bread-room. * Captain Bligh, in his narrative, acknowledges that he had left some friends on board the Bounty, and no part of my conduct could have induced him to believe that I ought not to be reckoned of the number. Indeed, from his attention to and very kind treatment of me personally, I should have been a monster of depravity to have betrayed him. The idea alone is sufficient to disturb a mind where hu- manity and gratitude have, I hope, ever been noticed as its characteristic features ; and yet Mr. Hallet has said that he saw me laugh at a time when, Hea- ven knows, the conflict in my own mind, indepen- dent of the captain's situation, rendered such a want of decency impossible. The charge in its nature is dreadful, but I boldly declare, notwithstanding an internal conviction of my innocence has enabled me to endure my sufferings for the last sixteen months, could I have laid to my heart so heavy an accusa- tion, I should not have lived to defend myself from it. And this brings to my recollection another part of Captain Blights narrative, in which he says, " I was kept apart from every one, and all I could do was by speaking to them in general ; but my endea- vours were of no avail, for I was kept securely Ill bound, and no one but the guard was suffered to come near me." 4 If the captain, whose narrative we may suppose to have been a detail of every thing which happened, could only recollect that he had spoken generally to the people, I trust it will hardly be believed that Mr. Hallet, without notes, at so distant a period as this, should be capable of recollecting that he heard him speak to any one in particular ; and here it may not be improper to observe that, at the time to which I allude, Mr. Hallet (if I am rightly informed) could not have been more than fifteen years of age. I mean not to impeach his courage, but I think if circumstances be considered, and an adequate idea of the confused state of the ship can be formed by this Court, it will not appear probable that this young gentleman should have been so perfectly un- embarrassed as to have been able to particularize the muscles of a man's countenance, even at a con- siderable distance from him ; and what is still more extraordinary is, that he heard the captain call to me from abaft the mizen to the platform where I was standing, which required an exertion of voice, and must have been heard and noticed by all who were present, as the captain and Christian were at that awful moment the object of every one's peculiar attention ; yet he who was standing between us, and noticing the transactions of us both, could not hear what was said. 112 4 To me it has ever occurred that diffidence is very becoming, and of all human attainments a know- ledge of ourselves is the most difficult; and if, in the ordinary course of life, it is not an easy matter precisely to account for our own actions, how much more difficult and hazardous must it be in new and momentous scenes, when the mind is hurried and distressed by conflicting passions, to judge of ano- ther's conduct! and yet here are two young men, who, after a lapse of near four years, (in which pe- riod one of them, like myself, has grown from a boy to be a man,) without hesitation, in a matter on which my life is depending, undertake to account for some of my actions, at a time too when some of the most experienced officers in the ship are not ashamed to acknowledge they were overcome by the confusion which the mutiny occasioned, and are incapable of recollecting a number of their own transactions on that day, ' I can only oppose to such open boldness the calm suggestions of reason, and would willingly be persuaded that the impression under which this evidence has been given is not in any degree open to suspicion. I would be understood, at the same time, not to mean any thing injurious to the charac- ter of Mr. Hallet ; and for Mr. Hayward, I ever loved him, and must do him the justice to declare, that whatever cause I may have to deplore the effect of his evidence, or rather his opinion, for he 113 hais deposed no fact against me, yet I am convinced it was given conscientiously, and with a tenderness and feeling becoming a man of honour. c But may they not both be mistaken ? Let it be remembered that their long intimacy with Captain Bligh, in whose distresses they were partakers, and whose sufferings were severely felt by them, na- turally begot an abhorrence towards those whom they thought the authors of their misery ; might they not forget that the story had been told to them, and by first of all believing, then constantly think- ing of it, be persuaded at last it was a fact w r ithin the compass of their own knowledge ? c It is the more natural to believe it is so, from Mr. Hallefs forgetting what the captain said upon the occasion, which, had he been so collected as he pretends to have been, he certainly must have heard. Mr. Hay ward also, it is evident, has made a mis- take in point of time as to the seeing me with Mor- rison and Millward upon the booms ; for the boat- swain and carpenter in their evidence have said, and the concurring testimony of every one supports the fact, that the mutiny had taken place, and the cap- tain was on deck, before they came up ; and it was not till after that time that the boatswain called Mor- rison and Millward out of their hammocks ; there- fore to have seen me at all upon the booms with those two men, it must have been long after the time that Mr. Hayward has said it was. Again, Mr. Hayward has said that he could not recollect 114 the day nor even the month when the Pandora ar- rived at Otaheite. Neither did Captain Edwards recollect when, on his return, he wrote, to the Ad- miralty that Michael Byrne had surrendered him- self as one of the Bounty's people, but in that letter he reported him as having been apprehended, which plainly shews that the memory is fallible to a very great degree ; and it is a fair conclusion to draw, that, if when the mind is at rest, which must have been the case with Mr. Hayward in the Pandora, and things of a few months' date are difficult to be remembered, it is next to impossible, in the state in which every body was on board the Bounty, to remember their particular actions at the distance of three years and a half after they were observed. c As to the advice he says he gave me, to go into the boat, I can only say, I have a faint recollection of a short conversation with somebody, I thought it was Mr. Stewart but, be that as it may, I think I may take upon me to say it was on deck, and not below, for on hearing it suggested that I should be deemed guilty if I stayed in the ship, I went down directly, and in passing Mr, Cole, told him, in a low tone of voice, that I would fetch a few necessaries in a bag and follow him into the boat, which at that time I meant to do, but was afterwards prevented, c Surely I shall not be deemed criminal that I hesitated at getting into a boat whose gunnel, when she left the ship, was not quite eight inches above 115 the surface of the water ! And if, in the moment of unexpected trial, fear and confusion assailed my untaught judgment, and, by remaining in the ship, I appeared to deny my commander, it was in appearance only it was the sin of my head for I solemnly assure you before God, that it was not the vileness of my heart. ' 1 was surprised into my error by a mixture of ignorance, apprehension, and the prevalence of ex- ample ; and alarmed as I was from my sleep, there was little opportunity and less time for better re*- collection. The captain, I am persuaded, did not see me during the mutiny, for I retired, as it were, in sorrowful suspense, alternately agitated between hope and fear, not knowing what to do. The dread of being asked by him, or of being ordered by Christian, to go into the boat, or, which appeared to me worse than either, of being desired by the latter to join his party, induced me to keep out of the sight of both, until I was a second time confined in my berth by Thompson, when the determination I had made was too late to be useful. 6 One instance of my conduct I had nearly for- got, which, with much anxiety and great astonish- ment, I have heard observed upon, and considered as a fault, though I had imagined it blameless, if not laudable I mean the assistance I gave in hoisting out the launch, which, by a mode of ex- pression of the boatswain's, who says I did it voluntarily (meaning that I did not refuse my i 2 116 assistance when he asked me to give it), the Court I am afraid, has considered as giving assistance to the mutineers, and not done with a view to help the captain ; of which, however, I have no doubt of being able to give a satisfactory explanation in evidence. f Observations on matters of opinion I will en- deavour to forbear where they appear to have been formed from the impulse of the moment ; but I shall be pardoned for remembering Mr. Hayward's (given I will allow with great deliberation, and after long weighing the question which called for it), which cannot be reckoned of that description ; for although he says he rather considered me as a friend to Christian's party, he states that his last words to me were, " Peter, go into the boat," which words could not have been addressed to one who was of the party of the mutineers. And I am sure, if the countenance is at all an index to the heart, mine must have betrayed the sorrow and distress which he has x so accurately described. c It were trespassing unnecessarily upon the pa- tience of the Court, to be giving a tedious history of what happened in consequence of the mutiny, and how, through one very imprudent step, I was unavoidably led into others. 4 But, amidst all this pilgrimage of distress, I had a conscience, thank heaven, which lulled aw r ay the pain of personal difficulties, dangers, and dis- tress. It was this conscious principle which de- 117 termined me not to hide myself as if guilty. No I welcomed the arrival of the Pandora at Ota- heite, and embraced the earliest opportunity of freely surrendering myself to the captain of that ship. 6 By his order I was chained and punished with incredible severity, though the ship was threatened with instant destruction : when fear and trembling came on every man on board, in vain, for a long time, were my earnest repeated cries, that the gall- ing irons might not, in that moment of affrighting consternation, prevent my hands from being lifted up to heaven for mercy. c But though it cannot fail deeply to interest the humanity of this Court, and kindle in the breast of every member of it compassion for my sufferings, yet as it is not relative to the point, and as I cannot for a moment believe that it proceeded from any im- proper motive on the part of Captain Edwards, whose character in the navy stands high in esti- mation both as an officer and a man of humanity, but rather that he was actuated in his conduct towards me by the imperious dictates of the laws of the service, I shall, therefore, waive it, and say no more upon the subject. c Believe me, again I entreat you will believe me, when, in the name of the tremendous Judge of heaven and earth (before whose vindictive Majesty I may be destined soon to appear), I now assert my innocence of plotting, abetting, or assisting, either 118 by word or deed, the mutiny for which I am tried - for, young as I am, I am still younger in the school of art and such matured infamy. 6 My parents (but I have only one left, a solitary and mournful mother, who is at home weeping and trembling for the event of this day), thanks to their fostering care, taught me betimes to reverence God, to honour the king, and be obedient to his laws ; and at no one time have I resolutely or designedly been an apostate to either. 6 To this honourable Court, then, I now commit myself. 6 My character and my life are at your disposal ; and as the former is as sacred to me as the latter is precious, the consolation or settled misery of a dear mother and two sisters, who mingle their tears together, and are all but frantic for my situation pause for your verdict. c If I am found worthy of life, it shall be im- proved by past experience, and especially taught from the serious lesson of what has lately hap- pened ; but if nothing but death itself can atone for my pitiable indiscretion, I bow with submission and all due respect to your impartial decision. c Not with sullen indifference shall I then me- ditate on my doom as not deserving it no, such behaviour would be an insult to God and an affront to man, and the attentive and candid deportment of my judges in this place requires more becoming manners in me. 119 f Yet, if I am found guilty this day, they will not construe it, I trust, as the least disrespect offered to their discernment and opinion, if I solemnly declare that my heart will rely with confidence in its own innocence, until that awful period when my spirit shall be about to be separated from my body to take its everlasting flight, and be ushered into the presence of that unerring Judge, before whom all hearts are open and from whom no secrets are hid. 6 P. HEYWOOD.' His witnesses fully established the facts which he assumed in this defence. He then delivered to the president a paper, of which the following is a copy : 4 My Lord, the Court having heard the wit- nesses I have been enabled to call, it will be un- necessary to add any thing to their testimony in point of fact, or to observe upon it by way of illus- tration. It is, I trust, sufficient to do away any suspicion which may have fallen upon me, and to remove every implication of guilt which, while unexplained, might by possibility have attached to me. It is true I have, by the absence of Cap- tain Bligh, Simpson, and Tinkler, been deprived of the opportunity of laying before the Court much that would at least have been grateful to my feelings, though, I hope, not necessary to my defence ; as the former must have exculpated me from the least disrespect, and the two last would have proved, past 120 &11 contradiction, that I was unjustly accused. I might regret that in their absence I have been arraigned, but, thank heaven, I have been enabled by the very witnesses who were called to criminate me, to oppose facts to opinions, and give explana- tion to circumstances of suspicion. 6 It has been proved that I was asleep at the time of the mutiny, and waked only to confusion and dismay. It has been proved, it is true, that I con- tinued on board the ship, but it has been also proved I was detained by force ; and to this I must add, I left the society of those with whom I was for a time obliged to associate, as soon as possible, and with unbounded satisfaction resigned myself to the Captain of the Pandora, to whom I gave myself up, to whom I also delivered my journal * (faithfully brought up to the preceding day), and to whom I also gave every information in my power. I could do no more ; for at the first time we were at Ota- heite it was impossible for me, watched and sus- pected as I was, to separate from the ship. My information to Captain Edwards was open, sincere, and unqualified, and I had many opportunities given me at different times of repeating it. Had a track been open to my native country, I should have followed it ; had a vessel arrived earlier, I should earlier, with the same eagerness, have em- braced the opportunity, for I dreaded not an inquiry * This journal, it is presumed must have been lost when the Pandora was wrecked. 121 in which I foresaw no discredit. But Providence ordained it otherwise. I have been the victim of suspicion, and had nearly fallen a sacrifice to mis- apprehension. I have, however, hitherto sur- mounted it, and it only remains with this Court to say if my sufferings have not been equal to my indiscretion. c The decision will be the voice of honour, and to that I must implicitly resign myself. ' P. HEYWOOD.' When the nature of the evidence and this excel- lent and manly defence are considered, it will ap- pear surprising that the prisoner was not acquitted. But the misfortunes of Mr. Heywood's youth and the distresses of his family were consummated by having sentence of death passed upon him, although tempered with the recommendation to the King's mercy. It was a very common feeling that he was hardly dealt with by the Court. 4 It should, how- ever, be recollected/ says the author of the His- tory of the Mutiny, 'that the Court had no discre- tional power to pass any other sentence but that or a full acquittal. But earnestly, no doubt, as the Court was disposed towards the latter alternative, it could not, consistently with the rules and feelings of the service, be adopted. It is not enough, in cases of mutiny, (and this case was aggravated by the piratical seizure of a king's ship,) that the offi- cers and men in his Majesty's service should take no active part to be neutral or passive is consi- 122 dered as tantamount to aiding and abetting. Be- sides, in the present case, the remaining in the ship along with the mutineers, without having recourse to such means as offered of leaving her, presumes a voluntary adhesion to the criminal party. The only fault of Heywood, and a pardonable one, on ac- count of his youth and inexperience, was his not asking Christian to be allowed to go with his cap- tain his not trying to go in time/ Four of the prisoners, tried on the same occasion, were ac- quitted, because they expressed a strong desire to go, but were forced to remain. They were in pos- session of written testimonies from Bligh to that effect, and so would Heywood have been but for some prejudice Bligh had taken against him in the course of the last voyage home, for it will be shewn that he knew he was confined to his berth below/ Allowing to these remarks the weight they de- serve, it is only one instance amongst many of the imperfection of human laws, and how often an ad- herence to their letter, is a violation rather than fulfilment of justice. In the mind of every impar- tial person, the subject of this memoir must be ac- quitted not only of participation in the mutiny, but of any thing dishonourable in his conduct. Indeed, it is probable that if Christian, the violent leader of the mutiny, had entertained the same respect for the midshipmen whom he forced away as for Heywood who was forced at last to remain, had he felt that they would be equally useful in the subsequent ma- 123 nagement of the ship, the prisoner and the wit- nesses whose evidence was the most unfavourable, might have exactly reversed their relative situations* The family of young Hey wood, in the Isle of Man, had been buoyed up, from various quarters, with the almost certainty of his full acquittal. From the 12th September, when the court-martial first sat, till the 24th of that month, they were prevented, by the strong and contrary winds which cut off all communication with England, from receiving any tidings whatever. But while Mrs. Heywood and her daughters were fondly flattering themselves with every thing being most happily concluded, one even- ing, as they were indulging these pleasing hopes, a little boy, the son of one of their particular friends, ran into the room and told them, in the most abrupt manner, that the trial was over, and all the prisoners condemned, but that Peter Heywood was recommended to mercy ; he added, that a man, whose name he mentioned, had told him this. The man was sent for, questioned, and replied he had seen it in a newspaper at Liverpool, from which place he was just arrived in a small fishing-boat, but had forgotten to bring the paper with him, In this state of dreadful uncertainty, this wretched family remained another whole week, harassed by agonies of mind which no language can express.* During * It was in this state of mind, while in momentary expectation of receiving an account of the termination of the court-martial, that Heywood's charming sister Nessy wrote the following lines : 124 all that time the wind continued contrary, and the packet still remained at Whitehaven. Mr. J. Hey* wood had a few days before gone again to Liverpool, and on Thursday night the following letter was re- ceived from him. 4 Liverpool, Sept. 24, 1792. 6 DEAR NESSY, c I arrived here, after a disagreeable passage, and immediately went to see the papers, where I found the inclosed. (The paragraph mentioned above.) You, by this time, must have heard the same dis- agreeable news. How and what can have been the evidence against him is to me astonishing. I had ' ANXIETY. * Doubting, dreading, fretful guest, Quit, oh ! quit this mortal breast. Why wilt thou my peace invade, And each brighter prospect shade ? Pain me not with needless Fear, But let Hope my bosom cheer ; "While I court her gentle charms, Woo the flatterer to my arms ; While each moment she beguiles With her sweet enliv'ning smiles, While she softly whispers me, " Lycidas again is free," While I gaze on Pleasure's gleam, Say not thou, "'Tis all a dream." Hence nor darken Joy's soft bloom With thy pale and sickly gloom : Nought have I to do with thee Hence begone Anxiety. ( NESSY HEYWOOD. * Isle of Man, September 195 some thoughts of going to London last night, and thence to Portsmouth, but thinking you might wish to go up with me, I shall wait till I hear from or see you. Adieu ! dear Nessy ; remember me to all at home. 4 Your affectionate brother, where I was ordered to join Lord Gambler.* Captain Heywood was engaged for a short time on the French coast, until Captain Malcolm re- turned to his ship. Having then no further em- ployment in Lord Gambier's fleet, he returned to London on the llth of March ; and on the 18th, he received the thanks of the Admiralty, conveyed through Rear-Admiral Stopford, for his conduct in the presence of a French squadron, which had escaped from Brest, and for his gallantry in the attack made upon three frigates belonging to the said squadron, which had anchored in the Sable d'Olonne, and were there destroyed on the 23d of the preceding month. Captain Heywood, having expressed his readi- ness and desire for immediate employment again, received in May a commission for the Nereus, a new contract-built frigate; and, on June 1st, took the command of her. As soon as the vessel was ready, Captain Heywood sailed to join the fleet, under Lord Collingwood, in the Mediterranean, and he gave that admirable commander much plea- sure by having taken care to bring out with him a 188 great quantity of stores, of which he had understood the fleet to be in want. During November and De- cember the Nereus was employed in cruizing off the South coast of France ; but the ship being in a bad state, it was deemed necessary to send her to Gib- raltar, and thence to England to be repaired. During the time that the vessel lay off Gibraltar, Captain Heywood had much conversation with General Frazer about the fortress of Ceuta, and the necessity that there seemed to be for its being in the possession of the English, or, at any rate, garrisoned by British troops. After refitting at Gibraltar, Captain Heywood sailed to Ceuta to ascertain the real state of feeling in the Governor and Spaniards of the place towards the English, and in regard to the admission of English troops. He became con- vinced that the feeling was greatly in their favour. The following passages in Captain Heywood's diary relate to this interesting subject : 4 March 16, 1810. I employed my time in sound- ing the bay, and now and then going on shore, as did my officers, to the houses of some of the prin- cipal inhabitants. We did our best to conciliate the minds of the people of all ranks, and to impress them with sentiments favourable to our country- men, and I sometimes thought we had not been altogether unsuccessful/ ; March 20. I was very agreeably surprised this morning, whilst I was employed taking some an- gles near the fort St. Catalina, by a visit from my 189 esteemed and most worthy friend Captain Beaufort, who had run over to Gibraltar in his gig to satisfy the curiosity he had to see Ceuta. Lieutenant Robertson, also, (Aid-du-camp of Major-General Fraser,) of the 9th regiment, came over from Gi- braltar with the order from the Junta to the Go- vernor, to admit the British force that was to be sent over by the Commander-in-chief at Gibraltar. I accompanied Lieut. Robertson to the Governor, and though there was no withstanding this positive order, yet I was sorry to observe that there seemed to be still remaining some symptoms in the minds of a few of the narrow-minded part of the Junta, of a want of confidence in the honour of the En- glish ; for the Governor himself told me, that some of them had even gone so far as to say that, " if the English troops were once admitted within the walls of the fortress, it would be no easy matter to get them out of it again. " In the course of the day, however, every thing was settled about admitting them, and Lieut. Robertson returned with Captain Beaufort, carrying with him a letter from the Junta to General Campbell to that effect. I was afraid that the few illiberal-minded men of the Junta would at any rate endeavour to prevent the grant of the citadel to quarter the troops in, which it would be most desirable to obtain, not only on account of its healthy, but commanding, situation ; and because they would be entirely apart from the Spaniards. Nothing, however, I soon saw, would 190 be decided on till the troops came over ; and, on the next morning, at 8 A. M., I ran over to Gibral- tar to bring Major-General Fraser and the trans- ports. Whilst getting under weigh, I observed a felucca coming into the bay of Ceuta with some personage of superior rank on board, by the number of flags and streamers they had displayed. Just as I was about to anchor in Gibraltar Bay, Captain Beaufort sent me word that he had General Fraser and suite on board the Blossom. I therefore wore, and after taking them on board the Nereus, stood over to Ceuta, the transports, with the troops (4th regiment) following, and anchored in the little bay about sunset.' 6 March 23. The next morning I accompanied the General to wait on the new Governor, the Marquis d' Alost, who arrived yesterday from Cadiz, just as we were getting under weigh ; and finding that the necessary ceremonies were about to take place, I sent off word to have salutes ready to be fired ; and established a particular signal for the purpose. The people seemed all highly gratified at my having selected so solemn a moment to do honour to their Governor, and still more so at his return to the house, when at the moment of his entering the door the ship fired another salute to the garrison by sig- nal, and it was afterwards returned with an equal number. These little attentions all I could shew seemed to be very well received. c Before we went to church with the new Gover- nor, as nothing had been decided on about accom- modating the troops, the Major-General made some inquiries about the matter, and, to his no small sur- prise and regret, was shewn some buildings in the suburbs, which had been, and were still, in part occupied by convicts. They were, besides, in a very bad state of repair, and having only paved floors, looked more like stables than the comfortable quarters British soldiers were used to, and would expect. However, there was nothing to be done here by remonstrance and grumbling. Though the Junta had determined that our troops should not, when landed, occupy the citadel on the height, and there seemed to be little chance of getting any other quarters for them than the convicts* barracks, and though General Fraser, therefore, had almost decided otfnot disembarking the troops till another day, in hopes of getting better, he at last consented to let me land them, in the hope that in the present state of the public mind, which was very favourable, the fine appearance of such a regiment as the 4th King's Own, would of itself almost procure them good quarters. We got them every man ashore in one hour at two o'clock ; and somehow or other, by the ability of the General and Mr. Viane, of Gibral- tar, who accompanied him as interpreter, together with such little aid as I had to give, matters were so managed that at three o'clock every desirable point was carried, even with suspicious members of the Junta, and Colonel Bevan had marched his men, 192 with the full concurrence of every soul in the place, up to the citadel, where the quarters are excellent, and if things are but henceforth carried on as they of course will be, that citadel will never be occupied by any but British troops. I am confident that in the good humour we had the Spaniards in before the end of the day, there might have been landed, had it been wished, 3000 or 4000 men, as easily as the 4th regiment ; and now that the ice is fairly broken, there will be little difficulty in introducing, with the most hearty consent of the Junta and the approbation of all the people of Ceuta, any farther number of troops that may be considered necessary for the defence of this most valuable fortress. If the Peninsula falls under the Buonaparte sway, its importance to Great Britain will be incalculable, for a thousand reasons connected with our policy and commerce, as well as the many local advantages it has, which it would be very unnecessary to men- tion. It will enable us to break the line of the gigantic Napoleon power, at least as far as his extent of sea-coast goes ; and the strength of Great Britain will be greatly increased by thus resting on the pillars of Hercules/ * * A description of the bay of Ceuta follows,, and of its navigation, which it is deemed unnecessary to insert. On the 29th of March, Captain Hey wood, at the desire of Admiral Purvis, sailed from Gibraltar with 193 the remains of his late excellent and res pec tec) com- mander, Lord Collingwood, on board. On the 19th of April he < passed through the Downs with the flag of Lord Collingwood half staff, and whilst passing the English squadron, the flags of Vice-Admiral Campbell and Rear-Admiral Sir R. Strachan were lowered half-mast, as well as the pendants of the private ships/ The remains of Lord Collingwood were con- veyed from the Nore up to Greenwich in the yacht of the Lords Commissioners. In June, 1810, the Nereus having been completely repaired in the Dock-yard at Chatham, Captain Heywood endeavoured to make interest at the Admiralty to be sent out again to the Mediterranean. But in this he was disappointed. By order of the Admiralty he sailed from Spithead on the 30th of August, with a convoy of fourteen sail of merchants' vessels for the coast of Brazil; and on the 30th of October, the Nereus anchored in the harbour of Rio de Janeiro, and he placed himself under the orders of Vice-Admiral De Courcy. In the Rio de la Plata, Captain Heywood was employed on various confidential services, where his zeal, ability, and integrity, proved of great benefit to British commerce. Soon after his arrival he was ordered by the Vice- Admiral to cruize between the Plata and the Cape of Good Hope, in order to warn home-bound vessels from the East Indies of danger from the French o 194 fleet, to protect such vessels, and to gain intelli- gence of the movements of the enemy. The fol- lowing are interesting extracts, relating to the island of Tristian d' Acunha, Cough's Island, and Ben- guela, while on this cruize. 'TniSTiAN D' ACUNHA. January 4, 1811. I stood in again about half-past four o'clock, close to the N. W. point of the island, a little distance from which lies a rock, having somewhat the ap- pearance of a boat with a large fore-lug set. A little to the Eastward of this rock I bore up, and as we kept within half a mile of the shore, just outside of the sea-weed, w r hich is seen in abun- dance, I observed a great number of sea-elephants, as the Americans call them, though they are, in every respect, like a seal, except being of an enor- mous size. I intended to have anchored here, but the wind hanging too much to the Northward to make it prudent, I hove too, close in off the water- fall, and sent a boat in to see if any of these huge animals' skins could be got. The boat found a good place to land to the Eastward of the cascade, on a black sandy beach protected, by the projection of a small rocky point, from the surf which was not JSfc very heavy on the shore. On the return of the boat about sunset, the officer informed me that when they landed, the beach was covered with these large beasts, twelve or thirteen of which they had killed, but could not bring away, owing to their enormous size, some of them weighing not less than six or seven 195 hundred pounds. I therefore determined to send a boat in the morning, should the weather be favour- able, and stood off for the night.' 'January 5. At daylight sent a boat on shore with officers and a party of men to skin the ele- phants, and, if possible, to get some more to make caps and weather jackets for the men. * * In the afternoon I went ashore and found the people all busy skinning the beasts they had killed yester- day, but to-day they had very few on the shore, the report of the fire-arms having frightened them all off. There were, however, great numbers of them among the rocks and breakers near the shore, anx- iously looking at it as if desirous of coming ashore to bask. In the course of the day, several wild hogs and goats had been seen by some of the peo- ple, who had gone up the hills at the back of the cascade, where there is a piece of ground of tolerable extent, and sufficiently level for any kind of cultiva- tion. The labour of clearing it would not be great, as the trees are not large, and a great part of it is cover- ed only with long coarse grass, and a few large frag- ments of rock which must have been projected at some time down from the mountains above. The soil appeared to be a fine rich mould that would no doubt repay the labourers' pains. On the Eastern side of the cove on which our boats landed, the remains of a house were discovered, near a well of fresh water, also several empty casks, and two or three boilers, o 2 196 which, it was supposed, had been left by some of the American sealers who visit and often remain on this island for months. In the evening came off with all the people, and stood off for the night/ c January 6. Daylight discovered to us a ship standing to the Eastward; we made sail in chase of her, and as she altered her course soon afterwards for the North part of the island, closed with her and sent an officer on board. She proved to be an American ship of two hundred and twenty-two tons, called the Baltic, which had sailed from Rio de Janeiro for this island fifteen days before us. From the master of this vessel (Mr. Lovel) we learnt that about eleven months before he had taken away from this island, about one thousand casks of oil, which had been procured by a few men whom he had left on it for a few months. He had left in February last six men with his mate on Gough's island, whither he was now bound to take them off,, and had called off here to land three men, his countrymen, who in- tended to settle on Tristian d' Acunha altogether, if, after a few years 3 trial, they should find it answer their expectations. One of them had been a master of a vessel, and had remained several months on the island before. I had a boat on shore at the time this man landed from the Baltic, and the officer, Mr. Gabriel, directed the boat's crew to give him every assistance to land his goods and provisions. He had brought with him stock of all kinds, potatoes 197 and various plants and seeds, &c., which he said he intended immediately to put into the ground, and he bad no doubt they would thrive well. c The casks and kettles our people had discovered, he was very happy to hear were all safe, for they had been left by him last year ; but he w r as very much disappointed at finding nothing but part of the walls of his hut. By this man's account, the island abounds with wild hogs and goats, and the sea swarms with excellent fish, which may be caught close among the rocks, so that he seemed to be in no apprehension whatever of being ever in want of good food. He seemed a man of about four or five and thirty, and no doubt industrious and persever- ing, and therefore will, I dare say, do well in a few years, by collecting oil and skins for such vessels as will yearly touch at the island to take them off his hands, and in a short time he may return to his country with a moderate, independent fortune, which having been thus acquired by labour and industry and under circumstances of peculiar privation, he will doubly value and enjoy in the society of his family and friends. Poor man ! I sincerely wish him success, and should hereafter be much gratified to hear of it. 'I 'think the circumference of this island does not exceed nineteen miles; the whole East part of the island is steep and abrupt, but near the S.E. point, and along the South part, the water seemed quite smooth enough, on a sandy beach or two, 198 where boats could have landed with ease. The sun shone strong on them as we passed, and they were almost covered with these sea elephants. The S. W. point of the island formed rather low, having at a little distance from it a green hill, and between it and the S. E. point there seemed to be two or three spots of tolerably level ground, and clear of trees. The higher parts of this island are beautifully green, but not so well clothed, as the lower ground, with trees. The mountains are cloven and divided in all direc- tions by deep valleys ; but their acclivities seemed rather too steep for cultivation, even if the soil under the verdure should be of a proper quality. I should have liked much to have sent a boat ashore to the S.E. part of the island, but the flurries came down from the hills so heavy at times, with intervals of calm of short duration, that I gave up the idea, and left the island in the evening. ' As I was thus far I thought it w r orth while to go to Cough's Island, on the possibility of an out- ward-bound Frenchman keeping in that track even, to avoid our ships going out/ c January 8. At day-light, the wind having hauled to the South, the weather cleared up, and Gough's Island was in sight about six leagues from us, the base and extreme points of it only to be seen, the higher parts being obscured by clouds. Made sail, and on approaching observed the rock of the N.E. point, making, as is described, exactly like a church with a spire. The contour of this whole island > 199 is steep, rising up almost perpendicularly from the sea in high cliffs, down the fissures of which fall several beautiful cascades. About eight o'clock, observing a hut in a small cove, sheltered by some of the high-peaked rocks, whose base is completely perforated, and supposing it might be the habita- tion of some of the American seamen whom the master of the Baltic had left here last year, I hove to, and sent a lieutenant away in the cutter with orders to land, if he should find it safely practicable, to try to get some tidings of them, and to offer them any assistance which they might need. He landed just to the Eastward of the large rock, but finding no person in or near the hut, he returned about noon, and just at the same time a boat was observed pulling up from the S.E. part of the island, round the Church Rock, which I bore up for and picked up. In it were the people left by the mas- ter of the Baltic, and not a little overjoyed when I told them, that they might expect to see their ship daily to take them off the island. Not that they had been in want of food, for they informed me that they caught a great variety of excellent birds up in the hills by lighting a fire there in the night, at which they flew in such numbers that they knocked them down with sticks. They had also some of the provisions still left which they landed along with them, and they could always catch more fish than they could eat, in a quarter of an hour. But they had not been so successful as they hoped, when they first landed, that they should have been, for in all this time they had only been able to fill forty casks of oil, and cure eleven hundred seals'-skins, so that, as they were all on shares, they would scarcely clear as much for their labour as would find them " new gang of rigging/' and truly they needed some, for they were all in a most ragged plight, full of grease, and filth, and clothed chiefly in seal-skins. One of these people, the Mate, (who was, by the bye, an American born in the north of Ireland,) told me that the climate of this island is very mild, even in winter ; nothing like frost was ever seen, and neither hail nor snow ever lay four hours upon the tops of the hills. Rain is very frequent, scarcely a day passing without some. The most prevailing winds were between West and North, seldom South- westerly, and the wind had never been once from the Eastward while he was on the island. The seals have almost all deserted the island, but the penguins are innumerable; for when the lieutenant, whom I sent ashore first landed, the whole strand was so be- set with them, that he found no small difficulty in getting his way picked through among them, as they bit him by the legs as he walked along, but would not move out of the way. On the East side of the island, to the Southward of the Church Rock, there is an islet, at a small distance from the main island, within which these people had, as the Mate informed me, always been able to land with safety, in a small cove they had found ; and being protected by the 201 N.E. point from the swell and strong winds, he had erected the hut, where he generally took up his quarters. Between this island and the S.E. point, there seemed to be a small bay where he said a ship might anchor in twenty fathoms, half a mile from the shore, in a tolerably good holding sandy bottom. If it had not been growing late in the evening I would have sent a boat to sound about this part of the island, but the weather began to look angry, and I stood away to the Eastward. c The surface of Gough's Island, this man in- formed me, is generally covered with a slight coat of moss or turf, but here and there in the valleys, the soil is very good, and fit for agricultural purposes. He had grown, very successfully, potatoes and other vegetables, but seemed to think there was a super- abundance of moisture. In the course of the day, the whole summit of the island was entirely cleared of clouds, and when about five miles from the base of the highest part of it, and at the distance of two miles from the shore, its angle of elevation was 8 '08, which will make the height of it about 4385 feet above the level of the sea ; at the same time the angle subtended by its N.W. and S.E. points was 83 '26, so that its size is every way much less than Tristian d'Acunha. This island is also very different from Tristian d'Acunha, in having very few trees on it, except here and there, very near the shore. The variation of it was 10 30' westerly. Both these islands, like St. Helena., have evidently 202 been produced by volcanic eruptions, the appearance of them all being exactly similar as to general for- mation. 6 From the island of Gough, I made about a true N.E. by E. course, under easy sail, crossing oblique- ly the track of any vessels that might be bound to the Eastward, but we did not fall in with any. From this time we cruized athwart the homeward-bound track from the Cape, and falling in with nothing, I determined, before I went down so far to leeward as St. Helena, to thwart the track between Cape Negro and that island, as it would be a good one for an enemy 's vessel (well navigated) to take, in preference to the usual and direct track from the Cape to St. Helena. As there was no flour in store, nor any to be purchased at Rio de Janeiro before I left it, I was under the necessity of sailing without any, and to take salt meat in lieu. I there- fore considered that it would be an object of great importance to the health of my ship's company, if 1 could procure some bullocks at Benguela to take with me to the island of St. Helena, where there could be no chance of getting any. ' 29th January, 1811. Arriving at Benguela, the Governor, Antonio Babello de Andrade, sent on board a great quantity of various fruits and vegeta- bles of all kinds, and promised to send off fresh beef; and the next morning I went ashore to wait on the Governor, who said he had given orders for bullocks and every other necessary refreshment to be 203 brought in from the country, for supplying the ship as soon as possible. After I had breakfasted with the Governor I went on board, and wrote to the Commander-in-chief, by a brig just then about to sail for Rio de Janeiro. In the course of this and the fol- lowing days during which I staid here, the Governor, with a degree of liberality and hospitality very rarely to be met with, sent off a great many fine bullocks, sheep, pigs, goats, and stock of all kinds ; and when the purser went ashore for the purpose of settling the accounts, he would neither accept of bills nor money, and told him to say to me that he neither could nor ought to receive any other remuneration, and all he desired of me was, that on my return to Rio de Janeiro, if I could but consider myself satis- fied with his poor endeavours to serve us, that I would acquaint his Royal Highness the Prince Regent with it. I went on shore again to explain to him the manner in which British men-of-war were usually supplied, and to acquaint him that it was not customary for us to receive, except on pay- ment of some kind; but all I could say made no im- pression on him. I therefore wrote a letter officially to Vice-Admiral De Courcy on the subject, and left it with the Governor, to forward by any oppor- tunity that might occur after I should sail. I wished much to have had the Governor on board to dine with me to-day, 2d February, but he could not come, on account of some particular order which prohibits Portuguese Governors from going afloat 204 at all until relieved. I had, however, all the officers of the garrison he could spare, and in the evening they went away, apparently very well pleased with their entertainment. c The climate of Benguela is considered extremely unhealthy, more especially at this season of the year, on account of the want of rain, and the heat of the weather. I am inclined, however, to think that the mode of living of the inhabitants is the cause why they feel serious effects of climate on their constitutions. They are so afraid of the heat of the sun, and the slightest exposure to it, that they never take any exercise whatsoever, and yet they live in the most full and gross manner on animal food of all kinds, except fish, which nothing can prevail on them to touch, as they told us they considered them a sort of poison, and advised me by all means to prevent the ship's company from eating any. I have sometimes before met with these local antipa- thies to fish, but seldom found them to have any rational foundation, and therefore, as the bay seemed to be absolutely alive with fish of all kinds, we sent to haul the seine every morning, and always caught more than all hands could devour ; nor was there a single instance of any person's health suffer- ing by eating them. The temperature in the heat of the day, in iny cabin, never exceeded 79 ; and as there was a regular, fine, fresh sea-breeze from about ten or eleven o'clock in the forenoon, till about seven or eight in the evening* it was not so 205 very hot even in the sun as the Portuguese seemed to think, and in the shade it was quite cool enough. From what little I saw of this place, I should have a favourable opinion of the climate, if this be the unhealthy season. The nights were pleasantly cool, though generally quite calm. The Portuguese told me that the best time of the year for ships to visit Benguela is from the month of May till October, when the weather is very cool, and agreeable to the constitutions of Europeans ; and as to blowing weather in the bay at any time of the year, such a thing was never heard of. The Europeans at this settlement seemed to be very few in number, and among them there was not one Portuguese woman, as the climate, they said, was always fatal to women and children. The fort and town are situated at a short distance from the beach, without a tree near any of the houses to shelter them from the sun. For an extent of about six or eight miles from the water-side up to the base of the rising hills, the land is level all along the shore, and inhabited by a numerous race of negroes, who seem to live very comfortably and in peace, under the rule of the Portuguese, though very few of them, as I was informed, have been converted to Christianity. The soil is rich, producing almost every fruit to be met with within the Tropics, in the greatest perfection and abundance, as well as some of the finest grapes I almost ever saw. Bullocks, hogs, very fine goats, sheep and poultry of all kinds, are 206 excellent and abundant; so that any ship making an Eastern passage to the Cape, or going out to India, might get well supplied here. The only ob- jection is the trouble of getting water. That article, indeed, can only be got by bringing it up out of wells, which are too far from the beach for any Europeans to be employed to fill it or roll the casks down to the beach, except it were done in the night time. We took in about ten or twelve tons for stock, but it was all filled and sent off by the Go- vernor's order and slaves. The chief, indeed almost the only, staple of trade at Benguela is slaves; but the Governor informed me, that since the Abolition Acts had been passed by the Legislature of Great Britain and other powers, it had dwindled away to nothing, as no purchasers now came for the thousands that could be collected. To my astonishment he told me that not only the Africans, living among and under the government of the Europeans, on the several parts of the coast of Africa, but all those of the interior nations, from whom the slaves are procured, were sorry that the slave-trade had been abandoned by any of the white people, and that they were much distressed by it, for they could now get no sale for the slaves they brought in, nor procure, as they used to do, in ex- change for them, the various articles of European manufacture, which our ships used to bring, and of which they now exceedingly felt the want. He assured me, also, that though it is true the abolition had rendered the wars among the Africans in the 207 interior less frequent, (as they were, he was con- vinced, sometimes undertaken for the express pur- pose of making slaves of those whom they took prisoners,) yet they were now become shockingly sanguinary ; for finding they got no sale for their slaves when brought in to the Europeans, they put them all to death, to get rid of them. I have no doubt but this may be all very true ; for a prime slave could be purchased at Benguela for about 6, when I was there, and sometimes they were as low as 3. I was surprised to see at this place neither horses, mules, nor asses, and was informed, when I asked the reason, that though horses had frequently been brought to Benguela, yet from some cause or other, which they could not discover, they were always very shortly taken ill and died. ' There was no surf on the beach, and we at all times landed without inconvenience. 6 The bay of Benguela, from the extreme given points, is, I suppose, about eight miles in extent ; and its depth, from a transit line through these points, may be about two or two and a half miles to the beach/ After touching at St. Helena, on the llth of February, Captain Heywood returned to Rio Ja- neiro on the 17th of March ; and on the 18th of April received orders from the Admiralty to go to the Plata, c to defend the British commerce in that river from any unjust effects of commotion. 5 There were doubts whether the person at Monte Video, 208 (General Elio,) then executing the functions of Viceroy, had received, before he left Spain, full and necessary appointment to that post. On this important point, Captain Heywood was unable to obtain satisfactory information. A civil war was at this time raging between the Viceroy and the Junta, the former of whom was established at Monte Video, the latter at Buenos Ayres, from which it was expected the British subjects and merchants might be sufferers. It will readily be seen that this service was one of great delicacy and difficulty. A few extracts from Captain Hey wood's diary will display the admi- rable mixture of firmness and courtesy, of prudence and candour towards all parties, by which he caused the British flag to be respected by the Spaniards, and his own character to be universally esteemed. He excited in the English merchants feelings of the warmest gratitude. Bent solely upon the discharge of his duty, with no selfish aim, and actuated by the highest principles of honour and benevolence, he held himself ready for every species of service which his situation and means permitted him to afford to all parties within the sphere of his influ- ence, whether foreigners or countrymen ; and it will be seen in the sequel of the Memoir how highly and justly his character was appreciated. On the 2d of May, 1811, Captain Heywood arrived at Monte A r ideo, and immediately waited on Don Xavier Elio, (with Capt. Elliott, who was al- 209 ready on that station, commanding the Porcupine,) to acquaint him with the chief purport of the orders he was under from the Commander-in-chief, viz. to assist in defending the British in these provinces against any effects of commotion. c Though no idea could be entertained by me/ says Capt. Hey- wood, in his account of the interview, c of impeding his official measures, yet a duty paramount to almost every other made it necessary in me to pro- tect his Majesty's subjects, so long as they should not infringe any positive or known law. That on this incontrovertible principle I was directed to repair to an anchorage near to Buenos Ayres, riot with any intention to press commerce against a Viceroy's interdiction, but to warn the British merchants there of the delicacy of their situation, to recommend to them not to let any consideration, for their own private individual interests, induce them to become partisans in the political dissen- sions at this time existing in these provinces ; and lastly, to aid and assist such of the British mer- chants there as might be desirous of sending away their property, or of quitting the Rio de la Plata. In order to promote these and other results benefi- cial to the commercial interest of my countrymen at Buenos Ayres, and to obviate and remove some of the obstacles thrown in the way of commercial speculation by the unsettled state of the government here, I expressed my hope and confidence that the Viceroy would allow British ships, now laden 210 or loading at Buenos Ay res, with property belong- ing to his Majesty's subjects, to pass from thence down the river without molestation, and moreover allow them to touch at Monte Video, if they wished it, without being subject to the repayment of any duties whatsoever, which they might have paid before at Buenos Ay res. In reply to the whole, his Excellency observed, that he presumed Captain Elliott, of the Porcupine, would lay before me the various communications that had passed between them. He said that the Junta of Buenos Ayres were traitors to their king, and enemies to Spain. That lie held the sovereign power in these provinces, and was the only legitimate authority, and as such he had declared war against the Junta. That he had declared Buenos Ayres and the ports thereof in a state of blockade, and was determined to pre- vent English commerce, as well as any other, from entering there ; though he w r as desirous of giving to the English every preference consistent with his duty. Therefore, that such ships as had arrived at Buenos Ayres, should, as I desired, be allowed to sail unmolested, but that no more should be per- mitted to enter. The Viceroy seemed to entertain an idea that I could force British vessels away, but I told him that was not in my power; but if the blockading power warned them off, and they should persist in entering, they must abide by the conse- quence. The Viceroy expressed in strong terms his disposition to do every thing to support and 211 assist the British ; but said, that they must not enter Buenos Ay res, because their commerce had enabled the Junta, by the duties received, to carry on the war. He observed also, that they had even supplied the Junta with boats and vessels fit for war, and moreover had increased the spirit of insubordination among the people of Buenos Ayres, by holding out to them that they would be protected by Great Bri- tain, and by spreading false news of the defeat of the Spanish armies. I concluded by begging to be informed of any new law or regulation the Viceroy might think proper to adopt, which might in any shape affect the interests of British merchants, in order that I might acquaint them with the same. He promised he would, and concluded by offering any service in his power/ On the 5th, the Viceroy having desired a con- erence, Captain Heywood waited upon him. ' We at down in the study, and the Viceroy said, " Now will have some conversation." Mr. M'Kinnon >vas with me, and the Viceroy sent an Aid-du-camp or Mr. Asavedo. The Viceroy then gave me a let- er to read, which he had received from Lord Strang- brd, the British Minister. This letter contained expressions from his Lordship of great regret on ac- count of the distracted state of these provinces ; offers of every assistance on the part of Great Bri- ain to preserve these colonies to Spain ; and re- commended the Viceroy, in the strongest terms, o endeavour to bring about an armistice between P 2 212 himself and the Junta of Buenos Ayres, till the mediation of Great Britain (which he offered) could be obtained, and assuring the Viceroy that it would be guaranteed by the Commander-in-chief of his Majesty 's ships on this station. I had just read Lord Strangford's letter when Mr. Asavedo entered, and, being introduced by the Viceroy, he asked me, in English, if I was acquainted with the contents of that letter. He was told I had just read it. - The Viceroy then asked me if I had ever read his cor- respondence with the Junta and Cabildo of Buenos Ayres, to which I replied in the negative, and he said he would give me copies of it. He then ob- served, that it was in substance the same as that which had been recommended by Lord Strangford ; that Asavedo had been the bearer of his despatches, with whom the Junta had refused all communica- tion, and whom they treated with the utmost in-* dignity. Asavedo put this question to me, " If the Junta refuse to accept of the mediation proposed by Lord Strangford, and, on the contrary, should the Viceroy agree to it, would you act against the Junta ?" I replied at once that I had no orders to act against the Junta, but, on the contrary, to preserve the most perfect and unqualified neutra-* lity. I told him that I had a letter, similar, I bet lieved, in tenor to that to the Viceroy, to deliver to the Junta, and that I should do so without making any observation whatever; that after this^ should they send for me, as the Viceroy had beeq 213 pleased to do, I should wait on them, and tell them, as I had told his Excellency, the purport of my or- ders. Here I found some difficulty in explaining to the Viceroy and Mr. Asavedo that I had no political or diplomatic character whatsoever. They incor- rectly imagined, that I was the Commander alluded to in the letter of Lord Strangford, who would guarantee the proposed armistice. It was, however, explained to them that Vice-Admiral De Courcy was meant. The Viceroy then said, that on his part he would accept of the mediation proposed with great satisfaction ; that he would agree to the cessation of hostilities, the basis of which should be the removal, on the part of the Junta, of the troops on this side of the river, and that he would raise the blockade, open the communication, and place every thing on a peaceable and friendly footing; and then refer to the Spanish government under the mediation of Great Britain. That, in regard to himself, if he was person- ally obnoxious to the government, or to the people of Buenos Ayres, he would retire ; that his person should no longer be an impediment to the proposed arrangement, for he was interested only for the good and safety of his country, and desirous of putting an end to war. He continued (in strong terms), that he fully empowered me to pledge myself to the Junta, that he would fulfil these conditions. I then begged to know, clearly, if I was at liberty to say so to the Junta, to w r hich he unequivocally replied, You are. Some conversation now. took place as to the mode of communicating with the Junta, and I told the Viceroy that unless the Junta should think fit to enter into a correspondence with me, so as to lead to a conference with them, similar to that with which his Excellency had honoured me, 1 should not feel authorized (for want of political character), nor could I presume to propose any thing to them. I observed, at the same time, with all due respect and deference to the Viceroy, that it would be rather in* discreet and unlikely to bring to issue the object in view, to give the Junta the smallest hint that his Excellency had made up his mind to accept their propositions. It was suggested also to his Excel- lency, that if Lord Strangford's letter to the Junta should produce in their minds the same pacific disposition which the Viceroy had shewn, and as much willingness to accept of the mediation of Great Britain, the proposal ought, with more pro- priety, to come from them, than descend from the Viceroy to them. The Viceroy saw it in that light too ; and it was, therefore, thought, that my most proper mode of proceeding, would be to deliver to the Junta the letter with which I was charged, and if, in consequence, they should require a con- ference with me, and should give me their full and distinct sentiments, so as to induce me to be- lieve that Lord Strangford's proposals were agree- able to them, I should then be at liberty to use my own discretion as to introducing any of my autho- rities from the Viceroy to accede to the same. These authorities I should produce whenever I could do so with a good effect. The Viceroy several times 215 repeated, not only the conditions proposed by my Lord Strangford, but that he would himself be no personal hindrance to the arrangement, for he would embark for Europe, and join his regiment, if, from what had happened formerly, he was unfortunately an object of dislike, 4 Mr. Asavedo once asked me, " As you acknow- ledge the Viceroy, and as Spain and Great Britain are united in the same war, how comes it that you do not consider those as rebels and enemies whom the Viceroy has declared to be so ?" The question was a pertinent and a home one but I answered it immediately by saying, that it would be arrogance and presumption in the extreme in me, as a British naval officer, without any instructions on this head, nor having any political capacity at all, to give any opinion; and much more presumptuous, nay, pu- nishable, were I, thus circumstanced, to have the temerity to aid or assist any one Spaniard against the other. Towards the conclusion of the conver- sation, the Viceroy spoke with contempt of the troops and forces of the Junta said that the Junta had raised a civil war that they might flatter them- selves to take Monte Video, but that it was impos- sible. However, he said, to keep the country clear, and to prevent the evils which might arise from the mode of warfare adopted, he had thought it his duty to call for the Portuguese troops. A few observa- tions were then made on the subject of the blockade, by Mr. Asavedo, who wished it to be understood that 216 the date of it was the fifteenth of April last ; the* Viceroy (recollecting, I suppose, his promise to me on the second) said " No such ships as have en- tered up to this time shall not be considered as hav- ing violated the orders of blockade." Also, if any that might be warned off, should still persist on entering, they must take the consequence. I again assured the Viceroy that I was instructed not to force commerce against his interdiction, and that I could not entertain any idea of opposing the order of blockade. I then took my leave^ with a promise to wait on him previous to my sailing/ 4 8th. I went ashore to take leave of the Vice- roy, who was as good as his word, and gave me an order to the commanding officer of his blockading flotilla to suffer all the vessels now up at Buenos Ayres to pass down the river unmolested, and to continue the blockade of that port as strictly as pos- sible. 3 On the lOthj Captain Heywood moored his ship off Buenos Ayres, and immediately waited on the Junta to deliver to them the despatches with which he had been charged by the British Minister ; and, without observation or comment, took his leave. He also sent a letter to the merchants there to ac- quaint them briefly with the tenor of such parts of his orders as related to them. 14th. Captain Heywood waited on Dean Fiines, one of the members of the Junta, to have some pre- paratory conversation with him on the subject of a memorial shewn to him by some of the merchants, and intended to be presented to the Junta, praying for a reduction of the duties in this port ; and having endeavoured to convince him how beneficial such a reduction w r ould be to the public revenue of Buenos Ayres, as well as to the British merchants, the Dean expressed every desire and inclination to promote it with his influence* 4 On the 20th, I had/ says Captain Heywood, c an accidental conference with the President of the Junta. He very candidly, and without reserve, opened to me his political opinions, and laid before me the principles on which the Junta had been formed at Buenos Ayres, and now governed there. He assured me, that they had no desire to be independent of Spain further than any one province there was allowed to be independent of another, but that they could not submit to be ruled by a faction of Cadiz merchants, and others under their influence, who would have these Ameri- cas follow the fortunes of Spain, even if it became subject to France, in order that they might preserve to themselves the monopoly of trade to this Western part of the w 7 orld, to the exclusion even of Great Britain. That this faction, or regency as they called themselves, had even gone so far lately as to vomit forth on this land reptiles, in name and guise Span- iards, but w r holly in the interest of France, as governors, to supersede those against whom no complaint had been made. The chief object of 218 these traitors to their country was, to prepare the minds of the Americans for receiving the yoke they would impose upon them. This, he said, they felt it their duty to endeavour to ward off. They re- vered the name of their king, and had sworn to govern these provinces for him in his name. That they had an equal right with any province in Spain, to form a system of government for themselves, de- clared., as these Americas had been, to form an integral part of Spain. That the eyes of the people of South America were now open ; they had breathed the air of freedom (on which, said he, smiling, you Englishmen thrive so well, and of which you have taught us to estimate the value). No ! we never more can return to that abject state of vassalage, debased as we have been by so many tyrannical and illiberal restrictions for so many centuries restric- tions which went so far as even to forbid us to im- prove the land we live in, or to enlighten by in- struction and knowledge the minds of our children. " Why, Sir \" continued he, warming into energy by the subject, " these Cadiz people would have us con- tinue to be, what I blush to confess to you that my countrymen have been so long, very bullocks, to draw their luxurious carcases through the sloughs of sensuality ! But no ! it must not, cannot, be ; for God, who sees the integrity of our hearts, will be our guide, and Great Britain will be our friend and protectress, on the principles of allegiance to our king, and mortal hatred to France, and every 219 thing like tyranny, or monopoly, or oppression, in our trade, On these grounds, said he, we stand. These are the rights we assert, and will defend against all opposition with our best blood and trea- sure. And if Great Britain will guarantee them to us, we will accept of her mediation as offered by Lord Strangford, in the despatch brought by you. At the same time. Sir, standing as we do now upon an eminence, we cannot stoop to ask of the man at Monte Video, who calls himself Viceroy of these provinces, or to offer to him terms of any nature." 6 1 did not think it was at all necessary, after this, to make any communication to the President re* specting what had passed in the conference which took place w r ith the Viceroy, but only observed, that I could not suppose Great Britain would feel any dissatisfaction at sentiments and principles such as he had expressed/ While Buenos Ayres was blockaded by the Vice- roy, Monte Video was also closely invested by the forces of the Buenos Ayres Government, who ob- tained some successes. In this posture of affairs Captain Hey wood exerted himself, as opportunity offered, to promote peace and a good understanding between the contending parties, and to serve all ranks, both of Spaniards and Englishmen. On one occasion he procured permission from the Junta for a Captain Obregon, of the Spanish navy, an envoy of the Viceroy, who had placed himself un- der Captain Heywood's protection, to land and 220 offer terms of pacification. On another, he con* ducted a deputation of the Junta, at their request, down to Monte Video, to confer with the Viceroy, at whose suggestion the Junta availed themselves of the neutrality of the British flag, and the guarantee of its protection on this errand. At his request the Junta permitted a widow lady who had arrived from Cadiz, and had come up the river from Monte Video, to land and reside in Buenos Ayres. He succeeded, also, in obtaining the release of a number of old Spaniards who had been detected by the Buenos Ayres Government in promoting disturb- ances against it, and who were put in irons like com- mon malefactors, though some of them were persons of rank and family. But the following transaction will shew the firmness and promptitude with which he performed his duties as a protector of his coun- trymen. Having heard from some of the British merchants, that during his absence at Monte Video, in consequence of the armed vessels of the Viceroy having thrown some shells into Buenos Ayres, the Junta had taken possession of three or four mer- chant vessels, and were fitting them out at Ensinada, under command of a person of the name of Taylor, an American, he went to the Junta, and informed the President that, situated as he was there, for the express purpose of protecting the subjects of his Britannic Majesty from any unjust effects of com- motion, he could not suffer the masters of these vessels to be ejected from the command of them, 221 unless with their full and entire consent, and then only with the proviso that they were authorized by their employers so to dispose of their vessels. Hearing nothing immediately from the Junta in reply, and a report prevailing that it was their in- tention to fit and arm the vessels for hostile pur- poses against the Viceroy, Captain Hey wood wrote the following letter : *, To the PRESIDENT OF THE JUNTA OF BUENOS AYRES. < July, 1811. After considerable trouble and delay, this letter had its effect, and the vessels were restored. But Captain Hey wood began to feel doubts about the propriety of allowing the blockade of Buenos Ayres, so injurious to the British merchants, to con- tinue, and he thought there was an inconsistency in his orders c not to press commerce against the Viceroy's interdiction/ especially considering Elio as having a nomination only, and not a regular ap- pointment to that post, and knowing that Vice-Ad- miral De Courcy had formerly gone down from Rio Janeiro to La Plata for the purpose of raising the blockade of the port of Buenos Ayres, when declared against it by a predecessor of Elio in the govern- ment at Monte Video. Both parties were desirous of monopolizing to themselves the foreign commerce for the sake of the duties arising from it ; and it ap- peared to Captain Hey wood unjust, that, because they disagreed in politics, one party should be allowed to injure the English by depriving the other of the benefits of the English trade. 224 With these doubts, he determined to sail to Rio Janeiro to have some conversation with Lord Strang- ford and the Vice-Admiral on the subject. An interview with them confirmed him in the opinion that his doubts were well founded, and led him to believe that the Vice-Admiral had not given his attention sufficiently to the subject, and had been too moderate in his language to the Viceroy, for whose disposition strong language was more neces- sary. In November, Captain Heywood expected, and soon after received, permission to leave this station and return home. But before he did so, he exerted himself once more for the British merchants in en- deavouring to procure the opening of a register at the Custom House of Buenos Ayres for the expor- tation of specie, many of the British merchants having expressed great anxiety to avail themselves of so good and safe an opportunity as the return of the Nereus afforded to make remittances home. The Government, however, objected to it, on account of the scarcity of money in their own treasury, and because they had already refused to the Spaniards and their ow r n countrymen permission to export it. They expressed regret at being obliged to adopt re- strictive measures, more especially at the juncture of Captain, Hey wood's departure, as it might be in some degree prejudicial to the interests of an officer who, they confessed, had laid them under obligations 22o by the assistance which they were pleased to say he had given them, in endeavouring to restore peace between Buenos Ayres and Monte Video. On the 10th of December, the Nereus sailed for England with such quantity of specie as could be got off by the merchants, who used every possible exertion to get over the restriction, and arrived on the 22nd of March, 1812, at Spithead. But before his departure, the following highly complimentary letters were addressed to Captain Heywood by the merchants whose interests he had so diligently and scrupulously protected, a diligence, sufficiently proved by the remains of several MS. volumes of his correspondence, called forth by daily occurrences. % c SlR, 4 We have received the two letters dated the 21st of July, which you did us the honour of writing to us, accompanied with copies of those you had the goodness to address to his Excellency Don Fran- cisco Xavier Elio, at Monte Video, respecting the British vessels illegally and forcibly detained in" that port,and subjected, in consequence of the siege, to great distress for want of provisions. 6 We beg leave to express to you our high sense of gratitude for these prompt and energetic exertions, and for the proofs you have been pleased to give us of your constant attention to protect and advance our interests since you came to this station. It is highly satisfactory to us to observe, and truly gra- Q 226 tifying to our minds to confess, that such disposi- tions are guided by judgment, temper, and conci- liating manners ; calculated to overcome difficulties and to fix our entire confidence in you. Being unanimously impressed with these sentiments, we request you will accept our sincere thanks for all the kind attentions you have been pleased to shew to his Majesty's subjects, individually and collec- tively, in the Rio de la Plata, since we have had the happiness of your presence amongst us, and our assurance of the personal esteem and high respect with which we have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient, humble servants, (Signed by) 4 ALEX. MACKINNON, Chairman, And the Principals of forty-three Mercantile Houses. 'To PETER HEYWOOD, Esq.^ Captain, R. N. 9 fyc: 4 SIR, < December 8, 1811. c Being now on the point of leaving this station, we cannot, injustice to our own feelings, refrain from repeating to you our sincere thanks for the con- stant and uniform attention you have been pleased, on every occasion, to shew towards our general and individual interests. The respectable manner, go- verned by good sense and temper, in which you have supported the dignity and honour of the British flag, under circumstances of much difficulty, cannot be sufficiently appreciated by private per- sons, but we trust the discernment of our Govern- 297 ment, and the liberality of our country, will recog- nizeand reward such meritorious conduct. Allow us to assure you, that as we sincerely regret your departure, we have only to express to you the sen- timents of high respect and esteem ; and that we shall ever remember you with the warmest grati- tude. We sincerely wish you a speedy and happy return to England, and uninterrupted success in rising to the summit of your honourable profession. With these unanimous sentiments, we have the honour to subscribe ourselves, Sir, c Your much obliged and faithful servants. (Signed as before.) c To PETER HEYWOOD, Esq., R.N., Captain of H.M. S. Nereus, and Senior Officer in the Rio de la Plata* On his return to England, Captain Heywood drew up, with the most disinterested views, a paper, which he designed to address to those whom it might concern, respecting the state of trade in Buenos Ayres and the neighbouring countries. He had formed an opinion, from what he had seen and learnt concerning the trade to South America, that it was unprofitable, and considered it would be blamable in him not to make an attempt at least to give to the public the information which he had acquired, supposing it would be of service to many. A few extracts from this paper will shew the acuteness of his observation and soundness of his Q 2 228 judgment. It contains hints probably still worthy of attention from those concerned in trade with the Spanish states of America. ' Nereus, March, 1812. 'Though I have not the presumption to suppose for a moment, that any opinion which I may con- sider it my duty to offer on a subject foreign to my profession, can have influence on commercial plans already decided on by mercantile men as promising profit ; yet, as it may possibly make some " look before they leap," and, by creating doubt, promote inquiry among the better informed, I trust that this letter will, at all events, do no harm. ' Unacquainted with the nature of the engage- ments between merchants in England trading to the Rio de la Plata or Janeiro, and their agents at those places, I am not competent to judge whether the latter ought to endeavour (even if they think as I do) to check inclination at home still to export thither the manufactures of our country. Perhaps we have no right to expect them to make voluntary representations. Nor yet is it to be expected that those merchants at home who have failed in their ex- pectations of profit, or even suffered loss by ventures to South America, will set themselves up as warn- ing beacons to others, if it be commercial policy to conceal failure and loss. Men are generally averse to acknowledge the errors of their professional judgment, and that they have been deceived and 229 taken in. In such cases they make the best of their bad bargain, and bear the evil in silence. But even were a merchant, from pure good-will to the public, candidly to tell of his ill success in some par- ticular branch of commerce, from which much had been expected generally, and to endeavour to dis- suade others from following his example, is it not probable that some would ascribe his failure to bad management, and that vanity or hope would whisper in their ears, that they might do better ? Nay, some would not even give him credit for liberal or disinterested motives ; but, on the con- trary, perhaps, suspecting him of concealing known advantages from a desire to monopolize, by checking competition, would plunge headlong into the diffi- culties which he warned them to avoid. c I therefore venture now to offer such information as I have been able to gather, respecting the com-* merce to South America, and, after stating a fact or two, shall leave it to those whom it may concern to draw their own inference. 4 The British commerce in the Plata, when I left Buenos Ayres in December last, seemed to me to be in a deplorable state of stagnation. Vessels had been there fourteen months, and their prospects of getting cargoes no better than when they arrived. ' In consequence of the free trade allowed in 1809, at Buenos Ayres, the importation of British goods soon exceeded, in all proportion, the wants and consumption of its population. The Spanish 930 merchants, flattering themselves that this free trade would be but of short duration, eagerly invested their disposable capital in British goods, which they either stored up for better times, or sent to distant provinces ; and, under various devices, even to such other viceroyalties as had not then admitted the British commerce. Owing to these circum- stances, sales were made to a greater extent than could reasonably have been expected, but they soon ceased to operate with the same vigour. c Intestine political dissensions began, which would sooner have had a pernicious effect on our commerce, had not Chili, following the example of Buenos Ayres, opened its inlets to British com- merce. Without considering the relative poverty and small consumption of Chili, goods were poured into that country as if it were an inexhaustible mine of wealth. The effect was soon evident. Sales could not be made in Chili, even at the prices of Buenos Ayres. At the close of the past year, 1811, the aspect of things entirely changed. Buenos Ayres lost its most valuable province, Upper Peru, which, containing all the metallic riches, not only contributed most effectually to the revenues of the state, but also consumed a large proportion of Eu- ropean goods. That country is separated from the Rio de la Plata by contending armies. But even if it were not, what resource can it hold forth, laid waste as it has been by military excesses, its wealthy population driven away, and its mines neglected ? 231 Chili is overstocked, and Buenos Ayres can barely purchase sufficient for the consumption of the capi- tal, or of its own immediate provinces. Many, in-, deed most, articles of British goods will not in these countries now realize the prime cost to the propri- etors in England ! In the present unsettled state of the provinces, a return of any sort is most pre- carious ; and without stability in the ephemeral government, such as that at Buenos Ayres has been lately, I am not at all clear that even a British merchant would be always sure of meeting with protection and justice in cases of difficulty, or of avoiding oppression by its subordinate officers. Neither hides nor tallow are now to be had in any quantity ; and the members of the present executive government of Buenos Ayres declared to me, not- withstanding my representations of its illiberality and impolicy, that they would never permit the ex- portation of specie or bullion. And although, since I sailed from Buenos Ayres, the government there has reduced the duties on British imports generally, one-third, its only probable effect will be, a reduction of prices to the consumer, in the same ratio as that of the duty. Those who are at Buenos Ayres may gain by this reduction ; but to the pro- prietor in England, who sends his goods there, the advantage seems to be merely nominal, and calcu- lated to deceive him with fallacious prospects. 6 1 remain, &c., &c., p.H.r 232 Captain Hey wood sent a copy of the foregoing to a friend, one of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, in order to have the private opinion of that Board as to the propriety of sending it forth among the British merchants, but he was told that their Lordships were of opinion, that it would be improper in him to address himself immediately to the merchants, and was recommended to write any thing he had to say on the subject officially to the Board, when, if thought necessary, it would be communicated to the proper boards or departments of government. The following extracts, from a letter written at this time, containing Captain Heywood's own de- scription of this scene, and his feelings and reflec- tions on the occasion, cannot but be read with sympathy and admiration. 4 Montagu, Gibraltar, February 1, 1816. c An event of rather a singular nature occurred to me two or three days ago, and I confess I have still so much of the savage about me as to have been in no small degree interested by it. I heard accidentally, last Sunday, that there were two poor unfortunate Taheiteans on board the Calypso, who had been kidnapped, and brought away from their island by an English ship about thirteen or fourteen months ago. Thence they went to Lima, and in a Spanish ship were conveyed to Cadiz, where soon after their arrival last June, they made their escape, and got on board the Calypso, where they have re- mained ever since, unable to make themselves under- stood, and hopeless of ever revisiting their native country, to which they ardently long to go back, ~and God knows, and so do I, that is not to be won- dered at. As I thought they would be much more at their ease and comfortable with me, I ordered 286 them to be discharged into the Montagu, and they were brought on board. Never, as long as I live, shall I forget the emotions of these poor creatures, when, on entering the door of my cabin, I wel- comed them in their own way, by exclaiming, " Ma now, wa, Ehd, maa ! Yowra t'Eatooa, te harre a mye ! Welcome, my friends ! God save you in coming here!" 4 They could scarce believe their ears when I ac- costed them in a language so dear to them, and which, except by each other, they had not heard pronounced since they were torn from their country. They seemed at the moment electrified. A rush of past recollections at once filled their minds, and then, in a tone and with an expression peculiar to these people, and strikingly mournful, they sighed out together and in unison : " Attaye, huoy ay ! Attaye huoy to tawa Venooa, my tye ay ! Ita roa ye heo ay ! Alas ! Alas ! our good country, we shall never see it more !" I took each by the hand and told them, that if I lived they should be sent home to their country, and assured them, that in the mean time they should remain with me, and that I would be their country- man, their friend and protector. Poor fellows ! they were quite overwhelmed their tears flowed apace and they wept the thankfulness they could not express. They looked wistfully at me and at each other. God knows what was passing in their minds, but in a short time they grew calm and felt 287 comforted ; and they now feel contented and happy. It was a scene which I would not have lost for much more than I ought to say. But there is no describing the state of one's mind in witnessing the sensibilities of another fellow-being, with a convic- tion, at the same time, that they are true and un- affected. And, good God! with what ease that is discovered. What an amazing difference there is between these children of nature and the pupils of art and refinement ! It was a scene worthy of being described by a better pen a sincere ex- pression of Nature's genuine, best feelings, such as we sometimes read of in many of OUY pretty novels; but rarely, very rarely see, in this civilized hemi- sphere of ourSj and which, indeed, I do believe / very seldom have seen wholly unsophisticated by some selfish passion, which interest mixes with them, but polish teaches to conceal, except among the poor untaught savages of the island which gave these men birth where plenty and content are the portion of all, unalloyed by care, envy, or ambition where labour is needless and want unknown. At least, such it was twenty-five years ago. And after all that is said and done among us great and wise people of the earth, pray what do we all toil for, late take rest, and eat the bread of carefulness, but to reach, at last, the very state to which they are born ease of circumstances, and the option of being idle or busy as we please ? But if I go on this wav 288 you will say I am a savage, and so I believe I am, and ever shall be in some points ; but let that pass. 6 As these poor fellows appear to be very wretch- ed in a state of existence so new to them, so foreign to their original manners and habits, and as their ignorance utterly disqualifies them for enjoying what they cannot comprehend the value of, and renders them useless members of a state of civiliza- tion and refinement such as ours, I have written a public letter to Mr. Croker, and a private one to Admiral Hope, to beg they may be sent out to their own country, should the newspaper reports be true, that our government intends to send a vessel to Pitcairn's island with articles of comfort and con- venience for the new-discovered progeny of the Bounty's people. This discovery naturally inter- ested me much when I first heard of it in 1809, at the Admiralty; but still more has the information given us since by Sir Thomas Staines and Captain Pipon* interested me. A very lively and general curiosity seems to have been excited to know more about a race of beings so new and uncommon in the compo- sition of their character, and not the less so from its purity. And even my curiosity (gratified as it has been already by seeing man in every stage of so- * The information given by these gentlemen is to be found, with many very interesting particulars, in the account of Pitcairn's Island, subjoined to the " History of the Meeting of the Bounty." The reader, who is not already acquainted with this account, cannot fail to be highly gratified by its perusal. 289 ciety, from the miserable savage of New Holland to the most cultivated and refined European) has been awakened by the accounts of these officers ; so that, were I on the spot, and any thing were going out that way, it is not at all clear to me but that I should be tempted to endeavour to go and look at this new species, as well as to judge whether the natives of Taheite have, upon the whole, been benefited, or the reverse, by their intercourse with Europe for the last twenty-five years. I know what they were then, and I believe there are few persons, if any, now living, who possess the same means of judging of the change that may have taken place, because all those who saw them about that time were but casual visitors ; and if I may be allowed to judge from what has been written, these visitors knew just as much about the people as they did of their language ; and a man must have a strangely-con- structed head who can believe that any thing which it is most interesting to know concerning a strange peo- ple, can possibly be known (correctly at least) without the latter. Yet we meet with many descriptions of their manners, customs, religion, and ceremonies, of their government and policy, (if they have any,) that must have been comprehended. How ? Why, by the eye alone. Now is this possible ? No : and I can only say, that more than two years and a halPs residence among them, and a very competent knowledge of their language, never enabled me to dis- cover the truth of nearly all the descriptions of those u 290 matters before the public, most of which I, at this moment, believe never to have had existence except in the heads of the writers ! But, fortunately for those who feed curiosity with a goose-quill, there is no lack of credulity in Great Britain, whatever there may be of faith. To us, however, it is very immaterial what stories we are told about them ; and to know more or less of these savages, will neither add to nor lessen our stock of happiness. Happiness indeed does not seem to be our chief object of search, so much as wealth, distinctions, and power, where alone we most of us suppose it to reside, notwithstanding half a thou- sand old fellows, from Solomon down to Dr. Cogan, have been telling us we are all wrong. But these Islanders have neither power nor gold to make it ; but plenty, cheerfulness, and content they have, and with nature only for their guide, they are so deplo- rably ignorant as to fancy, that these, with a few social enjoyments, constitute the summum bonum of life. Upon the whole, there is more general hap- piness among them, than among any people I have met with on earth ; so that I am very sure, the less we teach them of our arts and sciences, the better for themselves. Let them, however, have our reli- gion ; for though they have a firm belief in the Supreme Being, of the soul's separate existence, and of a future state after death, still more happy than the present, yet it may be for their benefit hereafter to have a knowledge of Christianity, though I am not at all sure it will make them happier during life, or 291 add to the composure with which I have seen seve- ral of them, both old and young, depart out of it. In most matters, indeed, they act up to its tenets already, without knowing any thing about it. But those customs among them, which are in direct op- position to its holy precepts, as well as to their own happiness here, (most of which, however strange it may seem to the ear of an European, originate in pride of family ,) particularly infanticide, it would doubtless correct, and in time explode. But of this matter I have said more than enough, perhaps, and more than I intended."* * In connexion with this subject the Editor cannot forbear calling the attention of the reader to a very remarkable passage in the History of the Mutiny of the Bounty. After a description of Otaheite and its inhabitants, the writer adds, ' Such was the state of this beautiful island and its interesting and fascinating natives at the time when Captain Wallis first discovered and Lieutenant Cook shortly afterwards visited it. What they now are, as described by Captain Beechey, it is lamentable to reflect. All their usual and innocent amusements have been denounced by the missionaries, and, in lieu of them, these poor people have been driven to seek for resources in habits of indolence and apathy : that simplicity of character, which atoned for many of their faults, has been converted into cunning and hypocrisy ; and drunkenness, po- verty, and disease have thinned the island of its former population to a frightful degree. By a survey of the first missionaries, and a census of the inhabitants, taken in 1797, the population was estimated at 16,050 souls; Captain Waldegrave, in 1830, states it, on the autho- rity of a census also taken by the missionaries, to amount only to 5000 and there is but too much reason to ascribe this diminution to praying, psalm-singing, and dram-drinking. ( The island of Otaheite is in shape two circles united by a low and narrow isthmus. The larger circle is named Otaheite Mooe*, and is i about thirty miles in diameter ; the lesser, named Tiaraboo, about ten miles in diameter. A belt of low land, terminating in numerous valleys, ascending by gentle slopes to the central mountain, which is u 2 292 Captain Heywood was distinguished from his brother officers by entertaining different, and, as they were perhaps thought, singular opinions, on about seven thousand feet high, surrounds the larger circle, and the same is the case with the smaller circle on a proportionate scale. Down these valleys flow streams and rivulets of clear water, and the most luxuriant and verdant foliage fills their sides and the hilly ridges that separate them, among which were once scattered the smiling cottages and little plantations of the natives. All these are now de- stroyed, and the remnant of the population has crept down to the flats and swampy ground on the sea-shore, completely subservient to the seven establishments of missionaries, who have taken from them what little trade they used to carry on, to possess themselves of it ; who have their warehouses, act as agents, and monopolize all the cattle on the island but, in return, they have given them a new re- ligion and a parliament (risum teneatis?) and reduced them to a state of complete pauperism and all, as they say, and probably have so persuaded themselves, for the honour of God, and the salvation of their souls I How much is such a change, brought about by such conduct, to be deprecated 1 How lamentable is it to reflect, that an island on which Nature has lavished so many of her bounteous gifts, with which neither Cyprus nor Cythera, nor the fanciful island of Calypso, can compete in splendid and luxuriant beauties, should be doomed to such a fate in an enlightened age, and by a people that call them- selves civilized !' Pp. 3739. How much does this extract contain for serious and even painful reflection ! Are these the effects of the introduction of a religion which makes ' peace on earth and good-will to man the glory of of Gdd'? It should be observed, however, that there is a little stronger colouring given to the picture in this account than it appears to wear in the original ; or, at least, that in Captain Beechey's Narra- tive there are observations calculated to modify the strong feelings of regret and indignation which this statement excites. The reader, who is not already acquainted with it, will do well to consult Captain Beechey's very interesting Narrative of a Voyage to the Pacific in the years 1825-28. The account of Pitcairn's island, the picture of Adams, the information on missionary settlements and their in- fluence, given by that author, abound in matter for delightful and improving contemplation. Is there not a mistaken benevolence extensively pervading society, which, indulging grand but vague expectations, delights in searching 293 many important and interesting points. Amongst others, was the more favourable estimate which he had formed of the talents and character of the American naval officers ; and he appears at this time to have given a little umbrage to some of his friends by the expression of this estimate, or at least to have been called upon vigorously to defend his opinion. The former part of the letter, which contains the fore- going extract, is chiefly taken up with this topic. c Montagu, February 1st, 1816. c MY DEAR B 4 1 avail myself of the Partridge, now at single anchor, all ready for a start the moment the wind serves, to thank you for your long and kind letter of the 13th November, brought over by the Tagus. I am glad I happened to anticipate your wish to know something of the Yankees. However you may agree with me, my friend *^ *, to whom I wrote an account of them in similar terms, has rated me, not a little, for giving what he calls " un- qualified praise to those Yankee doodles \" That I gave credit to the Yankees we had here, as far as they appeared to me to deserve it, is true ; but that I conceded to them unqualified praise, I deny ; and if what I did give, happened to be at the expense of my own countrymen, (as he seemed to out distant and unknown spheres of operation, embarrassed by all the difficulties of imperfect, often false, information and ignorance of the true nature of the evil to be removed ? 294 think,) the fault is theirs, not mine. I am one of those who do not consider true worth to be the growth of one particular soil alone. But it may be the production of any, and wherever I see, I feel myself bound to acknowledge it, even in an enemy. When the evidence of the senses convinces the un- derstanding in opposition to unfavourable report, the liberal-minded man will not allow his judgment to be obscured by national partiality. Nor will he be so unjust as to withhold from the deserving man his meed of praise, whether he be a countryman, a friend, or a foe. If we really discover among these Americans any of that ability and those qualities which we admire, and upon which we pride ourselves so much, are we, merely because they were born in America, to suffer narrow-minded prejudice to blind our reason ? No, surely not ! Be assured this is un- wise, it is unmanly; nay, it is mean, it is despicable. But farther still than this. If we find some American officers, whom, by the bye, I do not class with their fellow-countrymen on shore of whom I know but lit- tle, to have given particular attention to some profes- sional studies to which many, nay most of us, have perhaps paid no attention at all, are we to deny them merit as far as that goes, on the ground of deficiency in ourselves ? I must honestly confess, that I can- not do this, and, with much humility too, that, as an individual, on comparing myself with one or two with whom I conversed here, I found, I am sorry to say, that I was rather light in the balance, that is, 293 wanting in a knowledge of some particular matters closely connected with our profession, which we all ought to know, but I do not; and of which I have some reason to believe, that too many of my brother officers are equally ignorant. Yet these men were modest and unassuming, and most of them had can- dour enough to acknowledge their general inferiority to British naval officers ; assuring me, that they were only desirous of emulating them. Far from giving them credit for general excellence, I see they are at present very inferior to us upon the whole ; and to me it is evident, that those among them who can think dispassionately, think so too : so that they have in their composition the best possible ingre- dient to make themselves better ; for nothing is so inimical to improvement, as thaf pride which pre- sumes on supposed superiority and merit, or that haughtiness which indicates unqualified contempt of others. It has always appeared to me, that our high naval reputation has arisen from successes over the French and Spaniards, whom we ourselves, as well as the nation at large, have always looked on as despicable opponents in naval warfare. But it be- hoves us not to class the Americans with foes like these. I have not heard from Lord Exmouth since the 20th December. He was then at Leghorn, without orders about the fleet, and about to visit Rome, &c. We are afraid it is intended to keep us all here till the guardships are manned, as we 296 hear our rulers at the Cross have made John Bull growl a bit, by turning so many of our Jacks adrift all at once. The fact is, John Bull has had his worth of good out of us, and he cares not no\v what becomes of Jack, provided he does not go over to the Yankees, or takes to cruizing among his pigs and poultry, to save himself from starving. As to the extreme reluctance of men to enter the navy, the causes must be too self-evident to us who have been among them for so many years to need men- tioning here. With respect to the navy, there is an evident want at present of national gratitude and proper feeling. However, when fear brings our good countrymen to their right senses, they always know, because they feel, our value. If ever again the country's enemies become respectable by sea, what has been ever, will be again ; we shall stand upon the vantage ground, and the navy will meet with that consideration from the sovereign, as well as the country, which appears now to have been transferred to the other class of its defenders. It will not then be necessary for officers of the highest rank in our service, to stoop to beg to be put on a footing of equality with the army ! There has been, I see by the papers, such a petition. This is a crying shame somewhere, and it is not for us to apply for a remedy. It ought to be anticipated and applied, if justice requires that it should; and as I take it for granted that will be (or ought to be) im- partially dealt, in such a constitution as ours, by the 297 King to his servants, I would not be one, as an officer, to petition for that which all his subjects are entitled to expect at the hand of Majesty, whose eye, we are to presume, is over us all alike ; and, as a man, I would not forfeit my own esteem by be- coming a beggar, unless driven to it by the force of necessity and absolute want/' The following description of Captain Heywood's situation at the date of this letter, will be read with interest by those who remember him. " As Parliament meets to-morrow or next day, I trust we shall hear, in a packet or two, whether we are to remain here at this rock for ever. I am sorry to say that we are beginning to feel the sad effects of lying now nineteen weeks in a state of inactivity, disappointed hope and expectation no small evils in this life. It is ten times worse than the whole war service put together. Within the last fortnight I have sent to the hospital about fifty men, and have buried three. Unless there exist some most urgent necessity, it would be huma- nity to remove us all from this country, for the fellows in these ships have so set their hearts on being paid off, that from the present state of their minds they are ill fitted to begin a new war if there should be one, and so indeed must every one who has been compelled thus to live so long cut off from every thing that man ought to hold dear in life. However, we never have any grumbling on 298 board old Montagu. We all know our duty, and will not flinch from it. Still it would be satis- factory, to have some time to look to -as no state is so painful as suspense, or at least some reason given to us for thus delaying our return home. In the mean time, whatever may happen to us here, may you be happy at home, and believe me, * Most sincerely yours, ' P. H.> Similar remarks on the American naval character were written about the same time by Captain Hey- wood, in his own defence, to a friend who was less disposed to coincide with them ; and they were thus introduced : 4 And so, my good, worthy old messmate, you would have given me a " broadside," for having bestowed what you call unqualified praise on those Yankees, at the expense of my " own countrymen." However, if you had, you would have found me prepared (as I trust I always shall be) to defend myself against attack ; but with what success I pre- sume not to say. I very seldom think it worth my while to explain to the indifferent the motives I act on, or my reasons for opinions which 1 may give, and which, believe me, I adopt not lightly on trust, but, to the best of my judgment, from observation and conviction. Yet to those I value and esteem, 299 I am always willing and ready to open my mind without reserve. * * ' It behoves us not to hold the Americans too cheap in our estimation. We must either excel them or they will excel us ; for they have humility enough to confess they are not equal to us yet, in naval skill and ability ; but they appear to me to have the emulation to become so. c And so far are they advanced in professional science and practical seamanship, as well as in the essential qualifications of officers, that I am inclined to consider these Americans the only naval people, in the present day, over whom a successful action, on equal terms, can justly confer any credit on a British opponent/ In allusion to the report which had reached him of the multitudes of his countrymen who flocked to Plymouth, from curiosity, to see the fallen Emperor Napoleon, then on board an English vessel awaiting his destiny, thus paying him an honour gratifying to his vanity, he says, 6 Why the public is a sort of nondescript, an anomaly in nature. It cannot discriminate between good and evil between the career of honour towards the goal of fame and real glory, or infamy/ We may infer, perhaps, from this, that the opinion Captain Heywood had formed thus early of the character of Napoleon, was similar to that developed by Dr. Channing, in his c Remarks on the Life and Character of Napoleon Buonaparte/ and in his 300 4 Thoughts on True Greatness/ productions, pub- lished many years afterwards, with which Captain H. entirely coincided in sentiment. Captain Heywood and his crew were soon re- leased from the station which appears to have be- come so irksome to them. In the same month in which his letter was dated, he accompanied Lord Exmouth in that gratifying mission along the Barbary shores, which produced the release of nearly two thousand Christian slaves. The following characteristic anecdote is given of him by the au- thor of the Notice in the United States Journal : c At Tripoli, another instance of his watchfulness occurred ; a heavy N. W. wind coming on while the Admiral and most of his captains were on shore, the w r hole squadron began to drive, and some of them heeled over prodigiously. We ran to the top of the Consul's house, which overlooks the roads, where Lord Exmouth and Sir J. Brisbane soon made their appearance also. " My Lord," we said, " the Montagu is under sail." " Oh ! as for Heywood," he replied, " no fear of him ; (*he is sure to be in his place) ; what are the others doing ?" ' On our return from the Mediterranean/ con- tinues Captain Heywood, 4 theMontagu was paid off at Chatham, on the 16th of July, 1816 ; and I came ashore, after having been actively employed at sea twenty-seven years, six months, one week, and * As added by a friend. 301 five days, out of a servitude in the navy of twenty- nine years, seven months, and one day/ The following lines, written by one of the Mon- tagu's crew, were sent to Captain Heywood, by desire of the whole ship's company. They express the sentiments of affectionate respect, which were universally entertained towards him by his men, and by his contemporaries in the service, and they cannot, in justice to the subject, be excluded from this volume. Sent to him at a moment when his ship's company were about to be freed from the restraints of naval discipline, they cannot indi- cate a design to seek his favour by undue adu- lation. 4 He was perfectly adored/ was the em- phatic expression of one of his shipmates respecting him to the writer of this memoir. In the Naval Biography they are thus introduced : c We have had occasion to notice the presentation of numerous swords, snuff-boxes, rings, &c., but we have never yet met with an instance of a naval commander re- ceiving a tribute of respect and esteem from his crew, better calculated to gratify a benevolent and humane mind, than u The Seaman's Farewell to H. M. S. Montagu," when put out of commission at Chatham, on the 16th of July, 1816.' Farewell to thee, MONTAGU ! yet ere we quit thee We'll give thee the blessing, so justly thy due ; For many a seaman will fondly regret thee, And wish to rejoin thee, thou Gem of True Blue/ 302 For stout were thy timbers, and stoutly commanded, In the record of glory untarnished thy name ; Still ready for battle when glory demanded, And ready to conquer or die in thy fame. Farewell to thee, Heywood 1 a truer one never Exercised rule o'er the sons of the wave ; The seamen who served thee, would serve thee for ever, Who sway'd, but ne'er fetter'd, the hearts of the brave. Haste home to thy rest, and may comforts enshrine it, Such comforts as shadow the peace of the bless'd ; And the wreath thou deserv'st, may gratitude twine it, The band of true seamen thou ne'er hast oppress'd. Farewell to ye, Shipmates, now home is our haven, May our hardships all fade as a dream that is past ; And be this true toast to old Montagu giv'n, She was our best ship, and she was the last. The wish, not inelegantly expressed in the fourth of these verses, and certainly appropriate to his character and tastes, was not breathed in vain. He had now fulfilled the resolution so solemnly declared to Captain Montagu, when the King's pardon was extended to him, that he would devote his life to the service of his Sovereign ; and as his country no longer required the active exertions of the profession, he retired from public life. His mind was from the first evidently formed to gather the choicest fruits of domestic privacy and leisure, and to cultivate, in comparative seclusion and peace, intellectual and literary tastes. Hitherto he had allowed nothing to interfere with that high sense of duty to his country, which was always present to his mind ; 303 and, perhaps, from the feeling that his profession was incompatible with that attention to the obliga- tions of domestic ties which alone could satisfy him in their enjoyment, he deferred until this time his union with a lady, to whom he had long been attached. 304 CHAPTER V ON the 31st of July, 1816, Captain Hey wood married Frances, the only daughter of Francis Simp- son, Esq., of Plean-House, Stirlingshire, and the writer may be permitted to say, that in this lady Captain Heywood found a companion who could sympathize cordially in his mental and moral tastes. Mrs. Heywood well appreciated the treasure of which she became possessed, and valued, as they deserved, the manly independence, the unaffected goodness, the pure and simple manners, which were the dis- tinguishing charm of her husband's character ; it formed her chief happiness to share in his enjoy- ments while he lived, and it is her chief consolation to reflect that she soothed, with every faithful and sedulous attention, the sufferings of his latest hours. Possessed, then, of all that his heart desired with a moderate competency, which, to his chastened wishes and simple habits, was affluence ; self-justi- fied in the recollection of the past, if not adorned with the honours which he carried with him, (yet what greater honour could such a mind desire than the grateful and affectionate regards of his fellow- 305 beings?) he withdrew into the bosom of domestic retirement. For many years he lived at Highgate, enjoying, in elegant hospitality, the visits of his select friends, purifying by his refined taste, and elevating by his intellectual pursuits, the society of that home, over which his mind threw a charm like the mild light of a descending sun upon a landscape, after the storm and the cloud have passed away. Captain Heywood had no family, but his home had an additional ornament in a daughter of Mrs. Heywood's, for whom he felt parental attachment, and who reflected, with every feminine grace and ^ accomplishment, the purity and amiableness of her \father-i n-law's character. This lady is now united to 4Jeut. Belcher, R. N. ? who, as Commander of the ^Ltna, is at present surveying the coast of Africa. The feelings which animated him at this season are, however, best known, as they are beautifully exhibited in a letter to Lord Melville, written on declining the honour of a Commodore's Broad Pen- dant, a letter which the reader will doubtless ap- preciate as highly as it deserves. c On the 18th of May, 1818, Lord Melville, without any solicitation of mine, or that of any of my friends, that I am aware of/ says Captain Hey- wood, in a brief summary of his career, ' made me the offer of the command on the Lakes of Canada, with a Commodore's Broad Pendant. He was so good as to allow me to accept or refuse it, as well x 306 as a week to consider it. I had, however, no hesi- tation in writing him the following letter the next day: < MY LORD, ' I hope your Lordship will give me credit for feeling, as I sincerely do, highly honoured by the offer which you were pleased to make to me ; truly grateful for a mark of estimation so far above my deserving, and no less thankful for the permission conceded to me to accept or decline it. 4 In deciding on a question of this kind, it be- hoves an officer, in the first place, to divest his mind of every private inducement that can possibly influence his judgment. I have endeavoured to do so, though, I must confess, under difficulties arising from domestic circumstances, which could not have presented themselves to a bachelor. Were the country at war, there could be no option left. Duty would point to immediate acceptance ; but a state of peace may, perhaps, be allowed to render the duty somewhat less imperative, and to sanction a different resolve. It was ever my determination to serve, if able, during war, when and wherever the authorities of my country should require me ; a determination that nothing but inability will ever alter. At the same time, he who would never lend a deaf ear to his country's call, nor evade demanded service in time of war, cannot, perhaps, be justly blamed for withstanding those allurements which 307 tempt so many to seek employment in the service, even in profound peace, nor be censured for desiring to enjoy, with humility and content, the fruits of many former years of professional anxiety and fa- tigue. * Professing myself to be one of these, and as it has pleased God, through the means of many friends, and more especially yourself, my Lord, to enable me to realize a small competency, fully equal to my limited desires, far beyond my most sanguine ex- pectations, and infinitely beyond my deserving ; and being now also in possession of every thing which I hold of most intrinsic value in this life, I candidly confess that I feel little disposed to quit these things, even for a short time, except to con- tribute the little measure in my power to the de- fence of my country in time of war, or under a con- viction, that my humble professional endeavours may possibly be more useful to her in some parti- cular case and time than those of another. This, in the present instance, is, of course, entirely out of the question. 4 The distinction, attached to the command which your Lordship has done me the honour to deem me worthy to hold, would be no inducement to me to accept it at this time of peace; and the salary* still less. Both these, however, would, no doubt, have due weight with many officers, whose talents and * About 1200 per annum. x 2 308 qualifications for such a command, I am very sure greatly surpass mine, though, in point of zeal, I trust I may be allowed to say that I feel no inferio- rity to any. ' Having no private views to promote by serving during peace, and being entirely deaf to the sugges- tions of vanity, or the desire of distinctions, (of rank and command I mean,) merely for their own sakes, I would therefore willingly hope, if the ser- vice will admit of it, that your Lordship will be pleased to permit me to decline the honour of this command, in favour of some one of the numerous meritorious and distinguished officers, to whom those distinctions are objects of high ambition and regard, if not of envy, and who, I have no doubt, will be more fully competent to the discharge of its various duties, with superior benefit to the public service. 6 1 trust further, my Lord, that my thus, most respectfully, soliciting to be permitted to decline an offer which 1 consider so highly honourable to me, and for which I shall feel most grateful as long as I live, will not be imputed to dereliction of my duty, 'but, on the contrary, to motives founded on right principles, and fully justified by the circumstances. Under this hope and trust, I beg leave to subscribe myself, with every feeling of respect, duty, and gra- titude, 4 My Lord, your Lordship's most faithful and obliged humble servant, c PETER HEYWOOD/ 309 * 1 had an interview with Lord Melville a day or two after he received the above/ says the writer in a note following the letter, * and was happy to find that my determination met his entire concurrence and unqualified approbation. ' P. H.' This excellent man continued long to enjoy the fruits of this resolution. His house was the resort of friends, who looked up to him with respect, and of young aspirants in the profession, who came to profit by his experience and advice. Observation, reading, and reflection, contributed to enrich the mind, which early adversity had strengthened. Captain Hey wood was active also with his pen : he kept up an extensive correspondence, and pub- lished, in the periodicals and journals of the day, various papers chiefly on subjects relating to his profession, and the sciences connected with it. He seldom read without recording the observations which occurred to him as of most importance in the course of his inquiries, and failed not to com- ment on the errors into which the author before him had fallen. It is a subject of deep regret, that no considerable results of this activity, at a season when his mind and opinions were matured, can be laid before the reader. Captain Heywood shrunk, with virgin delicacy, from observation and notoriety, and never obtruded his own proceedings or pursuits on public attention. His authorship of the papers 310 which he published, was probably known only to those habitual companions who were admitted most closely to his confidence, and not always even to them. The sentiments of the following letter, particu- larly in relation to the priesthood, were such as the author of this sketch often heard him express, and it is the only letter, written at this period, which has fallen into his hands : c It is near a month, my dear * *, since I last wrote to you, on the receipt of your letter, dated 6th of May, at Corfu, and I was just thinking of writing to you now when that of July 1st, off Egina, came to hand. It has come quickly, but as it has been subjected to the prying system of espionage, so generally established by the conti- nental governments, opened and resealed, I deem it necessary to let you know it, that you may be on your guard as to what you write. Your excur- sion to the summit of Mount Etna must have been highly interesting to you, and would, of course, have been still more agreeable could your ladies have accompanied you. I take it for granted that neither you nor they could have been much grati- fied by your visit to Corfu, except as regards the novelty and beauty of the surrounding country. I confess, that pleased me much, when I was there in the year 1815 ; but I was too much occupied to make any use of my pencil, as I am happy to find your dear girl has done. I have, however, been so 311 fortunate as to obtain a few of the sketches made by poor Cartwright during his long residence there, as well as a few of his pictures, when they were sold by auction at Philips's. c As to the people there, I formed, from the little I saw of them, a most unfavourable opinion, which poor Cartwright corroborated, arid Mr. D. . ., from whom I heard the other day, has fully confirmed. And I take it for granted, that the rest of the Greeks are all of much the same stamp as to their general character. Indeed, from all I have seen and heard, and been able to judge from their acts, during their struggle for that independence and freedom which they are as yet unqualified, by sloth and ignorance, either to understand or to enjoy, they truly are what D . . . describes them to be, " a treacherous, dastardly race to friend and foe, scarcely possessing one of the virtues for which credit has been mis- takenly given them by self-interested writers of travels, and some superficial observers." They seem to be deplorably deficient in candour, truth, and that feeling of moral obligation so necessary to bind man to man, and it would appear that momentary gratifications, and temporary advantages over each other in their dealings, constitute the essence of their ambition. A government in the hands of such men can be little relied on, nor can it be expected to be durable and efficient. A sudden but evanescent lustre has now and then been thrown on the charac- ter of this people by excitement of the moment, and 312 the example of a few superior spirits ; but I fear it will not be very durable. For there can scarcely be a true patriotic feeling in the breasts of any of their leaders ; and as to the Count* at their head, your opinion of him is no doubt quite correct. I have always thought him, and events but tend to shew him, to be a self-interested agent in the hands of the Russian autocrat. His object is evidently Rus- sian aggrandizement, more than Greek freedom ; and in all probability, whatever obstacles may be thrown by the Allied Powers, through their minis- ters at Constantinople, in the way of pacific nego- ciation between the Turks and Russians, or even the former and the Greeks, they will chiefly origi- nate in him, although the freedom and welfare of Greece will be always in his mouth, and be promi- nently set forth in all his public documents. The Count well knows, as every man of common sense must know, that the Greeks, as a people, are quite as unfit for a free constitution and the enjoyment of freedom, as the Turks themselves, the Spaniards, the Portuguese, or any other people, whose minds are enslaved and debased by bigotry and supersti- tion. The greatest bar to their progress in know- ledge is the want of that moral light which can alone be afforded by Christianity practically and rightly understood, and the existence of an avari- cious, selfish, lazy, and over-numerous priesthood, * Capo d'Istrias? 313 whose exactions keep the people in the most de- plorable poverty and ignorance, whence alone they derive their power and influence, and on which the existence of such a body alone depends. Not even Popery can be worse than the Greek Church for the mind's enslavement, and yet have our sage rulers, in the abundance of their wisdom and phi- lanthropy, in this 19th century, encouraged it as good, and lent a helping hand to the durability of its abominations. No country can keep so large a portion of its population in idleness, as these baneful systems of superstition and fanaticism ren- der necessary, and prosper. One's blood boils at the hypocrisy of the priesthood of both these churches, as they are called, whose language is that of charity and good-will to all men, whilst, at the same time, their whole conduct tends to oppress and debase the minds of their deluded victims. I am still, my dear * *, have been, and ever shall be, averse to the granting of temporal power to any clergy whatsoever, and would resist all spiritual power, if evidently applied to base and pernicious purposes. The sacred duties of a truly Christian priest, if conscientiously performed, are more than sufficient to occupy his time ; and in those coun- tries where they are least permitted to interfere in secular matters, we find the most faithful and con- scientious clergy, and in general the most moral and properly religious people. We have too many instances in our own country of that inordinate 314 thirst for power, wealth, and distinction, in the priesthood of even the Protestant Established Church, and of their making it the stepping-stone to self-aggrandisement, and seldom have we found even them exerting their power and influence to advance the real knowledge, and promote the good, of the people. 4 We have hardly yet had time to judge how far our late grand Emancipation act works for the good of poor Ireland, but for this I must refer you to the papers of the day. I sincerely wish that all the benefits contemplated by its advocates may re- sult. For myself, I have always been desirous of not prolonging, by any act or countenance of mine, the existence of what it is most desirable should die as early a natural death as may please the God of truth ; and never, on the ground of any temporal expediency of any sort, hypocritically to hold a can- dle to the Devil, or to any of his messmates. I am no enemy to the temporal interests and welfare of the Papists, but I morally and mortally detest their system. I also wish quite as well to the Greeks and their cause, but I have rny doubts of the stabi- lity of any government or edifice which such a people can raise for the establishment of their inde- pendence and rational freedom. I sincerely wish the Powers allied in their favour may finally suc- ceed in their endeavours at Constantinople to bring about peace between the Turks and Russians, and to free the Greeks from the yoke of the former. For 315 it was never intended by the Almighty that man should oppress his fellow, and therefore I trust that they may at least be allowed to make the experi- ment of trying to govern themselves. But will they succeed ? Only look at the Spanish Americas, and say on what part of the Greek character is rational hope to be founded. The Creole Spaniards and the Greeks have each the most fertile and beautiful countries under heaven, where every thing may be produced, but where the seeds of true patriotism seem to be extinct. Long ere this can reach you, you will, of course, have been enabled to judge on the spot, of the probable result of the negocia- tions now said to be going on at Constantinople, which, as far as I can see from the papers here, the generality of people are disposed to think will finally settle the Russian and Turkish war, and the inde- pendence of Greece ; but I confess I see little ground for being so sanguine in my expectations of the result, and yet I hope I may be wrong, for the sake of humanity/ * * After some observations on the characters en- gaged in these negociations, and their probable suc- cess, the writer continues c Should your Admiral, on the contrary, be reduced to the necessity of hav- ing recourse to the more forcible arguments of his proper profession, surrounded as he is by such dis- tinguished supporters, I have the fullest confidence as to the result, and that when you return, crowned with the laurels of victory, you will all be rewarded 316 with ribbons, and other pretty things, and Sir * * with a peerage and the smiles of a king, and be the envy of all the world, except a few rusty old philo- sophers like me, and many wiser men who care for none of these things. Now, my dear . . . . , I think your eyes will have been fatigued with deciphering all this, and therefore I will have pity on you, and desiring our kindest remembrances and best wishes to you all, believe me ever, with great truth, 6 Faithfully yours, were their subjects wise, kings would not play at.* In 1827, Captain Hey wood's health began to decline, but he had no particular complaint until November, 1828, when he had what he imagined to be inflammation of the lungs. Dr. J. Johnson attended him, and after three weeks' severe suffering 326 lie gradually recovered, but never regained either strength or appetite ; nor could he walk as he was wont to do. Yet he complained of nothing but a sensation in the left side, and also in the left side of his head. In June, 1829, he moved from Highgate into the Regent's Park, to be near all that he valued as amusement the command of books without the fatigue of walking far for them. Gradually and almost imperceptibly his strength declined, and when his family went to Southsea, July, 1830, he did not join them for a week, and in that short in- terval the change for the worse was to them most painfully perceptible. At Southsea he remained ten days returned to London with his family and in a week he set off in a steam vessel for Scot- land, thinking a coasting voyage, if he could be sea-sick, might be of use to him. He went by va- rious steam vessels from Port-Glasgow to Wales, thence to Dublin, to Plymouth, and last to Ports- mouth, where Mrs. Heywood and her daughter were waiting for him. He arrived at Cowes at two o'clock in the morning, and was so anxious to rejoin his family that he immediately took an open boat, and arrived at Portsmouth at seven A.M. A violent North-east wind was blowing, and the cold was excessive. On immersion in a warm bath after breakfast he nearly fainted, and from that hour his decline was rapid. His valued partner had then the agony of hearing that his case was enlargement of the heart, and quite hopeless. Subsequently, his 327 breathing became difficult, and his lungs indicated disease. Still, however, he was on his feet, read much, and was at times very cheerful. In October^ Mrs. Heywood was called from home on very ur- gent and painful business. Such was his anxiety, that for three weeks he insisted on Mrs. Heywood's remaining with her daughter, and wrote her a long letter each day. Alas! on the 19th, when Mrs. Heywood and her daughter returned, they found he had been seized with cholera not an hour before, which so reduced him, that he never rallied more than to be able to leave his room a few times after that. His breathing became so dreadfully painful, that he could not lie down, nor could he sit in one place ten minutes together^ nor bear any thing op- posite to him, and in this very dreadful state he ^remained three weeks, during which period sleep never weighed down his eyelids, not even for a moment. It would be only painful to continue the picture of the sick chamber and its protracted suf- ferings. In February, 1831, he had a paralytic stroke, which deprived him for a time of speech, but after that he rallied a little, and saw some of his old friends. They know c what soul was his/ his patience, resignation, and hope. On the 10th of that month he took his usual breakfast of bread and milk, and soon after fell into a peaceful sleep, from which his relatives expected he would awake re- freshed. But suddenly they were summoned to his chamber, and arrived just in time to catch the last 558 sigh, such as infants breathe after crying. Thus, without a groan or struggle, in his 58th year, died one of the best of men. ' Would to God/ is the de- vout exclamation of one from whose faithful memo- rial of every change that affected him, this account of his illness is chiefly given, 'all men had his high sense of right, his strict conscientiousness, and his feeling for the distresses of his fellow-creatures !' The reader, after this delineation of Captain Hey- wood's mind, may possibly entertain a wish to know something of its outward form. It is in the Author's power to gratify this wish only so far as a few words admit. His figure was well-proportioned, and rather above the middle size. It bore a very close correspondence to his character. His features were regular and good ; and his whole countenance expressive of a calm, serious, observant, and reflect- ing mind, but mild and pleasing. In conversation it was lighted up with cheerful and delightful viva- city. There was an unaffected dignity about him ; in short, every thing in his appearance to bespeak the being of a superior order. A very interesting and striking resemblance may be traced between the character of Agricola, drawn by the master-hand of Tacitus, and that of the sub- ject of this Memoir. There is such a singular appropriateness in some of the expressions of that author, particularly in connexion with the last- mentioned subject, that it would seem injustice to exclude them from these pages : 329 * Quod si habitum quoque ejus poster! noscere velint, decentior quam sublimior fuit, nihil mettis in vultu, gratia, oris supererat, bonum virum facile crederes, magnum libenter. Et ipse quidem quanquani medio in spatio in- tegrae aetatis ereptus, quantum ad gloriam, longissimum aevum peregit. Quippe et vera bona, quae in virtutibus sita sunt, impleverat; et consularibus ac triumphalibus ornamentis praedito, quid aliud adstruere fortuna poterat? opibus niniiis non gaudebat; speciosae contigerant : filia atque uxore superstitibus, potest videri etiam beatus, in- columi dignitate, florente fama, salvis adfinitatibus et amicitiis futura effugisse, ' Si quis piorum manibus locus ; si ut sapientibus placet, non cum corpora exstinguuntur magnae animae: placide quiescas, nosque, dornum tuam, ab infirmo desi- derio, et muliebribus lamentis ad contemplationem virtu- turn tuarum voces, quas neque lugeri, neque plangi fas est: admiratione te potius, temporalibus laudibus, et, si natura suppeditet, similitudine decoremus. Isverus honos, ea conjunctissimi cuj usque pietas. Id filiae quoque uxo- rique praeceperirn, sic patris, sic mariti memoriam vene- rari, ut omnia facta dictaque ejus secum revolvant, fa- mamque ac figuram animi magis, quam corporis, com- plectantur; non quia intercedendum putem imaginibus, quae marmore, aut aere finguntur : sed ut vultus hominum, ita simulacra vultus imbecilla ac mortalia sunt, forma mentis aeterna : quam tenere et exprimere non per alie- nam materiam et artem, sed tuis ipse moribus possis. Quidquid ex Agricola amavimus, quidquid mirati sumus, manet, mansurumque est in animis hominum, in aeterni- tate temporum fam^ rerum/* * ( Posterity may wish to form an idea of his person. His figure was rather proper and becoming than majestic. In his countenance there was nothing to inspire dread: but his looks were extremely Z 330 gracious and engaging. You would readily have believed him a good man, and willingly a great one. And, indeed, although he was snatched away in the midst of a vigorous age, yet if his life be mea- sured by his glory, it was a period of the greatest extent. For after the full enjoyment of all that is truly good, which is found in virtuous pursuits alone, decorated with consular and triumphal ornaments, what more could fortune contribute to his elevation ? Immoderate wealth did not fall to his share, yet he possessed a decent affluence. His wife and daughter surviving, his dignity unimpaired, his reputa- tion flourishing, and his kindred and friends yet in safety, it may even be thought an additional felicity that he was thus withdrawn from impending evils. ' If there be any habitation for the shades of the virtuous ; if, as philosophers suppose, exalted souls do not perish with the body; may you repose in peace, and call us, your household, from vain re- gret and feminine lamentations, to the contemplation of your virtues, which allow no place for mourning or complaining; let us rather adorn your memory by our admiration, by our short-lived praises, and, if our natures will permit, by an imitation of your character. This is truly to honour the dead ; this is the piety of every near rela- tion. I would also recommend it to the wife and daughter of this great man, to shew their veneration of a husband's and a father's memory by revolving his actions and words in their breasts, and en- deavouring to retain an idea of the form and features of his mind rather than of his person. Not that I would reject those resemblances of the human figure which are engraven in brass or marble; but as their originals are frail and perishable, so likewise are they; while the form of the mind is eternal, and not to be retained or expressed by any foreign matter or the artist's skill, but by the manners of the survivors. Whatever in Agricola was the object of our love, of our admiration, remains, and will remain in the minds of men, trans- mitted in the records of fame, through an eternity of years.' Dr. AJKIN'S Translation. RETURN ro * _OAN PERIOD 1 2 3 4 5 6 ALL BOOKS MAY BE RECALLED AFTER 7 DAYS DUE AS STAMPED BELOW C.BERKtL! LIFOR UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY FORM NO. DDO, 15m, 2/84 BERKELEY, CA 94720 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFOR QJJ THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALI ft) F THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA =- QJS^\D LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALI bi\i^fb LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALI