64 INTERESTING FACTS, tfc. Sfc. Sj&Z^&'tfZ 1 INTERESTING FACTS RELATING TO ana OF JOACHIM'MUR AT, KING OF NAPLES; THE CAPITULATION OF PARIS IN 1815 ; AND THE SECOND RESTORATION OF THE BOURBONS: ORIGINAL LETTERS FROM KING JOACHIM TO THE AUTHOR, SOME ACCOUNT OF THE AUTHOR, AND OF HIS PERSECUTION BY THE FRENCH GOVERNMENT. BY FRANQIg MACIRO-NE, LATE AID-DE-CAMP TO KING JOACttlti j KNIGHT OF THE ORDER OF ?HE TWO LONDON: PRINTED FOR RIDGWAYS, PICCADILLY. 1817. '. W. Flint, Printer, Old Bailey, London* INTERESTING FACTS, fyc. fyc. THE following pages relate to an extraordinary period in the history of Europe, and contain the recital of some anecdotes and circumstances, which cannot fail to be interesting to those who may wish to be informed of every thing connected with the events of that time. The share I *had in some of those events, ena- bles me to impart to my narrative, the important and valuable quality of truth ; yet I should not have ventured to appear before the public as an author, if it were not necessary for the vindication of my character. Among the first acts of the existing government of France, was the abuse of its newly acquired power by persecuting and oppressing me ; and I know too well, when any government chuses to raise the arm of oppression against an individual, that not only the person, the property, and the character of that individual are in considerable peril, but that his most successful efforts, aided by innocence, are B 321864 2 INTERESTING FACTS not always sufficient to secure his escape with his reputation and interests entirely unimpaired. Whether I merited persecution from any quarter, and particularly whether I merited it from the government of France, the reader will be enabled to judge, when he has perused the following sheets, in which I have fairly exposed every act of my life connected with the events which were then passing. Without this appeal to the public, I could not wholly relieve myself from the effects of the per- secution of which I complain. It was generally known, the free press of this coun- try, and even the slavish press of France having con- tributed to make it known, thathaving been dispatched as the accredited agent of the allied powers, to impart to the late King Joachim of Naples, the determination of those powers in regard to his future destination, on my return (having executed this mission to thebest of my ability) I was seized at Marseilles by an order of the French government, my property and papers were taken from me, and myself thrown into a dungeon where I remained twenty-three days, and where I was denied the common necessaries of life, that I was removed from thence to Paris, and then confined for upwards of a month in the prisons of the Conciergerie and the Abbaye. It is difficult to believe that I could have been treated with all this severity, without having com- mitted some crime by which I had rendered myself RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. S deserving of punishment ; and yet the ingenuity of my persecutors was not sufficient to enable them to discover or to invent, a single charge against me for which they dared to put me upon my trial ; but ofter a rigid imprisonment, and much insolent and cruel treatment, I was set at liberty, guiltless of any offence, but with my character sullied by the outrages which had been inflicted on me inflicted on me by the orders of a king, not unacquainted with misfortune, but who, from his indifference to the sufferings of others, seems not to have learnt the lesson which a wise and benevolent man would have derived from calamity. To make my innocence known co-extensively with the acts of persecution of which I complain, is the principal object of the following pages. A candid statement of my conduct in regard to the transactions which could alone have led the French government to single me out as an object of its vengeance, will not only prove my innocence of any crime, but will, I think, satisfy every unpre- judiced mind, that I had a claim to the regard and consideration of the very government which sought to destroy me. A demand made by the English minister at Paris for my liberation, as an Englishman, was falsely answered by the French minister of police*, " that " / was a native of Rome" This reply sliews that no ordinary pains had been taken to investigate and ascertain my origin and history, in the hope of B 2 4 INTERESTING FACTS discovering some real or pretended ground for my de- tention. The answer although not true is so far near the truth that Rome is the country of my remote and immediate ancestors, and but for the disasters which befel my family, it would probably have been mine also. There is nothing in the cir- cumstances of my family or myself, with respect to which I would not willingly challenge investigation, and although it will detain my readers for a sh6rt time, from the more interesting parts of this publica- tion,yetwith the view of engaging more sympathy, I will take the liberty to lay before them a short history of the misfortunes of my house, misfortunes, with which it could not have been assailed, in a country enjoying likeEngland, the protection of laws ad ministered with justice, without regard to power or station. My grandfather, Francis Philip Macirone, was at the head of a noble and very wealthy family of Rome. It was a custom at Rome, and 1 believe in many other countries, for the nobility and rich persons to farm certain branches of the public revenue. My grandfather engaged in several of these spe- culations with his government, and besides, ob- tained a lease of the great alum-mines of La Tolfa, DELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 3 to which was attached 2700 acres of land, and for which he paid to the government an annual rent of 64,000 crowns. For many years of this lease, the mines were wholly unproductive, and my grandfather had to pay the enormous rent, without any return. Two or three years before the end of the lease, some valuable veins of alum-ore were discovered, but it was then too late for him to derive much benefit from the discovery, without a renewal of the lease. My grandfather who was a scientific man, had laid out vast sums in experiments and improvements on these works, the most considerable of which was, the construction, at his own expence, of a magnificent paved road, of upwards of fifteen miles in length, extending from La Tolfa to Civita Vecchia, which road still bears the name of Via Macirone. It may therefore be supposed, that the person who had subjected himself to all this expense, would be particularly anxious to renew his lease when the term expired. Offers for a new lease were to be given in to the secretary of state for the finance department. My grandfather delivered in his ten- der, by which he proposed to pay an additional rent of several thousand crowns. Monsignore Banchieri, who was then treasurer of Rome, was related to our family, but for some unaccountable reason, he determined to favour the views of the Marquis Lepri, who was likewise our relation, and a secret candidate for the occupa- 6 INTERESTING FACTS tion of these mines. This minister y and the Mar- quis Lepri, corruptly concerted the means of in- suring the acceptance of the proposals of the latter. The tenders were to be delivered sealed into the office of the treasurer, previously to their being submitted to the inspection of the committee of ministers called the Camera or Chamber. Mon- signore Banchieri, whose administration was one scene of injustice, violence, and oppression, through the medium of his private secretary, who ultimately bore testimony against him, procured a seal to be en- gravedsimilar to my grandfather's. He then privately broke open his letter of tender, and thereby becom- ing acquainted with his proposal, inserted a some- what higher offer in the tender of the Marquis Lepri, for which purpose a blank space had been left in it. By this fraud the minister gained his point Lepri's offer was accepted, and my grandfather's conse- quently rejected. The offer made by my grandfather so considerably exceeded the rent payable by the preceding lease, that this circumstance, together with some others, excited a suspicion, that unfair means had been employed to influence the result. This suspicion acquired double weight from the well known cha- racter of the minister Banchieri, whose name at Rome, is synonymous with every thing base> de- ceitful, and malignant. It appears that at the expiration of the lease here spoken of, the Papal Government, aggregately RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 7 termed La Camera, was indebted to my grand- father in very considerable sums, independent of the amount he had expended in the construction of the Via Macirone, which that government had agreed to repay him. The government influenced by Banchiere, proved false to its engagements, and a law-suit was com- menced by my grandfather, for the purpose of en- forcing them ; in which the fact of his letter having been privately opened, was proved in all its circum- stances. The minister's private secretary, who had been employed on the occasion, confessed his crime ; the engraver who had made the imitation of my grandfather's seal, and the original seal itself, were both discovered ; and my grandfather ob- tained a decree of the supreme tribunal of Rome. (La Rota) that ample reparation should be made him ; that he should be put in possession of the alum-mines, and that the Camera should defray the/ enormous costs which had been incurred. But the Papal Government interposed its authority to pre- vent the execution of this decree, and to renew and protract the suit, but, after several years of. perse- vering exertion, the same tribunal issued a second decree to the same effect in our favour. In England, where the laws are so wisely and impartially administered, it will scarcely be believed that a government would dare to interpose its au- thority, to stop the course of justice, and to deprive an individual of his rights ; particularly g INTERESTING FACTS after those rights had been solemnly investigated and confirmed by two successive determinations of a court of competent jurisdiction : but so it was in this case ; and the execution of the second decree was evaded as the first had been. . The payments were delayed, arid it became necessary to have recourse to other proceedings. From the experience of the past, no solid hope could be entertained, that even a third favourable decree would be productive .of any beneficial ^consequence. The effort was how- ever made ; and after the lapse of fifteen years of renewed and , increased exertion, the former decrees were confirmed, and another sterile victory was the result. Upon any less cogent authority than the documents relating to this subject, I should have difficulty in stating, that this third decision was dis- regarded by the unjust government of Pope Pius the Sixth. The former immense losses which my grandfa- ther had sustained, and the enormous expence of this tedious suit, had compelled him to sell, or in- cumber, nearly the whole of his property, in, and near Rome, as well as an estate which had belonged to him, near Ponte Corvo on the river Garigliano, in the kingdom of Naples. & He persisted, how- * This place, which is one of the most fertile and pictu resque spots in the world, is to be found in the good maps of Italy under the name of Villa Macirone. A short time ago the estate belonged to the national domains of Naples^ and RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. ever, in his claim for several years longer, till at length overcome by the weight of his misfortunes he died from disgust and chagrin. Four sons and two daughters were left to share the remnant of his property. The daughters had already abandoned the world, and retired to the con- ventof St. Cecilia, where they arestill secluded. The sons sought different fortunes, two of them entered the French army, of whom one perished in the American war. My father, who was the eldest, had obtained through the patronage of the Marquis Ta- nucci, then prime minister at Naples, the post of Neapolitan consul-general at Marseilles. On the resignation of the Marquis Tanucci, my father lost his situation. It was then that he entered the French army, in which he served several years. During the period of ;peace which preceded the French revolu- tion, he travelled over the greater part of Europe and some part of Asia. He at length settled in England, where he married an English lady, and has since devoted himself entirely to commercial pursuits. Thus by the strong hand of despotism was a family overthrown which for centuries had enjoyed an uninterrupted series of prosperity and honour, Of our former possessions all that now remains to us at Rome is a splendid sepulchre in the church of St. Louis ; and our cause, which continues in the had King Joachim preserved his kingdom, I should have been (according to his promise)' put in possession of it, 10 INTERESTING FACTS state in which it was left by my grandfather, the reiterated decrees in our favour being unrevoked. I have in my possession all the papers and documents respecting it, and should fortune ever put it in my power I shall resume the claim with a confident hope of success, founded on the reformed mode in which the functions of government are now exercised, and justice is administered in that country. One only of my grandfather's sons remained at Rome, where he held the respectable situation of director-general of the posts, and was much esteemed. At his repeated solicitations my father determined to send me, his eldest son, to Italy; and in the year 1803 at the age of fifteen, I left England for the first time, to visit the land of my Italian ancestors. About six months after my arrival one of the fevers so prevalent in Rome attacked my uncle's family, and nine members of it, including my uncle and aunt, were its victims. My aunt was at that time only twenty-five years of age, and was justly celebrated as one of the most beautifuFand amiable women in Italy. I remained in Rome ten months after this deso- lating catastrophe, when at the desire of my father, who wished me to acquire a knowledge of commer- cial affairs, I repaired to Naples,^ and lived for some * I shall ever remember with pleasure the delightful pedes- trian journey I made from Rome to Naples, through the Ap- penines with Mr. R. Sinirke, who now ranks so high in his pro- fession as an architect. RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. II time as the guest of a friend of his, an eminent mer- chant in that city. In the year 1809 some personal difference having arisen between us, I left his house and discontinued my commercial education, and from that period, disengaged from any particular pursuit, I lived either alone or with an English friend. Soon after the occupation of Naples by the French, in 1805, I was preparing to return to England, and had actually obtained my passport, when in conse- quence of the noted decree of Berlin, I was consti- tuted a prisoner of war, and detained as such in that country nearly seven years. In the year 1812 I obtained an order for my exchange with a French officer named Daure, who was a prisoner in England ; and I should have immediately proceeded to my native country, but I was much reduced by a typhus fever I had caught in the marshes about Minternum ; and my departure was besides delayed by my being compelled to wait for a remittance from England, the letter which contained it having been detained (from what cause I know not) eleven months on it& way to Naples. About this time Lord William Bentinck landed at Naples, and concluded the well known arrange- ment with King Joachim, who from that mo- ment became a party in the coalition against France. During my long captivity, I had become intimate with most of the principal persons of the Neapolitan court, many of whom had known my 2 INTERESTING FACTS family and connections at Rome, and I was gene-- rally favoured with their particular regard. It will not appear surprising that under these circumstances I should be induced to enter the Neapolitan service. I had no particular avocation no fortune to depend upon for my future exis- tence, while a brilliant career was thus opened to me in the service of an ally of Great Britain. Through the recommendation of my friends, and from some previous knowledge which the king had of me, he was pleased to place me near his person, in quality of aide-de-camp. 1 served him with zeal and disinterestedness".* His cause and that of my country were then the same. I received from him such marks of kindness as he thought I de- served for doing my duty, which however never con- sisted in the exercise of any functions incompatible with my feelings as an Englishman, and my alle- giance to the sovereign of my own country. Here I may be permitted to make a few observa- tions on the character of the sovereign in whose service 1 engaged, in vindication of my own conduct as well as that of numerous Englishmen of high rank and character, whose courteous and liberal recep- tion at the Neapolitan court, has by the prejudiced and uninformed been made the subject of calum- niating reflection, instead of being considered, as in truth it was, an honourable distinction conferred upon them by a valiant and generous prince by one who was highly attached to the British name and RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 13 character by one too, whose ruin was aided if not ultimately consummated, by his implicit confidence in British faith and honour. King Joachim was emi- nently gifted with that nobleness and generosity of character which Englishmen so well know how to appreciate. The treatment the English prisoners received from the government was highly indulgent, even to the extent of being allowed the singular pri- vilege of visiting, upon their parole, Rome, Florence, and every part of Italy. Whenever it was neces- sary to defend a national privilege, and the dignity of his crown, or to display the benevolence of his heart, he did not hesitate to offer resistance to the government of France, all powerful as that govern- ment then was, and abundant as were his reasons for endeavouring to keep the favour of the ruler of that country. Instances of such resistance several times occurred in behalf of the English prisoners in Naples, when the French government demanded that they should be sent to the depots in France. In the 14th article of a treaty formed in the be- ginning of 1814, between Austria, Russia, England, and Prussia, it was stipulated that this treaty should not be an obstacle to any engagement that the high contracting powers might have made with other states, nor hinder them from forming other treaties in the view of obtaining the result which that treaty contemplated, namely, the success of the war against Napoleon. It was thought that nothing would more effectually conduce to this end than de- 14 INTERESTING FACTS priving Napoleon of his only remaining ally, the King of Naples an ally, who evidently then held the fate of Italy in his hands. With this view Austria dispatched Count Neiperg to Naples, and on the llth January, 1814, a treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, was signed between Austria and Naples, with the sanction of the allies ; and it is a notorious fact, that in the conferences at Chatillon, the French plenipotentiaries having presented divers propositions concerning Italy, they were answered by the ministers of the four great powers " That " Italy then formed no part of the question, the " coalition having already resolved to re-establish the " ancient governments of that country, except at " Naples, where the title of King Joachim had " been recognised by virtue of a treaty which Aus- " tria had concluded, and to which England had " acceded"* When King Joachim received the proposal to enter into the coalition, he declared in the most precise terms to Count Neiperg, the Austrian ple- nipotentiary, " That he would never carry his arms " beyond the frontiers of his own kingdom, or take " an active part in the war against France, until he " had engaged in a previous treaty of peace and " alliance with England/' The views of the king upon this point, proved perfectly conformable to those of Austria and the * The treaty here spoken of, is that of llth January, 1814. RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT, 16 other coalesced powers. A treaty between Great Britain and Naples, would allow of the disposal and employment against the common enemy, not only of the forces of King Joachim, but also of those which the English had in Sicily ; and the Austrian plenipotentiary declared that England was ready to accede to the proposed treaty, and that Lord Aber- deen was provided with full powers for that purpose. This declaration was confirmed by the exhibition of a letter from the English minister, in which Lord William Bentinck was enjoined to lose no time in concluding a preliminary convention with the King of Naples, which should put an end to hostilities between the two states. Lord William Bentinck arrived at Naples in the English frigate, the Furieuse, in the beginning of January, 1814, and signed a convention with the Neapolitan government, which was not a mere ar- mistice, but which placed affairs on a footing of perfect peace. A free commercial intercourse was authorized, and it declared that the ports should be reciprocally open to the people of the two nations. This carried with it the positive recogni- tion of the Neapolitan flag : in short, the convention was considered by the contracting parties, as having so perfectly the force of a treaty of alliance, though it might not yet have the form, that no time was lost in arranging the plan of the campaign, in which the Austrian, English, and Neapolitan troops should 16 INTERESTING FACTS simultaneously act for the attainment of the same object. The king immediately opened the campaign, and advanced with his army to Bologna, without wait- ing for the ratification of the treaty with Austria. On his arrival at that place, he learnt by a messen- ger from Basil, that some modifications were pro- posed. His surprise was at first very great, as the conditions of the treaty had been previously approved by the Austrian government. It turned out, however, that there was nothing objectionable in the proposed alterations, which had been suggested, not by Austria, but by England ; and the King of Naples was assured that if they were admitted, then the treaty might be regarded as being in common with Great Britain. These modifications did not in any way alter the substance of the stipulations previously agreed to, they only related to territorial indemnifications which were to be granted to King Joachim at the expence of the Papal See.^ The propositions on this subject were highly acceptable to the feelings of the king ; he considered them as a reiterated proof of the sincerity of the English government ; and he caused it to be made known to Lord Castlereagh that he should rely on the w r ord of an English minister with as much * See Lord Wm. Bentinck's note addressed to the King of Naples, marked (D) in the Appendix. RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 17 confidence as if the treaty had been already con- cluded in the most solemn form. But the English government did not think it proper that the king should remain without a formal guarantee on its part ; and Lord William Bentinck having arrived at the head-quarters of the king, declared anew, that his government entirely adhered to the treaty concluded on the llth January, between his Majesty the Emperor of Austria, and his Ma- jesty the King of Naples ; and that it assented to the advantages stipulated in favour of the king, under the conditions insisted upon by Austria, of an active and immediate co-operation of the Nea- politan army with the allied forces. This declaration, which perfectly agreed with aJl that had been before said by Lord Castlereagh, was confirmed by several dispatches from that minister, which were communicated to the king, and particu- larly by a letter in which Lord Castlereagh de- clared,^ " that it was only from motives of deli- " cacy towards the King of Sicily, that the Eng- " lish government was induced to delay for a " moment the conclusion of a particular and " special treaty of alliance with the King of Na- ** pies ; the British government being desirous that " a treaty of indemnity to the King of Sicily , " which could not yet be framed, should go hand " in hand with the treaty of alliance with King * See Appendix, note of Lord W. Bentinck, marked (D). C 18 INTERESTING FACTS *' Joachim." If further confirmation of this treaty were wanted, it would be found in the unequivocal fact of the Neapolitan and English troops having fought together under King Joachim's command against the common enemy. The King of Naples had thus engaged in the war against France, and the allied powers were indebted to him for a support which enabled them to pursue the advantages which they had already obtained. Without his co-operation the invasion of France would never have been attempted, fa It hough Swiss deputies had offered the Pont d' Or for the passage into France of Prince Schwartzenburg's army.) M The declaration of Prince Schwartzenburg and of the ministers and generals of Austria on this subject are extant, and prove the assertion beyond the possi-. bility of contradiction. When Prince Eugene quitted the line of the Adige, and fell back on the Mincio, Marshal Bellegarde addressed a letter to the King of Naples, in which he ascribed this movement , which caused the surrender of Verona, uncovered Venice, and abandoned the fortresses of Osopo, Legnago, fyc. fyc. solely and entirely to the advance of the Neapo- litan army This letter, which did so much honour to the candour of the marshal, and so much justice to the king, is a document still in existence. If the King of Naples had been hostilely disposed towards the allies, he might have discomfited the whole plan of their campaign, and obliged them to RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 19 withdraw from the Rhine to defend Vienna, then covered by a badly composed disposeable force of only 36,000 menj& against which the King of Na- ples united with Prince Eugene, might have marched an army of 25,000 French, 30,000 Nea- politans, and 40,000 veteran Italians. Even a defensive attitude in concert with Prince Eugene, would have defeated all the views of the coalition, and obtained an honourable peace for Napoleon, with the much desired independence of Italy. A variety of circumstances had now combined to induce the king to doubt the sincerity of the allies.')' The Emperor of Austria had delayed for many days the transmission of his ratification of the treaty of the 1 1 th January. Ferdinand of Sicily had published an order of the day^ to some Sicilian troops about to land at Leghorn, in which they were informed that they were going to recovet his kingdom of Naples, which he had never ceded, and never would cede. The English general, Lord W, Bentinck, had landed with these troops, under instructions to excite a revolution in ItalyQ * There were besides about 30,000 men sick in the hospital, -j- It was under the influence of this doubt, that the hesitation on the part of the king occurred, which Lord Wm. Bentinck complains of in his note : see Appendix (D), J See Appendix (P). See Appendix, Lord W. Bentinck's Proclamation to the Italians, and his letter of instructions to Colonel Ceravignaq, marked (A) and (C). c 2 20 INTERESTING FACTS and had insisted on the maintenance of a position (Tuscany) which intercepted the communication between the Neapolitan army and Naples ; propo- sitions at the same time were made in a foreign camp to Neapolitan generals and other officers for the expulsion of the then reigning dynasty from the throne of Naples. The doubts which these cir- cumstances had excited, were removed by a declara- tion of General Sir Robert Wilson, at Bologna ;* that he considered the letter of Lord Castlereagh, containing the promise of a formal treaty, as of equal value and force with a treaty already signed, And that neither the executive authority, nor the parliament^ would hesitate to recognize the validity of such an engagement. Indeed, it was in his opi- nion, more imperative, if possible, than a regular treaty, because it connected an appeal to honour with an obligation on good faith. From that mo- ment the king again made the most zealous efforts in the common cause. That the King of Naples was in the result an enemy to France, in the degree that he assisted the success of the allies is undeniable ; but it must in justice be stated, that he was induced to become so in consequence of Napoleon 's having expressed a resolution to dethrone him and incorporate Naples * Sir Robert Wilson, who was then British commissioner at the Austrian Italian army, had been appointed by Lord William Bentinck and Marshal Bellegarde, to negotiate with the king, and remove the existing misunderstandings. RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 21 with the kingdom of Italy. He knew that this design was only suspended, not relinquished * It was proposed, indeed, by Napoleon, as an indemni- fication, to make the king his captain-general, or constable of the empire* a post certainly of great honour, but inferior to an independent sovereignty of one of the finest countries of Europe, and which assured royal establishments to his children, already educated under that expectation, The king, when informed of Napoleon's resolu- tion, boldly avowed in his presence, that he would defend his throne by force of arms ; and he ever afterwards felt that there was no security for his kingdom, whilst the French maintained dominion in Italy. He therefore co-operated with the allies, to con- fine the empire of Napoleon to the Alps, the Rhine and the Pyrenees, confiding in the professed policy of Napoleon s father-in-law, the Emperor of Austria^ and in the strong ties by which he was bound to the family of Napoleon, which alone furnished a natural guarantee that the war against the power of France would not be converted into a personal war against his daughter, the husband of that daughter, and his grandson. The King of Naples would never have consented to the dethronement of Napoleon, who had given him his sister in marriage, and a sceptre ; he never intended to assist in the conquest of France, his native country, and still the country of the former coadjutors of his fortunes. On various occasions INTERESTING FACTS he expressed the strongest feelings on these points', so that the allied powers were never deceived by him as to the extent of the assistance on which they might calculate, or the nature of his co-operation. The history of the campaign of the allies against the French, both in France and Italy, in 1813, and 1814, is so generally known, as to make it unne- cessary for me to dwell upon it. It would besides be deviating from my purpose ; but it is necessary, in order to explain the cause which induced King Joachim to attack the Austrians in the following year, 1815, that I should remind my reader, that in January, of that year, the congress was still as- sembled at Vienna, that Prince Talleyrand, on the part of King Louis, was indefatigable in his exer- tions to induce the Austrian government to with- draw their alliance from the King of Naples, from whom the allied powers had so recently received the most efficient support .& It is impossible to divine the motives, either of policy, or of good faith, by which the British mi- nisters were induced to join their efforts to those of France, to effect the destruction of a sovereign, whose alliance and cooperation they had so lately * The enmity of Talleyrand to King Joachim was suspected to be of a personal nature, and lhat this enmity was increased by the loss of his principality of Beneventum, which was attached by the king to the national domains of Naples^ on the king's accession to the coalition in 1814. RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 23 courted and enjoyed, and whose throne they had so lately guaranteed. Certain it is, that the Austrian government, being warmly urged to undertake the holy war of legitimacy against its ally, the King of Naples, at length expressed its willingness to com- ply, but alleged the exhausted state of the finances of the country. This difficulty was, it is said, immediately removed by the British ministers, who offered to defray all the expence of the expedition > and moreover to furnish a British fleet, in prefer- ence to a French fleet, as proposed by Talleyrand in his famous note, which fleet should act in concert with, and assist the movements of the Austrian forces* That this proposal was formally acceded to by Austria, I have had no satisfactory proof ; it is suffi- cient to know that the King of Naples was fully acquainted with this negociation, but not at that time of the part which Great Britain took in it. This knowledge led him to demand permission to pass eighty thousand men through Italy to attack France, and finally to adopt the measures which proved so fatal to him. It would have been happy for him if he had listened to the earnestly reiterated advice of his ministers both at Vienna and in England, who per- sisted in recommending him to remain in a defen- sive, though menacing attitude within his own frontiers ; a line of policy in which the queen, who is possessed of the most brilliant talents, and of the deepest penetration, entirely concurred* 24 INTERESTING FACTS The same persons who were anxious to promote the war of Austria against King Joachim had re- course to various modes of exciting him to strike the first blow. I have myself read the dispatches to which he alludes in his letter to me^, wherein those pretended friends assure him that the Aus- trians were making every preparation to attack him, and advising him by all means to be before-hand with them, especially as he might be fully assured of the neutrality of England, whose interest it never could be to allow Austria the entire dominion in Italy. These persuasions induced the king to attack the Austrians, at the very moment, as it afterwards turned out, that the apprehensions of his union with Napoleon, who had just returned to France from Elba, had determined the British cabinet to attend to the invocations of justice in his favour. Lord Castlereagh had written to the Duke of Wel- lington, who was at that time the plenipotentiary of the British court at Vienna, and informed him that in consequence of the re-appearance of Napo- leon at the head of the French nation, the British ministers had thought it advisable to unite all the force they could collect, and had consequently come to a determination immediately to conclude a treaty of alliance with the King of Naples. The duke was moreover enjoined to communicate this determination to the other powers assembled in * See Appendix (G). RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 25 congress, in which they were to be invited by him to join. Unfortunately the King of Naples could not foresee this unexpected change in his favour, and in an unlucky hour he made the attack on the Aus- trians, and drove them from position to position as far as the banks of the Po. In vain had the Aus- trian army attempted with a superior force to defend the passage of the Panaro, they were over- thrown by the Neapolitans in a sanguinary con- flict and driven beyond Reggio. The advanced guard of the centre of the Neapolitan army was already at Reggio, that of the right at Redina and Occhiobello ; the left, commanded by General Pig- natelli Strongoli, occupied Florence and extended its advanced posts as far as Pistoja, In this state of things the arrival of the king at Milan was con- fidently expected by the inhabitants, as well as by 40,000 disbanded Italians, who had shared the glory of the French armies in innumerable victo- ries, and who most ardently desired to join the standard of independence under the King of Naples. At this juncture, Colonel Dalrymple arrived at Bologna, King Joachim's head-quarters, and I was then informed, that he was commissioned by Lord William Bentinck, to request that the territory of his Britannic Majesty's ally, the King of Sardinia, might not be violated by the Neapolitan army. To this request, the king very readily agreed, being 26 INTERESTING FACTS still infatuated with the idea that England would not interfere in his quarrel with Austria. This ill-timed condescension unhappily became one of the principal causes of his ruin. He might easily have forced the passage of the Po at Piacenza, which was in a defenceless state, but in the attempt he would have infringed upon a small corner of the Piedmontese territory, instead of which he directed his principal efforts against Occhiobello, which he could not force. In addition to this mischance, the courier who should have brought from England the intelligence of the amicable change of British policy was taken prisoner by the Austrians and sent to Vienna, where the news of the discomfiture of the Austrian armies, and the before-mentioned instructions of Lord Castlereagh to the Duke of Wellington, to conclude a treaty of alliance with Naples, arrived on one and the same day. On King Joachim's first arrival at Bologna, the Austrians made several ineffectual overtures to effect an accommodation ; and if the courier from England had not been intercepted, there is no doubt but chat all differences would have been arranged, or at any rate the king would have had full time to make an orderly retreat behind his own almost impregnable frontiers. At this time the king was surprised at receiving a notification from Lord William Bentinck, that his instructions were to join the Austrians against him. An hesitation in his movements ensued, he RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 27 decided upon a retreat, which would have been most regular and effectual, if General Pignatelli Strongoli had not at this crisis most unexpectedly evacuated Florence, leaving the Roman road com- pletely open to the Austrian General Nugent, who in consequence was much beforehand with the king, and rendered his homeward march most urgent and precipitate. I was very nearly made prisoner by this unaccountable evacuation. I en- tered Florence just after break of day with orders from the king for General Pignatelli, who un- known to me had evacuated the place two hours before, and I very unexpectedly found myself sur- rounded in the middle of the town by Austrian cavalry ; I had, however, the good fortune to effect my escape without sustaining any injury. The interesting letter written to me by King Joachim^, whilst in Corsica, best explains the causes which led to his defeat and the loss of his kingdom. False information, and an unconquer- able daring spirit of defiance, roused by a sense of injustice, had again urged him to confide his for- tunes to the sword. On the king's approach to Naples with a small remnant of his army, ten thousand of the national guard, with General Macdonald, minister of war, at their head, marched forth to meet him. They greeted his return in the most loyal and affectionate manner, exhorting him still to hope for success in * See Appendix (G). 28 INTERESTING FACT3 the love and devotedness of his subjects, swearing that they were all ready to perish in defence of their king and country ; but in consequence of the part England had taken against him, he declined making any further efforts, which would only tend to involve the brave and loyal in his own catas- trophe. He entered Naples unknown in the evening of the 19th May, accompanied by his nephew, who was colonel of the ninth regiment of Lancers, and four privates. He immediately proceeded to his palace, where he appeared before the queen pale and emaciated in the habit of a lancer ; tenderly em- bracing her, he said, " All is lost, madam, but my " life ; that I have not been able to lose."^ Having taken farewell of his children, he caused his hair, which he had hitherto worn in long ring- lets to be cut short, and habited in a plain grey suit, accompanied by his nephew, the colonel, he pro- ceeded on foot to the sea-shore, opposite to the Island of Nisida. He there embarked in a little boat, and proceeded to the neighbouring Island of * During the retreat, the king was ever seen where the dan- ger was greatest. Foremost in the ranks, he continually charged the Austrians in person. When his affairs grew des- perate, it became evident that he sought for death in the field. At the head of a few of his cavalry, whom he constantly pre- ceded, he often charged the enemy to their very cannon's mouth. How he escaped amidst so many dangers appears mira- culous. He might well say, that " he had sought death, but had not been able to find it." RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 29 Ischia. There he remained three days without being known, and on the fourth, as he was walking on the sea-shore on the southern side of the island in company with the colonel, consulting about the means of effecting their escape to France, they dis- covered a small vessel to the east in full sail ap- proaching the spot where they were standing. The king immediately hailed the vessel, and getting into a fishing-boat which was on the shore, ordered the crew to row towards it, and as soon as they were perceived a boat was sent from the vessel to meet them. The feelings of all parties may easily be imagined, when in one of the persons on board, the king recognized his attached and faithful servant, the Duke of Roccaromana,^ to whom the vessel belonged, and who in company with the Marquis Giuliano, the king's aide-de-camp, had escaped from Naples, and was proceeding in this vessel in search of the king, under the greatest an- xiety and apprehension, lest some accident might have befallen him, although previously to quitting the palace, the king had divided with the duke and marquis a considerable sum in gold, and ac- quainted them with his plan of going to Ischia, ac-? companied only by his nephew, and of embarking from thence to France. The duke could not succeed in effecting his escape from Naples until three days after the depar- * The duke was the king's master of the horse, Gran SCH-* diere. SO INTERESTING FACTS ture of the king. The enemy's flag had been hoisted in Ischia, and it appeared highly improbable under all circumstances that the king could have remained there concealed for those three days. It was unsafe for the duke to attempt landing on the island, and yet there appeared no other means of ascertaining whether the king was there or had proceeded on his voyage. In this embarrassment it happened that the duke, who was most anxiously examining the shore of the island with a glass, per- ceived and recognized the king. The rest of their voyage proved most prosperous and expedi- tious. They landed at Cannes, the 27th or 28th of May. I must here suspend the history of what further befel the king, in order to continue the recital of my own story. After having so fortunately effected my escape from Florence, I laid aside my uniform and accou- trements, and proceeded in disguise to Genoa, where I had to deliver a dispatch from the king's minis- ter of foreign affairs to Lord William Ben thick. I here saw his lordship on the 19th April, and de- livered my dispatch to him, and at the same time assured him, that if on my arrival in London, where I was going with other dispatches, I should find that England had declared against the King of Naples, I should from that moment quit the Neapo- litan service, and I begged him to bear testimony to my declaration and intention. RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 31 I left Genoa the same evening, (19th April) and larrived in London on the 28th. I immediately re- paired with my dispatches to the Neapolitan charge d'affaires, who informed me that several days be- fore my arrival, he had had an interview with Lord Castlereagh, who acquainted him that the British ministry had thought it incumbent on them to lend their aid to their ally the Emperor of Aus- tria. I was, however, permitted to hope, that there still remained some prospect of accommodation, should the circumstances of the campaign be such as to induce Austria to resume negociations with the King of Naples. I was at that time totally ignorant, that the Neapo- litan army under the king had commenced its retreat, as I had left head-quarters at Bologna two days previous to that fatal movement. On the contrary, I participated in the general opinion, that the king would in a few days be in possession of Milan, where a veteran force anxiously awaited him, and that his opponents would certainly be disposed to renew their treaties. Under these circumstances, I consi- dered it incumbent upon me as a last duty to pro- cure a safe conveyance of the answers which I had received to my dispatches. I thought it not impro- bable that on my arrival at the army, I should find that hostilities had ceased, in which case I should have resumed my functions, otherwise I determined to deliver my dispatches, together with my resig- nation, and return immediately to England. I am 32 INTERESTING FACTS led to enter into these particulars, which trivial as they may appear, are still necessary for explaining my conduct at this crisis, which conduct has been described as inconsistent with my character as an Englishman. I left England with an English friend, who propo-*- sed to accompany me to Italy, and we arrived toge- ther in Paris the beginning of May, The reports contained in the French papers con- cerning the operations of the Austrian and Neapoli- tan armies in Italy, evidently appeared to me, who had a knowledge of the positions and localities, to be composed of the grossest falsehood ; but I felt unwilling to proceed any further on my journey until I -could acquire some authentic information concerning the real state of affairs. With this view I repeatedly applied to the Duke of Otranto, who from his supposed personal regard for the King of Naples, as well as in his capacity of minister of the French police, was the person most likely to possess the knowledge I so anxiously desired ; but I could not succeed in obtaining any direct or positive information from him. He complained much of the imprudence and impolicy of the King of Naples, in having undertaken this campaign against the Aus- trians, entirely without the knowledge of Napoleon, and without any concert with him. He seemed unwilling to disclose all he knew, but earnestly advised me to delay my departure for a few days. I received the same advice from the Neapolitan . RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 3:3 charge* d'affaires, who had left London, and was then at Paris on his way to Geneva. Under these circumstances I remained at Paris from day to day, until I received intelligence of the king's having been forced to quit Italy, and take refuge in France in the manner I have already related. Our journey to Italy being thus impeded, and neither my companion nor myself wishing to return so soon to England, we continued in Paris, which my friend was then visiting for the first time. It will be remembered that for some time, it was far from being a decided question whether the allies were unanimous in their opinions of the ex- pediency or policy of their war against France. From their declarations, as well as from those of our own ministers in parliament, it was ge- nerally believed that the threatened hostility would at all events be directed only against the person of Napoleon. But how his cause could be separated from that of the French nation, was a point not easily to be determined. The patriotic enthusiasm which animated the French people, appeared to be a prognostic of the repulse and overthrow of those whom they termed their officious oppressors, or at least that no effort on their parts would be wanting to accomplish this object. The time for preparation was short, and the want of arms was particularly felt. General Suchet, who commanded in the south? west, was from this want constrained to forego the D 34 INTERESTING FACTS services of twenty-six thousand of the multitude, who in the space of five days had flocked to his standard. It was now reported, particularly amongst the English who yet remained in Paris, that at the ap- proaching assembly of the Champ de Mai it was the intention of the emperor to abdicate the throne in favor of his son. It was naturally expected that such a measure would not fail to detach Austria from the coalition, which in consequence would be in a manner dissolved, particularly as the professed object of their union would have been obtained, while the chances of a successful issue of the war would have been greatly multiplied against them, if they deviated from their professions. In this interesting and momentous state of things, there could be no impropriety in remaining at Paris ; numbers of my countrymen of high rank and respectability still resided there. I thought it even my duty to remain, until I could ascertain whether it might not be in my power to render some service to the unfortunate King Joachim, to whom I felt myself attached by the strongest ties of duty and gratitude. After the arrival of King Joachim at Cannes was made known at Paris, he was daily expected there; but being myself impatient of delay, and mis- led by false information, I undertook two fruitless journies, one to Fontainbleau, the other to Com- peigne, in the hope of finding him. It was no t t long, RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 36 however, before . I learnt that he had written to Fouche; desiring him to apprise Napoleon that it was his intention to proceed to Paris. Napoleon, by way of answer, demanded, " what treaty of peace " had been concluded between France and Naples " since 1814 ?" Fouche shortly after addressed a let- ter to King Joachim, which I have read, in which he informed him, that although it was necessary for him to remain where he was, yet in that situation he might be of essential service to his country, by animating the troops and inhabitants to the noble assertion of their rights, and to a vigorous resistance of the at- tempt to force a government upon them. This, however, was a branch of service in which the king could not possibly have effected much, as he had fallen into great disrepute with the French soldiery, for having declared war against France in 1814, to which measure they attributed all their subsequent disasters. Some days prior to the commencement of hostili- ties in Flanders, I was informed by M. De Coussy, who had been private secretary to the King of Na- ples, but had then retired to Paris, that the king was on his way from Toulon to occupy a country house in the vicinity of Lyons ; that he wished much to obtain permission to retire to England, and that he desired to confer with me on the subject, pre- viously to my making the necessary application i his behalf. I had obtained my passport, and was just on the point of setting out for Lyons, when the 36 INTERESTING FACTS battle of "Waterloo was fought. I thought it expedi- ent to wait the ensuing events at Paris, where I might probably have an opportunity of serving the king more effectually than by joining him at Lyons ; and it will be seen in the proper place that in this particular I had not formed an unfounded conjec- ture. Immediately after the battle of Waterloo, Napo- leon returned to Paris, and abdicated the throne in favour of his son, who would have been accepted and proclaimed by the French people, but for the opposition of two celebrated individuals. On this abdication a commission of government, as it was called, was formed, consisting of Fouche, the president, Caulaincourt, Carnot, Quinette, and Grenier. On the 26th of June, I believe, the Duke of Wel- lington at the head of his victorious army reached Compeigne. In the course of the following night a deputation of five persons was sent to him from Paris by the two chambers, to solicit an armistice for a few days. The avowed purpose of this mission Was to afford time for the return of another de- putation, which had been dispatched to the allied sovereigns, to assert the right of the French people to choose their own government, in conformity to the declaration of the allies, that they warred against the person of Napoleon only, and not against the Trench people, or to force upon them any particu- lar government. RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 37 The Chamber of Deputies, the majority of the commissioners of government, and the army, now in great strength iii Paris, were determined to resist any attempt to force the Bourbons upon them; while the avowed opinion of Fouche and Caulain- court was, that such a determination could only lead to the destruction of Paris, and the loss of thousands of lives. They, therefore, sought the means of opening a communication with the Duke of Wei* lington, in which they might impart to him their views, and avert the calamity which they appre- hended from the projects of the other parties. In the expediency of procuring an armistice for a few days, all par ties concurred ; and Fouche, who had become acquainted with me in my interviews with him re- specting King Joachim, solicited me to undertake the task of carrying on a communication between him and the Duke of Wellington. It was sufficient for me to know that the service in which I was to be engaged, had for its object the prevention of a san- guinary conflict, which an attempt to take Paris by force would have occasioned, and I therefore con- sented to be the bearer of Fouche's message to the duke. My feelings as an Englishman entirely influenced my conduct in this instance. I exulted in the suc- cess of our army, and in the military glory which the English name had acquired ; and it appeared to me, that whatever might tend to prevent the further 3$ ' INTERESTING FACTS effusion of blood, must be highly acceptable to my country ; and to be selected as an instrument by which so humane and desirable ail object might be accomplished, was highly gratifying to my mind, and I should not have thought myself at liberty to refuse to engage in it, from any opinion I might en- tertain of the private views of the persons by whom I should be employed. Impressed with these sen- timents, I left Paris at midnight. I proceeded to the Barriere de la Villette, where I found some difficulty in getting my carriage over the different entrench- ments and abbattis, but still more from the French officers, who evinced the greatest reluctance in per- mitting me to pass, observing that I was probably a person sent out to treat with the enemy, and to betray them ; but on my assuring them that the purport of my mission was entirely analogous to their views and interests, I was suffered to proceed without a trumpet. Before I had got beyond the French lines, I was again stopped by a piquet of cuirassiers, who refused to let me pass without an order from the officer commanding the inner posts ; and while I was asserting my right to proceed, a cuirassier fortunately happened to hold a light to my face, and very respectfully accosted me with the salutation of " ban voyage, Major" his comrades immediately asked him who I was, he answered, " it's '- the major of the 9th Hussars," for whom I suppose ie had mistaken me. This was instantly believed ; RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 39 and greeted by the salutations and good wishes of the whole troop, I was allowed to continue my journey. The Prussian advanced posts were at less than two miles distant, and I was consequently very soon stopped by a Prussian lancer, who upon my telling him that I was an English officer, proceeding with dispatches to the Duke of Wellington, immediately accompanied me to the next post. Here I learnt with great pleasure, that this advanced guard of cavalry was commanded by Prince William of Prussia, whose first aide-de-camp, Baron Rochow, was my particular friend. I soon arrived at the spot where Prince William and his staff were sleeping, in a field before a large fire, under some trees. I enquired for my friend Baron Rochow. His name was called, and I im- mediately had the pleasure of seeing him. After a few urgent questions, he proposed to introduce me to Prince William, who by this time had raised him- self upon his mattrass. The Prince received me with the greatest politeness, and directed that I should be . presented with refreshments. On my taking leave he ordered me to be furnished with an escort to General Baron Bulow. I arrived at this general's quarters at break of day, and was soon after intro- * duced to him. While I was at breakfast with him, he told me that he wished me to see Prince Blucher on my way to the Duke of Wellington ; and added that he would send his aide-de-camp with me. He 40 INTERESTING FACTS then ordered a servant to call his aid-de-camp, Baron Echardstein, to whom I was also particularly known. 1 * On our arrival at Prince Blucher's, my compa- nion, Baron Echardstein, informed him that I was going on a mission from the French government to the Duke of Wellington : this did not seem to please the Prince, who immediately retired to rest, and left me to converse with his chef d'etat major. This gentleman, whose name I believe was Gn^ise- nau, was very indignant on being informed of the desire of the French to treat with the Duke of Wel- lington, and he completely lost his temper, when he observed the coolness with which I listened to his indiscreet and authoritative language. He desired to know the nature of my mission to the Duke, I remained silent. He then exclaimed with the greatest violence and agitation : " What, nobody but the " Duke of Wellington ? always the Duke of Welling- " ton ? Have they forgot that there is a Prince " Blucher ? That there is a Prussian army ? They " shall feel that there is a Prussian army ! They " have felt it ! They shall again smart under " it, &c." " But how comes it," added he with the * During a stay of seven months, which I made at Rome in 1812,1 formeda close intimacy and friendship with two Prussian noblemen, Baron Rochow of Potsdam, and Baron Echardstein. We lived together, and joined in all our pursuits and recrea- tions. The former had been adjutant to the famous Schill, and was one of the few who cut their way through the French and Danish troops at Stralsund, where Schill perished. RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 41 greatest violence, " how comes it, that you, who " say you are an Englishman, should daie to remain " in Paris, after the return of Buonaparte ?" I told him, " that like numbers of my countrymen, I had " to consult only my own pleasure in that particu- " lar." On this he exclaimed, "I am very much " surprised, Sir, at what you say: were I the Duke of That to these interrogatories the only answer he could make, was, that he had orders to summon Mr. Murat, in the name of the allied so- vereigns, to deliver himself up to his excellency the British commander in chief at Genoa ! ! I was fur- ther informed by the commandant that Captain Bastard had come from Leghorn on a similar errand from Lord Burghersh, the British minister at Florence ; and that he the commandant and Captain Bastard had joined in framing and signing a sum- mons in the name of the allied powers, and of his excellency Lord Burghersh for the king to surrender himself. The commandant concluded by shewing me a copy of this document, which was addressed " to ~Mr. Murat" and he gave me a printed copy of King Joachim's answer. I then observed, that I was much surprised that he or his associates could have expected to succeed by such means. Captain Bas- tard, who spent the greatest part of the day with me, confirmed the commandant's statement, and inform* ed me that great alarm prevailed at Naples, where it had been reported that an attack was contemplated by King Joachim, but that every necessary prepara- tion had been made to repel it, and that itwashis v RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT, 85 Captain Bastard's, intention to send his gun-boats round that morning to Ajaccio, whilst he himself should cruise off the straits of Bonafacio, by which he said he expected to prevent the departure of the king's flotilla, or to capture it if it should get out of port. Both Captain Bastard and myself were confi- dent that the king would gladly accept the propo- sals I was authorised to make to him, and I was confident that on receiving my letter from Calvi, he would delay his expedition, even if it had been ready to sail, and therefore I submitted to Cap- tain Bastard the propriety of postponing the exe- cution of his plan, until the result of my mission was known, which he agreed to do, and moreover promised to remain at Bastia until he heard from me on the subject. Captain Bastard observed, he had no doubt, that in the event of the king's acceptation of the proposed asylum, he might be authorised to convey the king and his suite to their destination, accord- ing to the terms of the passport which I shewed him. Previously to my leaving Bastia I received a visit from two Corsican gentlemen, who had ar- rived from Leghorn in the Meander. They were brothers, of the name of Carabelli: one of them, a captain on half pay, had served many years in the Royal Corsican Rangers in the English service ; the other had occupied for some years a respect- able civil situation in the kingdom of Naples. 86 INTERESTING FACTS These gentlemen, after some previous conversa- tion, produced a document, signed by one Medici, minister of police and of foreign affairs to King Ferdinand, by which they were commissioned by this Medici to impede, counteract, and weaken, by all the means in their power, the expedition of King Joachim, particularly by diminishing the number of his followers, and by pointing out the inevitable destruction which must await them. They both joined me in the perfect conviction that King Joachim would willingly accept the asylum I was empowered to offer him ; and hear- ing that I intended to depart for Ajaccio, they proposed that we should travel in company, to which I readily acceded. I set out on my journey to Ajaccio about midnight, the mayor of Bastia having furnished me with a sufficient number of mules for myself, attendants, and baggage. Our party consisted of fifteen persons, including seven soldiers, all well armed. The beautifully picturesque scenery of the coun- try through which we passed ; the abrupt, con- fused, and stupendous piles of granite mountain rising one above the other, and covered from their base to the summit with stately chesnut trees, oaks and pines, but above all the stern indepen- dent character of the romantic natives, hospitable in the extreme, and implacable in their enmities, but brave and open-hearted : these would form RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 87 the subjects of an interesting digression, but it would be foreign to my story, and therefore I shall not dwell on the description. After twenty hours incessant travelling I arrived at Corte, the capital, situated about the centre of the island. I was here met by a courier with a letter from King Joachim, in which he informed me that in consequence of my letter over land from Caivi, he had delayed his departure, which otherwise would have taken place that same even- ing, and desired me most earnestly to hasten my arrival at Ajaccio. The courier brought me a good horse with a saddle, by which means I was enabled to perform the rest of my journey with ease and celerity. I arrived at Ajaccio on the afternoon of the 28th September. The house occupied by the king was distinguishable by his standard, and by the centinels which were planted at the door. I immediately sent to the king, to enquire when he would be pleased to receive me, and he returned for answer that I might come to him immedi- ately. I thought it requisite, however, to com- municate to him in diplomatic form by letter the object of my mission. I wrote the letter, and was myself the bearer of it. He received me with the utmost kindness and cordiality, and upon my giving him a brief account of the manner in which I had obtained for him from the Emperor of Austria the offer of an asylum, he expressed 88 INTERESTING FACTS his warmest acknowledgments for my exertions in his behalf, and his entire approbation of my conduct. I now had recourse to every argument and supplication in my power to induce him to ac- cede to the proposal, and I informed him that an English frigate waited at Bastia to convey him to Trieste. He replied, that I was come too late, that the die was cast, that he had waited nearly three months with the utmost patience, and at the constant risk of his life for the decision of the allies. That it appeared evident to him that he had been abandoned by the sovereigns who had so lately courted his alliance, to perish by the revengeful daggers of his enemies, and that he had at length resolved to attempt to regain his kingdom. He declared that although he enter- tained the greatest confidence in the success of his intended expedition for that purpose, still, in one respect, the result was a matter of indifference to him, as he should at least have it in his power to meet death, which he had so repeatedly faced in the field. That the war in which he had been engaged with England and Austria, during the course of which he had been obliged to take refuge in Corsica, could not remove him from his position as a sove- reign acknowledged by all Europe. That kings in going to war for territory, do not intend to question their respective titles to the crowns they have worn, nor do they cease reciprocally to consider them as RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 89 sacred. That when it happens by the fate of war a monarch is driven from his capital^ he has a right to return if he can find the means ; that he had signed no abdication. Notwithstanding the justice and truth of these observations I persisted in conjuring him to aban- don his project, to accept the refuge which was offered, and in the bosom of his family, to await some favourable turn in the affairs of Europe, which might lead to the re-establishment of his fortunes. These arguments were, however, of no avail, and the king concluded his reasons for persisting in his resolution, by observing that he had now com- promised three hundred brave officers and men, who if abandoned by him must inevitably become victims to the vengeance of their government. He then informed me that he intended to sail with his expedition that night : on which I requested the king to give me a written answer to the proposal I had been charged to make to him : he instantly wrote in my presence the following reply, in which his real intentions regarding his expedition are disguised. AjacciO) 25th September, 1815. Mr. Macirone, envoy of the allied powers to King Joachim. 1 have just perused the dispatches of which you are the bearer. I accept the passport which you are charged to deliver to me, and I shall use it to repair to the destination fixed in it. As to 90 INTERESTING FACTS the condition which his imperial and royal majesty annexes to the offer of an asylum in Austria, I reserve to myself the privilege of treating upon this important article at the period when I shall be united to my family. The disrespectful summons which the captain of his Britannic Majesty's frigate has addressed to me, prevents me from accepting the offer which you make me, in his name, to receive me on hoard his vessel. Persecuted and menaced, even in Corsica, because some persons ventured to accuse me of sinister inten- tions on this island, I had already prepared for my departure, in effect, I shall set out this night. I accept with pleasure the valets de chambre which you are pleased to cede me. Whereupon, Mr. Macirone, 1 pray God to have you in his holy keeping. The original signed, JOACHIM.^ This letter the king then thought necessary to give me, in consequence of having been apprised by his friends at Bastia of the arrival of the brothers, Carabelli, and of their errand, to whom he knew that it would be expected I should transmit the answer, and from whom he at first wished to conceal his purpose ; but afterwards, about 1 1 * For the original French, see Appendix (F). RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 91 o'clock he sent for the Carabelli, 'who had been in his service and acquainted him with his de- signs ; when Carabelli did all in his power to dissuade him from the undertaking, but in vain. The king engaged me to dine with him. The party consisted of about twelve persons, who con> posed the staff of his little army : amongst the number were, Generals Franceschetti, his aid-de- camp, and General , besides five or six colonels. During dinner the king conversed with his usual gaiety and affability ; he was urgent in his enquiries about his family, and about those of his court, who he feared might have suffered in the poli- tical convulsion which had recently taken place. He also particularly questioned me after his good and honorable friends, as he termed them, the Duke of Bedford, Lord Holland, Sir Robert Wilson, Lord Sligo, Lord Oxford, Lord Landaff, General Mat- thews, and several other English noblemen and persons of rank. If I here take the liberty of particu- larizing the names of thefse personages, I think myself warranted in so doing, from the desire the king ex- pressed that they should be apprized of his remem- brance, and from the conviction I have, that these personages will not feel less disposed to ac- cept recollections , because they were dictated in an hour of misfortune. To the English nation in general, he paid the highest tributes of praise and admiration ; and he alluded to their late hostilities 92 INTERESTING FACTS against himself, only as to measures of which they would soon discover the erroneous policy. He likewise spoke at considerable length of the battle of Waterloo, and much praised the valour and dis- cipline of the English troops ; but he reprobated the manner in which the French cavalry had been em- ployed and sacrificed. He then proceeded to demonstrate to me the manoeuvres and measures, which he said he should have directed and adopted if he had commanded the cavalry, and which he flattered himself would certainly have ensured a very different result. After dinner he desired me to attend him in his private apartment. Here I again took an early opportunity of resuming my supplications to him to abandon his project, but I found, him immoveable in his resolution. I now, however, reflected that it was not impossible but some circumstance might occur, during the execution of, or even previous to his commencement of the attempt, which might lead him to alter his intentions, either from neces- sity or change of council, and dispose him to take advantage of the offer he then rejected. In this view I consigned to him the passport for Trieste, which I had received from Prince Metternich, in the hope that he might, during the course of his voyage, determine to avail himself of it, and abandon his hostile enterprize. I moreover furnished him with the answers which I had received through RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 93 Sir C. Stuart from the English ministry, to my application in his name for permission to retire to England. He observed to me, that the letter which he had just addressed to me, contained a deception, which he regarded as unbecoming his dignity ; he therefore informed me that it was his intention to address another letter to me, in which he would inform me of his real intentions, and enter into some expla- nations concerning the motives of his conduct. He accordingly sat down at his desk in my presence, and with his own hand wrote the following letter, which he ordered his secretary to transcribe, he then signed it, and the transcript thus signed was afterwards sent to me. Ajaccio, %&th September, 1815. Mr. Macirone, envoy of the allied powers to King Joachim. My first letter of this day was dictated by the circumstances of the moment. It is now, however, a duty which I owe to myself to truth and to your noble frankness and sincerity, to acquaint you with my real intentions. I value my liberty above every other blessing. Captivity and death are to me synonymous. What treatment can I expect from those powers who abandoned me for two months to the daggers of the assassins of Marseilles ? I saved the Marquis de Riviere's life he was condemned to perish on the scaffold ; /obtained his pardon from the emperor. 94 INTERESTING FACTS Execrable truth ! He instigated these wretches, he it was who set a price on my head ! ! \% Wandering in the woods, hidden in the moun- tains, I owe my life solely to the generous com- passion which my misfortunes excited in the breasts of three French officers ; they conveyed me to Corsica, at the imminent peril of their lives. Wretches there are who assert, that I have taken away with me great treasures from Naples : do they not know that when I received that kingdom in exchange for my grand duchy of Berg, (which I possessed in virtue of a solemn treaty) I brought thither immense riches ? All was expended for the * It will be remembered, that the trials of the parties con- cerned in the plot to assassinate the First Consul, took place at Paris, in the month of July, 1804. General Moreau was sen- tenced to two years imprisonment ; Georges Cadoudal, M. de Riviere, and sixteen others, were condemned to suffer death, with confiscation of property. It is a well-known fact, that M. de Riviere owed the pardon which was extended to him by Napoleon, entirely to the interces- sion of King Joachim and his consort. The king himself informed me, that on a particular occasion, the queen, who had been much affected at an interview which she had granted to de Riviere's wife, passionately declared to her brother Napo- leon, " that she woufdnot leavehis presence until he had granted " her supplications in de Riviere's behalf." On the 25th of July, Georges and his accomplices were guil- lotined at the Place de Greve, and the Marquis de Riviere is at this moment His Most Christian Majesty's ambassador at Con- stantinople 1 ! owing his life to the intercession of this murdered king and his widow, and the mercy of Napoleon i - RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 95 improvement of my kingdom of Naples ! Has the sovereign who has since been placed on that throne recognised any of its former features ? Neither myself nor my family now possess decent means of subsistence. I will ngt accept, Mr. Macirone, the conditions which you are charged to offer me. I perceive nothing in them, but an absolute abdication, on the mere condition that / shall be permitted to exist, but in eternal captivity, subjected to the arbitrary action of the laws under a despotic government. Is this moderation ? Is this justice ? Is this the regard the respect due to an unfortunate monarch, who has been formally acknowledged by all Europe, and who in a very critical moment decided the cam- paign of 1814, in favour of these very power s^ who, now contrary to their own interests ^pursue him with the overwhelming might of their persecutions ? It is a well known truth that I drove back the Austrians as far as the Po, only because I had been persuaded by dint of intrigue that they were pre- paring to attack me, though without the concurrence of England. I judged it necessary to advance my line of defence, and gain the people to my cause. No one knows better than you, Mr. Macirone> and Lord Bentinck himself, that I made the fatal movement of retreat, only upon the declaration of that general, that he felt himself obliged to support the Austrians, since they had claimed his aid. You are well aware of the causes which produced dis- 96 INTERESTING FACTS order and desertion in my fine army. False reports so artfully circulated of my death of the landing of the English in Naples, the conduct of General Pignatelli Strongoli ; in fine, the treachery of some officers, who by their insinuations and example, succeeded with perfidious art to augment discou- ragement and desertion. At this moment there does not exist a single individual of that army who is not sensible of. his errors. I am going to join them they all are eager to see me again at their head. They, and every class of my well beloved subjects, have preserved to me their affections. I have not abdicated. I have a right to recover my crown^ if God gives me the force and the means.- My presence on the throne of Naples could not now be a subject of dread. It could no longer be pretended that I corresponded with Napoleon, who is at St. Helena. Much to the contrary. Both England and Austria might reap advantages from it, which they may in vain expect from the sovereign whom it has pleased them to put in my place. I indulge in these details, Mr. Macirone, because it is to you that I am writing. Your conduct towards me, your reputation, and your name, give you claims to my candour and esteem. You could not throw any obstacle in the way of my departure, though such might be your desire. By the time you receive this letter, I shall be well advanced towards, my destination. I shall either RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 97 succeed, or terminate my misfortunes with my life. 1 have faced death a thousand and a thousand times in fighting for my country : shall I not be permitted to brave it once for myself? I tremble only for the fate of my family. I shall ever remember with pleasure the noble and delicate manner in which you have fulfilled your mission to me. It forms an agreeable con- trast with the gratuitously insolent and revolting behaviour of several other persons towards me^ who neither possessed the powers nor consideration which you enjoy. I have given orders that your papers may be returned to you. Whereupon, Mr. Macirone, I pray God to have you in his holy keeping. Signed in the original, JOACHIM.^ Previously to my taking leave of the king, he observed that he owed me a considerable sum of money for several journies which I had taken on his account, from Italy to England, and for various articles which I had purchased in England for the * The two original letters of King Joachim to me, were amongst my papers seized by order of the minister of police at Paris, and are still detained ; but I had sent copies to England from Toulon immediately on my return from Corsica, from which I have transcribed the copies here given, which I verify to be in conformity with the original. N. B. For the original French, see Appendix (G). H 98 INTERESTING FACTS queen : for which I had not been reimbursed ; ll added that for the present it was only in his power simply to repay me, but he expressed a hope that he should at a future time be enabled to confer on me substantial proofs of his regard. He observed that he had but a small quantity of gold with him, but that he would give me a bill ; and he then drew a bill for 40,000 francs, payable to my order on a Mr. Barillon, banker at Paris ; he then wrote a letter of advice, and signed 'them both in my presence, and delivered them to me. Consigning to the king the two servants, and the trunk of clothes which I had brought for him, I took leave of him, and retired to my lodgings. The house in which I lodged was within a stone's throw of the citadel, under the walls of which the king's flotilla lay. At about one o'clock in the morning I was aroused by the discharge of a gun, apparently of small calibre, this was followed by another, from a heavy piece of ordnance loaded with shot. I immediately dressed myself, and hastily repaired to the spot from whence the firing proceeded. Before I could reach the beach at the foot of the citadel, several other shots were fired. I was alarmed for the safety of the king ; but I soon discovered his little armament at some dis- tance under sail. There were artillerymen upon the batteries, with lighted matches, but no more shots were fired. I spoke to a centinel on the walls, of whom I enquired the cause of the firing, RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 99 &nd whether it had not been directed against the king's vessels ? His answer was, " you may depend " upon it, we took care to fire quite in a contrary " direction ;" and added that " the first shot had " been fired by the king's own vessel as a signal "for getting, under weigh." On this information, I returned to my apartments. The first visit I received in the morning was from the mayor^ of the city. He came to apprise me officially of the departure of King Joachim, who he informed me had sailed at one o'clock with not more than 250 men, who however were all ve- terans, and the most determined characters in the island. This account was shortly confirmed to me by the two M. Carabelli's. I was shortly after visited by Colonel Delaforest, military commander in Ajaccio, who informed me that from the first moment of the arrival of King Joachim in that city, he had been so entirely unable to controul his garrison, as not to have it in his power to oppose the least obstacle to the views and preparations of the king and his friends. The utmost that he had been able to * This gentleman's name was Martinenghi. By his firmness, moderation, and conciliating conduct, he saved his country from the horrors of civil war. With this benevolent intent he remained at Ajaccio, on the approach of King Joachim, when all the other magistrates abandoned their posts. I have since learnt, that his stay in Ajaccio at that moment, has been regarded as a non-participation in the hatred of the French court to King Joachim, upon which pretext he has buffered much persecution. II 2 100 INTERESTING FACTS effect, was having kept his men within the gates of the citadel, but on the sailing of the expedition, he thought it requisite at least to fire a few shots as a sign of non-concurrence. That the soldiers loudly exclaimed, that " the first who should put the match " to a gun, would certainly be saluted by a volley " from behind ;" at length he had succeeded in persuading them to fire the few shots I heard, although in a direction quite contrary to that of the flotilla. He assured me that had he acted towards his garrison with less policy and cautious forbearance, they would have entirely broke from his command, and thus have given a first impulse, more than sufficient at that time, to create an universal insurrection and revolt in the island. At this moment a person brought me the letter, addressed to me by the king, the contents of which I communicated to the persons who were with me; I immediately transmitted a copy to Prince Metternich, and another to the minister of police at Paris. I now felt that in conformity to my engagement with Captain Bastard, it was neces- sary that I should inform him of King Joachim's departure ; I had been about to acquaint the king on the preceding evening that I should have to perform this unpleasant duty, when he quickly interrupted me, by asking whether I supposed him so short- sighted, as not to have foreseen the necessity of providing against this circumstance ? and assured me that I and my companions had no sooner passed RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 101 the defiles above Bogognano, than they were im- mediately guarded so as effectually to prevent the return of a single individual, or even of an army back to Bastia. He added that they would con- tinue to be guard&l until the evening after his der parture,^ which would insure him the start of Cap- tain Bastard by at least forty hours, which was more than he desired. ' The occupation of the passes by the king's friends, indeed, presented an impediment to any communication with other parts of the island, which could not have been overcome by a thousand of the best troops in the world, if they had been at toy disposal.-]* It was mid-day before my dispatches were ready, when a courier was .sent off with them, to whom the king's friends, -who kept the passes, gave no interruption, being fully pre-possessed with an idea that any intelligence would have been conveyed by * He sailed in the night between the 28th and 29th of September. t Most people are acquainted with the great strength and inaccessibility, in a military point of view, of the island of Cor- sica. I think it was in 1795, that in the vicinity of Bogognano, 400 British soldiers were arrested on their march by some Cor- sicans, who defended their position in an old ruin for three days, when from want they were obliged to capitulate, but on the most honourable terms, and to the astonishment of the English, they were found to be only thirteen in number. They had killed or wounded fifty-seven English, including several officers, amongst whom was the commander. 102 INTERESTING FACTS the gens d'armes who had escorted me to Ajaccio, Captain Bastard received my letter in thirty hours, and in forty-two hours after the sailing of the king. He immediately set sail in pursuit of him, but did not overtake him. I was detained at Ajaccio by contrary winds for some days after the departure of the king. I then sailed for Toulon, in a vessel which I had hired for the voyage. At the time of the king's sailing^ as well as for a considerable time before, the weather had been uniformly fine and serene, but on the night after his sailing, a violent storm dispersed his little squadron, which, as I have already said, con- sisted of five small vessels. The intention of the king had been to land at Salerno, which is within thirty miles of Naples, and where a considerable number of old Neapolitan troops were re-organising. On the storm subsiding, he found himself at the entrance of the gulph of St. Euphemia, entirely sepa- rated from the rest of his squadron. Thus situated, he for reasons, with which I am not well acquainted, decided on landing immediately in the vicinity of Pizzo, in preference to returning towards Salerno in search of the rest of his force. The felucca which carried the king, was the smallest and the swiftest of the flotilla. Besides sailors, the number of persons on board, consisted of thirty-one, all ve- teran officers, amongst whom was General Frances- chetti. These, with the king at their head, who was habited in a splendid uniform, landed withirj RELATING TO JOACHIM MtJRAT. 103 half a mile of the town of Pizzo, At this eventful moment, the first who re-beheld the person of their heroic but unfortunate sovereign, were a few sokliers, called coast-guards, who from curiosity, or in exe- cution of their duty, had repaired to the spot where he landed. Some of the men immediately recog- nised the king, and placing their shakos on their bayonets, saluted him with the most enthusiastic cheers. He now lost no time in proceeding with his party to the town of Fizzo, and arrived at the market place ; where he addressed the throng by which he was surrounded. Many of the inhabitants saluted him as king, and prepared to join him, the rest manifested a degree of timidity and suspense. He, however, did not think proper to wait there to increase his force ; but having been supplied by the inhabitants with a sufficient number of horses, im- mediately proceeded towards Monteleone. It may be necessary to observe that the principal part of the town of Pizzo and its dependencies belong to the Spanish grandee, the Duke del Infan- tado. This circumstance naturally gives to the agent of the cluke, who resides there, much influence over the inhabitants. The king had no sooner quitted the town than this agent of the cluke harangued the people in the market-place, appealing principally to their fears, and demanding whether they could be aware of the dreadful punishment and extermination to which they would be sub- jected for not having opposed the progress of the 104 INTERESTING FACTS invader. He thus contrived to induce several of the people to take up arms, and place themselves under his command. In the mean time King Joachim was hastening towards Monteleone ;& he had not, however, proceeded far before he was met by a colonel of gens d'armes, named Trentacapelli, who was on his way from Monteleone to Pizzo. The king invited the colonel to join him, and pro- ceed with him to Monteleone ; but the colonel, fear- ing perhaps to confide in such apparent feeble means, respectfully declined the proposal, and pointing towards Monteleone, he- observed, " he " would regard him as his sovereign, whose flag he " should behold flying on the castles." On this the king imprudently suffered him to proceed to Pizzo, where he found the agent of the Duke del Infantado using his utmost influence with the people, to induce them to arm in the cause of Fer- dinand. The arrival of the colonel gave a new impulse to this measure ; he united his efforts and authority to the persuasions and influence of the agent, and without loss of time put himself at the head * From the various and concurring accounts which I have obtained from many respectable persons, who were at that time at Naples, it appears that if the king had but reached Monte- leone, the capital of the Calabrians, he would undoubtedly have succeeded in his enterprise. The Calabrians were in a most unsettled state ; and the dauntless warlike inhabitants were greatly attached to King Joachim. They also detested the Austrians, who had not been able to obtain the least footing in the country. RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 105 of a strong party, and hastened to pursue the king, who by this time had got half way to Monteleone. The colonel and his party had not proceeded far from the town, before his approach was perceived by King Joachim, whose ruin was at this moment consummated by a most fatal mistake. It occurred to the king and his followers, that the armed party, which from their elevated situation, they could see at a considerable distance, had been col- lected by Colonel Trentacapelli with the intention of joining them. With this idea the king sus- pended his march, thinking it more advisable to await this expected reinforcement, previous to his entrance into the city of Moiteleone. On the nearer approach of these supposed friends, the king advanced some steps to meet them, and some of his little troop shouted, "vivail ReGioachino!" when to their surprise they were answered by a volley of musquetry. A sharp contest immediately ensued ; the king's party fought desperately, some of them were killed, and many wounded. It was not possible for thern entirely to disperse a force so superior in point of numbers, and they could not advance to Monteleone with these enemies in their rear ; the king therefore determined to regain his vessel. Followed by General Franceschetti and about twelve others, he rushed through the thickest of his enemies, of whom he slew several with his own hand, and discharged his last pistol in the face of Colonel Trentacapelli, but without killing him, 106 INTERESTING FACTS The hostile party were astonished by this daring attack, and thrown into confusion, when the king profiting by their consternation, pushed forward and reached the beach, where he had left his vessel, himself unhurt, though all the others were wounded. At this moment he would undoubtedly have been saved, if his vessel had been there to receive him, but she was standing out to sea. The com- mander, Captain Barbara, had heard the firing between the king and his pursuers, and con- sulting only his own safety, left the coast, and abandoned the king to his fate. In this desperate situation the king threw himself into the water and gained a fishing-boat which lay close at hand. Franceschetti and the rest followed him. The boat was unfortunately aground, and the king's efforts to push it off proved ineffectual. Finding this boat immoveable, the king again threw him- self into the sea and got into another, a very small one, which was about twenty yards distant from the other. By this time the beach was crowded by the king's pursuers, but none of them now attempted to fire at him, nor dared to approach him, all stood gazing at him in astonishment, and in the little boat he might have escaped, but it was unfortunately fastened to the shore, and he could not disengage the rope. The fisherman to whom it belonged, perhaps from the fear of losing it, at length seized the head and pulled it towards the beach, while one of his companions waded into RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 107 sea, got into the boat, and attempted to seize the king, who struck the fellow on the head with his fist, and knocked him overboard. Numbers now followed the example of the two fishermen, and the boat was completely surrounded, but still no one attempted to offer violence to the king's person. He stood up unarmed in the midst of his assailants, intreating them to suffer him to depart, and as a last hope, produced his passport for Trieste. Finding his persuasions and resistance useless, he was constrained to deliver himself into the hands of his enemies. The intelligence of the event was immediately conveyed by telegraph to Naples. The military commander of the district, lately placed there by King Ferdinand, received orders by the same expe- ditious conveyance to assemble a court martial to try King Joachim. The trial was very summary; the king received his sentence with a smile of con- tempt and indignation. He wrote a most affec- tionate farewell letter to his wife and children, which he earnestly begged might be safely deli- vered. He declared that he thought it incumbent upon him to die in the profession of the religion in which he had been educated, and requested the assistance of a clergyman, from whom he received the Eucharist. He had upon his person a portrait of his queen and children, which he placed upon his breast ; and refusing to sit upon a stool which was offered him, or to have his eyes covered, he 108 INTERESTING FACTS smiled upon his executioners, and received the fatal fire. Thus fortune was for once adverse to courage, and the blood of a hero was permitted to be lawlessly, uselessly, and inhumanly shed, by a sovereign who had never been wronged by his vic- tim. Plis death was ignominious only to his ene- mies. Those who had been his subjects will revere his memory. France may reproach it for the t evils to which lie unintentionally contributed, and Eu- rope will for a time be insensible of the ingratitude he experienced, in consequence of a feigned or un- founded belief in the double perfidies which were imputed to him ;# but when the book of truth shall be unfolded, it will appear that the errors of Mu- rat were not errors of his heart, and that the treachery * An attempt was made by Lord Cast]ereagh in the House of Commons to prove King Joachim was carrying on a perfidious correspondence with Napoleon, during the time he was engaged to act with the allies ; but Mr. Hobhouse, in his Letters, has de- monstrated the fraudulent character of the documents produced in support of that allegation, and convicted the king's enemies of forgeries to deceive .the British minister. Two letters were also brought forward as authority to justify the refusal of the king's recognition after the peace of 1814 ; but were Lord William Bentinck and Genera] Nugent qualified judges to sanction the dethronement of a sovereign who had remonstrated against their proceedings ? and if their accusation were to have such important consequences, ought they to have been required in a secret correspondence, which afforded no opportunity to the accused to vindicate himself? RELATING TO JOACHIM MTJRAT* 109 of which he was accused, never dishonoured his courage, or true nobility of mind. I was detained at Ajaccio, as I have before men- tioned, by contrary winds for some days after King Joachim's expedition had sailed, and I did not arrive at Toulon, on my way to Paris, until the 12th of October, when being obliged to perform quarantine, I took advantage of this delay in my journey, to send by the post to Prince Metternich, and to the French minister of police copies of King Joachim's proclamations, and of the other documents which I had received from him ; and my money having fallen short and not having provided myself with letters of credit on Toulon, I was further constrained to await the arrival of a remittance from Paris. During the period of my quarantine I was request- ed by M. Latourette, the sub-prefect of Toulon, in the name of the prefect of the department, to furnish some account of the circumstances of King Joa- chim's departure from Corsica ; I immediately signified my readiness to comply with his wishes, and for that purpose I was invited to repair from the Lazaret to the Quarantine Parlatory, which is situated in the port of Toulon. I communicated to the sub-prefect all I knew on the subject, and I permitted him to take copies of the various docu- ments which had any relation to the transaction. There was present at the conversation, besides M. De Latourette and his secretary, another indivi- dual, of a most forbidding appearance, who frequent- 110 INTERESTING FACTS ly introduced his remarks and observations, in a manner and with an air of importance which excited my attention. This person, whose name was Bar- thelemy,^ informed me with the greatest self-compla- cency that he had used his utmost efforts to effect the destruction of King Joachim when he was con- cealed in the vicinity of Toulon, and gave me an account of the nocturnal expedition to the house they suspected he occupied, and which I have al- ready related ; on which humane but unsuccessful enterprise he informed me he had had the honour to accompany M. Mocau. In order to sound this miscreant, I asked him how, with the knowledge they must have had of the king's personal courage and prowess, they could ever expect to take him alive ? In reply to which he did not hesitate to assure me that this was never expected or intended. He said it was well known that the king carried about his person diamonds to the value of several millions of francs. At the mention of this property I observed that it appeared to me the persecution which the king had suffered might be very much attributed to the zeal of his enemies to possess themselves of * This man in the year 1796 was the friend and coadjutor of the notorious Jourdan Coupetete, President of the Revolution- ary Tribunal at Orange. Barthelemy now kept a small earthen- ware shop, and enjoyed the unlimited confidence of the emigrant Count de Lardenoy, commander of Toulon. He could arrest any person he thought proper by virtue of an ad libitum writ- ten authority from this governor. RELATING TO JOACHIM MtTRAT. Ill his supposed riches ; and I added that it was surprising to me, that a few individuals in obscure situations should of their own authority have taken those measures against the king, at the very time the allied powers were occupied in providing for his safety, and had dispatched me to him with the offer of an asylum. To this observation M. Bar- thelemy answered, that I was very much mistaken, if I supposed that himself or his companions had acted without authority ; he assured me that the Mar- quis de Riviere, as well as the British commander at Marseilles, had each offered a reward of twenty thousand francs as a stimulus to their exertions in the pursuit of the king. I affected to doubt this assertion, and addressing myself to the secretary of the sub-prefect, I interrogated him as to its accuracy. He in the presence of at least a dozen persons, most of whom were official characters, instantly confirmed the declaration of the sub-prefect, as a circumstance of public notoriety, which seemed, in his opinion, to refect much honour upon the personages by whom the rewards had been offered, and which confirmed, as he said, the brave and zealous royalists of Mar- seilles and Toulon, in the conviction of their having acted in perfect coincidence with the views of their royal court. I had been released from quarantine, and was anxiously waiting the return of the post from Paris, with a remittance, when I unexpectedly received a message from M. Rosily, special commissary .of JI2 INTERESTING FACTS police at Toulon, by which I was informed that the Marquis de Riviere, who commanded the de- partment of B ouches du Rhone^ wished to see me at Marseilles, for the purpose, as M. Rosily suppos- ed, of obtaining information concerning the state of Corsica, since the marquis had recently received a commission to organize and consolidate the govern- ment of that island, previous to his proceeding on his embassy to Constantinople, to which he had been then lately appointed. I waited on M. Rosily, who informed me that the marquis had been at Toulon two days before, and had endeavoured to persuade the Count de Lardenoy, the governor, to arrest me, and that the count had intimated to him (M. Rosily) an intention of complying with the marquis's wish, but that he, M. Rosily, declared to the count that such matters rested with himself, who was at the head of the police, and that he thought it his duty to protest against such a violent measure in regard to a person who was invested with a diplomatic character; and that if the governor thought proper to send hisgens d'armesto molest my person, he should dispatch a greater number to pro- * The Marquis de Riviere enjoyed the unbounded confidence and support of King Louis. His power and his functions in the south of France were unlimited and undefined . In these he was occasionally strengthened by the benign influence of the Duke d'Angouleme's presence. The occurrences at Avignon, Nismes, #c. are proofs of the mildness with which this conjoint power was exec.vted. RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 113 tect me. M. Rosily, was however so far influenced by the Marquis de Riviere, as to insist upon my immediately quitting Toulon. I assured him that the only obstacle for my so doing was the want of money, and I requested twenty-four hours further delay to supply that deficiency. Our conversation now turned upon various sub- jects, and I took an opportunity of questioning M. Rosily concerning the persecution of King Joa- chim, I received from this magistrate an entire confirmation of what I had learnt from Barthelemy. He assured me that he was well acquainted with a person, whom he named, who was suspected of knowing his (Joachim's) retreat, and who had re- ceived from Lord Exmouth the promise of a reward of a thousand Louis for the seizure of Joachims person^ but that the bribe was nobly refused. On quitting M. Rosily, I had the good fortune to meet with a person, who from having some pre- vious knowledge of me, was so obliging as to fur- nish me with a hundred pounds on my bill on Pa- ris ; and while I was preparing for my departure one of the principal magistrates of Toulon, whose name for obvious reasons I must suppress, waited on me for the purpose of cautioning me against placing myself in the power of the Marquis de Riviere. I thanked him for his kindness and humanity, but at the same time assured him that being conscious of no fault, and feeling perfectly secure in my public capacity, whatever might be the disposition of 114 INTERESTING FACTS the marquis, I was at all events sure of the pro- tection of Lord Exmouth, the commander in chief of the British forces in the Mediterranean then residing at Marseilles. Thus circumstanced I did not hesitate in proceeding to Marseilles, though I might have avoided that city and have reached Paris by a different route. I left Toulon on the 21st of October, and arrived at Marseilles on the same day. As I reached the first houses of the town my carriage was surrounded by gens d'armes, who signified to me that I was arrest- ed, and that they had orders to conduct me to the Marquis de Riviere. My postillion observed it was to the house of the marquis that I had already ordered him to drive. The marquis received me with politeness, but with his well known smile. I proceeded to expos- tulate with him on the unnecessary and unwar- rantable violence with which I was treated, and requested him to inform me what crime was laid to my charge. He gave me no direct answer, but ordered one of his attendants immediately to go to Lord Exmouth's, and enquire if his lordship was at home and could receive him. The marquis then left the room, and soon after returned dressed in uniform. He still avoided coming to an explana- tion with me respecting my arrest.. The person who had been sent to Lord Exmouth's soon returned, and informed the marquis that Lord Exmouth would be glad to receive him. The marquis left RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 115 me in the company of an aid-de-camp and some officers of the national guard, and after a lapse of nearly two hours he returned, accompanied by the special commissary of police of Marseilles, whose name was Rosiez, also in full uniform. They now proceeded to interrogate me as to the object of my journey to Corsica. I answered by exhibiting my passport and credentials, which they confessed were perfectly regular. The mar- quis then proceeded to reproach me with having assisted a traitor and an enemy to France. I had been, he said, the original instigator of the generous measures adopted by the Emperor of Austria in favour of King Joachim, who I had thus screened from the vengeance of the French government. He moreover reproached me for having manifested a friendly disposition on my return to Toulon for M. Donnadieu,^ who was * The case of this meritorious officer, equally distinguished for his courage and literary acquirements, as well as for his unassuming modesty and goodness of heart, may justly be cited as an example of the capriciousness of fortune, and the frequent inefficiency of merit unsupported by patronage. M. Donnadieu has served his country upwards of twenty years. He distinguished himself at the siege of St. Juan d'Acre ; and at trie battle of the Nile, he was one of the few who escaped from on board the L'Orient, saving many of his shipmates at the risk of his own life. At the buttle of Trafalgar he fought bravely on board the French admiral's ship. At one time he was the only person left standing on the qwarter-deck ex- I 2 116 INTERESTING FACTS one of the three officers who had conveyed King Joachim to Corsica. I answered that in the transaction to which he alluded, I was by no means the responsible person. The Duke of Wellington, Prince Metternich, the French minis- ters, were the persons who ought to bear any odium he might attach to the object of my mission, which had been resolved upon in the general council of the allied ministers. 1 ob- served further, I had merely been Prince Metter- nich's deputy, and that I had executed my eept Admiral Villeneuve. He afterwards saved the ship when driven on a rock at the mouth of Cadiz harbour, during the dreadful storm which ensued, by volunteering to go onshore for assistance in a little canoe which was found in the hold of the ship. Shortly after this period, despairing of promotion in the navy he entered the army. He distinguished himself at the battles of Austerlitz and Wagrarn, and was with the army of Marshal Massena in Portugal. After having served with honour in the cam paign in Poland and in Russia, he re-entered the navy. When it was proposed to him to assist in the escape of King Joachim to Corsica, he consented from the purest motives of generosity, and afterwards refused to receive the slightest remuneration from the king, although his means were slender, having nothing but his pay as lieutenant to subsist on. From Bastia, he returned to Toulon in the packet, and happening to be in quarantine at the same time with myself, I accidentally became acquainted with him. During his absence from Tou- lon he had been cashiered without trial by a royal decree, in , which, however, his crime was not mentioned. My offence was having afforded him the aid and attention which his necessities required. RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 1 \7 mission with zeal and activity. " That zeal and " activity/' said he, interrupting me, " is the " strongest feature in your guilt : you know that " Murat was on the point of meeting with the ' punishment due to his crimes, and of falling a ' sacrifice to divine justice, if you had not res- " cued him from our power, and obtained for " him a safe retreat. You are an enemy to France " and to your country, for having espoused the " cause of a traitor to both." I asked this fanatic by what act King Joachim had wronged the King of France, and by what decree or public order he had been declared an enemy ? To which he made no answer. I was then desired to deliver up my papers, which I refused to do, although I had none which could possibly compromise myself or any other person ; but I vehemently protested against the lawless violence with which I was treated. My resistance, however, was use- less, for by the order of the marquis I was seized by three gens d'armes, and minutely searched in his presence ; every part of my carriage and ef- fects were also carefully examined, as were the person and baggage of my servant. While these atrocities were committing I ob- served to the marquis and to the commissary of police, that they could not be aware of the con- sequence of these wanton outrages upon an in- nocent Englishman, whose papers were so per- fectly regular and unexceptionable. I said I should 118 INTERESTING FACTS certainly meet with protection from Lord Exmouth, who in quality of British commander in chief at Marseilles, would undoubtedly examine my case, and not connive at my being punished, perhaps murdered, unheard. The marquis noticed this only by a contemptuous sneer, and I was seized by the gens d'armes, who hound my arms with the straps of their carbines, and dragged me through the town for more than a mile in a most violent rain without my hat, which they had kept to exa- mine. Having at length arrived at the prison, I was led through several low passages with innu- merable iron doors and grates and massy bolts, and safely lodged in a stone cell seven feet square. My servant, as I afterwards learnt, was placed in another cell at no great distance from mine. Here the doors were all closed upon me, and I was left without light or food, of which I stood much in need. At about midnight I was visited by the gaoler, who informed me that according to the regulations of the prison I could only be pro- vided with bread and water, and straw to lay on ; but that if I felt inclined to pay well for it he would furnish me with better food and a mattress. Of course I agreed to his terms, and after taking some refreshment retired to rest. In the middle of the night I was awoke by the noise of unfastening the bolts and locks of the doors which led towards my cell, the door of which was presently opened and my bed surrounded by gens d'armes and gaolers. I RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 119 immediately conjectured that I was destined to share the fate of many other innocent persons who had been assassinated by these Marseiilian ruffians ; and my only hope was that I might be able to possess myself of one of their weapons and sell my life as dearly as possible. I was, however, mistaken ; for after having made me walk naked about my cell, and having searched my boots and clothes, the liends left me. Several days now elapsed without my seeing any other person than my gaoler, who was as rough a Cerberus as ever had the custody of similar gates. I was refused pen \, ink, paper, fire, candle, knife and fork, or any thing metallic, excerpt a leaden spoon, and I was neither allowed to shave myself or to be shaved. On the 27th of October, my first examination took place. I was conducted to a distant part of the prison, and ushered into a small room, the door of which was guarded by gens dWmes with fixed bayonets. Here I found assembled the three commissioners charged with my examination. The special commis- sary of police, Rossiez, a colonel of gens d'armes, and an aide-de-camp of the Marquis de Riviere, who acted as rapporteur. I was invited to take a seat at the table, every scrap of paper which had been in rny possession was now produced,. and I was re- quired to identify them separately. On their commencing to interrogate me as to my life and conduct from the time of my birth, 120 INTERESTING FACTS I desired to be informed what crime was imputed to me, and I received for answer that I must con- form to the rules of the police, if ever I wished to re-behold the light of the sun. I now most so- lemnly protested against this impious inquisitorial system, particularly as it was applied to me, not only an Englishman without charge of offence, but in violation of the laws of nations, as I was em- ployed in the most sacred of all duties, and protected moreover by authentic credentials and passports. I however proceeded to inform the inquisitors, that to remove every pretext for mystery, and to convince them I had nothing to conceal, I would con- sent to give them any explanation they might de- sire. They then proceeded to re-interrogate me with the utmost minuteness concerning my life and actions, from the time of my birth to that day. The absurdity of some of their questions afforded me not a little amusement, and I could not refrain from occasionally smiling at them. I accounted for all my papers, and for every part of my public arid pri- vate conduct in the most clear and satisfactory manner, and after having done so, I observed to the inquisitors, that they could no longer have any pretext for preventing my writing to LordExmouth, whose interference and protection I felt confident of obtaining. The commissary and colonel both answered with a sneer, that they had not the slightest objection to my writing to LordExmouth, and added, that I had better at the same time RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 121 write to the Duke d'Angouleme, who was at that very time in Marseilles. I immediately wrote to Lord Exmouth, the Marquis de Riviere, and the Duke d'Angouleme, and consigned my letters to the care of the aide-de-camp, who engaged to have them safely delivered. I have not been able to preserve a copy of either of my letters to the two last named personages, but they were both similarly worded. To Lord Exmouth I gave a general out- line of my case, and as an Englishman claimed his protection, so far as to have the power of relating to him my story I begged him to exa- mine into my character and conduct, to have me tried and hung if I deserved it, but not to suffer me to be punished, not only without defence and conviction, but even accusation. The next day I was visited by the aide-de-camp, who assured me, that he had seen my letters to Lord Exmouth and the Duke D'Angouleme de- livered by the Marquis de Riviere himself on the preceding evening at the theatre. On the 1st of November, I received the follow- ing letter from Lord Exmouth : Boyne, off Marseilles, 1st November, 1815. SIR, I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of this date, and not having had the honour of any previous communication with you, I cannot forbear to express my SURPRIZE, that under this INTERESTING FACTS consideration you should now call upon me for protection. I have just had a conference with the Marquis de Riviere, from whom I learn that your request to proceed to Paris will be complied with . I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient servant, (Signed) EXMOUTH. To Colonel Macir one, fyc. fyc.fyc. My readers may easily imagine what my sen- sations were on the receipt of this letter. If his lord- ship did not think it right to interfere in my be- half, he might at least have told me so in inoffen- sive terms, but to excuse himself from interference on the ground of my not having sooner commu- nicated with him, knowing as he did that from the first moment of my arrival at Marseilles, I had been a close prisoner, denied all intercourse with society, and deprived of the use of pen, ink, and paper, was a mockery which might have been spared his own dignity and my feelings. If it had happened that I had not availed myself of the first opportunity to communicate with Lord Exmouth, (and I might not have thought it neces- sary in passing through Marseilles, to communi- cate with his lordship at all, had I met with MO impediment on my journey ;) if I had even been guilty of a slight breach of etiquette towards his lordship, is he prepared to say that this would have been a justifiable reason for his re- RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 123 fusing to protect a British subject against the vio- lent outrage and persecution of which I complained? But it appears by his lordship's letter, that he had *' just had" a conference with the Marquis de Riviere, from whom he had learnt that my re- quest to proceed to Paris would be complied with; from which I suppose it was intended I should infer that his lordship had interfered in my behalf. What the nature of this interference might have been I know not, but it obtained for me not the permission of proceeding unmolested on my journey, as the language might imply, but the special favour of being sent forward (with my own carriage indeed, and at my own expense) in the custody of two persons appointed by the police. After I received the letter from Lord Exmouth, I heard that a British consul had arrived at Mar- seilles, and I wrote with a pencil on some blank leaves which I tore from a book, three notes, which I addressed to the English consul. These I at- tached^ to the end of a rod and projected through my double grating, and contrived to drop into a passage which I had conjectured was a public thoroughfare . The papers, k seems, fell into the hands of a sentinel, wtto was placed under my grating, and on the following day I was deprived of my books. It must not, however, be supposed that the sys- tem of moral torture which I was enduring is sanc- tioned by the laws of France. Torture of every spe- 124 INTERESTING FACTS cies was abolished by Louis 1 6th, and that sovereign ratified the decree of the National Convention, which protected the subject from arbitrary arrest and illegal detention, by a clause which obliged the magistrates to release all persons who could not be legally committed, according to prescribed form of exa- mination, within twenty-four hours after seizure. This same decree authorized the accused to have the assistance of an advocate during the examina- tion, and intercourse with his relations and friends. The Code Napoleon cancelled none of these sti- pulations in favour of the accused. The most strained construction of the spirit or letter of the enactments of that code, cannot elicit warrant for the practice of immuring a suspected person in a solitary dungeon ; separating him from his wife, children, and connections, depriving him of all legal assistance, regulating his treatment and diet so as to promote the subjection of his mind by languor of body, until the victim, prostrated by the treat- ment sacrifices his duty as a citizen to the impulse of his affections, and frequently has been obliged to frustrate the restoration of social endearment, by confessions which place future liberty and life at the disposal of the persecutors. Now charges are never communicated to the pri- soner until his own confessions have enabled the judge of instruction to draw out the warrant, and the prisoner is then sent to trial with a record of self- condemnation, and the preliminary process of inter- RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. rogatories, in which power and subtlety have exerted every means to intimidate and confound. Modern justice in France seems to have no object but to destroy. And since loss of life was found to be desired by some unhappy men, as a relief from so much suffering as France was enduring, words and forms introduced in the Code Napoleon to in- spire terror^ but which had never been accompanied by deed, supplied the bloody authority for mutila- tions antecedent to death. * The lessons of adversity are said to humanize the heart ; but alas ! she has found some too impenetra- ble to her tears or her philosophy. The course of proceeding in the French system of judicature as at present practised is as follows : 1st. The accused suspected or devoted person, is arrested without assigned motive, either by word or writing. 2d. Detention in solitude, until so much offence is admitted as the judge thinks sufficient to justify the issue of the warrant for detention, and afford means for the conduct of the prosecution. 3d. Permission to communicate in public with counsel and friends, but no security against seizure * The hands of Tolleron, Plignier, and Carbonnau were suc- cessively cut off, before the axe was suffered to terminate the miseries of one of the unhappy culprits, 126 INTERESTING FACTS of memoranda and papers necessary for the defence of the accused.-* 4th. Admission of written depositions from parties turning king's evidence, although those same parties have been removed by the police to deprive the accused of the right guaranteed by the law to cross-examine them in court.-\ 5th. Examination of the accused in court by the judges in the spirit of counsel against the pri- soner /J 6th. Incase of a verdict of acquittal, remand of prisoner for one month, on the plea that the Procureur du Roi may consider whether he will move for a new trial, when no such intention existed or could exist. || In this analysis of the abuses of the law in France, no notice has been taken of the preliminary arbi- * This practice is constant, and when an Englishman was in prison (Mr. Smith) all the notes with which he was preparing his defence, were seized and sent to the King's attorney gene- ral to enable him to frame his prosecution by them ! ! But Mr. Smith's courage was not to be subdued, and the ven- geance of the French government was finally baffled. f Vide proof in the State Trials. J Every Englishman who attended proceedings at the French tribunals, has been disgusted at such shameless abuse of the judicial functions and character. || The cases of acquittal are rare, but this is the practice in all cases connected with opinion. RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 127 trary operations of the police, which are under no cognizance but those of the minister of that depart- ment. This horrible engine of despotism, which respects no statute, no moral obligation, and none of the decencies of society ; which withers honour, blasts confidence, and crushes all individual liberty ; which generates and nourishes crime for " scaffold proofs" of its vigilance, and renegade royalty, which is the horror of France and the reproach of the age, has at length lanced a parricide sting against the parent bosom of the ultras, and the complaints of a Mr. Robert, sty ling himself a Fidel Ami du Roi, " quand meme!" as well as the editor of a paper bearing that title, has excited an attention which the previous wrongs of above a hundred thousand men could not engage.* Happy England ! who still possesses the palladi- * A report has been made by the minister of police, Des Cazes, to the Chamber of Deputies, in which he pretends that only three hundred and fifty persons have been arrested by his authority since the return of the king. There may be some trick of words, some subtlety of legal terms and forms to bear out this declaration, but the fact is indisputable, that above one hundred and forty thousand persons have been taken up in France since the epoch stated. I appeal to Messrs. Wilson, Bruce, and Hutchinson, if above seven thousand prisoners did not enter La Force during the time of their confinement, coming from the prisons of the Prefecture of Police ; and if above one hundred and forty in one night were not occasionally sent ? I appeal to all the Englishmen who visited these gentlemen, or who have since had the opportunity of inspecting the French 128 INTERESTING FACTS um of public and private liberty, in the right of petitions, the bill of Habeas Corpus, and the liberty of the press, but much wronged England, in having been made the founder and Janissary guard of a tyranny more odious, because under the desig- nation of " Legitimate" it mocks the understanding as well as the rights of mankind ! Having failed in my attempt to inform the British consul of my situation, and the extraordinary letjter of Lord Exmouth having precluded all hope of his interference in my behalf, I regarded resistance as fruitless, and submitted with resignation to the tyranny of my persecutors. I must, however, not omit to mention a circumstance which aggravated my misfortune, by making me the instrument of injury to others. In passing through Marseilles on my way to Toulon, I had been accosted by a gentleman who having known me at Naples, kindly made me a tender of his services. I inserted his name and address in my pocket-book. This address being- discovered by the inquisitors, I was questioned as to the cause of my having it in my possession. $ prisons in Paris, or in the departments, if the prisons were not choked with victims ? The truth is, that where Napoleon arrested one, Louis has arrested fifteen or even more. Let legitimacy, for its honour, contradict this statement with proofs, if it can. * I was forced to account most minutely for every word or line of writing that was found upon me or amongst my effects. RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. I explained the circumstance, and while I was doing so I observed M. Rossiez, the commissary of the police, say something to the. colonel of the gens d'armes, and I distinctly heard the colonel reply that he would give orders for his being arrested that night. I afterwards learnt that my cour- teous friend at Marseilles, merely in consequence of his name being found in my pocket-book had been arrested, and kept upwards of a month in close confinement. * A young actress of Toulon, whose name and address were also found in the same unlucky pocket- book, shared a similar fate. I had now been confined between two and three weeks with almost undiminished rigor ; for although I had obtained the special privilege of burning the lights which I had provided for my carriage lamps, and purchasing a breakfast and a hot dinner at the expence of about a Napoleon a day, I still was denied the use of any other implement than a leaden spoon. The weather was extremely cold, and being without fire I was obliged in order to keep myself warm to measure perpetually, until I was giddy, the five short steps which I was enabled to take from corner to corner of my cell. The latter period of my confinement at Mar- seilles was rendered particularly dreary by the knowledge I then had of the unhappy fate of him on whose account I was suffering. No sooner had the news of King Joachim's murder reached Mar- 130 INTERESTING FACTS seilles, than the Marquis de Riviere hastened to dis- patch his aid-de-camp to my dungeon with the intelligence. This aid-de-camp was the man who officiated as rapporteur to the commissioners charged with my examination. He had all along evinced the greatest rancour towards me, and he now entered with savage exultation into a minute ac- count of King Joachim's death, reading to me a part of the letter, which in his last moments he ad- dressed to his wife and children. It will not appear surprising that I should have been deeply affected by the recital ; not being able to suppress my emo- tion I gave vent to my tears, which drew from this dastardly aid-de-camp an observation " that he who u could feel so much affliction at the just punishment " of a traitor, could not himself be otherwise than " a very bad subject" (unfort mauvais sujet*) I think it was about the 10th November, that I was summoned to be ready by midnight to set oui for Paris. I enquired whether my servant would not be allowed to accompany me, as I pre- sumed there was no cause of complaint against him, but to my great surprise, I was answered by the aid-de-camp in the negative who allowed that my servant had given a very satisfactory account of himself for the last eight years of his life> but that previously his character and conduct were not quite clear! ! This anecdote must appear highly improbable to those who are not acquainted with that iniquitous system which I have already de- RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 131 scribed, but it is strictly true, and in perfect con- formity with the general spirit of its proceedings. When the time fixed for my departure arrived, I was conducted from the prison gate to my car- riage through a double file of soldiers. A captain of the national guards and a serjeant of gens d'armes were ordered by the Marquis de Riviere to attend me in my journey. These persons were rendered responsible for my safe delivery into the hands of the minister of police at Paris. During the journey I had every reason to be satisfied with the polite- ness and courtesy of the former, and the latter was only a disagreeable travelling companion on account of his enormous bulk, being more than six feet five inches high, and of a proportionate breadth. Although I was still a prisoner, yet I derived con- siderable enjoyment from breathing the fresh air, and from the sight of the country through which I passed. To heighten my enjoyment, I took an early opportunity of ridding myself of my beard, which I had not been able to do once during my confinement. On my journey, I, however, lost my portmanteau, containing about fifty pounds in gold, and this loss made me feel that there was seldom happiness without alloy. On my arrival at Paris I was immediately taken before the minister of police, De Gazes. The proces verbal of my inquisitorial examinations at Marseilles, together with all my papers were before him, I addressed him with the assurance and self- INTERESTING FACTS possession of an innocent man, and requested him to inform me of the nature of the crime which had been laid to my charge. He evidently felt at a loss how to answer me, or upon what point to attack me, and instead of replying to my questions, he asked me in an authoritative tone, how I had dared to take charge of two hundred thousand francs, which he said the Duke of Otranto (Fouche) who was the minister of police at the time of my leaving Paris ^ had given me in gold to convey to King Joa- chim? Secondly, how I came to be possessed of three Corsican poignards and of a paper of horrid poison, (corrosive sublimate as he termed it) which were, with the exception of the gold, found with my bag- gage ? It was easy for me to perceive that the charges here implied had originated in the secret insinuations of the Marquis de Riviere, as no such ridiculous attempt had been made at Marseilles in the interrogatories which were put to me there. I very well remembered, that in the investigation of my papers, a small packet of calomel was found, which was opened, examined and thrown aside : but I recollected that I some time afterwards saw the aid-de-camp who was rapporteur to the com- missioners, clandestinely, and as he thought unper- ceived, put the paper of calomel into his pocket. Although I felt the greatest difficulty in refrain- ing from laughing in the minister's face, still I pro- ceeded to answer these unlocked for charges with calmness. I assured the minister, and I now sq RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 133 lemnly declare the truth to be, that / did not receive a single franc from Fouche or any other person, to convey to Xing Joachim, although I might have considered myself authorized to accept of such a commission, if it had been proposed to me by a person so high in office as the French minister of police. I further observed, that as to the poig- nards and poison, I had purchased the former in Corsica as curiosities, they being of exquisite work- manship, and that the latter, as his excellency might easily ascertain, was calomel, of which I occasionally took a small portion in travelling. After a long conversation, the minister finding that these paltry accusations had not even a shadow of foundation, candidly informed me, that the Emperor of Austria, in having agreed to permit King Joachim to reside in his dominions, had acted contrary to the views and policy of the French government, and that I had rendered myself obnox- ious by the part I had taken in that measure. It will be readily supposed that I did not fail to observe to M. De Gazes, that if the generous offer to which he referred had really been so odious to His Most Christian Majesty, he might easily have op- posed it while the measure was in agitation in the council of the ministers of the allied powers, at which Prince Talleyrand assisted ; that I had been but the mere bearer of the conditions which were offered, and the odium, if any, ought to fall upon Prince Metternich and the Duke of Wei- 134 INTERESTING FACTS lington, who first proposed the measure : to which M. De Cazes answered, " that I had been " its original promoter." As it was now evident that M. De Cazes could not substantiate any charge against me, I concluded that my sufferings were at an end. However, during my conversation with him, a person entered the room in which we were, and I was desirecj to step for a moment into an adjoining apartment, where to my great surprise I found several gens- d'armes, who immediately carried me to the prison of the Conciergerie, where I was again thrown into solitary confinement. My first step was to write to Sir Charles Stuart and to Prince Metternich, and the gaoler undertook to deliver my letters to the prefect of police, who he assured me would hold himself bound to forward them to their respective addresses. I soon, however, had ocular proof that the letters were not sent. The malicious farce of interrogating me was repeated, and my first exa- mination took place at the Conciergerie, when the usual preliminary questions were put concerning my birth, name and profession. The person charged with the proceeding, persisted in de- scribing me as a field officer in the Neapolitan ser- vice. This attempt I successfully opposed alle- ging that my former military rank had been entirely subservient to the higher qualification of aid-de- camp to the King of Naples, which function would at all events have ceased with the king's overthrow RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 135 and death, if I had not previously resigned it from a sense of duty, as soon as England commenced hostilities against Naples. I was now reproached with having made use of very intemperate and dis- respectful language in animadverting upon the con- duct of the French government towards me, as well as concerning the general proceedings of the French police. This accusation surprised me, as I was much at a loss to conceive to whom I could possibly have made these offensive remarks, having been con- fined au secret from the first moment of my arrest, and some two or three words addressed to my gaoler having been the full extent of my conversation. The cause of this reproach, however, immediately occurred to me on my perceiving amongst some papers which were on the table the copy of the letter I had addressed to Lord Exmouth, and the letters I had so recently written to Sir C, Stuart and to Prince Metternich. The former had been taken from me on my arrival in Paris, the two latter had been retained and opened by the police. As soon as I recognised my writing in these papers, I took them off the table for the purpose of perusing them the police agent sprang forward to rescue them : a kind of momentary struggle ensued, and I replaced them on the table, a glance being sufficient to apprize me of the source from which the accusa- tion of disrespectful expression^ was derived ; I then told this member of the French police, that my letters had been addressed to my free-born country* 136 INTERESTING FACTS men, whose official duty it was to assert the rights of the defenceless and oppressed, and that if they had been intercepted, and submitted to the perusal of those who were unaccustomed to the language of truth and independent remonstrance the fault was not mine. The gentleman took my remarks very goodnaturedly, probably concurring in my senti- ments, or making allowance for my situation. He, however, could not refrain from observing, that the system and policy through which I had been imprisoned and persecuted were evidently approved of by some of those free-born Englishmen, whom I had said were bound in duty to investigate my case. " If it were not so," said he, " why did " Lord Exmouth refuse even to hear you, as from " the letter which is now before me, I find he " did, when you claimed his protection at Mar- " settles ! ! /" After undergoing the formality of two or three interrogatories in the Conciergerie, I was transferred to the prison of the Abbaye, where I was likewise placed au secret. My friends at Paris were at a loss to know what had become of me, some thought me shipwrecked, others that I had been assassinated by the loyal inhabitants of the Bouches du Rhone, and in truth, it is probable that to this day they might have been ignorant of my fate, had I not fortunately found means to acquaint Sir Charles Stuart with my un- happy situation. On my being established in my new abode, I RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 137 requested the gaoler to send to my apartments at the Hotel de Bourbon, and desire my servant, who I had left in Paris, to bring me a pair of slippers which were amongst my things at the hotel. The slippers were brought, but I was not allowed to see the bearer. My faithful and affectionate servant, overjoyed to find that I was still amongst the living, ran round to all my friends and acquaintances to inform them of his discovery. I had the good fortune to find in my room at the Abbaye, a piece of paper, with a pencil I wrote a short note to Sir Charles Stuart, and raising the inner sole of one of the slippers. I put the note under it, and replaced it smoothly. The next day I desired the gaoler to return the slippers to my servant, under the pretence that they were too small for me. The stratagem suc- ceeded ; it occurred to my servant, who knew very well that the slippers were of the right size, to exa- mine them, and he found the note, which he imme- diately delivered to Sir Charles Stuart. The British ambassador had the kindness to make instantaneous application to the French government, in order to ascertain the cause of my imprisonment, the immediate effect of which interference was, to relieve me from the solitary part of my confinement. I was now allowed intercourse with the other prison- ers, and to communicate with my servant ; but with the malicious view of prolonging my imprisonment as much as possible, the minister of police continued for three weeks to give to the repeated reclamations 138 INTERESTING FACTS of Sir Charles Stuart in my behalf, the most evasive and inconclusive answers, and even had recourse to an assertion, which he knew to be false, but which he thought would at least answer the purpose of delay. He assured Sir Charles Stuart, that I had no right to his protection, as I was not an English- man but born at Rome. Sir Charles was so good as to send me copies of the minister's answers to him, which will be found in the Appendix.^ From the second letter of M. De Cazes to Sir Charles Stuart, of the 24th November, 1815, it will be seen that I was claimed by the Neapolitan ambas- sador in the name of the King of the Two Sicilies, but what was the precise motive for this interven- tion, I cannot determine. During the latter part of my confinement, it was indirectly hinted to me, that the police expected information from me as the price of my liberty. What might be the nature of the required informa- tion I was not told, except that it was suggested to me, I must be acquainted with the fact of large sums of money being deposited in Paris, which had belonged to King Joachim, and I was expected to direct the police in the seizure of them. To this I answered, I was totally ignorant of the existence of any such sums ; but at the same time I declared, that if I possessed the knowledge, I would set all their threats and torments at defiance, rather than * See Appendix (H) and (I). RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 13$ be accessary to an act of injustice and rapacity, by which the widow and children of King Joachim would be deprived of their lawful property. In the mean time Sir Charles Stuart persisted in demanding my liberation, unless some crime could be laid to my charge ; and as the minister of police could riot accuse me even of the slightest indis- cretion, he was at length obliged to release me, but ordered me to quit Paris in twenty-four hours, at the same time informing me that he thought proper to keep possession of my papers, my car- riage,^ and of part of my arms. Prince Metternich had now left Paris, so that I could neither solicit his protection, nor obtain the reimbursement of between seven and eight thousand francs which I had expended in executing the mission with which he had intrusted me. During the short time allowed me for making preparations for my departure, I waited on Sir Charles Stuart, who was fully acquainted with my case. He allowed that I had been treated in tJie most unjust and arbitrary manner , but he strongly advised me not to remain any longer in Paris, lest, as he said, the French government, which had most unjustly taken me en gripe, s/wuld send * As a pretext for keeping my carriage, which was newly built in London, the minister falsely asserted, that it had belonged to King Joachim. I could hare produced at least ten witnesses to prove that I had received it in exchange for another from the Count de Benufremont. 140 INTERESTING FACTS me to some distant place of confinement, from whence my complaints could never reach him. I also waited on the Duke of Wellington, but did not see him. The day after my liberation, I received a note requesting my attendance on the minister of police. The following morning I waited upon him, and found him in company with his private secretary, M. Menars. After some preliminary conversation, he informed me in a very mild and affable tone, that he had received accounts from Corsica and the south of France, which completely convinced him of the injustice of the charges brought against me, and that I was at liberty to remain at Paris as long as I chose. I thought this a fair oppor- tunity to learn the nature of these pretended "charges, but I could gain no satisfaction on the subject. During the previous conversation, M. Menars had asked me whether I had heard any thing par- ticular at Lyons or in the south. I told him I had heard the Austrians were favouring the claims of the young Napoleon, and that I had understood this support had been the occasion of the late disturb- ances in that city. The minister and secretary now assumed an air of the, greatest complacency and fami- liarity, and after a few words between themselves in a whisper, M. Menars continued to converse with me. The minister seated himself at a desk in a small adjoining room, the door of which was open. RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 141 M. Menars asked me whether after the capitula- tion of Paris I had not been promised a conspi- cuous military appointment in the service. I an- swered in the affirmative, but observed that it was unsolicited on my part, and that I had abandoned every prospect, in order to execute Prince Metier*- nich's mission.^ " Yes," said he, " / am well " acquainted with this circumstance, which does you " honour, and I have no doubt but we can get you " an appointment immediately : in the mean time " you must make yourself useful, you know we " can never do too much for a government from " which we expect favours. Pray do you know of " any Frenchman being implicated in these in- " trigues at Lyons ? Has Foiiche any hand in " them?" I assured him that I was totally un- acquainted with the particulars of the transac- tion : he continued. " Indeed, Mr. Macirone, you " might be very useful to us ; you have many " friends in Paris ; you frequent some of the first " circles. You have been too much persecuted "by us to be suspected of being our friend ; " besides you are an Englishman, you can be well V with all parties ; you must frequent the Duke " of Wellington's, Sir C. Stuart's; you have had " intercourse with them both, ever since the " capitulation of Paris. By the by, do you know * It is to this appointment, which wa offered me, that Dt Cazes maliciously alludes in his letter (1). 142 INTERESTING FACTS " Sir Robert Wilson, and Lord Sligo, what are " they doing here? are they not of the opposition? " You may, I assure you, render us the greatest " services, and you will not have to accuse us of " ingratitude." I was so indignant at these proposals, that I scarcely knew how to conduct myself. I thought it necessary, however, to act with caution in the hope of gaining possession of my papers, amongst which was the bill for 40,000 francs, which had been given by King Joachim. During this conversation, the minister, who was seated at his desk, but near enough to hear every word, appeared to be perusing some papers. M. Menars now approached him, and they conversed together in a whisper for some minutes, he then returned to me, and resumed the conversation by a very singular question. " What," said he, " do " you think of Prince Metternich ?" I answered him, that his excellency, pointing to M. De Gazes, must certainly know more of him than I did. That for my part I only know him as prime minister to His Majesty the Emperor of Austria. " But," said he, " what do you think of his in- u timacy with Fouche ? They were very intimate " when the latter was minister of police, and I " believe they have still frequent communication/ 5 I answered it had never appeared to me that the Duke of Otranto had been on better terms with Prince Metternich than with the Duke of RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 143 Wellington, Sir Charles Stuart, and Lord Cas- tlereagh, who all frequented his house and table, and he theirs. " But," said M. Menars, " it " would appear by the share which you had in " the capitulation of Paris, that in many respects " you enjoyed the confidence of Fouche, you " must consequently be able to give us some " information concerning his present connections." In this particular I assured him I was totally in- capable of satisfying him. M. Menars again pri- vately conversed with the minister, and then pro- ceeded to question me concerning a most extraor- dinary occurrence, of which I have never been able to learn any thing further. He began by asking me whether I was at all acquainted with the circum- stances of the death of Berthier, Prince of Neufcha- tel.# I answered I had heard he had not met his death by accident, as had been reported, but that I was ignorant by whose order he had been put to death ,f or the cause of the order. On my appearing to be acquainted with the fact of Berthier's having been murdered, M. Menars expected that I should be * It will be remembered that Berthier wa6 said to have met his death by accidentally falling from a window in 1814, whilst viewing the passage of a body of Russian troops, f I had learnt the simple fact of his having been wilfully put to death, from a personage of great power and celebrity in France, and who was undoubtedly the most likely person in the world, except those who committed the act, to be acquainted avith all the particulars. 144 INTERESTING FACTS able to furnish him with the particulars of his death, with which he appeared to be quite unacquainted. With an air of the greatest seriousness he informed me, that about (as I think he said) October or No- vember of the preceding year, a great personage had died at Paris, under circumstances of the greatest mystery, privacy, and suspicion. That his death, fyc. had been witnessed, and at that time had been known, only to two individuals. He added that the DEATH OF THIS PERSONAGE AND THE MURDER OF BERTHIER WERE MOST PARTI- CULARLY CONNECTED, AND THAT ONE WAS THE CONSEQUENCE OF THE OTHER.& The mi- nister then called M. Menars to him, who returning to me immediately said, " Can you give me any in- " formation concerning this affair ? Since you seem " to know that Berthier did not meet his death " accidentally, you most probably know much " more." I assured him it was with that circum- stance alone I was acquainted, and that his account of the other mysterious death was perfectly new to me. M. Menars now earnestly recommended me to do my utmost to obtain information on the subject, assuring me that I should be amply remunerated for my services. I answered him in general terms, that I should be very happy to render any service in * This appears to be a very extraordinary story. I give it in the words as nearly as I can recollect them, in which it was communicated to me by M. Menars. RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 145 my power to His Majesty the King of France : an answer which I gave to avoid directly breaking with him, in order if possible to gain time to settle my affairs in Paris, and recover my papers and bill. I now took leave of the minister and M. Menars, who renewed his assurance that I had it in my power to render the government the most essential services, and I was requested to call on the minister in a day or two. It will not, I hope, be supposed that I felt any other sentiments than scorn and resentment at these overtures of the French minister to engage me as a spy. I had, however, received an unequi- vocal acknowledgment of my innocence and of the injustice which had been done me by the French government, and therefore I naturally expected at any rate to regain immediate possession of my pro- perty, which having obtained, and my affairs in Paris being settled, I proposed instantly to return to England, and await opportunity to vindicate the wrongs and insults I had experienced. On my leaving the house of M. De Cazes I waited a second time on Sir Charles Stuart, to in- form him of the permission which I had just received to remain in Paris during my pleasure. Sir Charles was, however, still of opinion that it would be prudent for me to quit France, as soon as possi- ble, which I assured him was my intention, but that it would take me some days to settle my private affairs. I now felt very much at a loss how to con- duct myself towards the French minister at my next L 14-6 INTERESTING FACTS interview. What could I say to him ? how avoid coming to an open declaration (before I had recovered my bill,) that I abhorred the despicable office with which he attempted to invest me ? I therefore looked forward to it with feelings of great embarrassment. The day after my interview with M. De Gazes I went to St. Cloud, where I remained three days. On the fourth I returned to Paris, and the next evening I received a note from M. Menars, in* the name of the minister, requesting my attendance on the following morning. I waited upon the minister accordingly, who on my arrival had left the room, leaving M. Menars to inform me that I must posi- tively quit Paris in twenty-four hours, and the French territory in ten days. Upon this unexpected declaration I asked what crime I had committed, since the minister had assured me I was entirely blameless, and might remain at Paris as long as I pleased ? He answered me by declaring that M. De Cazes had no share in the adoption of this measure towards me. That it had been resolved upon by his Majesty himself and by the council of ministers, of which the Duke de Richelieu was president ! M. Menars further informed me that the government had determined to keep possession of my papers, with the bill for 4-0,000 francs, but that my carriage would be restored to me. I now waited again upon Sir C. Stuart, who advised me to leave France without a moment's delay, but kindly assured me that he would spee- RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAt. 147 dily obtain my papers and bill from the French government. I was thus obliged to quit Paris in the greatest haste, and my affairs being in confusion, I suffered considerable loss in addition to those I had before sustained. I arrived in England about the latter end of last December, and after waiting a montL without receiving any communication from Sir C. Stuart respecting my property, I addressed a me- morial to Lord Castlereagh, in which I entered into an explanation of my cruel case, praying that he would be pleased to obtain the restitution of my papers, and particularly of my bill, which the French government could not have the slightest ground for detaining. I moreover solicited the honour of a short interview with his lordship, when I should be able to explain myself more fully on any point which in my memorial, for the sake of brevity, I might not have sufficiently detailed. My memorial was delivered in January last, to Mr. Planta, who, as he assured me, duly consigned it to Lord Cas- tlereagh ; and from that period, I attended at the Foreign Office most unremittingly for the space of six months without obtaining any answer front Lord Castlereagh^. * Dxiring this period, I had several conversations with Mr. Hamilton, the under secretary of state at the Foreign Office, in one of which he took occasion to inform me, that he thought I had merited, by my interference in King Joachim's behalf, the treatment I had received from the French government, and he L 2 148 INTERESTING FACTS At the end of January, I had the honour to receive a letter^ from Sir C . Stuart, enclosing me a commu- nication which he had received from M. De Cazes-f; and in the month of March, Mr. Hamilton, at the intercession of a friend, promised to write to SirC. Stuart, to solicit the renewal of his Temon- strances with the French government in my favour. I continued, however, to haunt the waiting-room at the Foreign Office for three months longer, without any answer to my memorial, or any result, till at length some friends of mine happening to be at Paris, joined their solicitations to those of Mr. Clermont, of the house of Perrigaux, Lafitte, and Co. ; and on the 5th June, I received intelligence from the British ambassador, that the bill for 40,000 francs had been given up to him,J but that all my other papers and documents were retained by the French government. The restoration of my bill was, however, attended with no benefit. The injustice of my enemies still triumphed, for at the time that I was informed of the recovery, I received an account of its having made some other observations which I do not feel myself at liberty to repeat, as they related to the conduct and opinions of some distinguished persons in this country. But Mr. Hamilton did not at any time giv.e me to understand that he was autho- rized by Lord Castlereagh to make any communication to me on the subject of my memorial. * See Appendix (K). f See Appendix (L). J See Appendix (M). RELATING TO JOACHIM MURAT. 149 been presented and refused payment by Mr. Ba- rillon, the banker on whom it was drawn, for want of funds, the French government having seized upon the siims with which he would have been enabled to pay the draft : thus the malignant villainy of my persecutors was consummated, whilst they affected the semblance of a concession to the interference of the British ambassador. I know the exposition of these details will not improve my fortunes ; I have had 'too severe an , experience that justice and power are not allied; but I flatter myself, that it will transfer disgrace from the oppressed to the oppressors, and engage an attention which may check a repetition of similar lawless outrages. APPENDIX. (A.) Instructions from Lord William JBentincfc, authorizing and directing the Proclamation of Italian Inde- pendence. (Confidential.) Messina, Nov. 29,, 1813. SIR, You have been apprized by me of the nature of the expedition upon which the third Italians, and the detach- ment of the first Italians, are about to be employed under the orders of Lieut. Col. Catinelli. You will obey such orders as you receive from that officer. I consider it necessary to repeat my verbal instructions of yesterday, that as soon as the troops are embarked, and are at sea, you will explain to the officers and men the object of the expedition. The object is to raise on /he western coast of Italy an Italian standard, around which may rally all those Italian patriots, both civil and military, who may be desirous of effecting the deliver- ance and independence of their country. Noble and important to the future prosperity and greatness of Italy as is this undertaking, yet it cannot be concealed that the smallness of the force exposes it to considerable danger. I am anxious, therefore, that it should be attempted by volunteers only, and that all who are unwilling to make the effort may be left in the ships. You will shew this 152 APPENDIX. instruction to Lieut.-Col. Catinelli, and to Sir Josias Rowley, commanding the maritime part of the expe- dition. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient humble servant, W. C. BENTINCK, Lieut.-Col. Ceravigna, Lieut.-Gen. commanding Third Italian Levy. Or dine del giomo di Sua Allezza reale II Principe Vicario Ge?ierale. BRAVI e fedeli mici soldati ; ecco giunto 1'istante che andate a metter piede in Italia vostra comune patria, per cooperare coi vostri travagli alia grande opera della sua liberazione. La fedelta da voi mostratami nel seguire costantemente la causa del R6 mio augusto padre, vostro legitimo sovrano, mi e una garanzia che non dimentiche- rete mai di riguardarlo per vostro unico sovrano a Re, e che non avendo egli giammai renunziato al suo regno di Napoli, riguarda sempre voi per suoi sudditi fedeli, siccome quale vostro amoroso padre, che sempre tale e stato il mio augusto genitore, vi riguarda come suoi amati figli ugualmente che riguardero sempre i Napoli- tani vostri fratelli. O bravi e fedeli miei soldati Sicilian! ! che reunite i vostri sforzi a quelli de' vostri coufratelli sotto i nostri stendardi ; pensate che colla vera liberazione della Italia, assicurarete la vostra liberta e la vostra esistenza poli- tica, e vi renderete degni di quelie remunerazioni che APPENDIX. 153 saranno proporzionate alia vostra fedelt& ed alia vostra bravura. Palermo, 20 Feb. 1814. Per ordine di S. A. R. il Principe Vicario Generate. (Firmato) RUGGIERO STETTIMO. (Translation.) Order of the Day of His Royal Highness the Prince Vicar General.* MY brave and faithful Soldiers ! Behold the moment is arrived in which you are about to land in Italy, your common country, to co-operate by your labours in the great work of its delivery. The fidelity which you have evinced in constantly following the cause of the king, my august father and your legitimate sovereign, is to me a sufficient guarantee for your never forgetting to con- sider him as your only king and sovereign, whilst he, having never renounced his rights to his kingdom of Naples, will ever regard you as his faithful subjects with the feelings of a tender parent, for such my august father has ever been towards you. He considers you as his beloved sons, in like manner as I shall constantly regard the Neapolitans as your brethren. My brave and faithful Sicilian soldiers ! combine your efforts to those of your brethren united under our stand- ards ; remember, that, together with the real liberation of Italy, you will assure your own liberty and political existence, and you will render yourselves worthy of such remuneration as shall bear a just proportion to your fidelity and courage. Palermo, Feb. 20, 18U. By order of H. R. H. the Prince Vicar General. (Signed) RUGGIERO SETTIMO. * Eldest son of King Ferdinand of Sicily. 154 APPENDIX. (C.) Proclamation of Lord William Bentinck to the Italians. (Translated from the Italian.) Italians, Great Britain has landed her troops on your shores, she comes to deliver you from the iron yoke of Bo- naparte. Portugal, Spain, Sicily, Holland, bear testimony to the liberal and disinterested principles which animate that power. Spain, by her resolution, by her valour, and by the efforts of her great ally, has succeeded in her sublime enterprise. The French are expulsed from her territory. Her independence is secured, her civil liberty established. Sicily, protected by the same power, has saved herself from the universal deluge ; she has suffered nothing. Through the beneficent character of her prince, she has passed from slavery to liberty, and she hastens to revive her ancient splendor among independent nations. Holland rushes forward with the same intent. Will Italy alone remain under the yoke ? Shall Ita- lians only combat against Italians, in favour of a tyrant, and for the bondage of their country ? Italians ! hesi- tate no longer ; be Italians : and thou, army of Italy, know that the great cause of thy country is in thine own hands. Warriors of Italy, we do not require you to unite yourselves to us ; we ask of you to maintain your own rights, and that you be free. Invite us, and we fly to join you ; under our united forces, then will Italy be again what, in her better times, she was, and what Spain is now become. ! ! I (Signed) W. BENTINCK, Commander in Chief of the British Forces. Leghorn, Uth March, 1814. APPENDIX. 155 (D.) Official Note of Lord Win. Bentinck, transmitted to the King of Naples. (Translation from the French.) Bologna, April 1, 1814. IN case the Neapolitan government should require a confirmation in writing of the sentiments, that Lord Castlereagh has already verbally announced, confirma- tion that has not been demanded, it not being judged necessary, the undersigned is authorised, officially, to declare That the English government entirely approves of the treaty concluded between the Austrian government and the government of Naples ; and that it consents to the addition of territory* there specified, under the same conditions made by Austria, of an active and immediate co-operation of the Neapolitan army; and that if the English government refuses to sign a treaty in limine, it arises purely from motives of delicacy, and honour, which cannot agree to the sacrifice of the hereditary states of an ally, without an indemnity ; and the undersigned has orders in consequence, in virtue of which, he invites the Neapolitan government to make the greatest efforts for the same object.t * The Marches of Ancona. t Lord Castlereagh had added in his instructions to Lord William Bentinck, that the British government would ratify the treaty with Joachim King of Naples, even though Ferdinand of Sicily should refuse the indemnity projected. The Duke di Campochiaro, Neapolitan plenipotentiary at Congress, had received from Lord Castlereagh a copy of these instructions, which he had transmitted to King Joachim. The omission of this original additional paragraph, appeared to Joachim, either as a change of original intention and stipulation, or as a symp- tom of hostile feeling on the_part of Lord William Bentinck, and therefore augmented his jealousies. The general tone of the memo- randum was not indeed calculated to inspire confidence in the profes- 156 APPENDIX. Such are the sentiments of the British government. It would be contrary to frankness of character in the under- signed, were he not to express his own opinion, that the hopes which gave birth to the treaty, have been unfortu- nately, too falsified. The principal object, for which the alliance was formed, and sacrifices made, the ready, and active co-operation of the Neapolitan army, has not been obtained. The Austrian army is still paralized on the Adige, whereas by the march of the Neapolitan army to the Upper Po, it would, long ago, have reached the Alps ; negotiations, under the most suspicious circum- stances, have been carried on with the enemy ; and at the same time, the co-operation of the British army, which the Neapolitan government, if sincere, ought to wish for, more than any other of the allies, is rendered impossible, by the refusal made to it, of means for its safety and subsistence. If such be the military line of conduct, its political conduct is not less inexplicable. The Neapolitan govern- ment engages its consent to all the arrangements of the allies in Italy, it begins by declaring that the different states should be immediately restored to their legitimate sovereigns ; but, soon after, it declares officially, that these states shall be kept till the peace, and at the same time, an organized administration of these countries presents itself every where under the form of a permanent occupation; the agents and Neapolitan newspapers, sions of a conciliatory disposition, especially as the king denied the allegations, and had the power, as he conceived, of recriniinating against the proceedings of the allies, as has been shewn ; but in justice, it must be stated, that the king had the highest confidence in the personal honour and integrity of Lord Wm. Bentinck, although he thought he preferred the interests of Ferdinand of Sicily; and to evince his respect for him, he sent him a costly diamond hilted sword, after the capture of Genoa, which was deemed worthy a transfer to H. R. H. the Prince Regent, as the king afterwards learnt, and which flattered him much. APPENDIX. 157 discover views of ambition and aggrandizement, entirely contrary to the intentions of the allies ; and which would not be free from objection, if even in this addition of power it shewed a loyal tendency, but which is certainly dangerous, when it is not yet known on which side this power ranges itself. The undersigned is very far from presenting these remarks in a reproachful or hostile view, they are dictated by a friendly mind, and from a desire to see the intentions of the allies realized. The war still con- tinues, and it is yet time to remove the doubts and discontent that may exist. It is thus that the undersigned seriously recommends to the Neapolitan government, to effectuate an immediate and cordial co-operation with the Austrian forces, to fur- nish by a sacrifice of a portion of Tuscany to the British expedition, the means which are indispensably necessary for its co-operation, and which is due to th# dignity of the British government ; if it can be called a sacrifice, the cession of a country that belongs to another, it will be highly compensated by a mutual assistance and confidence. A renunciation of all tendency to a separate policy, and above all to replace, without delay, the sovereign Pontiff on his see. The cruel treatment that this vene- rable personage has suffered, exalted by his edifying virtues, and his extraordinary firmness, have excited, as we have just seen, the greatest enthusiasm. If the con- duct of him, who now governs France, in this respect, has caused, more than any other act of his life, the hatred of the world entire, it would be a very bad policy to oppose a measure acknowledged to be of the greatest consequence by all those who wished to see established, the grand basis of social order, religion and morality. The undersigned has the honour to reiterate the senti- ments of the highest consideration. (Signed) LORD WM. BENTINCK. 168 APPENDIX. (E.) MONSIEUR MACIRONE est autoris^ par les presenter a prevenir- le Roi Joachim que sa Majest6 TErapereur d'Autriche lui accordera un asile dans ses etats sous les conditions suivantes. 1. Le Roi prendra un nom de particulier. La Reine ayant pris celui de Comtesse de Lipona ; ou le propose egalement au Roi. 2. II sera libre au Roi de choisir une ville de la Boheme, de la Moravie ou de la haute Autriche powr y fixer son sejour. S'il devait vouloir se fixer a la cam- pagne cela ne souffrirait point de difficult^ dans ces monies provinces. 3. Le Roi engagera sa parole vis-a-vis de Sa Majest6 Imperiale et Royale, qu'il ne quittera pas les etats Autrichiens sans le consentement expres de sa dite Majeste, et qu'il vivra dans 1'attitude d'un particulier de marque, mais soumis aux loix en vigueur dans les etats Autrichiens. En foi de quoi et pour qu'il en soit fait 1'usage con- venable, le soussign6 a eu 1'ordre de 1'Empereur de signer la presente declaration. Donne a Paris, le ler Septembre, 1815. SIGNE LE PRINCE DE METTERNICH. (F.) Ajaccio, 28th Sept. 1815. MONSIEUR MACIRONE, Envoy6 des Puissances Alliees aupr6s du Roi Joachim. Je viens de prendre connois- sances des pieces dont vous etes porteur. J'accepte le passeport que vous etes charge de me remettre ; et je compte m'en servir pour me rendre a la destination qui y est fixee. Quant aux conditions que Sa Majeste Impe- riale et Royale impose a 1'offre d'tm aisile en Autriche, APPENDIX. je me reserve de trailer cet article important & 1'epoque ou je serai reuni a ma famille. La semination peux mesuree qui m'a et6 addressee par M. le Capitaine de la Fregate de Sa Majeste Britanni- que, m'empeche d'accepter 1'offre que vous me faites en son nom de me recevoir a son bord. Persecute, menac6 meme en Corse parceque on avoit pu me supposer des vues sur cette Isle, J'avois deja prepare mes moyens de depart. En effet je pars cette nuit. J'accepte avec plaisir les valets de chambre que rous voulez bien me c6der. Sur ce M. Macirone, je prie Dieu qu'il vous ait dans sa Sainte et digne garde. (Signe a 1'original) JOACHIM. Pour Copie conforme, F. MACIRONE. (G.) Ajaccio, 28th Sept. 1815. MONSIEUR MACIRONE, Envoy des Puissances Alliees aupres du Roi Joachim. Ma premiere lettre d'aujourd hui a 6t6 dictee par les circonstances du moment. Mainte- nant je le dois a moi m6me, ^ la verite, et a votre noble franchise et bonne foi de vous instruire de mes veritables intentions. J'apprecie ma libert audessus de tout autre bien. La captivit6 n'a pour moi d'autre synonime que la mort. Quel traitement puis-je attendre des mains de ces puis- sances qui m'ont laisse pendant deux mois sous les poig- nards des assassins de Marseille! J'ai sauv6 la vie au Marquis de Riviere. II toit condamn6 a perir sur F echafaud ; j'ai obtenu sa grace de 1'Empereur. Execra 160 APPENDIX, ble verite! il excitoit secretement ces miserables, c'est lui qui metoit ma tete a prix ! ! Errant dans les bo'is, cache dans les Montagns, je ne dois la vie qu'a la gene- reuse compassion que mes malheursont excite dans 1'ame de trois officiers Francois : ils m'ont transporter en Corse au plus grand peril de leur jours. Des miserables pretendent que j'ai emporte de Naples de grands tresors ; ne savent-ils pas que lorsque j'ai regu c e Royaume en echange pour mon Grand Duche de Berg, que je possedois d'aprds un traite solemnel, j' y ai apporte des richesses immences ? Tout a etc depense pour le bie'n de mon Royaume de Naples ! Le Souvrain qui depuis est venu 1'occuper 1'a t-il reconnu ce pays ? Je n'ai plus de quoi vivre moi et ma famille. Je n'accepterois point, Monsieur Macirone, les condi- tions que vous eies charg6 de m'offrire. Je n' y vois qu'une abdication pure et simple sous la seule condition qu'on me permettra de vivre, mais dans une eternelle captivit^ soumis ii Faction arbitraire des lois sous une gouvernement despotique. Ou est ici la moderation, la justice ! y voit-on les egards dus a un monarque malheu- reux qui a ete formellement reconnu par toute TEurope, et qui dans un moment bien critique a decide la campagne de 1814 en faveur de ces memes Puissances qui mainte- nant contre leurs propres interets 1'accablent du poids excessif de leur persecutions? C'est une verite bien reconnue que je n'ai repousse les Autrichiens jusqu'au P6 que parceque a force d'intrigues on etoit parvenu a me persuader qu'ils se preparoient a m'attaquer, sans cependant la concurrence de FAngleterre. J'ai jug6 necessaire d'avancer ma ligne de defence et de gagner les peuples de mon cot6. Personne ne sait mieux que vous M. Macirone, ainsi que le Lord Bentinck lui meme, que je ne fis ce fatal mouvement de retraite que sur la declaration de ce general qu'il se trouveroit dans le devoir de preter son serours aux Autrichiens, puisqu'ils le lui avoient r^clamie. APPENDIX. 161 % r ous connoissez les causes qui ont occasionee le desordre, et la desertion dans ma belle armee. Les faux bruits artistement rependus de ma mort ; du debarquement des Anglais a Naples; la condtiite du General Pighatelli Strongoli ; enfin la trahison de certains de mes officiers qui ont reussi avec un art perfide, a augmenter par leur exemple, et par leur discours, le decouragement et la desertion. II n' existe point a cette heure un individue de cette armee qui n'ait reconnu son erreur. Je pars pour les rejoindre. Us brulent du desir de me revoir a leur tete. Us m'ont conserv^ toutes leurs affections de meme que chaque classe de mes biens aimes sujets. Je n'ai point abdique. J'ai le droit de reprendre ma couronne si Dieu m'en donne la force et les moyens. Ma presence sur le trone de Naples ne sauroit etre maintenant un sujet de crainte ; on ne peut plus me pretextir des liasons avec Napoleon qui est u St. Helene ; bien au contraire, et 1'Angleterre, etl'Autriche pourront en tire"r des a vantages qu'ils attenderoient en vain du Souvrain qu'ils ont voulu mettre a ma place. Je m'abbandonne a ces details, Monsieur Macirone* puisque c'est a vous que j'ecris. Vos precedes envers moi, votre reputation, et votre nom, vous donnent des droits a ma franchise et a mon estime. Vous ne sauriez mettre aucun obstacle a mon depart, quand meme vous en auriez 1'envie. Lorsqu'on vous remettra cette lettre j'aurai deja fait bon chemin vers ma destination. Ou je reusserai, ou je terminerai mes malheurs avec ma vie. J'ai brav mille et mille fois la mort en combattant pour ma patrie ; ne me seroit-il pas permis de la dompter une fois pour nous meme ! Je fremis seulement pour le sort de ma famille. Je me souviendrai toujours avec plaisir de la maniere noble et delicate dont vous vous etes acquitte de votre mission aupres de moi. Elle contraste agreablement avec les procede"s gratuitement grossiers et revoltans de M 162 APPENDIX. plu.sicura aulrcs perKonnes a inon gard, n'ayant ni ies mmes pouvoirs, ni la meme consideration dorit vous jouis6z. .J'ai donn ordre pour que vos pieces vous soient rendue.s. Sur ce M. Macirone je prie Di<.-u 4M rL4{\M 3CT 7 W* 4PR go W1 -i G. 1*\AA A p R 16 1J* ' APR 194 7 ZJui'SOBZ l7Au^> LD21-100m-7,'39(402s) YC 7500 ! 321964 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY