-'*.
THE LIBRARY
OF
THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA
LOS ANGELES
THE
BEAU T.I E S
O F T H E
BRITISH SENATE:
TAKEN FROM THE
DEBATES OF THE LORDS AND COMMONS,
FROM THE
BEGINNING OF THE ADMINISTRATION
OF SIR ROBERT WALPOLE,
TO THE
END OF THE S E C O N D . S E S S I O N OF THE
ADMINISTRATION OF THE RIGHT HON.
i WILLIAM PITT:
BEING
AN IMPARTIAL SELECTION OF, OR FAITHFUL EXTRACTS
FROM, THE MOST EMINENT SPEECHES, DELIVERED IN TH$
COURSE OF A MOST^IMPORTANT AND TRULY INTERESTING
PERIOD, OF MORE THAN FIFTY YEARS J SEVERALLY AR-
RANGED UNDER THEIR RESPECTIVE HEADS, WITH TH*
NAMES OF THB MEMBERS, TO WHOM T HE Y ARK ASC R1BEO,
ANNEXED THERETO.
THE LIFE OF SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
VOL.
LONDON,
PRINTED FOR JOHN STOCKDALE, OPPOSITE BURLING-
TON-HOUSE, PICCADILLY.
M DCC LXXXVI.
ADVERTISEMENT.
TH E extreme utility, as well as intrinfic merit of
the following Work, is fo obvious, that the Edi-
tor has little more to obferve, than that it will be
found equally candid and impartial.
While, however, he experiences every fatisfaclion in
the confidence he has, that it will have its admirers for
fome of the fineft reading to be met with, he fufters
much in the fear he has, of being expofed to the cen-
fure of others, who may probably think he has either
neglefted them, or failed in the attempt he has made
to do them juftice.
In his defence, he thinks it neceffary to reprefent,
that the Debates of Parliament, for the laft fifty years,
were found to produce fo many beauties, that it would
have been altogether impracticable, however defirous
he might have been of doing it, to have felected
them all, at lead, without running into a very ex-
penfive and voluminous work indeed. He was, there-
fore, under the painful neceflity of pafling by a number
of beauties deferving notice, and could only make
choice of thofe that were the moft ftriking; determin-
ing, at the fame time, to give as much variety, and to
include as many fpeakers as poffible.
Notwithftanding thefe difficulties in the way of ren-
dering that complete and general fatisfaclion he wifhed
to afford, he trufts the Work will, neverrhelefs, be found
worthy univerfal patronage and fupport.
To the Public in general it will furnifh much ufeful
and entertaining matter, while the Politician, and
A 3 Member
1407663
vi ADVERTISEMENT.
Member of Parliament in particular, will find it a fource
of the moft neceffary information and inftruclion. It
will be found to contain the Speeches of the firft
Speakers that ever ornamented the Britifh Senate, and
their opinions on the moft important and interefting
topics.
The -whole is fo arranged, as to exhibit, in one point
of view, all the Eloquence, the Wit, or Satire, c. that
has been in the Lords and Commons, from the Adini-
niftration of SIR ROBERT WALPOLE, down to the pre-
fent time, with the name of each Member annexed to
tfie Beauty afcribed to him.
Thofe Beauties that would, from the nature of them,
admit of it, will be found fhort and concife j others
more at large, either as meriting it from their excel-
lence, or to prevent their being disjointed or unintelli-
gible ; whilft fome are felefted entirely from the vaft
mafs of matter they contain, or the great fund of know-
ledge they poflefs.
Upon the whole the Editor flatters himfelf, that
the BEAUTIES of the BRITISH SENATE will prove
particularly acceptable to thofe who have not the De-
bates of Parliament, and ferve as a valuable companion
to thofe who have ; nor be thought unworthy, either as
an elegant or ufcful work, a place in the LIBRARY of
every GENTLEMAN in the Britifli Empire.
January 26, 1786.
INDEX
N
D
E
X
T O
VOLUME THE FIRST.
ADDRESS TO THE T-HRONE,
Lord Frnham 5?
Page i.
Marquis of liockinghara 53
Hon. Temple Luttrell 54, 58
MR. Shippen i, 4
Sir VVm. Wvndham 3
Sir Jofeph Mawbey 50, 61
Mr. De Grey 64
Mr. William Puheney
4
Mr. Courtenay 64
Mr. Henry Fox
9
Mr. Burke 65
Watkin Williams Wynne,
Lord North * 65
Eiq;
10
Earl of Chefterfield
Earl of Carterej
ii
12
ATTACK, Page 67.
Mr. Pitt
J6
Mr. Shippen 67
Mr. Sandvs
2 1
Sir William Wyndham 67
Hon. Edw'ard Ccke
27
C >li/nel Mordaunt 68
Mr. Pulteney 69
ANECDOTF, Pa^e 33
Sir Rob. Walpole $9, ^p, 71
Lord Gage 72
Mr. Sandys
33
Lord Limerick 72
Mr. Shippen
33
Maior Selwyn 5-6
Mr. Pulteney
34
Colonel Barrg 78
Mr, Lyrtelton
Sir Thomas Aftoa
3
38
Lord George Gordon 82
Mr. Fox 82
Horace Walpole
Lord Hervey
3
4 o
4
Earl Temple 83.
Mr. Rieby 87
Lord Delavvar
4
o / **/
Lord Carteret 41, 42,
46
AMERICAN AFFAIRS,
Duke of Argyle
Lord Chancellor
43
43
Page 91,
Earl of Chefterfield
44
Earl of Chatham 91
Mr. Pulteney
46
Mr. Wilkes 96
Robert Tracey, Efq;
Mr. Hlitchefon
48
49
Earl Temple 99
D uke of Manchester i o i
Hon. Edward Digby
Colonel Conway
Lord Clive
5 1
5 1
52
Mr. Burke 105
Governor Johnflone io5
Governor Pownall 10$
Hi, WiJke>
M
Sir Cecil Wray 109
A 4 A&MT,
INDEX.
ARMY, Page no.
Mr. Pulteney 179, 18*
Sir John Barnard 181
Mr. .Shippen - 110,116
Mr. Horatio Walpole 1 20
Earl of Aylesford 1 20
DEFENCE, Page 183.
Earl of Straffbrd 123
DukeofArgyle 126,139
Lord Hervey 128
Mr. Shippen 1 3 1
Mr. Pulteney 137
Mr. Walter Plumer 138
Sir Rob. Walpole 183,184, 187
Mr. Pulteney 187
Right Hon. Henry Pelham 192
Lord Mansfield 194
General Burgoyne 195
Sir John Barnard 138
William Thornton, Efq; 140
Right Hon. Tho.Townfend 142
Lord North *97> *99
Mr. Hamilton 200, 207
Mr. Rofe 208
Major Scott 209
B R i B E R T, Page 144.
Biihop of Bangor 144
E L o QJJ E N c E, Page 215.
EarlofChefterfieid 150
Mr. William Pulteney 215
Lord Noel Somerfet 217
CIVIL LIST. Pace ici.
Mr. William Pitt 221
* O J
EarlofChefterfieid 223
Mr. Shippen 151
Earl of Halifax 224
Lord Carteret 157
Lord' Raymond 226
Dulce of Newcaflle 159
Earl of Sandwich 230
Sir Robert Walpol* 160
Mr.Wilkes 16^
Mr. Shippen 231
Sir Dudley Ryder 235
Mr. Dempfter 166
Lord Percival 241
Right Hon. Mr. Pelham 245
COMMENCE AND REVENUE,
Mr. Pitt 249
Page 1 68.
General Burgoyne 254
Mr. Fox 256, 259, 261
Sir Paul Methuen 168
Mr. Erfldne 292
Sir Robert Walpole 179
Mr. H. Dundas 299, 303
LIFE
E
O P
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
THE commencement of the Adminiftration of Sir Robert
Walpole, having been judged a proper period for begin-
ning the Beauties of the Britifti Senate, it may naturally be ex-
peled that the work fhould be preceded by fome account of
his life.
Sir Robert Walpole, whofe political hiftory forms as im-
portant an aera as any to be met with in the annals of the Bri-
tifh empire, was born on the 6th of September, 1674, at
Houghton, in Norfolk, and appears to have been educated on
the foundation of Eton School. He was elefted to King's Col-
lege, in Cambridge, and admitted in the year 1681 ; but fuc-
ceeding to the family eftate by the death of his elder brother,
he refigned his Fellowfhip.
This great political character firft took his feat in the Hbufe
of Commons in the year 1700, for King's Lynn, which Bo*
rough he reprefented in feveral fucceeding Parliaments ; and in
the year 1705 he had the honour of being nominated one of the
Council to Prince George of Denmark, Lord High Admiral of
England. In 1707 he was appointed Secretary at War, and in
1709 was made Treafurer to the Navy. In the year following,
however, upon a change of the Miniftry, he was removed from
all his pofts, and continued out of gffice during the whole of
the Queen's reign.
In the year 1711, he was voted by the Houfe of Commons
guilty of an high breach of truft, and notorious corruption in
his
x LIFE OF SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
his office of Secretary at War ; and it was refolved, that he
{hould be committed to the Tower, and expelled the Houfe.
Upon a cool and difpafiionate review of this affair, it has not
been thought that there was fufficient proof to juftify the feve-
rity ufed towards him ; and, perhaps, his attachment to the
Marlborough Miniftry, and his great influence in the Houfe,
owing to his popular eloquence, were the true caufes of his
cenfure and imprifonment, as they had been before of his ad-
vancement. All the Whigs, however, on this occafion, con-
fidcred him as a kind of martyr in their caufe.
He was re-elected for the borough of Lynn, and though the
Houfe declared his election void, yet they perfifted in the choice.
On the death of the Queen a revolution of politics took place,
and the Whig Party prevailed both at Court and in the Senate,
and in a few days Sir Robert Walpole was appointed Receiver
and Paymafter General of all the Guards and Garrifons, and
likewife a Privy Counfellor. Thefe promotions, it is probable,
he owed to his having recommended himfelf to the Houfe of
Hanover, by his zeal for its caufe, when the Commons confi-
dered the ftate of the nation with regard to the Proteftant fuc-
ceffion, and the aflurance he procured of the Houfe to the new
King, upon its Addrefs of condolence and congratulation,
" Thflt the Commons would make good all Parliamentary funds."
On the opening of a new Parliament, a Committee of Sp-
crefy was chofen, to enquire into the conduct of the late Mi-
niftry, of which Sir Robert Walpole was the Chairman ; and,
by his management, articles of impeachment were read againft
the Earl of Oxford, Lord Bolingbroke, the Duke of Ormond,
and the Earl of Strafford. The eminent fervice he was thought
to have done the Crown and the nation, by the vigorous pro-
fecution of thofe Ministers, who were deemed the chief inftru-
ments of the Peace, was foon rewarded by the extraordinary
promotions of Firft Commifiioner of the Treafury, and Chan-
cellor and Under Treafurer of the Exchequer.
LIFE OF SIR ROBERT WALPOLE. xi
In two years time, a mifunderftanding appeared amongft his
Majefty's fervants, and it became evident, that the intereft of
Secretary Stanhope and his adherents, began to outweigh that
of the Exchequer, and that Sir Robert Walpole's power was
vifibly on the decline. King George had purchafed of the King
of Denmark the duchies of Bremen and Verden, which hisDa-
niih. Majefty had gained by conqueft from Charles XII. of
Sweden. The Swedifh Hero, enraged to fee his dominions
publicly fet to fale, conceived a refentment againft the pur-
chafer, and formed a defign to gratify his revenge on the elec-
torate of Hanover. Upon a meflage, fent to the Houfe of
Commons by the King, Secretary Stanhope moved for a fupply,
to enable his Majefty to concert fuch meafures with foreign
Princes and States, as might prevent any change or apprehen-
fions from the defigns of Sweden for the future. This occa-
fioned a warm debate, in which it is to be remarked, that Wai-
pole kept a profound filence. The Country-party infifted, that
fuch a proceeding was contrary to the Ad"l of Settlement. They
infinuated, that the peace of the empire was only a pretence,
but that the fecurity of the new acquifitions was the real object
of this unprecedented fupply, and they took occafion to obferve
too, that his Majcfty's own Minifters feemed to be divided.
But Walpole thought proper on this furmife to fpeak in favour
of the fupply, which was carried by a majority of four voices only.
In a day or two he refigned all his places to the King. Va-
rious have been tWe motives faid to have induced Sir Robert
Walpole to take this ftep. If the true caufe, however, of his
defection from the Court had been his difapprobation of the
meafures then purfuing, his conduct muft be acknowledged to
have been, in this inftance, truly noble and praife-worthy. But
they who confider the intrigues of party, and that he fpoke in
favour of thofe meafures, will find little room to fuppofe, that his
refignation proceeded from any attachment to liberty or IQVC of
his country* He refigned, moll probably, with a View of being
rcftsred with greater power ; and ;ht number of his friends,
who
xii LIFE OF SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
who accompanied him in his refignation, prove it to have been,
'oaO: to have very much the appearance, of its having been
, fa-f^icus movement.
;!-e day of his resignation he brought in the Sinking Fund
Bill, which he prefented as a country Gentleman, and which,
he faid, he hoped would not fare the worfe for having two fa-
thers, and that his fucceffor (Mr. Stanhope) would bring it to
perfection. His being called the father of a project, which hath
fince been employed fo often to other purpofes than were at firft
declared, gave -his enemies frequent opportunities for fatire and
ridicule ; and it hath been farcaftically obferved, that the father
of this fund appeared in a very bad light, when viewed in the
capacity of a nurfe.
In the courfe of the debates on, this Bill, a very {harp conteil
took place between Walpole and Stanhope. On fome fevere
reflections thrown upon him, the former loft his ufual ferenity
of temper, and replied with great warmth and impetuofity. The
acrimony on both fides produced very unbecoming expreflions,
the betraying of private converfation, and the revealing a piece
of fecret hiftory, viz. " The fiandalous pratlice of felling places
and reverfions^ which occafioned a Member to fay on the occa-
fion " I am forry to fee thefe two great men fall foul of one
" another : however, in my opinion, we muft frill look on
" them as patriots and fathers of their country : and fince they
" have by mifchance difcovered their nakednefs, we ought, ac-
" cording to the cuflom, to cover it, by turning our backs
* c upon it."
Sir Robert Walpole, in the next Sefllon of Parliament, op-
pofpd the Miniftry in every thing, and even exceeded Wynd-
ham or Shippen in patriotifm. Upon a motion in the Houfe
for continuing the army, he made a fpeech of above an hour
long, and pointed out the danger of a {landing army in a free
country, with all the powers of eloquence. Early in 1720, the
rigour of the Patriot bejran to foften, and the ccmphiiance of
the Courtier to appear, and he was again appointed Paymafter
of
LIFE OF SIR ROBERT WALPOLE. xiii
of the Forces, and feveral of his friends were found foon after
in the lift of promotions. No doubt now remained of his en-
tire converfion to Court meafures ; for before the end of the
year, we find hiai pleading as ftrongly for the forces required by
the War-office, as he had before declared agair.ft them, even
though at this time the fame pretences for keeping them on
foot did not cxift.
He \vas foon after again appointed Firft Lord of the Trca-
fury, and Chancellor of the Exchequer ; and when the King
went abroad in 1723, he was nominated one of the Lords Juf-
tices for the Adminiftration of Government, and was fworn
fole Secretary of State. About this time he received another
diftinguifhed mark of the Royal favour ; his eldeft fon, then on
his travels, being created a Peer, by the title of Baron Wai-
pole, of Walpole. In 1725 he was made Knight of the Bath,
and the year after Knight of the Garter.
Sir Robert Walpole, however, refigned all his places on the
j 8th of February, in the year 1741, after having been Firft
Lord of the Treafury, and Under Treafurer of the Exchequer,
ever fmce the 4th of April, 1721, a courfe of nearly twenty
years. He had fuccccdcd the Earl of Sunderland in the former
fituation, and Mr. Aiflabie in the latter. Three days after his
jefignation, his Majefty was pleafed to create him Earl of Orford,
Vifcount Walpole, and Baron of Houghton, and to allow him,
a pen fion of 4000!. though upon his removal, and the altera-
tions made in the Miniftry, there were public rejoicings in Lon-
don and Weftminfter; but pofterity will be the bed Judges of
the advantages the nation derived from the change.
The meafures of his Adminifl ration, during the long time He
remained prime, or rather/0/* Minifter, have been often can-
vafled with all the feverity of critical inquiry. It is difficult to
tliicern the truth through the exaggerations and mifreprefenta-
tions of party; and it muft be left to the impartial Hiftorian to
fet it in a proper light. The Reader need not be informed,
that he was long called " The Father of Corruption," though,
perhaps,
2
xiv LIFE OF SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
perhaps, he had only been an improver of it ; but notwithftand-
ing this, and that he boafted that he knew every man's price,
he found himfelf, at length, unable any longer to procure a ma-
jority in the Houfe of Commons.
There is an inftinctive propenfity in mankind to think' reve-
rently of the myfteries of Government ; and a perfon who is
able, in whatever manner, to prefide over the affairs of a nation
for a confiderable period, is infallibly exalted into a great man.
In purfuance of this propenfity, we have heard much of the abi-
lities of Sir Robert Walpole. He had a great fluency and rea-
dinefs of language j and though what he .uttered was neither
nervous nor elegant, yet it had its weight with thofe, who
eftimate the value of a fpeech by its length, and think him the
beft Orator, who can harangue upon all occafions without hefi-
tation. He was well (killed in parliamentary bufinefs, and pof-
fefled a certain eafmefs of foul, and calloufnefs of fenfation,
which made him proof againft all attacks, and raifed him fupe-
rior to every embarrafTment. By an unwearied attention to
figures and calculations, he had acquired a knowledge of the
fubject of finance, which his fyftem of Government did not
always allow him to turn to the greateft advantage. That fyf-
tem was founded on the narroweft and moft deteftable princi-
ples. As he had never known what it was to be concerned in
a popular Adminiftration, he was acquainted with no means of
preferving his power but that of corruption. The maxim which
he purfued and avowed is well known. He ridiculed the very
ideas of parriotifm and public fpirit, thought felf- inter eft the
wifeft principle by which a man could be actuated, and bribery
the moft elevated and comprehenfive fyftem that ever entered
into the human mind.
After this, it is but fair to add, that in the well-known debate
relating to Steele^ for publifhing the " Crifis" he greatly diftin-
guifhed himfelf in behalf of liberty ; and the Scbtfm Bill foon
after gave him a fine opportunity of exerting his powers, and
appearing
LIFE OF SIR ROBERT WALPOLE. xv
appearing in the character of the champion of civil and religious
liberty.
But whatever objections his minifterial conduct may be lia-
ble to, in his private character, he is univerfally allowed to have
poflefied very amiable and benevolent qualities. That he was
a tender parent, a kind matter, a beneficent patron, a firm
friend, an agreeable companion, are points that have feldom
been difputed him ; and POPE, who was no friend to Courts
and Courtiers, hath paid him gratis, an handfomer compliment
on the laft of thefe heads, than any liberality could ever pur-
chafe. In anfwer to his friend, who perfuades him to go and
ice Sir Robert, he fays
" Seen him I have, but in his happier hour,
" Of focial pleafure ill-exchahg'd for power ;
* c Seen him, uncuniber'd with the venal tribe,
" Smile without art, and win without a bribe."
No Minifter, perhaps, ever diftinguifhed himfelf more by hit
writing than Sir Robert Walpole. About the end of Queen
Anne's reign, and the beginning of George the Firft, he wrote
the following pamphlets. i. " The Sovereign's Anfwer to
the Gloucefterfhire Addrefs." The Sovereign meant Charles
Duke of Somerfet, ib nick-named by the Whigs. 2. " An-
fwer to the Reprefentation of the Lords on the State of the
Navy." 3. The Debts of the Nation ftated and confidered
in four pages, 1710." 4. " The thirty-five millions accounted
for, 1710." 5. " A Letter from a Foreign Minifter in Eng
land to Mofieur Pittecum, 1710." 6. ." Four Letters to a
Friend in Scotland upon Sacheverell's Trial." 7. " A Short
Hiftory of the Parliament." 8. " The South-Sea Scheme
confidered." 9. A Pamphlet againft the Peerage Bill, 1719."
10. " The Report of the Secret Committee, June 9, 1715."
Upon the whole, the firft remarkable concuflion that the Go-
vernment of Walpole occafioned in the minds of the governed,
xvi LIFE OF SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
was owing to a fcheme he had formed for extending the Laws
of Excife, by which, under fpecious pretences, he hoped to
(well the number of dependents, and add to the means of cor-
ruption. But what filled up the meafure of his unpopularity,
was his inglorious fyftem with relation to foreign affairs. As
he was the Minifter of the King, and not the Man of the People,
he had long facrificed the interefts, and lavifhed the treafures of
Great-Britain, in fubferviency to a fyftem of continental mea-
fures, to which his Mafter was invincibly attached.
After his refignation, Sir Robert Walpole fpent the remainder
of his life in tranquillity and retirement, and died in the year
1745, in the yift year of his age.
BEAU-
BEAUTIES
O F T H E
BRITISH SENATE,
ADDRESS TO THE THRONE.
I Rife not only to offer my fentiments againft the terms of the
Addrefs propofed, but likevvife to make a Motion. It has,
Sir, upon fuch an occafion, been the ancient cuftom of this
Houfe, to prefent an Addrefs of Thanks to his Majefty, for
his moft gracious Speech from the Throne, but fuch Addrefies
were in former days always in general terms ; there were in
them no flattering paragraphs, no long compliments made to
the Throne, for tranfations and fuccefies which had never
been laid before the Houfe, and of which, by a neceflary con-
fequence, the Houfe muft have been fuppofed to have been en-
tirely ignorant : it is true, Sir, we have of late years, fallen
into a cuftom of complimenting the Throne upon every fuch
occafion with long Addreifcs j and this cuftom has been followed
fo long, that I am afraid it may at laft become a Vote of courfe,
to vote an Addrefs to his Majefty, in fuch terms as fhall be
concerted by thofe very men, whofe meafures are approved of
by the compliment made to the Throne. I confefs, Sir, that
I am fo little of a courtier, that I cannot return thanks for
what I know nothing of j nor can I applaud before I know a
VOL. I. B rcafon
a BEAUTIES OF THE
reafon for fuch applaufe. I am not at all againft an Addrefs of
Thanks in the ancient ufual ftyle : but tho' I mould happen to
be finale and alone in my oppofition, which I hope I mall not,
yet I am refolved to oppofe addreffing in thofe terms ; for, if it
were for no other reafon than this, that fuch a Motion may not
ftand upon the Journals of the Houfe, as agreed to nem. con.
for if not taken notice of in time y fuch humble Addrefles to
the Throne may at laft come to pafs as matters of courfe, and
ke as Jittle regarded or oppofed, as feme affairs now are, which
at firft ftood a long con-teft before they could be introduced.
It is no new thing in me to oppofe fuch Addrefles ; I always
have oppofed them ; and though I do not thereby appear to be
a good courtier, yet k mews that I have fome refpeft for the
honour and dignity of this Houfe : befides, when fuch Addrefles
have been propofed, it has been promifed, and we have been
aflured, that no advantage {hould afterwards be taken of any
words contained in any complimentary part of fuch Addrefs:
but every Member in this Houfe knows, that when the Houfe
had an opportunity of examining things more particularly, and
Debates enfued thereupon, they have been told, that they could
pot cenfure any of the paft tranfacYtons, becaufe they had ap-
proved of them all by their Addrefs of Thanks to his Majefry
for his moft gracious Speech from the Throne. I hope, for
the fake of my country, that all things are well ; that our affairs
both at home and abroad are in that profperous condition in
which they have been reprefentcd to us ; but as we cannot yet
judge from the effe&s, and as the treaties, from which this great
profperity and lafting tranquillity is to arife, have not yet been
hid before us, I cannot but look upon it as an anticipation of
the Refolutions of this Houfe, to thank his Majefty for thofe
Treaties, which we have not as yet had an opportunity either
to perufe or confsdcr j and therefore I move, that the firft part
only of the Motion already made mould ftand, and that all the
ether complimentary paragraphs mould be left out.
, Jan. 13, 1732.
I CAN-
BRITISH SENATE. 3
I CANNOT agree to the terms for addrefling his Majefty, be-
caufe though every thing may now be well fettled upon a folid
and Lifting foundation, yet I cannot think that our conduct has
in every refpe& been right ; or that the intercft of this nation
has been, by his Majefty's Minifters, principally and fteadily
purfued. At one time we were frightened out of our wits with
apprehenfions that the Pretender was to be put upon us, and
that without any rettfon, for all that I have yet feen or heard
upon the fubjecl:. Then Don Carlos was made fuch a giant of,
that he, that Infant, was to fwallow up and deftroy all the
powers of Europe ; and at that time we fued to France for an
alliance, and befought their afiiftance, by which we put it in
their power to commence a war whenever they pleafed : and
if they had not been more taken up with whims and difputes
about religion, than any wife nation ought to be, they would
certainly have involved us in a war, in conjunction with them,
and thereby would have made us aflift them in recovering all
that they had loft in the two laft wars, the taking of which
from them had caft us fo much blood and treafure. Seme time
after we (hook off all fears of the Pretender, Don Carlos was
again diminifhed to an ordinary fize, and then we began to
bully France as much as we had courted it before : fuch
conduct cannot appear to me to be right, at leaft it does
not appear to be fteady and uniform. Upon the other
hand, it muft be faid of the Imperial Court, that they have
adted with fteadinefs and prudence ; they have properly adhered
to the natural interefts of their native country, and have fteadily
purfued the plan they had in view, through Isll the different
lhapes in which the affairs of Europe have been put within
thefe few years ; and by this firmnefs and refohmon they have
at laft brought us to their own terms, and have accomplifhed
their defigns, notwithstanding the conjunction and alliance of
ib many formidable powers agsinft them : whereas we have been
obliged, in fome manner, to comply with the demands of almoit
every power we have treated with ; and if by fuch means we
B 2 have
4. BEAUTIES OF THE
have at laft got oft" by any tolerable conditions, it muft
that we have been like a man in a room, who wants to get
out, and though the door be opeo, and a clear way to it, yet
he ftalks round the room, breaks his (bins over a ftool, tumbles
over a chair, and at laft, rumbling over everything in his way,
by chance finds the door and gets out, after abundance of need-
lefs trouble and unnecefTary danger.
Sir William Ifyndkam, Jan. 13, 1732.
I HAVE always been againft longAddrefTes; I am ready enough
to agree to an Addrefs of Thanks to his Majefty for his moft
gracious fpeech from the Throne ; but fuch Addrefs ought to
be in the moft concife terms, and the moft general words :
this was the antient ufage of Parliament, and I find but few of
our old cuftoms that are altered for the better : however, if we
muft go on with the cuftom of making long-winded AddrcfTes, I
think we ought to take fome notice of the fpirit that is at prefent
amongft the people. It is very certain, that there are great
fears, jealoufies, and fufpicion?, outdoors; that fomethino: is
to be attempted this Seffion of Parliament, which is generally
thought to be deftrudtive to rtie liberties, and to the trade of
this nation. There is at prefent a moft general and remark-
able fpirit amongft the people, for protecting and defending
their liberties and their trade, in oppofition to thofe attempts
which they expect are to be made againft both.
Mr. Shippen t Jan. 16, 1733.
As this is a new Parliament, I hope we fhall begin with
(hewing a little more regard to the ancient cuftom and dignity
of Parliaments, than has been fhewn of late years. In former
times, the Addrefles of this Houfe, in return to his Majefty's
Speech from the Throne, were always conceived in the moft
general terms. Our ance^ors would never condefcend upon
that cccafion, to enter into the particulars of his Majefty's
Speech : when they were to approach the King, and to declare
their
BRITISH SENATE. 5
their affection and their fidelity to him, they thought it was
inconfiftent with that fidelity they were to declare, to approve,
upon that occafion, of any minifterial meafures, and much
more fo, to declare their lati^faction with meafures they knew
nothing about. This Houfe is the grand inqueft of the na-
tion, appointed to inquire diligently, and to reprefent faith-
fully to the King, all the grievances of his people, and all the
crimes and mifmanagement of his fervants ; and therefore it
muft always be a breach of our fidelity to our Sovereign, as
well as a breach of our duty to the people, to approve blindly
the conduct of his fervants. When we have examined dili-
gently, and confidercd deliberately the conduct of any Minifter,
and are at laft fully convinced that he has acted prudently and
wifely for the public good, it is then our duty to return him
the thanks of the public, and to reprefent him as a faithful
Minifter to his Mafter j but to make panegyrics upon the con-
duct of any of the King's fervants, before we have examined
into it, is more like the language of flavcs and fycophants to
a Prime Minifter, than that of loyal and faithful fubjects to
their Sovereign.
I muft acknowledge, Sir, that the Motion now made for
addrefling his Majefty is more general, and more adapted to
the ancient cuftom of Parliament, than moft I have heard fince
I have had the honour to be a Member of this Houfe. I hope
we fhall not find that this extraordinary modefty proceeds from
a confcioufnefs of mifconduct. For the fake of the public, I
heartily wifh we may find that it proceeds from fuperior merit ;
which is, indeed, generally attended with fuperior modefty :
but as I have always been, upon fuch occafions, againft general
encomiums upon Minifters, and as the propofitiou now before
us, or at leaft a great part of it, implies a general approbation
of all our late meafures, particularly thofe relating to the pre-
fent war, which the majority of this Houfe are, in my opinion,
entirely ignorant of, I cannot agree to it ; becaufe I have not
yet learned complaifance enough to approve of what I know
B 3 nothing
BEAUTIES
or THE
nothing about, much lefs to approve of what I fufpcct to be
violently wrong.
I had the honour, Sir, to be a Member of this Houfe, in the
laft Parliament, and I remember feveral Motions were then
made, for getting fome infight into the (late of our foreign
affairs, and our late tranfaclions : Motions which appeared to
me highly reafonable, and even abfolutely necefiary to be com-
plied with, before the Houfe could reafonably comply with the
demands that were then made upon them: but every one of
thefe Motions had a negative put upon them. I have always
had a fufpicion of the works of darknefs ; I do not like any
conduct that cannot {land the light at noon-day ; and therefore
I am afraid, fome of our late tranfadlions are fuch as no man
could approve of, if they were expofed to public view. We
have long been amufed, with hopes of fome extraordinary bene-
fits that were to accrue to the nation from our many tedious
and expenfive negotiations : we have been long in expectation j
but when one negotiation was over, we have been always told,
to have patience, the next was to accomplifh all our defires ;
we accordingly have had a great deal of patience, but, fo far,
as I apprehend, I can obferve no benefits that have accrued, or
are like to accrue j but on the contrary, many dangers and dif-
advantages : fo that the whole train of our late negotiations
really feem to me, to be calculated for no other end, but to ex-
tricate a fet of puzzled, perplexed negotiators, from fome former
blunder, by which they have generally been led into a fecond
of worfe confequence than the firft : every fubfequent negoti-
ation feems to me to have had no other view or defign, but to
get rid of fome dilemma we were thrown into by the former;
and happy have we thought ourfelves, after a great deal of
money fpent, if we could but recover our former condition.
In fliorr, Sir, if any Gentleman will rife up and faew me any
addition, or any new advantage, with refpecl: either to our
trade or our poficflions, that this nation has acquired by any of
our late tranfaction?, I fhall agree to the Motion : but con-
fidering
BRITISH SENATE. 1
ftdermg the great cxpence the nation has been put to, and the
great lofles many of our merchants have, without any redrefs
or fatisfaction fuftained, I cannot agree to pafs compliments
upon, or declare my fatisfaction with, ojir late management in
general, till it be made appear to me, that thefe public and
private loffes, have been fome way balanced by national ad-
vantages.
The fccond paragraph of the Motion I am, indeed, furprifed
at upon another account, to make our acknowledgments to
his Majefty, for not involving the nation too precipitately in a
bloody war, is, in my opinion, very far from being a compli-
ment to his Majefty j it is impoffible, it is not to be prefumed
that his Majefty can do any fuch thing : but if it were poffible,
and if any fuch thing had been done, to be fure it would have
been doing the nation a very notable mifchief; and according
to the idiom of our language, at leaft in private life, to thank
a man, or to make our acknowledgments to a man, for his
not doing us a notable mifchief, is a contemptuous way of ex-
preffing ourfelves, and is always an infinuation, that from fuch
a man's malice, or his weaknefs, or imprudence, we expected
fome notable mifchief; and therefore when we are difappointed,
when the mifchief is not fo great as we expected, we fay, by
way of contempt, that we are obliged to him. If none but
Minifters were concerned in this part of the Motion, I {hould
have let it pafs without any remark, nay, I fhould readily have
agreed to it ; but as his Majefty is concerned, I hope the Gen-
tlemen who made the Motion will take care to have it fome
way altered, if they are refolved to have it ftand part of the
Addrefs. This {hews, Sir, how apt people are to fall into
blunders, when they attempt to make extravagant or forced
compliments j and therefore I wifti we would avoid fuch dangers,
by confining our Addrefs to a general acknowledgment of
Thanks to his Majefty, for his moft gracious Speech from the
Throne, and a declaration of our affections towards him, of
our attachment to his family, and our zeal for his fervice.
B 4 However,
8 BEAUTIES OFTHE
However, Sir, as it has been granted on all hands, that no-
thing contained in our Addrefs can prevent the future inquiries
of this Houfe, or can be a bar to our cenfuring what we (hall*
upon inquiry, find to be amifs, therefore I fhall propofe no
Amendment to the former part of the Motion : but I muft take
notice of one thing which is apparent, without any inquiry, to
every man in this Houfe, to every man who knows any thing of
public affairs, and that is, the great charge this nation has already
been put to on account of the war, while the other powers of
Europe, not yet engaged in the war, have not put themfclves
to one {billing expence : nay, even our allies, the Dutch, who,
as his Majefty has been pleafed to tell us, are under the fame
engagements with us, have not put themfelves to the leaft
charge on account of the prefent war. Now, Sir, as his
Majefty has told us, that we had no concern with the
caufes or motives of the war, we cannot, therefore, be in-
volved in it, unlefs it be for the prefervation cf the balance of
power : and as all our allies are as much interefted in this
refpecT: as we are, it is reafonable they (hoiald bear their pro-
portionable (hare of the expence : and as they have yet done
nothing like it, I think it is become necefiary for us to take
fome notice of this matter in our Addrefs to his Majefty ; for
which reafon, I (hall move this Amendment to the latter part
of the Addrefs, viz. *^ That this Houfe will cheerfully and
effectually raife fuch fupplies, as (hall be neceffary for the
" honour and fecurity of his Msjcfty and his kingdoms ; and'
*' in proportion to the expcnces to be incurred by the other powers
" who were under the fame engagements with this nation, and
" not then involved in the war : and whatever (hall be the fuccefs
* 6 of his Majefty's gracious endeavours to procure the blefilngs
of peace and general tranquillity, will enable his Majefty to
" act that part, which honour and juftice, and the true intereft
" of his people (hall call upon him to undertake."
Mr. William Pulter.cy^ Jan. 27, 1735.
IT
BRITISH SENATE. 9
IT has always been the cuftom of this Houfe, at the beginning
of every Seflion of Parliament, to return his Majefty our Thanks
for his Speech from the Throne ; but the fevere ftroke, which
not only his Majefty and the Royal Family, but ail the nation
have received fmce our laft meeting, in the death of the Queen,
requires, that on this occafion our Thanks to his Majefty, for his
moft gracious aflurance?, fhould be attended with our condolence
for his inexpreflible lofs. A lofs, Sir, which, I flatter myfelf, I
read in the eyes of every Gentleman who hears me, and which
muft be regretted by every fubjedl in the kingdom, who retains
in his brealt one fpark of loyalty and gratitude.
Gentlemen cannot mifs to obferve, that if his Majefty has
expreflcd himfelf with more brevity than ufual, it is owing to
the remembrance of a Princefs *, who endeared herfelf in every
relation of life, either as a confort, a mother, or a Queen. And
though her death, Sir, is an afflicting difpenfation to all the na-
tion, yet we cannot fuppofe, that any of us can feel it fo deeply
as the royal breaft ; which, while fhe was alive, (he fo much
cafed of the toils of government by her counfels, which never
had any other tendency than to promote his honour, by pro-
moting the happinefs of the people. Of this, Sir, we had many
late inftanccs, efpecially when the fovereign power, in the ab-
fence of her royal confort, was delegated into her hands. On
that occafion, Sir, we may all remember with what moderation
Ihe governed, with what cheerfulnefs (he rewarded, and with what
reluctance fhe punifticd ; though the prudence of her meafures
rendered the exercife of this laft and moft ungrateful branch of
the royal prerogative but fcldom neceflary. Therefore, Sir,
however fome amongft us may differ in particular views and
intcrcfts, I hope we fhall unite in paying a debt of gratitude to
the memory of the beft of Princefles, as well as of duty to the
beft of Kings.
Henry Fox, Efq; Jan. 24, 1738.
* The confort of George the Second.
As
io BEAUTIES or THE
As fpceches from the Throne have been taken for the fcnfe
of the Miniirry, too lavifh Addrefies from this Houfe have been
regarded rather as incenfe to the Minifter, than a juft acknow-
ledgment to the Sovereign. But, Sir, I hope we lhall always
look upon ourfelves as the truftees of the people, and endeavour
to fpeak their fenfe in our Addrefles, as well as a& for their in-
terefts in our proceedings. Though the expr;flion, Sir, pro,
pofed to be iuferted in this Addrefs, that we will carefully ai'sii
all heats and animofities^ is, to be fure, a very proper part of a Rc-
folution of this nature, and what I am perfuaded every Gentle-
man wijl willingly agree to ; yet there have been inftances,
Sir, when from as well-guarded expreflions Minifters have
taken occafion to attempt the fubverfion of that liberty of de-
bate, and freedom of fpeech, which ought to diftinguifh the Re-
prcfentativcs of a free people. Amongft fuch a people, Sir, an
oppofition always muft, and, perhaps, it is their happinefs that
it does exift. And, Sir, though it is to be wifhed that heats
and animofities were banifhed from all oppofition, yet, I am
afraid, while men have different paffions, different interefts, and
different views, this can fcarcely be effected.
The granting ncceffary fupplies for the current year, Sir, is
what feems very reafonable and indifpenfible in a Houfe of Com-
mons: but, Sir, I believe there are inftances when, in former
reigns, the Commons have refufed to grant a {hilling fur the
fervices of the current year, till they were fure the money
granted for the fervices of the preceding had been properly ap-
plied. Befldes, Sir, the true old parliamentary method of pro-
ceeding, was not immediately to grant a Vote of Addrefs for
every thing the Minifter had done during the intermediate time,
right or wrong, but to appoint a day for examining the griev-
ances of the nation ; and redrefs of thefe, was always infifted on
before any fupplies were granted.
No Houfe of Commons ever had greater reafen than we
have to be frugal of the public money, and to inquire in what
manner it has been applied. We have already granted to his
Majefty
BRITISH SENATE, u
Majefty Turns fufficient to have enabled his Majefty to have
put the nation in fuch a fituation, that (he might have nothing
to fear from any enemies, either at home or abroad ; and, con-
fequently, to have diminished the taxes, and eafed the people of
fome part of the unfupportable load of debt they now lie under.
.If, upon inquiry, k {hall appear that they have adcd in this
manner ; if it fhall appear that the people have fo much as a
profpeft of relief from their prefent prefTures, I (hall think the
fums we have already granted, not only well beftowed, but fhall
concur in any Motion that may be made, for our granting the
like in time to come : but, Sir, notwithftanding the fums we
have already granted, if the public debt, inftead of being dimi-
nifhed, is daily increafmg ; if it fhall appear that any part of i*
has been applied in promoting the arts of corruption and be-
traying the nation, I think it is our duty to put a flop to any
fuch grants in future. In the mean time, Sir, I am as forward
as any Gentleman here, that we fhould condole on the irrepa-
jable lofs of our late Queen; and that we teftify our refolution of
lofmg no opportunity of fhowing our zeal for the fupport of
his government, and the prefervation of our excellent con-
ftitution ; nay, of our going the greateft lengths in fecuring the
Crown to his Majefty's perfon and family. But, Sir, give me,
leave to fay, that the readieft way to make thefe engagements
good, is by referving to ourfelves a right for inquiry into any
application that may have been made of the public money and;
credit; and, by determining, let the world fee, that we are re -
folved to do as much as lies in our power for making his Ma-.
jcfty the Sovereign of a great, a happy, and an uncorrupted
people.
Watkln jyiUiams-Jfynnc, Jan. 24, 1738.
I KNOW, my Lords, it has been of late years a cuftom, to
make the Addrefs of this Houfe a fort of echo to his Majefty's
Speech from the Throne ; and as echoes never fail to repeat the
}aft words of a fentence, fo, it feems, we muft never fail echoing
back
,2 BEAUTIES OFTHE
back the laft paragraph of his Majefty's Speech. This, I fay,
has been a cuflom of this Houfe for fome years paft ; but I can-
not think, that a religious obfervance of this cuftom is either
confident with the character we ought to preferve, or neceffary
for our {hewing our refpec"l to our Sovereign.
Earl of Cbejlerfeld, Oti. 23, 1 739 .
MY Lords, I have a Motion to make to your Lordfhips, which,
as a friend to our prefent happy eftablifhment, as a friend to
his moft gracious Majefty now upon the Throne, as a friend to
my "country, and as a Member of this Houfe, I think I am in
duty bound to make ; but as it is a Motion of an extraordinary,
though not an unprecedented nature, I muft firft beg leave to
fhow you my reafons for making it; and I hope to fho\v fuch
reafons, as will induce every Lord of this Houfe to think, that
it is now abfolutely necefTary to comply with it.
My Lords, it is the duty of Parliament, and efpccially of this
Houfe, to give our Sovereign the mofr. fmccre advice, not only
when it is afked, but often when it is not defired by the Crown.
As Members of this Houfe, we are in duty bound to have a
watchful eye over the public meafures his Majefty is advifed
to purfue, and over the chief Minifters he is plcafed to employ
in the adminiftration of public affairs ; and when we are of
opinion, that the meafures he is advifed to purfue are wrong,
or that the Minifters he is pleafed to employ are weak or
wicked, it is our duty and our bufmefs, while we fit here, to
warn our Sovereign of his dangei*, and to remove weak or
Wicked Counfellors from about his Throne. As to the parlia-
mentary methods of removing a Minifter, I need not acquaint
your Lordfhips that they are of feveral kinds, and that all but
one tend to punifh as well as remove. When we proceed by
impeachment, by bill of attainder, or bill of pains and penalties,
the defign is to punifh as well as remove : but there is another
way of proceeding in parliament, which tends only to remove
the Minifter from the King's Councils, without inflicting any
real
BRITISH SENATE. 13
real puniftiment upon him ; and that is, by an humble Addrefs
to our Sovereign, that he would be gracioufly pleafed to remove
fuch a one from his Councils. I therefore move your Lord-
(hips, " Whether an humble Addrefs fhould be prefented to
his Majefty, that he would be gracioufly pleafed to remove the
Right Honourable Sir Robert IValpole^ Knight of the Moft Noble
Order of the Garter, Firft Commiflioner for executing the office
of Treafurer of the Exchequer, Chancellor and Under-Trea-
furer of the Exchequer, and one of his Majefty's Moft Ho-
nourable Privy Council, from his Majefty's prefence and coun-
cils for ever : "
I believe, my Lords, it will not be queftioned, that either
Houfe of Parliament may offer fuch advice to the Crown, by
way of humble Addrefs ; I believe it will not be faid, that it is
unufual, or unprecedented j and therefore I fhall not trouble
your Lordfhips with calling to your remembrance, any of the
precedents that may be found in the Journals of Parliament. I
{hall only take notice of the difference between the methods of
proceeding by Impeachment, by Bill of Attainder, or Bill of
Pains and Penalties ; and this method of proceeding, by way of
humble Addrefs to the Crown. When we proceed by way of
Impeachment, by Bill of Attainder, or by Bill of Pains and Pe-
nalties, fome particular criminal tefts muft be alledged, and
there muft be fome fort of proofs of thcfe facls. But when we
proceed by way of Addrefs to the King, that he would be gra-
cioufly pleafed to remove fuch a Minifter from his Councils, a
general view of'that Minifter's conduct, a general view of pub-
lic affairs, may afford juft caufe for fuch an Addrefs, and com-
mon fame is a fufficient proof; for when no particular fact is
infifted on, it is impoflible to bring any particular proof. This,
my Lords, is the difference ; and the reafon of this difference is
very plain. When a man is to be punifhed, either in his perfon,
his freedom, or eilatc, ibme crime or criminal neglect, ought
to be not only alledged, but proved by a legal proof, or by ftrong
preemptions : but as his not being employed in the King's
Councils
14 BEAUTIES OF THE
Councils neither affects his pcrfon, his freedom, nor his cftatc,
therefore weaknefs alone, or a general bad character, may be a
good caufe for removing him. A weak man is certainly, in
any country, very unfit for being in the King's Councils ; and,
in a popular government, a man who has incurred the general
odium of the people, ought not to be continued in the King's
Councils ; becaufe the unpopularity of the Minifter may, at
leaft, affeft the Throne itieU, and render the people difaffeted
to their Sovereign.
I muft, therefore, defire your Lordfhips to take particular
care to diftinguifli between the method of proceeding againft a
Minifter by Impeachment, by Bill of Attainder, a Bill of Pains
2nd Penalties, and the method of proceeding againft a Minifter
by Addrefs only ; becaufe, if you do not take care to fix this-
diftinction in your minds, you may expect from me what I do
not intend to give, and what the nature of the motion I have
made, fenders it not only unneceflary, but unfit for me to give.
I am to move only for an humble Addrefs to his Majcfty, that
he would be gracioufly plcafed to remove a, Minifter, I may fay,
the Miniftcr, from his Councils ; and therefore, it is both un-
jieceflary and unfit for me, to charge that Minifter with any
particular crime, or to acquaint your Lordfhips that I have, or
I am ready to produce particular proofs againft him : if this
vrere my intention, I fliould think it below my dignity, as a
Member of this Houfe, to content myfelf with moving for an
bumble Addrefs; I fhould think it incumbent upon me directly
to impeach, let the confequence be what it would. Therefore
your Lordmips are not to expect, that 1 am to accufe any Mini-
fter of a particular crime, or that I am to tell you, that I am ready
to bring proofs of what I alledge againft him. If I can (hew,
that the affairs of Europe have been brought into the unlucky
fituation in which they are at prefent, by the conduct of this
nation ; or if I can fhew, that the diftrefled condition in which
our people now are, is wholly owing to our own conduct;
either of thefc will be an argument that muft, that ought at
i leaft,
BRITISH SENATE. ~ 5
Icaft, to prevail with every Lord who is convinced, that this
Minifter has been the principal, if not the fole advifer of that
conduct. If the people be generally diflatisfied with the con-
duel of our public affairs, and if that general diflatisfaction be
wholly directed againft any one man now in adminiftration,as our
government is ft ill, I hope, a popular government, it is a fuffi-
cient caufe for this Houfe to let his Majefty know the character
of his Minifter, by an Addrefs to remove him from his Councils.
If there be any one of his Majefty's Minifters that has ufurped,
or that even is generally thought to have ufurped the fole power
of dire6ting all public affairs, and recommending to all public
pofts, honours, and employments, it is our duty, at leaft, to
addrefs his Majefty to remove fuch a Minifter, becaufe fuch a
one is inconfiftent with the conftitution of our government.
Upon this queftion, my Lords, it fignifies nothing whether
the general character the Minifter has gained, or the mifconducl
he has been guilty of, has been owing to his weaknefs or his
wickcdnefs ; for either is a fufficient caufe for having him re-
moved. But I muft obferve, that till he is removed, it cannot
be made manifeft by proper proofs, whether his mifconduct, or
his general bad character, be owing to his weaknefs or wicked-
nefs ; for artful Minifters always act by tools, and under agents,
who, whilft their patron is in power, will never reveal the flagi-
tious fecrets committed by him to their charge: but as fuch
men are feldom faithful any longer than it is their intereft to be
fo, remove the Minifter once from the King's Councils, put it
out of his power to reward the wicked fidelity of his aUbciates
and tools, and the fecret hiftoryof his dirty jobs will then begin
to unfold itfelf, and may be made manifeft by a legal proof. Sup-
pofe the King fhould be advifed, by a favourite Minifter, to keep
up a conftant fricndfhip and alliance with the greateft rivals and
moft inveterate enemies of his country ; and that he ftiould, for
this purpofe, facrifice the intereft, and forfeit the friendmip of the
moft natural allies ; whilft the Minifter is in power, this may
fecm to proceed from his weaknef?, or from the ignorance he
has
16 BEAUTIES OF THE
has of the true intereft of his country: but remove him from
the perfon and councils of his Sovereign, and then it may ap-
pear to have proceeded from his wiciccdnefs : it may appear
that he was corrupted by the enemies of his country, or that he
knowingly and wickedly facrificed the intereft of his country to
fome private view of his own. If he employed any one in
tranfadling or receiving the bribe, if he was ever fo free in
converfation with his friends as to unfold the motives of his
mifconducr, or the reafons why he gave fuch wicked advice to
his Sovereign, fome of them, either from conicience or intereft,
may be induced to difcover the fecret, when it is fafe for them
to do fo; but whilft he continues folely to enjoy the ear of the
Sovereign, it can never be any man's intereft to accufe him, it
will always be unfafe for a private man to do fo ; becaufe the
power of the Crown will be employed in blafting the credit, or
preventing the effect of his evidence ; and probably in making
the punifhment fall, not upon the guilty Minifter, but upon the
brave and honeft accufer.
Earl of Carter et^ Feb. 13, 1740.
I CAN by no means think that the complicated queftion now
before us, is the proper, is the direct manner of taking the fenfe
of the Committee. We have here the foft name of an humble
Addrefs to the Crown propofed, and for no other end but to
lead Gentlemen into an approbation of the convention. But is
this that full deliberate examination, which we were with de-
fiances called upon to give ? Is this curfory blended difquifition
of matters of fuch variety and extent, all we owe to ourfelves
and our country ? When trade is at Itake, it is your laft in-
trenchment; you mvift defend it or perifh : ar.d whatever is to-
decide, that deferves the moft diftincl confideration, and the
moft direl and undifguifcd fenfe of Parliament. But how
are we now piocccJing ? Upon an artificial miniftcrial quef-
tion ? Here is all the confidence, here is the corfcious fenfe of
the greateft fervice that ever v/as done to this country ; to be
complicating
BRITISH SENATE. 17
complicating queftions, to be lumping fan&ion and approba-
tion, like a Comrniflary's account, to be covering and taking
fancluary in the royal Name, inftead of meeting openly, and
ftanding fairly the direct judgment and fentence of Parliament
upon the feveral articles of this Convention.
Sir, you have been moved to vote an humble Addrefs of
Thanks to his Majefty for a meafure, which (I will appeal to
Gentlemen's converfation in the world) is odious throughout
the kingdom : Such Thanks are only due to the fatal influence
that framed it, as are due for that low, unaUied condition
abroad, which is now made a plea for this Convention. To
what are Gentlemen reduced in fuppcrt of it? Firft try a little
to defend it upon its own merits j if that is not tenable, throw
out general terrors ; the Houfe of Bourbon 'is united, who
knows the confequence of a war ? Sir, Spain knows the con-
fcquence of a war in America j whoever gains, it muft prove
fatal to her : She knows it, and muft therefore avoid it j but
fhe knows England does not dare to make it. Arid what is a
delay, which is all this magnified Convention is fometimes
called to produce ? Can it produce fuch conjunctures as thofe
you loft, while you were giving kingdoms to Spain, and all
tft bring her back again to that great branch of the Houfe of
Bourbon, which is now thrown out to you with fo much
terror ? If this union be formidable, are we to delay only till it
becomes more formidable, by being carried farther into execu-
tion, and more ftrongly cemented ? But be it what it will, is
this any longer a nation, or what is an Englifh Parliament, if
with more fliips in your harbours than in all the navies of
Europe, with above two millions of people in your American
colonies, you will bear to hear of the expediency of receiving
from Spain, an infecure, unfatisfa&ory, difhonorable Conven-
tion? Sir, I call it no more than it has been proved in this
Debate ; it carries fallacy or downright fubje&ion in almoft
every line : It has been laid open and expofed in fg many ftrong
VOL. I. ' C and
18 BEAUTIES OF THE
.and glaring lights, that I can pretend to add nothing to the
conviction and indignation it has raifed.
Sir, as to the great national objection, the fearching your
(hips, that favorite word, as it is called, is not omitted, indeed,
in the Preamble to the Convention, but it ftands there as th*.
reproach of the whole, as the ftrongeft evidence of the fatal
fubmiffion that follows : On the part of Spain, an ufurpation,
an inhuman tyranny claimed and exercifed over the American
feas ; on the part of England, an undoubted right by Treaties
and from God and Nature, declared and afierted in the Refo-
luticns of Parliament, are referred to the difculHon of Plenipo-
tentiaries upon one and the fame equal foot. Sir, I fay this
undoubted right is to be difcuffed, and to be regulated, and ir"
to regulate be to prefcribe rules (as in all conftructions it
is) this right is, by the exprefs worJs of this Convention, to
be given up and facrificed ; for it muft ceafe to be any thing,
from the moment it is fubmitted to limits.
The Court of Spain has plainly told you, (as appears by
papers laid on the table) you fhall fteer a due courfe, you fhall
navigate by a line to and from your plantations in America ;
if you draw near to her coafts (though from the circumftances
of that navigation you are under a neceffity of doing it) you
fhall be feized and confifcated : if then upon thefe terms only,
flie has confented to refer, what becomes at once of all the fe-
curity we are flattered with in confequence of this reference ?
Plenipotentiaries are to regulate finally the refpective preten-
fioris of the two Crowns, with regard to trade and navigation
in America ; but does a man in Spain reafon, that thefe pre*
tenfions muft be regulated to the fatisfa&ion and honor of Eng-
land ? No, Sir; they conclude, and with reafon, from the high
fpirit of their Administration, from the fuperiority with which
they have fo long trufted you, that this reference muft end, as
it has begun, to their honor and advantage.
But Gentlemen fay, the Trerties fubfifting are to be the
meafure cf this regulation. Sir, as to Treaties, I will take
part
BRITISH SENATE. 19
part of the words of Sir William Temple, quoted by the Honor-
able Gentleman near me, It is in vain to negotiate and mc.l.t
., if there is not dignity and rigor to enforce the obfcr-
vaace ot them ; for under the mifconftrucHon and mifmterpre-
tation of thcfe very Treaties fubfifting, this intolerable grievance
has arilen j it has been growing upon you Treaty after Treaty,
through twenty years of negotiation, and even under the dif-
cuffion of CommiiTaries to whom it was referred. You have
heard from Captain Vaughan at your bar, at what time thefe
injuries and indignities were continued ; as a kind of explana-
tory comment upon the Convention Spain has thought fit to
grant you, as another infolent proteft, under the validity and
force of which fhe has fufFered this Convention to be proceeded
on. We will treat with you, but we will fearch and take your
fhip? ; we will fign a Convention, but we will keep your fub-
jecls prifoners, prifoners in Old Spain; the Weft -Indies are
remote, Europe {hall be witncfs how we ufe you.
Sir, as to the interference of an admiflion of our right not
to be fearched, drawn from a reparation made for flhips unduly
feized and confifcated, I think that argument is very inconclu-
f:ve. The right claimed by Spain, to fearch oar fhlps, is one
thing, and the exceffes admitted to have been committed, in
confequence of this pretended right, is another : but furely,
Sir, reafoning from inferences and implication only, is below
the dignity of your proceedings, upon a right of this vaft im-
portance. What this reparation is, what fort of compofition
for your lofles, forced upon you by Spain in an inftance that
has come to light, where yoir own Commifiaries could not in
confcience decide againft your claim, has fully appeared upon
examination ; and as for the payment of the fum ftipulated, (all
but feven and twenty thoufand pounds) it is evidently a falla-
cious, nominal payment only. I will not attempt to enter into
a detail of a dark, confufrd, and fcarcely intelligible account ;
I will only beg leave to conclude with one word upon it in the
light of a fubmiflion, as well as of an adequate reparation.
C 2 Spain
20 BEAUTIES OF THE
Spain ftipulates to pay to the Crown of England, 95,000!. by
a preliminary proteft of the King of Spain, the South Sea Com-
pany is at once to pay 68,000 I. of it : If they refufe, Spain, I
admit, is flill to pay the 95,000!. but how does it ftand then r
The Afliento Contrail is to be fufpended : you are to purchafe
this fum at the price of an exclufive trade, purfuant to a na-
tional treaty, and at an immenfe debt of God knows how many
hundred thoufand pounds, due from Spain to the South Sea
Company. Here, Sir, is the fubmiffion of Spain by the pay-
ment of a ftipulated Turn ; a tax laid upon fubje&s of England,
under the fevereft penalties, with the reciprocal accord of an
Englifh Minifter, as a preliminary that the Convention may
be figned : a condition impofed by Spain in the moft abfolute
imperious manner, and received by the Minifters of England
in the moft tame and abject. Can any verbal diftinftions, any
fcvafions whatever, poffibly explain away this public infamy ?
To whom would we difguife it? To ourfelves and to the na-
tion : I wifh we could hide it from the eyes of every Court in
Europe: They fee Spain has talked to you like your Mafter,
they fee this arbitrary fundamental condition, and it muft ftand
\vith diftin&ion, with a pre-eminence of fhame, as a part even
of this Convention.
This Convention, Sir, I think from my foul is nothing but
a ftipulation for national ignominy, an illulbry expedient to
baffle the refentment of the nation j a truce without a fufpenfion
of hoftilities, on the part of Spain ; on the part of England, a
fufpenfion ; as to Georgia, of the firft law of nature, felf-pre-
fervaticn and felf- defence ; a furrender of the trade and rights
of England to the mercy of Plenipotentiaries, and in this in-
finitely higheft and facrcd point, future fecurity, not only in-
adequate, but directly repugnant to the Refolutions of Parlia-
ment, and the gracious Promife from the Throne. The com-
plaints of your defpairing Merchants, the voice of England has
condemned it ; be the guilt of it upon the head of the ad-
vifer i
BRITISH SENATE. 21
vifer; God forbid that this Committee fhould (hare the guilt
by approving it !
William Pitt, Efq\ March 6, 1739.
AMONG the many advantages arifing from our happy Con-
ftitution, there is one that is reciprocal to King and People,
which is a legal and regular method by which the, People may
lay their grievances, complaints, and opinions, before their
Sovereign ; not only with regard to the meafures he purfues,
but alfo with regard to the perfons he employs. In abfolutc
monarchies, the People may fufter, they may complain ; but
though their fufferings be public, their complaints muft be"
private ; they muft not fo much as murmur againft their King's
Meafures or Minifters ; if they do, it is certain perdition to
the few that are guilty of fo much indifcretion. This is a
nioft terrible misfortune to the People in all abfolute monarchies,
and occafions thofe fevere punifliments and cruel tortures,
which are fo frequent in all fuch ; but it is a misfortune to
the abfolute Monarch, as well as to the people under his de-
fpotic fway, for as he has no way of coming at the knowledge
of the unpopularity of his Minifters or Meafures, he often
goes on purfuing the fame Meafures, or employing the fame
Minifters, till the difcontents of his People become quite uni-
verfal and furious ; and then by a general infurreclion, he and
his Minifters are involved in one common ruin. However up-
right his intentions may have been, however much he may
have been impofed on by his Minifter?, an impetuous domi-
neering mob can feldom make any difference : The defpotic
Monarch himfelf, and fometimes his whole family, are
borne down by the impetuofity of the torrent, ami become a
facrifice to the refentment of an injured populace.
In this kingdom, Sir, it can never be fo, as long as the
King allows- Parliaments to fit regularly and freely, and the
Members of this Houfe perform faithfully the duty they owe
to their King, their Conftituents, and their Country. As
C 3 Members
22 BEAUTIES OFTHE
Members of this Houfe, Sir, we are obliged to reprefent to
his Majefty, not only the grievances, but the fentiments of the
People, with regard to the meafures he purfues, and the per-
ibns he advifes with or employs in the executive part of our
Government ; and therefore whilit we fit here and do our duty,
no general difcontent can arife, without his Majefty's being
informed of its cauies, and of the methods for allaying it : If we
negle<St to do fo, or from felfifh motives abftain, or delay
giving "his Majefty a proper information and advice upon
any fuch occafion, we neglect or betray, not only our duty
to our Country and Conftituents, but alfo our duty to our
Sovereign.
This, Sir, is my opinion; this muft be the opinion of every
man who has a true notion of our Conftitution ; and therefore,
I can no longer delay making you the Motion, with which
I (hall conclude what I have to fay upon this occafion. I be-
lieve there is not a Gentleman of this Houfe, who is not fen-
fible, that both the foreign and domeftic meafures of our Go-
vernment, for feveral years p.iil, have been diffatisfactory to a
great majority of the nation ; I may fay to almoft every man
in the nation, who has not been concerned in advifmg or car-
rying them on. I believe there is not a Gentleman in this
Houfe, if he will freely declare his fentiments, who is not
fenfible, that one fingle perfon in Adminiitration has not only
been thought to be, but has actually been the chief, if not the
fole advifer and promoter of all thofe meafures. This is known
without doors, as well as it is within ; and therefore the dif-
contents, the reproaches, and even the curfes of the people,
are all directed againft that fingle perfon. They complain of
our prefent meafures ; they have fuffered by paft meafures ;
they expect no redrefs ; they expect no alteration, or amend-
ment, vvhilft he has a (hare in advifmg or directing our
future. Thefe, Sir, are the fentiments of the People with re-
gard to that Minifter : Thefe fentiments we are in honor and
duty bound to reprefent to his Majefty, and the proper method
for
BRITISH SENATE. 23
for doins this, as eftablifhed by the Conftitution, is to addrefs
his Majefty to remove him from his councils.
Sir, if the general clifcontent which hath arifen againft the
Minifter, were but of yefterday, or without any juft or folid
foundation, I fliould expert it would foon blow over, and there-
fore fhould not think it worthy the notice of Parliament ; but
it has lafted for fo many years, was at nrft fo well founded,
and has every year fmce been gathering, from his conduct, fo
much additional ftrength, that I have for feveral Seflions ex-
pected fuch a Motion, as I a:n now to mr.ke, from fome other
Gentleman, more capable than I am to enforce what he pro-
pofes : but as no Gentleman has hitherto attempted it, and as
this is the laft Seflion of this Parliament, I was unwilling it
fhould expire without anfvvering the People's expectations,
which in this refpe6t are fo juft-, fo well founded, and fo agree-
able to our Constitution ; therefore I hope I (hall be excufed
for attempting what I think my duty, as a Member of this
Houfe, and as a friend to our prefent happy Eftablifhment.
After what I have faid, Sir, I believe no Gentleman can
miftake the perfon I mean : I am convinced every one fuppofes
I mean the Honorable Gentleman, who fits upon the floor,
over againft me ; and the whole Houfe may fee, he takes it to
himfelf. Againft him, there is, I believe, as general a popu-
lar difcontent, as ever was againft any Minifter in this king-
dom ; and this difcontent has lafted fo long, that I muft fay,
his having withftood it for fo many years, is no great fign of
the freedom of our Government; for a free People neither
will, nor can be governed by a Minifter they hate and defpife.
As I am only to propofe an Addrefs to remove him from his
Majefty's Councils, I have no occafion to accufe him of any
crime : The People's being generally difTatisned with him, and
fufpicious of his conduct, is a fufficient foundation for fuch an
Addrefs, and a fufficient caufe for his Majefty's removing him
from his councils ; becaufe, no Sovereign of thefe kingdoms
ought to employ a Minifter, who is become difagreeable to the
C 4 generality
24 BEAUTIES OF THE
generality of the People ; and when any Minifter happens to
become fo, it is our duty to inform his Majefty of it, that he
may give fatisfa&ion to his People, by the removal of fuch a
Minifter.
However, Sir, though I fliall not at prcfent charge this
Minifter with any particular crime, I mult beg leave to examine
a little into his conduit, in order to {hew, that the difcontents
of the People are not without foundation ; and if it be true,
what was, and is ftill generally fuppofed, it muft be allowed,
that the methods by which he firft advanced himfelf to the high
offices he has ever fmce enjoyed, were fuch as could not but be
offenfive to every honeft man in the nation. The making and
unmaking the famous Bank contract ; the fcreening from con-
dign punifhment thofe who, by their wicked and avaricious
execution of the truft repofed in them by the South-Sea fcheme,
which had ruined many thoufands j the lumping of public
juftice, and the fubjeting the lefs guilty to a punifhment too
fevere, in order that the mod henious offenders might efcape
the punifhment they deferved ; and the giving up to the South-
Sea Company the fum of feven millions fterling, which they
had obliged themfelves to pay to the Public, a great part of
which fum was given to old ftockholders, and confequently to
thofe who had never fuffered by the fcheme, were the fteps by
which he was fuppofed to have rifen to power, and fuch fteps
could not but raife a general diftafte at his advancement, and a
dread of his adminiftration.
Thus, Sir, he entered into adminiftration with the general
difapprobation of the People ; and I am fure, his meafures fine*
have been far from reftoring him to their love or efteem. As
he began, fo has he gone on, opprefiing the innocent, impcfing
upon the credulous, fcreening the guilty, wafting the public
treafure, and endangering the liberties of the People. All this
I could evince from every ftep of his adminiftration, from the
beginning to this very day, but I (hall confine myfelf to fome of
the moft remarkable inftances. In general, I {hall obfcrve,
that
BRITISH SENATE. 25
that by his advice and influence, a much greater army has all
along been kept up than was neceffary for the fupport of our
Government, or confiftent with our Conftitution, and even
that army often augmented without any real caufe j that many
fquadrons have been fitted out, to the great expence of the
pation, and general difturbance of our trade, without any juft
caufc, and, I believe, without fo much as a defign to employ
them effectually, either againft our enemies, or for the affiftance
of our allies ; that every method propofed of late years, for
fecuring our Conftitution againft our moft dangerous enemy,
Corruption, has been, by his means, rejected, or rendered iu-
effe&ual ; whilft, on the other hand, many penal laws have
been paffed, which have reduced a great number of his Ma-
jefty's fubjets under the arbitrary power of a Miniiler and his
creatures.
That almoft every article of public expence has been increafed
by the addition of new and ufelefsOfficers; and all enquiries into the
management of any public money, either prevented or defeated ^
that votes of credit at the end of a Seflion of Parliament, which
always have been thought of dangerous confequences to our
Conftitution, have by him been made fo frequent, that few
Sefiions have pafled without one ; that the expence of the Civil
Lift has been vaftly increafed fmce the beginning of his Ad-
miniftration, though it was then much greater than it had ever
amounted to in former times ; to thefe, Sir, which are all of
a domeftic nature, 1 fhall add, with regard to our foreign af-
fairs, that ever fmce his advice began to be prevalent in our
foreign affairs, the trade and particular intereft of this nation,
have in all treaties and negociations been neglected, the con-
fidence of our moft natural allies difregarded, and the favour
of our moft dangerous enemies courted; and that to this moft
unaccountable conduct, the prefent melancholy fituation of the
affairs of Europe is principally to be afcribed.
I know, Sir, it will be objeted, that as every material ftep
in the late conduct of our public affairs, either at home or
abroad,
26 BEAUTIES OF THE
abroad, has been authorized or approved of by Parliament,
what I have faid muft be looked on as a general charge againft
his Majefty's Councils and our Parliament, rather than a per-
fonal charge againft any one Minifter ; but this, upon a due
confederation, becomes the moft heavy," and the moft evident
charge againft the Minifter I aim at. According to our Con-
ftitution, we can have no fole and prime Minifter; we ought
always to have fcveral prime Minifters or Officers of State ;
every fuch Officer has his own proper department, and no
Officer ought to meddle in the affairs belonging to the depart-
ment of another : but it is publicly known, that this Minifter,
having obtained a fole influence over all our public councils,
has not only affumed the fole direction of all public affairs, but
has got every Officer of State removed that would not follow his
directions, even in the affairs belonging to his own proper de-
partment. By this means he hath monopolized all the favours
of the Crown, and engroiled the fole difpofal of all Places>
Penfions, Titles, and Ribbons, as well as of all Preferments,
Civil, Military, or Ecclefiaftical.
This, Sir, is of itfelf a moft heinous offence againft our
Conftitution ; but he has greatly aggravated the heinoufnefs of
his crime; for, having thus monopolized all the favours of the
Crown, he has made a blind fubmiffion to his direction at elec-
tions and in Parliament, the only ground to hope for any ho-
nours or Preferment, and the only tenure by which any Gen-
tleman would^ preferve what he had. This is fo notorioufly
known, that it can ftand in need of no proof. Have riot many
deferving Gentlemen been difappointed in the preferment they
had a juft title to, upon the bare fufpicion of not being blindly
devoted to his perfonal intereft ? Have not fome perfons of the
higheft rank and moft illuftrious characters been difplaced, for
no other reafon, than becaufe they difdained to facrifice their
honour and confcience to his direction in Parliament ? As no
crime, no neglect, no mifbchaviour could ever be objected to
them, as no other reafons could ever be afligned for depriving
the
BRITISH SENATE. 27
the Crown of their fervice, this only could be the reafon.
Nay, has not this Minifter himfelf not only confeffed it, but
boafted of it ? Has he not faid, and in this Houfe too, that he
would be a pitiful fellow of a Minifter, who did not difplace any
Officer that oppofed his meafures in Parliament ?
Can any Gentleman who heard this declaration defire a proof
of the Minifter's mifconduct, or of his crimes? Wr.s not this
openly avowing one of the moft heinous crimes that can be
committed by a Minifter in this kingdom ? Was it not avow-
ing, that he had made ufe of the favours of the Crown for ob-
taining a corrupt Majority in both Houfes of Parliament, and
keeping that Majority in a flavifti dependance upon himfelf
alone ? Do not we all know, that even the King himfelf is not,
by our Conftitution, to take notice of any man's behaviour in
Parliament, far lefs to make that behaviour a means by which
he is to obtain, or a tenure by which he is to hold, the favour
of the Crown ? And fhall we allow a Minifter not only to do,
but openly to avow, what he ought to be hanged for, fhould
he advife his Sovereign to do fo? It is by means of this crime,
Sir, that the Minifter I am fpeaking of has obtained the au-
thority or approbation of Parliament in every ftep of his con-
duct, and therefore that authority or approbation is fo far from
being an alleviation, that it is a moft heavy aggravation of every
wrong ftep which he has thus got authorized or approved by
Parliament. For this reafon, in confidering any particular
ftep of his conduct, its being authorized or approved by Par-
liament can have no weight in his favour, whatever it may
have againft him. If the ftep was in itfelf weak or wicked,
or if it now appears from its confequences to have been fo,
its having been approved of or authorized by Parliament, muft
be fuppofed to have proceeded either from his having mificd
the Parliament by falfe gloffes and afteverations, or from his
having overawed a Majority by means of that crime which he
has fince openly avowed.
Mr. Sands, jfpril 16, 1740.
As
2 8 BEAUTIES OF THE
A s cur duty to our Sovereign makes it neceffary for us to
return fome fort of Addrefs by way of anfwer to his Majefty's
Speech from the Throne, at the opening of a Seflion, and as
this practice has been eftablifhed by immemorial cuftom, I
(hall be excufed if I introduce my Motion with my fentiments
upon that furprizing turn which has been lately given to the
affairs of Europe, by his Majefty's wifdom and conduct.
In order to do this, Sir, I muft begin with obferving, the
difmal profpecl we had of the affairs of Europe about eighteen
or nineteen months ago. I think there is no maxim in politics
more certain than this, that it is inconfiftent with the liberties
of Europe, to allow France to increafe her own power, or to
divide the power of Europe into fo many branches, as to make
it impoffible for any one Prince or State, to think of oppofing
her in any of her ambitious fchemes ; for it is very certain,
that, as foon as the thoughts of Oppoikion end, thofe of
Dependence begin; and confequently, if France could once
effect this purpofe, all the Princes and States of Europe would
become dependent upon her ; and moft of them would, at all
times, think of preferving their infignificant fhadow of fove-
reignty only by being obedient to her commands, and aflifting
her againft thofe who fhould bravely dare to rebel. We
fhould then be in the fame circumftance as Europe, or, I may
fay, the world was, when the grandeur of the Romans was
at its greateft height. Some of the Princes and States of Eu-
rope, might be dignified with the deceitful title of Sacti Gallic:
Jmperii ; but if ever any one of them fhould ever dare to be-
have otherwife than as the moft abject flaves, even that
empty title they would be ftript of, and their territory would
be converted into a province of the French empire. Our
Royal Family, like that of Macedon, might, for fome time,
be left in poffefiion of their throne ; but if any one of our fu-
ture princes fhould endeavour to fhake off his dependency,
a powerful invafion would be the certain confequence ; and if
France were the fole miftrefs of the Continent of Europe, or
had
BRITISH SENATE. 29
had it entirely at her command, our natural barrier would
prove ineffectual : (he would then come up againft us with fuch
a power as we could not oppofe either by fea or land : our Royal
Family would be cut off; our noble and great families would
be all carried captives into France, and Britain would, from
thenceforth, be divided and governed by French Intendants or
Lieutenants, as Macedonia was by Roman Praetors or Pro-
confuls.
This confequence was forefeen, Sir : this confequence all
Europe was fenfible of in the laft age : I wifh I could fay the
fame of the prefent : but, by what fatality I know not, the
prefent age feemed, a few months ago, to be ftruck with fuch
a blindnefs as prevented their feeing this danger, though it was
never more apparent. Several of the Princes of Europe, go-
verned by a felfifh private interefr, had actually joined wirfi
France in pulling down the Houfe of Auftria, though that
was the only power, on the Continent of Europe, that could,
by itfelf, pretend to limit or fet bounds to the ambitious Court
of France. By this means the Queen of Hungary was en-
vironed by fuch numerous hoftile armies, that it was impofllble
for her to refift for any long time ; and the confederacy againft
her was fo powerful, that no counter-confederacy equal to it
could be formed. This, I (hall grant, was, in fome meafure,
owing to her own unfeafonable obftinacy, as well as to the
felfifh views of fome of her enemies ; for however unjuft Ihe
might think her pretenfions, in common prudence fhe fhould,
upon the death of her father, have yielded to thofe that were
the moft moderate, in order to enable her to refift thofe who
were fo immoderate as to aim at the total overthrow of her
Houfe.
This was, Sir, from the beginning of the prefent troubles,
his Majefty's advice to her ; bt;t this prudent advice fhe would
not, for a long time, give the leail ear to; and this not only
united her enemies amongft themfelves, but increnfed the views
and demands of each j which reduced hi* Majefty to the fatal
neceflity
30 BEAUTIES OK THE
neceflity of waiting till her obftinacy Ihould be foftened, and
the eyes of fome of her enemies be opened, by time and future
accidents; This he was obliged to do before he could openly
declare in her favour, or afiift her in any other fhape than by
granting her fums of money ; but this he did with a fteady de-
fign to take advantage of every accident that fhould happen :
and the behaviour of the French in Germany, efpecially about
the time of the battle of Crotzka, was fuch as furnifhed him
with an opportunity which he wifely took care to lay hold of,
and to make the beft ufe of it he could, whereby he prevailed
upon both the kings of Pruffia and Poland to withdraw them-
/elves from the French alliance, and to make peace with the
Queen of Hungary, upon terms which (he readily agreed to.
By this prudent conduct of his Majefty, it became now
poffible to form fuch a confederacy in Europe as might, with
fome hopes of fuccefs, endeavour to oppofe the ambitious de-
figns of the Court of France ; and to give courage to the
other Powers of Europe to enter into fuch a confederacy, he
refolved to fend a body of his Britifh troops to Flanders, in
order to have a numerous army formed there ; which, before
the end of the campaign, railed fuch terrors in France,
as prevented their fending fufficient reinforcements to their
troops already in Germany, and likewife prevented their join-
ing the Spaniards with fuch armies as might have overwhelmed
the king of Sardinia, or compelled him to defert the alliance
he had before, by his Majefty's interpofition, entered into with
the Queen of Hungary. At the fame time, proper orders
were given to his Majefty's Admirals in 'the Mediterranean,
to prevent the Spaniards from fending any reinforcements or
provifions by fea to their army in Italy; and our fquadron there
was reinforced and instructed, fo as to enable it to execute
thefe orders, againft whofoever (hould dare to abet the Spaniards
.in any fuch attempt.
By thefe means, Sir, the Queen of Hungary was, before
the cad of the campaign, rcftored to the pofieffion of Bohemia,
Weftphalia
BRITISH SENATE. 31
Weftphalia was freed from the burden and terror of a French
army, and the Spaniards were, during the whole campaign,
defeated in every attempt they made againft Italy : but there
were two things ftill remaining to be done ; which were to
drive the French entirely out of Germany ; and to eftablifh,
upon a more folid bafis, the alliance of the King of Sar-
dinia, in order to drive the Spaniards entirely out of Italy, for
which purpofe it was requifite to obtain the hearty concurrence
of the Dutch. Thefe things were to be the work of the next
campaign, and therefore as early as the feafon would permit,
the army which had been formed in Flanders marched into
Germany ; and his Majefty not only joined it with a confide-
rable body of his electoral troops, but went in perfon to com-
mand the army, and by his valour and conduct, chiefly, the
glorious battle of Dettingen was obtained, which compelled
the French to evacuate Germany, and not only put the Queen
of Hungary in pofleffion of all Bavaria, but opened a free paf-
fage for her armies to the Rhine ; fo that France, from being
the invader of the dominions of others, had now enough to do
to defend her own.
Whilft his Majefty was thus triumphing over the arms of
France in the field, he equally triumphed over her councils in
the Cabinet ; for, notwithftanding the utmoft efforts of France
to the contrary, he prevailed with the Dutch to fend a body of
2C,coo men to the afliftancc of the Queen of Hungary ; and
a definitive treaty of alliance was concluded at Worms, be-
tween his Majefty, the Queen of Hungary, and the King of
Sardinia, by which, alliance, and affiftance of that Prince was
eftablifhcd upon a firm bafis : and experience has already fhewn
the great ufe it may be of to us, in defeating the defigns of
our enemies the Spaniards in Italy ; which will convince that
haughty nation of its being necefiary for them to cultivate a
good correfpondaice with Great- Britain, if they have a mind
to be quiet in their own polTeflions, or to difturb the poffdlions
of any of their neighbours.
Thefp
32 BEAUTIES OF THE
Thefc great and unexpected events, Sir, have been all
brought about by the wifdom and vigour of his Majcfty's
Councils, and therefore we csnnot in gratitude omit taking
notice of them upon this occafion. I was very fenfible, that
there were many Gentlemen in this Houfe, who could have
fet them in a clearer light, and recommended them to your
conhderation with greater energy than I can ; hut I knew your
affe&ion and duty to your S-overeign, and the luftre of thofe
events, was in itfelf fo refulgent, that I thought it required no
high degree of eloquence to excite your grateful acknowledg-
ments ; therefore I ventured to undertake the tafk, and hope I
(hall be forgiven my arrogating to myfelf the honour.
Honourable Edward Coke, Dec. I, 1743.
A N E C-
BRITISH SENATE. 33
ANECDOTE.
IN the Grecian and Roman Commonwealths, their rradcfmen
and labourers gained laurels in the field of battle by their
courage, and returned to gain a fubfiftence for themfclves and
families by their induftry ; but when they began to keep {land-
ing armies, their foldiers, it is true, for fome time gained lau-
rels in the field, but they returned to plunder, and at laft to
fubdue their country; which put an end to their freedom, and
of courfe to every thing that was praife- worthy amorigft them.
God forbid our fate fhould be the fame ! It is a miftake to
imagine, that our tradefmen would be drawn away from their
labour by breeding them up to military difcipline ; on the' con-
trary, they might be brought to ufe it as their diverfion, and
then they would return with more alacrity to their ufual labour*
In former times, our holidays, and even Sundays, were em.
ployed in the exercife of the long bow> and other warlike di-
verfions j and I muft think, that fuch days would be better
employed in that way, than in fitting at an alehoufe, or loiter-
ing in a (kittle, or nine-pin ground : but fuch a change of
manners is not to be introduced without the afliftance of Go-
vernment.
Mr. Sandys^ Feb. 3, 1737.
OLIVER CROMWELL, when he turned every Member of
this Houfe out of doors ; when he bid one of his foldiers
take away our niace, that fool's bauble, as he called it, had
not a much more numerous regular army tha"n we have at pre-
fent on foot ; arid though the army under King James the Se-
cond behaved in a more honourable way, yet fuch a behaviour
is not much to be depended on ; for I am convinced, even that
an army would not have behaved as they did, if the difcontent-
ed had not had an army to repair to ; or if proper meafures
had been taken to garble them a little before hand.
Mr. Shippen, Feb. 3, 1737-
VOL. I. D BBFORK
34 BEAUTIESoF THE
BEFORE I make. my Motion for fettling on his Royal High-
nefes the Prince of Wales, one hundred thoufand pounds a
year, give me leave, Sir, to inquire into thefe feveral founda-
tions : and to begin with the laft, I {hall {hew, from many un-
doubted authorities, that the Prince of Wales has always had,
and ought to have, a fufficient provifion fettled upon him, in
fuch a manner, as to render him as independent of the Crown
as any other fubjeft can be. To recount all the precedents
that occur in our hiftories and records, would take up too
much of your time, and therefore I {hall take notice of only
the moft remarkable. King Henry the Hid granted to his
eldeftfon Edward, afterwards King Edward the HI, the Duchy
of Guienne, before he was fourteen years of age; and the mo-
ment the Prince was married, he not only confirmed his former
Grant by a new Patent, but likewife granted him, and put
him in pofleflion of, the Earldom of Chefter, the cities and
towns of Briftol, Stamford, and Granthatn, with feveral
other caftles and manors ; created him Prince of Wales, to
which he annexed all the conquered lands in that Principality,
and appropriated him Lieutenant-Governor of Ireland, though
he was then but juft turned of fourteen ; all which was done,
as the hiftorians exprefs it, ut maturus ad res graviares gerendas
expertus redderetur. By this generofity and benevolence of the
King towards his eldeft fon, that Prince was early in his youth
eftablifhed in a ftate of independence and grandeur ; and thofe
paternal favours were afterwards fully repaid by that illuftrious
and heroic Prince, for he afterwards proved his father's chief
and only fupport. Everyone knows how by his condu& and
courage, at the battle of Evefljam^ he relieved his father out of
the hands of his enemies, and reftored his affairs after they
were brought into a moft dangerous and defperate ftate. Nay,
not only the King himfelf, but the nation reaped fignal fervices
from the free and independent circumftances in which the
King had fo early placed his fon. A ftate of independency
naturally ennobles and exalts the mind of man j and the effects
of
BRITISH SENATE. 35
of it were moft confpicuous in this wife and brave Prince, for
he afterwards became the glory of England, and the terror of
Europe.
The next precedent I {hall take notice of is, that of Edward
the Black Prince, upon whom Edward the Hid his father,
fettled at different times the Earldom of Chefter, the Duchy of
Cornwall, the Principality of Wales, the Duchy of Guienne,
and the Principality of Aquitain. That wife and grave Prince,
Sir, was fo fenfible of the reafonablenefs of the ancient maxim of
England, with regard to the King's eldeftfon, that he took care
every future Prince of Wales fliould have fomething to depend on,
independent of his father, from the very moment of his birth :
for which purpofe he fettled, by Act of Parliament, the Duchy
of Cornwall in fuch a manner, that the King's eldeft fon,
and Heir Apparent to the Crown, has ever iince been Duke
of Cornwall as foon as born, and without any new Grant from
the King ; from whence has arifen the common proverb, natus
eft, non datus, dux Cornubies. Some of the latter Grants of that
King might, indeed, proceed from the great perfonal merit of
the fon, but the firft Grants could not proceed from any fuch
confideration ; they could proceed only from his own wifdom,
and from the general maxim I have mentioned ; for the Prince
was not then three years old, when his father fettled upon him
by Patent the Earldom of Chefter; he was butfeven years old,
when Cornwall was ereled into a Duchy, and fettled upon
him by A& of Parliament as before-mentioned ; and he was
but thirteen when the Principality of Wales was fettled upon
him. Soon after that time, indeed, his perfonal merit b^gaa
to appear : But how came it to appear ? Its early appearance
did appear, and could only proceed from his father's having em-
ployed him in, and inured him to the ftuuy of weighty affairs,
at an age when moft Princes are induftrioufly taught to think
of nothing but baubles and toys.
The fame conduct, Sir, that wife King obferved during that
brave Prince $ life : he was continually heaping favours upon
D 2 the
36 BEAUTIES OF THE
the Prince his fon, and the Prince was continually repaying thefll
with glorious a&s of gratitude and filial duty. When he was
feventeen, he fully repaid all former favours, by having the chief
Jhare of the Victory obtained over the French at the famous bat-
tle of Crefly. In the twenty-fourth, or twenty-fifth year of this
Prince's age, the King inverted him with the Duchy of Gui-
enne, which new favour he foon afterwards repaid by fending
the French King home prifoner to his father, after having taken
him at the ever -memorable battle of Pcittien. And in the
two and thirtieth year of that Prince's age, a great part of
France having been conquered and fubdued by his valour, the
King his father erected Guienne^ Gafcony\ and feveral other
provinces of France, into a Principality, under the name of
the Principality of Aquitain, with which he inverted the Prince
his fon : this new favour the Prince likewife foon repaid, by
carrying the glory of the Britifh arms into Spain, and replacing
Peter upon the Throne of Caftile, after having defeated the
wfurper Henry at the battle of Nejara in that kingdom : for all
which -glorious victories, and many other great fervices done
to his native country, the nation was fo grateful to his memory,
that immediately after his death, or at leaft as foon as their
grief for the lofs of fo brave a Prince would give them leave,
the Houfe of Commons addrefied the King to create his fon
Prince of Wales, and Duke of Cornwall, which that wife
King immediately agreed to ; for his grandfon being then Heir
Apparent to the Crown, he became entitled, by the maxim I
have mentioned, to an independent fettlement : but as he was
not the King's eldeft fon, he had no pretence, from any for-
mer precedent, to the Principality of Wales ; and his right by
the late Act to the Duchy of Cornwall, was thought to be doubt-
ful by the Lawyers of that age ; the Lawyers being then, it
feems, as dexterous at ftarting doubts and fcruples, as the
Lawyers of the age we now live in.
Give me leave, Sir, to mention one other precedent ; that
of Prince Henry, afterwards the glorious King Henry the Vth,
whom.
BRITISH SENATE. 37
whom his father Henry IV. in the very firft year of his reign
created Prince of Wales, Duke of Cornwall, and Earl of
Chefter, though the Prince was then but twelve years of age ;
all which grants were recorded upon the Parliament's requeft,
in order to prevent any poflibility of a revocation : and though
that King was naturally of a jealous and a fufpicious temper,
yet we find, during his whole reign, he was every now and
then making new grants to the Prince his fon, even tho'
he was fometimes malicioufly made to believe the Prince was
confpiring againft him. This Prince, it is true, fell into fome
excefles incident to youth and idlenefs ; but, from the firft part
of his life, and from his conduct after he became King, we may
judge that thofe excefles were rather owing to his father's
jealoufy than to his own natural temper : for when he was but
about fixteen, he by his valour contributed greatly to his
father's victory over the rebels at Shrewsbury ; and the very
next year, having been entrufted with the command of his
father's army againft the rebels in Wales, by his conduct and
courage, he gave them two fignal defeats ; by which he gained
fomuch efteem, that the King, his father, from his own natural
and unhappy temper, and not from any undutiful behaviour in
his fon, began to grow jealous of him, and therefore never
afterwards employed him in any public affairs ; fo that the ex-
cefles he fell into, probably proceeded from the idlenefs of his
life, and the activity of his genius ; or, perhaps, rather from
a defign of removing from his father all future occasions of
jealoufy. This, indeed, feems to be confirmed, or at leaft
rendered the moft probable conjefture, by his conduct after he
became King ; for immediately upon his accefllon, he baniihed
from his prefence all the companions and fycophant upholders
of his former debaucheries, and became one of the greateft,
and one of the moft glorious Princes that ever fat upon the
Englifh Throne.
The late King James the lid, when Duke of York, and the late
Queen Anne, when Princefs of Denmark, were both provided
D 3 for.
3 B BEAUTIES OF TJJE
for. The Duke of York had a great fcttlement made upon
him by Parliament, foon after the Reftoration, though he was but
Preemptive Heir to the Crown, his brother King Charles being
then in a capacity of having children, who would have given
him a more effectual exclufion than could ever be attained by
Parliament, till his own ridiculous meafures put it in their
power : and the lare Queen Anne, when Pi 'meets of Denmark,
had alfo a great ftttlement made upon her by authority of Par-
liament, tho' King William and Queen Mary were both then
alive, and in a capacity of having children; fo that the Princefs
Anne, when that fettlement was made, was but the Preemptive
Heir to the Crown.
From thefe precedents it appears, that the maxim of having
an independent provifion fettled upon the Prefumptive or Appa-
rent Heir of the Crown, is a maxim that has ever been obterved
in this nation.
Mr. Pulteney, Feb. 23, 1737.
Julius Cafar had as great reafon as any man can ever have,
to difcourage virtue, and reward the vicious : Julius Cafar did
fometimes threaten men for doing their duty ; but Julius Ceefar
was always extremely fhy of putting fuch threats in execution.
We are told, that when he went to feize upon the facred trea-
fure of Rome, and was oppofed by Metellus^ the Tribune, he
threatened to kill Metellus ; and at the fame time told him,
Jftud ncnne fcis adolejcer.tule^ longe mihl dijficilius dicere^ quam
facere. This was threatening a man for doing his duty j biit
Julius Cafar took care not to put his threat in execution.
Mr. Lyttelton, Jan. 28, 1738.
I REMEMBER a ftory that was told of a great favourite of
Charles the lid. This Gentleman, who was a true cavalier,
fought for the father, and was banifhed with the fon, whom he
attended all the time of his exile. Upon the reftoration of the
Royal Family he continued ftill to follow his matter's fortune,
but
BRITISH SENATE. 39
but never minded his own ; till his continual attendance at
Court, his giving into all the faftiionable expences of the
times, and the figure which his intimacy with his Majefty
obliged him to fupport, at laft exhaufted every (hilling of his
eftate. But fuch was this Gentleman's modefty, (a virtue
you'll fay very rarely to be met with in the favourite of a Mo-
narch) that he never made one felicitation in his own behalf,
though he had many opportunities of doing it. At laft the
King, being informed of his circumftances, took occafion one
day, as the Gentleman was foliciting a poft for one of his
friends, to tell him, " Sir, you have been a very faithful and a very
" conftant fervant to me ; I have had very great fatisfaction in
" your company, without your being a fhilling the better for
" me, though I am perfuaded your eftate has fufTered confider-
** ably in my fervice. As you are a man of fenfe, and fit for
" bufinefs, why do you not afk for fomething for yourfelf ?"
The Gentleman made no other return to his Majefty at that
time, but a profound acknowledgment of the honour he had
received, by his Majefty's being fo mindful of him ;. but fome
time after, being all alone with the King, " Pray, Sir," fays
he to his Majefty, " be fo good as to lend me half a crown."
" Half a crown !" anfwers the King, " what do you mean ?
" if you have cccafion for a larger fum you may have it."
*' No, no," replies the Gentleman, " this fmall piece does very
" well to begin with ; for I have often obferved, that once put
" you in the way of giving, it is eafy to keep you in It, and
*' then you do not care how much you give."
There is fomething in this pretty applicable to our granting
money for the public fervice. The fum, Sir, originally afked
for, and granted, is but fmall, and makes no great figure, per-
haps, in the public accounts ; but an accumulation of that
fum from time to time, obtained when we were in a giving
humour, makes at length, a moft enormous article.
Sir Thomas 4/ton, Jan. 28, 1738.
D 4 IT
4 o BEAUTIES OF THE
IT was a maxim with Julius Cafar, never to venture even a
battle, if the difadvantages that might enfue from a defeat
appeared to be greater than any advantages he could expect
from a victory ; and in Africa, we are told, that he bore with
many infults and . indignities, from the adverfe army, only be-
caufe by a little patience, he had reafon to expect being able to
obtain a victory with lefs blood-fhed ; and in refolving upon
peace or war, the fame maxim ought to be obferved.
Horace Walpole, Efq; Jan. 28, 1738.
BOTH the circumftances of Europe, and the circumftances
of Spain, are now, my Lords, very different from what, they
were in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, or in the time of Oliver
Cromwell. In Queen Elizabeth's reign, Spain was the only
formidable power in Europe, and we had as much reafon as
any other of her neighbours to endeavour to reduce her power.
For this prurpofe, Queen Elizabeth took the wifeft courfe that
could be taken, by encouraging and fupporting the Civil War
in the Netherlands j by which means, fhe at laft enabled the
Seven United Provinces to throw off the yoke of Spain ; and
the whole power of Spain being applied towards fupporting
their dominion over the Netherlands, they could neither fpare
money for fortifying their fettlements in America, nor could
they fend any regular troops thither for defending them ; fo
that even our private adventurers had great fuccefs, and often
got rich'booties by privateering, and by incurfious upon thofe
fettlements ; for, as there was no good correspondence between
France and Spain, and an open war between Spain and Hol-
land, the Spaniards could not make ufe of either French' or
Dutch vefiels, for carrying on their trade with their fettlements
in America ; and befides, as the French were then involved in
civil wars, they durft not venture to difoblige England, by
'afiifting Spain, either openly or by underhand dealings.
In Oliver Cromwell's time, my Lords, we know that the
Spaniards were engaged in a heavy war with France, which
rendered
BRITISH SENATE. 41
rendered them unable to provide for the fecurity of their trade
and poflefiions in America; and though, by our taking part
with France in that war, we got the ifland of Jamaica, which
was a valuable acquifition, yet I muft think, it would have been,
lucky for this nation, if Oliver had joined with France againft
Spain ; for it was his fatal union with France, that laid the
foundation of the exceffive power of that kingdom, which has
fince coft this nation fo much blood, and fo many millions of
money. And now, my Lords, with regard to both thefe wars,
I muft obferve, that notwithftanding our great fuccefles againft
Spain, in Oliver's time, that nation was not eafily, or foon
reduced to comply with fuch terms as we thought reafonable,
for both Queen Elizabeth and Oliver Cromwell left the war to
be put an end to by their fucceflbrs.
Lord Hervey^ Feb. 22, 1738.
EVERY nation in Europe is proud of feeing the younger
children of their Royal Family make a figure in the world.
The provifion which his Majefty has been pleafed to make, is
but very moderate. Twenty-four thoufand pounds a year, can
never be thought too much to the four Princefies ; and 15,000 1.
per annum is lefs, I believe, than any fecond fon of the Royal
Familyeverhad before : the younger brother of Charles the lid
had io,cool. fettled upon him ; and the fmall allowance to the
Duke, mentioned in this Bill, is a proof of his Majefty's mo-
deration, and that he has the good of his kingdom, and the
eafe of his fubje&s, always firft in his thoughts.
Lord Delmvar^ Feb. 22, 1739.
AT the time of the Revolution, the Dutch provided afqua-
tiron of fifty men of war, and tranfports for 14,000 men, of
which a great number was cavalry, in three months time, for
accompanying the Prince of Orange to England. I fay, my
Lords, in three months time ; for it was in July that the firft
Refolution was taken to aiftft the Prince of Orange, and
the
42 BEAUTIES OFTHE
the States- General prepared fuch an expedition, that foon after
the beginning of October, a fleet of 50 men of war, 25 fri-
gates, 25 fire-fhips, and near 400 tranfports, with an army of
10,000 foot, and 4000 horfe, were ready to fail, and actually
did fail upon the igth of that month.
Lord Carter et, Nov. 18, 1740.
IF then we fhould return to the country, my Lords, and
tell the people, that our government durft not fend forces out
to invade the enemy, for fear of their invading us, will not
every man of common fenfe laugh us to fcorn ? Does not every
one know, that the beft way to prevent an invafion is to in-
vade ? Did not the Romans fend Scipio'to invade the Cartha-
ginians, at the very time that Hannibal was in Italy, and almoft
.it their gates ? But the cafe with us is ftill ftronger ; we could
eafily have invaded the enemy when and where we pleafed ;
whereas it was difficult and dangerous, if not impoffible for
them to invade us at any time, or in any place. To pretend
that we rnuft always keep a mercenary army of 30,000 men in
Britain and Ireland, for fupporting our government againft an
invafion with 4 or 5000, muft be ridiculous ; or it muft be a
very bad compliment upon the illuftrious family now upon the
Throne ; becaufe, it is fuppofmg that .they have few or no
friends in the nation, but thofe they keep in daily pay. And to
fay that a common foldier, who has no property, who has
neither ara nor focus, will fight againft a foreign invader with
more courage and refolution than thofe that fight pro aris &
ficis, is, I am fure, a very unjuft reflection upon all the Gen-
tlemen and all the men of fubftance in the kingdom.
Lord Carter et y Nov. 18, 1740.
I*CNOW, my Lords, I do not fpeak properly, when in talking
of what happened in King Charles the Ift's time, I make ufe
of the term Cabinet Council, becaufe it is a term of much later
date ; for in thole days, befides this Houfe, the King had no
other
BRITISH SENATE. 43
other Council, but that which we ftill call the Privy Council,
and of that Council there was always a Committee appointed to
confider and take care of foreign affairs ; but the Refolutions
of that Committee were not carried into execution, till they
were approved of by the Privy Council : In that Council there
then fat feveral great Officers, fuch as the Lord High Trea-
furer, the Lord High Admiral, and others, who by their birth
and quality, as well as by the importance of the pofts they en-
joyed, added weight and dignity to the Council of which they
were Members ; but thefe high offices are now fplit into Com-
miffions, and fometimes granted to men who have neither
birth, quality, nor character ; which is not done for the fake of
difpatching bufmefs (for every one knows, the whole bufmefs
of the nation, or office, is now chiefly directed by one, in the
fame manner it was formerly) but for the fake of multiplying
falaries and gaining votes. This has very much derogated
from the honor of that Aflembly, and is, I believe, the chief
caufe of their power being now almoft entirely ufurped and
exercifed by what is called the Cabinet Council ; but even what
we now call the Cabinet Council, has not always the power
and influence they feem to have ; for when any one Minifter
happens to get the fole direction of all public affairs, the other
Members of the Cabinet Council, or at leaft the majority of
them, ferve only to give a fort of authority to what the Minifter
has been pleafed to relblve on.
Duke of Argyll, Dec. 8, 1740.
IN Queen Elizabeth's time, though the war againft Spain
began in 1585, and lafted till that Queen's death in 1603,
which was feventeen years, yet in all that time there were but
three or four expeditions of confequence undertaken againft the
enemy, either in Spain, or in the Indies ; and though the pri-
vate adventurers got fometimes a rich booty, yet the nation
never reaped an advantage, nor kept pofleffion of any one place
they had the good fortune to take. Again, in Oliver Cromwell'*
time,
44. BEAUTIES OF THE
time, though the war againft Spain began in 1654, and con-
tinued till his death in 1658, yet no one expedition was under-
taken, or, I believe, fo much as thought of, againft any one
of the dominions of Spain, except that one expedition by which
the war begun, and by which we got and kept the Ifland of
Jamaica.
The Lord Chancellor, Dec. 8, 1 740.
MY LORDS, I muft think it very unlucky in any one, that
argues in favor of our conduct in the prefent war, to mention
Queen Elizabeth or Oliver Cromwell; both of them began war
againft Spain in a very different manner from what we have
now done. Queen Elizabeth began the war, by fending an
army into the Low Countries, to aflift them in throwing off the
yoke of Spain ; at the fame time fhe fent a fquadron, with land
forces on board, to the Weft-Indies, not with fimple or am-
biguous orders for making reprifals, but exprefs orders to attack
the Spanijh fettlements ; and accordingly they took and plun-
dered St. Jagc, one of the Cape Verd iflands, as alfo moft part
.of the ifland of St. Domingo, the town of Garthagena, and the
towns of St. Antonio and St. Helena in Florida. The very next
year after the return of this fleet, fhe fent another under the
fame Admiral, Drake, to the coaft of Spain, which did not lie
to be ftared at off of any of their ports, but entered the harbour
of Cadiz and the river of Lijbon, and burnt a great number of
{hips : and though the Admiral had no land forces on board,
yet he landed at feveral places upon the -coaft of Spain, and
ravaged the whole country round. At the fame time fhe fent
Cavendiji} to the South- Seas, where he ravaged the whole coaft
of Chili and Peru, and returned to England with a booty vaftly
rich. The year following was the year of the Spanijh Armada^
the fate of which I need not relate. The next year, with the
afliftance of fc.rte private adventurers, (he fent a fleet and army
againft Spain itfclf, where they landed at fevernl places, beat an
army that was fent againft them, and might have got a grea t
booty,
BRITISH SENATE. 4$
booty, if they had not amufed themfelves with reftoring the
dethroned King of Portugal. The four or five years next fol-
lowing, that great Queen was chiefly employed in affifting
Henry the IVth of France againft the Spaniards and his own
rebellious fubjects ; and in the year 1596, a new fleet and army
was fent againft Spain under the Earl of Efiex, who took the-
city of Cadiz, burnt or took all the (hips in the harbour, and
after having done the Spaniards an infinite deal of fervice, re-
turned to England with a moft inconfiderable booty.
Befides thefe, my Lord, there were feveral other expeditions
oflefs note undertaken againft Spain in that reign j and if we
did not, in that time, keep pofleffion of any of the places we
took from the enemy in the Weft-Indies, it was becaufe we
did not then fo much know the value of fetdements in that part
of the world. But if Queen Elizabeth did not pufti the war
againft Spain with fo much vigor as fhe might have done, there
were two reafons for it, which do not now fubfift. In the firft
place, our trade, which was then in its infancy, fuffered but
very little by the war, and we were yearly getting great riches
by plundering the enemy at fea or land ; and in the next place,
that gracious Queen was extremely (by of loading her fubjects
with any new taxes, or putting the public to any expence.
When fhe found herfelf under no neceflity to fend out forces to
attack the enemy, or aflift her allies, fhe kept no army or
fquadron at home, to be a burden and oppreffion upon her own
fubjects. She raifed no armies, nor fitted out any fquadrons,
but when fhe had immediate occafion for them, or was in
imminent danger ; and as foon as the fervice, or the danger was
over, fhe difmifled her armies, and paid off her fquadrons : I
wifh I could fay, we had held the fame conduit ever fince, or
that we now held fuch a conduct.
With regard to Oliver Cromwell, it is well known he began
his war with Spain by the conqueft of Jamaica, which has fince
brought in fo many millions fterling to England ; and if it had
not been, for a miftake in his General, he would probably have
begun
46 BEAUTIES or THE
begun it with the conqueft of St. Domingo, which would have
been an acquifition of much greater confequence to this kingdom.
If he did not fecond his blow in the Weft-Indies, it was be-
caufe he engaged with the French in their war againft the Spa-
niards in the Netherlands, by which he got pofieffion of the im-
portant city and port of Dunkirk ; and he died in little more than
two months after he had made this new and important acqui-
fition, which we might to this day have had in our pofleffion,
if the Parliament, upon the Reftoration, had done their duty,
and annexed it to the Crown of England.
Earl of CheflerfieU, Dec. 8, 1740.
THE cafe of the Earl of Briflol, in King Charles the Firft's
time, may fhow how dangerous it is to accufe a favorite Mi-
nifter, whilft he is in the zenith of his power and intereft at
Court. Nothing could be more j uft than the acciifation brought
by that Earl againft the Duke of Buckingham, yet it produced
an accufation againft that Earl, in which the King himfelf was
the accufer, and his Attorney General the profecutor. This
was a moft terrible fituation which that noble Earl was brought
into by his fidelity to his country, and his own honor ; and if
the power of the Crown had been in the fame condition it is
now, notwithftanding the heinoufnefs of his charge againft the
Minifter, notwithftanding his full and well-vouched defence as
to the charge exhibited againft him, he might, probably, have
fallen a facrifice to the refentment of that favorite Minifter.
Earl of Carterety Feb. 1 3, 1 740.
IT is with regret I obferve, that almoft every Seflion intro-
duces fomething new, in diminution of the Liberties, or dero-
gatory to the Conftitution of this kingdom. In former times^
the Grant of a Supply often flood a long Debate in this Houfe,
and was fometimes abfolutely refufed ; now it is always granted
mmine contradicente. The Malt-Tax was never introduced till
towards the latter end of King William's reign, and was at
firft
BRITISH SENATE. 47
firft moft ftrenuoufly oppofed: Nay, even during the war in
Queen Anne's time, it was often oppofed, and was looked on
as a tax fo burdenfome upon the poor labourers and manufac-
turers of this kingdom, that no man imagined any Minifter
would have the aflurance to propofe renewing or continuing it,
after the war was over. The Mutiny Bill was at firft thought to
be a moft dangerous innovation, and was therefore moft vio-
lently oppofed, efpecially in time of peace ; but it is now become
fo familiar to us, that we pafs it regularly every year, without
the leaft oppofition, as if a Standing Army and a Mutiny A6t
were two things abfolutely necefTary for the fubfiftence of our
Conftitution. Not many years ago, the Members of this Houfe,
when afiembled, looked upon themfelves as the grand Inqueft
of the Nation, and therefore thought themfelves in duty bound
to inquire into every grievance and complaint, without any
other foundation than a public rumour ; but now every Mo-
tion, that tends to an inquiry into any complaint, is rejected ;
or if any fuch inquiry be fet on foot, it is committed to thofe
who are themfelves fufpe&ed of being the original and chief
caufe of the complaint.
Thus, Sir, we have for feveral years gone on approaching,
I am afraid, to the confines of flavery ; and in this Seflion, we
have made a new and a very extraordinary ftep. Till this
Seflion we have always thought, that every Member of this
Houfe had a right to vote for a Call of the Houfe. We are
fellow-labourers for the public good : we are all joint-guardians
of the Liberties of our Country, and every Member has a ric;ht
to infift upon it, that his companion ihould attend and bear an
equal (hare of the burden, or at leaft a (hare proportionable to
his ftrength and capacity. But in this Seflion, Sir, we have
feen a Motion for a Cull rejected, though that Motion was the
firft of the kind that had been made, though it was fupported
by ftrong reafons, and though it was defired by near one half
of thofe that were then prefent. This I muft look on as a moft
dangerous innovation ; for when we begin to encroach upon,
3 r
48 BEAUTIESc-F THE
or derogate from our own Rights, no man can tell how far
it may go. I do not know, but I may live to fee the Queftioh
put upon a Gentleman's rifing up to fpealc, whether he Jhall
have leave to fpeak ? And if ever fueh a Queftion fhould be
put, I fhall not in the leaft doubt of its being carried in the
negative, in cafe there fhould be a fufpicion of the Gentle-
man's intending to utter things difagreeable to thofe that ma,-
then have the direction of the Majorities of this Houfe.
IVilliam Pulteney^ Efq; Jan. 29, 1739.
I MUST be againft compelling the attendance of fuch Gen-
tlemen in this Houfe ; I am far from finding fault with any
of thofe Gentlemen that have returned ; J think they have
done their duty in doing fo ; but I cannot help comparing them
to the prefent King of Spain. He, fome years ago, refigned
his Crown, out of a pet, and, I think, it was a religious or
confcientious pet too. I wifh they had held him at his word,
and never allowed him to refume, as they might and ought to
have done j for his fecond fon, now Prince of Afturias, was
the natural fucceflbr to his eldeft, who died King of Spain.
But they allowed him to refume his Crown, and we know
what difturbances he has fmce bred in Europe. If the Gen-
tlemen who left their Seats laft Seffion, had been taken at their
word ; if we had ordered their Seats to be filled up by nevr
Elections, they could have complained of no injuftice : but
we have this Sefiion allowed fuch of them as have returned, to
refume their Seats. In this, we have fhewn ourfelves to be as
indulgent as the fubje&s of the King of Spain ; and I hope
they will take care not to make fuch an ufe of the indulgence
they have met with, as his Catholic Majefty has done. They
have hitherto fhewn, that they do not incline to do ; but, if
we fhould call in thofe that, for aught we know, are ftill in a
bad humour, I do not know what may happen. Evil company,
they fay, corrupts good manners. It is a dangerous experi-
ment,
BRITISH SENATE. 49
merit, to mingle the infec~led with thofe that are but juft re-
covered. For this reafon I was againft the Call.
Robert Tracey, Efq; Jan. 25, 1735.
No Legiflator ever founded a free Government, but avoided
a ftanding army, that Charybdis y as a rock againft which his
Commonwealth muft certainly be (hipwrecked, as the Ifraelites,
Athenians, Corinthians, Achaians, Lacedemonians, Theba-.s,
Samnites, and Romans ; none of which nations, whilft they
kept their liberty, were ever known to maintain any foldier in
conftant pay within their cities, or ever fuffered any of their
fubjecls to make war their profefiion ; well knowing, that the
fword and fovereignty always march hand in hand ; and therefore
they trained their own citizens, and territories about them, per-
petually in arms; and their v.'hole Commonwealths, by this
means, became fo many formed militias ; a general exercife of
the beft of their people in the ufe of arms, was the only bul-
wark of their liberties, and was reckoned the fureft way to
preferve them both at home and abroad, the people being fe-
cured thereby as well againft the domeftic affronts of any of
their own citizens, as againft the foreign invafions of ambitious
and unruly neighbours. Their arms were never lodged in
the hands of any who had not an intereft in preferving the
public peace, who fought pro arts & focis, and thought them-
felves fufficiently paid by repelling invaders, that they might
with freedom return to their own affairs. In thofc days there
was no difference between the citizen, the foldier, and the
huubandman j for all promifcuoufly took arms when the public
fafety required it, and afterwards laid them down with more
alacrity than they took them up : fo that we find among the
Romans, the braveft and greateft of their Generals came from
the plough, contentedly returning when the work was over,
and never demanding their triumphs, till they had laid down
their commands, and reduced themfelves to the ftate of pri-
vate men. Nor do we find this famous Commonwealth ever
VOL. I. E permitted
5 BEAUTIES OF THE
permitted a difpofition of their arms in any other hands, till
their Empire increafing, neceflity cenftrained them to ere& a
conftant ftipendiary foldiery abroad in foreign parts, either for
the holding or winning of provinces. Then luxury increafing
\vith dominion, the itrit rule and difcipline of freedom foon
abated, and forces were kept up at home ; which foon proved
of fuch dangerous confequence, that the people were forced
to make a law to employ them at a convenient diftance : which
was, that if any General marched over the river Rubicon, he
fhould be declared a public enemy. And in the paflage of that
river, the following infcription was creeled, Imperator five
five tyrannus armatus quifquis fi/lito ; vexi/lum armaque de-
nee citra bunc amnem trajicito. And this made Cafar,
when he had prefumed to pafs this river, to think of nothing
but the prefiing on to the total oppreffion of that glorious
Empire.
Mr. Hutchefon, Feb. 12, 1740.
SIR, it is a new doflrine in this nation, and abfolutely in-
confiftent with our Conflitution, to tell us, that his Majefty
may, and ought, in the difpofal of offices and favours, to con-
fider Gentlemen's behaviour in this Houfe. Let his Majefty
be never fo well convinced of the wifdom and uprightnefs of
his meafures, he ought not to take the leaft notice of what is
faid or done by any particular man in this Houfe. He is a
traitor to our Conflitution that advifes his Majefty to do fo ;
and if reports are carried to his Majefty, with regard to the
behaviour of any particular Member of Parliament in this
Houfe, or at any Election, he ought to do with them, as it is
faid King William did with the Papers of a Plot he had dif-
covered. By perufing one of them, he found reafon to fuf-
pecl feme of his Courtiers had been concerned j whereupon he
threw them all into the flames, that they might not furnifh
him with fufpicions agairift thofe he took to be his friends.
5 The
BRITISH SENATE. 51
The fame Monarch (hewed another inftance of his generofity,
and of his regard for our Conftitution. A poft in the army
having fallen vacant, the Gentleman who had the next right to
it, happened to be a Member of this Houfe, and one that had
oppofed the Court, which few Officers do now-a-days ; the
Minifters, as ufual, were againft his preferment, becaufe he
had oppofed the King's Meafures in Parliament j but the King
told them, he had always behaved well as an Officer, and he
had nothing to do with his behaviour in Parliament.
Honourable Edward Djgby^ March 23, 1741.
WHATEVER notion fome Gentlemen may have of abfolute
power, Sir, it has been thought neceflary in all countries for
preferving fubordination and difcipline in an army. In the
Roman Commonwealth, from its very firft original, the Ge-
nerals of their armies had a moft abfolute and unlimited power
over every Officer and Soldier in the army. They could not
only prefer and reduce, but punifh even with death itfelf, by
their fole authority, and without the fentence of any Court
Martial. The ftory of Manlius^ who put his own fon to
death, for fighting the enemy againft his orders, is fo well
known, that I need not put Gentlemen in mind of it. Not
only particular men, but whole armies, were among the Ro-
mans fubject to be punifhed by the fole and abfolute power of
their General ; for we read that Appius^ in the very infancy of
that Commonwealth, caufed every tenth man in the army to
>e whipped for flying from the enemy ; befides punifhing fome
of the Officers with death. And, I believe, there is now no
country in the world, where their armies enjoy fo much free-
dom, or fo much fecurity againft being opprefled by their
Commanders, as both the Officers and Soldiers of our B.ritifh
irmies enjoy.
Colonel Conway, Feb. 7, 1750.
2 THE
S 2 BEAUTIES OF THE
THE old Nabob Meer Jaffier, if ever Muflulraan had a
friendfhip for a Chriftian, had a friendfliip for me. When
the news of my appointment reached Bengal, he immediately
quitted Muxadavad; came down to Calcutta; impatiently
waited my arrival fix weeks ; fell ill ; returned to his Capital,
and died ! Two or three days before his death, in the prefence
of his wife, and in the prefence of his Minifter, he faid to his
ion and fucceflbr, " Whatever you think proper to give to Lord
Clive on your own account, the means are in your power :
But as a teftimony of my affection for him, I defire you wills
pay to him, as a legacy from me, five lacks of rupees." I muft
pbferve, that the Nabob's death happened whilft I was on my
voyage, and fome months before my arrival in Bengal. The^
principal and intereft amounted to near feventy thoufand pounds.
The whole of the money, added to about forty thoufand pounds
more, which I prevailed on the Nabob to beftow, is eftabliflied
for a Military Fund, in fupport of Officers, and Soldiers who
may be invalided in any part of India, and alfo in fupport of
their widows.
Lord Olive, March 30, 1772.
IF Gentlemen will fearch the Records in the Tower, they
will find that the town of Calais in France, when it belonged
to the Imperial Crown of thefe Realms, was not taxed till it
lent Reprefentatives to Parliament. Two BurgefTes from Ca-
lais actually fat and voted in this Houfe. Then, and not till
then, was Calais taxed. The Writ out of Chancery, and,-:
the Return to it, in the reign of Edward the Vlth, with the
names of the Burgefles, are ftill extant. I faithfully gave them
to the Public from attefted copies.
Mr. mikes, Feb. 1775.
THE adopting of the meafures of fupporting large ftanding
armies, to' enforce the fovereignty over their provinces, (an
alluring motive) has fubjugated them all in their turns, and ex-
tinguiflbed
BRITISH SENATE. 53
tinguifiied their conftitutional provifions and barriers againft
tyranny.
To pafs over the lefler States, not only Marius, and Sylla,
and Cxfar, but Auguftus and Tiberius, thofe able tyrants,
who fyftematically ruined the Roman Empire and her liberties,
atchieved it by troops raifed to maintain the Roman Sovereignty
over their provinces. They did, indeed, fubdue thofe pro,
vinces ; and their projedt reached ftill farther than they ex-
pected ; for it flopped not till the Military Power, eftabliflied
by them for that end, overturned the Imperial Power itfelf.
In lefs than fifty years from the death of Augujlus^ thofe armies
raifed to keep the provinces in awe, had no lefs than three
Emperors on foot at the fame time ; and thenceforward the
Military Power difpofe of the Empire, and gave to whom it
pleafed the throne of the C<sfars. Whoever will calmly ex-
amine thofe precedents, it is impoffible but they muft be con-
vinced, that the like caufes muft have fimilar effects. Op-
prefled by an overgrown army, the Liberty of America, and
Ireland^ (for that (lands next in the minifterial plan) and after-
wards that of Great-Britain, will follow of cdurfe; the
Momler of Defpotifm will only grant even to the latter the
favour intended for UlyJJcs, that of being laft devoured.
Lord Irnbam, Feb. 6, 1775*
THE cruel and perfecuting means devifed for enforcing our
meafures againft America, exactly refemble the mode adopted
by Marjbal Rozen^ King James the Second's French General
in Ireland, in order to reduce the rebellious citizens, and other
defenders of Londonderry. They, brave men, as the Ameri-
cans are now, were ftyled traitors and rebels ; and they, as
well as our rebellious fubjecls in America, were to be ftarved
into compliance; that is, the means employed were to be juf-
tified by the goodnefs of the caufe. An order was fent by
Rozen, obliging the garrifon of Derry to fubmit ; which was
to collect the wives, children, and aged parents of the gar-
E 3 rifon,
54 BEAUTIES OF THE
rifon, to drive them under the walls of the town, there to
perifh in the prefence of their parents, hufbands, and other
relations ; and if they offered- to return, to fire on them, and
majjacre them.. But weak, infatuated, and bigoted as that
Prince was, his heart revolted at fuch a horrid expedient of
fubduing his enemies ; for as foon as it reached his knowledge,
he immediately countermanded the barbarous order, and left
the innocent and unoffending to their liberty,
Marquis of Rockingham^ March 16, 1775.
OF thirty-three Sovereigns of England, fince William the
Conqueror, thirteen only have afcended the Throne by divine
hereditary Right; the reft owe their Royalty to the zeal and
vigour of the People of England, in the maintenance of Con-
ftitutional Freedom.
The Will of the People, fuperfeding an hereditary Claim to
Succeffion, at the commencement of the twelfth century,
placed Henry the Ift on the Throne of this Kingdom, with
condition that he would abrogate the vigorous laws made fmce
the Norman Invafion, reftore the Government as in the days
of Edward the ConfefTor, and abolifh all unjuft and arbitrary
Taxes.
King Stephen obtained the Crown, and Henry the lid
kept it, on the fame exprefs terms : yet, Sir, in the days of
King John, it was judged expedient, no longer to truft to
mere oral declarations, which State chicane and fophiftry had
of late years occafionally explained away, but to compel that
Prince folemnly to regifter an affirmance of the antient Rights
of the People in a formal manner ; and this neceflary work
was accomplished by the Cc-ngrefs at Runnemede^ in the year
ii 15: 'an Afiembly which ought never to be fpoken of by
the Rep.refentatives of the Commons of England, but with the
profoundeft veneration.
An honourable and learned Member over the way mention-
cd, a few evenings ago, the introduction of foreign troops
into
BRITISH SENATE. 55
into this Ifland in the Reign of Henry the Hid, as a precedent
to warrant the prefent ftretch of Regal Prerogative in the
cafe of the Hanoverian Mercenaries : as that Member is not
now in the Houfe, I fhall be more concife in treating of the
events he alluded to, than I otherwife intended. Sir, in the
Reign of Henry the Hid, (about the year 1233) the Barons,
Clergy, and Freeholders, refufed two diftindl Summonfes to
Parliament; and underftanding that the King, as Earl of
Poiclou^ had landed fome of his Continental Troops in the
weftern ports of England, with a defign to ftrengthen a moft
odious and arbitrary fet of Minifters, they alTembled in a Con-
vention^ or Congrefs, from whence they difpatched Deputies to
King Henry j declaring, that if he did not immediately fend
back thofe Poittouvians, and remove from his Perfon and
Councils evil advifers, they would place on the Throne a
Prince who fhould better obferve the Laws of the Land. Sir,
the King not only hearkened to that Congrefs, but fhortly af-
ter complied with every article of their demands, and pub-
lickly notified his reformation. Now, Sir, what are we to
call that AfTembly which dethroned Edward the lid, when the
Archbifhop of Canterbury preached a fermon on this text,
The voice of the People is the voice of God. And when a learned
Judge, in the character of Procurator for the mafs of the
Freemen, furrendered the homage and fealty of the People of
England, alledging that the original compact, through which
they were bound to Allegiance, was diflblved, by the ufe and
aggrandizement of ill Counfellors ; by the Adminiftration of
Government, which agreed not with the ancient Laws of the
Land, and by a total difregard to the advice and Applications
of his Majefty's faithful but afflicted fubjefts. Richard the
lid (like the unhappy Edward) fell a victim to defpotic ob-
ftinacy and favouritifm : and to this King, in the fame man-
ner, was furrendered, by Commiflioners (or Proctors) the al-
legiance of his fubjects ; and a Prince of the Houfe of Lan-
cafter (founder of our prefent Moft Gracious Majefty's royal
E 4 line)
56 BEAUTIES OF THE
line) was invited over from banifhment, and elected by the
Peeple to the Throne. But, Sir, before I difmifs this Reign,
it may be proper to obferve, that Richard entirely fubverted
the Conftitution of the Upper Houfe of Parliament , for he
made it' an appendage to the Crown, introducing Peers by
Creation in prejudice to the territorial Baronies : and with re-
fpecl: to the other Houfe, he fent orders to the Sheriffs of the
feveral Counties throughout England, to return only fuch Re-
prefentatives to Parliament, as fhould, on every occafion, im-
plicitly obey the royal mandate. Nay, Sir, both Houfes con-
jointly went at laft fo far, as to commit their whole parlia-
mentary power into the hands of a Cabinet Junto of Mi-
nifters, having, however, firft obtained the Pope's leave for
fo doing. I wifli Gentlemen, who contend for fupreme So-
vereignty in the Crown and Parliament, denying any Rights
cf the People in pre-eminence to their joint authority, would
apply fuch argument to the State of King, Lords, and Com-
mons at that sera. I fliall next proceed to the general Con-
vention and Congrefs, which, in 1461, enthroned the Earl of
March in Weftminfter-Hall, by the name of Edward the
IVth, the Primate of all England collecting the Suffrages of
the People ; and at that period, even the Lancajhiqn Hiftorians
date the commencement of his Reign.
But to come to modern occurrences : in 1659, a Convention^
or Congrefs^ reftored legal Monarchy in the perfon of King
Charles the lid, who was then no farther diftant from this
Ifland than the town of Breda ; and being preffed by many of
the Royal Partisans to ifiue his Writs for a lawful Parliament,
he made anfvver, that he would rather be indebted for kis Re-
ftoration to the uninfluenced fenfe of the People of England,
taken in a free Aflembly.
On the 26th of December, 1688, was held a Convention, or
Congrtfs,' at St. James's, where the Prince of Orange pre-
fided ; and there were prefent moft of the furviving Members
who had ferved in any one of the Parliaments of King Charles
the
BRITISH SENATE. 57
the Second, the Lord Mayor, the Aldermen, and about fifty of
the Common-Council, &c. and on the 22d of January follow-
ing, by virtue of notices ifliied on the aforefaid 26th of Decem-
ber, at St. James's, the memorable Convention Parliament
aflembled in this Houfe, and perfected the glorious work of the
Revolution.
I mean, Sir, from thefe examples and arguments, to deduce
for an uncontrovertible truth, that all the fubjects of the Britifh
empire have a right to be governed according to the fpirit of our
ancient coriftitution, by which no freeman could be taxed with-
out his confent, either in perfon, or by his fubftitute : and not-
withftanding the infringement of this right under fome of our
Norman Kings and their fucceflbrs, yet we find William the
Conqueror himfelf confirming it in his code of laws, the year
before his deceafe. And the fame explicit declaration in its
favour from our Englifli Juftin'ian^ King Edward the Firft, in
the charter of the 25th, and ftatutes of the 34th of his reign,
admitted to be among the earlieft authentic records of Parlia-
ment extant, according to the prefent mode of fummons.
I have, I think, fliewn, that our Kings, in former days, have
not fcrupled to treat with a Congrefs ; that many of the beft of
them owe their Crowns to fuch national meetings ; and that
this nation has, on the one hand, been faved from defpotifm, and,
on the other hand, from anarchy, by a Convention or Congrefs \
which furely pofTefTes fome advantages over a Parliament : for
being free from minifterial management, having neither place-
men, penfioners, nor dependent retainers on their lift, are more
likely to hear the fincere di&ates of confcience, and the unpol-
luted fenfe of thofe they reprefent. But, Sir, however inad-
miflible the voice of a Congrefs might be deemed as acts of
legiflation, yet I conceive that their plea, in the character of
Advocates for the conftituent body by whom they are commif .
fioned, ought in juftice, as well as found policy, to be liftened
to. A punctilious delicacy now in fafhion, which we ftyle the
dignity of the Crown and Parliament, will, if madly perfifted in,
coft
5 8 BEAUTIES OF THE
coft at leaft half the blood and fubftance of Great-Britain. The
moft haughty and powerful Monarch of his time, Lev/is the
XlVth, when there \vas a formidable commotion in the Ce-
Vftines, condefcended to depute two Marfhals of France to
enter into a treaty with the male-contents. Peace was accord-
ingly made, and the terms of it were afterwards faithfully
fulfilled .
Look, Sir, into the hiftory of the proudeft, as well as moft re-
nowned people that ever exifted, the Romans ; obferve the con-
clufion of their Social /Kf, and you will fee they were not
above negociating a peace with thefe very infurgents, whom
they had before, individually by name, profcribed as rebels.
Rome found herfelf at that day reduced to the fame critical
predicament which, 1 apprehend, we now ftand in j there was
110 other poffible means of reftoring concord, or faving the
commonwealth from ruin. But, Sir, above all, I would wifh
the Houfe to give due weight to a conclufive remark of the ex-
cellent author of the Commentaries on the Laws of England,
where he is defcanting on the Revolution of 1688, which placed
the fceptre in the hands of King William, and eventually brought
in the illuftrious Houfe of Hanover to be guardians of the Pro-
teftant religion, and aflertors of the antient conftitutional rights
of all the fubje&s throughout the Britifh monarchy. " No
practical fyftem of law (fays he) are fo perfect, as to point out
before-hand thofe eccentric remedies, which national energency
will dictate and will juftify."
Honour able Temple Luttrcll^ A'sz;. 7, 1775.
news was brought to Agelfilaus, King of Sparta,
during a war in Greece, that a bloody fight had happened near
the city of Corinth, but that the Spartans were victorious, and
the number of their troops killed was but inconfiderable, com-
pared with the lofs of the enemy; inftead of exultations of joy,
that wife and humane Monarch, with a deep figh, cried out,
" Oh, unhappy Greece ! to have fiain fo many warriors with
thine
BRITISH SENATE. 59
thine own hand, who, had they lived, might have proved a match
for all the barbarians in the world ! "
Honourable Temple Luttrell, Ocl. 31, 1776.
BEFORE the Revolution there were but few dlfqualincations
affecting the elected. I know but of two Acts of Parliament,
one in the firft year of Henry the Vth, confining their refidence
to the counties, cities, and boroughs, for which they ferved ;
the other, the twenty-third of Henry the Vlth, refpecting
Knights of {hires. There were, indeed, certain difqualifica-
tions, by tKe lex et confuetudo Parliament^ as that neither
aliens nor minors (hould be elected ; that the Clergy fliould not
be chofen, becaufe they fit in Convocation ; perfons attainted
of treafon or felony could not fit, becaufe they are unfit to fit
any where : the Judges, my Lord Coke fays, cannot fit, becaufe
of their attendance in the Houfe of Lords. In my poor opi-
nion there may be another, and as good a reafon affigned ; and
that is, that it is highly improper to blend the legiflative and
judicial capacities together.
Here let me remark, by the way, that at a time when the
Judges of England are prevented, by the law and cuftom of Par-
liament, (which is the law of the land) from fitting in the Houfe
of Commons, and the Judges of Scotland are declared incapable
of being elected by the Act of 7 Geo. the lid, the very great
impropriety of the Judges for the principality of Wales fitting
in this Houfe.
1 beg leave to recommend this matter to the confideration of
the Honourable Gentleman who has this day moved to augment
the Welch Judges falaries.
The Aft, Sir, of the fth and 6th of William and Mary, which
laid a duty on fait, beer, ale, and other liquors, exprefsly de-
clared, that no perfon concerned in farming, managing, or col-
lecting the faid duties, fliall be capable of fitting in Parliament.
It alfo difqualifies the managers of all other aids that (hall here-
after be granted. The nth and J2th of King William ex-
cluded
60 BEAUTIES OF THE
eluded the Commiffioners of the Cuftoms. It went farther,
and even forbids them from ufmg any influence with voters un-
der certain penalties. The Act of the 4th of Queen Anne went
flill farther, and excluded various defcriptions of men, all of
\vhom are declared incapable of being elected by the Act of the
6th of Queen Anne.
The ift of Geo. I. Section II. cap. 56. difables any perfon
from fitting in the Houfe of Commons, who fhall have any pen-
fion from the Crown, for any term or number of years, and
fubjects fuch peribns as fhould fo fit to the penalf.' of 20!. per
day.
The lyth of Geo. II. regulates the elections of Members to
ferve for Scotland, and incapacitates the Judges of the Court of
SefSons, Court of Jufticiary, and Barons of the Court of Ex-
chequer in Scotland, from being elected Members of Parlia-
ment.
During the adminiftration of Sir Robert Walpole, various
attempts were made to reftrain the influence of the Crown over
this branch of the legiflature ; Place and Penfion Bills were fre-
quently brought in, and two or three times actually pafled the
Houfe of Commons, but were as often loft in the other Houfe
of Parliament. On the retreat or removal of Sir Robert Wal-
pole, an Act of Parliament was however pafled in 1742, 15
Geo. II. which difabled the Commifuoners of Revenue in Ire-
land, the Commiffioners of the Navy and Victualling Offices,
Clerks in various departments, and many other defcriptions of
men, who, from their fituation, were fuppofed, natural enough,
to be under influence, from fitting in Parliament; and fubjecting
fuch as fhould, notwithftanding, prefume to fit and vote, to a
penalty of 20!. a day.
In the 33d of George II. an Act pafled to oblige Members
to deliver in a fchedule of their qualifications, and take and
fubfcribe an oath of the fame. Thefe, Sir, are all the difquali-
fications on the perfons to be elected to Parliament, excepting
that there are three Acts in the reign of Queen Anne, and one
in
BRITISH SENATE. 61
in the reign of George the lid, difabling the Regifters, or their
Deputies, for the three Ridings in Yorkfliire, and the county of
Middlefex, from fitting in Parliament.
Sir Jofcph Mawbey, March Ii, 1775.
THAT the office of Secretary of State is of very ancient efta-
bliftiment in this kingdom, I am ready to allow, though they
were not always confidered of equal importance as now. I
have endeavoured to acquire all the knowledge I could of that
office ; I think, therefore, I am warranted in faying, that there
never was more than one Secretary of State -till towards the
end of Henry the Eighth.
Two Secretaries of State only were appointed at the fame
time in King Henry's reign. In the time of his fuccefibr, Ed-
ward the Sixth, there were only two Secretaries of State, till
towards the clofe of his reign ; a third Secretary was then ap-
pointed in the perfon of Sir John Cheek. Of this appointment,
as I expect to hear much from the oppofite fide of the Houfe, I
will prefently fpeak more fully.
In the reign of Queen Elizabeth there were but two Secreta-
ries of State j there were no more in the reign of King James.
In the reign of Charles the Firft there were but two, they were
Secretary Windebank, at one time, and Coke, and afterwards
the elder Sir Henry Vane fucceeded. At the Reftoration, Sir
tdward Nicholas and Sir William Morris were the Secretaries.
On or about the year 1670, Henry Lord Arlington fucceeded
Sir Edward Nicholas, and Sir John Trevor Sir William Mor-
rice. There continued to be only two Secretaries of State
during the remainder of King Charles the Second's reign.
There were but two in the reign of King James the Second.
There were no more than two in that of King William, nor,
I believe, in that of Queen Anne ; at leaft, in that part of it
which preceded the year 1705.
Having thus {hewn that originally, and till the end of the
reign of Henry the Eighth, there was but one Secretary of
State,
62 BEAUTIES OFTHE
State, and afterwards but two, (except in the Tingle cafe of Sir
John Cheek's, in Edward the Sixth's time) I now proceed to
take more particular notice of that appointment.
I contend, Sir, that the precedent is not fuch as fliould have
attention paid to it. It was eftablimed in a time of faction,
and exifted but a moment. Gentlemen know that the Duke
of Northumberland plotted to bring the Crown into his own
family, in confequence of the marriage of his fon, the Lord
Guildford Dudley, with the Lady Jane Grey, who, after the
King's fifters, Mary and Elizabeth, was prefumptive heir to
the Crown. He prepared himfelf accordingly; fome of his
creatures were put into old offices ; for others, new offices were
created. Sir John Cheek had been the King's Preceptor ; he
had, it may be reafonably prefumed, in confequence, an influ-
ence over the Royal Mind. Mr. Secretary Cecil had befides
married Sir John Cheek's fifter, and Cecil had at firft objected
to the fettlement of the Crown in favour of the Lady Jane,
though he afterwards became a witnefs to it : it was of the ut-
moft importance to Northumberland's views to gain Sir John
Cheek a new office ; a new appointment was therefore created
for him, that of third Secretary of State ; he had befides douceurs
given him. Sir William Petre was the other Secretary; a
man, I may fafely fay, without principle, who ferved four
Crowned Heads in that capacity, as different in intellect and
turn of mind as principle; namely, Henry the Eighth, Edward
the Sixth, Queen Mary, and Queen Elizabeth. Strype, in his
Ecclefiaftic Memorials, in 1553, ^ a y s ^ ^ir J onn Cheek :
" In the next month, viz. June, a third Secretary was ap-
pointed, (a thing not known before,) viz. Sir John Cheek,
whofe love and zeal for religion made him fafe to the intereft of
Lady Jane ; and a gift was added to him and his heirs, of
Ciare, in Suffolk, with other lauds, to the yearly value of one
hundred pounds."
That the appointment in his favour was merely the refult of
political arrangement, to forward the Duke of Northumber-
land's
BRITISH SENATE. 63
land's views, I think is beyond a doubt. He was appointed in
1553; King Edward died on the 6th of July following, and on.
the 1 5th of the fame month the Lady Jane refigned her preten-
fions to the Crown ; fo that Sir John Cheek could only have
held that office for a month. That he was the Duke of North-
umberland's agent, I have no doubt; he fled on Mary's accef-
fion; he was brought back, imprifoned in the Tower, and
ftripped of his fubftance : to fave his life he figned a declaration,
profeffing popery, and died in 1557, contemned, as he deferved
to be, by all good men, for wanting principle. I truft the
Houfe will agree with me, that fuch a precedent, in fuch a time,
for fuch a purpofe, and for a month only, deferves not the leaft
attention.
I am, Sir, at a lofs to guefs upon what ground the Noble
Lord's (Lord George Germaine) right to a feat in this Houfe
will be defended. I contend that it is a new office, new in fa<3,
though not in name.
The 27th fe&ion of the A& of the 6th of Queen Anne de-
clares, in order to prevent too great a number of Commiffioners
from being appointed for the execution of any office, that no
greater number of Commiffioners fhall be appointed for the ex-
ecution of any office, than have been employed in the execution
of fuch refpe&ive office before the firft day of that Parliament.
It is incumbent, therefore, on the Noble Lord, or his friends,
to prove, that before that Parliament there exifted more than
two Secretaries of State, which I contend never was the cafe,
except during a fingle month of Edward the Sixth's time ; a
precedent which, from what I have faid of it, I truft will not
have any weight.
The office of Secretary of State for the Colonies was firft
cftablifhed in 1768, in favour of the Earl of Hillfborough ; he
was fuccecded, in 1772, by Lord Dartmouth; in 1775, the
Noble Lord (Lord Geo. Germaine) over the way took that
office.
Sir Jofffrb Maivbey, March u, 1779-
THERE
64 BEAUTIES OF THE
THERE are many precedents fmce Queen Anne's time, to
fhew that there have been fix different appointments, of three^
and once four Secretaries of State. In the time of Edward
the Vlth, there was a third Secretary of State j and in 1708-9,
more bufmefs arifmg, {he thought it fit to appoint a third Se-
cretary of State. There is an inftance when there were four
Secretaries, one of whom was a Commoner, that was in 1723 ;
thefe were the Duke of Roxburgh and two others ; one of
whom going with the King to Hanover, Sir Robert Walpole
was appointed fourth Secretary of State. A new writ iflued
on the 4th of May, 1723, he was re-ele&ed, and his feat was
never queftioned ; and in 1730, it was not given in as a new
place, when the account of fuch was called for.
Mr. De Grey, March n, 1775.
No Irifhman ever dreamt of the power of England to bind
Ireland ; fo far back as the year 1642, the Roman Catholicks
of Ireland, in their great Aflembly of Trim, in the county of
Meath, folemenly refolved, that Ireland was an independent
kingdom, and its Crown imperial; and in the year before, the
Parliament of Ireland had voted a fimilar Propofition. The
claims of the Irifh are not novel, they arc as old as Henry the
lid, who gave them the laws and conftitution of England, and
granted them of courfe a Parliament. The Great Charter was
given them by his grandfon, Henry the Hid, and they had a
free and independent legiflature till the year 1719, when the
Lords of England thought proper to refolve, that a caufe which
had been tried in appeal by the Lords of Ireland, had been coram
non judice ; and then, and not before, did England think of
afierting by law the fupremacy of England over Ireland, though
the latter had, till that period, even after the Revolution, en-
joyed the right of appeal to her own King, in his Parliament
of Ireland.
Mr. Courtcnay, May 17, 1782.
WHEN
BRITISH SENATE. 65
WHEN Auguftus Caefar modeftly confentcd to become the
tribune of the people, Rome gave up into the hands of that
Prince the only remaining (hield fhe had to protect her liberty.
The tribunitian power in this country, as in ancient Rome,
was wifely kept diftin& and feparate from the executive powe^ ;
in this government it was conftitutionallv lodged where it ought
naturally to be lodged, in the Houfe of Commons - t and to
that Houfe the people ought firft to carry their complaints,
even when they were directed againft the meafures of the
Houfe itfelf : but now the people are taught to pafs by the door
of the Houfe of Commons, and fupplicate the Throne for the
protection of their liberties: hence the diflblution of the late
Parliament, pretendedly in obedience to the fenfe of the people ;
from addrefles the fenfe of the people have been collected, and not
from the Houfe of Commons. But I warn the people to beware of
this double Houfe of Commons, which Minifters are erecting on
the foundation of their dclufion ; the Commons of England in
Parliament afTembled ; and the Commons of England in corpora-
tion and county meetings difperfed ; an artful Minifter would
craftily play off the one after the other ; he would make ufe of a
pliant Houfe of Commons to opprefs the people j and he would
make ufe of a deluded Houfe of Commons, difperfed through the
country, to awe a refractory or independent collected Houfe of
Commons. If the proceedings of the late Parliament had
been really difagreeable to the people, why had they pot peti-
tioned that Houfe againft thofe proceedings? If they had peti-
tioned, and their prayers had been difregarded, or treated with
contempt, then addrefles to the Throne for a diiTolution of Par-
liament would have been extremely proper: when public ceco-
nomy became the general wifli of the people, petitions were
prefented not to the Crown, but to the Houfe of Commons;
but means have been contrived of late fo to delude the people,
as to make them the very inftruments of the degradation of
that branch of the government, the deftruction of which muft
neceflarily be attended with the lofs of their liberty.
Mr. Burke, June 15, 1784.
Vo L.I. F IN
66 BEAUTIES OF THE
I N 1751, there was in the Exchequer of Ireland, a furplus
of 400,000!. This, inftcad of being a matter of joy, was the
caufe of general confternation throughout the kingdom. It
was feared that the Crown was become fo rich, that it could
pay off the debt that was then upon the nation ; and, having
no farther occafion for the annual grants, would call no more
Parliaments. The alarm was univerfal. " Good God ! the
" Crown out of debt !" was the general cry. " What's to
" become of us ?" faid the Parliament. " And what further
** employment is there for me ?" exclaimed the politician. In
{hort the terror and difmay were indefcribable.
Lord North, May 30, 1/85.
ATTACK.
BRITISH SENATE. 67
ATTACK.
AS the Honourable Gentleman (Sir Robert Walpole) who
fpoke laft, has made grievous complaints of the treat-
ment he and his friends receive from other Gentlemen, I am a
good deal furprized, that he fhould at the fame time fall into that
very error, which he fo much complains of in others ; for to
fay that Gentlemen make Motions, only for the fake of having
an opportunity to declaim againft thofe in the Adminiftration,
or for the fake of making a figure in the Votes, is language, in
my opinion, as unparliamentary, and treating Gentlemen with
as little candour, as what he has blamed others for.
I mull fay it feems to be a very difficult matter to know how
to pleafe thcfe great men the Adminiftration ; for I find that
when any encomiums are made upon tUem, when any thing is
faid in praife of their meafures, they immediately take it to be
meant by way of irony ; and if any Gentleman happens to
give them any names which may feem to be a little harfh, thofe
they underftand exactly as they are fpoke, and complain that
Gentlemen do not treat them in a parliamentary way : but,
whatever other people may do, I am none of thofe who have
beftowed panegyrics either upon theprefent or upon any Admi-
niftration ; and I hope 1 never was or ever (hall be guilty of
calling names.
Mr* Sbippen, y^n. 23, 1734-
UPON fuch a flight view, Sir, as I have taken of the ac-
counts now upon the table, it is not pofiible for me to ente r
into the particular articles : but I cannot help taking notice of
one, which to me feems very extraordinary. There is near
250,000!. charged, not for the building of (hips, but for the
building of houfes ; whether fuch houfes were neceffary, I (hall
not now proceed to determine : but if they were, I think it
F 2 is
68 BEAUTIES OP THE
is too large a Aim for any Adminiftration to have expended,
without a previous authority from Parliament; and that, I am
fure, was never afked for : what the prefent age may think of
fuch a fum, I do not know, but I am fure our ancefters, even
of the very laft age, would have been extremely fhy of loading
the people with at leaft fix -pence in the pound upon all the
lands in Great-Britain, for building houfes for the Officers
belonging to the Admiralty : and I muft think it a little extra-
ordinary to fee Minifters, of their own heads, undertake to do
that, which even Parliaments of old would fcarcely have
thought of doing. It is true, that Parliaments have of late
become very good-natured ; they have put great confidence in
Minifters, and have generally, I (hall not fay blindly, approved
of all miniftcrial meafures : this may, perhaps, have made
Minifters prefume a little farther than they would othcrwife
have done ; but I am very fure, that till very lately, no Mmifler
would have dared to have drawn the nation into fuch an ex-
pence, without an authority from Parliament for fo doing.
Sir Willicm Wyndham^ Feb. 24, 1735.
THAT there are difcontents among the people, Sir, and that
thofe difcontents are too general, 1 fhall readily agree; but
whether they are owing to difafredtion, I fhall not pretend to
determine j I am fu e they are not owing to reafon: for there
is no country in the world* where the liberties and properties of
the fubjedts are facredly preferved, nor are more there any fubjecls
who pay lefs for the cafe and fecurity they enjoy, than the fub-
jels of this kingdom: but there are fome men who feem to
think they ought to pay nothing, nor be at any trouble, for
preferving to themfelves the bleffings of peace and fecurity.
To pleafe fuch men, or to prevent their being difTatisfied, is
impoflible ; for government muft always be expenfive : fomc
men muft be employed for managing and tranfadring the affairs
of the fociety ; and fome muft now and then expofe themfl-lves
to danger for the defence of the fociety : and it is both reafon-
able
BRITISH SENATE. 69
able and neceflary, that thofe who fpend their whole time, or a
great part of their time in government affairs, as well as thofe
who venture their lives for the prefervation of others, fhould
be rewarded by thofe, who by their means are enabled to pro-
fccute their own private affairs with fafety, and without inter-
ruption. There are other men, and thofe not a few, who are
fo fond of novelty and change, that they are continually wiming
for public convulfions and revolutions : fuch men are of fo odd
a temper, that they become diffatisfied with the fecurity they
enjoy; and a long uninterrupted courfe of public happinefs,
renders them completely miferable ; and there are others who
never can be pleafed, unlefs they have the entire direction of
all public affairs ; therefore when they are not employed, and
chiefly employed, they are continually fpreading virulent labels
and feditious pamphlets againft thofe that are ; by which means
many unwary perfons are caught, and are made to believe that
the nation is ruined and undone ; though every man in the na-
tion, who is tolerably frugal and induftrious, finds himfelf in
an eafy and thriving condition.
Col. Mordaunt^ Feb. 3, 1738.
I HATE, Sir, all expedients, and I difdain all Miniflers
(looking at Sir Robert Walpole) who ufe them. Some Mini-
fters, Sir, there are, who live upon expedients, and who cannot
do their dirty work without them. Expedients, Sir, in the
hands of weak Minifters, are the inftruments of defeating the
moft beneficial, and promoting the tnoft deftruflive meafures.
Mr. Pulteney, May 12, 1738.
THOUGH the manner in which the Honourable Gentleman
who fpoke laft delivered himfelf may well excufe me from fay-
ing any thing in anfwer to a fpeech fo very unparliamentary, and
fo very inconfiftent with all the rules of common decency ; yet
I think I ought to (he v fo much regard to the Houfe as to de-
clare, that I abhor dirty expedients as much the Honourable
F 3 Gentleman
7 o BEAUTIES OF THE
Gentleman would be thought to do : as for his common-place
railing againft Minifters, it gives me very little trouble, fo
long as I am confcious I do not deferve to have it applied to
me. Were I ambitious of (hewing my wit, I might have a
fair opportunity of doing it, by railing againft mock-patriots as
much as the Honourable Gentleman has been pleafed to do
againft corrupt Minifters, and both perhaps might be equally
inftru&ive to the Houfe. But, railing of all kinds, Sir, has
always been looked upon as the laft expedient of difappointed
ambition, and a poor expedient it is. Were I one who for
many years had unfuccefsfully endeavoured, by all the arts
that malice and falfhood could fuggeft, to work myfelf into
thofe pofts and dignities that I outwardly affected to defpife, I
know 4 not. how far, Sir, my temper might be foured, as to
make ufe of fuch an expedient ; but really, Sir, if I did, I
fhould make but a very poor figure in the world.
Sir Robert Ifa/pole 9 May 12, 1738-
THE meafures which the Gentleman who fpoke laft (Sir
William Wyndham) and his friends may purfue, afford me no
uneafmefs. The minds of the nation and his Majefty, are
obliged to them for pulling off the mafk. We can be upon
our guard, Sir, againft open rebellion, but it is hard to guard
againft fecret treafon. The faction I fpeak of, Sir, never fat
in this Houfe ; they never joined in any public meafure of the
government, but with a view to diftreis it, and to ferve a
popifh intereft. The Gentleman who is now the mouth of
this faction was looked upon as the head of thefe traitors, who
25 years ago, confpired the deftruction of their country, and
of the Royal Family, to fet up a Pcpifh Pretender upon the
Throne. He was feized by the vigilance of the then govern-
ment, and pardoned by its clemency : but all the ufe he has
ungratefully made of that clemency, has been to qualify him-
felf according to law, that he and his party may, fome time or
other, have an opportunity to overthrow all law.
I am
BRITISH SENATE. 71
I am afraid, Sir, that the Honourable Gentleman (Sir Wil-
liam Wyndham) and his friends, will not be fo good as their
word, to withdraw themfelves from Parliament, for I remem-
ber that, in the cafe of a favourite Prelate who was impeached
ofTreafon, the fame Gentleman, and his faction, made the
fame refolution. They then went off like Traitors as they
were, Sir, but their retreat had not the deteftable effect they
expected and wifhed, and therefore they returned. Ever fince,
Sir, they have perfevered in the fame treafonable intention of
ferving that intereft by diftrefling Government. But I hope
their behaviour will unite all the true friends of the prefent
happy Eftablifhment of the Crown in his Majefty's Perfon and
Family, more firmly than ever ; and that the Gentlemen who,
with good intentions, have been deluded into the like meafures,
will awake from their delufion, fince the Trumpet of Rebellion
is now founded.
Sir Robert Walpole^ March 13, 1739.
AFTER what had parted laft Seflions, and after the repeated
declarations of the Honourable Gentleman who fpoke laft,
(Mr. Pulteney) and his friends, I little thought that we fhould
have this Seffion been again favoured with their company. I
am always pleafed, Sir, when I fee Gentlemen in the way of
their duty, and glad that thefe Gentlemen have returned to
theirs ; though, to fay the truth, I was in no great concern
left the fcrvice either of his Majefty, or the Nation, fhould
fuffer by their abfcnce. I believe the Nation is generally fen-
fible, that the many ufeful and popular Acts which patted to-
wards the end of laft ScfTion, were greatly forwarded and facili-
tated by the fece/Eon of thofe Gentlemen ; and if they are re-
turned only to oppofe and perplex, I (hajl not at all be forry if
they fecede again.
Sir Robert Walpde^ June 14, 1739-
I MUST
72 BEAUTIES OF THE
I MUST own, Sir, I can fee but one reafon for raifmg, at
this prefent juncture, this additional number of troops ; and that
is, to ftrengthen the hands of the Minifter againft the next
Election, by giving him the power of difpofing of Commiffions
to the Ions, brothers, nephews, coufms, and friends of fuch as
have interefts in Boroughs, into fome of which, perhaps,
troops may be fent to procure the free election of their Mem-
bers, in imitation of the late Czarina fending her troops into
Poland to fecure the free election of a King.
But (till there is one thing more fatal than all I have yet
named, that muft be the confequence of fo great a body of
troops being kept on foot in England, and will be the finifh-
ing ftroke to all our Liberties. For as the towns in England
will not be able much longer to contain quarters for them,
moft of thofe who keep public houfes, being nearly ruined by
foldiers billetted on them ; fo on pretence of the neceffity of it,
barracks will be built for quartering them, which will be as fo
many fortreflcs, with ftrong garrifons in them, erected in all
parts of England, which can tend to nothing but by degrees.
to fubdue and enflave the kingdom.
But if ever this fcheme (hould be attempted, it will be in-
cumbent on every Englishman to endeavour to prevent it by
ail methods ; and as it would be the lail ftand that could ever
be made for our Liberties, rather than fuffer it to be put in
execution, it would be our duty to oraw our fwords, and never
put them up till our Liberties are fecured, and the authors </
cur intended flavery brought to condign punifliment.
Lira Gage ^ Aw. 29, 1739-
NOTWITHSTANDING the bad fuccefs of my lall Motion,
for inquiring into the late conduct of our public affairs, "it fhall
not diicourage me from offering another of the fame nature;
becaufe, I think, cur making fomc fort of inquiry, during
this Sefilon of Parliament, absolutely neccffary for quieting the
minds of the People, and for reftoring, in ibme degree, the
character
BRITISH SENATE. 73
character and credit of our Government. What fort of com-
pany fome Gentlemen may keep, I do not know ; but to me,
that keep all forts of company, the difappointment upon the
former Motion's being rejected, appeared evident in the face
of every man, who had not reafon, upon his own account, or
the account of fome of his friends, to dread the confequences
of that inquiry ; and whatever we may think within doors, it
will be thought without, nay, it is now generally faid, that if
fome people were not confcious of their own guilt, they would
not fo vigoroufly oppofe an inquiry: for an innocent man,
when he finds himfelf accufed or fufpected, will always defire
to be brought to a fair and legal trial, that he may have an
opportunity to vindicate his character againft thofe whifpers
that are fpread about againft him. This, Sir, is the language,
now held without doors ; and the certain confequence will be,
that if we let this Seflion pafs over without any inquiry, it will
be faid, that a Majority of us have been partakers in the guilt,
and partners in the plunder of our Country.
From hence, Sir, I muft hope, that every innocent man in
this Houfe, (and now that one man is gone from amongft us,
I hope, all of us are fo) will be for the Qtieftion I am now to
propofe, becaufe I have taken care to prevent its being liable to
the two chief objections that feemed to prevail againft my laft
Motion. Thefe were, its being too extenfive as to time, and
too extenfive as to matter. An inquiry for twenty years back
was thought to be without precedent, and that it would be fuch
a precedent as might be of dangerous confequence in future
times. This was one of the chief objections againft it, and
an objection which, I believe, had weight with fome whofe
concurrence I hope to be favoured with in this Motion. And
the other objection was, its comprehending all our foreign as
well as domeftic affairs, which muft of courfe have brought all
the papers relating to our foreign negotiations before our Com-
mittee. To this it was objected, that it would endanger the
tliLovery of fome of the moft important fccrets of our Govern-
ment
74 BEAUTIES OF THE
ment to our enemies, which might be of the moft fatal confe-
quence now that we are engaged in one war, and in sreat
likelihood of being foon obliged to engage in another. This
likewife feemed to have weight, and, I believe, prevailed with
feme Gentlemen to be againft my former Motion ; for which
rcafon I fliall now only move, That a Committee be appointed
to inquire into the conduct of Robert Earl of Orford^ during
the laft ten years of his being Firft Commiffioner of the
Treafury, and Chancellor and Under Treafurer of his Majefty's
Exchequer.
Sir, I hope the time of inquiry propofed by this Motion will
not be thought too extenfive ; for confidering the chief crime
of a domeftic nature he has been accufed of, our inquiry can-
hot, I think, be confined within narrower bounds. The crime
I mean, is that of applying not only all the favours of the
Crown, but even the Public Money, towards gaining a cor-
rupt influence at Elections and in Parliament. This he is ge-
nerally accufed of by the voice of the People without doors
and, I believe, there is not a Gentleman in this Houfe that has
been chofen in oppofiticn to what was called the Court Intereft,
who was not fenfible of fome fuch practices being carried on
againft him, before and at the time of his Election. Every
Gentleman muft be fenfible, that it is very difficult to fix fuch
practices upon a Minifter, becaufe they are not only carried on
in an hidden manner, but by Tools and Under- Agents, who
do not appear at the Election as Agents for the Miniller, but
as Agents for the Court Candidate ; and generally fpend their
money very freely ; though it is often known, that neither they
nor their Candidate had ever any money of their own to fpare :
nay, thofe Agents are often known to be Treafun- Agents,
though in the common courfe of juftice it is iinpoflible to prove
that they are : it will even be difficult for a Committee of this
Koufe, with all the powers we can give them, to trace this
practice up to its original fourcc : but, confidering the general
fufpicion without doors, and the many ftrong reafons there are
for
BRITISH SENATE. 75
for believing that fufpicion to be well grounded, we ought cer-
tainly to aim at it ; and if we do, we cannot begin later thaa
the time when canvafling may be fuppofed to have begun for
the chufing of the laft Parliament, which, I reckon, was about
ten years ago ; for as that Parliament was chofen in the fum-
mer 1734, we muft fuppofe that the Candidates, efpecially
where there was like to be an oppofition, began to take mea-
fures for fecuring their intereft in the fummer 1732, which will
juft come within the term of ten years, computing back from
this time.
For this reafon, I hope, this will appear to be the fliorteft
time 1 could move for : and as it is much fhorter than the
time propofed by my laft Motion, I hope I {hall have the con-
currence of many Gentlemen who then appeared againft me;
tfpccially as I have likewife in this taken care to obviate the
other objection, of its being too extenfive as to the matters
propofed to be inquired into ; for as this Noble Lord had by
none of his Offices any thing to do with foreign affairs, this
Motion cannot be faid to relate to, or comprehend any affairs
of that nature, unlefs it be fuppofed, that this Minifter directed
every other branch of public bufinefs, as well as that of the
Treafury ; which, I am fure, none of his friends will pretend
to fay, becaufe this would be as great a crime as any he is
accufed of. This Motion cannot therefore be fuppofed to re-
late to any Foreign Affairs, and, confequently, an inquiry into
this Nobleman's conduft, cannot be fuppofed to endanger the
difcovery of any of the fecrets of our Government. Nay, if
he, whilft he was in office, confined himfelf to the duty of
his office, our inquiry, in purfuance of this Motion, can com-
prehend but one branch even of our Domeftic Affairs, and that
branch too, which, of all others, has the ler.ft to do with our
Foreign Affairs. An inquiry into the conduit of a Secretary
of State, a Secretary at War, a Commiflioner of the Admi-
ralty, or even the Lord High Chancellor, might be faid to have
fome relation to Foreign Affairs j but I cannot fuggeft to my-
felf
76 BEAUTIES OF THE
felt" what a Commiflioner of the Treafury can have to do with
Foreign Affairs, or how an inquiry into his conduct can have
the leaft relation to any Foreign Affairs whatever: confequently,
I hope, this Motion will appear to be quite free from this ob-
jection, which feemed to be urged with fo much weight againft
my former : and as much has in this Seflion been faid, upon
former occafions, about the neceflity of an immediate inquiry,
I (hall add no more, but move to refolve, That a Committee
be appointed, as I have before-mentioned.
Lord Limerick, March 23, 1741.
THE Laws and Liberties we now enjoy, were procured for
us by fuch of our anceftors, as were utter Grangers to every
fyftem but > what conduced to honour and virtue. A Govern-
ment fupported upon any other bafis ought not to fubfift a mo-
ment longer, nor is fuch a one worth contending for j no, not
even by thofe whofe depraved minds are not to be gratified by
the corrupteft Government, becaufe thofe who acl or fight for
hire only, are always looking out for the beft market. So that
I hope we (hall not let this Seflion pafs without a good Militia
Bill ; for a ftanding army, even in time of war, was never
yet an object that fuited the genius of this Nation, fuppofing it
kept up with the ftrideft ceconomy, becaufe it is not our na-
tural defence ; and I can aver, there hath nothing happened
within thefe twelve months and upwards to render it more ac-
ceptable : for be it ever fo formidable, it cannot be every
where, much lefs can it prevent invafions or infurrcdtions,
when, to our late memorable (hame, we were twice baffled by
a banditti rabble ; and, in all probability, we had been ferved
fo a third time, but for the prefence of his Royal Highnefs the
Duke: whereas a well-armed and well-difciplined Militia,
difperfed over the face of this Kingdom, muft fupprefs all rifmgs
in the firft inftance, befides the great benefits we fliould have
of them in every maritime county, to put a flop to that
abominable trade of fmuggling, without having recourfe to a
much
BRITISH SENATE. 77
much more abominable practice, of putting your laws in exe-
cution by a military force : a precedent, give me leave to tell
you, Sir, that muft be fatal to the Liberties of this Kingdom,
if not timely prevented.
Sir, the conduct of our late and prefent Patriots, as they
prefume to call themfelves, proves the neceffity there is for
fome alteration in your Conftitution ; becaufe, how inhumane
is it for that eloquence, which was given by Providence for its
defence and prefervation, to be employed in its ruin and de-
ftru<5tion ! Punifhments there are for the thief, the murderer,
and the bare-faced traitor; but alas.! to the grief of all well-
difpofed minds, there is none for the fordid orator : I fay, Sir,
there is none for the fordid orator^ who {hall one day difplay
his eloquence in the caufe of his country, to (hew his parts and
gain attention ; and the next (hall convince his injured country-
men, that he is a proflitute to venality, and the purchafed flave
of a corrupt Miniftry. What pity it is that fuch wretches
cannot be brought to condign punimment, without doing
violence to the laws of their country, who one day fling out
farcafms againft the Meafures of an Adminiftration, as ruinous
and deftru&ive, for no other caufe but to be admitted prin-
cipals in it : and the next day purfue the very fame meafures
which they had fo emphatically exploded, without the lead jot
or tittle of alteration in the whole minifterial Syftem. Surely,
Sir, if there is one of that abjedl: ftyle in being, how can he
ftand clear of that occultum quotients animo tortere jiagellum ?
Or why fliould he not expect every moment to be hurled
down into that execrable, that moft deteftable pit, where the
worm never dies, and the fire is never quenched !
Sir, I (hould have no objection to addrefling his Majefiy,
could I perceive the leaft tendency to reftore the Conftitution
to its ancient purity. The Royal Family upon the Throne,
under whom we enjoy fo many bleffings, found us in pof-
feffion of the Triennial Aft ; and although it might be proper
to repeal it upon an extraordinary occafion, yet to continue
Parliaments
7 8 BEAUTIES OF THE
Parliaments to their prefent length, hath, I fear, been pro-
ductive of many political misfortunes, fubfequent to that al-
teration. Yet, if ever the good people of South-Britain dc-
ferved a triennial holiday, it is for that fleady loyalty they have
fo lately (hewn, in oppofition to thofe of the Northern Parts
of this Kingdom ; who have alfo diftinguifhed themfelves, but
not at all to their honour or credit. The Repealing of the
Septennial Act would bring us a little nearer to that happy
fituation of Independency, which Annual Parliaments would
undoubtedly compleat.
Thus, fuch as now think it ill policy to be unattached, or
tmfafhionable to be difengaged, may then come to have nobler
views, than to proftitute their legislative truft, conferred upon
them by their Conftituents ; who, in all probability, could be
no otherwife influenced in their choice, (for fo fhort a period)
but merely from a perfonal regard. As I am one of thofe that
ihall be ever proud of being fo unfafhionably degagee^ as to de-
left nothing fo much as an attachment to any fide, or fet of
men vvhatfoever ; fo, according to that laudable practice of
our anceftors, I (hall wait to fee fome of the many grievances
we labour under firft redrefled, before I can give my aflent to
the Addrefs moved for.
Major Sehuyn, Nov. 1 8, 1746.
ABOUT the latter end of May, or the beginning of June,
the Miniftry were acquainted with the fate of Falkland Ifland.
At that time they learned, that the Governor of Buenos Ayres
had fent a frigate or two, to warn our troops to quit the
Ifland ^ that our Commanding Officer had threatened to fire
upon them if they would not depart ; that the Spaniards, in
confequence, declared their refolution of employing force ;
and that there was no doubt they would put their threat in
execution. Where their pride is concerned, the Spaniards are
tenacious of their words : and it could not be fuppofed,
that the Governor of Buenos rfyres would, in this cafe, belie
2 the
BRITISH SENATE. 79
the character of his nation. But who is this Governor, this
mighty Potentate, againft whom the King of Great-Britain
is going to draw his fword ? I will tell the Houfe, When at
Gibraltar, in an inferior ftation I confefs, I happened in aa
excurfion to meet this Governor, this Don Francifco de Biuca->
retiiy whom our Minifters confider as great and formidable.
For a Spaniard, he was not a bad companion ; but I do not
believe he had, at that time, the moil diftant hope of ever en-
tering into a competition with the King of Great-Britain.
But our Minifters were made for rendering abfurdity fafhiona-
ble. As they have, for thefe two years, degraded their Royal
Mafter by a quarrel with a wretched Libeller, fo now they
commit his dignity in a conteft with a little Span-Jh Officer.
The terrible foes that roufe his vengeance, are John Withes^
and my old friend Buccarelli. How much more honourable
would it have been, to have at once confidered the King of
Spain as the aggrefibr, as the delinquent ? It is evident, from
the coolnefs and deliberation with which Buccarelli acled, that
he a&ed under the authority, and by the exprefs command of
the King of Spain. If he had not, he would have, ere now,
forfeited his head. Why then did not our Minifters, upon the
firft intelligence, deem this acl of hoftility the moft explicit
and effectual Declaration of War? Why did they not imme-
diately arm the nation, and prepare for ftriking as decifive a
blow, as that which fecured us the fuperiority of the late war ?
This ftep would have brought into our ports their fhips and
failors, and effectually ruined their Marine. Of this truth
no perfon of common fenfe can entertain the leaft doubt. In-
ftcad of adopting this vigorous meafure, they let the affair flcep
for three or four months, as if time had no wings. And,
when at laft waked out of their lethargy, what have they done:
What harbours have they improved ? What forts have they re-
paired ? What cities have they fortified ? Have they ftrengthencd
the lines at Quebec ? Have they fecured that fpot, which, if
tiikcn by the enemy, will ruin our nTnery, if it is not already
ruined
So BEAUTIES OF THE
yuined by their indolence, timidity, or ignorance ? Have you
taken any Meafures for defending thofe Sugar Iflands, which,
from their fituation, are expofed to the infults of the enemy ?
What precautions have you taken for the fafety of Minorca ?
I know, that when the troops from Ireland arrive, the ganifon
will confift of nine battalions. But whofoever told you this
number would be fufficient, knows nothing of the fervice.
I am confident, that every Officer of judgment and experience,
will coincide with me in opinion. You fee then where you
are vulnerable. More inftances might be pointed out ; but
that were impiety ! I fhould hold myfelf inexcufable for what I
have already faid, were I not fenfible that our enemies know
them as well as we do. Such then is the fituation of this country,
to which our Minifter, in the courfe of laft Sefiion, promifed
a ten years peace. I ftood up in my place, and ventured to call
his prophecy in queftion ; I gave my reafons, but they were
called the fuggeftions of faction. The Minifter, trufting to
his own fagacity and forefight, paid no regard to the fore-
bodings of the gallant Admiral, who now fits at the head of
the Marine Department. The illuftrious feaman, than whom
I know not a better Officer, nor a more excellent citizen, de-
clared, that whoever occupied next year the place then held
by him, would be forced to call for an augmentation of fix
thoufand failors. Thefe words (hew that I was not fingular in
my opinion, and that other refpe&able perfons felt the approach
of war. I know not what the opinion of the Minifter may
be, but I ftill continue of the fame. I fmell war ; a calamity
which might have been eafily prevented, had our negociators
acted with fpirit and refoluiion in the affair of Corfica. . I
happened then to be at Paris ; and can with the greateft truth
affirm, that the French would have deemed your interpofition
the part of a friend. Tired and exhaufted with fuch an ef-'
fufion of blood and treafure, they would have thanked you for
any honourable pretence to withdraw from that fcene of fo
many difafters. But you aled then like poltroons, and pol-
troons
BRITISH SENATE. 81
froons always bring upon themfelves a fucceffion of infults.
And now, that like bullies, you hector and blufter, and run
fwaggering about, what will you do ? Where is there a man
nmong you who can make the proper arrangements for war ?
Whom will you appoint Commander in Chief? He, alas ! who
could fill that office with dignity and ability, is no more j and
no friend of Britain will refufe his memory a tear. For when
fhall we fee his lilcc again ? Regardlefs of money, and ftudious
only of true glory, he fought the applaufe and affection of "his
country, and he acquired them. , His honour (the late Marquis
of Granby) and integrity were unqueftioned : his courage,,
which was of the moft ardent and decifive kind, and covered him
with laurel, fo much the more honourable, that he did not em-
ploy the weight and authority thence derived to his own private
emolument, but for the public good. Such virtue, rare at any
time, was to be doubly prized in fuch an age as this. Such
talents might have given life and vigour to our military counfels.
But, fnatched away when we moft needed his heart and his
hand, he is, alas ! no more.
It is, however, fome confolation under this diftrefs, that we
have fuch an able Secretary at War. His fuperior talents will
make us amends for the lofs cf fo great a character. That
clearnefs for which his difpatches are fo remarkable, is a fuffi-
cient earneft for his future achievements. In the laft war,
fome of his letters to the Governor of Gibraltar were, if I re-
member right, unintelligiblcj fome were contradictory, and
all confufcd and perplexed. Hence the lofs of Minorca. If his
head produced fuch efrects, when he ailed only an under part,
what may we expect from it, where he is the fupreme director ?
It is not that the Noble Lord cannot write with fufficient per-
fpicuity, where the queftion is to deftroy his Majefty's fubjects.
There I confefs the power of his eloquence. There he is quite
intelligible. There he can infpire the foldiers with alacrity.
I wifli the Minlftry joy of fuch a fuperintendant of the military
VOL. I. G department j
82 BEAUTIES OFTHE
department ; but I am forry I cannot pay my country the fame
compliment.
Colonel Barre^ Nov. 13, 17/0.
THE Noble Lord at the head of the Treafury (Lord North)
is the greateft of all Contractors ; he is a Contractor for men ;
a Contractor for your flock, Mr. Speaker, (addrefling him-
felf to the Chair) ; a Contractor for the Reprefentatives of the
people. The Noble Lord propofed to give a place of a thou-
iand a year, provided a Noble Duke would prevail on the moft
infignificant Member in that Houie to vacate his feat in Par-
liament.
The Noble Duke behaved like a man upon the occafion ;
like a friend, like a brother : he rejected the villainous propofi-
tion that Noble Lord had the aflurance to make.
I am not acquainted with the Noble Lord. I have never fpoken
to him j I have never had the honour of being introduced to him ;
but I fincerely wiih him to fave his country and his own life. I
exhort him to call off his butchers and ravagers from the Colo-
nies j to retire with the reft of his Majefty's evil advifers from
the public government, and make way for honeft and wifer
Counfellors ; to turn from his wickednefs and live j it is not yet
too late to repent.
Lord George Gordon.) April 13, 1778.
THERE is but one anfwer I have to give, as applicable to
Adminiftration in a body. Oppofition are well warranted to
reply to them in the words of a celebrated author, (Swift's Gul-
liver) a little altered and enlarged ; where, at the conclufion of
his well-known Travels, he fay?, he could bear them well
enough in fome refpccts ; he could make allowances for their
incapacity, ignorance, folly, corruption, love of place, and emo-
lument ; he could pity them for their blunders, their wants,
weakiiefTes, and grofs ftupidity ; he felt for their miferable foli-
ation, knowing not whether to rufh headlong on certain ruin,
or
BRITISH SENATE. 83
or retreat with fafety : but defpicable, unprincipled, and detefted
as they arc, I had neverthelefs learned to treat their pcrfonS
with refpeft : yet, when fuch men grow abufive and infolent,
urge their claims of merit for what they deferve an axe ; when
I behold fuch men, in the very midft of thefe dire difafters- and
national misfortunes, endeavouring to contend that thofe mif-
fortunes do not exift, or if they do, that they ought juftly and
folely to be imputed to Oppofition ; to fee a lump of deformity
and difeafe, of folly and wickednefs, of ignorance and temerity,
fmitten with pride, immediately breaks all meafures of patience j
it being hardly conceivable, that fo much pride, vice, and folly,
can exift in the fame animal,
Mr. Fox, May 13, 1775.
I DO not rife, my Lords, with any intention to oppofe the
Motion for the Addrefs to his Majefty. The Speech from the
Throne, muft, in my mind, give very general fatisfa&ion j and
I fhall never defcend to the meannefs of a factious Oppofition.
If I were called upon to deliver my fentiments on the Speech, J
fhould rather find fault with it for its omiffions than for what it
contains. It fpeaks a language of zeal and earrie"ftnefs, and, as
far as it goes, is congenial with my feelings and ideas. But,
my Lords, having faid this, I may be permitted to ftate my rea-
fons for with-holding confidence from the prefent Adminiftra-
tion. I have no wi(h to inflame I am not inftigated by envy ;
I do not fpeak haftily, but on the moft mature deliberation I
muft declare, that I have no confidence in the prefent Minifters.
. My Lords, when I look back but a very few months to the
events in our hiftory, I do not hefitate to pronounce it as my
opinion, that the prefent Minifters have in one great meafure
attacked, if they have not deft-toyed, the conftitution of the
country. This is a bold aflertion ; but I do not throw it out
lightly and at hazard ; it is the refult of inquiry and difcuffion.
I fay, my Lords, that the conftitution of the country muft be
deftroyed, when a fet of men can feize on the reins of govern-
G 2 ment,
84. BEAUTIES OF THE
ment, and take the clofet of the King by afiault. I am ndt
weak enough to hazard this charge, eight months after the
e.vent, without having ferioufly weighed it in my mind j and I
fhould have delivered it at an earlier period, but that ! was ab-
fent in another place (Ireland). My fituation at that time I
accepted in duty to my Sovereign and country I was in-
troduced into it by no party 1 was neither the adherent nor
the dupe of any faction. I received it in the mod honourable
manner from the Crown ; and I maintained myfelf in the fitu-
atios by the pureft and moft upright means, by ailing under
the principles of the conilitution, and frudying the happinefs
and welfare of the country. When I faw the bold and uncon-
fiitutional attack that was made on the dignity of the Crown,
and on the fyftem of the country, I thought it high time to lay
at his Majefty's feet the commiflion (Lord Lieutenant of Ire-
land) which I had received. There was a time, my Lords,
when this Houfe was voted to be ufelcfs. On this occafion the-
bold faction did not proceed to this indecent length : but where,
my Lords, was the virtue, where the energy, where the influ-
ence and ufe of this Houfe, when they could fee and fuffer fuch
vin infringement to be made on- the conftitution ? This Houfe,
in that moment, was evidently a cypher, and in fo far I aver the
equilibrium of the legislature vras overturned. I fpeak from no
envy nor difappointment. The manner in which I accepted
and refi^ncd my office, will acquit me from the imputation of
intercfted motives ; and I do not fpeak from any factious defire
of felting up, an indifcrimina'te oppofition to his Majefty's go-
vernment.
I have reafons, from the conduct of Minifters fince they
came into office, for diftrufting them. The treaty with the
Americans is concluded ; both of that and of the definitive trea-
ties with France and Spain, they are certainly the legitimate
children of the preliminary articles; but having adopted the
iriue which they fo violently condemned, it furely became them
to have nurtured the offspring with the greateft care and tender-
nefs,
BRITISH SENATE. F 5
nef?, to have made them at leafl as vigorous ?.nd promifing as
poflible ; inftead of which, have they taken the meafures which
prudence and policy pointed out ? What is become of the com-
mercial treaty with America, from which fo much good fortune
was promifcd : has it not terminated in air ? The Gentleman
who was employed to negociate that treaty is returned from
Paris; the whole is broken off, and broken off for reafon?,
which, if his information was right, were ccnfurable. Thefe
reafons were not communicated to the public, but they were
perfectly well known to individuals. I am not willing to take
up rumours, and argue from the hearfay evidence of the day;
but reports are circulated with great opcnnefs, that this treaty
has not only been broken off, but is not likely to be renewed,
for reafons by no means favourable to the King's Minifters.
Preliminary articles are figned with Holland ; but give me
leave to fay, my Lords, that they alfo are but the legitimate off-
fpring of the meafures of the former Miniftry ; the advantages
procured in that treaty were fecured, and it will be required-
it muft be known why thefe preliminary articles have not yet
been wrought up into a definitive treaty. Why have we not
yet begun even to reap the advantages of this peace ? Why have
not our Ministers been more vigorous and decifive in giving
the finifhing hand to a treaty, which they boaft to be fo
profitable ?
The critical and very ferious affairs of the Eaft-Indies, pro-
perly make a paragraph in the Speech from the Throne : it cer-
tainly was time that the nation fhould begin to reap the advan-
tages of the elaborate inquiries which had taken place. I muft
confefs, I have not undergone the fatigue of reading thofe vo-
luminous reports and papers which are on the table of the Houfe
of Commons ; but the fubjecl muft be inftantly difcuffed, and I
much doubt, whether, by being delayed fo long, we ftiall not
want other information, and more recent materials than any of
v;hich we are now pofleffed.
G * The
& BEAUTIES OF THE
The ftate of the funds, my Lords, call for the moft ferious
confideration : at this inftant, they are more deprefled than
almoft at any period during the late diftrefs and exertions of the
nation, nay, even in the moment of threatened invafion : and,
indeed, it was likely to be fo, when, along with the other caufes,
there was fo immenfe a fum as three or four and twenty millions
of unfounded debt, part of which bore an intereft of eight per
cent. Was it not fingular, that his Majefty's Minifters fhould
not have thought fit to recommend from the Throne, the imme-
diate and earneft confideration of the funds, and to take notice
of their late extraordinary fall a fall which could not be the
effect of chance, but of a fixed and alarming caufe ? It would
not have been improper to have ftated what they mean to do
in this bufinefs, that the minds of the ftockholders might be
quieted.
I now come, my Lords, to mention a matter of the mod
delicate kind ; and, when I prefume to touch it all, I do it
with pain to myfelf and anxiety. But your Lordfhips may
conceive that I feel myfelf particularly interefled in whatever
belongs to Ireland. Surely Minifters, on this delicate ground,
{hould have given us fome general confolatory expreffion,
merely to quiet the fufpicions that muft be excited by their total
jfilence if they had done no more than juft echoed the Ad-
drefles of the Houfe of Lords and Commons, and framed any
general words which might have (hewn their difpofition to
harmony and union.
I faid, my Lords, that I did not mean to give any oppofition
to the Motion for the Addrefs, nor to fuggeft any Amendment.
I have delivered to you my reafon for diftrufting the King's
Minifters I (hall certainly watch their conduct, and in doing
fo, without being inftigated by fadtious motives, I fhall, in my
place, ftate whatever appears to me to be cenfurable or injurious.
Earl Temple , Nov. 12, 1/83.
I HAVE
BRITISH SENATE. 87
I HAVE watched the debate with great attention, and have
endeavoured to find out if any thing fell in the courfe of it, that
would afford the leaft hopes of an union of parties, but in vain.
Nothing of that kind has been hinted at ;" and I am forry to have
obferved, that thofe who have taken part in the debate, and are
known to be the moft intimate with the Right Hon. Gentle-
man, (Mr. Fox) and the neareft about him, have all, more or
lefs, indulged themfelves in perfonal afperides : which pretty
plainly (hews, that the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr, Pitt) has
not been fincerely inclined to union all along. The fort of at-
tack that has this day been made on my Right Hon. Friend is
what he by no means deferves ; and I am the more forry, be-
caufe, undoubtedly, fuch is the ftate of the country, that all the
abilities of this Houfe are wanted to reftore it to its proper ftate
of vigour and profperity. The great and extraordinary talents
of the two Right Hon.Gentlemen are univerfally acknowledged ;
but as far as regards that circumftance, I am not forry for the
contefts that have occurred, fmce this Houfe has aflembled after
the recefs of the laft fummer, as they have given occafion for a
farther difplay of the abilities of each of the Right Hon. Gentle-
men, that has called forth greater admiration and greater won-
der. 1 cannot but exprefs my aftpnifhment to hear Gentlemen
complaining that there is no charge made againft the Right
Hon. Gentleman, (Mr. Pitt) nor any fault imputed to him.
In the prefent cafe it would have been a little extraordinary if
there had been any charge or imputation, becaufe there is not
the fmalleft occafion for either. The Queftion has nothing
perfonal in it ; it throws no difgrace on the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman oppofite to him, nor on his colleagues. When Sir Ro-
bert Walpole had a Motion for his removal made againft him,
there was not any charge thought neccllary ; it was held to be
enough that he had loft the confidence of this Houfe ; and when,
upon the divifion, it appeared that Sir Robert had but a majority
of one in his favour, he thought that a fufficient hint, and he no
longer appeared as a Minifter. But no charge had been called
G 4 for
8S , BEAUTIES OF THE
for [A cry from the Treafury Bench of, yes there was /] But
1 muft deny that there was any. After Sir Robert had been
rnade a Peer, I am perfectly aware that a Secret Committee was
inftituted for the purpofe of inveftigating all the tranfa6Hons of
the paft ten years of his life, and every body knows in what
manner the Secret Committee was put an end to. In the pre-
fent cafe it has been alked, " what, no fault imputed r" So far
from any faults being capable of being imputed to the Right
Hon. Gentleman, I proteft I do not know any perfonlefs cul-
pable. The facl is, the Houfe Has thought proper to deny its
confidence to the Right Hon. Gentleman, not with any view to
profcription in future, but merely on account of the grounds
upon which he came into ofHce ; and no Minifler can think of
Handing after this Houfe has withdrawn its confidence. It
never has been done, nor indeed ever attempted. Let the Right
Hon. Gentleman reflect a little how extraordinary it is, there-
fore, for him to perfifl in keeping his place. Not that I mean
to blame him for it. I like his fpirit, He has i 1 ;
proved, what I always thought he would prove, fit to b.
nifter. But let the Right Hon. Gentleman look to the manner
in which a period has been put to former Adminiftrations. The
Earl of Shelburne loft his fituation by the peace he made ; a
peace which I always confidercd as a good thing for the couiitrr,
but of which I now entertain ten times a better opinion than
before -, becaufe if the war had continued, and the divifions and
contefts we had been lately engaged in taken place, the coun-
try muft have been utterly ruined. The Earl of Shelburne, up-
on a majority of fixteen onlyagainft him in this Houfe, though
tvith a confiderable majority in the other Houfe, thought fit to
retire. My Noble Friend in the blue ribbon aifo, had not had
a majority againft him two years ago, but he neverthelefs thought
it right to retire, when he faw his majority rapidly decreafmg.
My Noble Friend has done wifely in fo retiring. I thought
and fatd fo at the time, having, as I recoiled, ftood up pretty
nearly in the fame place in which I now ftand, and advifed my
Noble
BRITISH SENATE. 89
Noble Friend to take the hint and retire. Miniflers may ima-r
gine whatever thcypleafe, but it is impoflible for them to re-
main after this Houfe has denied them their confidence. I arn
well known to be a friend to the prerogative of the Crown, but
that prerogative has been lately exercifed in fo lavifti a way, that
though I would not point it out as a fault imputable to the
Right Hon. Gentleman, (Mr. Pitt) yet certainly it has been
ufed in fuch a manner, as to excite and dcferve the notice of
this Houfc. The Crown has an undoubted right to diftribute
honours, but it never has been held to be a right or a conftitu-
tional exercife of the prerogative to lavifh honours and titles in
luch a manner as has of late been the cafe. This Houfe has
feen four peerages within the Lift month, and I underftand there
is a promife of thirteen or fourteen more. It is not a little ex-
traordinary that three out of four are bedewed on Gentlemen
from Cornwall, a county that was ever remarkable for more of
what is called rotten boroughs than any other county in the
kingdom. I do not mean to abufe the Gentlemen who have
received thefe honours, but it cannot efcape the notice of the
Houfc, that It is extraordinary they fhould happen to be created
juft now, and three of them out of fuch a county. The Duke
of Northumberland has but lately come into that county, and,
tottering as he is under the load of ribbons and honours, an<J
other favours of the Crown, he has been decked with one more
honour. How the Noble Duke came by his former honours,
you all know; perhaps it might be guefled at, why he has an
additional honour granted him at this time. When I fay this,
I declare I mean nothing derogatory to the Noble Duke ; I
have a very high refpecfr for him ; but I thought it right to ob-
fcrve a little upon this matter, fince my Right Hori. Friend has
been ridiculed, becaufe he could not, when Minifter, make a
fmgle Peer. The fa certainly was fo. My Right Hon.
Friend has alfo lately been fneered at, and it has been faid, that
his majorities did not increafe. I will venture to fay, that the
Houfe, under fuch temptations, has evinced unexampled inte-
go BEAUTIES OF THE
grity, and daring diuntereftednefs. Had my Right Kon. Friend
had it in his power to make one-half, and prornife feven out of
the fourteen Peers he had mentioned, I would have undertaken
to have anfwered for his majorities having mcreafed, rather than
decreafed. With regard to the reafon of making tbefe Peers
juft now, I conceive it not to have been fo much, becaufe the
perfons fo to be honoured were wanted to do the bufmefs in the
Houfe of Lords, but becaufe there were others wanted to do
bufinefs in the Houfe of Commons. The advifing his Majefty
to difmifs his Minilters about Chriftmas was a raih and foolifh
thing; but having done fo, the prefentMinifters {hould com-
plete the bufinefs. They {hould have inftantly diilblved the
prefent Parliament. That would have been acting rightly and
wifely; not that I mean to fpeak inconfiftently with my former
opinion againft a diflblution. All I mean now is, that a mea-
fure which I by no means approve, could only have been ren-
dered of any effect by being immediately followed up by another
meafure, which I likewife, abftractedly confidered, deemed
equally rafh and improper. I voted for Mr. Fox's India Bill,
becaufe I thought upon the whole the Bill a good one.
There were parts of it, undoubtedly, which wanted, and which
I was pretty certain would now receive the neceifary improve-
ment. Mr. Pitt's Bill I will call by no nick -name ; I will apply
no watch-word of a party to it ; I will barely fay it does not
appear to me to have been any thing like effectual, or equal to
the real neceffity of the cafe. With regard to the patronage
the Bill gave,^I had, at any time, rather truft a large influence,
broad and ofWnfible, in the hands of a Minifter, properly re- .
jponfible, than the fmalleft portion of an influence, fecret in its
nature, in any hands whatever. Before I fit down, however
warmly I may have delivered myfelf, I hope I have not fpoken
effenfively ; I am fure I had no intention to do fo.
Mr. R&y, Feb. 8, 1784.
AMERICAN
BRITISH SENATE. 91
AMERICAN AFFAIRS.
* I ^ HERE are two things which Miniftry have laboured to
JL deceive the People in, and have perfuaded them to; firft,
that it was an affair of Bofton only, and that the very appear-
ance of one fingle regiment there, would quiet every thing.
I have foretold the falfehood of both ; I was converfant with
that country more, more years, perhaps, than any manj I
knew the caufe of Bofton would be made the caufe of Ame-
rica ; I knew the mode of the Military would not be effectual.
The manner of proceeding againft Bofton, was a profcrip-
tion of a People unheard ; unheard in any Court, either in the
common Courts of Juftice, or the higher, of Parliament, in
both of which, evidence of facts are ftated in proof of crimi-
nality j but the Americans were denied to be heard. The Peo-
ple of America condemned, and not heard, have a right to
refift.
By whofe advice vindictive counfels were purfued by whofe
advice falfe reprefentations were made by whofe advice ma-
lice and ill-will were made principles of governing a free Peo-
ple ; all thele are queftions that will be afked. I mean no
perfonal charge on any man farther than his mifdoings call for.
Ther* ought to be fome inftant proceeding towards a fettle-
ment before meeting of the Delegates. My object is to put
the foot on the threfhold of Peace, and to (hew an intention
of reconciling ; I will, unlefs I am fixed to a fick bed I will
attend this bufmefs throughout, till I fee America obtain what
I think fatisfaclion for her injuries ftill attentive that fhe fhall
own the fupremacy of this country.
It would be my advice to his Majefty to end this quarrel the
fooneft poflible ; his repofe is our duty. Who by mif-advice
had planted a thorn in his fide, by a conteft with a People deter-
mined on their purpofe r
Iwifh
9 2 BEAUTIES OF THE
I wifh to offer myfelf, mean as I am I have a Plan, a Plan,
of a Settlement ; fojid, honourable, and lafting.
America means only to have fafety in Property, and per-,
fonal Liberty. Thefe, and thefe only were her objecl:. Inde-,
pendency was falfely charged on her.
I difclaim all metaphytical diftin&ions.
The Declaratory Aft leaves you a right to take their money
when you pleafe.
I mean to meddle with no man's opinion ; and leaving all
men to follow the Plan of their own opinions of former pro-
feffions, my Plan is to eftablifh for the American an unequi-
vocal, exprefs right of not having his Property taken from him
but by his own Confent, in his own AfTembly.
Eight weeks delay admits no farther hefitation, no, not of a
moment ; the thing may be over j a drop of blood renders it
immedicalile vttlnus.
Whether it can ever now be a true Reconciliation, muft be
owing to the full compenfation that America fhall receive.
Repeal the mutual ill-will that fubfifts, for it is not the repeal
of a little A& of Parliament that will work Peace. Will the
repeal of a bit of parchment avail ? Will, think you, three
millions of People in Arms be fatisfied by fuch a repeal ? It
muft be a repeal on the principle of Juflice ? There muft be no
procraftination j you are to a moment now inftantaneoufly.
Every hour, that a beginning is not made towards foftening,
towards healing ! the very news of which might work won-
ders endangers the fixed Liberty of America, and the honour
ef the Mother Country.
The fuccefs and permanent effect of the beft meafures may
arife from mutual good-will.
My Motion is part of a Plan j and I begin with a proof of
good-will. My Motion is, " to addrefs the King to remove
<* the Forces from the town of Bofton."
The Congrefs, they are more wife, and more prudent than
the meeting of ancient Greece. Your Lordfhips have read
BRITISH SENATE* 93
He mentions nothing of ancient ftory more ho-
nourable, more refpe&able, than this defpifed meeting.
The Congrefs is treated harfhly I wifh we would imitate
their temper ; firm, indeed, if you pleafe but Congrefs is con-
ducted with firmnefs and moderation. I wi(h our Houfe of
Commons as freely and uncorruptly chofen.
The proceedings from hence arife from ignorance of the
circumftances of America. The idea of coercion by Troops,
where they were not the natural refource, was wanton and
idle.
Anger was your motive in all you did. " What ! fhall
" America prefume to be free ? Don't hear them chaftife
" them !" This was your language cajligat auditque the fe-
vereft Judge, though he chaftifes, alfo hears the party.
All the mifchief has arifen from your anger j for your not
adapting your means^to your ends ; troops and violence were
ill means to anfwer the ends of Peace.
I underftand Government is not altogether fatisfied with the
Commander of your troops; he has not been quick enough to
(hed blood ; his moderation is ridiculed : but I know that Gen-
tleman, an Officer of long fervice, has a&ed prudently ; it was
want of wifdom to place an army there I have heard of armies
of obfervation, but this is an army of irritation.
In the civil war of Paii;, where thofe great men, the Prince
of Conde and Marfhal Turenne commanded the two parties '
Marfhal Turenne was faid often to have been near the Prince.
The Queen was angry ; (he did not fee why, when he was fo
near the Prince, he fhould not take him ; (he was offended,
and with fome anger afked, '* Quand vcus etiezfi pris^ poitrquoi
" n'avez-vous ptis pris le Prince?" That great Officer who
knew his bufmefs, anfwered coolly, " J' avals peur, Madame %
" qull tie m'fut prit."
The Miniftry tell you, that the Americans will not abide by
the Congrefs ; they are tired of the Aflbciation ; true, many
of the Merchants may be but it docs not now depend on the .
Merchants,
94 BEAUTIES OFTHE
Merchant?, nor do the accounts come even from the principal
Merchants, but from the runners of Miniftry. But were the
difiatisfaction among the Merchants ever fo great, the account
is no way conformable to the nature of America.
The nation of America, who have the virtues of the People
they Iprung from, will not be flaves. Their language is, if
Trade and Slavery are companions, we quit the Trade j let
Trade and Slavery go where they will, they are not for us.
Your anger reprefents them as refractory and ungrateful, in
not fubmitting to the parent they fprung from ; but they are in
truth grown anacceffion of ilrength to this country ; they know
their importance ; they wifh to'continue their utility to you ;
but though they may be fick of the Aflbciation, thofe fons of
the earth will never be difluaded from their Aflbciation.
After the repeal of the Stamp A&, two years after, I was in
the country an hundred miles off; a Gentleman who knew the
country, told me, that if regiments had landed at that time,
and fhips had been fent to deftroy the towns, they had come to
a refolution to retire back into the country. It is a fact a
Noble Lord fmiles; if I were to mention the Gentleman's name,
it would not increafe his fmile.
I wifti the young Gentlemen of our time, would imitate
thofe Americans that are mifreprefented to them ; I wifh they
would imitate their frugality ; I wifh they would imitate that
Liberty which the Americans love better than life ; imitate that
courage which a love of Liberty produces.
One word more. I 1 will fend my Plan, if the flare of a
miferable conflitution ftretches me on a fick-bed. It is to put
an end to the quarrel. " What before you know whether they
u will come to terms ?" Yes, let my expectations be what they
will, I fhould recall the troops ; it partakes of a nullity to ac-
cept fubmiffion under the influence of arms.
I foretel, thefe Bills muft be repealed. I fubmit to be called
an idiot if they are not ; three millions of men ready to be
armed, and talk of forcing them ?
4 There
BRITISH SENATE. 95
There may be dangerous men, and dangerous men and dan-
gerous councils, who would inftil bad doctrines, advife the
enflaving of America ; they might not endanger the Crown,
perhaps, but they would render it not worth the wearing.
The caufc of America is allied to every true Whig. They
will not bear the enflaving of America. Some Whigs may
love their fortunes better than their principles ; but the body
of Whigs will join; they will not enfiave America. The
whole Irifh nation, all the true Englifh Whigs, the whole na-
tion of America, thefe combined make many millions of Whigs,
averfe to the fyftem. France has her full attention upon you ;
war is at your door ; carrying a queftion here, will not fave
your country in fuch extremities.
This being the ftate of things, my advice is, to proceed
to allay heats ; I would at the inftant begin, and do fomething
towards allaying and foftening refentment.
My Motion, you fee, refpects the army, and their dangerous
fituation. Not to undervalue General Gage, who has ferved
with credit, he ads upon his inftru&ions j if he has not been
alert enough to med blood ;
Non dlmicare qu*m sincere maluit.
And he judged well. The Americans too have acted with a.
prudence and moderation, that had been worthy of our example,
were we wife ; to their moderation it is owing, that our troops
have folong remained in fafety.
Mal-Adminiftration has run its line it has not a move
left it is a check-mate.
Forty thoufand men are not adequate to the idea of fubduing
them to your Taxation. Taxation exifts only in Reprefenta-
tion ; take them to your hoart, who knows what their generofity
may effect ?
I am not to be undcrftood as meaning a naked, uncondi-
tional repeal , no, I would maintain the fuperiority of this coun-
try at all events.
But
$6 BEAUTIES OF THE
But you are anxious who fhall difartn firft. That great
Poet, and, perhaps, a wifer and greater Politician than ever
he was a Poet, has given you wifeft counfel, follow it :
Tuque prior, tit parce ; genus qul duds Olympo.
Projlce tela manu. -
Who is this man that will own this fyftem of force as prac-
ticable ? And is it not the height of folly to purfue a fyftem
that is owned to be impracticable.
I therefore move, that an humble Addrefs be prefented to hi>
Majefty, moft humbly to advife and befeech his Majefty, that,
in order to open the ways towards an happy fettlement of the
dangerous troubles in America, by beginning to allay ferments
and foften animofities there ; and above all, for preventing in
the mean time, any fudden and fatal cataftrophe at Bofton,
now fuffering under the daily irritation of an army before their
eyes, pofted in their town, it may gracioufiy pleafe his Majefty,
that immediate orders may be difpatched to General Gage, for
removing his Majefty's forces from the town of Bofton, as foon
as the rigour of the feafon, and other circumftances indifpen-
fable to the fafety and accommodation of the faid troops may
render the fame practicable.
The Earl of Chatham, Jan. 20, 1775.-
I ENTIRELY agree with the Honourable Gentleman who
feconded the Motion for an Addrefs to his Majefty, that every
man ought now to fpeak out ; and in a moment fo important
as the prefent to the whole empire, I think it ill becomes the
dignity and duty of Parliament to lofe itfelf in fuch a fulfome,
adulatory Addrefs to the Throne as that now propofed. We
ought rather, Sir, to approach our Sovereign with found and
wholefome advice, and even with Remonftranccs againft the
condu& of his Minifters, who have precipitated the nation into
an unjuft, ruinous, felonious and murderous war. I call the
war with our brethren in America an unjuft, felonious w~r,
becaufe
BRITISH SENATE. 97
tccaufc the primary caufe and confefTed origin of it i?, to at-
tempt to tnke their money from them without their confent,
contrary to the common rights of all mankind, and thofe great
fundamental principles of the Englifh conftitution, for which
Hampden bled. I aflert, Sir, that it is in confequence a
murderous war ; becaufe it is an attempt to deprive men of
their lives, for {landing up in the juft caufe of the defence of
their property and their clear rights. It becomes no lefs a mur-
derous war, with refpecl: to many of our fellow- fubje&s of this
jfland : for every man, either of the navy or army, who has
been fent by government to America, and has fallen a victim in
this unnatural and unjuft conteft, has been murdered by Admi-
niftration, and his blood lies at their door. Such a war, I fear,
Sir, will draw down the vengeance of heaven upon this devoted
kingdom.
i think this war, Sir, fatal and ruinous to our country. It
abfolutely annihilates the only great fource of our wealth, which
we enjoyed unrivaled by other nations ; and deprives us of the
fruits of the laborious induftry of near three millions of fub-
jedts, which centered here. That commerce has already taken
its flight, and our American Merchants are now deploring the
confequences of a wretched policy, which has been purfued to
their deftruction. It is, Sir, no lefs ruinous with regard to
the enormous expences of the fleets and armies necefiary for
this nefarious undertaking ; fo that we are wafting our prefent
wealth, while we are deftroying the fources of all we might
have in future.
I fpeak, Sir, as a friend to England and America, but ftill
more to univerfal liberty, and the rights of all mankind. I
truft no part of the fubjedis of this vaft empire will ever fubmit
to be flaves. I am fure the Americans are too high fpirited to
brook the idea. Your whole power, and that of your allies, if
you had any, and of all the German troops you can hire, cannot
effba fo wicked a purpofe. The condu& of the prefent Admi-
niftration has already wrefted the fceptre of America out of the
- H hands
9 8 BEAUTIES OF rtiz
hands of our Sovereign, and you have now fcarcely a Pou-
mailer left in the whole northern continent ; more than half
the empire is already loft, and almoft all the reft is in con-
fufion and anarchy. The Miniftry have brought our Sovereign.'
. into a more difgraceful fituation than any crowned head now
living. He alone has already loft, by their fatal counfels,,,
more territory than the three great united powers of Ruflia,
Auftria, and Prufiia have together robbed Poland of; and by
equal ah of violence and injuftice from Adminiftration.
England was never engaged in a conteft of fuch importance
to our moft valuable concerns and pofleflions. We are fighting
for the fubje&ion of a country infinitely more extended than
cur own ; of which every day increafes the wealth, the natural
ftrength, and population. Should we not fucceed, it would be
a bofom friendmip foured to hate and refentment. We mall
be confidered as their moft implacable enemies ; an eternal
feparation will fucceed, and the grandeur of the Britifti em-
pire pafs away. Succefs feems to me not equivocal, but im-
poflible. However we may differ among ourfelves, they are*
perfectly united. On this. fide the Atlantic, party-rage un-j
happily divides us ; but one foul animates the vaft northern'
continent of America, the General Congrefs, and each Pro-
vincial Afiembly. An appeal has been made to the fword, and;
at the clofe of the laft campaign, what have we conquered ?
Bunker's-hill, with the lofs of 1200 men. Are we to pay as
dearly for the reft of America-? The idea of conqueft is as
romantic as unjuft.
The Honourable Gentleman who moved the Addref^, fays,
" The Americans have been treated with lenity." Was your
Bofton Port Bill a meafure of lenity ? Was your Fifhery Bill
a meafure of lenity ? Was your Bill for taking i:\vay the Charter
of the MafTachufctt's Bay a meafure of lenity, or even jufticc ?
I omit your many other grols provocations and infults, by which
the brave Americans have been driven into their prefent ftate.
He afierts, that they avow a difpofition to be independent. On
the
BRITISH SENATE. 99
iiic contrary, Sir, a'l the declarations both of the late and the
prefent Congrefs, uniformly tend to this one object, of being
put on the fame footing they were in the year 1763. This
has been their only demand, from which they have never varied.
Their daily prayers are for liberty, peace, ami fafety. I ufe
the words of the Congrefs lad year. They juftly expect to be
put on an equal footing with the other fubjccts of the empire.
If you confine all our trade to yourfelves, fay they ; if you
make a monopoly of our commerce j if you fhut all other ports
of the world againft us, tax us not too. If you do, then give
us a free trade, fuch as you enjoy yourfelves ; let us have
equal advantages of commerce, all <3ther ports open to us j
then we can, and cheerfully will pay taxes.
It muft give, Sir, every man who loves his country, the
tiecpeft concern, at the naming in the Addrefs foreign troops,
Hanoverians and Heffians, who are now called to interfere Jn
bur domeftic quarrels, not to dwell this day on the illegality of
the meafure. The militia, indeed, are now employed, and
that noble inftitution is at prefent complimented by Miniflers,
who hate the very name of a militia, becaufe the embodying
of thefe forces enables Adminiftration to butcher more of our
fellow-fubje&s in America.
Mr. Wilkes* Oci. 26, 1775.
I AM ftill clear, my LordSj as to the right this country has
to exercife its fovereignty over America by taxation. I had
no hand in pafling the Stamp Aft, in the Declaratory Bill, in
the Bill laying -Duties upon Ttas, and other commodities, in
the partial repeal of that Act, nor yet in the infanity of fend-
ing the tea to America without repealing the duty. From
theie and other caufes, together with the imbecillity of Admi-
niftration, this country is reduced to a fituation fo deplorable,
that the wifeft and honeftefl man in the kingdom can propofa
nothing that promifes an happy and honourable iflue. I feel
that I fpeak in fetters j I therefore will not prefs arguments on
H 2 either
ioo BEAUTIES OF THE
cither fide to their full extent. The next eafterly wind will
carry to America wh.it (hall fall from any, and from every
Lord in the Houfe. I do not wifli that the nakedneis of my
country and its weaknefs, fhould ftand confirmed by the au-
thority and function of teftimonies given here. It is a time to
act, and not to talk. Much is to be done, and little faid. The
die of war is caft, the fword is drawn, and the fcabbard thrown
away. With great refpedt to your Lordfhips, wife as you are,
and no doubt the great hereditary council of the King and
kingdom, yet allow me to fay, you are not enabled to decide
upon matters of fuch tranfcendent importance and difficulty,
without having the fulleft materials before you, which you moft
certainly have not. This is a queftion for the Minifters to
decide, who muft be fuppofed to have the fulled information : the
execution will likewife lie with them. They have decided ; and
it is to be wifhed they have at laft fome well-confidered plan :
not only taking into pay all the troops that can be got, at any
rate, but alfo how they can be fupported, fupplied, and enabled
to act with eftet; in fhort, a plan confifting of a great variety
of efficient parts. If I had the honour of being in the King's
Council (which thank God I hr.ve not) I (hould expeJt the
ampleft information before I fhould decide ; but decide I would,
and abide by the decifion. Retired, however, as I now am,
and uninformed, I have not prefumption enough to give an
opinion, nor do I hold myfelf fpecially called upon to do it.
My country is, indeed, reduced to a deplorable condition. We
are driven between Scylla and Charybdis, and it will be tranf-
cendently difficult to fleer the vefTel of the ftate into a fafe port.
I muft be allowed freely to confefs, that I have not a good
opinion of the King's fervants. Part experience will not juitify
confidence. I cannot, therefore, anfvver to myfelf or to my
country, the trufting fuch men with the expenditure of ten
millions ; and laying the foundation of lavifhing many more,
our laft ftake ; thereby accelerating that bankruptcy, which,
foor.tr or later, I fear, by adopting either meafure, is become
inevitable.
BRITISH SENATE. icj
inevitable. Nor am I, on the other hand, fo friendly to them,
as by declaring our utter inability to reduce America, to fur-
nifh them with a golden bridge for concluding an inglorious
peace, on any the moft ruinous and difgractful terms. I cannot
confent to throw this once great and glorious country at the
feet of America ; and there humbly implore fuch peace, as {he,
in her generofity and magnanimity {hall condefcend to grant
us. I am not yet made to the idea of hanging out a white flag
of furrender. To thofe who lament the prefent moft melan-
choly ftate of the Colonies, once fo profperous and flourifhing,
beyond the example of any others known in the annals of time,
I cannot help obferving, that I rejoice in the teftimony, becaufe
it does honour to the government of England, under whofe
care and influence they had profpered fo wonderfully. I do
verily believe, that till the late troubles, they had infinitely lefs
to complain of than the Mother Country herfclf ; and that,
feparated as they are by the vaft Atlantic, it was not in the
nature gf things, that there muft not be much to complain of,
tho* not fufficient to juftify their ingratitude to the Parent State.
I cannot blame a determination to make peace, fword in hand ;
the fooner it can be had upon reafonable, fafe, and honourable
terms, the better for both countries. J never did declare,
whether I thought it was confident with found policy to impofe
any new tax upon America, and it will hardly be expected that
I fhould decide it now, I have heard it called an unjuft war ;
I know not who in this Houfe have a right to call it fo. Infinite
fagacity and difcretion are neceflary to the attainment of wiut
all alike, I am perfuaded, muft eagerly wifh. When the happy
and favourable moment for conciliation (hall arrive, I hope the
Minifters will feize it, and I fincerely with them fuccefs. At
leaft at fuch a crifis, I will not hang upon the wheels of
Government, and thereby render what is already but too diffi-
pult, the more impracticable.
EarlTtmpki March 5, 1776.
H 3 MY
IC2 BEAUTIES OF THE
MY Lords, I have not the arrogance to think, that what I
fhall fubmit to your Lordfhips has efcaped the vigilance of all
your Lordflhip's judgments : I have not the vanity to imagine,
that the arguments my circumfcribed talents may fuggeft to me
to ufe, can have the good fortune to perfuade the majority
of this Houfe, unlefs they fhould meet with the fupport of men
of greater weight. Some there are who chance to be abfent,
xvhofe great authorities I muft lament the lofs of. But, my
Lords, if what I may offer fhould throw any light upon a fub-
jedt as interefting as ever arcfe fince Britain has extended her
power beyond the confines of the ifle, I fhall at leaft have the
i'ati; fiction to think, I have not buried my ideas; I have not
been wanting in that duty, which, from the rank we hold in
life, is mine, is that of every Lord in this Houfe. My Lords,
for a paltry fet of words, for an unreafonable claim of power,
for a fafcinatiag afiertion of impracticable authority, for an
airy nothing, a viConary fliadow of ideal revenue, impoffible to
.be raifed but by the confent of that people whofe contributions
we fo much thirft after, and whcfe confent we do defpife, has
Britain been duped into an unnatural war, where victory or
defeat muft each enfeeble this lately great empire : a war car-
ried on againft a part of our fellow-fubjects, whofe numbers,
at leaft, equal a fifth of the whole ; and who in extent of
country fo far exceeds the fize of Britain, that the comparifon
of her is but as a fpeck in the difk of the fun. I will not dwell
on the difadvantages our army muft labour under from the far-
extended diftance of the war ; a common map, to the com-
moneft underftanding, muft demonftrate more than rhetoric can
paint. But, my Lords, it has been your pleafure to enter into
this war ; the matter has been laid before you, and often has
been debated, and your Lordfhips, in your judgment?, have
deemed it neceflary to correct the faucy freedom of high-
minded fons, grown up to manly age ; to check in your Ame-
rican children that independent fpirit, that ftrange love of
liberty, which, where permitted to take root, does fo infatuate
mankind,
BRITISH SENATE. 103
mankind, and which has long been the honour and fufety
of this Ifle. You have thought it right to curb their ideas of
property, which lead them to imagine, we have no right to
take any part of that property away from them without their free
confent. My Lords, I refpect the Decifions of the Majorities
of this Houfe ; but if thefe Decifions may have arifen from
any peculiar circumftances now no more exifting ; if they may
have fprung from falfe or miftaken intelligence ; if the whole dif-
pofition of things, from various accidents and events, may have
become totally different ; perhaps it may not be unworthy your
Lordlhips wifciom to reconfider what you have decided, to re-
vife your judgments, to retrace the iteps we may have too
hafiily trod. My Lords, in the beginning of our unhappy
contefts with America, thofe who debated the matter on the
fide of the ruling Power of Government, ftated not only the
ncceflity, but the great facility of forcing to a compliance
with all the demands of Government, fuch Colonies as mould
dare to offer their vain refiftance : we are told they had not
ftrength for war, they had not means of war, they had not
union among thcmfelves , that they wanted money, that they
wanted difcipline, that they wanted Officers: and, to fum up the
whole, to make them contemptible even as fubmiffive fubjec'ts,
that they poflefled not courage to face an Englifti Soldier,
whofc birth on this fide the Atlantic endowed him with that
intrepid fpirit, an American, whom even neceflity had inured
to toils, could never afpire to reach. The Decifions, my
Lords, of Adminiflration, gave them union ; the refufal to
hear their Petitions, confined the whole in a firm knot of calm,
deliberate, 'defperate determination to refifj:. Money, which is
but the type of property, was foon fupplicd by a type of equal
fenfe and ufe ; even perfonal freedom gave way to public fe-
curity, ahd perfonal property was facrificed to the neceffities
of the rifing State. The difaffeaion was general, and Britifh
Governors now no longer adminifter Law in Britifii America,
flow true the charge of wanting martial fpirit proved, let thofe
H 4 relate
104 BEAUTIES OF THE
relate who firft favv the blood f civil war fpilt at Lexington.
To 'thofe who faved the honour of the day, at the bloody
forcing of the lines on Bunker's-Hill, to thofe who faw the
Britifh valour checked, may I fafely refer for a full confutation
of the abfurd fuppofition, that men defcended from the fame
line as ourfelves, whofe all is at flake, who think their caufe
juft, would, like the moft enervated Afiatic tribe, yield a
bloodlefs victory. My Lords, the hiftory of human nature
teaches us, that the greateft talents often lie hid in the moft
difguifed obfcurity, till accident, till the buftle of the times,
calls forth the genius, and lights the ethereal fpark ; then do
thefe meteors caft an unexpected blaze : an Apothecary's late
'prentice leads forth, armies, difplays the warrior's fkill, the
warrior's intrepidity, and meets a death a Roman might have
envied : another, who, in' peacesble times, might have never
rofe to greater praife than a jockey's fkill, amidir, every rigour
of an inclement feafon, in an inclement country, aftonifhes us
with a march a Hannibal would have admired, and carries the
alarm of war to the walls of a great city, which muft pro-
bably have yielded to the boldnefs of the undertaking, had not
a Carleton faved it. I am not making a panegyric on American
prowefs, though great achievements, even by an enemy,
will ever meet my praife. But, my Lords, thefe are fails in-
capable of difpute. To come now, my Lords, to that which
has cafl the deepeft ftain on the glory of the Britifh arms, to
that which muft roufe the indignation of all who feel for her
difgrace : the army of Britain, equipped with every poiTible
efTential of war, a chofen army, with chofen Officers, backed
with the power of a mighty fleet, fent to correct revolted fub-
jec.1s, fent to chaftife a refifting city, fent to affert Britain's au-
thority, has for many tedious months been imprifoned within
that town by the Provincial Army, who, their watchful guards,
permitted them no inlet to the country, who braved all their
efforts, and defied all their fkill and abilities in war could ever
attempt. One way, indeed, of efcape was left ; the fleet is
yet
BRITISH SENATE. 105
yet refpe&ed j to the fleet the army has recourfe , and Britifh.
Generals, whofe names never met with a blot of drfhonour,
are forced to quit that town which was the firft object of the
war, the immediate caufe of hoftilities, the place of arms,
which has coft this nation more than a million to defend.
The Duke of Mancbejler, May 10, 1776.
I HAVE been reading a work given us by a country, that is
perpetually employed in productions of merit I believe it is
not yet publifhed the Kiftory of Philip the lid j and there
find, that that tyrannical monarch never dreamt of the tyranny
exercifed by this Adminiftration. Gods ! Sir, fhall we be told,
that you cannot annalyze grievances ! that you can have no
communication with Rebels, becaufe they have declared for
Independency! Shall you be told this, when the tyrant Philip
did it after the fame circumftance in the Netherlands. By
Edict he allowed their (hips to enter their ports, and fuffered
them to depart in peace ; he treated with them ; made them
Propofitions ; and pofitively declared that he would redrefs all
their grievances. And James the lid, when he was failing
from France, at the head of a formidable force, affifted lik?
you by foreign troops, and having a great party in the king-
dom, ftill offered fpecific terms ; while his exceptions of par-
don were few, amongft the reft my honourable friend's an-
ceftor, Sir Stephen Fox. But you will offer none ; you fimply
tell them to lay down their arms, and then you will do juft as
you pleafe. Could the moft cruel conqueror fay lefs? Had
you conquered the devil himfelf in hell, could you be lefs libe-
ral ? No ! Sir, you would offer no terms ; you meant to drive
them to the declaration of Independency : and even after it
was iffued, ought, by your offers, to have reverfed the effect.
You would not receive the Remonftrance that I brought you
from New- York, becaufe it denied your Rights to certain
Powers ; yet the late King of France received the Remon-
ftrances from his Parliaments, that exprefiy denied his Rights
to
ic6 BEAUTIES OF THE
to the Powers he was in the conftant exerciie of anuvered
them, and even redrefied fome of the Grievances which thole
very Remonftrances complained of; though he fefufed to
grant what he thought more peculiarly entrenched upon his
own Authority.
In this fituation, Sir, fhocking to fay, are we called upon
by another Proclamation to go to the Altar of the Almighty,
with war and vengeance in our hearts, inftead of the peace
cf our BlefTed Saviour; he faid, " My peace I give you " but
we are on this Faft to have war only in our hearts and mouths;
war againft our brethren. 'Till our churches are purified from
this abominable fervice, I fliall confider them, not as the
temples of the Almighty, but the fynagogues of fatan. An
act not more infamous^ refpecting its political, than blafphemous
and profane as a pretended atl of national devotion, when the
People are called upon, in the moil folcmn and awful manner,
to repair to Church, to partake of a Sacrament, and at the
foot of the Altar to commit facrilcge ; to perjure themfelves
publicly by charging their American brethren with the horrid
crime of Rebellion, with propagating " fpecious faljhood," when
either the charge muft be nctorioujly folfi* or thofe who make
it, not knowing it to be true, call Almighty God to witnefs
to not zfpecious, but a moft audacious and blafyhemcus falfhood.
Mr. Burke, Nov. 2, 1776.
I HAVE read, Sir, a late Proclamation of that great General
and'Preacher, Mr. Burgoyne, which is fhocking to a civilized
and generous nation. As a State Paper it difgraccs our
country. The Imperial Court have often employed many
kind of irregular troops, Croats, Pandours, and Huffars, but
their names difgrace no public act. If they plunder, they do
not torture. The pious Preacher, Mr. Burgoyne, complains
of this froward and ftubborn generation ; and at the very mo-
ment of mentioning his confcioufnefs of Chriftianity, difplays
a fpirit of cruelty repugnant to every principle of humanity,
He
BRITISH SENATE. 107
He boafts that he will give ftrctch to the Indian forces under
his direction, and they amount to thoufands. Merciful Hea-
ven ! Thqufands of Indian favages let loofe by the command
of a Britifh General againft our brethren in America ! Human
nature {brinks back from fuch a fcene. At his heels, leaiht
in like hounds, fhould famine, fword, and fire, crouch for em-
ployment. Mr. Burgoyne's feelings as a man, I fear, will not
hereafter be as univerfally acknowledged, as the military talents
of the great General. In the prefent cafe I have that pity for
him and his employers, which they have not fhewn to others,
What, Sir, has been, and continues, the conduct of the Indian
favages in war ? Is it not to exercife the moft wanton cruelties
on their enemies, without diftinction of age and fexf The
conducT, of this war goes on a par with its principles. Has the
feeble old man, the helplefs infant, the defencelefs female, ever
experienced the tender mercies of an Indian favage ? He drinks
the blood of his enemy, and his favourite repaft is on human
flefh. Is a flretch given to thoufands of thefe cannibals by
command, in a public Manifefto of one of the King's Gene-
rals ? I am bold, Sir, to declare, that fuch orders are unworthy
the General of any Chriftian King. They are only becoming
a Jevvifh Prieft to a Jewifli King, a Samuel to a Saul, in the
moft bloody and barbarous of all hiftories, the Hiftory of the
Jewifh Nation. The orders of the Jewifli Priefts were, now
go and fmite the Amalekites^ and deftroy all that they have, and
fpare them not j but flay both man and woman, ox and {heep,
camel and afs. General Burgoyne threatens the Americans
with all the vengeance of the State, not its juftice, that the
meflenger of wrath will meet them in the field, devaftation,
and famine, and every concomitant horror. Not the fword of
even-handed juftice falling on the head of the bold rebel, but
the favage horrors of the tomahawk, from the thoufands of In-
dians under his direction, on the innocent women and chil-
dren. I remember, Sir, an honourable Gentleman, (Lord
Advocate of Scotland) whom I fee in his place, a Gentleman
very
io8 BEAUTIES o r T H E
very high in the Law, not only humanely propofing, according to
the ideas, and in the language of his own country, but dwelling
with rapture on what he claffically called a Starvation Bill for
the poor Americans. I rely, however, Sir, on the fpirit of
the Americans, that they will neither fuffer the fate of the
jfmakkitesy nor retaliate the attempt on the favages of Europe.
Governor Jobti/Jone^ Nov. 18, i~77
No man can have a more determined abhorrence of the em-
ploying the Indian favages in our wars than I have ; becaufe
no man, in this Houfe at leaft, has had occafion to know fo
much of this matter, as it fell to my lot to have during the laft
war. My horror of their cruel fervices does not arife from
the paintings of imagination, but from what I have known of
the fail ; there is not fo hellifh, fo unfair an engine of war,
as the fervice of the Indian favage, when mixed in with the
wars of civilized nations. What then muft we think of it,
what muft be our feelings, when they are employed in a war,
between parts of the fame nation, branches of the fame family,
in the war between us and our brethren ?
The mutual feelings of humanity, and a fpirit of honour,
have, amidft civilized nations > defined even rights, and given
laws to a ftate of war; have laid a reftraint on havock, and
given limits to deftruction and biooclfhed. There are even in
rigours of war, the jura bclll^ which civilized nations have
adopted, and do almoft univerfally obferve. The war of the
favage, inftead of being a conteft of right by power, regulated
and retrained by any feelings of honour or humanity, is an
unreftrained effufion of the paffions of revenge and blood-
thirftinefs, eft certare odih^ is a war of univerfal ravage and
devaftation to utter deftruction ; inftead of giving laws to war,
it gives the name and effeft of right to every cruel exertion of
paffion, revenge, and barbarity, jnfq ue datum fceleri.
Governor Pownall, Feb. 6, 1778-
WHEN
BRITISH SENATE. 10$
WHEN America was firft fettle J, the whole right to con-
queft, difcovery, and divifion of lands was in the King; it
was in his power to grant them to any body, and on any con-
dition. This power he ufed in America, in all cafes without,
and in fome againft the confent of Parliament, who never, in-
deed, fuppofed, that fuch feudal Rights were vefted in them.
At what time the King gave up, or Parliament ufurped thefe
Rights, is not now my bufinefs to inquire j but I muft main-
tain, that unlefs America had confented to fuch a ceffion,
America is not bound by it, but her Rights remain the fame
as when firfr. cftablifhed by her Charters.
A late decifion in the King's Bench has fully eftablifhed this
doctrine. The King may lay any impofitions on a conquered
country by his own authority, till he has by Proclamation, or
otherwife, given up that power by eftablifhing another.
Sir Cecil Wray^ April 6 ', 1778.
ARMY,
jio BEAUTIES OF THE
A R M Y.
<e T HAVE fpcken fo often againft maintaining an extrn-
* JL ordinary number of land forces in time of peace, that I
" fhould now chufe to be filent, if I had not the firft day of
* e the SefHon entered my claim to difpute the continuance of
" the four thoufand Augmentation Troops ; and if I did not
" think it my duty to oppofe every prcpofition, which feems
" to carry the leaft appearance of danger to our Constitution.
" I afk pardon, if I take the prefent Queftion to be of this
<c nature. Nor can I be perfuaded, that the frequent impo-
" fitions of unnecefTary Taxes, or the repetition of any
c grievance, ought to beget an infenfibility, or a flavifli ac-
" jquiefcence in it. On the contrary, I think it ought to
*' awaken and double our attention, left it fhould in time
<c plead a prefcriptive right, and gradually grow into an
eftablifhment.
" If I may be permitted to confider the King's Speech as
<e the compofition of his Minifters, which, though I know by
cc experience to be a more dangerous, is yet a more parlia-
" mentary way, than to confider it as an Edil from the
" Throne, I will obferve, that it does not afk the advice and
" opinion of the Commons, how far they will ufe their greatj
" eflential, and undifputed Right of raiftng money; but it
" pofitively prefcribes the exadl provifion we are to make, both
" by fea and land, for the fervice of the enfuing year : and
" whether that be not a new method of fpeaking to Parlia-
" merits, is with all deference fubmitted to the wifdom of this
" Houfe, wbich is the. beft- judge of its own Privileges and
Power.
44 Surely, Sir, it is very melancholy to hear, one Seflion af-
" ter another, that, though we are in a ftate of tranquillity,
" as the language is } yet we can neither be fecurc at home,
" nor
BRITISH SENATE. in
" nor refpcfled abroad, without continuing above eighteen
*' thoufand lai;d forces in pay.
*' This way of reafoning entirely mifreprefents our circum-
" fiances and condition. For it would fuggeft, that we can-
" not enjoy the bleffings of a good Reign, without enduring
" at the fame time the hardfhips of a bad one j which is a
" contradiction in itfelf, and inconfiftent with the notions we,
" as Englifhmen, muft ever entertain of our legal liberties j
" in maintenance of which, our predeceiTors in Parliament
' thought fit to alter the lineal fucceffion of our Royal Fa-
" mily. This way of reafoning farther fuppofes, that the
" mutual confidence betwixt his Majefty and his People is
** deftroyed; that there is a diftruft on one hand, and a
" difaffe&ion on the other, for which there is not the leaft
" ground or pretence. For his Majefty, by his refidence
" amongft us this laft fummer, has not only given us the
" cleareft proof of his preferring the welfare and happinefs
" of thefe Kingdoms to. that of his own foreign Dominions,
" but has for ever fecured the love of his fubje&s here, by his
*' moft gracious affability and perfonal condefcenfion to them.
" He has for ever fecured that tranquillity at home, on which
" he is picafed with fo much fatisfaclion to congratulate his
" Parliament. Nor can this tranquillity be affecled by the
" clamours in Ireland, againft a late Patent for coining ; for
" there is a large army hi that Kingdom fufficient to curb tu^
*' multuous fpirits, an.d to awe patronizing malcontents,
" fliould any fuch be found. Nay, if more forces are judged
" necdlary, either for the honour or fafetyof the Government
" here, that Kingdom is able and willing to maintain more on its
" own Eftablidimcnt ; and therefore all arguments drawn from
" thence relating to the prefent Queftion muft be inconclufive.
" The Houle may perhaps think fit, at a proper feafon, to
" liften fo far to the complaints of our fellow-fubje&s in ano-
<c ther Kingdom, as to call for this obnoxious Patent, and to
* examine into the grounds of it. For the mif-govcrnment
112 BEAUTIES OF THE
t{ of Ireland has been frequently under the examination of the
" Houfe of Commons here, and fuch examinations have fre-
" quently proved fatal to as great Minifters as England ever
" bred : which may be matter of reflection to their fucceflbr?,
" and to thofe it may concern ; but never can be any induce-
" ment to any Englifh Parliament, to pay one Soldier more
' than is abfolutely neceflary for our own ufe.
" Now all Rebellions, all Confpiracies, feems to be totally
cc extinguifhed, not more by the late feafonable exertion of par*-
*' liamentary juftice, than by the wife and prudent conduct of
" thofe in the Adminiftration. They have fo carefully re-
" viewed, and modelled the forces of this fummer in every
" part of the nation, that, we are to hope, there are not left
" even fo many as three or four Serjeants and Corporals, who
" (hall have fool-hardinefs enough to undertake again to draw
" the whole Army into wild and chimerical attempts. They
44 have freed the Church from all apprehenfions of danger, by
<e promoting only the moft orthodox and learned part of the
" Clergy to the epifcopal Dignity, and other ecclefiaftical
* e Preferments. They have preferved the State, by advancing
* only men of diftinguifhed ability and experience to all great
" Offices and Civil Employments. They have, which is
" above all, reconciled their own animofities, and have no
" other contentions now, but who (hall beft ferve his Majefty
" and the Public, without any views of accumulating im-
" mcnfe wealth to themfelves, or of aggrandizing their own
" private families. Such an Adminiftration can never need
" the affiftance and protection of above eighteen thoufand dif-
* ciplined troops. Such an Adminiftration fhould not fufFer
" the Army to run away with the reputation of their good and
" great works, or to affume the glory of raifing our Credit,
" enlarging our Trade, and eftablifhing our prefent Profperity.
*' Nor are our Foreign Affairs in a lefs flourilhing con-
" dition than thofe at Jicme, fofar as I am capable of judging
from
BRITISH SENATE. 113
*' from the common appearance of things, without being in
44 the fecrets of the Cabinet.
" We can have no apprehcrifions from our neareft neigh-
*' bour France.* For that Kingdom is engaged to us by many
" ftricl Treaties j and I have heard the French bona fide^ of
" late years, as much afierted and extolled in this Houfe, as
'* I have formerly heard it ridiculed and exploded. BefideSj
** \ve have a vigilant Miniftcr at Paris, who, by his own fkill
" and penetration in Politics, as well as by good advice and
" afiiicance from hence, is not only promoting the Britifh in-
" terefts there$ but influencing and directing the French
Councils.
" Nor can we have any pretence to keep up thofe forces on
" account of danger from Spain. For if that Monarchy fhould
" be indifcreet enough to entertain the leaft harfh remem-'
" brance of any pretended ill ufuage from Great-Britain ; if
u it fhould refent our glorious and feafonable conqueft over
" their fleet in the Mediterranean, for which we (truck a Me-
" dal with pompous infcriptions ; if it fhould infift on a refti-
*' tution of Gibraltar and Port Mahon, which, in my humble
" opinion, can never be furrendered without the higheft in-
" famy, as well as injury to England. I fay, if any thing of
11 this kind fhould remain in the breaft of the Court of Spain,
" notwithftanding our Treaties, and daily Negociations there,
v it is our comfort, that we need fear no invafion from their
" Armada : that the mutability of their Councils, their pre-
" tenfions in Italy, their diftance from Great- Britain, render
" it impracticable for them to annoy or diftrefs us. And if
" King Philip's Refignation of the Crown was a good argu-
" ment the laft year fof continuing the four thoufand Augmen-
<c tation Troops, then his Refumption of it now muft be a
" good one for difbanding them this year.
" The Emperor's perfonal obligations to Great-Britain are
" fuch, that it is impolTible for him to* entertain any ill in-
" tentions againft us, either on account of the Oftend Eaft-
VL. I, J India
ii4 BEAUTIES or THE
'* India Company, or of his Majefty's glorious endeavours to
" remove the religious grievances in Germany, and to pro-
" mote the Proteftant intereft there, of which he is the ^rcat
" Guardian.
" The Dutch are our natural allies, and always re;.Jv to
" aflift us. Nor is it their fault, that we have fometimes
" difputed amongft ourfelves, concerning the expence of tranf-
" porting their auxiliar forces. They are bound to us by
" antient ties of gratitude, for their original preservation, and
" by, what is yet a {rronger cement, their own intereft and
" fafety.
" As to the two northern Crowns, Sweden and Denmark,
*' they have in their turns received our protection, and tafted
" of our bounty. We all remember the famous sera,
" two hundred and fifty thoufand pounds, as well as many
" fmaller fupplies fmce, were raifed on that account. Befides,
" we are to hope our expeditions into the Baltic, under the
" conduct of a brave Officer here prefent, have been as effec-
" tual as they have been expenfive ; and that our fleet has not
" only awed them into a reconciliation betwixt themfeives, but
" into .an abfolute fubmiffion to Great-Britain.
" The Czar is ftretching his conquefts into remote parts of
a the world ; and if what we hear of a late Treaty be true, that
" it is made entirely in favour of Great- Britain, without any
" regard to foreign principalities, we can apprehend nothing
" from our new ally, who is otherwife fo fully employed.
" For however extenfive our mediating care may be, I prefume
" we are not engaged with him to oppofe the intended fuccdfieu
tc of the Crown of Poland, or to fettle the balance of Empire
" in Perfia.
" If luch then is our profperous fituation at home and abroad,
" why fhould we be denied the promifed happy confequences of
" it ? Why Ihould we be afraid of reducing our land forces ?
*' Why (hould we not at leaft ftrike off the four thoufand aug-
. ct 'mentation troops, in compaflion to a nation loaded, and al-
" moft
BRITISH SENATE. 115
" moft funk with debt ? For fhould a frorm arifc after this
" calm, fhould any new event produce a rupture in Europe,
" it will be time enough, if we are either prompted by our own
" heroic difpofition, or bound by any inviolable Treaties, to
" enter into the quarrels of the Continent. I fay, it will be
" time enough, when the war fhall be actually declared, to
tc lend our affiftance to thofe, who we voluntarily efpoufc, pr
" to perform our engagements to our refpective allies, if they
" fhould not be found romantic or impracticable. We have
11 the opinion of a moft eminent author in civil learning, That
" it is more grievous to any nation, to bear the leaft extra-
" ordinary taxes in times of peace, than to endure the greatefl
" impofitions in times of war. Becaufe a war may prove ad-
" vantageous, may terminate in conqueft and glorious acqui-
" fitions. But a continuance of extraordinary taxes without
" it, muft inevitably end in poverty and ruin.
" Now I can never be fo unjuft to his Majefty's mild and
" gracious Government, as to afcribe our prefcnt tranquillity
" to the continuance of an extraordinary number of troops,
" any more than I can believe, it would ceafe at the reduction.
" of part of them. This would be a dangerous, as well as an
" abfurd doctrine, with relation to us at home. For fhould it
" be admitted^ that above eighteen thoufand land forces, have
" not only procured our prefent tranquillity, but that they arc
" abfoluteiy necellary for the fecurity of the kingdom; then it
" will follow, that the fame number will be always abfoluteiy
" necefTary ; that a military power is the moil pacific form of
" Government; and that an army will be a better preferver
" of peace and plenty, a better guardian of our civil and re-
" ligious Rights, than the Law of the Land. This docline
" too, confiuercd with regard to the refpect and influancc we
" may have abroad, is as abfurd as ill grounded: for that re-
" fpecl and influence can never proceed from the number of
" land forces we may think lit to burthen ourfelves with in
<c time of peace, but it mud proceed from the advantages of
I 2 *' our
u6 BEAUTIES OF TM
** our natural fituation, from our naval ftrength, from our eX*
" tended commerce, from our vaft riches, which have enabled
" us to carry on long and expenfive wars ; to maintain, when
" our allies failed in their quotas, three great armies at once
" in their different nations ; and thefe advantages will ever
* c enable us to hold the balance of power in Europe, unlefs
" worn out with unneceffary and infupportable taxes.
*< But if not fo much as the four thoufand augmentation
" troops are to be parted with, if they are to be continued til!
" the pretences of all the Princes of Europe (hall be adjufted,
c till the different interefts of different nations fhall be recon-
" ciled, till the claim of Bremen and Verden {hall be fully fet-
" tied and acquiefced in, till the long expected form of a Con-
*' grefs fhall be compleated, I freely own, I am not without
* my apprehenfions, that our immenfe national debt, inftead
" of being annually reduced, will be daily increafed : that our
" prefent grievances, for grievances we have in the midft of
ct all our tranquillity, inftead of being fpecdjly removed, will
*' become perpetual, and we may dream of bleflings we {ball
" never enjoy/'
Mr.Sbippen, Nov. 22, 1724.
' My feritimt'nts concerning a {landing army, in time of
peace, are well known here ; and it may feem unneceffary, per-
haps be thought impertinent in me, to debate anew on a worn-
out and exhaufted topic, when other Gentlemen, who entertain
the fame fentiments, are pleafed to be filent. But furely the
queftion before you is not become a Motion of courfe ; furely
as long as the grievance is continued on one hand, fo long
there is a right of complaint on the other ; and that complaint,
I fhould think, may without offence be continued, till it can be
proved that the Britifh Government is in its nature military, or
ought to be made fo.
4 I do not intend to trouble you with what I have formerly
urged, or to ufe any argument drawn from the expence and
burthen,
BRITISH SENATE, 117
burthen, or from the terror and oppreffion which have been
brought upon this and other nations, by raifing and keeping
tip a greater number of forces, than were abfolutely neceflary
in time of peace : not but that the gradations, by which armies,
with all their inconveuiencies, have been firft introduced into
free dates, and afterwards impofed upon them, ought to be had
in perpetual remembrance. We ought never to forget, that
fuch fteps have been ufually taken, to gratify the views of am-
'bitious Princes, to carry on the fchemes of evil Miniftcrs, to
terrify Parliaments into obedience, and to make the Members
of them dumb fpe&ators of the miferies of their country.
' I will not infift on thefe arguments, however juft in them-
felves, however proper on other >ccafions, becaufe they would
be unapplicable to the prefent fituation of our affairs. For we
have a Prince whofc aim is to continue us the bleffings of
peace and plenty ; we have a Miniftry who have merits above
my commendation ; we have a Parliament, which a&s with a
fpirit fuperior to all influences, and t6 all temptations. Be-
fides, every year has its particular circumftances, and thofe
particular circumftances ought to guide our refolutions, when
we are marking our annual parliamentary provifions for the
public fervice. I thought our circumftances both at home and
abroad, were fo profperous the laft Sefuon, that we might with-
out hazard have difoanded at leaft the four thoufand augmen-
tation troops. But'the Majority of the Houle was of another
opinion. There was then indeed a Rendezvous, though not a
formed Congrefs, of Plenipotentiaries, vyirg with each other
in the fplendor of their equipages and the magnificence of their
entertainments at Cambray, which had for fome time employ-
ed our fpeculations, and promifed great events to the world.
And it was thought good policy to fhow the negociating
Powers, by continuing our army, that, if they would not ac r
cept of his Majefty's plan for fettling the balance of power,
and for eftablifliing the tranquillity of Europe, Great-Britain
Was ready to do her part toward compelling them to a com-
I 3 pliancc.
nS B E A U T I E S OF THE
pliance. But that policy proved ineffectual, and that nego-
tiation appears at laft to have wanted fubftance as v/cll as form,
and to have produced nothing to Great-Britain, but an ihcreafe
of the civil lift debt, as we were given to underftand the laft
Scflion?, in a Debate on that fubjcct. by one that knew the
fccrct.
' But we are now told, that prudent and powerful alliances
nre actually made, and that what was only attempted at Cam-
bray, has been fully accompliilied at Herenhaufen : nor can
there be any doubt, of his Majefty's extenfive care over
all his concerns both foreign and domcftic ; but that his alter-
nate refidence here and abroad, as it hath procured, fo it
would, with the advice of a good Aliniftry, and without the
aid of a great army, preferve to us, through the whole courfe
of his reign, that fecurity, and thofe blefiings we now enjoy.
For, whether at home or abroad, his influence is irrefiftible,
bccaufe his councils are wife and his defigns are juft. Nor
am I altered in this opinion by what has happened at Glafgow
and other places in Scotland, or at Thorn in Poland.
* For, if I am rightly informed, the tumult at Glafgow was
no more than a mob, compofed chiefly of women, a mere
mock-refemblance of an Amazonian army, that might have been
quelled by the interpofition of the civil power, without re-
courle to that military vengeance which was executed there.
Such commotions we fee arile almoft in every nation, when
the occafions of the public call for new and extraordinary taxes j
sin! yet they are generally defpifed, as impotent efforts ngainft
eirabliihed Governments, and left to be puniflied by the laws
of the country. But, now all is quiet, now all is fafe in Scot-
land, not the lead murmur is heard agaiRft Adminiitration.
The Highland Clans have been difarmed without any diftur-
bance ; they rejoice, we are told, in their llibmiilion, and are
brought to a perfect fenfe of their duty to his Majeiry, by the
obliging behaviour and prudent conduct of the General, whole
province it was to enforce the act of Parliament agaiuit them.
< As
BRITISH SENATE. 11}
* As to the important affair of Thorn, which by the way
was no acl of retaliation, as fome, who neither confider the
circumftance of time nor things would infmuate, but the
eft'ecr. of a fpirit of perfecutton ; we are aflured, that his Ma-
jefty has done more towards obtaining the defircd fatisfa&ion
for the barbarous and unchriftian cruelties committed there,
and gained greater conceffions from the Catholic Princes, by
his pacific mediation and by his perfonal interefr, than he
could probably have done by rougher expedients, by threatening,
or even entering into a religious war. Nor can malice itfelf
iuppofe, that, whilft he is refenting the violation of Treaties,
he would do any thing that would but look like an infraction of
the limitation in the Acl of Succeflion, which reftrains the
Crown from involving Great-Britain in any foreign difputes,
except where her own immediate interefts and alliances are
concerned.
4 I hope we conceive no ill omens from the French King's
marriage to the daughter of the Pretender to the Crown of
Poland 5 no diftruft, that fuch an alliance can fhake our late
Proteftant Treaty with that young Prince; no jcaloufy that he
will follow the example of the Emperor and the King of Spain,
by- engaging in a clandefline League without our knowledge,
and to our prejudice. I muft own, that would be a melancholy
confederation. For then an army of twice eighteen thoufand
rr.cn would not be fufrkient to defend that cauf'e, which his
Majcfty has hitherto afierted, with fo much glory to him % -
felf, and fo much advantage to the Proteftant part of Europe.
4 It was a notorious faying, and the avowed policy of our
late famous Statefman, who lived till after the Revolution, and
was thought a fecret inftrument in it, that notwithftanding the
noife and clamour of the people againft foldiers in .time of peace,
the cafieft and beft way of governing England was by an army ;
and that a Minifter fo guarded, might prolecute his mcafures
with fafely and fuccefs, and foon make the boafting ailertors of
Liberty and Property, as tame as a flock of turkics, and drive
. I 4- them
no BEAUTIES or THE
them which way he pleafed. This gives us a true idea of Come
.forts of modern policy, and of the infoience of that man in au-
thority, who ruined the Pi i nee by the very methods he would
have enflaved his own fellow-fubjec~ts, but not of the genius of
the people of England. For he^ found another fpirit in them;
he found they perpetually ftruggled with hirri in defenc^ of the
Church and State, when he was endeavouring to facrificc t. h,
as well as he did his own honour and confcience, in order to
erect an arbitrary and unlimited dominion in thefe kingdoms.
Nor could they endure his return into power after the Revolu-
tion, though he was countenanced by King William himfelf,
and though his meritorious perfidy was ftrongly pleaded in his
favour. But they continued their oppofition to him, till they
had accomplifiied his difgrace ; and ftill his memory is as de-
teftable, as his Adminiftration was wicked, though he neither
aggrandized his family, nor augmented his eftate by the fpoils
of the Public.
' Now we are to hope the military principles of this Statef-
rnan are dead with him, and we are fure good Minifters will
never purfue the maxims f bad ones, becaufe the means of
their actions muft neceflarily be as different as the ends are.
It is therefore unintelligible to me, how the keeping up an.
army in time of peace, which has formerly been thought cri-
minal advice in a Minifter, as being incompatible with our
Conftitution, fhould now be annually recommended to Parlia-
ment by pur modern patriots, as the only method of fecuring
us in the pofieflion of our Laws and Liberties. I fay, this i$
unintelligible to me ; and till the feeming paradox can be
reconciled to reafon, I muft beg leave conftantly to oppofe the
Queftion.' Mr. Shippfu, Jan. 28, 1726.
I AM forry to hear a parrallel drawn by any Member of this
Houfe, between the army kept up by the late King James, and
the army intended to be kept up at prefent. King James's
army was raifed againft law> was maintained againft the con-
4 fent
BRITISH SENATE, 121
fent of the people, and was employed in overturning the liber-
tics of the people : the prefent queftion is about an army which
is to be kept up according to law, and by and with the con-
fent of the people. If we look into the Petition of Right itfclf,
what does it fay ? Why that an army raifed, or kept up, without
confent of Parliament, is contrary to the Conftitution ; but it
never was faid, -that an army kept up by confent of Parlia-
ment, is illegal, or any way contrary to the conftitution ;
in this refpe6r, no parallel can therefore be drawn between
$he prefent army, which is to be kept up only by confent
of the people, and maintained by them, and that army
which was raifed and maintained by King James himfelf j
and was fo far from being by the concurrence or confent of
the people, that it was to be employed again/I them ; and I am.
perfuaded, that no man here expects that the prefent army is
to be employed in fuch manner.
I really believe, and I hope I am right, that there is but very
little diffatisfa&ion in the nation, and that the Jacobite party is
now become very inconfidernble ; but ftill that party is not to
be ridiculed and made a joke of: we are not fo much to defpife
all attempts that may be made by them, as not to take any
meafures to provide ourfclves againft them ; fuch a fecurity is
the beft thing they can wim for ; they would be glad to be
defpifed in fuch a manner. Gentlemen may fay what they will
of the little confequence of any endeavours that have been, or
may be ufcd by them ; but the late rebellion is a certain tefli-
mony that they are not to be too much defpifed. The fate of
the kingdom was at that time brought even to the decifion of a
day ; and if the Rebels had been fuccefsful at Prefton, I do not
know what might have been the confequences ; I dread to think
of them : but let them have been never fo fatal, if the liberties
of this nation had been overthrown by the fuccefs of thofe
Rebels, it would have been entirely owing to our having fofew
regular forces on foot at that time. We have efcaped that
danger, but do not let us expofc ourfelves every day to fuch
dangers for the future ; which rnuft be the neceflary confequence
of
122 BEAUTIES OF THE
of reducing any part of the fmall army now on foot, and do
fired to be continued.
A parliamentary army never yet did any harm in this nation ;
but reductions of that army have often been fatal. I have been
afiured by a Miniftcr of very great confequence of the Court
of France, that the reducing our army after the Peace of
Ryfwick, very much encouraged the Court of France to take
fuch meafures, and to make fuch bold fteps as they afterwards
did. They would have been more cautious, if we had kept
ourfelves in a capacity of pouring in a numerous army upon
them ; but they faw that we had put it out of our power, and
therefore they defplfcd us. The reduction of the army after
the Peace of Utrecht, had not, by good luck, all the ill con-
(cquences that were defigned, but the reduction was certainly
made with no good intent. I have a good opinion enough of
the late Queen j fhe had not, perhaps, any ill intentions ; but I
am convinced, that her Miniftcr had laid a fcheme for overturn-
ing the Proteftant fucceflion : and they had no other way of
executing this fcheme, but by getting free of all thofe brave
omccrs and fokliers who had fcrved their country fo faithfully
in the late wars ; this was what made the army be reduced at
tli at time fo low as it wai, ; the Minifters knew, that thefe honeft
S would not f.-rvc them in the execution of their de-
ils uciive fchcmcs ; but iliey took care to lupply their place with
z body of above 6oco men, who were privately kept in p;vy,
and maintained under colour of Chelfea-hofpital ; and the con-
icquencc fhcvvcd what fort of men thefe new troops were, for
alinoft every man cf them appeared in arms in the late Re-
bellion againft the government. We have heard the Treaty
of Utrecht, upen which this reduction WAS made, applauded
by fame ; whether it dcicrves any fuch applaufe I do not know;
but i air. certain that fmce that time we have been obii'^ed to
enter into fc-parate treaties and negotiations almoit with every
power in Europe, for amending, and explaining the blunders of
that 1 reui\ : and it we are now right, whoever afcribcs our
being
BRITISH SENATE. 123
being fo to that Treaty, may be faid to be like a man, who, after
breaking, another's bones, and feeing them fet again very right,
and well cured by an able Surgeon, cries, you are obliged to
me, Sir, for this great cure that has been performed upon you.
Mr. Horatio I^alpolf, Jan. 26, 1732.
I CANNOT but be againft even giving this Bill a fecond read-
ing, becaufe at firft view it apppears to be for fupporting a
numerous {landing army in time of peace : this I need not any
time to confider of ; this appears evidently to be the purport
and intention of the Bill now read to us ; and this, my Lords,
is againft the very words of the Petition of Right, and alters
the very nature of our conftitution. All the confufions and
difordcrs that have been brought upon this kingdom for many
years, have all been brought upon it by the means of. ftanding
armies : it was, my Lords, a ftanding army that took ffKing
Charles the Firft's head, and turned that very Parliament outcf
doors which had eftablifhed them j and the very fame army
that had murdered the father reftored the fon : it was by Kfng
James the Second's keeping up a ftanding army, that the
affections of the people were alienated from him ; and by that
very army, in whom he had put his only truft, he was turned
out ; for by their joining the other fide, the fcales were turned
againft him, and he found himfelf at laft obliged to fuccumb
under the juft refentments of an injured people. In this
country, in every country, my Lords, where numerous ftand-
ing armies have been kept up, we may find that innumerable
evils and ftrange confufions have been brought on by the means
of fuch armies : and therefore I (hall always be againft giving
the leaft countenance to any Bill, that feems to tend towards
keeping up a ftanding army in time of peace in this country.
Earl of Ayk sford^ Feb. 24, 1732.
I SHALL readily grant that there is a continual rivalfhip
between the two' great contending powers of Europe ; there
always
124 BEAUTIES or THI
always will, I hope, be fuch a rivalftiip ; for if ever that rival,
{hip fhould ceafe, which it never can, but by one of them being
(wallowed up by the other, it would be an unlucky thing foe
this nation, as well as for all the reft of Europe: but, my
Lords, are we to keep up a numerous {landing army as long
BS that rivalfhip (hall continue ? If fo, we muft never think of
any reduction : no, my Lords, that rivalmip has already con-
tinued for many ages, and yet we have always fupported our-
felves againft both, without having ever kept up a (landing
3rmy : this new fort of defence has been but lately thought on,
and never can be a proper defence for this nation : the only way
we have to fecure ourfelves at home, to make ourfelves con-
fiderable abroad, and to force a refpect from both thefe con-
tending powers, is to do as we have always formerly done, to
put our whole truft in our natural ftrength, which confifts in
our fleet, and in the natural bravery of our men in general ;
as long as we trufl to this, and obferve a neutrality as to both
thefe contending powers, we {hall be courted by both : we
may fall in fometimes with the one and fometimes with the
other, according as may beft fuit with our own intereft, and
with the circumftances of affairs at the time : by fuch a ma-
nagement we {hall ahvays be able to hold the balance of Europe
in our own hands, and never will have any occafion either to
court the friendship, or to fear the refentment of any power on
earth.
But, my Lords, if we begin to purfue contrary meafurcs, if
we be always the firft to enter into alliances with the powers of
Europe^ and the original contracting parties in moft treaties,
we thereby give the power of holding the balance of Europe
cut of our hands ; and the neglecting our fleet and militia, for
the fake of keeping up a {landing army, will foon render us
contemptible to every one of our neighbours, unlefs we refolve
to keep up a much more numerous army than what is propofed
by this Bill ; and fuch a proportion will, I hope, never be ap-
proved of by a majority of either Houfe of Parliament.
A fland*
BRITISH SENATE, 125
A (landing army and military law, has, my Lords, been
always inconfiftent with the liberties of the people ; the officers
and foldiers under fuch a regulation, are always obliged to
give the mofl implicit obedience to the commands of their
fupcrior officers ; they muft obfcrve and execute the orders
they receive without any referVe or hesitation ; they muft not
inquire whether their orders be according to law, if they do,
they are guilty of mutiny, and may be immediately (hot for
any fuch difobedience : the chief Commander of an army muft
always be vefted with an arbitrary and abfolute power over
the army ; and if his army be numerous, he may eafily, by their
means, extend his power over the whole people of the country
where fuch army is kept up : and therefore, my Lords, in all
countries where the people have any regard to their liberties,
they ought never to keep up a greater number cf regular forces
than are abfolutely necefTary for the fecurity of the government,
and for the prefervation of the country againft any fudden in-
vafion or inroad that may be made by a foreign enemy. In
this country we have the happinefs to be furrounded by the lea ;
we know how difficult and expenfwe it is to make any invafioa
upon us with any great body of men ; any fuch invafion we
muft have a timely warning of, and by having our militia in
good order, and our men, as they were formerly, all trained
up to arms and military difcipline, we fhould always be able to
draw, upon any occafion, and in any place within the ifland, a
great army together, to oppofe our enemies, if they fhould
happen to have the good fortune to efcape our fleet at fea.
In our prefcnt circumftances, my Lords, and confidering tho
happy fituation of our country, I muft be of opinion, that
12,000 men are abundantly fufEcient for all' the good ufes we
can have for them, and therefore I {hall give my afient to the
reduction propofed.
Earl Strajfird, March 6, 1733-
I CAN-
J2 6 BEAUTIES OF THE
I CANTXOT imagine how ionic people have got into that way
of thinking, that the liberties of all 'the countries in Europe
have been overturned by ftanding armies : I do not know one
country in Europe whofe liberties have been overturned by their
ftanding army. It is a miftake to fay fo of the Romans ; the
liberties of Rome, were in a great meafure overturned, by the
luxury and corruption that had crept in among the people long
before the time of Julius Ci-far : and in his time, their Hand-
ing army were fo far from being the only means of overturning
the liberties of Rome, that the greatcft part of the ftanding
army joined againft Julius Gezfar : but he had a devililh head of
his own, fo that by his own good conduct, and bravery of his
troops, he got the better of his enemies, though they had the
greateft number of regular troops of their fide. If the Romans
at that time had had no ftanding army, would not the people,
would not the very mob have done the fame ? Every man who
had courage, or who could be perfuaded to go to fight, would
have joined that party he liked beft : the Commander who
could make the beft ufe of thole that }oined him, would have
got the advantage, and the victorious army would have had it
in their power to have fettled the future form of government
upon what footing they had a mind.
It is the fame with refpeft to all the other countries of
Europe, where arbitrary power is or ever was eftablifhed : in
France, it is certain that their liberties were overturned long
before they had fuch a thing as a ftanding army : the oldcft
regiment or corps of regular troops in France, is what they call
the regiment of Picardy ; that regiment was raifed only in the
firft or fecond year of the reign of our Queen Elizabeth ; and
it is well known, that long before that time the liberties of the
French people were entirely deftroyed. In Spain we know that
it was their priefts that deftroyed the liberties of the people ; and
it is bv means of their Inquifition, that their arbitrary govern-
ment is to this day fupported : by means of that terrible ipiritual
court, their priefts fupport their own ddpotic rub not only
BRITISH SENATE. i?-
ovcr the people, but likevvife over the court, and even over
their army too. In Sweden, my Lords, it was likewise their
priefts that formerly eflablifhcd an arbitrary rule in that country;
and it was by their army that their liberties were reftored. In
Denmark it was a Houfe of Commons that furrendercd up their
liberties to the Crown ; they firit gave up their own liberties,
and thereby enabled "their King to get himfelf declared the ab-
folute and the arbitrary Sovereign over the whole country.
Thus, my Lords, we m?.y find that a ftandins; army never
had in any country the chief hand in deftroying the liberties of
their country : nor indeed can it be fuppofed that they ever
will. Can it be fuppofed that any man of common fenfe,
who has a good poft in the army, and has the laws of
his country for ins protection as long as he behaves well,
can it, I fay, my Lords, be fuppofed, that any fuch man
will ever join in meafures for fubjecting himfelf to the uncon-
troulable will and giddy pleafure of any one man r He mult
know that true honour and virtue, or a faithful performance of
his duty, could then be no protection to him ; his life, his
eflate, and every thing that is dear to him, muft then depend
on the mere pleafure of a court : and every man knows, that
about courts, true honour and virtue often foils a facrificc to
whifpers, to deceitful infmuations, and to falfe and private
accufations : is it then reafonable to prcfume, that the Gen-
tlemen of the army, who are by their education bred ftranger-i
to the low arts and vile practices ufual about coui ts, will ever
give up that honourable dependence they have upon their oun
behaviour, and the laws of their country, for the fake of a
(lavi{h dependance upon any court whatever ? For my part,
it is not poffible for me to fufpecl any fuch thing, and there-
fore I cannot from thence draw any argument againit keeping
up a Handing army in this country.
I .- Marti6 9 1733.
128 BEAUTIES OF THE
I AM one of thofe, and I believe there are a great many rnorej
xvho are againft the fecond reading of this Bill, prefented by a
Noble Duke (the Duke of Marlborough) for the better fecuring
the conftitution, by preventing the Officers of the land forces
from being deprived of their commiffions, otherwife than by
judgment of a Court-martial. I did not, it is true, rife up im-
mediately after the Motion was made, to give my reafons for
being againft a fecond reading, becaufe I thought the Bill was
of a nature fo very extraordinary, and the objections to it fo
ftrong and evident, that I thought it unnecefTary for me, or
any ather Lord in this Houfe, to give himfelf or the Houfe
the trouble of explaining them : but fmce the Noble Lord who
fpoke laft, infifts fo much upon it, in order to fatisfy him, I
{hall give him fome of thofe reafons which prevail with me to
be againft a fecond reading of the Bill now before us : and if
either that Noble Lord, or any other* can give fuffieient an-
fwers to thofe reafons, I fhall moft readily join with thofe Noble
Lords who are for reading this Bill a, fecond time.
With me, my Lords, one of the principal objections againft
the Bill is, that I look upon it as an open and a direct attack
upon the Prerogative of the Crown. It is an attack upon a
Prerogative* which his-Majefty and his anceftors have enjoyed'
ever fmce our monarchy had a being ; and we all know how
nearly connected the Privileges of this Houfe are with the Pre-
rogative of the Crown : we know, my Lords, that the laft open
and direct attack that was made upon the Prerogative of the
Crown, ended in the total fubverfion of our monarchy, and an
entire diflblution of this Houfe ; and therefore I cannot but be
furprized, to fee a Bill of this nature brought firft into this
,Houfc : if fuch a Bill had pafled the other Houfe, and had been
fent up to'us from thence, I do not doubt but that every one
of your Lordfliips would have eafily fcen through the defign \
you would have feen the fnare that was laid againft the mo-
narchical eftablifhment of our government, upon which the Pri-
vileges of every Lord in the nation abfolutely depend. This
would
BRITISH SENATE. 129
f
Would have given your Lordfliips a juft claim ; and this, I doubt
not, would have made you receive fuch a Bill in the manner
it dcfcrvcd.
I have often heard, my Lords, of a compact between the
King and the people j and a compact, upon which, it is faid,
i our conftitution and government depend ; if there be any fuch,
! the nature of it muft certainly be mutual. On the one part,
our Kings are obliged not to ufurp, or encroach upon the liber-
ties of the people : but furely there muft be a counterpart, and
by that there muft be an obligation on the part of the people
j not to ufurp or encroach upon the Powers and Prerogatives of
| the Crown: for it would be a very unjuft compact, if, on the
i one hand, the King was moft ftrictly tied down, and, on the
other hand, the people left at full liberty to encroach as often,
i and as far as they pleafcd, upon the Prerogatives of the Crown.
This cannot be the cafe ; the compact mult be mutual ; and as
his prefent Majefty has never once attempted, nor defires, in
jthe leaft to encroach upon the Liberties or the Privileges of the
people, it would be very unjuft and unfair in us, to make any
encroachment upon him. Nay, it would be moft unwife, and
might be attended with the moft fatal confequenccs ; for a
breach of covenant on one fide, would diflblve all the covenants
on the other, which would at once unhinge the whole of our
conftitution.
It has always been thought neceflary, my Lords, to give our'
Kings the fole power of naming, preferring, and reforming at
pleafure the Officers of our armies, in order to give our Kings
that power and influence over our armies ; which is abfolutely
neceflary for fupporting and promoting a proper military difci-
pline among them, without which they would be of no ufe
igainft a foreign enemy, and might foon become moft oppref-
five to the people, for whofe fafety they were railed and main-
rained. This power was thought fo neceflary at the time of
:he Revolution, and it was then thought to be of fo little danger
to the freedom of the constitution, that at that time, when the
VoL - I- K Ikbertie?
1 30 BEAUTIES OF THE
liberties of the People were fully confidered, when every thing
vv** removed that could be of dangerous confequence to
them, there was not the leaft mention made of taking this
Power from the Crown, or even of laying it under any re-
ftraints : and I do not know any thing that has happened,
which can give us the leaft ground for being of an opinion
different from that, which was the opinion of our anceftors at
that time.
The happinefs of our Conftttution, my Lords, depends upon
that equal Divifion of Power, which is eftablifhed amongft the
three Branches of our Legiflature : the executive Power, and
the defending of the People againft their enemies, is now,
and always has been, entrusted folely with our King ; it muft
always be abfolutely neceflary to give our Kings proper Powers
for thefe purpofes : the fupreme and ultimate determination of
all difputes about property is lodged folely in this Houfe ; and
the raifing of money for the public ufe, or laying Taxes upon
the People, is what now feems to be principally the province of
the other Houfe. Thus the three Branches of the Legifla-
ture are a check upon one another, which prevents its being in
the power of any one of them to opprefs the People, or t
deftroy the other two. Under this Eftablifhment we havfc
been happy for many ages, under this the nation has grown up-
to a very high pitch of riches and power ; and while this Efta-
blifhment continues, it is more than probable, we (hall always-'
be happy.
But, my Lords, by the Bill now before us, we are to efta-
blifh a fourth Power, a new fort of Power, which, I am per-
fwadcd, will foon become independent of the other three.
This is making a moft confiderable alteration in the Confti-
tution; an alteration that may be attended with fuch fatal
confequences, that it makes me tremble to think of it: t
dtablifli a General for life at the head of awcll-difcipiined army,
commanded by Officers who [could not be removed but by the
eonfcnt of one another, would loon put it in the power of*
that
BRITISH SENATE. 131
that General to make himfelf matter of both King and Par-
liament : the tranfition from Dux to Rex would foon become
cafy to him ; by this the Conftitution might be entirely over-
thrown, and the nation might be involved in a multitude of
calamities.
It is true, my Lords, that by what is propofcd in the Bill now
before us, an Officer may ftill be removed from his Command in
the Army, upon an Addrefs of either Houfe of Parliament; but
as the Parliament cannot always be kept fitting, this Addrefs
could not be fpeedily obtained : and if an Officer fhould be dif-
covered to be confpiring the overthrow of the Government, and
fhould, notwithftanding, be continued in his Comrmffion, and in
the poflefiion of that power in the army which he had, by virtue
of his CommifTion, till the next Seffion of Parliament, both Houfes
might, perhaps, addrefs for turning him out r but his power in
the Army might, perhaps, by that time be fo well eftabliflied,
that it would be out of the power of both King and Parliament
to diveft him of his Command : and as for a trial by Court-
Martial, I believe it would not be fo much as pretended, that
a fentence could be got againft fuch an Officer, or indeed,
again ft any Officer who had a great influence in the army: it
is not to be prefumed that Officers would be ready to condemn
one another, unlefs it was for a crime which they themfelves
could no way approve of, efpecially when they knew that they
could not be removed by any other authority.
Since then, my Lords, I can fee no manner of occafion for
the Regulation now propofed ; fmce I am of opinion, that it
would be great injury done to his Majefty, that it would tend
todeftroy all military difcipline in the Army, and would greatly
endanger, if not totally fubvert our happy Conftitution, I can-
not therefore agree to the giving it a fecond reading t
Lord Hervey, Jan. 17,
THE Honourable Gentleman who fpoke flrft for the Motion,
has indeed made the beft excufe for the Mmiirry that can be
K 2 made
J 3 2 BEAUTIES OF-THE
made, Minifters are but men, fometimes weak men ; and
though it would be unjuft to fuppofe them endued with a fpirit
of prophecy, yet, I think, they fhould at leaft be pofleffed of
a tolerable fhare of prudence. I fhould not, indeed, wonder,
if one or two Meafures went wrong upon a Minifter's hand,
through unavoidable accidents ; yet I think it ft range, that
every Meafure mould go wrong; that not one of the numerous
expedients that have been fet on foot for fecuring the tran-
quillity of Europe, or providing for the fecurity of Great-Bri-
tain, fhould prove effectual. Sir, I own this gives me ftrong
apprehenfions of what I am not inclined to exprefs on the oc-
cafion. I own that I was apt to think, that the round of Ne-
gotiations and Treaties we have been carrying on for thefs
ten or twelve years paft, with all the Powers of Europe, might
have procured us, at leaft, fome refpite from a burden which
our forefathers never knewj I mean, Sir, that of a ftanding
Army. I call it a ftanding Army, becaufe it has continued for
thefc many years j and \ve have always been told the fame
things over and over again, as reafons why it is continued. I
have, during many years, told the Houfe every Seflion, that we
fhould have a return of the very fame reafons next Sefiion ; but
Gentlemen never feemed to believe me, though they have hi-
therto found my words but too true. Now, Sir, as the fame
caufes have fubfifted for above thefe forty years, without being
any worfe for the wearing, I am ant to think that they may
fubfift forty years longer j and while the fame caufes fubfift,
the fame effe&s mult follow : fo that in reality a ftanding Army
may be thought as much a part of our Conftitution, as the
more lawful Prerogative, or Privilege, which either Prince or
People may claim. But, Sir, though even the Gentlemen who
are moft converfant .in Public Affairs, will, I believe, be
puzzled to find out one new argument in favour of a ftanding
Army, yet there is nothing eafier than to bring twenty againft
it. The reafon of this, Sir, is becaufe it produces but one
fmgle good, which is the fecurity of the Adaiiniftration ; l-'t
it
BRITISH SENATE. 133
it begets many inconveniencies, two of which are the im-
poverifliing the People, and the incrcafe of Taxes.
And here give me leave to fay, Sir, that no country can
give more melancholy inftances of the effects of a military
force than England can. The very army which was raifed
by the Parliament in defence of the fubje&s, againft fome en-
croachments made by Charles the Ift upon their liberties, af-
terwards gave law to the Parliament itfcjf, turned Its Members
out cf doors, razed our Conftitution to the foundation, and
brought that unhappy Prince to the block. This cataftrophe,
Sir, was not owing to the People ; for of them, nine parts
in ten were well affe&ed to the perfon and caufe of the King;
but to their Army, which, like other wild beafts, turned
upon and deftroyed their keepers. After the Reftoration of
the Royal Family, the Prince then upon the Throne raifed a
few guards, which never fwelled to above 5890; and yet fo
jealous was the nation even of that fmall number, that he never
could get his Parliament, proftitute as it was, to pafs over
one Seffion without taking notice of them. This, Sir, was
the more extraordinary, as the Parliament was never afked for
any money for their fupport ; and the money which was then
raifed for the fupport of the Government, was nothing when com-
pared with the fums that have been granted fince. The next
Parliament proved as uneafy to him on this head as the former
had been ; and were fo diftruftful of his intentions, that they
appointed Commifiioners of their own, for applying the money
granted for difbanding them, and it was paid into the Chamber
of London. Nay, Sir, as a farther proof of the apprehenfions
the Nation was under from a {landing Army, they came to a
Refutation, ' That the continuance of ftariding Forces in this
* Kingdom, other than the Militia, is illegal, and a great ,
grievance and vexation to the People.' J have mentioned
this period of our hiftory, Sir, to fhew, that notwithftanding
the venality of that very Reign, the Parliament never could be
Brought to concur with what might one day overthrow both
K. 3 the if
I 3 4 BEAUTIES OF THE
their own and the People's Liberties. If the nation was then
fo jealous of an inconfiderable number, which did not coft it
a fhilling, ought we confent to keep on foot fo formidable a
number as eighteen thoufand ? Sir, it is in vain for any Gen-
tleman to fay, that the Army is under the direction of a wife
and a juft Sovereign, who will never harbour a thought in-
.confiftent with the good of his fubjects. I am as thoroughly
perfuaded of his Majefty's perfonal virtues as any Gentleman ;
but an Army, when it once finds its own power, may very
probably refufe to take laws, even from that very Sovereign
under whofe immediate direction they are. The Parliament's
Army, Sir, was as absolutely under the direction ef the Par-
liament in the time of Charles the Ift, as any Army is now
under the direction of his Majefty ; and yet it is well known,
they obeyed orders no longer than they found it convenient
/"or themfelves.
The period, Sir, from which we are to date the rife of our
{landing Arjny in Britain, is the ninth year of the late King
William, when the Parliament granted an Army of ten thou-
fand men for the fervice of the current year. This was done,
in confideration of the powerful faction at that time fubhfting
in the kingdom in favour of King James. And if ever a
Handing Army can be of ufe at any time, it is at fuch a junc-
ture. But nothing, Sir, can make fo palpable an infraction
cf the fubjeds rights, as eftablimed at the Revolution, go down.
Though this nation was then blefled with a Prince that had
hazarded every thing to free us from oppreffion and tyranny,
and therefore could never be fuppofed to have any defigns upon
our Conftitution ; yet many Gentlemen, who were friends of
the Revolution upon principles of liberty, with one confent
remonfuated againft a itanding Army, though but kept up
from year to year, as fubverflve of the People's Rights, and-
of the Revolution principles.
Some I-know, Sir, who appeared early for the Revolution,
were fo much delighted with the funfhiiie of a Court, that
they
BRITISH SENATE. 135
they joined in all its meafures, though fome of them vvert found
to be dire&ly oppofite to the principles upon which the Revo-
lution was founded : but we find that they, who ever werfc
acknowledged to be the fincere weil-wifhers of that caufe,
forfook them, and could never be brought to concur with them
iri any one meafure. On this account, Sir, thefe Gentlemcrt
Were branded by fome, who then fat in the Houfej with the
name of Jacobites and Republicans, two denominations 6t~
men equally enemies to the prefent eftabliflimeht. But, Sir,
there was this difference betwixt their antagonifts and them-,
that the former never refufed to concur with any meafure pro-
pofed by the Court, and the latter never voted for any ftep ch.Vt
was difliked by their country.
Their late deliverance from a Prince, who, by means of his
Army, aimed at arbitrary Power, made them look back with
fo much horror upon the precipice they had juft efcaped, that
there was an exprefs Provifo againft (landing Armies in times
of peace, inferted in the Claim of Right, which we may in
Come meafure call the laft great Charter of our Liberty. I
own that it gives me great concern to fee Gentlemen, who
have always valued thcmfelves upon treading in the footftcps of
thofe who brought about the Revolution, aft a part fo incon-
fiftent with the principles of their anceftors, by voting for this
Qucftion. I know a fet of men under a different denomina-
tion, who have always been more moderate in their pretences,
but more fteady in their adherence to thofe principles. I am
not at all inclined to revive any party diftinftion ; but I will
venture to fay, Sir, that let any man compare the conduct of fome
Gentlemen who have affecled to pafs for Whigs, with that
of Gentlemen who have always been looked on as Tories,
he (hall find the latter acting a part moft confiftent with the
Revolution Principles. He will find them oppofinq; the Crown
in every encroachment upon the People, and in every infringe-
ment of the Claim of Right. He never will find them com-
plimenting the Crown at the expence of the People when in
K 4 Poft,
136 BEAUTIES 01. THE
Poft, nor diftrefllng it by oppofing any reafcnable Meafure
when out. Can fome Gentlemen, Sir, who now affect to call
themfelves Whigs, boaft of fuch an uniformity of conduct?
Can they fay that times and circumftances never influenced th e
Meafures they purfued ? Or that when they were in Office,
they always a&ed in confequence of the Principles they pre-
ferred when they were out? Sir, I believe I have fat long
enough in this Houfe to convince Gentlemen, if there were
occafion, of very great inconfiflencies in certain characters.
But, Sir, I forbear it, becaufe the e\cs of fouie of thcfe Gen-
tlemen feem to be now open, and I hope thefe diftinctions
are in a great meafure either entirely abolifhed or better un-
derftood.
As no Queflion, Sir, is of greater importance, fo none has
been fo frequently debated in this Houfe as the prcfent. Yet
I never heard any Gentleman make a doubt, that a ftnnding
Army in time of peace was a grievance to the People of Great-
Britain. But, Sir, the Tories always oppofed this Grievance.
When his late Majefty, upon the Rebellion againfr, him being
fuppreffed, for the eafe of his fubject r , ordered ten thoufand of
his troops to be diftanded, I remember a particular friend of
mine, who always parted for a Tory, propofed that it fhould
be inferted in our Addrefs to his Majefty on that occahon,
That nothing could more endear bis Alajejty to all his Jabjefts^
than his reducing the Land Forces to the old eft alll foment of guards
and garrifins^ as his MajeJJy found it at his Acccfjicn to the
Throne. This, Sir, happened in the fourth year of hi> late
Majefty's Reign ; and had his Majefly tboufrht lit to have made
the propofed reduction, or, rather, had he been advifeJ
MiniAers to have done it, and had the military EftahlUhment
continued on that footing till now, we fhould have difchar^eu
upwards of twelve millions of our national debt, and yet have
enabled his Majefty to have made good fuch en-a^cments
with his allies, as tended to fecure the public tranquillity.
As
BRITISH SENATE. 137
As to what the Honourable Gentleman, who (poke laflr,
mentioned with reg.ird to retraining the Liberty of the Prcfs,
and concerning the general depravity that obtains among the
People, I fhall leave him to be anfwered by other Gentlemen,
who can do it much better than I can. But I agree with the
Honourable Gentleman fo far as to own, that the People are
at prefent very much diflatisfied ; and, as I think that ferment
ought to fubiide gradually, I am willing to give my vote for
a larger number of forces this Seflion, than perhaps I may
think neceflary to be kept up the ne?;t. I therefore move,
That the number of Land Forces for the fervice of the cur-
ruit year may be twelve thoufand men.
Mr. Shippui, Jan. 28, 1738.
THE keeping up of a numerous ftanding Army in time of
peace, is abfolutely inconfiftent with the liberties of this coun-
try. Gentlemen talk of an army of eighteen thoufand
men, as always neceflary to be kept up in this Ifland.
This, Sir, is the true fecret of this day's Motion : thefe Gen-
tlemen know, that when peace is reftored, the nation will infift
upon a reduction being made ; therefore, think they, let us
now increafe the army, that when peace is reftored we may
(fop the mouths of the ditafFe6ted ? (as they call them) by
making a reduction of the troops we are now to add j and thus,
Sir, we fhall have a (landing Army of eighteen thoufand men
faddled upon us for ever. As I am of opinion, that an annjr
of eighteen thoufand men is at leaft ten thoufand more than
we ought to have in time of peace ; as I am of opinion, that
fuch a numerous army can be neceflary for na end, but that
of enabling a Minifter to trample upon the liberties of his
country, I think the Motion ought to be rejected with difdain.
As for Minifters, they muft not expe& regard and efteem
from their equipage, but from the wifdom and addrefs of their
negociations : for a Minifter with a blundering head, or one
that is fent upon ridiculous errands, will mjike as forry a figure
j 3 S BEAUTIES OF THE
with an equipage of regular troops, v as an equipage of foot-
men ; and I am afraid the afs's ears will appear much more
confpicuous under a well-burnifhed head-piece, than ev r cr they
did under a well-powdered peruke.
Mr. Pulteney^ Feb. 14, 1735.
As the keeping up of a great number of land forces in this
Ifland is quite unneceflary, and even inconfiftent with the na-
ture of ocr happy Conftitution, and the freedom of our Go-
vernment j therefore, when any war is like to break out in
which we may probably have a concern, we are always obliged
to take foreign troops into our pay: whether we have always
been in the right when we have done fo, is what I (hall not
now controvert j but I have always obferved, that no foreign
Prince would lend us any of his troops, without our engaging
not only to pay them, but to grant him a fubfidy, perhaps
greater than the pay of thofe troops, upon their own footing,
would have amounted to ; and that, even in cafes where the
Prince flood obliged, perhaps by former Treaties, to aflift us
with troops at his own expence ; and often in cafes, when his
own prefervation was more immediately concerned in the event
of the war than ours.
Mr. Walter Plumer^ Jan. 26, 1736.
IN a free country, I am afraid that a landing Army rather
occafions than prevents mobs : where Magiftrate has a guard
of regular troops to tfuft to, he is apt to negleft humouring
the People he defpifes and fometimes opprefles ; in which cafe
the People as long as there is any fpirit among them, will
certainly grow tumultuous. If a tumult happens with any juft
caufe of complaint, a little gentle ufage and calm reafoning,
generally prevents any mifchief, and prevails with the People
to return to their duty : but a Magiftrate with an army at his
back will feldom take this method, for few men will be at the
pains of perfnading, when they know they can compel. Btrt
in
BRITISH SENATE. 139
in a free country, if a tumult happens from a juft caufe of com-
plaint, the people ought to be fatisfied, their grievances ought
to be redrefied ; thev ought not furely to be immediately knock-
ed on the head, becaufe that they happen to complain in an ir-
regular vvr.y. To make ufe of regular troops upon every fuch
oecafion, is like a tyrannical fchool-mafter, who never makes
ufe of the foft arts of perfuafion and allurement, but always
makes ufe of the rod : fuch a man may break the^/'r//, but ne-
ver can improve the minds of his fcholars.
Sir John Barnard^ Feb. 3, 1737.
OUR armies have known no other power than that of the
Secretary at War, who directs all their motions, and fills up
every vacancy without oppofition, and without appeal.
But never, myLord, was his power more confpicuous than
in railing the levies of this year ;. never was ever any authority
more dcfpotically exerted, or more tamely fubmitted to ; never
did any man more wantonly fport with his command, or more
capriciouily fport with pofts of preferment ; never did any ty-
rant appear to fet cenfure more openly at defiance, treat mur-
murs or remonftrances with greater contempt, or with more
confidence or fecurity diftribute pofts amongft his flavesj
without any other reafon of preferment, than his own uncon-
troulable pleafure.
And furely no man, my Lords, could have made choice of
fuch wretches for military commands, but to (hew, that nothing
but his own private inclinations fhould influence his conduct,
and that he confidered himfelf as fupreme and unaccountable ;
for we have feen, my Lords, the fame animals to-day cringing
behind a counter, and to-mor-row fwelling in a military drefs ;
we have feen boys lent from fchool in defpair of improvement,
and entrufted with the military command : fools that cannot
learn their duty, and children that cannot perform it, have been
indifcriminately promoted : the drofs of the nation has been
collected together to compofe our new forces, and every man-
140 BEAUTIES OF THE
who was too ftupid or infamous to learn, or carry on any
trade, has been placed, by this great difpofer of honours, above
the necefiity of application, or the reach of cenfure.
Did not fometimes indignation, and fometimes pity, check
the fallies of mirth, it would not be a difagreeable entertain-
ment, my Lords, to obferve in the Park, the various appear-
ances of thefe raw Commanders, when they are expofing their
new fcarlet to view, and ftrutting with the firft raptures of
fudden elevation : to fee the mechanic new-modelling his mien,
and the ftrippling tottering beneath the weight of his cockade ;
or to hear the converfation of thefe new adventurers, and the
inftructive dialogues of fchool-boys and fhopkeepers.
I take this opportunity, my Lords, of clearing myfelf from
any fufpicion of having contributed, by my advice, to this ftu-
pendous collection.
Duke of Argyk) Dec. 9, 1740.
SIR, let us at lead, not adopt that damn'd Mach'iavilian
doctrine, that a free People cannot be governed but by force, who
may fo eafily be won by love and affection. An army, Sir,
was never kept up in any country in time of peace, but, focner
or later, it was ufed againft the Liberties of the People, and at;
laft enflaved them.
Sir, I lament that the People of this country have now too
unequal terms to contend upon, for fccuring their Properties
and their Independency. Maclnavel fays, iron will prevail over
gold ; but, by this army added to the other power, our ma-
nagers pofiefs both fo are regardlefs of complaints, and of
gratifying the expectations of the People. To whom can they
fly for refuge, or from whom can they expect redrefs, if not
from peribns now at the helm of affairs, famed through the
land for being the fupporters of Liberty, and for their detefta-
tion of Tyranny and Oppreflion ?
If the People do complain, perhaps they have juft caufe for
fo doing j feeling numberiefs burthens and taxes laid upon
them,
BRITISH SENATE. i 4 r
them, chiefly to fupport needlefs offices and places at immenfe
falaries : the People are fenfible of it, by their being generally
occupied by perfons of loofe lives, without abilities, who make
them fine-cures, or, at moft, appoint deputies, at fmall fab-
rics, to tranfact them : they complain their Reprefcntatives are
debauched from them, that Tax-Makers vote Taxes, that the
Army vote the Army ; in fhort, CunSll pcene patres clamant periffe
pudorem. I muft confefs, I almoft defpair of any good to be
done in this detefted age, or of any reformation, fo many hav-
ing drank of Circe's fell cup, the cup of corruption, that they
are, imperceptibly to themfelves, become monfters, and glory
in it, that I almoft join in with Jugurthd's reflection when he
he left Rome, Urbem venalem & mature perituram ft Emptorcm
invene-rit.
Perfons trained up in the principles of Liberty can ill brook
this new doctrine, of being retained in fubjetlion by an army\
having imbibed other notions in their education, fo ftrong as
not to be able to diveft themfelves of them : that he, for one,
did deleft and abhor the men that would offer it, and did de-
clare, Manus Lie inimica Tyrannis. Could, Sir, our fore-
fathers at the Revolution, have conceived that their much-
boafted and dear-purchafed Liberty would have ended in a large
Standing Army, as a protection for Bureaux and Paflors, from
the remonftrances of their much- injured pofterity, and faddlfd
with a debt of eight millions, would they have called that a.
Dc'liverance? They would fcarce have thought the alternative
a valuable confederation. Though I fhould allow, Sir, there
is no intention in fome of our managers to enflave us, it will
be but a melancholy reflection when it does happen, towards
alleviating the diftrcffed, to fay It was not intended. Js it not a
fevere imputation upon thcfc who have every advantage to make
themfelves eftcemed by, as the difpofal of all the revenue, ports,
and preferments in the realm, to call out for a Military to fup-
port their meafures again it the hate of the People ? Dees it not
convey
I4 2 BEAUTIES OF THE
convey fomething as if they were not the bcft managers in the
World ?
Perfons in high ftations, furrounded by flatterers and fyco-
phants, are much impofed upon, and impofe upon themfelves,
by imagining their actions are not, and ought not to be {"canned
by the People ; they flatter themfelves they are approved. Much
in the manner of a lior'y I have heard of a certain Efquire, op-
preffive and arbitrary in his neighbourhood, where he bafhawed
it away, had good eating and drinking, for the fake of which
many perfons reforted to him, who always faid as he faid, com-
mended all his faults, and told him they were virtues, and that
the whole country admired him ; and flattered him continually,
for the fake only of what they "could get from him.
He not long after put it to the teft, by fallying out into a
neighbouring village, where, inftead of pasans and fhouts of
joy, he was faluted with dirt and dead dogs, and pelted out of
the village with rotten eggs. He came home vaftly difcon-
certed and dejected, and accofted his Parfon, who had been one
of the forwardeft of his flatterers, How now, Parfen, fays he,
did not you tell me bow much I was admired , and you fee what has
happened f
Sir, I (hall leave the application to the Houfe, and conclude
tvith imploring Gentlemen, if they have any bowels for their
Country, any affe&ion for his Majefty, and for his Family
being long amongft us, or any regard for the Liberties of
tfceir Pofterity, to reduce the Army, and to leflen thereby our
numerous Taxes.
ITilliam Thornton, Efq- y My. 2.6, 1751.
THE dangers that muft arife from the introduction of foreign
troops into the dependencies of the realm, if not illegal, might
be very great ; for it might eafily be in the power of an ill de-
iigning Prince, to fill all the exterior parts of the dominions
with foreign mercenaries, and take opportunities to make them
the meant of overturning the Conftitution. No man fhould
forget
BRITISH SENATE. 143
forget the natural tendency of (landing foreign troops ; they
cannot efteem your Laws ; they know not your Conftitution ;
they cannot refpedt- it. Recollect the cafe of the Hanoverian
foldier at Maidftone, where the commanding Officer told the
civil Office, Relcafe the man, or I have eight thoufand men
here, and I -will teat down your gaol, and take him by force.
Sir, that will be the language of Commanders of foreign troops ;
they know not the Laws ; they cannot refpe& them. Difputes
will arife in quarters, and they muft be terminated in this man-
ner. But let us turn our eyes to the other countries of Europe
and fee what miferable work the foldiery have made. Sir, they
have overturned Europe from its bafts. Look at Sweden,
where the King, merely by the means of an army, has cut the
throat of Swedifh Liberty, and rules by the fword : and I might
here obferve, a-propos, that this Adminiftration in England wag
acceflary to the mifchief, or at leaft attempted to prevent a
reparation. I do not ailert this upon my own knowledge, but
I have been told it upon pretty good authority, when the Em.
prefs of Ruffia was about to ftir in favour of the old Govern-
ment of Sweden, we interpofed, and threatened her with thy
fleet of England, if (he made any fuch attempt.
Ri%ht Hen. T. Tewnjbend, Nov. 2, 1775*
B R I-
*44 BEAUTIES OF THE
BRIBERY.
THOUGH this Bill at firft fight feemed to be a felf-deny-
ing Bill, and to fome particular Members, might perhaps
prove fo, yet 1 fufpecl: the Commons, confidered as a Houfe of
Parliament, would find in it a very great enlarge.nent of power.
Whatever tends to break the balance between the Powers efTen-
tial to this Conflitution, muft, fooner or later, prove the ruin
of the whole. An independent Houfe of Commons, or an in-
dependent Uoufe of Lords, is as inconfiftent with our Confti-
tution, as an independent, that is an abfolute King, Whoever
loves the Liberties and Laws of fcis Country, would no more
defire to fee one than the other. Let Bribery be punifaed, but
not by giving fo much ftrength to one Power of this Conftitu-
tion, as {hall make it able to overbear the reft.
Bijhcp of Bangor, Jan. 21, 1731* on the BUI for preventing
Bribery in the Eletlion of Msmbcrs of Parliament.
My LORDS, it is now fo late, and fo much has been faid in
favour of the Motion, for the fecond reading of the Penfion
Bill, by Lords much abler than I am, that I {hall detain you but
a very fhcrt while with what I have to fay upon the fubje&. It
has been faid by a Noble Duke, that this Bill can be looked on
only as a Bill for preventing a grievance that is forefeen, and
not as a Bill for remedying a grievance that is already felt j be-
caufe it is not aflerted, nor fo much as infinuated in the Pream-
ble of the Bill, that any corrupt practices are now made
ufe of, for gaining an undue influence over the other Houfe.
My Lords, this was the very reafon for bringing in the Bill.
They could not ailTert, that any fuch practices are now made
ufe of, without a proof ; and the means for coming at this proof,
is what they want, and what they propofe to get by this Bill.
They fufpecl there are fuch practices, but they cannot prove it.
The
BRITISH SENATE. 145
The crime is of fuch a fecret nature, that it can very feldom be
proved by witnefles ; and therefore they want to put it to the
trial, at leaft, of being proved by the oath of one of the parties ;
which is a method often taken in cafes that can admit of no
other proof. This is, therefore, no argument of the grievance
not being felt j for a man may, very fcnfibly, feel a grievance,
and yet raay not be able to prove it.
That there is a fufpicion of fome fuch practices being now
made ufe of, or that they will foon be made ufe of, the many
Remonftrances from all parts of the united kingdoms are a
fufficient proof. That this fufpicion has crept into the other
Houfe, their having fo frequently font up this Bill, is a manifeft
demonftration, and a ftrong argument for its being neceflary to
have fome fuch Bill pafled into a law. The other Houfe muft
be allowed to be better judges of what paffes, or muft pafs,
within their own walls, than we can pretend to be. It is evi-
dent, they fufpetthat corrupt practices have been, or foon may
be made ufe of, for gaining an undue influence over fome of
their meafures ; and they have calculated this Bill for curing
the evil if it is felt, for preventing it if it is only forefeen. That
any fuch practices have been actually made ufe of, or are now
made ufe of, is what I fhall not pretend to affirm, but I am fure
I fhall not affirm the contrary. If any fuch are made ufe of,
I will, with confidence, vindicate his Majefty. ! am fure
he knows nothing of them. I am fure he would difdain
to fuffer them j but 1 cannot pafs fuch a compliment , upon
his Minifters, nor upon any fet of Minifters that ever was,
or ever will be, in this nation : and therefore I think I can-
not more faithfully, mere efFec^ually ferve his prefent Ma-
jefty, as well as his fucceffors, than by putting it out of the
power of Minifters to gain any corrupt influence over either
Houfe of Parliament. Such an attempt may be neceffary for
the fecurity of the Miniiler, but never can be necefTary for,
muft always be inconfiftent with, the fecurity of his Mafter ;
and flic more necefiary it is for the Miniiier's fccurity, the
VOL. I. L more
146 BEAUTIES "OF THE
more inconfiftent it wHl always be with the King's, and the
more dangerous to the Liberties of the nation.
To pretend, my Lords, that this Bill diminUhcs, or any
way encroaches upon the Prerogative, is fomething very firange.
"What Prerogative, my Lords ? Has the Crown a Prerogative
to bribe, to infringe the law, by fending its Penfioners into the
other Houfe ? To fay fo, is deftroying the credit, the authority
of the Crown, under the pretence of fupporting its Prerogative.
If his Majefty knew, that any man received a Penfion from-
him r or any thing like a Penlion, and yet kept his feat in the
other Houfe, he would himfelf declare it, or withdraw his Pen-
fion, becaufe he knows it is againft law. This BH1, therefore,
no way dimimfh.es or encroaches upon the Prerogatives of the
Crown, which can never be exercifed but for the public good.
It diminishes only the Prerogatives ufurped by Minifters, whichr
are never exercifed but for its deftruition. The Crown may
ftHl reward merit in the proper way, that is openly." The Bill'
is intended 1 , an<i- can operate only againfl clandeftine re wards or
gratuities given by Mmifters. Thefe are fcandalous, and never
were, nor will be gr-ven but for fcandalous fervices.
True generofity, and true merit, my Lords, delight in fun-
fiiine^ It is glorious to reward true merit, it is glorious to
receive the reward ; and therefore, whoever gives or receives
the reward, will be fond of doing it publicly, and of declaring-
it openly, without fear of being impeached of corruption.
When Admiral P'ernun was a Member or" the other Houfe, the
Majority was generally againft him : they did not then like his
face ; and I believe, if he were ftill a Member, they would as
little like it now : yet, if he fhould receive a reward from the
Crown, that Majority v.-ou'J nor, I bc!eve, vote that reward
to be a bribe. I am fenfible, Majorities 'have fornetimes done
very extraordinary things ; but yet I do not believe they would
do this r becaufe that Admiral has fo well deferved a reward.
He has done with fix (hips, about 2000 f.-anen, and 200 tat-
tered loldiers from Jamaica, wha* .->!d, cculJ not be
done
BRITISH SENATE. 147
done by a larger fquadron, and at leaft 8coo feamen, when our
{hips and Jailors lay rotting at the Baftimer.to''s. When war was
refolved on, he was called from ploughing the ground, to plough
the ocean ; and as the fervice of his country required difpatch,
he defined but three days to fettle his family-affairs. In time of
peace, he was never employed : he was even difappointed in
his preferment. The reafon is plain : he was net fit for thofe
fervices that entitle our fea and land Captains to preferment in
time of peace. He had (hewed it, when he was a Member of
the other Houfe j and this, I believe, is the true reafcn of his
not being. a Member-now. But if he fiiould be a Member in
the next Parliament, as he probably will, if he lives, the pafling
of this Bill could no way prevent his Majefty from re wand ing
him in any manner he may then think fit ; nor could his accept-
ing of the reward fubject him to any inconvenience or danger.
This Bill can, therefore, no way affedl the Prerogatives of
the Crown, or prevent any man's receiving a juft and well*
tlefervcd reward ; which is the only reward the Crown ought,
or has any title, even from Prerogative, to beftow : for this
Prerogative, like all the other Prerogatives of the Crown, is fo
far fubject to the controul of Parliament, that if it be abufed,
the Parliament may enquire into, and punifh -the advifers of
that abufe.
It is very remarkable, my Lords, it is even diverting, to fee
fuch a fqueamifhnefs about perjury upon this occafion, amongft
thofe, who upon other occafions, have invented and enacted
multitudes of oaths, to be taken by men who are under great
temptations, from their private intereft, to be guilty of perjury.
Is not this the cafe of r.lmoft every oath that relates to the
collection of the public revenue, or to the exercife of any office ?
Is not this perjury one of the chief objections made by the Dif-
fenters againft the Ted and Corporation A6t ? And fiiall we
{hew a lefs concern for the prefervation cf our Condi'
than for the prefervation of our Church? The reverend Bench
fliould be cautions of making ufe of this arjruiiient, for if they
L 2 wiil
148 BEAUTIES OF THE
.will not allow us an o.ath for the prefervation of the former,
it may induce many people to think, they ought not to be allow-
ed an oath for the prefervation of the latter.
By this time, I hope, my Lord, all the incoHveniencies pre-
tended to arife from this Bill have vaiiSCicd ;. and therefore I
ihr.il confider fome of the arguments brought to fhev/ that it
5s not necefiary. Here I rauft obferve, that mod of the argu-
ments made ufe of for this purpofe, are equally ftrong for a
repeal of the laws we have now in being, againft admitting
Penfioners to fit and vote in the other Houfe. If it be im-
poffible to fuppofe, that a Gentleman of great eftate, and an--
tient family, can, by a pcnfion, be influenced to do what he
ought not to do; and if we muft fuppofe th'at none but fuch:
Gentlemen can ever get into the other Hotxie, I am fure the
laws for preventing Penfioners from having feats in that Houfe 7
are quite unneceffary r and ought to be repealed-,. Therefore,
5f thefe arguments prevail with your Lordfhips to pat a nega-
tive upon the prefcnt Queftioif, I fliall expect to fee that ne-
gative followed by a Motion for the repeal of thofe laws. Nay,,
in a few Selnons, I fiaall expcdl to fee a Bill brought in, for
preventing any man's being a Member of the other Houfe,
but fuch as have fome place or penfion under the Crown.
As an argument for fuch a J3ill, it muft be faid y that his Ma-
jefty's moft faithful fubje&s ought to be chofcn Members of
Parliament,- and that thofe Gentlemen will always be moft
faithful to the King that receive the King's money. I fliall
grant, my Lords, that fuch Gentlemen will be always the moft
faithful, and the moil: obedient to the Minifter ; but for this
very reafon, 1 (hould be for excluding them from Parliament.
The King's real intereft, however much he may be made by
his Miniilers to miftake it,, nuiit always be the fame with the
People's; but the Miniller's intcrcft is generally diftincl: from,
and often contrary to both : therefore, I fliall always be for ex-
cluding, as much as poilible, from Parliament, every man who
r the leaf* inducement to prefer the intereft of the Minifter,
to-
BRITISH SENATE. 149
to that of both King and People : and this I take to be the
cafe of every Gentleman, let his eftate and family be what they
will, that holds a penfion at the will of the Minifter.
Thofe who fay, they depend fo .much upon the honour, inte-
grity, and impartiality of men of family and fortune, feem to
think our Conftitution can never be diffolved, as long as we
have the fliadow of a Parliament. My opinion, my Lord, is io
very different, that if ever our Conilitution be diflblved, if ever
an abfolute Monarchy be eftablifhed in this kingdom, I am con-
vinced it will be under that fliadow. Cur conftitution confifts
in the two Houfes of Parliament; bein^ a check upon the
Crown, as well as upon one another. If that check fho.uld ever
be removed^ if the Crown fhould, by corrupt means, by places,
penfions, and .bribes, get the abfolute dire&ion of our two
Houfes of Parliament, our Conftitution will, from that moment,
be deftroyed. There would be no cccafion for the Crown to
proceed any farther. It would be ridiculous to lay afule the
forms of Parliament; for under that fhadow, our King would
be more abfolute, and might govern more arbitrarily than he
could do without it, A Gentleman of family and fortune would
aiot, perhaps, for the fake of a penfion, agree to lay afide the
forms of Government; becaufe, by his venal iervice there, he
earns his infamous penfion, and could not expeft the continu-
ance of it, if thofe forms were laid afide : but a Gentleman of
family and fortune may, for the lake of a penfion, whilft he is
in Parliament, approve of the moft blundering meafures, con-
fent to the moft exceflive and ufelefs grants, ena<St the moft op-
preilivc Jaws, pafs the moft villainous accounts, acquit theoiod
heinous criminals, and condemn the moft innocent perfons, at
the defire of that Minifler who pays him his penfion. Ar:d if a
majority of fuch Houfe of Parliament confifted of fuch men,
would it not be ridiculous in us to talk of our Conftitution, or
to fay we had any liberty left?
This misfortune, this terrible condition we may be reduced
to by corruption : as brave, as free a people as we, the
L 3
150 BEAUTIES OF THE
were reduced to it by the fame means ; and to prevent fucU a
horrid cataftrophe, is the defign of this Houfe.
If people would at all think, if they would confider the con-
fequences of corruption, there would be no occafion, my Lords,
for making laws againft it. It would appear fo horrible, that
no man would allow it to approach him. The corrupted ought
to confider, that they do not fell their vote, or their country only :
thefe, perhaps, they may difregard j but they fell likewife them-
felves : they become the bond-flavcs of the corrupter who cor-
rupts them, not for their fakes, but for his own. No man ever
corrupted another, for the fake of doing him a fcrvice. And,
therefore, if people would but confider, they would always re-
ject the offer with difdain. But this is not to be cxpefted.
The hiflories of all countries, the hiftory even of our own
country (hews, it is not to be depended on. The proffered
bribe, people think, will fatisfy the immediate cravings of fome
infamous appetite ; and this makes them fxvaflow the alluring
bait, though the liberties of their country, the happinefs of their
potterity, and even their own liberty, evidently depend upon
their refufmg ir. This makes it necefiary, in every free State,
to contrive, if poflible, effectual laws againft corruption : and
as the laws we now have for excluding Penfioners from the
other Houfe, are allowed to be ineffectual, we ought to make a
trial, at leaft, of the remedy now propofed : for though it fhould
prove ineffectual, it will be attended with this advantage, that
it will put us upon contriving fome other remedy that may be
effectual ; arid the fooner fuch a remedy is contrived and ap-
pl : ed, the lets danger we frail be expofed to of fall.ing into that
fatal diftemper, from which no free State, where it has once be-
come general, has ever yet recovered.
Earl tf Ckcftcrfield, Feb. 22, 1740.
CIVIL
Jl I T I H -SENATE,
CIVIL LIST.
I Agree with the Hon. Member who {poke firft, (Sir Robert
Walpole) that on his Majefty 's happy Accefiion to the
Throne, there ought to be np other contention amongft .us,
than who fhould molt contribute to his iervice, than who fhould
exprefs their duty and loyalty in the moft refpedtful and the moft
.extenfive manner. But then I hope he will agree with me,
.that this is to be done with fome regard to thofe we reprefent :
that this is to be done, confident with the truft repofed in us ;
confident with that frugality which this Houfe is bound to ull-.,
whenever the Crown is pleafed to call upon.it, to exercife its
great power of giving money.
Now, notwithftanding what has been urged, I think we flialj
fo far depart from tlie rule of frugality, as we exceed the revenue
granted to his late Majefty, whether that exceeding (hall a-
mount yearly to 93,000 1. as computed at the higheft by the
Hon. Member, or to above 130,000!. as I have feen it more
truly computed by another. For I remember very well, that
the yearly fum of yoOjCQQl. though now thought too little, was
not obtained for his late Majefty, without a long and folemn
debate ; and it was allowed by every one that contended for it,
to be an ample Royal revenue. Nor was it afkcd inconfider-
ately, and on a fudderi ; it was afked on mature deliberation,
after the Queen's Civil Lift branches were found deficient ; it
was afked aftp<- many computations had been male of every
charge requiiile f.o fupport the. honour and dignity of the Crown,
and to maintain the prefent Royal Family ; it was afked, after
July weighing what provifion would be fufficient to anfvver all
the ordinary and extraordinary occafions of the Civil Govern-
ment ; what would be fufficient to anfwer all proper augmen-
tations of falaries, all reafonable and charitable penfions, all
jccret ferviccs at home and abroad, necefiarv to carry on a juit
L 4
152 BEAUTIES OF THE
and wife Adminiftration. It was afked by that Hon. Member
himfelf and others, who were entering into great employments,
who were going to tafte of the Royal bounty, and who there-
fore could not poflibly be fufpedled to have any defign of cramp-
ing his Majefty, by a too contracted and narrow revenue.
Nor does the late alteration in the Royal Family call for any
increafe of expence. For if the eftabliflirnent for the Queen
fhould be enlarged, whofe djftingui fried character and many
princely virtues, taken notice of in your Addrefs, entitle her to
all degrees of grandeur, which any former Queen Confort ever
enjoyed ; I fay, if her Majefty's eftablifhment fhould be en-
larged, I prefume the eftablilhment for Prince Frederick will
be much inferior to that fettled on his prefent Majefty when
Prince of Wales. Befides, our ardent wifties for his Majefty's
conftant refidence in thefe kingdoms, and his Royal intentions
- of making us a great and happy people, give us hepes, that
many perfonal, many particular expences in the late reign, ef-
pecially thofc for frequent journies to Hanover, will be difcon-
tinued and entirely ceafe.
Nor is it any objection to the reafoning of that time, when
the 700,000!. was granted to the late King, or to the compu-
tation then made, that this fum is faid to have been found, by
the experience of paft time r , to be not anfwerable to the necef.
fities of the Civil Government.
For this experience could not be found in the Queen's reign,
becaufe her Civil Lift branches feldom amounted to 600,000 1,
Commonly to about 550,000!. and fometimes to very little above
500,000!. as appears by accounts formerly laid before this
Floufe : and I will not fuppofe thofe accounts which were
brought from the Treafury to be other wife than true, in regard
to my Hon. Friend. 1 aik pardon, I fhould have faid the Hon,
Member, for there is no friendfhip betwixt us. But he muft
eive rr.e leave to obferve, that when he aflerts her Civil Lift
Branches apiounted to about 700,000!. yearly, he can only
mean
BRITISH SENATE. 15-5
mean the grof?, and not the neat produce ; which is a very un-
czndid and fallacious way of arguing.
Though her revenues were fo low, yet Ihe called upon her Par-
liament but once in her reign of above thirteen years, to pay
the debts contracted in her Civil Government; and it is a juf-
tice due to the memory of that excellent Princefs, to' remind
Gentlemen of the unparalleled inftances of her piety and gene-
rofity which occaiioned thcfe debts. She gave the firft-fruits
and tenths, arifing now, as the Hon. Member who made this
Motion, fays, to 19,000!. a year, for the augmentation of the
maintenance of the poor Clergy ; fhe gave 5000 1. a year out o'
the Pod-office to the Duke of Marlborough ; fhe fufFered 700 1
a week to be likewife charged on the Poft-office for the public
fervice, and by that conceflion loft a vaft fum, the additional
duty then producing only Soool. a year; (he gave feveral hun-
dred thoufand pounds for building the Caftle of Blenheim ; fhe
allowed Prince Charles of Denmark 4000!. a year; (he fuf-
tained great lofles by the Tin Contract; fhe fupported the poor
Palatines ; fhe gave 100,000 1. to the ufe of the war. Thefe,
with many other Royal bounties, which efcape my prefent re-
mejnbrance, were the reafons that brought her under the necef-
fity of aflcing for 500,000!. But fhe was fo fenfible of the in-
convenience, and fo determined never to apply to her Parlia-
ment again in the like manner, that fhe ordered a confiderable
reduction to be made of her Civil Government expences. I
have feen a fcheme of this redu&ion, as it was actually fettled a
little before her death, and intended to commence the Lady-
' day following. It would be tedious to go through all the par-
ticular articles of it, and I will only name three or four. Tht
Cofrerer's-office payments were reduted from 85,000!. to
75,000 1. the allowances for Foreign Mi nifters from 75,000!.
1030,000!. Penfions and Bounties from upwards of 87,490!.
to 60,000 1. Secret Services from 27,000,!. to 20,000 1. a fum
furprizingly fmall, when compared with the late difburfements
on that head. In ftiort, the whole yearly expences were de-
figned
1 54 BEAUTIES OF THE
fi^ned to be reduced to 459,941 1. and that would have been
done without eclipfing the glory of the Crown, which, forc-
Gentlemen fo roundly affirm, cannot now be maintained under
almoft a double appointment.
From hence it appears plainly, that this argument of the ex-
perience of paft times can have no reference to the Queen's
reign. It muft therefore be applied, though put in the plurd
number, to the late Adminiftration only : and I confefs, if the
fame management was to be continued, if the fame JVluiifters
were to be again employed, a million a year would not be fuffi-
cient to cany on the exorbitant expences, fo often, and fo juftly
complained of in this Houfe. For it is notorious, it is frefh ia
all our memories, that befides the yearly 700,000!. there have
been many occafional taxes, many exceffive fums raifed, and
they have been all funk in that bottomlefs gulf of Secret Ser-
vice. Firft, the memorable 250,000!. was raifed, in defiance of
the ancient parliamentary methods, to fecure us from the appre-
henfions of a Swedifh invafion. Then the two Infurance-of-
fices were erected in as regular a manner, by a Bill brought
into this Houfe, at the latter end of a Seffion, and after the
Committee of Supply had been clofcd, upon the Hon. Member's
return into power ; and thofe bubbles paid near 300,000!. for
their charters. Then a new fcene of affairs opening in Swe-
den, changed our enmity into an alliance, and there was a fub T
fidy of ^2,000! . implicitly granted, to make good fome fecref
bargain and engagement with that Crown. At that time near
24,000!. were given for burning two Merchapt fhips arrived
from infected places ; but the goods, as well as the fhips, were
paid for by the Houfe, that they might, without injury to the
Owners, be deftroyed for the public fafety j yet moft of them,
were privately conveyed into counties adjacent to the port
where the {hips lay, and fold there. Then foon after a fum of
500,000!. was demanded and granted for the payment of the
Civil Lift Debts ; on which occaiion his late Majefty declared
in his Mefiage, That he was refolvcd to caufp a retrench-
ment
BRITISH SENATE. 155
ment to be made of his expences for the future." ^ But not-
\vithftanding that refolution, in lefs than four years, the necef-
fitfrcs of the Government having rendered the promifed re-
trenchment impracticable, there was a new demand, and a new
grant of 500,000!. more, to difcharge new incumbrances. I
might mention, too, the Spanifh fbips which wsre taken in the
famous Mediterranean fea-fight, and, as we have reafon to be-
Jieve, fold for a considerable fum of money. Nor is it poffible
to forget the 125,000 1. which ^we could only be told the laft
Seffion, in a general unexplained article, was fecretly difpofed
of for the public utility, for the confervation of the peace of Eu-
rope, and for the (ecurity of the commerce and navigation of
Great-Britain.
After all thefe and other extraordinary fupplies, I am in-
formed there yet remains a debt in the Civil Government of
above 60.0,000 1. If fo, furely there muft have been a mod
egregious neglect of duty, to fay no worfe ; there muft have
been a ftrange fpirit of extravagance fomewhere, or fuch im-
menfe fums could never have been fo foon, fo infenfibly fquan-
dered away : and it is amazing this extravagance fhould hap-
pen under the conduct of perfons, pretending to furpafs all their
predecefibrs in the knowledge and care of the public revenue.
But we are not to wonder that the world has been free in its
cenfures, fmce none of thefe fums have been accounted for, fince
they have been employed in fervices not fit to be owned.
None but thofe who were in the fecret, and who had the dif-
pofal of them, can refute the reflections that are made without
doors, not only on the Miniftry, but even on both Houfes of
Parliament. I muft fay no more But I heartily wifh, that
time, the great difcoverer of hidden truths and concealed ini-
quities, may produce a lift of all fuch, if any fuch there were,
who have been perverted from their public duty by private pen-
iions ; who have been the hired flaves, and the corrupt inftru-
ments of a profane and vain-glorious Adminiftration. If
there have been none fuch, then the whole weight, then the
whole
X5 & BEAUTIES OF THE
whole guilt of the late mifmanagement lies on the Minifters
themfelves.
But it fcems to be matter of univerfal joy to the nation, that
the cafe is like to be altered ; we hope we are arrived at a day
of better oeconomy ; we hope fuch practices will be fo far from
being imitated, that they will be detefted and abhorred : nor
can anyone entertain the Icaft doubt of this, when he confiders
that a Prince is afcending trie Throne, who will chufe a know-
ing, faithful, and frugal Miniflry ; who will not permit his
domeftic or foreign affairs to be negotiated by bribery and
corruption, for want of fufficiency and (kill in politics ; whofe
\vifdom will enable him, and whofc goodnefs will incline him,
not only to infpecl: the management of the Civil Lift branches,
but in juftice to his Parliaments, and in companion to his
people, to direct and require a due 'nd exact difpofition of all
the other public funds, according to their refpeclive appro-
priations.
Now, in confequence of this moft juft notion of his Ma-
jefly's fruguality, which, amongft other his innumerable vir-
tues, endears him fo much to his fubjects, I hope I may, with-
out offence, propofe the addition of fome words to the queilion,
that may reftrain it to 700,000!. and in this I as much confult
the fervice of his Majcfty, and the honour and dignity of the
Crown, as thofe who are for granting the funds without any
reftricTions. For, in my humble opinion, the voting a greater
than was fettled on his late Majefty, is only voting an indem-
nity ; is voting at leafr in favour of Miniflers, whofe conduct,
as I have already hinted, if laid before you, and duly examined,
would perhaps rather deferve your cenfure than approbation.
Befides, the furplus of thefe branches is appropriated to the
Sinking Fund ; and that, I thought had been a facred depofitum,
J for the gradual difcharge of the national debt. I
thought it would be looked upon as a fort of facrilege, to have
diverted the leaft part of it, on any pretence whatfoever, from
its original ufes ; and it is asfurprizing to me, that the Honour-
3 able
BRITISH SENATE. i$j
able Perfon (hould be for deftroying his own darling project,
and that he fhould be for pulling down the boaftcd monument
of his glory, as it may be to others, -that I am for fupporting
any ichcmc of his, which might have tranfmitted his name with
advantage to pofterity.
If his Majefty was rightly apprized of thefe circumftances,
he would doubtlefs rather be content with a clear annual revenue
of 700,000!. than fufter his firft demand of money, by any
precipitate proof of our zeal, to carry the leaft appearance of
being burthenfome to his people, who have long laboured under
the preifure of grievous and exorbitant taxes; for he has been
gracioufly pleafed to fignify from the Throne his fixed refolu-
tion, " By all pofiible means to merit their love and affection,
" which he fhall always lock upon as the befr. fupport and fecu-
" rity of his Crown."
Mr. Sbippfti, July 3, 1727, on Sir Robert Walpdis Motion
far fettling on the King the entire revenue: of the Chi! Lift.
I MUST declare it to be my opinion, that the creditors of
the public have, in a manner, a right to that facred fund, called
the Sinking P'und ; it is in its nature a fecurity to them : firft,
for the payment of the intereft coming yearly due to them, and
next for the payment of their principal fums. The whole
people of England have a right to have it duly applied j becaufe
it is by fuch application only, that we can get free of thofe many
and grievous taxes, which lie fo heavy upon the poor, and are
fuch a clog to the trade and the manufactures of this nation :
and therefore the applying that fund to any other ufe, is robbing
the public creditors of their right, and doing an injuftice to the
whole people of England.
The prefent circumftances of this motion are, my Lords, in
fome manner deplorable. By the many taxes we now pay, thy
neceffaries and conveniencies of life are rendered fo dear, that
it is impoffible for our tradesmen or manufacturers to live fo
cheap, or to fell the produce of their country at fo fmali a price
as
J5 8 BEAUTIES OF THE
as our neighbours do : from hence it is, my Lords, that our
neighbours are every day encroaching upon us, and our trade
is daily decaying. If a journeyman in any manufacture what-
ever, can live better in France or Germany on fix-pence a
day than he can live in England on a {billing, we may depend
on it, that moft of our tradefmen will find their way thither,
if they are not prevented either by our own good politics, or by
fome very bad policy amongft our neighbours : and if a maftcr
tradefman can get the fame work done in France for fix-pence,
which would coft him a {billing in England, he certainly can
underfell the Englifli tradefman in all the foreign markets in
the world. The only method, therefore, to preferve our trade,
is to take off thefe taxes, which now lie fo heavy upon the
poor tradefmen and labourers ; and this the whole people of
England know, can be done no other way but by a due appli-
cation of the Sinking Fund. How {hocking then muft it
be to the whole nation, to fee that fund plundered of fo large
a fum at once? The whole nation muft from thence conclude,
that they muft for ever groan under thefe taxes and burthens,
which they now find almoft infupportable, and which muft
foon become abfolutely fo, by the decay cf our trade and our
manufactures.
This fund, my Lords, has therefore been clandeftinely de-
frauded of feveral fmall fums, at different times, which, indeed,
together, amount to a pretty large fum : but by the Bill which
wehave ordered to be committed, (for granting to his ALijefty
a. certain fum out of the Sinking Fund) it is to be openly and
avowedly plundered of 500,000!. at once. After fuch a direct
mifapplication of that fund, can any public creditor depend upon
his ever being paid his principal fum ? Can any public creditor
ever think himfelf fecure, even of that yearly intereft or annuity
which is due to him ? By this Bill, he fees one half of the
ing Fund applied to the current fervice of the year : i
fees done, and this, my Lords, he fees done at a time of the
moft profound peace and tranquillity : how then can he be cer-
tain,
BRITISH SENATE. i&
tain, but that the whole Sinking Fund may be next year ap-
plied to the fame purpofes ? He muft then fee himfelf deprived
of all hopes of ever receiving his principal fum ; and if the
funds now appropriated to the payment of the yearly intereft or
annuities, growing due to the public creditors, fhould hereafter
prove deficient, where could they have recourfe for the payment
even of thofe annuities ? The Sinking Fund being otherwife
applied, their annuities, or at leaft foine part of them, muft
remain unpaid ; and at laft, perhaps, the whole might ceafe*
Such a fufpicion may, even by this mifapplication, arife among
the creditors of the public ; and if fuch {hould arife, it would be
the moft terrible fnock that ever happened to the public credit
of this nation. To prevent, therefore, any fuch fufpicion, it-
will be abfolutely 'neceflary for your Lordfhips to come to fome
refolution for quieting the minds of the people, and for aflgring
them, that no fuch mifapplication (hall for the future be ad-
mitted of on any pretence whatever.
Lord Carter et y May 30, 1733.
I WONDER to hear it affirmed by any Noble Lord in this
Houfe, that the public creditors have any manner of right in
the Sinking Fund : they certainly have no right to any part of
it : they have a right only to receive their yearly intereft when
it comes due ; for the payment of which there are other funds
appropriated : and therefore as long as they are regularly paid
their intereft, they have nothing to fear, they have nothing to
complain of. It is well known that the Sinking Fund was
from its very firft original, fubjedr. to be difpofed of by Parlia-
ment ; and the Parliament has it ftill in their power to apply it
to the paying oil" a part of the public debt, or to whatever other
public ufe they fhall think moft proper ; and in this year, there
is as much of it applied towards the paying off the public debts
as is either neceflary or convenient.
By the fame Bill, my Lords, there is a million to be applied
towards the paying off a part of the public debts of the nation,
which
160 BEAUTIES OF T::I:
which is more than the creditors of the public cither defire or
expedt. The circumftances of this nation are now fo happy,
and the public credit fo well eftabliflied, that none of the public
creditors defire to have their* money : on the contrary, my
Lords, we fee that thofe funds bear the higheft price, and are
the moft fought after, which arc expected to be the longeft in
being paid off. Under fuch circumftances we have an oppor-
tunity to look about .us, and to apply a part of that fund where
we find it is moft wanted : this is what is propofed by this Bill.
It muft be granted, my Lords, that the landed Gentlemen have,
of all others borne for many years the greateft {hare of the
public charge ; they are, therefore, the firft that ought to be
relieved ; and for this reafon, 500,000 1. part of the Sinking
Fund, is to be applied to the current fervice of the prefent
year, in order to relieve them of a part of that burden they
have long laboured under. Since then by this Bill the landed
Gentlemen are to be relieved, and the fervice of the year pro-
vided for without contracting any new debt, or laying any new
burden on the people, it muft be allowed to be a public benefit.
It is, my Lords, a good defign ; fuch a defign as can give no
man an alarm ; it can raife no jealoufies or fears, and is, there-
fore, highly deferving yourLordfliips approbation and fupport.
Duke cf Ntwcajllfa May 30, 1733.
THE Meflage that has been read, will, I dare fay, meet
with no obftrudtion in this Hcufe. It is with pleafure, Sir,
that every good fubjecl fees the Royal Line fo ftrong, as to
fecure a long duration of happincfs to thefe kingdoms, in the
perfons of hus Majefty's defendants : and the attachment of
his Royal Koufe to the liberties of this nation, give us all reafon
to hope, that fucceeding Princes will tread in the paths of his
prefent Majcfty, who has bee;: hitherto fo careful of all his
fubjecls rights, and fo watchful over their prefervation.
Sir, his Ai:,jc:ly has been fo tender of aflcing for any thing
on account of his own family, that they are now, in cafe of
his
BRITISH SENATE. 161
fcis demife, in a more precarious fit uation than the children of
any Gentlemen of fortune in England. In fuch an event, Sir,
which heaven avert ! no Gentleman can, from the hiftory of our
conftitution, take upon him to fay, in what manner they have
a right to be provided for. I believe a future Parliament will
reflect with gratitude upon the bleflings of his prcfent Majefty's
reign, and make a fu;table provifion for his Royal progeny;
but I imagine no Gentleman in this Houfe, would chufe to leave
the provifion of his younger children upon a precarious foot-
ing. Parliaments, like other bodies, are changeable ; and it
would be an unpardonable neglect in his Majefty, as a father,
fhould he leave fo numerous an iflue to the uncertainty of a
parliamentary provifion to be made after his demife.
The other only method, by which his Majefty's younger
children in fuch a cafe could be provided for, is by the Prince
upon the Throne. But, Sir, tho' I have, and I believe every
Gentleman has, the greateft opinion of the virtues of the Royal
Perfon who is the Heir of the Crown, yet we are to confider^
that his Royal Highnefs is blefied with a young progeny; and
that, as no man can anfwer for events^ if the two Royal lives
(hould fall before the children of his Royal Highnefs are of
age, the Government devolves upon a Regency : and give me
leave, Sir, to fay, that there is no precedent in this nation,
nor any pofitive law now in being, that can determine, as the
Royal Family muft in fuch a cafe ftand^ to what perfon the
Regency devolves. This confideration is of itfelf fufficient to
juftify the application now made by his Majefty to this Houfe -,
it is no more than any private Gentleman would do, to put
his younger children above a precarious dependence : and I
dare fay, that no Gentleman will think, that his Majefty
ought to be put under difabilities, which every one here, who
is a father, would look upon as hard and unreafonable.
I hope Gentlemen are fully convinced, how becoming it is
in his Majefty, as a father, to make fuch an application ; and
how becoming it is in us, as a Houfe of Commons, to anfwer
VOL. I, M it
i6i BEAUTIES OF THE
it in the moft effectual manner : the only confideration, therefor^
that Gentlemen can now have, is with regard to the quantum
that is demanded by this Meflage. As to that, Sir, I will
venture to fay, that when we grant it, it is the fmalleft pro-
vifion that ever was granted for the Crown of Britain ; nay,
the whole of the provifion for four Royal Perfonages, does not
amount to one half of what former Parliaments have thought
but a moderate provifion for one. King James, Sir, when
Duke of York, had ioo,oool. fettled upon him by Act of Par-
liament j and that, I think, is the only parliamentary provifion
for younger children that can ferve as a precedent on this oc-
cafion, becaufe it is the only one fmce the Reftoration ; for
before that time the Crown had a great property in lands, and
could, without a parliamentary concurrence, provide for its
younger children. King Charles the lid had a lawful iflue
of his own body to provide for ; the children of King James
were married, and their fettlements made before he came to
the Crown ; King William had no children ; Queen Anne had
none that lived till after (he came to be Queen ; and the
daughters of his late Majefty were married before his acceffion
to the Throne of Britain. Upon the whole, therefore, I be-
lieve there never was a demand made by the Crown more
reafonable and moderate than this is. It is for a provifion to
younger children, which cannot be made without confent of
Parliament j and a provifion fo moderate, that I dare fay, no
other objections to it will be made in this Houfe, but that it
is too little. Therefore I humbly move, That leave be given
to bring in a Bill, to enable his Majefty to fettle an annuity
of 1.5,000!. per annum upori his Royal Hignefs the Duke of
Cumberland, and his heirs j and allb one other annuity of
24,000!. per. annum upon the Princeffes Amelia, Carolina,
Mary, and Louifa.
Sir Robert Wal$ol(> May 3, 1739.
SIR,
BRITISH SENATE* 163
SIR, we ought to look back to what former Princes and
parliaments have done. 1 will take the confideration only from
the glorious aera of the Revolution, and I will ftate it fairly
and fully. The Civil Lift was not granted to. King William
for life till the year 1698, when 700,000!. a year was fettled
on him. The diftractions of his Government, and of all
Europe at that period, are well known, His moft generous
Views for the public were thwarted at home, during the greater
part of his Reign, by the Tories. Queen Anne had the fame
annuity fettled on her. She gave yearly ioo,oool. for carry-
ing on the war, a war againft France, befides 200,000!. at
leaft towards the building of Blenheim-Houfe, and above
100,000 1. for the fupport of the poor Palatines. It is on the
Journals of May 13, 1715, and in the following. " Refolved,
" That the fum of 700,000!. per annum was fettled upon his
" late Majefty King William during life, for the fupport of his
" Majefty's houftiold, and other his neceflary occafions ; and,
'* at the time of his Majefty's demife, after the deduction of
'* 3700!. a week, that was applied to the public ufes, was the
:< produce of the Civil Lift Revenues, that were continued
:c and fettled upon her late Majefty Queen Anne during her
* life." The deduction for public fervices at 3700!. a week,
>r 192,400!. a year, from that part of the Civil Lift Revenue
railed the hereditary and temporary Excife, was firft made
n the laft year of King William. Notwithftanding thisdeduc-
ion, the Civil Lift Funds produced in that very year 709,420!.
n the firft of Queen Anne, the fame funds with the fame de-
luctions were fettled on her for life, and declared to be for
aifmg 700,000!. a year for the fupport of her houftiold, and
he dignity of her Government. In the ninth of her Reign
he old Poft-OfEce Adi was repealed, and a new General Poft-
)fHce with higher rates were eftablifhed j in confideration of
/hich, another deduction was made from the Civil Lift Re-
enue of 700!. a week, or 36,400!. a year, and both thefe
eductions have ever fmce been continued,
M 2 George
164 BEAUTIES OF THE
George the Ift had the fame Revenue fettled upon him ai
Queen Anne; but if 300,000!. paid him by the Royal Ex-
change and London Affurance Companies, and a million
granted in 1726 towards paying his debts, are included, his
income will appear to have been nearly 800,000!. per annum.
In the firft fpeech to his Parliament he took notice, " That
" it was his happinefs to fee a Prince of Wales, who may, in
cs due time, fucceed to th.e Throne, and to fee him blefied
* with many children." Yet the eftablifhment of the Civil
Lift, at the beginning of that Reign, was only fettled at
700,000!. a year. It was not till after the great expences con-
fequent on the rebellion of the Earl of Mar, and the other per-
jured Scots, who, although they had taken the oaths of al-
kgiance to his Government, traitoroufly waged open and im-
pious war againft a mild and juft Sovereign, that the Parlia-
ment paid the King's debts. In the Reign of George the Ift,
the Prince of Wales had ail Eftablifhrnenc of 100,000!. per
annum.
George the lid had a very numerous family, and 800,000 1.
was at firft fettled upon him, with whatever furplus might
arife from the duties and allowances compofmg the Civil Lift
Revenue. In 1 726, that part of the hereditary and temporary
Excife, which confided of Duties on Spirituous Liquors, was
taken from the Civil Lift, in confideration of which 70,000!.
was transferred to it from the Aggregate Fund. The income
of George the lid, including 115,000!. granted in 1729, and
456,733!. ia 1747, towards making good the deficiencies which
had ariien in the Civil Lift Duties, was 810,749!. per annum
for thirty-three years. His late Majefty likewife had in his
reign a Scottifh Rebellion, carried on by many of the fame
traitors who had been pardoned by his father. The expence
of that Rebellion to the King and Kingdom was enormous ;
for it was not confined to the extremities of the Ifland, but
raged in the heart of the Kingdom, and the rebels advanced to
within a hundred miles of the capital. Such an event, Sir^
not
BRITISH SENATE. 165
fiot^unforefeen, becaufe foretold, was a juft ground for the
Parliament's difcharging a debt, contracted by fecuring to us
every thing dear to men and Englifhmen.
The eftablifhment of the prefent King, at the yearly rent-
charge to the nation of 800,000 1. was a meafure, at the time,
equally pleafing both to the Prince and People. The Minifter
boafted, that there was not a poffibility of any future difpute
about the hereditary Revenues, or concerning accounts fuf-
peded to be falfe, wilfully erroneous, or deceitful, kept back
or anticipated, to fervc a particular purpofe. I am aware, Sir,
that the Civil Lift Revenues have been increafmg for many
years. The mean annual produce for the five laft years of
George the lid was 829,150!. and for the firft fix years of his
prefent Majefty it would have been, had the eftablifhment in
the late reign continued 894,000!. In 1775 it would have
been 1,019,450!. Near 90,000!. per annum of this great in-
creafe has been produced by an increafe in the Poft-Office re-
venue, occafioned chiefly by the late alteration in the manner
of franking, and by the falling of the crofs pofts to the pub-
lic by the death of Mr. Allen : but thefe profits would pro-
bably, at leaft certainly ought to have been referved to the
public, had the eftablifhment in the late reign been continued.
At the foot of one of the accounts on our table, it is ftated;
" The amount of 800,000 1. granted to his Majefty, from
w Oa. 25, 1760, to Jan. 5, 1777, is 12,965,517!. 45. gd|.
** The produce as above exceeds the annuity by 2,381,241 1.
" 95. jd|. But Parliament granted to pay off the Civil Lift
" debt on Jan. 5, 1769, out of the fupplies for the year 1769,
" S^iS 11 ^' which being deducted, fhews the gain to the pub-
" lie to be 1,867,730!. gs. jd|." The bargain concluded
for the public, was of an annuity to the King of a clear
800,000 1. fubject to no deductions or contingencies for his life,
on a folemn promifc of that being made to bear all the ex-
pences of the Civil Lift and the Royal Houfhold. It was a
fair compact of finance between the King and the iuhjct, rati-
M 3 fie4
1 66 BEAUTIES OF THE
fied by both parties. The moft explicit affurances were given
. by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in the King's name, that
no more fhould be aiked; and that now his Majefty could
never be under the difagreeable neceflky of importuning this
Houfe with mcflages of perfonal concern. I have, Sir, care-
fully examined the accounts laid before the Houfe by his Ma-
jefty's command, the eight folio books, and the other papers ;
and I will venture to fay, they are as loofe, unfatisfaclory, per-
plexed, and unintelligible, as thofe delivered in by the Noble
Lord with the blue ribbon in 1770-, a year after the former de-
mand to pay the debts on the Civil Lift j and more loofe, un-
fatisfactory, perplexed, and unintelligible, no accounts can be.
Mr. Wilkes, April 16, 1777.
OUR. funded debt is two hundred and thirty millions, and
our unfunded debt will amount to thirty-eight millions, without
the bottom of the war expences being wound up, befides nine
millions Navy Bills, and other debts, that will make the whole
amount to the enormous fum of two hundred and ninety mil-
lions ; the yearly intereft of which would take fourteen millions
to discharge : now our national eftate, including Malt and
Land Tax, and the whole of the Sinking Fund, amounts only
to thirteen millions two hundred thoufand pounds; fo that
there will remain eight hundred thoufand pounds to be pro-
vided annually to make good the intereft. This is a very fe-
rious fituation, and fucffas muft give every friend to his coun-
try great pain to obferve ; but at the fame time it is highly
necefTary, that fome means or other fhould be fuggefted and
taken, in order to extricate us from the difficulties in which our
prefent circumftances involve us. One way of lightening our
burthens certainly is, by reducing our Peace Eftablifhments
even lower than they flood at the beginning of the war. To
fuch a proportion I have not the fmalleft objection ; but ftill
fomething more muft be done to give the country effectual re-
lief, which can only arife from paying off a part of the na-
tiona}
BRITISH SENATE. 167
t'tonal debt. I wifli, therefore, to call the attention of the
Houfe to this point, and to (hew them how much might be
done by the application of a fingle million yearly. According
to a calculation made by that accurate calculator Dr. Price, it
appears, that by the laying by of a million annually, and fa-
credly and religioufly applying it to pay off a part of the na-
tional debt, provided the three per cents, are changed to four
per cents, (which are much more eafily paid off than the three
per cents.) two hundred and fixty-feven millions might be
paid off in fixty years; fo that his prefent Majefty (if his life
ftiould laft to about the fame length that many of his anceftors
had lived to) will in his life-time have the comfort of feeing his
people relieved from all the burthens and expences brought
upon them by the American war; and the Heir Apparent,
whofe reign it is to be hoped will be a long one, will live to
fee the whole of the debt cleared. According to the calculations
of Baron Mazeres, it appears, that if the plan of laying by a
million a year was adopted and purfued for twenty years, and
the country then under the neceflity of defifting from it, that
thofe twenty millions, with the money provided to pay the in-
tereft of that part of the national debt, that fhould be paid off
from time to time, appropriated to the fame purpofe, would in
fifty-feven years difcharge the greateft part of the debt. Mr.
Sinclair has very fenfibly and clearly (hewn in his book what
might be done, by putting in practice fuch a fcheme as I have
mentioned ; and, in order to carry the plan into effect, Com-
jniflioners ought to be fpecially appointed.
Mr. Dem/ler, June 23, 1784.
COM-
BEAUTIES or TH*
COMMERCE AND REVENUE.
AS I had the honour to move for the Houfe to refolve itfelf
into this Committee, I think it incumbent upon me to
open to you what was then intended to be propofed, as the fub-
jecl of your cor.fideration. We are now in a Committee for
confidering of the moft proper methods, fpr the better fecurity
and improvement of the duties and revenues already charged
upon and payable from tobacco-and wines : this can be done in
no way fo proper or effectual, as that of preventing for the
future thofe frauds, by which the public revenues have been fq
much injured in times paft. I know, that whoever attempts to
remedy frauds, attempts a thing than muft be very difagreeable
to all thofe who have been guilty of them, or who expect a be-
nefit by fuch in time to come. This, Sir, I am fully fcniible
of, and from this have fprung all thofe clamours, which have
been raifcd without doors, againft what I am now to propofe to
you. The fmugglers, the fraudulent dealers, and thofe who
have for many years been enriching themielves by cheating
their country, forefaw, that if the fcheme I am now to propofe
took effect, their profitable trade would be at an end ; this gave
them the alarm, and from them I am perfuaded it is, that alj
thofe clamours have originally proceeded.
In this it is certain, that they have been moft ftrenuoufly
affifled -and fupported by another fet of people, who, from mo-
tives much worfe, and of much more dangerous confequence
to their country, are fond of improving every opportunity that
offers, for ftirring up the people of Great-Britain to mutiny
and fedition. But, Sir, notwithstanding all the clamours that
fuch wicked and deceitful men have been able to raife, as the
fcheme I have to propofe will be a great improvement to the
public revenue, an improvement of 2 or 300,000!. per annwn y
and perhaps more, and as it will likewife be of great advantage
BRITISH SENATE. 169
.to the fair trader, I thought it my duty, not only as being ia
the ftation I am in, but alib as being a Member of this Hotife,
to lay it before you j for no fuch clamours fhall ever deter me
from doing what I think is my duty, or from propofing any
thing that I am convinced will be of fuch fignal benefit to the
revenue, and to the trade of my country.
It has been moft induftrioufly fpread abroad, that the fcheme
I am now to propofe, was a fcheme for a General Excife ; but
I do aver no fuch fcheme ever entered into my head, nor, foy
what I know, into the head of any man I am acquainted with.
My thoughts were always confined folely to thofe two branches
of the revenue, arifing from the duties on wine and tobacco :
and it was the frequent and repeated advices I had of the noto-
rious frauds committed in thofe branches of the revenue, and
the clamours even of fome of the Merchants themfelves, that
made me turn my thoughts particularly towards confidering
ithofe two branches, in order to find out, if poflible, fomc remedy
for the growing evil. What I am now going to propofe will,
I believe, if agreed to, be an effectual remedy ; but if I now
fail in what I am to propofe, it will be the laft attempt of this
kind that I fhall ever make : I believe it will be the laft that
will ever be made, either by me, or by any that fhall fucceed
me in the ftation I am now in.
At prefent, I {hall lay before you only the cafe as it now
glands, with refpeft to the tobacco trade, and the revenue arifing
therefrom. Arid here it will be neceflary firft to confider the
condition of our planters of tobacco in America. If we can
believe them, if we can give any credit to what they themfelves
fay, we muft conclude that they are reduced almoft to the laft
extremity j they are reduced even almoft to a ftate of defpair,
by the many frauds that have been committed in that trade, by
the heavy duties which the importers of tobacco are obliged to
pay upon importation, and by the ill ufage they have met with
jfrom their fadtors and correfpondents here in England j who,
from being their Servants, are now become their Lords and
Mafters.
IJQ BEAUTIES or THS
Mafters. Thefe poor people have fent home many reprefenta-
tions of the bad ftate of their affairs, and have lately fent over a
Gentleman with a Remonftrance, fetting forth their grievances,
and praying for fome fpeedy relief. This they may obtain by
jneans of the fcheme I intend now to propofe ; and I believe it
is from this fcheme only that they can expect any relief.
The next thing we are to confider, is the ftate of the tobacco-
trade, with regard to the fair trader. The man who deals ho-
nourably and fairly with the public, as well as with private
men ; the man who honeftly pays all thofe duties which the
public is juftly entitled to, finds himfelf prevented and fore-
ftalled, almoft in every market within the ifland, by the fmug-
gler and the fraudulent dealer: and even as to our foreign
trade in tobacco, thofe who have no regard to honour, to reli-
gion, or to the welfare of their country, but are every day con-
triving ways and means for cheating the public by perjuries and
falfe entries, are the greateft gainers : and it will always be fo,
unlefs we can fall upon fome way of putting it out of their
power to carry on any fuch frauds for the future.
And laftly, we ought to confider the great lofs fuflained by
the public, by means of the frauds committed in the tobacco*
trade, and the addition that mult certainly be made to the public
revenue, if thofe frauds can be prevented in time to come. By
this addition we may be enabled to relieve the nation from
fome of thofe taxes, which it has laboured under fo many years ;
whereas, as the cafe now ftands, the innocent and the honeft*
part of the nation are charged with taxes, which they would be
free from, if the fraudulent dealers and the fmugglers could be
any way obliged to pay that, which is juftly due by them to the
public. This will, I am convinced, be the effecl: of the fcheme
I am to propofe to you : and whoever, therefore, views it in its
proper light, muft fee the planters, the fair traders, and the
public, ranged on one fide in favour of it j and none but the
vnfair traders and the tobacco-fadors on the other.
I fha!l
BRITISH SENATE. 171
I {hall beg leave to mention to you fome of thofe frauds which
have come to my knowledge : the evidence I have had of them
is to me very convincing j but in luch cafes, Gentlemen ought
alwavs to confider what evidence it is impofiible to bring, what
evidence it is, by the nature of the thing, unreafonable to
expedl.
A particular inftance of fraud came lately.to my knowledge
by mere accident. One Midford, who had been a confiderable
tobacco-merchant in the city, happened to fail, at a time when
he owed a large fum of money upon bond to the Crown j
whereupon an extent was ifiiied out immediately againft him,
and thereby the Government got pofieffion of all his books, by
which the fraud he had been guilty of was difcovered : for it ap-
peared, as may be feen by one of his books I have in my hand,
that upon the column where the falfe quantities, which had been
entered at the importation, by collufion between him and the
Officer, by which he paid or bonded the duty payable upon im-
portation, a flip of paper had been fo artfully parted on that it
could not be difcovered ; and upon this flip of paper were written
the real quantities which were entered, becaufe he was obliged
to produce the fame book when that tobacco was entered for
exportation : but then, upon exportation, the tobacco was en-
tered and weighed according to the quantities marked upon this
flip of paper fo artfully pafted on, as I have mentioned, by which
he got a drawback, or his bonds returned, to near double the
value of what he had actually paid duty for upon importation.
Yet this Midford was as honcft a man, and as fair a trader, as
any in the city of London. I defire not to be mifunderftood ;
I mean, that before he failed, before thefe frauds came to be dif-
covered, he was always reckoned as honeft a man, and as fair a
trader, as any in the city of London, or in any part of the
nation.
After this, he mentioned the feveral frauds following : That
of re-landing the tobacco after it was (hipped off for exportation ;
that of focking of tobacco, which was a cant- word ufed for
dealing
i 7 2 BEAUTIES OF THE
ftealing and fmuggling it out of the (hips, after their arrival in
the river, before they were unloaded at the cuftom-houfe j that
of ftripping the ftalks, and afterwards fplitting and prefling them
by an engine contrived for that purpofe, and then exporting
them j that of giving bonds for the duty payable upon im-
portation, whereby the Government had loft feveral large fums
by the failure of payment of fuch bonds j that of the rich
moneyed men making prompt payments, by which the public
was obliged to allow them ten per cent, difcount as to the duties 5
and by entering the tobacco foon after for exportation, they
drew back the whole duties ; fo that Government actually loft
ten per cent, upon all the tobacco that had been fo entered.
Thefe frauds are notorious, moft of them are known to the
whole world ; and as the Laws of the Cuftoms have been
found ineffectual for preventing of fuch frauds, therefore, it is
propofed to add the Laws of Excife to the Laws of the Cuftoms,
and by means of both it is prebable, I may fay certain, that all
fuch frauds will be prevented in time to come.
By the feveral fubfidies and impofts now payable upon to-,
bacco, by feveral Ac~ls of Parliament made for that purpofe, it
appears, that the duties now payable upon tobacco on import-
ation, amount to 6$d. per pound weight ; all which muft be
paid down in ready money, by the Merchant, upon importation
thereof, with the allowance of ten per cent, upon prompt pay-
ment ; or otherwife there muft be bonds given, with fuiRcient
fureties for payment of the money ; which is often a great
lofs to the public, and is always a great inconvenience to the
Merchant importer : whereas, by what I am to propofe, the
whole duties to be paid for the future, will amount to no more
than 4|d. per pound weight, and this duty not to be paid till
the tobacco comes to be fold for home confumption ; fo that
if the Merchant exports his tobacco, he will be quite free from
all payment of duty, or giving bond, or finding out proper
fureties for joining in fuch bond, he will have nothing to do
but to re-load his tobacco on board a {hip for exportation,
without
BRITISH SENATE. 173
without being at the trouble to attend for having his bonds
cancelled, or for taking out debentures for the drawbacks j all
which, I conceive, muft be a great eafe to the fair trader ; and
to every fuch trader the preventing of frauds muft be a great
advantage ; becaufe it will put all the tobacco traders in Britain
upon the fame footing : which is but juft and equal, and what
ought certainly to be accompliflied, if it be pcffible.
Now, in order to make this eafe effectual to the fair trader,
and to contribute to his advantage, by preventing as much as
poflible any frauds in time to come, I propofe, as I have faid,
to join the Laws of Excife to thofe of the Cuftoms, and to
leave the one penny, or rather three farthings per pound, called
the farther fubfidy, to be ftill charged at the Cuftom-houfe,
upon the importation of any tobacco ; which three farthings
Ihall be payable to his Majefty's Civil Lift as heretofore : and
I propofe, that all tobacco for the future, after being weighed
at the Cuftom-houfe, and charged with the faid three farthings
per pound, (hall be lodged in a warehoufe or warehoufes, to be
appointed by the Commiflioners of Excife for that purpofe;
of which warehoufe the Merchant importer (hall have one lock
and key, and the warehoufe-keeper to be appointed by the faid
Commiflioners fhall have another ; in order that the tobacco
may lie fafe in that warehoufe, till the Merchant finds a market
for it, either for exportation or for home-confumption : thus,
if his market be for exportation, he may apply to his ware-
houfe-keeper, and take out as much for that purpofe as he has
occafionfor; which, when weighed at the Cuftom-houfe, (hall
be difcharged of three farthings per pound, with which it was
charged upon importation ; fo that the Merchant may then
export it without any further trouble : but if his market be for
home-confumption, that he (hall then pay the three farthings
charged upon it at the Cuftom-houfe upon importation ; and
that then, upon calling his warehoufe-keeper, he may deliver
it to the buyer, on paying an inland-duty of 4d. per pound
weight, to the proper officer appointed to receive the feme.
And
174 BEAUTIES OF THE
And whereas all the penalties and forfeitures to become due,
by the laws now in being, for regulating the collecting of the
duties on tobacco, or at leaft all that part of them which is not
given to the informers, now belonging to the Crown ; I pro-
pofe that all fuch penalties and forfeitures, fo far as they for-
merly belonged to the Crown, fhall for the future belong to
the public, and be applicable to the fame ufes to which the faid
duties (hall be made applicable by Parliament : and for that
purpofe, I have his Majefty's commands to acquaint this Houfe,
that he, out of his great regard for the public good, with plea-
fure confents that they fhall be fo applied : which is a conde-
fcenfion in his Majefty, that I hope every Gentleman in this
Houfe is fully, fenfible of, and will fully acknowledge.
I know there has been an objection made ; I expect to hear
it again made iathis Houfe, again!! what I now propofe. The
objection is this ; that a great many of his Majefty's fubjects
will be liable to be tried in a multitude of cafes, by the Com-
miflioners of Excite^ from whom there is no appeal, but to
Commiffioners of Appeal, or to Juftices of the Peace in the
country, all named by the King, and removeable at pleafure j
from whom the appellants cannot expect to meet with juftice
or redrefs. I am far from thinking there is any ground for
this complaint ; I am far from thinking that any man ever had
juft reafon to fay that he was wronged, or unjuftly dealt with,
either by the Commiflioners of Appeal, or by the Juftices of
Peace at their quarter-feffions : but, in order to obviate any
objection of this nature, I propofe that all appeals in this cafe,
as well as in all other cafes- relating to the Excife, fhall for the
future be heard and determined by two or three of the Judges,
to be named by his Majefty, out of the twelve Judges belong-
ing to Weftminfter-hall j and that in the country, all appeals,
from the firft fentence of his Majefty's Juftices of Peace, fhall
be to the Judge of Aflize upon the next circuit which fhall
come into that county j who fhall in all cafes proceed to hear
an.1 d.t.-rmine fuch appeals in the moil fummary way, without
formality
BRITISH SENATE. 17$
formality of proceedings in courts of law or equity. From
fuch Judges, and from fuch a manner of proceeding, every man
muft expect to meet with the utmoft difpatch, and with the
moft impartial juftice : and therefore I muft think, that what
I no\V propofe can be no inconvenience to thofe, who may
thereby be fubjected to the Laws of Excife ; but that if there
was formerly any ground of complaint, it may be a great relief
to thofe who are already fubjecled to fuch laws.
This is the fcheme which has been reprefented in fuch a
dreadful and terrible light: this is the monfter, that many-
headed monfter, which was to devour the people, and to com-
mit fuch ravages over the whole nation : how juflly it has
been reprefented in fuch a lightj I fhall leave to this Committee,
and to the whole world without doors to judge j I have faid, I
will fay it again, that whatever apprehenfions and terrors people
may have been brought under, from falfe and malicious repre-
fentations of what they neither did nor could pofiibly know or
underftand, I am firmly perfuaded, when they do come to
know and fully to underftand the fcheme which I have now had
the honour to open to you, they will view it in another light ;
and that if it has the good fortune to be approved of by Parlia-
ment, and comes to take effect, the people will foon feel the
happy confequences thereof; and when they feel thofe good
effects, they will no longer think thofe people their friends who
have fo grofly impofed on their underftanding.
I look upon it as a moft innocent fcheme ; I am convinced
it can be hurtful to none but fmugglers and unfair traders ; I
am certain it will be of great benefit and advantage to the pub-
lic revenue ; and if I had thought otherwife of it, I never
would have ventured to have propofed it in this place ; there-
fore I fhall now beg leave to move that it may be refolved,
That it is the opinion of this Committee, that the fubfidy and
additional duty upon tobacco, of the Britifli Plantations, granted
by an Act of the izth of King Charles lid, and the impoft
thereon, granted by an Act of the firft of King James lid,
and
176 BEAUTIES OF THE
and alfo the one-third fubfidy thereon, granted by an Act of the
fecond of Queen Anne, amounting in the whole to 5^d. per
pound, for feveral terms of years in the faid re'fpedive Afts
mentioned, and which have fince been continued and made,
perpetual, fubje& to redemption by Parliament, (hall from and
after the 24th day of June, 1733, cea ^ e ant * determine.
Sir Robert Walpole^ March 14, 1733.
WHEN I firft heard of this fcheme I was in the country,
and there I muft fay, that it had been rcprefented in fuch a
light, as created a general diflike to it, and raifed great appre-
fcenfions in the minds of moft people. It was reprefented as a
fcheme for introducing a general Excife ; fuch a fcheme I own
I would not allow myfclf to think was contrived or approved
of by any Gentleman in Administration. I did imagine that all
thofe in the Adminiftration were very well convinced, that a
general Excife was what the People of England would never
quietly fubmit to ; and therefore did not believe, that any of
them ever would countenance a fcheme which had the leaft
tendency that way. But now after having heard it opened,
and fully explained by the Honourable Gentleman (Sir Robert
Walpole) on the floor, I cannot but think that it is a wide
ftcp towards eftablifhing a general Excife, and therefore I muft
be excufed affenting to it.
How far it relates to trade, with which it certainly has a
very clofe connexion, I fhall leave to be explained by others more
converfant in thofe affairs ; nor will I take upon me to fay how-
far it may be a remedy for the frauds mentioned hy the Honour-
able Gen:lerr.an ; but there is another concern which I always
fhall, while I have the honour to fit in this Houfe, have a par-
ticular eye to, and that is, the Liberty of my Country. The
danger with which this fcheme feems to threaten many of my
fellow-fubje&s, is alone of fufficient force to make me give my
negative to the Queftion. Let Gentlemen but reflect, let them
but caft their eyes back on the feveral laws that have been made
5 finct
BRITISH SENATE.. $77
ilnce the Revolution, they will there find, that there has been
already more power veiled in the Crown, than may be thought
altogether confiftent with the Constitution of a free Country ;
and therefore I hope this Houfe will never think of adding to
that power, which there may be fome ground to fufpeft is al-
ready too far extended.
The Laws of Excife have always been looked upon as mofl
grievous to the fubjecr. All thofe already fubjected to fuch
Laws, are, in my opinion, fo far deprived of their Liberty j
and fince by this fcheme, a great many more of his Majefty's
faithful fubjech are to be fubjec~led to thofe arbitrary Laws, let
the advantages accruing to the public be ever fo great or many,
they will be purchafed at too dear a rate, if they are purchafed
at the expence of the Liberty of the meaneft of his Majefty's
fubjects ; for even the meaneft man iii the nation, has as natural
and good a right to his Liberty, as the greateft man in this, or
any other kingdom.
Let us but take a view of the neighbouring nations in Eu-
rope j they were all once free j the people of every one of them
had once as many Liberties and Privileges to boaft of as we
have now ; but at prefent they are moft of them reduced to a
ftate of Slavery ; they have no Liberty, no Property, no Law,
nor any thing they can dtpend on. Let us examine their
hiftories, let us enquire into the methods by which they are
deprived of their Liberties, and we fhall find a very near re-
femblance to the fchemes now propofed to us. Almoft in every
Country in the world, the Liberties of the People have been
deftroyed, under pretence of preferving or refcuing the People
from fome great evil, to which it was pretended they were
expofed. This is the very cafe now before us ; in order to
enable the Crown to prevent fome little frauds, pretended to
have been Committed in the ancient method of collecting the
public revenue, it is propofed to us to put fuch a power in the
hands of the Crown, as may enable fome future Prince to en-
ilave the whole nation. This is really the light in which this
VOL. I.- N fchero*
178 BEAUTIES or THE
fcheme appears to me ; but to the Honourable Gentleman who
propoftd it to us, I am perfuaded it appears in a quite different
light, othervvife I am certain he would never have propofed it
to this Committee. However, fince the generality of the na-
tion have already fhewn a great diflike to it, I hope the Ho-
nourable Gentleman may be prevailed on to delay it till ano-
ther Seffion of Parliament : in luch a delay there can be no
danger, there can be no great lofs to the Public, more efpe-
crally fince the money to be thereby raifed, is not fo much a:
propofed to be applied to the current iervice of the prefent year.
3f it be delayed till another Seifion of Parliament, Gentlemen
will then have time to confider it fully, and to confult with
their Conftituents about it ; by that time it may poflibly ap-
pear in a quite different light both to me and many other Gen-
tlemen without doors as well as within ; and then, if upon exa-
mination it appears to be a good thing, as fome Gentlemen
now feein to believe, it will, without doubt, be approved of by
the generality of thofe without, as well as by the majority of
thofe within.
But I hope thofe Gentlemen who have now fo good an opi-
nion of the fcheme, will not think of thrufting it down people's
throats, when they fee that the generality of the nation have an
opinion of it quite different from what they have j fuch a Re-
folutioa, fuch an attempt, might produce confequences which I
tremble to think of : and this is another motive which is of
v.e'rght to me, I have the honour to know his Majefty,
his Royal Pcrfon I have formerly had the honour to approach,
and know him to be a Prince of fo much goodnefs, that were
this fcheme reprefcnted to him in this light, he never would
approve of it; to him- it will always be a fufficient reafon
againft any propofition, that the generality of the people have
fhewn their diflike to it. I love his Majefty, I have a fmcere
and a dutiful refpecl for him, and all the Royal Family; and
therefore I fhall always be afraid of any thing that may alienate
the affections of many of his Majefty's faithful fubjects, which
g I be-
BRITISH SENATE. 179
I believe would be the certain confequence of the eftablifhment
of this fcheme ; for which reafons, if the Queftion be now
fumed, I {hall moft heartily give my negative to it.
Sir Paul Methuen, March 14, 1733.
THE profperity of this nation, Sir, or at lead our fecurity^
depends upon the tranquillity of our neighbours : while they
are at peace, they will always confume more of our manu-
factures than when they are involved in blood and confufion ;
and confequently we fhall always, in times of peace, have a
greater demand for the manufactures of our country than in
time of war. Befides, while they continue at peace, the Ba-
lance of Power can be in no danger; but the events of war no
nation can depend on; and therefore this nation, amongftthc
reft, may be deeply affected by the extraordinary fuccefs of any
one Power in Europe. Let us not therefore grudge a trifling
expence, when it may evidently contribute towards reftoring
peace among our neighbours, upon which our own profperity
and fecurity does and always muft depend.
Ourhoufe is not yet on fire, but our neighbour's is all on
a flame ; and then certainly it is time for us to prepare the
engines neceflary for preferving our own. Thefe are a power-
ful fleet, and a fufficient body of regular well-difciplined troops,
ready to march at the fuft word of command. This, Sir,
will give weight to his Majefty's Councils, it will make all
the parties concerned give a due regard and attention to what
may be propofed by his Majefty's Minifters for reftoring the
peace of Europe ; for a Minifter, whofe equipage confifts of a
large body of good troops, will always be better hearkened to,
than one whofe equipage confifts only of a great number of fine
pages and ulelefs footmen.
Sir Robert Walpole, Feb. 14, 1735.
As this day feems to be a day of paradoxes, amongft the reft^
We have been told one with refpeft to our trade. We are
N 2 told,
i8o BEAUTIES OF THE
told, Sir, that the profperity of this nation depends upon the
tranquillity of our neighbours ; and that in times of peace,
there is always a greater demand for the manufactures and pro-
duce of this country than in time of war. This, Sir, is fo
far from being a true maxim in trade, that the direct contrary
is true. The chief part of the produce of this country, con-
fiits in the neceflaries, and not the luxuries of life j and con-
fequently our neighbours will always confume as much of fuch
fort of things in time of war as in time of peace. But the dif-
ference is, that when their heads are not diftracted, nor their
hands diverted, by any foreign or domeftic war, they have time
to apply themfclves to tillage ; they have time to apply them-
felves to manufactures of all kinds; they have leifure to think
of, and to improve all the arts of peace ; and by fo doing, the)
furnifh themfclves at home with a great many of thofe necefla-
ries which, in time of war, they are obliged to purchafe of us,
This is not only evident in theory, but is confirmed by expe-
rience ; for our trade has fuffered more by the domeftic im-
provements made by our neighbours, during the laft long tran-
quillity in Europe, than it has done by any other means ;
except the heavy duties we have laid upon ourfelves, and the
great trouble, and many fees, and many perquifites we have
fubjeted our Merchants to, both in importing and export ins
their goods and merchandize.
Mr. Pultency^ Feb. 14, 1735-
OUR great King Edward III. {hewed fuch a regard for oui
trr.de and navigation, that upon a complaint from our Mer-
chants of their having been plundered by the Spanim pirates 01
guarda coftas of thole days, he immediately fitted out a fleet
and went in perfon to revenge the depredations that had beer
committed upon his fubjects ; by which he reftored the free-
dom of our commerce, and added a naval triumph, to the
many triumphs he had before obtained at land. The pro-
ttUon of trade and navigation has always been one of the
chiei
BRITISH SENATE, 181
chief concerns of all great Kings and all wife nations. Even
the Romans, who could never be faid to be a trading people,
fhewed a great regard for it, as appears from the reproof Cicero
gave them in his days, for neglecting to fupprefs the pirates,
and to afiert the honour of their flag.
&lr. Pulteney, March 30, 1738,
OUR travellers, Sir, who make but very fuperficial inquiries
into the manners or cuftoms of any country they pafs through,
may perhaps imagine the people of France or Holland, arc
more heavily or more opprefTedly taxed, than the people of this
kingdom, becaufe they hear the people complain there as they
do here; but any Gentleman who underftands thefe things, and
has made a proper inquiry, may foon be convinced of the
contrary ; and as for the other countries of Europe, they have
not, it's true, fuch numbers of rich Merchants, mafters of ma-
nufacturers, and matter tradefmen, as we have in this country,
which is the reafon that many of their poor live in idlenefs,
or ftarve for mere want, becaufe there are few or no rich.
Matters or Merchants in the country, that have money to em-
ploy them ; but in all countries, where the poor have any em-
ployment, they are pretty nearly equally poor ; they neither
get, nor expeci more thvm a comfortable fubfiftence by their
daily labour : and if you enhance the means of that fubfiftence
by taxes on the necefiaries and conveniencies of life, their
Mafters muft increafe their wages ; fo that all taxes fall at laft
upon the Mafters, foreign or domeftic, who muft pay for that
increafe of wages in the price of goods they purchafe : but the
difference is, that a tax laid directly upon the Mafter, only
prevents his growing rich fo fail, or makes him live lefs luxu-
rioufly, but does not enhance the price of your manufactures :
whereas a tax laid upon thofe things, that are neceffary for the
fupport of the poor, enhances the price of labour, and confe-
quently raifes the price of all your manufactures both for do-
meftic and foreign fale, which at laft ruins your trade. There-
N 3 fore,
J$2 BEAUTIES OF THE
fore, if the poor of this kingdom he more heavily taxed than
the poor of any other country of Europe, it is what ought to
be remedied as foon as poflible ; it is what will give that coun-
try a great advantage over us, if they (hould ever begin to apply
themfelves to trade, which every country of Europe is now
3iming at as much as they can.
Sir John Barnard^ March 2i s 1737*
DEFENCE.
SRITISH SENATE,
DEFENCE.
T STAND up to agree in fome part with the Honourable
JL Gentleman who fpoke laft : if we are at prefent in any
unhappy fituacion, and if it be but thought, by any Gentle-
man in this Houfe, that that fituation is any ways owing to the
mifmanagement of thofe in Adminiftration, in my opinion,
whoever thinks fo, ought to move for this Houfe's going into
fuch an inquiry j they ought to move for the Houfe's going
into a Committee on the State of the Nation, and upon the
foot of fuch an inquiry, I will willingly join iflue with the
Honourable Gentleman, or any other Gentleman in this Houfe.
Whenever the Houfe mail refolve upon going into fuch a
Committee, I promife, that fo far as lies in my power, no-
thing fhall be refufed that is thought proper or necefiary for
giving the Houfe all the information that can be wifhed or
defired. But as that time is not yet come, I muft think that
the Motion now under confideration is very irregular, and
feems calculated rather for giving Gentlemen an opportunity of
declaiming againft thofe, who have the honour of ferving the
Crown, than for procuring any proper information to the
Houfe, or any advantage to the country,
* It is ufual for fome people to make Motions, rather to fix
unpopular things on others, than to have any information for
themfelves : they make Motions in order to make a figure in
the Votes, which are lent to all parts of the nation, and to
ferve fome particular ends of their own : when a negative is
put uppn any fuch Motion, they are then ready to cry our,
" we would have relieved you, we would have extricated you
" from all the difficulties you labour under, but we were by
" power denied the means of doing it." This is a piece of
management ; it is a fort of parliamentary play, which has
always been practifed by thofe who oppofe the meafures of Ad-
N 4 miniftration.
i4 BEAUTIES OF THE
miniftration. I remember it as long as I remember Parlia-*
pients, and have by my own experience been acquainted with
it : I can remember Motions made with no other view but to
have a negative put upon them ; and particularly at the be-
ginning of a Sefiion, the language amongft fuch Gentlemen
has always been, " We muft give them no reft, but make
*' Motion after Motion j if they agree in any Motion we make,
* it will diftrefs them ; and if they put a negative upon every
* c one, it will render them odious amongft the People."
* This, I fay, has always been the conftant practice of thofe
.who are refolved, at any rate, to oppofe the Adminiftration :
but I muft take notice, that to fay that any Motion in Par-
liament is refufed by power, is, in my opinion, a very unpar-
liamentary way of fpeaking : when any Motion is made, every
Gentleman is at liberty to debate with freedom upon it, and to
agree or difagree as he thinks reafonable : if it be rejected, it
muft be by a Majority of the Houfe, and becomes an act of
this Houfe ; and to fay, that what is the a& of the Houfe, is
an a<5t of power, is not, I think, fpeaking in the language of
Parliament.
Sir Rslert Wcdfale^ Jan. 23, 1734.
My honourable friend was pleafed to inveigh very feverely
againft the luxury and vice that reigns too generally amongft
lis. I know not from what this luxury and vice proceeds ;
but proceed from what it will, I am fure it does not proceed
from any example fet by the Royal Family; for I am per-
fuaded that every Gentleman who hears me, is fenfible that no
nation was ever bleft with a Royal Family that has given fuch
eminent inftances of frugality and temperance, as the Family
that is now upon the Throne. If a People, Sir, grown wan-
ton with liberty and riches, (hall degenerate into luxury, is a
Prince or his Minifters to be blamed for that? Or if the
People is tainted with difcontent and difiatisfa&ion, are we to
endeavour to cure it by giving up the only means of reftiain-
ing
BRITISH SENATE. 185
ing them? Yet this, Sir, is the very- thing for which fome
Gentlemen have argued fo ftrenuoufly fmce the opening of this
debate. It has been allowed on all hands, that had it not been
for our (landing forces, the nation mud have, ere this time,
run into confufion from that fpifit of diffatisfaclion that has
broke loofe among the People. But, fay fome Gentlemen,
that fpirit is occafioned from the oppreffion of the Government.
But they have not been pleafed to give us any ir.ftance of fuch
oppreffion ; they have given us no inftance of an invafion upon
the liberty and property of any fubjecl ; they have not given us
one inftaT.ee of any encroachment of the military upon the
civil power, or of one attack that has been made by the Ad-
miniftration to fubvert the freedom of Parliament. There^is
nothing more common, Sir, than to raife a clamour upon the
topics of bribery, corruption, and venality; and nothing more
eafy than to make the People believe, that when an Admi-
niftration continues long in the fame hands, it can only be by
thefe means. But this is a misfortune that has attended the
beft Adminiftrations in all ages and in all countries. The very
fuccefs that Minifter meets with, is improved by his enemies
to his prejudice. If a Majority in this Houfe concur with his
meafures, it muft be the effects of corruption. If he has the
favour of the Prince, he owes it to flattery and mifreprefenting
the {late of the nation. Does the kingdom under his Admi-
niilration enjoy a profound peace and extended commerce,
this is attributed to the Minifter's facrificing fomething ftill
more valuable than thefe advantages in order to procure them.
So that, Sir, the very well-being of a ftate, gives a handle to
clamour againft the Minifter : whereas, in reality, his fuccefs
jn the Parliament may be owing to the juftnefs of his mea-
fures ; the favour he is in with his Prince, to his integrity;
and the increafc of the national wealth and power, to his vi-
gilance and the firmnefs of his refolutions. Sir, I (hall make
fio particular application of what I have faid here ; only one
thing;
186 B E A U T I E S OF THE
thing I will be bold to affirm, that had the clamours that have
been raifed in Great-Britain thefe eighteen years paft againft
the Adminiftration been well-founded, we mutt before this
time have been the moft miferable, the moft beggarly, and the
moil abject People under the fun.
Sir Robert JFalpok, . 3,1738.
I THINK a man is an honeft man, who votes according to
what his confcience tells him the prefent fituation of things
requires j and an honeft man, Sir, if he fees the circumftances
which induced him to vote in favour of a Refolution laft year
altered, or if he finds that he himfelf has been miftaken in the
apprehenfion of thefe circumftances ; I fay, Sir, an honeft man
will, in either of thefe cafes, vote this Seffion directly contiary
to what he voted before : if ever I voted for a {landing army,
Sir, in time of peace, it was when my confcience told me,
that the prefervation of our liberties required it. But, Sir,
though at that time, perhaps, I was convinced that our keeping
up a {landing army for one year was neceflary, it docs not fol-
low that I act inconfiftently, if I don't vote for a perpetuity
of that army. Therefore, though a Gentleman has voted for
every Queftion, for every job of the Miniftry ; though his
whole life has been but one continued vote on their fides ; yet
he ought neither to be afhamed nor afraid to oppofe them, as
foon as his own judgment, or the fituation of things is altered.
This is a&ing upon no other principles, Sir, but thofe of an
honeft man, and a lover of his country : and, as the diftinction
between Whigs and Tories is now in effe& abolifhed r I hope
foon to fee our People know no other denominations of party
amongft us befides thofe of Court and Country. The Honour-
able Gentleman talks of the eftablifliment of the Government,
and of the Adminiftration ; but, Sir, I know of no Eftablifh-
pient, I know of no Government, I know of no Adminiftra-i-
tipn that ought to be kept up, but for the prefervation of the
Liberties
BRITISH SENATE, 187
Liberties of the People : for it is not two-pence matter to me,
whether the Prince's name under whom I am to be enflaved,
is Thomas, James, or Richard j I am fure I fhall never be
enflaved under a George.
William Pulteney, Efq> Feb. 3, 1738.
THOSE employed in the Adminiftration of affairs, are al-
ways in the moft ticklifh fituation. If they propofe to make
provifions againft danger, by which provifions the People muft
be put to an expence, they then are charged with raifing
imaginary dangers, in order from thence to take an opportunity
to load the People with new Taxes : and their misfortune is,
that the more careful they have been in time paft, the argu-
ment grows every day more ftrongly againft them ; becaufe
people begin at laft to believe, that the dangers which were
never felt were imaginary, though in reality they were pre-
vented only by the provifions that were made againft them.
However many people may come at laft to be confirmed in
this erroneous opinion, by which the Minifters may be at laft
refufed thofe provifions that are actually neceflary ; and, if by
fuch refufal, any fignal misfortune fhould befal the nation, the
Minifters would be fure to be loaded with the blame of it,
though they had done all that was in their power to warn us of
the danger.
I cannot really comprehend, Sir, what fort of information
it is that Gentlemen want. Would they have his Majefty
fend to tell us, that there is a bloody war carried on by France,
Spain, and Sardinia, againft the Emperor ? Surely they do not
expect that his Majefty fhould fend us a particular Meflage, in
order to acquaint us with a piece of news that is known to the
whole world !
Sir Robert Wal^ole^ Feb. 14, 1735.
I WAS a little furprized to hear it faid by the Honourable
Gentleman who fpoke laft, that this Motion's being oppofed
by
jSS BEAUTIES OF THE
by Minifters and Placemen is a ftrong argument in its favour,
In my opinion, this is a fort of begging the Queftion. Before
\ve can fuppofe this to be an argument in favour of the Mo-
tion for excluding Placemen, we mud fuppofe, that Minifters
and Placemen oppofe it, not becaufe they think it wrong, but
becaufe that they are Minifters and Placemen, which is the
very Queftion now in debate. I do not believe, that ever any
any Minifter or Placeman oppofed, or fupported a Queftion in
this Houfe, contrary to his private fentiments, and only be-
caufe he was a Minifter or Placeman. I am fure their con-
duct of late years has given us no room to think fo ; nor can
we ever have room to think fo, as long as none but Gentlemen
of credit and honour are employed in the Adminiftration, or
in any place of honour and profit under the Crown. If mere
upftarts, or perfons of no fortune or credit were employed,
and by illegal methods brought into this Houfe, for by fair
means they could not, there might be fome room for making
fuch a fuppofition ; and then there would be fome caufe for
bringing in fuch a Bill as is now propofed : but when I look
round me, and confider the particular circumftances of thefe
Gentlemen now here, who have the honour to be at the fame
time in the fervice of the Crown, I muft lock upon the danger
now pretended to be fo real and imminent, to be as chimerical
a danger as the mod luxuriant fancy can invent.
I fhall agree with the Honourable Gentlemen who feem fo
fond of this Bill, that if the Crown could gain an abfolute and
uncontroulable power over all, or a majority of theeledlions in
the kingdom, every Parliament thus chofen by the power would
be under the direction of the Crown, and in this cafe our Con-
ftitution would be at an end ; but this I think impoffible.
Whilft the Crown purfues right rpeafures, whilft none but
Gentlemen of good credit and fortune are employed in the
Adminiftration, or in any fuperior Poft or Office under the
Adminiftration, the Crown will certainly have a great influence
both in Parliament and at Elections : but this proceeds from
the
BRITISH SENATE. 183
the wifdom and uprightnefs of its meafures, and from the
weight of thofe that are employed ; and it would certainly
ceafe as foon as the Crown began to purfue contrary mea-
fures ; becaufe we muft fuppofe the Adminiftration would then
certainly be deferted, and oppofed by all ; or moft Gentlemen
of any fortune or credit in their country, would foon unite in
meafures in making a facrifice of themfelves, as well as their
country, which is a fuppofition that cannot, I think, be made
nor pretended by any man whofe head is found and heart
fincere.
In all Queftions, Sir, which do not admit of demon/oration^
there muft be a variety of opinions ; and as Queftions of a
political nature are lefs capable of demonftration than any
other, it is natural to fee a difference of fentiments in every
country like this, where the People have not only a power of
iudging, but a liberty to talk and write againft the meafures
purfued by Government : this is natural, and even necefiary in
every country where the People are free : and as every man is
fond of his own opinion, and fully convinced of his having
reafon on his fide, he is apt to imagine, that thofe who differ
from him muft be governed by fome prejudice, or by fome
felafh confideration. From hence it is, that all thofe who dif-
approve of the Meafures of the Government conclude, that
the approbation of thofe who differ from them, proceeds from
the influence of fome lucrative Poft they are in pofleffion or
expectation of; and on the other hand, thofe that approve of
and fupport the meafures purfued by the Government, are apt
to conclude, that the oppofition is entirely owing to party
prejudice, or to malice and refentment. For my part, I fhall
always endeavour to keep in the middle courfe, and to believe
that both are in the wrong : and therefore I fhall always be
againft any alteration in our Conftitution, when I think that
the alteration propofed is founded upon one or other of thefe
miftakes. I fhould be as much againft reftraining; the Liberties
of the People, in order to prevent that influence which is
fuppofed
193 BEAUTIES OF THE
fuppofed to proceed from party-prejudice, malice, and refent-
ment, as I fhall be againft reftraining the power or free choice
of the Crown, in order to prevent that influence which is fup-
pofed to proceed from the difpofal of places or preferments.
There may, perhaps, I believe, there always will be a little of
each in the nation, but never can be of any dangerous confe-
quence to our conftitution : on the contrary, they ferve as a
balance to each other ; fo that by removing either without re-
moving the other at the fame time, the conftitution will run a
great rifk of being overturned.
There are many caufes, Sir, which naturally raife a party
againft the beft and vvifeft Adminiftration. In this life it is
impoflible for us to be completely happy. All men feel fome
wants, preflures, or misfortunes ; and very few are willing to
impute them to their own folly, or to any miftake in their own
conduct. To fuch men, the Adminiftration is in politics, what
the Devil is in religion ; it is the author of all their mifdeeds,
and the caufe of all their fufferings : this naturally breeds in
them a bad opinion of the Adminiftration, and then, of courfe,
they not only condemn, but oppofe all its meafure's. This muft
raife a great msny enemies to the Adminiftration in every
country ; and their number will be confiderably increafed by
thofe that are difappointed of .the honours and preferments they
expected, and juftly, as they thought, deferved ; as well as by
thofe that wifh for a change in the Adminiftration, for no other
reafon but becaufe they hope for a (hare in the next. In all
countries it is honourable to have a fhare in the Government
of one's country : in rich countries, it is profitable as well as
honourable j and as there are but a very few, in any country,
that can have a fhare of the Government, and ftill fewer that
can have fuch a fhare as, they think, they deferve, there muft
be many candidates for every title of honour, or poft of profit,
that is to be difpofed of. Of thefe candidates, one only can be
chofen, and all the reft will, of courfe, think they have had in-
juftice done them j for few men are fo modeft, as to think fuch
adif.
BRITISH SENATE, 191
a difappointment owing to their own want of merit, or to the
fuperior merit of their rival j and from thence they will begin
to entertain a fecret animofity, nay, perhaps, they will declare
an open enmity to thofe at the head of the Adminiftration.
By thefe two forts of men united together, there will always
be a confiderable party, in every country, ready to condemn
and vilify the wifeft meafures that can be purfued by the Admi-
niftrattoa; and, as in every free country, there are different
parties, as in this country there are at prefent, and, I believe,
always will be different parties, the parties that are by their
profeflion and principles oppofite to the party in power, will be
ready to find fault with every thing done by the Adminiftration.
In this country, I fay, Sir, there are, and, I believe, always will
be different parties. There are at prefent, and will be, as long
as our prefent happy eftablifhment endures, three different par-
ties in this kingdom : the Jacobites of one fide, the Republicans
of the other, which I may call the two extremes ; and the party
for fupporting our prefent happy eftablifhment, which may be
juftly called the proper mean betwee,n thefe two extremes.
Thus, Sir, we fee what a numerous party our Adminiftration
muft always have to ftruggle with. All thefe forts of men, the
difcontented, the difappointed, the Jacobites, and the Republi-
cans, will always be ready to condemn and oppofe the meafures
of the Adminiftration, let them be never fo wife, Jet them be
never fo juftj and by their arguments, they will often be able
to prevail with fome well-meaning and unthinking men, or at
leaft to ftagger them in their opinions. With regard to Parlia-
ments, and the choice of Members of Parliaments, our Admi-
niftration has no defence againft this formidable union of parties ;
t>ut by the wifdom of their meafures, to engage moft Gentlemen
of intereft and fortune in their intereft. Whilft the Adminiftra-
tion purfues right meafures, fuch Gentlemen will be ready to
join with them j and by this means the Adminiftration will al-
ways have a prevailing influence, both in Parliament, and at
elections ; for when a majority of thofe who have the beft for-
tunes,
1 9 2 BEAUTIES OF THE
tune?, and greateft intereft in their refpeftive counties, are
friends to the Adminiftration, it is not at all furprifing that an
Adminiftration, by means of fuch friends, fhould have a pre-
vailing influence at elections, as well as in Parliament. But
fuch friends, or at leaft a great number of fuch, no Adminiftra-
tion can have, that purfues meafures incbnfiftent with the good
of the community in general.
I fhall grant, Sir, that a title of honour, or a lucrative poft or
employment, may be of fome fervice in prevailing with a Gen-
tleman to judge favourable of the Government's meafures in all
cafes, where he is wavering in his opinion ; but a bad Govern-
ment can never, by this way, gain many friends : even a good
Government can never gain near fo many friends, as it will
lofe by caufelefs difcontents and juft difappointments : and if
you fhould take away from the Crown the chief advantage it
can reap by the difpofal of pofts and employments, not only a
good Adminiftration, but even the Crown itfelf, may fmk under
the weight of party-prejudice, fupported by caufelefs difcontents
and juft difappointment. Therefore, to fupport the Crown
againft the Jifad vantages and oppofition which the vvifeft and
beft Adminiftration muft always have to ftruggle with, I think
you ought to leave it in the power of the Crown to difpofe of all
pofts and employments in the fame manner they have been
hitherto, without any bad effects, djfpofed of.
Sir Robert Walpoie, Jan. 29, 1/39*
COMMON fame may be a good foundation for a parliamen-
tary inquiry; but that it always ought to be efteemed fuch, is
what I cannot agree to. A parliamentary inquiry, Sir, muft
always be attended with many and great inconveniencies. In
the firft place, it muft always raife a great ferment in the nation j
and when it relates to foreign affairs, it generally difobliges fome
of our allies, or difturbs fome of the negociations that may then
be on foot for the benefit of our trade, or for preferving the
tranquillity of Europe. In the next place, it pofle/Tes the thoughts
4 cf
BRITISH SENATE. i g3
if our Minifters fo much, as every inquiry muft relate to fjms
part of their condudl, that they have no time to mind any thing
elfe ; fo that all our foreign affairs, and all projects for domeftic
utility, muft be at a ftand during that inquiry. And in the
third place, it takes up a great deal of the time of this Houfe,
which never ought to be employed but in matters of the utmoft
importance to the nation, or to fome particular perfons, who
can have relief no way but by Adi: of Parliament.
For this reafon, Sir, common fame ought not to be made
the foundation of a parliamentary inquiry, unlefs it be grounded
upon fome proofs, or at leaft -upon very ftrong preemptions,
that fomething very weak or very wicked has been tranfa&ed ;
and that by fuch an inquiry the nation may meet with a proper
redrefs, without being thereby expofed to a greater evil. If
otherwife, Sir, if we were to inquire into every public tranfac-
tion, of which a bad report might be artfully raifed, we fhould
every Seflion have fuch a multitude of inquiries, that we could
never do any other bufmefs : for it would always be in the
power of the diflaffe&ed or difappointed to invert facts, and by
aflerting thefe fadls openly and boldly, they might raife a gene-
ra'. Sad report againft every meafure an Adminiftration could
engage in. This is an engine which has been often played
againft Minifters in all ages, and in all countries j and in this
age and country it may now be played with greater fafety than
ever it was in any other country j for by our old laws> even in
this country, it was moft feverely punifhed. By a law of the
great and wife King Alfred, the author and fpreader of falfe ru-
mours among the people was to have his tongue cut out, if he
could not redeem it by paying the value then put by the law
upon his head. By a law of Edward the Ift, called Weftmin-
fter the Firft, the fpreaders of falfe reports, whereby difcord
might arife between the King and his people, or the great men
of the realm, were to be imprifoned till they produced their
author j confequently, if they could produce no author, they
were to be held as the inventors, and to be puniihed according
Voi.. I. O to
IQ4 BEAUT'IES OF THE
to common law, by fine and imprifonment ; and this very hw
was revived and re-ena&ed in the reign of Edward the Hid.
Thus, Sir, we fee, that even in this country, we had very
fevere laws made againft this crime, and that by fome of the
beft and wifeft of our Kings : and in Scotland, before the Union,
this very crime was a fpecies of high-treafon, which they called
Leifmg-making ; and upon which, though by a moft extraordi-
nary ftretch, the Reprefentative of one of the greateft families
in that kingdom, was tried and attainted of high treafon, fome
time before the Revolution, as is well known by feveral Gen-
tlemen that hear me. But why fhould I fay we had very fe-
vere laws againft this crime? We have them ftill; for thej
ftand as yet unrepealed, though by the lenity of this Govern-
ment none of them have of late years been carried into execu-
tion. If they were, I believe few of our Pamphleteers, Jour-
nalifts, or CofFee-houfe Politicians, could long efcape punifh-
ment : and if this were the cafe, fome Gentlemen of this Houfe
would not have fo often an occafion to talk of common fame,
or general reports, which are often artfully raifed, and induftri-
oufly fpread, on purpofe to give a handle for difturbing the Go-
vernment, and diftrefling the Adminiftration, by fetting on foot
a parliamentary inquiry.
Right Hon. Henry Pelham^ J*n. 31, 1749-
WHAT do their Lordfhips infmuate, that I have been the
author of the prefent mcafures again America ? and it is 1 that
direct them ? I fhould be proud to own them if it were, becaufe
I think them wife, politic, and equitable : but furely they will
^permit me to repeat again, that I have been a nominal Cabinet
Minifter part of the laft reign, and the whole of the prefent j
that I was an efficient Cabinet Minifter during part of both>
periods ; but that fmce the time before alluded to in this debate,
I have had no concern or participation whatever in his Majefty's
Councils. Threats are thrown out, and inquiries predicted : I
heartily wifh they may be ipeedy : I am prepared for them, and
put
BRITISH SENATE. 195
put their intended authors to the moft utter defiance. It has
been urged againft me as a crime to-day, that I have courted
popularity. I never did court it, but I have always ftudied to
dcferve it. Popularity will always fly the purfuers ; fhe muft
follow. I do not mean to fay that I defpife it ; on the contrary,
I fincercly wifh for it, if, not purchafed at too dear a price, at
the expence of my confclcnce and my duty. If a faithful difcharge
of one, and execution of the other, be the means of procuring
it, I hope I fliall always be a warm candidate for popular fame.
I have hitherto, to the beft of my abilities, acted on that plan,
and I hope I (hall perfevere to the end. I have feen much of
Courts, Parliaments, and Cabinets, and have been a frequent
witnefs to the means ufed to acquire popularity, and the bafe
and mean purpofcs to which that popularity has been afterwards
employed. I have been in Cabinets, where the great ftruggle
has not been to advance the public intereft ; not by coalition
and mutual afliftance to ftrengthen the hands of Government,
but by cabals, jealoufy, and mutual diftruft, to thwart each
others defigns, and fo circumvent each other, in order to obtain
power and pre-eminence. I have been no lefs careful to ob-
ferve the effects of popularity, where it has been courted and
gained for particular purpofes ; but when every engagement
was abandoned which led to its attainment, when the keeping
of them become no longer neceflary to the views of felf-intereft
and ambition, I am threatened ! I dare the authors of thofe
threats to put any one of them in execution. I am ready
to meet their charges, and am prepared for the event ; either
to cover my adverfaries with fhame and difgrace, or in the fall,
rifque the remnant of a life nearly drawing to an end, and con-
fequently not worth being folicitous about.
Lord Mansfield, Fib. 7, 1775.
I EVER efteemed the India alliances, at beft, a neceflary
evil. I ever believed their fervices to be overvalued ; fometimes
infignificant, often barbarous, always capricious j and that the
O 2 employ-
r 9 6 BEAUTIES OF THE
employment of them was only juftifiable, when, by being
united to a regular army, they could be kept under controul,
and made fubfervient to a general fyftem.
Upon this principle I heartily concurred with that gallant and
humane General, Sir Guy Carleton, in the year 1776, to decline
the offers and felicitations of the Indians to be then employed
feparately : the impoflibility of compleating the preparations
for paflzng the regular troops over the Lakes, made it impoflible
to employ them conjunctively.
In that year, Sir, it was my lot, by delegation from Sir Guy
Carleton, who ws then at Quebec, to prefide at one of the
greateft councils with the Indians that had been held at Mont-
real : many Gentleman here knew, that the ceremony pre-
ceding the taking up the hatchet, is, to offer to the reprefen-
tative of the power they mean to ferve the pipe of war. It
was prefled upon me by the Chiefs prefent ; and it was in my
ppwer, by a fingle whif of tobacco, to have given flame and
t-xplofion to a dozen nations. I never felt greater fatisfation
than in being able to fulfil the inftructions I was charged with,
for refcraining die impetuous paffions of thefe people : it was a
fecomlary fatisfaction, at my return to England in the winter,
to juftify the conduct of Sir Guy Carleton in this refpeft ;
though the juftihcation was very unpopular, amongft thofe
I mean not to particularize Minifters, or Minifters of Minifters
but amongft thofe men, who in their zeal againft the Colo-
r,iits, had adopted the reasoning, that " pa rtial feverity was
** general mercy J* provided by carrying terrors it conduced to
finiming the war. How juft foever this principle may be, my
mind is not of a texture for carrying it into effect ; and I re-
turned into Canada the following fprinsr, when I fucceeded to
the command, determined to be thefoldier, not the executioner
of the State.
I found care had been already taken by General Carleton,
upon the fame principles of humanity which always direct his
conduct, to officer the Indians with Gentlemen fele&ed from
the
BRITISH SENATE. 197
the Britim troops, upon a diftin&ion of their temper and judg-
ment, as well as upon that of their valour, and in much greate r
number than ever was deftined to that fervice before. To thefe-
precautions I added that of a favourite prieft, who had more
controul over the paffions of the Indians than all their Chiefs
put together ; and I truft the expence put upon Government
to engage that Gentleman's affiftance through the courfe of the
campaign, will not be efteemcd an improper article in my
accounts.
Sir, with thefe aflurances, I was able to enforce obedience to
the injunctions of my fpeech at the great council, upon aflem^
bling the army, which has been made public. Barbarity was
prevented ; fo much fo, that in one inftance, two wounded
provincial Officers were brought off in the midft of fire, upon
the backs of Indians j and a Captain and his whole detachment,
placed in ambufcade, were brought prifoners to my camp by
Indians, without a man hurt : though it is evident they were
placed for the fpecial purpofe of deftroying me, upon a recon*
noitering party, and I was at that time very popular with the
Indians.
I could produce many more inftances of the kind, to {hew
that every poflible exertion of humanity was ufed ; and that
the cafe of Mifs Mccree excepted, which was accident, not
premeditated cruelty. My dcfign was to excite obedience, firft
by encouragement, and next by the dread^ not the commi//ion of
feverity j " tofpeak daggers^ but ufe none,''
General Bur goynC) May 26, 1778.
THE Honourable Gentleman (Alderman Sawbridge) has
attacked me, on my activity to require reverfions and emolu-
ments. In anfwer to this, it is a very natural thing for people
without doors, and people who do not inquire into the truth of
a flertions thrown out in Parliament, to be led away with an idea
that the attacks made upon me on that fcore are well founded.
Let Gentlemen, however, as I have been called upon to fpeak
3 to
198 BEAUTIES OF THE
to the charge, only fee the fmall degree of truth that belongs
to it. I have been in a moft laborious and very expenfive office
for twelve years, without afking for a fmgle emolument, either
for myfelf or my family : the laft year his Majefty was gracioufly
pleafed to fend for me, and prefent me with the place I now
hold, the Wardenftiip of the Cinque Ports. I accepted it, but
it is well known, that I refufed to accept it with the lucrative
falary which the Noble Perfon who held it before me received
for it ; the fahry which I receive, and exprefsly at my own de-
fire receive, is that lower falary which had been paid previous
to the office having been beftowed on my predecellbr. I really
do not know what the income of it is exactly, becaufe I have
not inquired what it is, but I believe it to be about a thoufand
a year. I have, however, told his Majefty that I am ready to
refign it, whenever I am called upon for that purpofe ; and that
readinefs I fhall continue to adhere to. Another charge too
of r-apacioufnefs, which has been mentioned on a former occa-
fion, is, that I have procured a reverfionfhip, for the lives of
two of my fons, in the Cuftoms. The charge is not true
that I fought the reverfionfhip, though it is true that I accepted
it. Let Gentlemen confider this reverfionfhip, it is the very
fame that had been given to Mr. Pelham on his firft coming
into government, and being appointed to the very office which
I now hold. It will be worth a thoufand a year, and is granted
on the lives of two of my younger fons. The third benefit my
family has received, is a place which lately fell vacant, in the
gift of the Treafury, and is of fo trifling a value, that feveral
cf my predecefibrs in office have thought it beneath the accept-
nce of any part of their family ; becaufe they looked much
higher, ancj tq far greater emoluments. The place is worth
500!. a year, and as I thought it fufficient for my fon, he has,
with the confent of my brethren at the Board, been appointed
to it. This is all the benefit that I and my family have reaped,
in confcquence of my holding the office I now poflefs. I re-
peat it, that I have not afkeu for, or fought after, any one of
my
BRITISH SENATE.
ray employments. I am ready to refign the Wardenfhip of the
Cinque Ports ; and when I go out of office, (which I aflure
the Honourable Gentleman I am and long have been as defirous
of quitting, as he can poffibly be of having me difmifled) after
my twelve years laborious fervice, my family will reft in pof-
feflion of fifteen hundred a year. This, every Gentleman muft
know, however greater the merits of my predccefTors in office
may have been (and that they were much greater, no man is
more ready to allow than myfelf) is infinitely and out of all
comparifon lefs than any one of them hare received. I truft
Gentlemen will not think I have fhewn a very avaricious dif-
pofition, or have been eager to grafp at reverfions or emolu-
ments, as has been fo often aflerted, when it is recollected,
that the whole I am pofTeflcd of is fifteen hundred pounds a
year for my children, and that mine is a pretty numerous
family. [At thefe words his Lordlhip ftruck his breaft, and
burft into a flood of tears, from the cafual recollection that one
of his fons lay dead at that moment. The Houfe touched at
the circumftance, called for the queftion, but his Lordfhip
recovering himfelf defired leave to go on.] No part of my con-
duct, while I have been in office, warrants the charge of
avarice : naked I came into the world, and naked I mall go
out of the world : I was not a rich man when I was appointed
Chancellor of the Exchequer, nor mall I. go out of office a
rich man : and I defy any one to prove, that I have, in the
fmalleft inftance, acted with a view to aggrandize myfelf, or
any one that belongs to me ; or that enriching myfelf, or thofe
that belong to me, has ever been my favourite object.
t Lord North, ^uneii) 17/9.
A MINISTER ought not to be a Minifter, after he is fuf-
peled ; he mould be like Ca-far's wife, not only free from
guilt, but even from fufpicion. If the Houfe mould withdraw
their confidence from me, it would be my duty, without wait-
ing for an Addrcfs for my removal, to wait upon my Sovereign^
O 4 and
200 BEAUTIES OFTHK
and delivering up to him the Seal of my office, fay " Sir, .1
" have long ferved you with diligence, with zeal, and with
<* fidelity, but fuccefs has not crowned my endeavours : your
" Parliament have withdrawn from me their confidence, and
" all my declarations to them are fufpecled ; therefore, Sir, let
'* me refign to you thofe employments, which I ought not to
" keep longer than I can be fei viceable to your Majefty and
" your fubjedts j and beg you will beftow them upon fome
* c other, who, with greater fuccefs, though not with greater
" zeal or fidelity, may give more fatisfac"lion to your Majefty
" and your Parliament."
Lord North, Pel. 27, 1782.
I AM lorry to differ in many points from my Honourable
Friend who fpoke laft, who undoubtedly may be faid to be in-
dependent, as far as a perfon {landing fingular in his opinion
is independent of every perfon who has argued on either fide
of the queftion. My Honourable Friend has conceived that a
Right Honourable Gentleman on the floor (Mr. Fox) intends
to cram the India Bill, under another name, down the throats
of the Houfe of Lords. The Honourable Gentleman is mif-
taken in calling him the Right Honourable Secretary, for forry
I am to fay, that to the misfortune of this country, it is a,
name which no longer belongs to him. But I will call him
by 'a name which I truft will ever belong to hi^R, a name
-which it is my pride to boaft of fince I knew him beft j I will
henceforth call him by the name of my Right Honourable
Friend ! by that word I mean in future to defcribe him, and I
hope that by that name he will be in future known in the
Houfe. Our intimate connection was founded in principles of
honour ; when the great points on which we differed were no
more, we thought we might aft together with cordiality and
without inconfiftency. We were not miftaken ; we tried the
experiment and it fucceeded ; no meannefs, no diflionour, no
jealoufy difcovered itfelfj all was inviolable adherence to
honour
BRITISH SENATE. 101
honour and good faith on one part ; all was confidence on the
other. No mean concefiions were made on either fide. I
appeal to my Right Honourable Friend, if ever I facrificed any
one opinion which I formerly ferioufly held upon principle,
unlefs where reafon and argument might have pointed out the
propriety of it : and in juftice to my Right Honourable Friend I
muft declare, that he never facrificed to me any principle
which he ever held when in oppofition to my government.
The neceffity of the State called for that Coalition, which has
been fo often called a curfed Coalition; nay, the very circum-
ftances of the prefent day demonftrate that neceffity; for
where could an Adminiftration be formed without a Coalition ?
There were at prefent but two Cabinet Minifters ; and if
Coalition was a curfed thing, then this Miniftry of two men,
is a curfed Miniftry, for it is formed in a Coalition of two per-
fons who differed formerly on efientlal points. The differ-
ence, however, of the two Coalitions is this : The Coalition
between my Right Honourable Friend and myfelf, was a Coa-
lition of whole parties blended into one, for the purpofe of
forming a ftable and permanent Government : whereas the
Coalition between the prefent Firfl Lord of the Treafury and
the Lord Prefident [Earl Gower] is a Coalition of (hreds, of
ends and remnants ; a Coalition of fmall parts of parties, but
not of the parties themfelves. Why then is it the fafhion to
call the one a curfed Coalition, and yet take no notice of the
other ? I cannot tell, unlefs it is that one is fufficiently ftrong
to form a ftrong Government, while the former cannot mufter
more as yet than two Cabinet Minifters. The experience of
time has juftified the Coalition, and' rendered it a blefling to
the country. When Parliament put an end to my Adminiftra-
tion by the Addrefs againft the American war, it was fucceeded
by another which appeared to be ftrong ; but it carried in its
own bofom the feeds of its own weaknefs, in the difunion
which appeared in feveral parts of it ; which foon (hewed itfelf
by their fplitting afunder, and a feceiHon of a part of it from
the
202 BEAUTIES OF THE
the Cabinet : the next Adminiftration was but weak, becaufe
it was ill conneded j and it had loft the fupport of thofe who
formerly a&ed with it : the members of it therefore fell off
one after another, till lofing the confidence of the Houfe, the
poor remnant of it was obliged to yield to the voice of Par-
liament and retire. From this experience it appeared necef-
fary, for the good of the State, that a permanent Government
(hould be formed, and it was clear that it could not poflibly
be formed ; unlefs a Coalition fhould take place among thofe,
who though once enemies upon points which could no longer
come into debate, might aft together very cordially in every
other refpeft : fuch a Coalition was formed ; but then it was
charged with having feized upon Government : this is indeed
a charge that I do not underliand, for the public waited for
ijx weeks for a Miniftry ; and every means were tried for a
new one, without the afliftance of the Coalition ; but failing
in every atempt, the Minifters all quitted the Cabinet before
the Coalition were lent for. The Cabinet was then empty ;
fo that if we feized upon it, it was by marching in after the
garrifon which ought to have defended it had fled ; and who
as they were going out, cried, " What a terrible curfed thing
** is this Coalition, that is driving us from our fituations."
But if we became poflefled of Government, we are at worlt
charged with having carried it by ftorm, bravely, in the face of
the enemy, not by fap ; we carried on our advances regularly
and above ground, in view of the foe ; not by mining in the
dark, and blowing up the fort before the garrifon knew there
was an intention to attack it. It has been faid on a former
day, that a darling ought to be brought, placed in this Houfe,
and taught to fpeak the words, " Coalition ! Coalition ! curfed
* c Coalition !" Now, for my part, I think, that while there is
in this Houfe an Honourable Gentleman who never fails, let
what will be the fubjecfc of debate, to take an opportunity to
curfe the Coalition, I think there will bo no occafion for the
flarling : and while he continues to fpeak by rote, and without
any
BRITISH SENATE. 203
ny fixed idea, I think what he fays will make juft as much
imprefiion as if the ftarling himfelf was to utter his words.
[Here the Houfe could fcarcely give the Noble Lord an op-
portunity to proceed, they fell into fo violent a fit of laughter.]
As to the Coalition, and the abufe which was fo often thrown
upon it, they always bring to my mind two pcrfons for whom I
felt no inconfiderable fhare of concern ; thefe were two men
who were (hut up in the Eddyftone Light-houfe to mind the
fire. They were both of different principles, and therefore
though they were (hut in from all intercourfe with the reft of
mankind, and though they might by their converfation have
amufed one another, yet they never exchanged a word with
each other for fix weeks ; and they had rather let the fire go out,
and fee all the navy of England darned to pieces under them,
than that one mould confent to give up the moft trivial point
to the other. [Here the Houfe was a confiderable time in ano-
ther fit of laughter.] The enemies of the Coalition would have
had my Honourable Friend and me refemble the two men in the
Light-houfe ; but we have afted more wifely for the public good ;
we confidered the fafety of the public our principal care and duty ;
and in order to lave the (hip of State from running afliore or
darning againft the rocks, we all agreed, at all events, that the
fire in the Light-houfe mould not be extinguiflied ; but that
let who would ftir it, it was to be kept in : thus what fome
Affected to call a curfe, was in reality a blcfling to the na-
tion. I will not charge the Right Honourable Gentleman at
prefent at the head of his Majefty's affairs with being an
enemy to Coalitions ; on the contrary he likes them fo well,
that he has formed one himfelf with the Noble Lord who
fits with him in the Cabinet, The Right Honourable Gentle--
man has endeavoured to imitate our Coalition, but he has
bungled the bufinefs j for, as I faid before, he has coalefced
with the remnant of parties, and not with the parties thcm-
felves : therefore I may apply to them the expefiion of the
Roman Orator, Placuijjij fed non tetigijfi. But to return from
mjr
ic?4 BEAUTIES OF THE
my digreffion, my Honourable Friend behind me (Governor
Johnftone) fays, that my Right Honourable Friend means to
cram down the throats of the Houfe of Lords, a Bill which
they had already rejected : but furely he cannot be in earneft,
for he knows my Right Honourable Friend is no longer in a
fituation to cram any thing down their throats ; and the Ho-
nourable Member over the way (Mr. Banks) fays, that a Bill
totally different from that which was rejected, in as much as it
is free from all thofe objections which are faid to have made fo
many enemies to the Bill that is loft, is to be prefented by the
new Minifter : and therefore as one perfon has it not in his
power to prefent the fame Bill again, and another perfon will
prefent a totally different one, there is no danger that the old
Bill will be crammed down the throats of the Houfe of Lords j
and confequently there is no danger that the event fhould take
place, which in my Honourable Friend's opinion, would juftify
a diflbluiion of the prefent Parliament. My Honourable Friend
has been miftaken in another point : he fays, that my Right
Honourable Friend faid, before he refigned, that he would
bjring in again the fame Bill. This is, indeed, a capital mif-
take ; for my Right Honourable Friend did not refign, he was
turned out ; I was turned out ; we were all turned out ; not
the merit of having voted againft the Bill, could preferve the
Lord Prefident of the Council from the mortification of being
turned out with all his friends. As to the affurances given to
the Committee on the part of the Right Honourable Gentle-
man now at the head of his Majefty's affairs, that no diflblution
qr prorogation will take place through his advice, I am very
well inclined to fay, that in his honour and integrity I have a
great reliance ; but what fecurity can he give that fecrct in-
fiuence in Lords of the Bedchamber will not defeat his inten-
tions, and produce a diffolution not only without his advice
but even contrary to it ? I value highly the character of that
Right Honourable Gentleman ; and though he is my political
enemy, ftill I always feel myfelf difpofed to treat him with more
refpea
-BRITISH SENATE. 20$
refpect than I ever experienced from him : but highly as I value
that character, I cannot truil to it upon the prefent occafion,
becaufe the events to which that character is pledged, miy not
be within the controul of the Right Honourable Member. At
prefent there are only two Minifters in the Cabinet j but when
the number is compleated, who can anfwer to the Houfe of
Commons that a diflblution may not be propofed in the Ca-
binet, the Right Honourable Gentleman out-voted, and the
queftion carried ? This is upon the fuppofition that the event
will depend upon the Cabinet ; but the difficulty will be (till
greater, if the Committee will reflect on the power of fecret
influence, which can put an end to the ftrongeft Adminiftra-
tion, as has been experienced within thefe few days. I there-
fore muft declare, that as the Addrefs is couched in the
ftrongeft terms of refpect, duty, affection and loyalty to his
Majefty, I think it ought to be carried, as the only effectual
means of preventing thofe calamities which would flow from
a diflblution of Parliament in the prefent critical fituation of
aft airs.
Lord North) Dec. 22 } 1783.
THE laft Houfe of Commons acted contrary to the opinion
of thofe whom they reprefented, and attempted to fubvert the
Conftitution, by an infraction of Charters, which, if effect-
ed, would at once have convulfed the empire, and thrown every
thing into anarchy and confufion. But his Majefty, like a
parent, anxious for the fafety and profperity of his children,
has liftened to the voice of his people, and exercifed his un-
doubted Prerogative by a diflblution of Parliament. This
meafure immediately overturns the dangerous plans of an aban-
doned faction, who have already ftretched their power to an
alarming length, and panted for univerfal dominion. They
attempted to feize on the effects, trade, and territory of the
Eaft-India Company, whofe Charter had always been confider-
ed
2 o6 BEAUTIES of- f'Hfr'
ed as diffidently binding to anfwer the emergency of any time J
but his Majefty, befides difcomfiting the dark manoeuvres of
thofe enemies of the Conftitution, has made an excellent choice
of another Miniftry, whofe zeal and patriotifm juftifies the pru-
dence of his meafures, and proves how dearly he has the in-<
tereft of his people at heart. I cannot but prefage the happieft
effects from the late diffolution of Parliament ; and flatter my-
fclf, that the new Houfe of Commons will gratify the wifhes of
the people. In the prefent Alinifter, the fondeft hopes of the
people are repoied ; he is a perfon whofe character merits pub-
lic patronage he has confecrated that period of early life^
which by pthers has been commonly fquandered away in idle
frolic, in youthful diffipation, to profitable ftudy, and to the
fervice of his country. He Is not one of thofe characters, who*
.having uiffipated their fortune, ruined their conftitution, and
proftituted their powers, have entered thefe walls for the pur-
pofe of political traffic, for the purpofe of repairing their fi-
nances, or from motives of ambition and aggrandifement. He
has not come to offer the dregs of his being to the fervice of
his country ; he has confecrated to it the firft-fruits of exiftence.
There is therefore every thing in his character to conciliate the
coufidence of the people ; notwithftanding the calumnies which
have been raifed and propagated againft him, this he has for-
tunately obtained. I congratulate the Houfe on the event. It
is a prefage aufpicious to the interefts of the country, as it tends
to enfure the prefervation and continuance of their privileges,
which have been attempted to be violated. My Right Ho-
nourable Friend has been accufed of being the champion of one
branch of the Legislature, in oppofition to the other ; of the
ariftocratical influence of the kingdom, in oppofition to the
interefts of the Houfe of Commons j but the nation knows,
that thefe aflertions are unfounded. My Right Honourable
Friend is not the champion of the Houfe of Peers ; he is not
the champion of the Prerogative - 3 he is not the champion of
the
BRITISH SENATE. 207
the Houfc of Commons, but the CHAMPION of the CON-
STITUTION !
Mr. Hamilton, May 24, 1784.
MANY of thofe connected with Adminiftration, are perpe-
tually holding out the idea that I have been the caufe of all the
calamities of the country by promoting the American war.
Sir, I deny that to be true ; I found the American war when
I came into Adminiftration ; I did not create it, it was the
war of the country, and approved of by the people at large.
Sir, had Parliament been reformed, they would not have ex^
preflcd more clearly than the unreformed Parliament did, the
opinion of their conftituents on that fubjecl. But, Sir, I de-
fire once for all, that Gentlemen will defift from thofe un-
founded aflertions, that I was the author of thofe calamities.
If they are of that opinion, let them come forward with a
charge ; I am ready to meet it ; I call for it ; nay, Sir, I de-
mand it as a right. Sir, there can be no reafon for withhold-
ing it now. If I was protected before, I am not protected now.
Sir, the Minifter has every thing that can enable him to carry
on the profecution againft me ; he has a Houfe of Commons to
accufe, he has a Houfe of Lords to judge; he is mafter of all
the written evidence againft me. And as to parole teftimony x
thofe who were my friends, thofe who were in my fecrets,
thofe whom I received into my utmoft confidence, from whom,
I concealed nothing, are now the friends of the Right Honour-
able Gentleman, Sir; and I dare fay their love of juftice and
regard for the public, will make them fit and ufeful witneifes
upon fuch an occafion. Yet, Sir, with all thefe advantages
on the part of the Minifter, of accufer, judge, written and
parole teftimony, I do not (brink from, but court the inquiry :
but this I muft infift upon, that if the matter is not inquired
into, it (hall not be argued upon as if proved.
Lord North, June 17, 1784. *
2c8 BEAUTIES OF THE
THE conduit of the Chancellor of the Exchequer has been
attacked without any reafon whatfoever ; for that Gentlemart
has ated with the greatcft candour refpeting the new Taxes.
The complaints of the pooreft individual have been liftened to
with the utmoft attention and tendernefs ; and at prefent there
is without doors a deputation from the Hatters, whofe cafe has
been attended to with the fame regard as that of the firft Peer
in the land. The Right Honourable Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer has conducted himfe.f with great philanthropy and
candour; for he has, with a liberality which will ever do him
honour, relinquifhed the Tax upon Coals, becaufe he found
that it was particularly obnoxious to the People. Confidering
thefe facts, therefore, it can hardly be infmuated, in the moft
diftant manner, that the complaints of the People have not
been attended to : and to my knowledge there are many others,
whofe cafes are at prefent in contemplation. It muft be evi-
dent to every Gentleman of this Houfe, that the exigencies of
the State muft be provided for ; and I imagine, that all will
confefs, the Right Honourable Gentleman alluded to has aded
with great caution and circumfpection in refpect to the new
Taxes ; and has difcharged the truft repofed in him with fidelity
to his Sovereign and his Country. There are feveral other
Taxes, befides that on coals, which, I could inform the Houfe,
he intends to abandon, and fubftitute other Duties in their
place, equally productive, I hope, but more confonant to the
diipofition of the People. The propriety, however, of the
alterations alluded to, will, on a future day, come before the
Houfe, when Gentlemen may aiTent or object to the meafures ;
but I afiure the Houfe, that it is the intention of the prefent
Adminiftration, to conduct themfelves with that propriety and
decorum which will put malevolence at defiance; and while
they difcharge their duty with honour and fidelity to their
country, they will at the fame time take care, that their ope-
^trons and refolutions will give vigour and energy to their
roeafures. Mr. Rofe, July 15, 1784.
WITH
BRITISH SENATE; 20*
WITH refpefl to the fatal confequences to be expcled from
the inereafe of Indian wealth and influence in this Houfe, and
in this Country, I will quickly remove the apprehenfions of
the Houfe and the Public, by oppofing a few fimple facts to
unmeaning and unfounded aflertions. Much has been faid of
the influence of Mr. Haftings in this Houfc and in this nation.
I folemnly deny the fac"t, if it is meant to convey an infinua-
tion of corrupt or improper influence : Mr. Haftings is as un-
connected with the prefent as with the late Minifters. All I
afk on the part of Mr. Haftings is juftice, and I want neither
favour nor protection from any man. Much alfo has been
faid of the influence of Eaft-Indians in general in this Houfe.
On a former occafion I partly refuted a calumny of this kind,
by the beft poflible mode, by an appeal to fafts. I now hold
in my hand a paper which contains an exadl lift of all the civil
fervants of the Company, appointed to Bengal in the laft
twenty-two years ; and I hope that, with the remarks, will be
received as part of my fpeech. They are in number five hun-
dred and eight of thefe, thirty-feven only have returned to
England; one hundred and fifty are dead, and three hundred
and twenty-one now, I hope, are alive there. Every Gen-
tleman knows that Bengal is the place for acquiring fortunes ;
and if the Houie will perufe the whole of this paper, calmly
and coolly, they will be convinced that there is not the fmalleft
foundation to apprehend thofe dreadful confequences which
the Right Honourable Gentleman dreads, from the vaft wealth
and influence of Mr. Haftings, and other Eaft-India Gentle-
men. I fhall beg the affiftance of the Honourable Gentleman,
[Mr. Francis, who nodded aflent] to refute the ridiculous
ftories that are propagated. I know that they have not the
fmalleft foundation in truth. The following pspcr is authentic.
VOL. I. P A Lift
BEAUTIES OF THE
A Lift of the Gentlemen appointed in the Civil Service of the
Eaft-Inclia Company in Bengal, from 1762 to 1784; fpeci-
fying the number that have returned to England, who died
in the country, or are now refident there.
Number
Returned
In Ben-
appoint-
Year.
home.
gal-
Dead
ed.
28
1762
7
4
17
J 4
1763
5
5
4
16
1764
3
6
7
34
1765
5
8
21
20
1766
3
5
12
3
1767 '
i
2
35
1768
5
16
14
48
1769
5
22
22
24
1770
J4
10
33
1771
3
17
13
41
1772
26
15
16
J 773-4
14
2
28
^775
_
24
4
5
1776
3
2
^ 22
1777
20
2
24
1778
22
2
25
J 779
i
23
I
26
1780
_.
26
28
1781
28
I
1782
I
35
1/83
35
508
37
321 150
BRITISH SENATE. 211
Kames of the Gentlemen who have been appointed to Ben-
gal in the two and twenty years, and have returned ta
England.
John Bathoe
Jfaac Sage
Alexander Higginfon
B. G. Wright
Edward Baber
Charles Gering
William Harwood
Alexander Campbell
Ev,an Law
Edward Golding
William Lufhington
C. W. B. Roufe
G. Ducarrell
W. B. Martin
Thomas Hinchrnan
Gideon Johnftone
Thomas Pattle
W, Thackray
John Hogarth
Robert Colville
William Benfley
John Shakefpear
Edward Par r y
L. Darell
Richard Sumner
Frederick Stuart
Charles Coxe
Edward Smith
Richard Griffith
J. P. Auriol
J. Fydell
J. Baugh
C. Fleetwood
J. Cator
H. S. Chandler
George Lucas
, There is not a more miftaken idea, than that which has
been fo induftrioufly circulated and believed, of the rapid and
enormous fortunes made by the Company's fervafits in Bengal.
This lift is warranted to be accurate, and it proves, that of
five hundred and eight civil fervants, appointed in the laft
twenty-two years, thirty-feven only have returned to this
jcountry ; one hundred and fifty are gone from whence they can
never return; and, according to every probable calculation,
not thirty-feven of the three hundred and twenty-one now in
Bengal, will return in the next ten years, with fortunes ac-
guired in India ; of the thirty-feven who have returned, not a
P 2 man
2J2 B E A U T I E S OF THE
man has brought home an enormous fortune ; many of them
lefs than twenty thoufand pounds, fome of them not a (hilling;
nor has one fortune, to my knowledge, been rapidly acquired;
and of the whole number, two only are Members of this
Houfe.
The fortunes that have been acquired by military Gentle-
men, who have gone out, or been appointed Cadets or Officers
in Bengal, in the laft twenty-two years, are ftill more incon-
fiderable. In that time, above one thoufand two hundred
Officers have been appointed in Bengal, but not thirty of the
one thoufand two hundred have returned with any fortunes at
all ; and two, Captain Wathenton and myfelf, have the ho-
nour to fit in this Houfe. Of this number, I know only five
who have brought home above twenty thoufand pounds j and
many have returned with lefs than five thoufand pounds. About
thirty Officers have fince returned, being difabled by wounds
or ill health, and have now a very bare fubfiftence from Lord
Clive's military fund.
That large fortunes have been acquired in Bengal no man
will doubt j but the time is long fince paft. At the firft re-
volution, in 1756, upon the Englifh acquiring power in Ben-
gal, and in confequence of the battle of Plafiey, fome very
enormous fortunes were made.
i Again, in the firft acquifition of the Duannee, when the
entire government of a great kingdom devolved upon a very
few Engl:(h Gentlemen, rapid and enormous fortunes were
made by two or three of them ; nor was it poilible it fliould be,
otherwifc.
Our Commanders in Chief too, in thole days, General
Smith and Sir Rcbert Barker, acquired very large fortunes
from the power and influence they enjoyed, by being conftantly
at Allanabad with the King, or in the Vizier's country.
Again by the Treaty of 1775, with the prcfent Vizier,
the entire management of Oude fell (as Mr. Haftings foretold
it would) into the hands of the rcfident at his Court. This
was
BRITISH SENATE. 313
was naturally the fource of great influence, and great emolu-
ment, to two Englifti Gentlemen not yet returned to England.
It is a circumftance worthy of remark, that of all the civil
fervants that have gone out in the laft twelve years, that is,
fmce Mr. Halting* became Governor, only one has returned,
and that Gentleman never profited fix-pence by his appoint-
ment ; for he quitted Bengal either before it arrived, or a very
few months after, with an unblemifhed reputation. He re-
turned with his relation Mr. Francis.
It is equally worthy of remark, that not a finglc Gentleman
who has been m the Governor-General's family, civil or mili-
tary, has returned to England with any fortune, myfelf ex-
cepted; and I certainly did not acquire a fortune in Mr.
Haltings's family : I brought with me, or left behind me, about
feven thoufand pounds, being all that I acquired in fixteen
years.
If fuch is the ftate of fortunes, acquired by Gentlemen ap-
pointed to Bengal for thefe laft two and twenty years, it will
be found upon inveftigation, that the fortunes acquired at Ma-
dras and Bombay, by Gentlemen of the fcme ftanding, are
ftill more inconfiderable. They are fewer in number, and I
do not fuppofe that thirty Gentlemen, who went out in or near
1762, have returned to England from both Prefidencies. This,
however, is capable of proof; but as Bengal has been called
the garden of Eden, I confine myfelf to that fpot. Enormous
as were the fortunes acquired in Bengal at the battle of Plaf-
fey, by which an empire was conqured for Great-Britain. And
at our acquifition of the Duannec, they did not amount to fo
much as was acquired by individuals here, by one of the Noble
Lord's Loans, during the late calamitous and unfortunate war.
I fliall be truly happy, if it mould be my good fortune, by pre-
ferving that facred regard to truth, from which I have never
yet deviated, to remove from the minds of the Public thofe
prejudices that have been inftilled into them by the bold after-
tions of men, who have faid, and unfaid, juft as it anfwered
P 3 their
214- BEAUTIES OF THE
their political purpofes; and who, when they were in the pleni-
tude of power, never dared to do what they ought to have
done, if they really thought Mr. Haftings a delinquent; that
is, to have brought in a Bill for his removal, upon fome one
fpecific charge. Inftead of this', what is it they did ? Their
leader accufcd him of crimes, for which, if he had been guilty,
his life would have been too poor a facrifice ; he then declared,
he meant nothing perfonal againft him j and in the end, this
Mr. Haftings, this notorious delinquent, was offered a full and
free pardon for all his offences, provided his friends would ta-
citly fubmit to fee the : Company, his benefactors and preVervers,
deprived of their rights, and plundered of their property.
Major Scott., July 16, 1784,
ELO-
BRITISH SENATE. 215
ELOQUENCE.
I BELIEVE moft Gentlemen, as well as myfelf, whofe expec-
tations were raifed when the Hon. Gentleman (Sir Robert
Walpole) ftood up, have met with a very great difappointment.
That Gentleman, from whom we had reafon to expert fome-
thing that would have been of weight in the prefcnt debate, has
not only told us, that we are to have no reafon for what we arc
defired this day to agree to, but has given us very little hopes
of having, at any other time, that information, which one would
think a Britifh Parliament might expect. Are we to vote pow-
erful fleets and numerous armies j are we to lay new and great
burthens on the people, and all this without being told any rea*.
fons for what we are defired to do ? What fatisfaction can we
give our conftituents, if they ftiould afk us, why we have aug-
mented our (landing army, which muft always be dangerous to
the liberties of our country ? Why we have confented to the in*
creafmg the public charge, which is already heavier than the
people can bear ? Really to this moft material and reafonable
queftion, I know as yet of no other anfwer we can give, but
only that his Majefty has told us in his Speech, that there is a
war broke out in Europe, in which we have no manner of con-
cern ; and his Minifters have told us, that we ought to be afraid
of the armies and fleets raifed and fitted out by our neighbours,
becaufe they are under an abfolute neceflity of employing all
the armies they can raife, and all the fleets they can fit out, in
thofe parts of Europe which are moft remote from us. We
have zeal, Sir, I hope we have all a great deal of affection and
zeal for his Majefty's Perfon and Government j but do not let
us allow his Majefty's Minifters, or even his Majefty himfclf, to
expel fuch a blind zeal from his Parliament: it is inconfiftent
with the dignity of Parliament; and 1 am fure that Parliaments,
thirty or forty years ago, would hardly have been perfuaded
P4 *
216 BEAUTIES OF THE
to have (hewn fo much complaifance to the Minifters of the
Crown.
What has been obferved by fome Gentlemen, I own, Sir,
weighs greatly with me. From the demand now before us we
have reafon to conclude, that 13,000 men may be the number
intended to be always kept up within this ifland, even in times
of the greateft peace and tranquillity ; and that the augmenta-
tion now required, is done with a view only, that when fuch
times fhall again come, thofe in the Adminiftration may have
an opportunity to pretend great merit, in reducing the 13,000
men now propofed to be added. We all know what fears and
jealoufies the people have entertained at the continuing this
army, during the laft years of perfect peace and tranquillity both
at home and abroad : and if that meafure mould be again at-
tempted when thofe days of peace return, every man muft then
conclude, that the army is kept up, not for defending us againft
our foreign enemies, but for the fafety of thofe who have ren-
dered themfelves odious among the people, and for defending
them againft the refentment of an injured and a plundered na-
tion. If this {hould ever happen to be our unfortunate condi-
tion, the people will certainly make a ftruggle for the preferva-
tion of their ancient conftitution. This will certainly be the
cafe j I know it muft be the cafe ; and when it is, I hope thofe
who fhall bring us under fuch hard circumftances will find, that
even this army of 13,000 will not be able to ftand againft the
people of England. I have a great opinion of many Gentle-
men who have commands in the army ; and if fuch a cafe {hould
happen, while they have any command, I make no doubt but
they would behave as their predeceflbrs did at the Revolution ;
I dare fay, that moft of them would loon be found of the peo-
ple's fide of the queftion.
If we are, Sir, to have any mare in the war, the addition of
13,000 men is but a bauble ; and if we are to have no mare, why
fhould we bring any additional expence upon the people ? The
fion. Gentleman would not fay pofitively that we were en-
gaged,
BRITISH SENATE. 217
gaged, or not engaged, or that we were, or were not to be en-
gaged, but that we might be engaged relatively and confe-
quentially : and this refined quibbling, Sir, is, it feems, all the
fatisfa&ion, all the reafons he will vcuchfafe to give Gentlemen,
for agreeing to the demand now made upon them. Is an Eng-
lifh Houfe of Commons to take this as a reafon for breaking in
upon their conftitution, and for loading their conftituents with
taxes ? Surely, Sir, let our condition be never fo bad, and I be-
lieve it is bad enough, if the advice of Parliament is wanted on
that occafion, if their affiftance be defired, they ought to have
a full information of the prefent circumftances of the nation,
and they ought to have fufficient reafons for the demand that is
made. But it feems we are, for the future, to have no other
reafon given us for complying with any demand that comes
from the Crown, but only becaufe it is afked : and if any Gen-
tleman fcruples to take that as a fufficient reafon, he is, it feems,
always to be told, that his not agreeing readily to the demand,
will be looked upon as a want of refpedl to the Crown : but,
for God's fake, let us have likewife fome regard to ourfelves
and to our fellow-fubje&s, without which I am fure we have
no bufmefs here, nor can the nation ever reap any benefit from
our meeting in this place.
Mr. William Pulteney, Jan. 23, 1734-
GOVERNMENT, Sir, is an evil, which the perverfe nature of
fome has obliged all to fubmit to. Mankind, for the fake of
preferving their lives, and the fruits of their labour, againft the
invafions of the wicked and rapacious, have been obliged to
form themfelves into focieties, and to promife obedience to the
Civil Magiftrate : but that which was intended for protecting
the people of the fociety, is often made ufe of for their oppref-
fion; and inftead of being a bridle upon the inclinations of the
wicked, it often ferves to ftrengthen their hands, by tying up
thofe of the innocent. To prevent this fatal effect, many forts
of Governments have been invented by men, all of which may
be
2i2 BEAUTIES OF THE
be refolved into thefe three, to wit, the Monarchical, the Arifto-
cratiral, or the Democratical : for every form of Government
raiuft either be a Monarchy, an Ariftocracy, or a Democracy;
cr it muft be a mixture of ibme two of thefe, or of all the three.
By experience, Sir, it has been found, that when the i'upreme
Power is lodged either in a fole Monarch, or in a fet of Nobles,
it often deviates into tyranny ; and that when it is lodged in
the people in general, there is no poiTibiiky of proven"
from running into anarchy; and the next fie;
commonly a Monarchical, or Ariftocratical Tyranny ; efpecially
if the people of the fociety be numerous, and their dominions
.ye. For this reafon, many various forts of mixtures have
been contrived by Lawgivers: but of all the mixtures that ever
were contrived, that of an equal mixture of the three is, I be-
heve, the bcft and moft lading. Ko*,v . r>. the Ger-
mans, hit upon this mixture ; whether it proceeded from their
experience, or from their natural fagacity, 1 {hall not pretend to
determine; but it is certain, that from the earlieft accounts we
have of them, this appears to have been the form of Govern-
ment generally efcablifhed among them. The fupreme Power
amona; them was always lodged in an Aflembly of their King or
General, their Nobles or Chiefs of Families, and their People or
SoWiers in general. In this AlTembly all matters of great im-
portance were confidered and determined ; the King and Nobles
propofed and refolved, and the People confented or difapproved.
The powers and privileges of thefe three branches of their Le-
giflature, were not, perhaps, fo diftincliy afcertained as they are
by the prefent form of our Conftitution ; or if they were, no
certain account of them has been handed down to us : but it is
plain that the lame fpirit, upon which our prefent Conliitution
is founded, was the prevailing fpirit in their form of Govern-
ment ; and this fpirit may be traced from the beginning of our
to tli is very day.
The fyuit I mean, Sir, is, to have in our form of Government
fuch an equal mixture of t: ,cal, Ariitocratical, and
Democra-
BRITISH SENATE. 219
Democratical forms of Government, that each rray prove a
proper counterpoife to the other, in fuch a manner, as Or,
thefe three conftituent Powers may continue equal and inde-
pendent. If they do, any one of them may, and always will, be
a guard for our Conftitution and for our People, againft the
violence and oppre/fion of both, or either of the other two. If
our King fnould refolve to make himfelf abfolute, or if he and
his Minifters fhould begin to opprefs the People, both this and
the other Houfe would certainly join together in oppoiing fuch
fchemcs : if the other Houfe (hould begin to fct thcrnfdvcs up
as fovereign and arbitrary matters of our Government, the King
and this Houfe would certainly join againft them : and if this
Houfe, a perhaps has been the cafe, fhould begin to fet our-
felves up as matters, the King and the Houfe of Lords would as
certainly join againft us, and probably, by means of a difblu-
tion and new election, be able to prevent any fatal confequences.
Again, if any two of thefe branches of our Legiflature fhould
join together in any fcheme for oppreffing the People, they
could not carry their fcheme effetualiy into execution without
the concurrence of the third : but, on the contrary, that third
branch of our Legiflature, with the afliftance of the People,
would probably be able, not only to difappoint, but to punifli
the authors of fuch a fcheme.
Therefore, Sir, while our Conftitution remains entire, while
the three conftituent parts of our form of Government remain
equal and independent, our People can never be opprefled, mr
can a barefaced arbitrary power ever be eftablifhed. From
hence one may fee, that from our Conftitution, confidered in
itfelf, without any undue influence, we can have nothing to ap-
prehend ; the only danger we are expofed to i?, that of its diffb-
lution : and for this rcafon we ought to confidcr carefully, and
guard watchfully againft all thcfc methods by which it may be
overturned. The only methods by which our Conftitution can
be overturned, and confcquently the only evils we have to guard
againft is, left any one of the branches of our Legiflature (hould
get
220 BEAUTIES OF THE
get the abfolute direction of the other two j and left any one,
by a difiblution or difcontinuance of the other two, mould be
able to affume to itfelf an abfolute and arbitrary power. As the
power of calling, proroguing, and difiblving the Parliament is
lodged intirely in the Crown ; as the execution of our Laws is
now more fully and extenfively lodged in the Crown, than it
was' by the ancient form of our Conftitution ; and as his Ma-
jefty is provided with a very large revenue for life, I cannot
think there is the leaft danger, that either Houfe of Parliament
will become able to prcfct ibe to the other and to the King :
therefore we are at prefent in no danger of either Houfe of Par-
liament ever getting the abfolute direction of the other two
branches of our Legiflature, as was once the cafe of this nation.
But, Sir, that the Crown may be able to get the abfolute di-
rection of both Houfes of Parliament, and may confequently
make both intirely dependant upon the King, or rather upon
the King's Ministers, for the time being, I muft think we are
at prefent in fome danger : nay, I muft fay, I think we are in
fuch danger, that I am afraid nothing preferves us from it but
his Majefty's known wifdom, juftice, and moderation. I have,
I confefs, fuch a bad opinion of mankind, that I believe the ge-
nerality of them will facrifice the public good for' their private
advantage, often for a very trifling private advantage ; efpecially
when they can do it, without bringing immediately infamy and
reproach upon themfelves. This, I am forry to fay it, is my
opinion of the generality of mankind : and confidering what vaft
fums of money, and what a vaft number of lucrative pofts and
employments, of all forts and fizes, the Crown has to beftow
yearly, and what extenfive powers have been put into the hands
of the Crown, by the many Penal Laws lately enacted, I am
much afraid, that if his Majefty would allow his Minifters to
apply them towards managing and purchafing votes at elections,
or even in Parliament, it would foon come to be in the power
of the Crown to direct both Houfes of Parliament: for if the
voting at elections, or in Parliament, from corrupt confidera-
BRITISH SENATE. 22 i
tions, (hould once come to be frequent, the frequency of the
crime would extenuate the guilt, and the multitude of crimi-
nals would Another that reproach, which now fo defervedly at-
tends fuch an infamous pradice.
Lord Noel Sometfet, Feb. 3, 1738.
I AM unable to offer any thing that has not been faid by the
Honourable Gentleman (Mr. Lyttelton) who made you the
Motion for an Addrefs of Congratulation to the King, on ac-
count of the nuptials of the Prince of Wales with the Princefs
of Saxe-Gotha, in a manner much more fuitable to the dignity
and importance of this great occafion. But, Sir, as I am really
affeled with the profpett of the bleffings to be derived to my
country from this fo defirable, and fo long-defired meafure, the
marriage of his Royal Highnefs the Prince of Wales, I cannot
forbear troubling you with a few words, to exprefs my joy,
and to mingle my humble offering, inconfiderable as it is,
with this great oblation of thanks and congratulation to his
Majefty.
How great foever the joy of the public may be, and very
great it certainly is, in receiving this benefit from his Majefty,
it muft be inferior to that high fatisfaclion which he himfqlf
enjoys in beftowing it : and if I may be allowed to fuppofe,
that to a royal mind any thing can tranfcend the pleafure of
gratifying the impatient wifhes of a loyal people, it can only be
the paternal delight of tenderly indulging the moft dutiful ap-
plication, and moft humble requeft ofa fubmiffive obedient fon.
I mention, Sir, his Royal Highnefs's having afked a marriage j
becaufe fomething is in juftice due to him, for having afked
what we are fo ftrongly bound by all the ties of duty and of
gratitude, to return to his Majefty our moft humble acknow-
ledgments for having granted,
The marriage of a Prince of Wales, Sir, has at all times
been a matter of the higheft importance to the public welfare,
to prefent, and to future generations : but at no time has it
222 BEAUTIES OF THE
ever been a more important, a more dear con fi deration, than
at this day ; if a character at once amiable and refpectable,
can embeljifh and even dignify the elevated rank of a Prince
of Wales. Were it not a fort of prefumption to follow fo
great a Perfon through his hours of retirement, to view
him in the milder light of domeftic life, we fhould find him
bufied in the noble exercife of humanity, benevolence, and of
every focial virtue. But, Sir, how pleafing, how captivating
foever fuch a fcene may be, yet, as it is a private one, I fear I
fhould offend the delicacy "of that virtue I fo ardently defire to
do juftice to, fhould I offer it to the confideration of this Houfe.
But, Sir, filial duty to his Royal Parents, a generous love for
Liberty, and a juft reverence for the Britifh Conftitution,
thefe are public virtues, and cannot efcape the applaufe and
benediclions'jof the Public. They are virtues, Sir, which ren-
der his Royal Highnefs not only a notable ornament, but a firm
fupport, if any could poffibly be neceffary, of that Throne fo
greatly filled by his Royal Father.
I have been led to fay thus much of his Royal Highnefs's
character, becauie it is the confideration of that character
which, above all things, enforces the juftice -and goodnefs of
his Majefty in the meafure now before you ; a meafure which
the nation thought could never come too foon, becaufe it brings
with it the promifc of an additional ftrength to the Proteftant
fuccefiion in his Majefty's illuftrious and Royal Houfe. The
fpirit of Liberty dictated that fucceffion, the fame fpirit now
rejoices in the profpe6l of its being perpetuated to the lateft
pofterity : it rejoices in the wife and happy choice, which his
Majefty has been pleafed to make of a Princefs fo amiably
diftinguifhed in herfelf, fo illuftrious in the merit of her family ;
the glory of whofe great anceftor it is, to have facrificed him-
felf to the nobleft caufe for which a Prince can draw his fword,
the caufc of Liberty and the Proteftant Religion. Such, Sir,
is the marriage, for which our moft humble acknowledgments
'aie due to his Majefty - t and may it afford the comfort of feeing
5 the
BRITISH SENATE. 223
the Royal Family (numerous as I thank God it is) ftill grow-
ing and rifmg up in a third generation : a ^Family, Sir, which
I moft (incerely wifii may be as immortal as thole Liberties and
that Conftitujion whiqh it came to maintain.
Mr. Wilua;n Pitt, Jpril 14, 1736.
THOUGH charity obliges us to believe, that all men arc
fincere, till the contrary evidently appears ; and though decency
often obliges us to avoid telling them they are not fo, yet one
cannot help a fafpicion arifmg in c-.e's breait, when we find
Lords profefling their readinefs to j~-;n in an inquiry, or in
exerting our birth-right of being the great Counfellors of the
Crown, and yet upon all occafions oppofing it ; and in fupport
of their oppofitioa offering fuch arguments, as, if they were
admitted, would render it impoffible for this Houfe ever to in-
quire into the conduct of paft meafures, or offer any advice in
relation to future. The Noble Lord (Lord Ifla) fays, we
ought never to offer our advice in affairs relative to peace or
war ; that is to fay, in any foreign affairs whatfoever, unlefs
called upon by the King to do fo. My Lords, I know nothing
elfe we can have occafion to offer our advice in, unlefs it be,
whether the King fhall go to the play or the opera, whether he
fhall fhew mercy to a thief, or order him to be hanged, or
ipmething of equal importance ; for in all domeftic affairs of
great importance, our King, thank God ! is limited by the
laws, and ought not to tranfgrefs them, even though this Houfe
ihould advife him to do fo. And as to our being called upon,
we know from experience, that though this Houfe be the here-
ditary great Council of die Crown, yet our advice is very fel-
dom aiked in a ferious manner. Kings, my Lords, are gene-
rally for confulting with fuch as are of their own chufing, and
tbefe are often fuch as have no dignity, privilege, or right, by
their birth. We know the greateft empire that ever was on
earth, was once governed by die fole advice of a freed flave ; and
one of the greatcft empires now in being, by the advice of a,
Cabinet
224 BEAUTIES OF THE
Cabinet Council of Eunuchs, and fuch as they fhall chufe for
their Privy Council j therefore, if we never offer our advice
but when it is ferioufly afked by the Crown, I am afraid we
(hall very feldom exert that privilege, which is our birth-
right.
How this Houfe has of late years come to be fo much fuf-
pedled of blabbing, I do not know ; but it is a very new doc-
trine to fay, that nothing can be communicated to this Houfe,
without making it public. The very firft inftance of our being
refufed any papers we thought neceffary for our information,
for fear it fhould thereby be made public, was in the year 1721 :
fince that time, indeed, it has been commonly and frequently
praclifed ; and yet whatever fecrets our Minifters may have had
fince that time, I do not think the nation had ever any fewer
in any equal period of time.
Earl of Chejierfield, Dec. I, 1740.
I AM forry to obferve, that it is now become a common
topic of debate here, as well as in our converfation without
doors, that public praife ought to be defpifed, and the opinion
of the giddy multitude altogether difregarded. This, my
Lords, is a moft terrible fymptom, if Mr. Addifon be right in
his obfervation ; for in one of his Spectators I remember he ob-
ferves, We then only dcfpife commendation, when we ceafe to de-
ferue it. As I am acquainted with the Noble Lord (Lordlfla)
who fpoke laft, I am convinced he will never ceafe to deferve
commendation j but I was really in pain, when I heard him
endeavouring to perfuade your Lord/hips to defpife the opinions,
the fufpicions, and the clamours of the people without doors :
I fay I was in pain, left fome of thofe who are not acquainted
with his Lordihip, (hould think of this obfervation, which I
am fure is very unjuft, when .applied to him. The defire of
fame, the defire of applaufe, is one of the mofl exalted, and one
of the moft ufeful affections of the human mind. It is fo clofely
connected with our nature, that I believe no man can intirely
rid
BRITISH SENATE. 225
rid himfelf of it ; and therefore no man will pretend to defpifc
the reproaches or the fufbicions of his countrymen, but he that
is confcious of their being juft. A man of fteady refolution
will not allow himfelf to be carried away with every new opi-
nion that prevails among the people, nor will he do what is
wrong, in order to gain a popular applaufe ; but furely he will
not allow his character to lie under fufpicion amongft his coun-
trymen, if he can by any means clear it up. The multitude
may fometimes be artfully led into a wrong way of thinking, or
they may be induced to clamour without reafon ; but it is not
the part of a good citizen to defpife that opinion, or that
clamour ; it is his duty to endeavour to fet the people right,
and if the opinion or clamour be againft himfelf, for the fake
of his own character, as well as in duty to the public, he
ought to take the moft proper and the moft fpeedy method for
his juftification.
This, my Lords, is the duty of every private man, and much
more is it the duty of a Magiftrate or Minifter. Even in abib-
lute governments the Minifters ought to take all proper me-
thods for gaining the affedYions and efteem of the people, and
consequently for removing every fufpicion and clamour that
may happen to arife againft them : but in a free government,
this is not only the duty of the Minifters and Magiftrates, but
they are under an abfolute neceffity to do fo, if they have a
mind to continue in their office : for the diftinguifhing and fole
fign of a people's being free, is that of their being governed by
thofe laws and thofe men they approve of. If a law comes to
be thought inconvenient or oppreilive, by the majority of a free
people, it will be repealed } if a Magiftrate or Minifter contes
to be hated or defpifed by the majority of a free people, he will
be removed j and therefore, if in any country a law ftands un-
repealed for fome time after it begins to be difapproved by a
majority of the people, or if a Magiftrate or Minifter continues
in office for fome time after he begins to be generally hated or
drfpifed, that government is not a free government, that Peo-
VOL. I. ie
226 BEAUTIES OF THE
pie have no pretence to call themfelves a free people. For this
reafon, I am furprized to hear it faid, that our Minifters defpife
the clamours of the people, or that they do not defire your
Lordfhips afiiftance for allaying thofe clamours. My Lords,
if they defpife thofc clamours, if they do not defire to take the
moft proper and the moft fpeedy method for allaying them,
which is by an impartial parliamentary inquiry, I will affirm
they have, or at leaft they think they have, found out another
method of governing, another method of preferving their
power, than that which is the only method in a free country, I
mean the efteeni and sffeftions of the generality of the people ;
and if they have any fuch thoughts, I hope they will foon find
themfelves difappointed.
Earl of Halifax , Dec. I, 1740.
I AM not only againft fome particular Claufes of this Bill,
but againft the whole contexture of it ; and though, my Lords,
Bills of this nature have been canvafied in both Houfes by men
of far greater abilities and experience than I can pretend to, yet
I fhould think myfelf highly blameable, if I did not, as far as
in me lies, oppofe a Bill which ftrikes directly at the root of
the conftitution, and is an infringement both of the liberties of
the people, and the prerogative of the Crown. In the fequel
of what I fball offer to your Lordfhips, I think, I can plainly
make out this aflertion ; but fhould I be miftaken, my Lords,
I will venture to fay, my head, not my heart, will be in fault.
To weigh the merits of this Bill, it will be neceffary to take
it from its birth, confider its parents, and how and upon what
occafions it has appeared. My Lords, this blefled plant was
fown by party and fadion ; it was hurfed by fury and difcontent ;
lofs of Englijh liberty was its fruit. It was the firft ftep by
which Oliver Cromwell, and fome few others, mounted up above
the liberty of mankind. It was framed to divide and deftroy
the bulwark of bur conftitution, the Parliament : and furely,
my Lords, it would be very extraordinary, if Parliaments again
fhould
BRITISH SENATE. 227
fhould cherifh this cankerworm, which fince its birlh never has
dared to appear, but when a diftempered air hovered round us,
and, like fudden and intenfe darknefs, was the forerunner of
a ftorm.
My Lords, the very preamble of this Bill fets up a ftandard
of divifion between the Crown and the people ; it declares their
intereft feparate, and of confequence they muft draw feparately ;
which is a doctrine quite different from what I have been taught
from my cradle. I am fure, it is a moft melancholy doctrine ;
for a State divided againft itfelf can never ftand long.
But, my Lords, to be more particular, let us confider (fliould
this become an Act) what effect it would have, firft by ex-
cluding all but fome few of the moft important places from the
Houfe of Commons, and afterwards by excluding the army.
Firft then, with regard to thofe places of importance which
it does not exclude, and thofe lefler which it excludes, I fhall
only beg leave of your Lordftiips to put a few queftions ; if then
we exclude all but thofe of the greateft truft, and where the very
being of public affairs is centered, how fhall we in the next age
find men capable of rilling them? For by taking away the lefler, we
take away the proper fteps to the greater : how are thofe who are
young and inexperienced, to acquire a knowledge in bufinefs,
fo as to be able to tranfafl affairs, on the well or ill conducting
of which depends the public good, or the mifery of this whole
nation ? My Lords, how fhall we find men fit for thefe im-
portant pofts? It is an undeniable fact, that bufinefs makes men
of bufinefs ; the greateft natural capacity a man was ever bleffed
with, can never teach him the intricate road, form, and routine
of public officers ; practice muft do it, and practice alone. If
then the means of practice be cut off, how muft young men
arrive at this knowledge ? It muft be by infpiration, or by one
fingle way elfe, which is, by the great men of the prefent age
turning School- mafters, keeping a fchool for foreign and do-
meftic politics. I am apprehenfive they will not eafily be in-
duced to turn pedagogues ; not to mention that they themfelves
Q, 2 may
8 BEAUTIES OF THE
may not, perhaps, wifli to have the market overftocked. What
then muft be the confcquence ? Young men of fortune and
rank cannot accept of places, when by accepting them they
are to be deemed unfit for ferving their country in Parliament,
and to have the ignominious mark of flavery fet on them ; and
without accepting which, they cannot arrive at a knowledge
of bufmefs fit to be trufted with the public affairs. What will
be the effect ? Men of no fortune, no rank in the State, who
have firft drudged through the lower and mean offices, muft
have thofe of the greateft truft and profit, as being the only
perfons capable of filling them : and it is too much to be
feared, that the complaifance of fuch (who owe all they pofTefs
to the Crown) will be boundlefs, and that the King will have
bad Counfellors, and the nation be ill ferved.
My Lords, with regard to the Officers of the Army, I think
the fame argument is ftill ftronger, as the misfortunes which
will flow from it are of a more immediate and a more dangerous
confequence, and the danger without remedy. This Bill will
exclude all young men of fortune from the army, for the fame
reafon it will from all civil employments. Your Gentry, your
Nobility, deprived of all laudable ambitious views, will fink,
like Italians, into a flothful idlenefs. But, my Lords, I muft
beg leave to remind you of this nation's being faved from
flavery, by having men of property in the army : for God's
fake, do not let us ruin that great barrier of our liberty. It
may be faid, we do not ftand in need of an army; we are an
ifland, have a mod powerful fleet, fo that an army is both ufe-
lefs and dangerous. 1 (hall not enter into all that may be faid
in anfwer to that complicated afiertion ; but only beg leave to
put a caie, and it is a cafe, as the affairs of Europe ftand, muft
happen ence in twenty years ; and I hope our liberty will be
upon a founder foundation than to be hazarded every twenty
years : within that (pace of time, you muft, in all probability,
raife a confiderable army, either to defend your own poffeflions,
er preferve the balance of power in Europe ; which are equally
and
BRITISH SENATE. 229
and abfolutcly neceflary. When this army has done what you
raifed them for, you will think it necefTay likewife to difband
them, and eafe yourfelf and the people of fo coftly a burden ;
but your Lordlhips, perhaps, will find the difbanding them
more difficult than the raifmg them. I am apt to believe, that
a Vote of either Houfe, how rhetorically foever it may be ex-
pelled, will not pcrfuade them it is for their intereft to lofe
their bread, when by keeping together, you and all you have
is entirely at their mercy : and, my Lords, at fuch a feafon,
fhould a Prince, lefs a father of his people than his prefent
Majefty, fhould a Prince of more ambition than honeft inten-
tions, fill the Throne, it would be in his power, with fuch an
army, to become as abfolute as the King of France. My
Lords, by what I have offered to you, it plainly appears to me,
that nothing can keep and confirm your liberties but having
the Officers, at leaft, men of property, who have a flake in
the country, and whofe intereft is the fame with ours, It wa$
by an army of hirelings, debtors, renegades, and fuch like,
that Rome at laft fell a vi&im to the ambition of one man.
It may, perhaps, be faid in excufe for thjs JSill, that men of
too finall fortunes have employments and feats in Parliament ;
have you not an Aft of Qualification ? If that is not obferved,
why will you imagine this will ? I fhould think it would not ;
for tho' it is an extraordinary thing to fay fo, it would be
contrary to the intereft of the Crown, contrary to the
intereft of every particular, and contrary to the intereft of
the nation in general. But if the fum limited in the Qualifi-
cation Bill is not already fufficient, increafe it : that is the
only way which will anfrver what is in vain expected from
this Bill. But, my Lords, to conclude, what a compli-
ment would it be to his Majefty, to fay, you are not fit to
be trufted with what your anceftors have always hitherto en-
joyed, the power of difpofing of places and judging of merit ?
We will, by a public Act, fhew we miftruft you : what a com-
pliment will it be to thofe the people chufe, to fay, we will not
truft your integrity, becaufe the people chufe you their Repre-
fentativi ?
230 BEAUTIES OF THE
fentatives ? Is this the means to endear a people to their Prince,
a Prince to his people, or mankind to one another ?
Lord Raymond, April 6, 1742.
I SHOULD imagine, my Lords, that when a King of the
Houfe of Hanover furveys his navies, reviews his troops, or
examines his revenue, beholds the fplendour of his Court, or
contemplates the extent of his dominions, he cannot but forne-
times, however unwillingly, compare his prefent ftate with
that of his anceftors ; and that when he gives audience to the
Ambafiadors of Princes, who, perhaps, never heard of Hanover,
and directs the payment of fums, dearly purchafed, and reflects,
as furely he fometimes will, that all thefe honours and riches,
this reverence from foreign powers, and his domeftic fplen-
dour, are the gratuitous and voluntary gifts of the mighty
people of Great-Britain ; he {hould find his heart overflowing
with unlimited gratitude, and fhould be ready to facrifice to the
happinefs of his benefactors, not only every petty intereft, or
accidental inclination, but even his repofe, his fafety, or his
life : that he fhould be ready to eafe them of every burthen
before they complained, and to aid them with all his power,
before they requefted his afliftance ; that he {hould confider his
Briitjb kingdom a kind of nurfery for troops, to be employed
without harrafling his more valuable fubjecls.
It might be at leaft hoped, my Lords, that the Princes of
the Houfe of Hanover might have the fame regard to this na-
tion, as to Kings from whom they never received any benefit,
and whom they ought in reality always to have confidered as
enemies, yet even from fuch levy- money was not always re-
quired, or, if required, was not always received.
There was once a time, my Lords, before any of this race
wore the Crown of Great-Britain, when the great French
Monarch, Lewis XIV. being under a neceffity of hiring auxi-
liary troops, applied to the Duke of Hanover, as a Prince whofe
neceffities would naturally incline him to fet the lives of his
fubjedh
BRITISH SENATE. 231
tubje&s at a cheap rate : the Duke, pleafed with an opportunity
of trafficking with fo wealthy a Monarch, readily promifed a
fupply of troops, and demanded levy-money to be paid him,
that he might be enabled to raife them; but Hanoverian repu-
tation was not then raifed fo high, as that the French King
fhould truft him with his money. Lewis fufpe&ed, and made
jio fcruple of declaring his fufpicion, that the demand of levy-
money was only a pretence to obtain a fum which would never
afterwards be repaid, and for which no troops would be ob-
tained ; and therefore with his ufual prudence infifted, that the
troops ftiould firft march and then be paid. Thus for fome
time the Treaty was at a ftand j but the King being equally
in want of men as the Duke of money, and perceiving, per-
haps, that it was really impracticable for fo indigent a Prince
to raife troops without fome pecuniary afliftance, offered him
at length a fmall fum, which was glaxlly accepted, though
much below the original demand. The troops were engaged
in the fervice of France ; and the Duke of Hanover thought
himfelf happy, in being able to amufe himfelf at his leifure
with the rattle of the money.
Such, my Lords, were the conditions on which the troops of
Hanover were furniftied in former times ; and furely what could
then be produced by the love of money, or the awe of a fuperior
power, might now be expected as the effect of gratitude and
kindnefs.
Ear! of Sandwich? Feb. I, 1742.
I KNOW not how fuccefsfully I may repeat aflertions in this
Houfe, for which I have been formerly cenfured and commit-
ted to the Tower, and which few other Members have hitherto
maintained ; but I rife with confidence, that I fhall be at leaft
acknowledged to act confidently with myfelf in feconding the
noble perfon, (Lord Somerfet) who has made the Motion now
before you, for addrefling his Majefty, not to engage thefe
kingdoms in a war for the prefervation of his foreign domi-
Q,. 4 nions :
232 BEAUTIES OF THE
nions : and I am convinced, that many who differ fiom me
in opinion, would be glad to boaft of refembling my fteadinefs
of conduct.
But fteadinefs, Sir, is the effect only of integrity ; he that
fpeaks always what he thinks, and endeavours by diligent inquiry
to think aright before he ventures to declare his fentiments ; he
that follows in his fearches no leader but reafon, nor expects
any reward from them but the advantage of difcovering truth,
and the pleafure of communicating it, will not eafily change
his opinion ; becaufe it will feldom be eafy to (hew, that he
who has honeftly inquired after truth has failed to attain it.
For my part, I am neither alhamed nor afraid to affirm, that
thirty years have made no change in any of my political opi-
nions; I am now grown old in this Houfe, but that experience
which is the confequence of age, has only confirmed the prin-
ciples with which I entered it many years ago : time has ve-
rified the predictions which I formerly uttered, and I have feen
my conjectures ripened into knowledge.
I fhould be therefore without excufe, if either terror could
affright, or the hope of advantage allure me from the declara-
tion of my opinions; opinions which I was not deterred from
afferting, when the profpeit of a longer life than Lean now
expect might have added to the temptations of ambition, or
aggravated the terrors of poverty and difgrace ; opinions, for
which I would willingly have fuffered the fevercft cenfures,
even when I had enforced them only in compliance with rea-
fon, without the infallible certainty of experience.
Of truth it has always been obferved, Sir, that every day
adds to its eftablifhment, and that falftioods, however fpecious,
however fupported by power, or eftablifhed by confederacies,
are unable to ftand before the ftroke of time : againft the in-
conveniencies and vexations of long life may be fet the pleafure
of difcovering truth, perhaps the only pleafure that age affords.
Nor is it a flight fatisfaclion to a man not utterly infatuated
or
BRITISH SENATE. 233
or depraved, to find opportunities of rectifying his notions,
and regulating his conduct by new lights.
But much greater is the happinefs of that man, to whom
every day brings a new proof of the reafonablenefs of his for-
mer determinations, and who finds, by the moft unerring tefts,
that his life has been fpent in promoting doctrines beneficial to
mankind. This, Sir, is the happinefs which I now enjoy, and
for which thofe who never fhall attain it, muft look for an
equivalent in lucrative employments, honorary titles, pom-
pous equipages, and fplendid palaces.
Thefe, Sir, are the advantages which are to be gained by
a feafonable variation of principles, and by a ready complianee
with the prevailing fafhion of opinions ; advantages, indeed,
which I cannot envy when they are purchafed at fo b^igh a
price, but of which age and obfervation has too frequently
Ihewn me the unbounded influence ; and to which I cannot
deny, that I have afcribed the inftability of conduct and incon-
fiftency of afiertions, which I have difcovered in many men,
whole abilities I have no reafon to depreciate, and of whom I
cannot believe they would eafily diftinguifli truth, were not
falfhood recommended to them by the glittering ornaments of
wealth and power.
If there are in this new Parliament any men devoted to their
private intereft, and who prefer the gratification of their paf-
fions, to the fafety and happinefs of their country ; who can
riot without remorfe in the plunder of their Conftituents ;
who can forget the anguifh of guilt in the noife of a feaft, the
pomp of a drawing room, or the arms of a ftrumpet, and
think expenfive wickednefs, and the gaieties of folly, equiva-
lent to the fair fame of fidelity, and the peace of virtue, to
them I fhall fpeak to no purpofe : for I am far from imagining
any language in my power can gain thofe to truth, who have
refigned their hearts to avarice or ambition, or to prevail
upon men to change opinions, which they have indeed never
believed, though they are hired to aflert them. For there is a
degree
234 BEAUTIES OF THE
degree of wickednefs, which no reproof or argument can re-
claim, as there is a degree of ftupidity which no inftru&ion
can enlighten.
If my country, Sir, has been fo ^unfortunate as once more
to commit her intereft to thofe who propofe to themfelves no
advantage from their truft but that of felling it, I may, per-
haps, fall once more under cenfure for declaring my opinion,
and be once more treated as a criminal for afferting what they
who punifh me cannot deny ; for maintaining the inconfiftency
of Hanoverian maxims with the happinefs of this kingdom,
and for preferving the caution which was fo ftrongly inculcated
by the patriots that drew up the act of fettlement, and gave
the prefent Royal Family their title to the Throne.
Thefe men, Sir, whofe wifdom cannot be difputed, and
whofe zeal for his Majefty's fervice and family was equal to
their knowledge, thought it requifite to provide fome fecurity
againft the prejudices of birth and education. They were far
from imagining, that they were calling to the Throne a race
of beings exalted above the frailties of humanity, or exempted
by any peculiar privileges from error or from ignorance.
They knew that every man was habitually, if not naturally
fond of his own nation ; and that he was inclined to enrich it
and defend it at the expence of another, even, perhaps, of that
to which he is indebted for much higher degrees of greatnefs,
wealth, and power; for every thing which makes one ftate of
life preferable to another, (and which, therefore, if reafon
could prevail over prejudice, and every aftion were regulated
by ftricl: juftice) might claim more regard than that corner of
the earth in which he only happened to be born.
They knew, Sir, that confidence was not always returned,
that we muft willingly 'truft thofe -whom we have longeft
knovrn, and carefs thofe with moft fondnefs, whofe inclinations
we find by experience to correfpond with our own, without
regard to particular circumftances which may entitle others to
greater regard, or higher degrees of credit, or of kindnefs.
Againft
BRITISH SENATE. 235
Againft thefe prejudices, which their fagacity enabled them
to forefee, their integrity incited them to fecure to us, by pro-
vifions which every man then thought equitable and wife, be-
caufe no man was then hired to efpoufe a contrary opinion.
To obviate the difpofition which a foreign race of Princes
might have to trtift their original fubjecls, it was enacted, That
none of them ihould be capable of any place of truft or profit
in thefe kingdoms. And to hinder our Monarchs from tranf-
ferring the revenues of Great-Britain to Hanover, and. enrich-
ing it with the commerce of our traders and the labours of
our hufbandmen j from raifing taxes to augment the fplendour
of a petty Court, and increafing the garrifons of their moun-
tains, by mifapplying that money which this nation fhould raife
for its own defence, it was provided, That the King of Great-
Britain mould never return to his native dominions, but ref.de
always in this kingdom, without any other care than that of
gaining the affections of his Britifh fubjects, preferving their
rights, and increafing their power.
Mr. Shippen^ Qcl. 14, 1741-
ALL that can be faid, Sir, againft forfeitures for treafon,
muft proceed from miftaking or mifreprefenting the nature of
punifliments, and the ends for which they have been introduced
into fociety. Punifhment is faid to be malum pajjlonis^ quod
injligitur ob malum aftionis ; and therefore, in its own nature,
it muft be confined to the perfon of the criminal ; for whoever
pretends to inflict a punifhment upon an innocent perfon, can-
not properly be faid to punifh : on the contrary, he deferves to
be punifhed, becaufe in fo doing he commits a crime, or a
malum atficriisy and for that reafon ought to have a isialwn ac-
tionis inflicted upon him : however, there are many misfortunes,
loffes, and inconveniencies, which innocent men are fubjedt to
by the nature of things, and may be expofed to by the laws
of fociety, for the prefervation and welfare of the fociety. As
there arc many difeafes that defcend from the parent to the
child,
236 BEAUTIES OF THE
child, it is a misfortune for a child to be born of parents af-
flicted with fuch difeafes : it is a misfortune for a child to be
born of parents that are poor and indigent ; but thefe misfor-
tunes are not to be called puniftiments, becaufe they are, by the
nature of things, inflicted upon innocent perfons. There are
others, as I have faid, which innocent men may be expofed
to by the laws of fociety : fuch were the confinements which
leprous or unclean perfons were expofed to by the Jewifh law ;
and fuch are thofe confinements which people are fubjedted toby
our law, who are infected, or under fufpicion of being in-
fected with the plague : fuch,. likewife, are the misfortunes
which attend children who are born of flaves, in countries
where Jlcruery is eftablirtied : fuch were the incapacities of chil-
dren born of Plebeian^ in the ancient Roman Commonwealth,
who could not intermarry with the Patricians^ nor be advanced
to any of the chief ports in the Government: and fuch are
the misfortunes attending children born in this country of pa-
rents who happen to be convicted of High-Treafon ; becaufe,
by their attainder, they are diverted of every thing that be-
longed to them j and therefore the children are in the fame
ftate, as if they had been born of poor and indigent parents.
But none of thefe misfortunes can be faid to be punirtiments,
nor were ever called fo, by thofe who underftand any thing of
the laws of nature or nations.
Both the learned Grotius and the learned Puffendorffwt clear
upon this fubject. The former, in treating of what he calls
the communication of puniftiments, in order to (how, that an
innocent man ought not to be made to fuffer for the crime o^
the guilty, diftinguifhes between that damage or lofs, which a
man may fuffer directly, and that which he may fuffer confe-
quentially. A man fuffers directly, he fays, when any thing is
taken directly from him, which properly belonged to him ; and
he fuffers confequentially, when he lofes what he has a con-
ditional right to, by the failure of the condition upon which he
was to have it: and forfeitures he exprefly mentions as a damage
BRITISH SENATE. 237
or lofs of this laft fort ; becaufe children have but a conditional
right to their father's eftate, that is, provided the father dies
poficfled of it. For this reafon, that learned Gentleman fays,
that forfeiture is no punifhment upon the children, but only a
damage which they fuffer, not dire&ly, but confequentially, by
the crime of the father, which prevented the exifting of that
condition upon which they were to have had his eftate ; and
after having thus diftinguiflied, he concludes, that no man
who is perfectly innocent can be punimed for the crime of any
other man.
The learned P uffendorff again treats this fubject in the fame
manner, and almoft in the very fame words. He diftinguifhes
between a damage fuffered directly and confequentially. " The
" firft is, fays he, when a man is deprived of that he has al-
" ready a proper right to ; the fecond, when that condition is
" intercepted, without which he could not enjoy fuch a right.
** Thus, when the eftate the parents were poflefled of is for-
" feited, the children alfo feel the lofs of it : but, however,
" this is not a punifhment properly, with refpecl to the chil-
" dren, becaufe they cannot come to the inheritance of their
" father's eftate, unlefs the father prefer ves it for them till he
" dies ; and therefore the confifcation, or forfeiture, only in-
" tercepts the condition, without which, the children can have
" no right to the father's eftate."
To the opinion of thefe two learned moderns, Sir, I (hall
add the opinion of a very famous man among the ancients,
I mean Marcus TuUius Cicero ; who, in one of his letters to
Brutus, approves of the forfeiture of LepiJus, and fays, it was
as juft to reduce his children to a ftate of want and mifery, as
it was in the Athenians to reduce the children of Themijlocles
to that wretched ftate ; to which he adds, that this was an
ancient and general cuftom in all commonwealths : from
whence, I think, I may infer, th::t the forfeiture of traitors
wa< a law which prevailed among the Romans^ long before the
eftablimment of their empire : anu that this law was eftablifhed
among
238 BEAUTIES OF THE
among the Jews, even in King David's time, is evident from
the ilory of Mtphibojheth and his fervant Ziba; for from
thence \ve find, that the eftate of Saul had been forfeited, but
was reftored to Mefbib^Jhetb^ for his father Jonathan's fake ;
and was again taken from him by a new forfeiture, on a falfc
fuggeftion of Ziba's.
Having thus (hewn, Sir, that the forfeiture of a guilty fa-
ther cannot be looked on as a punifhment upon the innocent
children, it can no way be faid to be inconfiftent with religion,
efpecially that precept delivered to the Jews, which forbids
punifhing the father for the fon's iniquity, or the fon for the
father's. That law was certainly meant againft fubjecting
either the one or the other, dire&ly to any lofs, damage, or
inconvenience, for the crime of the other, and not againft that
confequential damage which is brought upon the fon by the
forfeiture of the father : and, as I have fliewn that forfeitures
have been approved of by the moft learned Lawyers, both
ancient and modern, and were eftabliftied in the Jewijh y Gre-
cian^ and Roman Commonwealths, no Gentleman can, I think,
have the confidence to aver, that they were, or are, inconfiftent
with natural juftice, or the liberties of a free People.
The next thing I am to {hew, Sir, is, that they are confonant
to the laws of this kingdom, both ancient and modern. Here,
indeed, I am at fome lofs what Gentlemen may mean by our
ancient Laws ; and therefore, that I may not be accufed of any
negled~t, I fhall go as far back as I can. I think I may be very
fure, that no man can tell what our Laws were, or whether we
had any, before the Romans came amongft us. If Gentlemen
mean, by our ancient Laws, the Laws which prevailed amongft
us whilft we were fubject to the Romans, then certainly the
Law of Forfeiture for treafon was eftablifhcd, becaufe it was
then a part of the Reman Law. If we come to the Laws of the
Saxons, and fay, that thefe were the ancient Laws of the king-
dom, I think the point may be as pofitively determined in fa-
vour of Forfeitures i for that the feudal cuftoms prevailed
2 amongft
BRITISH SENATE. 239
amongft the Saxons, as well as among their other northern
neighbours, is, in my opinion, clear to a demonftration : and it
is certain, that by the Feudal Law, the forfeiture of the eftate
was the certain confequence of any breach of fealty in the tenant
or vaflal. If we refer to the fragments ftill remaining of the
Saxon Laws that were eftabliflied in this kingdom, the point
will be as clear in my favour. It is very true, that from thefe
fragments it appears, that fines, or mulcts, were the punifh-
ments inflicted upon moft crimes ; but ftill there were fome that
were punifhable with death, or forfeiture of eftate, and fome-
times with both. By a Law of King Ina's it is exprefsly enact-
ed, that whoever fights in the King's palace (hall lofe his inhe-
ritance : Harcditatem perdat, are the words of the Law. And,
by a Law of the famous King Alfred's, it is enacted in thefe
words, Si quis vita Regis infidietur, per fe, wiper ultores mercede
condufloS) velfervosfuos, vita privetur & omnibus qu&foj/idit.
Thus, Sir, it is evident, that the forfeitures were in ufe
amongft the Saxons, and that they have been conftantly in ufe
fmce the conqueft, not only in treafons, but in felonies, fo far as
relates to goods and chattels, no man can denyj therefore they
muft be allowed to be confonant to our laws, both modern and
ancient : and that they are not inconfiftent with the freedom cf
our Conftitution, experience itfelf muft bear witnefs ; for we
have hitherto preferved our Conftitution entire, and I doubt
much if we fhould be able to do the fame, (hould forfeitures of
all kinds be abolifhed: for it is certain, that nothing can be of
more dangerous confequences to the liberties of a free people,
than frequent civil wars. The firft civil war that happened
among the Romans, was that which they called the Sociale Bel-
lum, or the war begun by the feveral people and cities in Italy,
whom the Romans, that is to fay, the citizens of Rome,
would not admit to an equal (hare in the Government with
themfelves. How long did they preferve their liberties after
the commencement of the civil w:ir r Not much above fixty
years - 3 for this war began about the year 660 after the build-
ing
240 BEAUTIES OF THE
ing of their city, which was their aera ; and Auguilus Caefar,
after the battle of Aci'ium^ was confirmed in the abfolute Go-
vernment of that vaft empire in the year 725 of the fame aera.
And even in this kingdom, a civil war has more than once put
an end to the freedom of our Conftitution ; for the civil war
between the Houfes of York and Lancafter, eftablifhed what I
may very properly call an abfolute Government in the perfon
of Henry the Vlllth ; and the civil war between Charles the
Ift and his Parliament, eftablifhed an abfolute Government in
the perfon of Oliver Cromwell. It is true, as our Conftitution
is more perfect, and better contrived than that of the Roman
ever was, it has hitherto always recovered itfelf ; but confider-
ing the change in the manners of our People, if it fliould here-
after be overturned by a civil war, I am afraid it will never
recover : therefore there is nothing we ought to guard more
cautioufly againft than a civil war. The execution of a traitor
is a fleeting example which is foon forgot ; but the misfortunes
of his pofterity is a permanent example, which many have con-
tinually before their eyes : and as this permanent example cer-
tainly contributes to the preventing of civil wars, it muft, in
my opinion, contribute to the fecurity of the happy Conftitution
we now live under.
Whether we fhould ever allow the puniftiments which pro-
duce thefe permanent examples to be abolifhed, is a queftion,
Sir, that I /hall not take upon me to determine, nor is there
any neceffity for my giving my opinion upon it at prefent; but
this I am very fure of, that we (hould not allow thefe punifli-
ments to be abolifhed, during the life of either of the Pre-
tender's fons ; becauie while they live, there will always be
too many amongft us infected with an itch of rebellion ; and
all Politicians, as well as Lawyers agree, that the greater
likelihood there is that a crime of any particular fort will be
committed, the more fevere ought the punifhment to be ; for
the terror of the punifhment ought, if poflible, to be made fu-
perio'r to the itth of committing the crime ; and as that itch,
or
BRITISH SENATE. 241
or inclination, will be ftronger and more general during the
lives of the Pretender's two fons, than we can fuppofe it to be
afterwards, we muft have, during that period, more fevere
punifhments upon treafon, than may be afterwards neceflary to
be continued. I am therefore ftrongly in favour of the Bill,
for preventing all correfpondence between his Majefty's fub-
jecls and the Pretender's fons.
Sir Dudley Ryder, Attorney-General, May 3, 1744*
THE Honourable Gentleman (Sir Dudley Ryder) whofpoke
firft in the debate, and diftinguifhed himfelf fo greatly by his
long and laboured fpeech, has laid down thefe two proportions,
upon which he has built his whole argument, That this claufe is
conjiftent with natural juflice ; and, that it is conji/hnt with our
ancient and modern conjlltution. Yet, notwithft-anding all that
he has faid, I muft take the liberty to maintain the contrary.
As to natural juftice, no one principle can ftrike the mind of
man more ftrongly, at the very firft view, than that the innocent
ought not to fuffer for the guilty ; and that every man Jbould fvffir
enly for his own fault. Can there be a man fo abfurd in this,
or any other afiembly in the world, as to deny this propofition?
To deny this, is to violate the fundamental laws of all fo-
ciety, to be ignorant of the true nature of punifhments, and
of the only title men have to inflict any feverities upon each
other. The rights of mankind, in a ftate of nature, ftill fub-
fift in a fociety ; they ought to fubfift ; they ought to be
abridged in none, farther than is abfolutely neceflary for the
prefervation of fociety. It is in vain, it is nonfenfe to fay,
that the fafety of fociety can fubfift in, can be advanced or
prefervcd only by the ruin of the innocent widow, of the harm-
leis infant, and of thoufands yet unborn.
How then does the learned Gentleman attempt to palliate
the force of this principle? He civns the principle, and be fays,
if any man ivill convince him that this claufe can deprive any one
innocent f erf on, either of his natural or legal rigt.-ti, he will be
VOL. I. .R.
24^ BEAUTIES OF THE
againjl it himfclf. But, fays /;, no man has a right to any pro-*
ptrty, but by the lazus of the fecicty under which he lives ; and the
laws of his country give no right to the child till the death of the
parent. Sir, the Gentleman has made but two miftakes in
this argument; but they are unluckily fuch as overturn the
whole. For firft, every man may learn from his own breaft,
that by the laws of ^nature, all mankind ought to fucceed to
thei-r anceftors ; they are entitled to expect it by the order of
all things, and as a kind of retribution from their parents,
for their being the authors of their exiftence, which, without
any inheritance, is a ftate of the utmoft wretchednefs. And
as to the laws of this country, the very law which we are now
about to repeal, has created this property in the child, and the
child is actually vefted in this right, by the very laws of the
fociety in which we live. The fine reafonings of Puffendorff^ or
Cretins, have therefore nothing to do in this queftion. The
Gentleman fupports his argument by authorities, which, put-
ting the cafe as it really ftands, all rather make againft him :
he applies the reafonings of Puffendcrff and Grotius upon any
other cafe to this cafe, which totally and fundamentally differs
from that upon which they argued.
Cicero too is brought in to fupport this cruel opinion : a letter
of his to Brutus is quoted upon us, in which he juftifies the
feverities uled to Ltpidus and his posterity. But I dare venture
to fay, there is not one Gentleman in this Houfe, who knows
any thing of Cicero^ or of his writings, who does not know,
that this very letter, which is to be put upon us as an irrefiftible
authority, is no authority at all ; for it is generally, if not
univerfally allowed to be a fpurious lettter, not wrote by Cicero^
but wrote for Cicero, many hundred years after Cicero was de-
parted out of this world. And, in truth, had he wrote this
letter, it would have had very little weight with me. Cicero
was, indeed, a great orator ; he made long and fine fpeeches ;
he is thought to have been greatly learned in the laws of his
country ; but he was a notorious time-ferver, a thorough man
of
BRITISH SENATE. 243
of part}% and, with all that, a coward* Would it be any won-
der then, when Lcpidus was ruined, if he, in his familiar cor-
refpondence, had exprefled himfelf with bitternefs againft Le-
pidus and all that belonged to him ? Would it be any wonder,
if fuch a man had rejoiced and exulted in the misfortune of his
adverfary; or if his fears had carried him even to wtfh de-
ftruclion and extirpation to a family, whofe recovery might
have proved the ruin of him and his ! But, after all this,
Cicero is an author who (hould be quoted with fome care ; for,
whether from thefe reaPjn c , or any other, as his public conduit
was a fcene of contradictions, fo he contradicts himfeif in his
writings too. Of this, I recollect an inftance to the very
point: Jn his book De Natura Dcorum, he pofitively fays,
that no man could bear to live in a country, where the fon and
the granJfon Jhoitld be puniflied for the crimes of their grandfather
and father. If, therefore, I fhould allow the Honourable
Gentleman, that his letter to Brutus was (as it is not) a. genuine
letter, which would be the beft authority? Cicero, in a familiar
letter, in an unguarded, heated, fearful ftate ? Or Cicero in
his ftudy, writing upon the moft ferious fubject, and upon the
exprefs fubject ; and ufing the utmoft care, and the utmoft re-
flection, to deliver down a fyftem of religion or morality to
future ages ?
The learned Gentleman then goes on to inform us, that
the lavvs of Greece bore hard upon the innocent; and that the
children of Themijl&ctes were disinherited and banifhed for the
crimes of their father. Full, as to this, there is no example
upon earth will ever weigh with a reafonable man to do that
which is, in itfelf, either cruel or unjuft. And next, as to
the laws of Greece, the Gentleman means, and muft mean
chiefly, the laws of the Athenians ; for of the laws of the
other Grecian ftates we know but little ; and as to thefe laws
of the Athenians, they have been univerfally confidercd, in ail
ages, as the moft fevere and unjuft that ever any people ever
lived under, excepting thefe of their neighbours, tine Mactdo-
R 2 nians
244 BEAUTIES OF THE
nians and the Perftans, who extirpated whole families for the
cr irne of one fingle offender. But even here, as to TTjemiJtecks,
the learned Gentleman is again miftaken ; for the children of
Themijlocits were not baniihed for their father's crime. The-
miftocles was accufcd of a mifprifion of treafon, in not divulging
what he knew of the confpiracy of Paufanius againft the Greeks
in favour of the Per/ians. Whether he was guilty of this crime
or not, did never appear ; for he was never tried for it. He
fl^ed, his children fled to him, and fo became participes crimines.
They abandoned their own country, and were therefore pu-
niflied for their own fault ; they retired to Perfui^ and made
thcmfelves fubject to another State, where they obtained dif-
tinguiflied privileges and great eftates. Plutarch particularly
tells us this, and that their defcendants particularly enjoyed
thefe privileges in Magnefia which they received of Xerxes t
even in his own time, which was near fix hundred years after.
I now come to fpeak of our ancient and modern Conftitu--
tion, with which the Honourable Gentleman fays this claufe is
perfectly confident. Perhaps I may be thought too venturous,
when I conteft this point with a Gentleman fo eminent in
his profeflion ; but, Sir, I think I am well founded in main-
taining the contrary. As to our Conftitution, we feldorn hear
it talked of with common fenfe. You may find, in what men
commonly call our Conftitution, arguments and examples for
any thing you will. Nothing is fo vague and unfettled as our
Conftitution was for many centuries. If a man ftands up for
the prerogative, he may quote you powerful precedents from
the reigns of Richard the lid, and other Princes like him :
another man, to enforce popular and romantic projects of re-
formation, may quote upon you things equally extravagant on
another fide, by turning his eye upon our hiftorics in times
when popular fury has overborne this Government. For
my own, part, therefore, I never knew how to afcertain the
Conftitution of this Country in any degree, but in two periods;
the Saxon times before the Conqueft \ the prefent /Era fince
the
BRITISH SENATE. 245
the Revolution. The intervening fpace between thefe two was
all confufion ; a chaos of contradictions in the regulations of
this State ; an eternal ftruggle for uncertain power between
the Barons and the Crown, the Crown and the people, or the
people againft both.
Lord Perceval, May 3, 1744.
MEN* will always be more governed by their paffions than
their reafon ; and it is fo difficult to forefee and determine what
is moft for the public good, that men are apt to determine that
to be the moft for the public good, which beft fuits with their
own private views and paflions. This is the caufe, that where the
people have too great a fliare of the Government in their hands,
the peace of the State muft always be disturbed with parties and
factions : and as the vulgar, great as well as fmall, have gene-
rally very little forefight, and are violent in thepurfuit of every
paflion, this always, at laft, furnifhes the leader of fome party ,
or faction, with means to overturn the conftitution of their
Government, and to ufurp to himfelf a fole and arbitrary power.
I could demonftrate this theorem, Sir, from obfervations
upon the hiftory of almoft all the Commonwealths that ever
had a being, and are now no more ; but as the Roman Hiftory
is beft known, and moft adapted to this purpofe, I (ball con-
fine my obfervations to this hiftory alone. After the expulfion
of their Kings, and the eftablifhment of a republican form of
government, the people got, it is true, immediately, a very
great fhare in the government, by the law that introduced an
appeal to the people ; for which the chief promoter got the
name of Publicola. }>y this, and by the election of their
annual Magiftrates, the people had, I fay, a very great fhare
of the government : but for many years it was in appearance
only j for the Senate and chief Patricians, even after the Tri-
bunes of the people were inftituted, had fo much influence
among the people, that they preferved in their own hands the
whole of the Adminiftration, by getting the people to chufe
R 3 fuch
246 BEAUTIES OF THE
fuch Magistrates as they dire&ed, and to make fuch decrees
upon appeals as they thought proper and juft : but the people,
Spirited up by popular leaders, were every day aiming at getting
more and more power into their hands ; and by the lame means
the influence of the Senate and the chief Patricians^ grew evei;y
day lefs and iefs. The firft conqueft the people made upon the
Senate, was that-of obtaining the eftablifhment of the Tribunes,
with moft extraordinary powers : and the next they made was,
the obtainkig a law for the allowing of marriages between Pa-
tricians and Plebeians. About the fame time, they got introduced
the cuftom of chufing Military Tribunes in the place of Con-
fulp, becaufe the Patricians would not allow that any Plebeian
could be chofen a Conful, whereas a Plebeian might be chofen
a Military Tribune ; and by means of this difpute, the Com-
monwealth came to be governed for many years by Military
Tribunes inftead of Confuls j though fuch was the modefty
of the people, that for above fifty years after this fort of ma-
giflracy was firft introduced, no Plebeian could get himfelf
chofen a Military Tribune. But the greateft conqueft which
the People of Rome ever obtained over the Senate and Patricians^
was the Lav for rendering a Plebeian capable of being chofen a
Conful ; for from that time the influence of the Senate dimi-
rimed very fait, and the people began to grow every day more
licentious.
Thus, Sir, a way being opened for popular leaders, whether
Patrician or Plebeian^ to arrive at the chief dignities and magi-
ftracies of the State, and the people having got almoft entirely
into their own hands the conferring of thofe honours, and re-
peating them as often as they pleafed, a popular leader at laft
put an end to the liberties of the people for a time ; and foon
after him, another popular* leader put an end to them for ever.
"When I fay this, every Gentleman muft fuppofe, I mean Cains
-, and Ju!i:<s Co-far^ names well known to thofe who are
verfed in the Roman Hiftory, Myrius^ though of mean
.ion, even among the Plebeians, raifed himfelf to fuch
favour
BRITISH SENATE. 247
favour among the people of Rome, by his fuccefs in war, and
by patronizing every popular law propofed, that he was chofen
Conful for three years frtccejjively^ which enabled him to continue
himfelf by force or corruption in the fame high office for three
years more, in fpite of all that the Nobles of Rome could do
againft him. I "fay Nobles, Sir ; for by admitting Plebeians into
all high offices, the difiincYion between Patricians and Plebeians
had by this time begun to be forgot, and the diftinction that
came in its place, was that of the Nobles and the People. It is
true, the Nobles^ by the help of Syl/a's army, got the better of
Mantis^ and drove him into exile in Africa ; but the very next
year, Sylla being gone with his army into Greece, againft
Mitbridates, Marine returned, and joining with Cinna 9 after a
terrible {laughter of the Nobles, he feized upon the city and
government by an armed force, which his party held by the
fame means after his death, .till Sylla returned with his army
from Aha ; and after feveial victories, deftroyed all the heads
of that party, and reftored what was called the party of the
Nobles, referving, however, to himfelf a dictatorial power.
Did thefe misfortunes, Sir, render the people of Rome more
wife ? Did they from thence learn not to aim at more power than
they knew how to make ufe of, or not to put more confidence
in their pretended patriots than they deferved ? No, Sir, pre-
fently after Sylla's death, Julius Ctefar, though he was of noble
extraction, put himfelf at the head of the popular party, and
patronized every proportion that tended to increafe the power
of the people : becaufe from the experience of what happened
in Syl/a's time, he faw, that that was the only party that would
fupport him in, as well as raife him to arbitrary power. By
patronizing Agrarian^ and fuch other laws, he recommended
himfelf to great favour amongft the people ; and as he knew
that military glory and a good army were neceffary to raife him
to the higheft pinnacle of power, he made ufe of that favour
for obtaining the government of Tranfalpine Gaul\ to which he
got, by the lame favour, the province of Cifalpine Gaul after-
R 4 wards
248 BEAUTIES OF THE
wards added ; though every wife man at Rome faw, that it was
dangerous to join thefe two commands together ; becaufe the
firft furnilhed him of courfe with a great army, and the fecond
with an eafy accefs to Rome itfelf, in a condition to feize upon
the government of his country : but the populace could not fee
this danger, nor could they penetrate into his defign of in-
volving his country in a war with the Gauls, or of defiring to
continue for feveral years in the command of thefe two pro-
vinces : whereas his defign in both, was perceived by the Senate
and great men at Rome. They faw, that by involving his
country in war, his defign was to recommend himfelf to the
populace by his military glory ; and that by defiring to con-
tinue long in the fame command, he defigned to model his
army, fo as to make it the army of Julius Cajar, and not the
army of the Commonwealth of Rome.
All this, I fay, Sir, was forefeen by the Senate and great
men of Rome ; but they neither could recall him, nor call him
to an account for unneceffarily involving his country in a war,
without the confent of the people : and they were fo blinded
by his military exploits, and the favour he had formerly gained
among them, that it was not poffible to make them fee the
danger, or confent to recall a General, who was every day
fending them accounts of vi&ories gained againft their ancient
and moft formidable enemies. There he ftaid, there he fought
fuccefsfully, till he made the army his own ; and then, inftead
of difmifling his army, as was required by the Senate, he
marched with it to Rome, and conquered his country. So
blind were the people to their own intereft, fo ready to aflift
their favourite, in overturning the liberties of their country,
that the Tribunes they had chofen declared againft the Senate,
and having fled from Rome, took fhelter in the camp of Cufar-.
So it was, Sir, in the Commonwealth of Rome ; fo it will be
in all Commonwealths where the people are vefted with too
much power. They are extravagant in their favours, B
as reftntmentSj which makes it eafy for a favouiite to obtain
fo
BRITISH SENATE. 249
fo much power from them, or fiich a long pofleflion of power,
as enables him to ftrip them of all manner of power whatfo-
ever : therefore, in every free State, it is abfolutely neceflary,
for the prefervation of its freedom, to have a Senate or AlTembly
of Nobles, or Chief Magiftrates, vetted with a power to give
a check to the extravagancies of the people.
Right Hon. Henry Pelha?n y Feb. 12, 1744-
I HAVE been charged with giving birth to fedition in Ame-
rica. They have fpoken their fentiments with freedom againft
this unhappy ACT, and that freedom has become their crime.
Sorry I am to hear the liberty of fpeech in this Houfe, im-
puted as a crime. But the imputation fhall not difcourage me.
It is a liberty I mean to exercife. No Gentleman ought to be
afraid to exercife it. It is a liberty by which the Gentleman
(Mr. Grenville) who calumniates it, might have profited. He
ought to have defifted from his project. The Gentleman tells
us America is obftinate ; America is almoft in open rebellion.
I rejoice that America has refilled. Three millions of people,
fo dead to all the feelings of liberty, as voluntarily to fubmit
to be flaves, would have been fit inftruments to make flaves of
the reft. I come not here armed at all points, with law cafes
and Adls of Parliament, with the Statute Book doubled down
in dogs-ears, to defend the caufe of liberty : if I had, I myfelf
would have cited the two cafes of Chefter and Durham. I
would have cited them to have fhewn, that even under any
arbitrary reigns, Parliaments were afhamed of taxing a people
without their confent, and allowed them Reprefentatives. Why
did the Gentleman confine himfelf to Chefter and Durham ?
He might huve taken a higher example in Wales j Wales that
never was taxed by Parliament till it was incorporated. I
would not debate a particular point of law with the Gentleman :
I know his abilities. I have been obliged to his diligent re-
fenrches. But, for the defence of liberty upon a general prin-
ciple, upon a conftitutional principle, it is a ground on which
I Hand
250 BEAUTIES OF THE
J ftand firm ; on which I dare meet any man. The Gentle-
man tells us of many that are taxed, and are r.ot reprefented.
The India Company, Merchants, Stock-holders, Manufac-
turers. Surely many of thefe are reprefented in other capaci-
ties, as owners of land, or as freemen of, boroughs. Jt is a
misfortune that more are not a^u^liy reprefented. But they
are all inhabitants, and as fuch are virtually reprefented. Many
have it in their option to be actually reprefented. They have
connections with thofe that eiccr., and they have influence over
them. The Gentleman mentioned the Stock-holders : I hope
he does not reckon the debts of the nation as a part of the na-
tional eftate. Since the acceflion of King William, many
Minifters, fome of great, others of more moderate abilities,
have taken the lead of Government.
When I had the honour to ferve his Adajefty, there were not
wanting fome, to propofe to me to burn my fingers with an
American Stamp Aft. With the enemy at their back, with
our bayonets at their breafts, in the day of their diftrefs, per-
haps the Americans Would have fubmitted to the impofition ;
but it would have been taking an ungenerous and unjuft advan-
tage. The Gentleman boafts of his bounties to America ! Are
not thefe bounties intended finally for the benefit of this king-
dom ? If they are not, he has mifapplied the national treafurcs.
I am no Courtier of America, I ftand up for this kingdom.
I maintain that the Parliament has a right to bind, to reftrain
America. Our legifiative power over America is fovereign
and fupreme. When it ceafes to be fovereign and fupreme, I
would advife every Gentleman to fell his lands, if he can, and
embark for that country. When two countries are connected
together, like England and her Colonies, without being incor-
porated, the one muft necefiarily govern ; the greater muft rule
the lefs ; but fo rule it, as not to contradict the fundamental
principles that are common to both.
If the Gentleman does not underftand the difference between
internal and external taxes, I cannot help it j but there is a plain
diftindtion
BRITISH SENATE. 2 ;i
diftinction between taxes levied for the purppfes of raifmg z
revenue, ana duties impofcd far tlie regulation of trade, for tho
accommodation of the i abject ; although in the confequence*,
feme revenue might incidentally a rife from the latter.
The Gentleman afks, when were the Colonies emancipated ?
But I delire to know, when- they were made fiaves ? But 1 dwell
not upon words. When I had the honour of ferving his Majefty,
I availed myfcif of the means of information which I derived
from my office : I fpeak, therefore, from knowledge. My
materials were good. I was at pains to collect, to disced, to
confider them ; and 1 will be bold to afTirm, that the profits to
Great-Britain from the trade of the Colonies, through all its
branches, is two millions a year. This is the fund that car-
ried you triumphantly through the laft war. The eftates that
were rented at two thoufand pounds a year, threefcore years
ago, are at three thoufand pounds at prefent. Thofe eftates
fold then from nftee:i to eighteen years purchafe ; the fame may
be now fold for thirty. You owe this to America, This is
the price that America pays you for her protection. And {hatt
3 miferablc Financier come with a boaft, that he can fetch a
pepper- corn into the Exchequer, to the lofs of millions to the
nation \ I dare not fay how much higher thefe profits may be
augmented. Omitting the immenfe increafe of people by na-
tural propagation in the Northern Colonies, and the migration
from every part of Europe, I am convinced the whole com-
mercial fyftem of America may be altered to advantage. You
hive prohibited where you ought to have encouraged, and you
have encouraged where you ought to have prohibited. Im-
proper restraints have been laid on the Continent in favour of
the Iflands. You have but two nations to trade with in Ame-
rica. Would you had twenty I Let A&s of Parliament in
confequence of Treaties remain ; but let not an Englifh Mi-
nifter become a Cuftom-Houfe Officer for Spain, or for any
foreign power. Much is wrong, much may be amended for
the general good of the whole.
Does
252 BEAUTIES OF THE
Does the Gentleman complain that he has been mifrepre-
fented in the public prints ? It is a common misfortune. In
the Spanifh affair of the laft war, I was abufed in all the news-
papers, for having advifed his Majefty to violate the law of
nations refpecting Spain. The abufe was induftrioufiy cir-
culated even in hand-bills. If Adminiftration did not propagate
the abufe, Adminijlration never contradified it. I will not fay
what advice I did give to the King. My advice is in writing
figned by myfelf, in the pofleffion of the Crown. But I will
fay what advice I did not give the King : I did not advife him
to violate any of the laws of nations.
As to the report of the Gentleman's preventing, in fome
way, the trade for bullion with the Spaniards, it was fpoken of
fo confidently, that I own I am one of thofe that did believe it
to be true.
The Gentleman muft not wonder he was not contradicted,
when, as the Minifter, he aflerted the right of Parliament to
tax America. I know not how it is, but there is a modefty in
this Houfe which does not chufe to contradi<ft a Minifter. I
vvifh Gentlemen would get the better of this modefty. If they
do not, perhaps, the collective body may begin to abate of its
refpect for the reprefentative. Lord Bacon had told me, that a
great queftion would not fail of being agitated at one time or
an9ther. I was willing to agitate that at the proper feafon,
the German war j my Gcrmsn war they called it. Every Sef-
fions I called out, has any body any objections to the German
war ? Nobody would object to it ; one Ge'ntleman only ob-
je&ed, fmce removed to the Upper Houfe by fucceffion to an
ancient Barony, (meaning Lord Le Dtfytnctr, formerly Sir
.Francis Dajbwcod) he told me, " he did not like a German
" war." I honoured the man for it, and was forry when he
was turned out of his poft.
A great deal has been faid out of doors, of the power, of
the ftrength of America. It is a topic that ought to be cau-
tioufly medJled with. In a gocd caufe, on a found bottom,
die
BRITISH SENATE. 253
the force of this country can crufti America to atoms. I know
the valour or" your troops. I know the fkill of your Officers.
There is not a company of foot that has ferved in America,
out of which you may not pick a man of fufficient knowledge
and experience, to make a Governor of a colony there. But
on this ground, on the Stamp-Act, when fo many here will
think it a crying injuftice, I am one who will lift up my hands
againft it.
In fuch a caufe your fuccefs would be hazardous. America,
if (he fell, would fall like a ftrong man. She would embrace
the pillars of the State, and pull down the Conftitution along
with her. Is this your boafted peace ? Not to (heath the fword
in its fcabbard, but to (heath it in the bowels of your country-
men ? Will you quarrel with yourfelves, now the whole Houfe
of Bourbon is united againft you? While France difturbs your
nfheries in Newfoundland, embarrafles your trade to Africa,
and with-holds from your fubjets in Canada their property
ftipulated by Treaty ; while the ranfom for Manillas is deniej
by Spain, and its gallant conqueror bafely traduced into a mean
plunderer, a Gentleman (Colonel Draper) whofe noble and
generous fpirit would do honour to the proudeft grandee of the
country. The Americans hare not adled in all things with
prudence and temper. They have been wronged. They have
been driven to madnefs by injuftice. Will you punifh them
for the madnefs you have occafioned ? Rather Jet prude'nce and
temper come firft from this fide. I will undertake for America
that fli? will follow the example. There are two lines in a
ballad of Prior's, of a man's behaviour to his wife, fo applica-
ble to you and your Colonies, that I cannot help repeating
them :
4 Be to her faults a little blind,
' Be to her virtues very kind.'
Mr. Pttt, Dtc. 17, 1765.
I HERE
254 BEAUTIES OF THE
I HERE in my place, as a representative of the nation, require
and demand a full and impartial inquiry into the caufes of
the mifcarriage of the northern army, in an expedition from
Carr-
ie is a great national obje. The crifis of the time em-
phatically requires it. The exiflence of the Britifh Empire
depends upon the exertions of the military, and the beft foun-
dation for public fpirit is public juftice. In addition to the
r.rvtura! animation, which, as Britons, the army poffefs, place
before their eyes that fecondary fpring and comptroller of hu-
man actions, reward and punifhment. Let the firft and moft
glorious reward, the honeft applaufe of the country, be obtained
b> a Scrutiny into truth, for thofe who deferve it : on the con-
trary, if there has been delinquency, let the fpirit of Manlius
prefide in the punifhment.
" The hand of fate is over us, and hraveri
" Exacts feverity from all our thoughts."
If there has been difobedier.ee ; if unauthorized by circum-
ftances, if vncompelled by orders? (for I will never fhrink from
that plea) a General has rafhly advanced upon an enemy, and
engaged againft infurmouiitable odds, the difcipline of the ftate
iUould ftrike, though it were a favourite fon.
Ci /, Lifior 9 deliga ad -pahm"
Thefe, Sir, are the means to excite true ambition in your
leaders, thele are the means to kep them in due reftraint ;
this v/as the fyftem of the glorious Patriot (L'ord Chatham)
'whofe obfequies ye now celebrate; and, could his afhes awaken,-
they would burft their cerements to fuppcrt it.
As for myfelf, if I am guilty, I fear I am deeply guilty : an
army loft ! the fanguine expectation of the kingdom difappoint-
ed ! a foreign war caufed, or the commencement of it acce-
lerated ! an effufion of as brave blood as ever run in Britifh
veins Ihed ! and the fevercft family diftrefies combined with
public calamity ! If this mafs of miferies be, indeed, the con-
fequence of my mifconduft, vain will be the extenuation I can
plead
BRITISH SENATE. 255
plead of my perfonal fufferings, fatigue and hardfhip, laborious
days and fleeplefs nights, ill health and trying fituations ; poor
and inefficient will he fuch atonement in the judgment of my
country, or perhaps in the eyes of God yet, with this dread-
ful alternative in view, I provoke a trial give me inquiry
I put the interefts that hang moft emphatically by the heart-
firings of man my fortune my honour my head I had
almoft faid my falvation, upon the teft.
But, Sir, it is a confolation to me to think that I fhall be,
even in furmife, the only culprit Whatever fate may attend
the General who led the army to Saratoga, their behaviour at
that memorable fpot muft entitle them to the thanks of their
country. Sir, it was a calamitous, it was an awful, but it
was an honourable hour during the fufpence of the anfwer
from the General of the enemy, to the refufal made by me of
complying with the ignominious conditions he had propofed,
the countenance of the troops beggars defcription a patient
fortitude, a fort of ftern refignation, that no pencil nor lan-
guage can reach, fat on every brow. I am confident every
breaft was prepared to devote its laft drop of blood, rather
than fuffer a precedezit to Irand upon the Britifh annals of an
ignoble furrender.
Sir, an important fubjedt of enquiry ftill remains. The
tranfadlions at Cambridge, and the caufe of the detention of
troops. If I there have been guilty, let me there alfo be the,
only fufterer.
Sir, there is a famous ftory in ancient hiflory that bears forms
analogy to my circumftances j and when allufions tend to ex-
cite men's minds to exertions of virtue or policy, I fhall never
think them pedantic or mifplaced. The event I mean hap-
pened in an age when Roman virtue was at its height. It was
that wherein Manlius devoted his fon, and the firft Decius de-
voted himfelf. A Roman army, (hut up by the Samnites at
Caudium, were obliged to furrender their arms, and to fubmit
to the more ignominious condition of pafiir.^ under the joke
of
256 BEAUTIES or THE
of the enemy. The Conful who had commanded them, pro-
pofed in the Senate, to break the treaty whereby the army was
loft to the State,* and to make him in perfon the expiation, by
fending him bound to the enemy to fuffer death at their hands.
In one point of view the prefent cafe extremely differs from
the example ; becaufe, by the Treaty of Saratoga, the army
was faved to the State. It is the non-compliance with public
faith that alone can lofe it and here the parallel will hold ; if
I have been inftrumental to the lofs of thofe brave troops fince
the Treaty, I am as culpable as if I had loft them by the Treaty,
and ought to be the facrifice to redeem them. Sir, this refe-
rence may appear vain-glorious. It may be doubted, whether
there exifts in thefe times, public fpirit ferioufly to emulate fuclv
examples. I perhaps fhould find myfelf unequal ; but others
who are moft ready to judge me fo, muft at leaft give credit to
one motive for ftating the parallel That I am too confclous of
innocence to apprehend there is the leajl rijl: of Icing expofcd to the
trial.
General Bm-goyne, May 26, 1778.
You have now two wars before you, of which you muft
chufe one, for both you cannot fupport ; the war againft Ame-
rica has hitherto been carrried on againft her alone, unaflifted
by any ally whatever ; notwithftanding (he ftood alone, you
have been obliged uniformly to increafe your exertions, and to
pufli your efforts in the end to the extent of your power,
\*ithout being able to bring it to any iffue : you have exerted
all ysur force hitherto without effect, and you cannot now
divide a force found already inadequate to its objeft : my opi-
nion is for withdrawing your forces from America entirely,
for a defenfive war you nevv can think of there of any
fc.rt : a defenfive war would ruin this nation at any time, and
in any circumftances ; oftenhvc war is pointed out as proper
for this country ; our fituation points it out, and the fpirit of
the nation impels us to attack rather than defence : attack
France
BRITISH SENATE. 257
France then, for (he Is your object : the nature of the wars is
quite different; the war againft America is agaimt your own
countrymen, you have {lopped me from faying againft your fel-
low fubjects ; that againft France is againft your inveterate enemy
and rival : every blow you ftrike in America is againft your-
felves ; it is againft all idea of -reconciliation, and againft your
own intereft, though you fhould be able, as you never will, to
force them to fubmit : every ftroke againft France is of advan-
tage to you ; the more you lower the fcale in which France
lays in the balance, the more your own rifes, and the more
the Americans will be detached from her as ufelefs to them :
even your victories over America are in favour of France, from
what they muft coft you in men and money ; your victories
over France will be felt by her ally ; America muft be con-
quered in France, France never can be conquered in America.
The war of the Americans is a war of pajfion- y it is of fuch a
nature as to be fupported by the moft powerful virtues, love of
liberty and of their country; and at the- fame time by thofe
paflions in the human heart which give courage, ftrength, and
perfeverance to man ; the fpirit of revenge for the injuries you
have done them, of retaliation for the hardfliips you have in-
flicted on them, and of oppofition to the unjuft powers you
have exercifed over them ; every thing combines to animate
them to this war, and fuch a war is without end : for whatever
obftinacy enthufiafm ever infpired man with, you will now find
it in America ; no matter what gives birth to that enthufiafm,
whether the name of religion or of liberty, the effects are the
fame ; it infpires a fpirit that is unconquerable and felicitous to
undergo difficulty, danger, and hardfhip : and as long as there
is a man in America, a being formed fuch as we are, you will
have him prefent himfelf againft you in the field. The war of
France is a war of another fort ; the war of France is a war
of intereft it : was her intereft firft induced her to engage in ir,
and it is by that intereft that (he will meafure its continuance :
turn your face at once againft her, atta9k her wherever file is
Vo L. I. S expofcd,
s>5& B E A,U TIES OF THE
expofed, crufli her commerce wherever you can^ make her feel
heavy and immediate diftrefs throughout the nation, the peo-
ple will foon cry out to their government ; vvhilft the advan-
tages flic promifes herfelf are remote and uncertain, inflict pre-*-
fent evils and diftrefles upon her fubjects, the people will be-
come difcontented and clamourous, fhe will find it a bad bar-
gain having entered into this bufmefs, and you will force her
to defert an ally that brings fo much trouble, and diftrefs, and
misfortune, the gdvantages of whofe alliance may never take
effect ; or if they fhould be fubject always to difturbance from
this country, which it always ought to be, and which I know
you are able to give if you once get your hands clear of Ame-
rica. What is become of the antient fpirit of this nation ?
Where is that national fpirit that ever did honour to this coun-
try ? Have the prefent Minifters fpent that too with almoft the
laft fhilling of your money ? Are they not afhamed of the tem-
porizing conduct they have ufed towards France ? Her cor-
refpondence with America has been clandeftine^ compare that
with their conduct towards Holland fome time ago but it is
the character i flic of little minds to exact in little things, whilft
they {brink from their rights in great ones. The conduct of
France is called clandejllne^ look back but a year ago to a letter
from one of your Secretaries of State to Holland, " it is with
" furprife and indignation" your conduit is feen in fomething
done by a petty Governor of an ifland while they affect to
call the meafures of France c landejline : this is the way that
Minifters -fupport the character of the nation, and the national
honour and glory : but look again how that fame Holland is
fpoke of to-day, even in your corrcfpondence with her your lit-
tlenefs appears,
Pauper &.exul uterque,
Project} awful/as, & fifquipcdalia verla.
From this you may judge of your fituation, from this you
may know what a Itate you are reduced to : how will the
French
BRITISH SENATE. 259
French party in Holland exult over you and grow ftrong ; (he
will never continue your ally when you meanly crouch to
France, and do not dare to ftir in your defence : but it is no-
thing extraordinary that fhe fhould not, whilft you keep the Mi-
nifters you have ; no power in Europe is blind j there is none
blind enough to ally itftlf with weaknefs, and become partner
in bankruptcy ; there is no one blind enough to ally themfelves
to obftinacy, abfuidity, and imbecility.
Mr. Fox, AW. 26, 1778.
THERE is not in the whole hiftory of this country, a period
that refembles the prefent, except the reign of the unfortunate
Henry the Vlth. His family, like that of his prefent Majefty,
did not claim the Crown as their hereditary right; it was by
revolutions they both obtained it. Henry was an amiable and
pious Prince, fo is his prefent Majefty : Henry was the fon of
the moft renowned Monarch that ever fat upon the Throne ;
George was the grandfon of a Hero ; Henry loft all his father's
conquefts, and all his hereditary provinces in France : George
has already feen the conquefts of his grandfather wrefted from
him in the Weft-Indies, and his hereditary provinces of Ame-
rica ereled into an empire, that difclaimed all connection.
His Majefty fet out in life with the brighteft profpe&s that a
young man could have wimed for : poflcfled of immenfe do-
minions, and the warmeft afFe&ions of his people, his acceffion
to the Crown was completely flattering both to himfelf and his
fubjects. How fadly is the fcene reverfed ! his empire dif-
membered, his councils diftra&ed, and his people falling o/F in
their affedtion for his perfon. I only fpeak within doors the
language that is held without : the people are beginning to
murmur, and their patience is not unlimited : they will at fail
do themfelves juftice i there certainly will be infurre&ions :
and though it is impoflible that the calamities that will attend
them can be juftified, or compenfated by any good that can be
obtained by them, yet they certainly will take place,
S 2 It
i6o BEAUTIES OF
It cannot be a fecret to this Houfe, that the prefent Sore*
reign's claim to the Throne of this country was founded only
upon the delinquency of the Stuart family j a circumftance that
ought never to be out of his Majefty's recollection. It was true,
indeed, that the unfortunate race of that name, was univerfally
detefted in this country, and therefore his Majefty had little to
fear from their pretenfions : but he fhould ever remember, that
it was the conduct of wicked and ignorant Minifters that excited
that deteftation for them. If there (hould be at this day one of
that unfortunate Houfe remaining, what a fcope for upbraid-
ings and remonftrance could he not find in the prefent reign !
Could he not fay, " You have banifhed my anceftor from the
" Throne, and barred the Sceptre from all his progeny for the
" mifconduft of his Minifters j and yet the Minifters of the pre-
" fent reign, are ten times more wicked and more ignorant than
." thofe were; and whilft you all agree in giving to your pre-
** fent Sovereign the tide of beft of Princes, his Minifters have
u rendered his reign beyond any degree of comparifon, the moft
" infamous that ever difgraced this ration.*' The Minifter,
though with fuch a load of national cenfure and national cala-
mity on his head, has the hardinefs to 'boaft of his innocence ;
but it is not a conlcious rectitude of mind that could excufe a
Minifter from criminality. What he calls innocence may be
another name for ignorance, and ignorance in a Minifter is
a crime of the firft magnitude. But the wide ruin that the
counfels of Adminiftration have fpread through this great em-
pire, and the miferable ftate to which they have reduced it in
the fhort fpace in which the prefent Parliament have been fit-
ting, is fo far beyond the natural effects of mere ignorance,
that I cannot ; help adopting the opinion of an Honourable Friend.
(Mr. J. Townftiend) that there is treachery at the bottom of
the national councils. His Lordmip (Lord North) may flat-
ter himfelf as much as he pleafes in the protection of a majority,
or in the fecurity of the law ; but when a nation is reduced to
iuch a ftate ef wretchjednefs and diftraclion that the laws can
afford
BRITISH SENATE. 2 6i.
nffbrd the people no relief, they will give a Miniftcr who has
caufed the evil but little protection. What the law of the
land could not do, the law of nature would accomplifh ; the
people would inevitably take up arms, and the firfl chara&e/s
\n the kingdom would be feen in their ranks !
Mr, Fox, Nov. 25, 17/9.
THE necefllty of my faying fomething upon the prefent oc-
cafion, is fo obvious to the Houfe, that no apology will, I
hope, be expefted from me in troubling them even at fo late an
hour, (two o'clock in the morning.) I (hall not enter much
into a detail, or minute defence, of the particulars of the Eaft-
India Bill before you, becaufe few particular objections have
been made. The oppofition to it confuting only in general
reafonings, of little application fome, and fome totally diftant
from the point in queftion.
This Bill has been combated through its paft ftages upon va-
rious principles j but to this moment the Houfe has not heard
it canvafied upon its own intrinflc merits. The debate this
night has turned chiefly upon two points violation of charter^
and increafe of influence j and upon both thefe points I {hall fay
few \vords.
The Honourable Gentleman, who opened the debate, (Mr.
Powys) firft demands my attention, not indeed for the wif-
dom of the obfervations which fell from him this night, acute
and judicious though he is upon moft occafions) but from thq
natural weight of all fuch characters in this country, the aggre-
gate of whom ihould, in my opinion, always decide upon pub-
lic meafures : but his ingenuity was never, in my opinion,
exerted more ineffectually, upon more miftaken principles, and
more inconfiftent with the common tenor of his conduit, than
in this debate.
The Honourable Gentleman charges me with abandoning
that caufe, which, he fays, in terms of flattery, I had once
fo fuccefsfully aflcrted. I tell him, in reply, that if he were
S 3 ta
262 BEAUTIES OF THE
to fearch the hiftory of my life, he -would find that the pe-
riod of it, in which I ftruggled moft for the real, fubftantial
caufe of Liberty, is this very moment that I am addrcfling
you. Freedom, according to my conception of it, confifts in
the fafe and facred pofleffion of a man's property, governed by
Jaws defined and certain ; with many perfonal privileges, natu-
ral, civil, and religious, which he cannot furrender without ruin
to bimfelf; and of which to be deprived by any other power, is
defpotifm. This Bill, inftead of fubverting, is deftined to fta-
bilitate thefe principles j inftead of narrowing the bafis of free-
dom, it tends to enlarge it ; inftead of fupprefling, its object is
to infufe and circulate the fpirit of Liberty.
What is the moft odious fpecies of tyranny ? Precifely that
which this Bill is meant to annihilate. That a handful of men,
free themfelves, fhould execute the moft bafe and abominable
defpotifm over millions of their fellow-creatures ; that inno-
cence fhould be the victim of opprefiion ; that induftry fhould
toil for rapine j that the harmlefs labourer fhould fweat, not for
his own benefit, but for the luxury and rapacity of tyrannic de-
predation. In a word, that thirty millions of men, gifted by
Providence with the ordinary endowments of humanity, fhould
groan under a fyftem of defpotifm, unmatched in all the hifto-
.lies of the world.
What is the end of all government ? Certainly the happinefs
cf the governed. Others may hold other opinions ; but this is
mine, and I proclaim it. What are we to think of a govern-
ment, whofe good fortune is fuppofed to fpring from the cala-
mities of its fubjects, whofe aggrandifement grows out of the
miferies of mankind ? This is the kind of government exercifed
under the Eaft-India Company upon the natives of Indoftan ;
and the fubverfion of that infamous government, is the main
object of the Bill in queftion. But ia the progrefs of accom-
plifhing this end, it is objected that the Charter of the Com-
pany fhould not be violated ; and upon this point, Sir, I fhall
deliver my opinion without difguife. A Charter is a truft to
one
BRITISH SENATE. 263
one or more perfons for fome given benefit, If this truft be
abufed, if the benefit be not obtained, and that its failure arifes
from palpable guilt, or (what in this cafe is full as bad) from
palpable ignorance or mifmanagement, will any man gravely
fay, th'at truft fhould not be refumed> and delivered to other
hands ; more efpecially in the cafe of the Eaft-India Company,
whofe manner of executing this truft, whofe laxity and languor
produced, and tend to produce, confequences diametrically op-
pofite to the ends of confiding that truft, and of the inftitution
for which it was granted ? I beg of Gentlemen to be aware
of the lengths to which their arguments upon the intangibility
of this Charter may be carried. Every fyllable virtually im-
peaches the eftablimment by which we fit in this Houfe, in^
the enjoyment of this freedom, and of every other blefling
of our government. Thefe kind of arguments are batteries
againft the main pillar of the Britifli Conftitution. Some
men are confident with their own private opinions, and dif-
cover the inheritance of family maxims, when they queftion
the principles of the Revolution ; but I have no fcruple in
fubfcribing to the articles of that creed which produced it.
Sovereigns are facred, and reverence -is due to every King :
yet, with all my attachments to the perfon of a firft Magiftrate,
had I lived in the reign of James the Second, I fhould moft
certainly have contributed my efforts, and borne part in thole
illuftrious ftrugglcs which vindicated an empire from hereditary
fervitude, and recorded this valuable do<5lrine ? that trujl abufed
was revocable.
NO man wiU tell me, that a truft to a company of mer-
chants, ftands upon the folemn and fan&ified ground by which
a truft is committed to a Monarch j and lam at a lofs to re-
concile the conduct of men who approve that resumption of
violated truft, which refcued and re-eftablifhed our unparallel-
ed and admirable Conftitution with a thoufand valuable im-
provements and advantages at the Revolution, and who, at
this moment, rife up the champions of the. Eaft-India Com-
S 4 pany's
264 BEAUTIES OF T'HE
pany's Charter, although the incapacity and incompetence cf
that Company to a due and adequate difcharge uf the truft de-
pofitcd in them by that Charter, are themes of ridicule and
contempt to all the world : and although, in confequence of
their mifmanagement, connivance, and imbecillity, combined
with the wickednefs of their fervants, the very name of aa
Englishman is detefted, even to a proverb, through all 4-fia,
and the national character is become degraded and dilhonoured.
To refcue that name from odium, and redeem this character
from difgrace, are fome of the objects of the prefent Bill ; and
Gentlemen fhould indeed gravely weigh their oppofition to a mea-
fure which, with a thoufand other points not lefs valuable, aims
at the attainment of thefe objects.
Thofe who condemn the prefent Bill as a violation of the
chartered rights of the Eaft-India Company, condemn, on the
the fame ground, I fay again, the Revolution, as a violation
of the chartered rights of King James II. He, with as much
rcafon, might have claimed the property of dominion j but
what was the language of the people ? No, you have no pro-
perty in dominion; dominion was vetted in you, as it is in
every Chief Magiftrate, for the benefit of the community to be
governed ; it was a facred truft delegated by compact ; you
have abufed the truft ; you have exercifed dominion for the
purpofes of vexation and tyranny not of comfort, protection,
and good order ; and we therefore refume the power which was
originally ours : we recur to the firft principles of all govern-
ment, the will of the many ; and it is our will that you fhall
no longer abufe your dominion. The cafe is the fame with the
Eaft-India Company's government over a territory, as it has been
foid by Mr. Burke, of 280,000 fquare miles in extent, nearly
equal to ail Chriftian Europe, and containing 30,000,000 of
the human race. It matters not whether dominion arifes from,
conqueft or from compact. Conqueft gives no right to the
conqueror to be a tyrant > and it is no violation of right' to
abolifli the authority which is mifufcd.
I Having
BRITISH SENATE, 265
Having faid fo much upon the general matter of the Bill, I
rnuft beg leave to make a few obfervations upon the remarks of
particular Gentlemen ; and firft of the learned Gentleman over-*
againft 'me (Mr. Dundas.) The learned Gentleman has made
a long, and, as he always does, an able fpeech ; yet, tranflated
into plain Englifh, and difrobed of the dexterous ambiguity in
which it has been inveloped, what does it amount to ? To an
eftabliftiment of the principles upon which this Bill is founded,
and an indirect confeffion of its necefiity. He allows the fran-
gibility of Charters, when abfolute occafion requires it ; and
admits that the Charter of the Company Ihould not prevent the
adoption of a proper plan for the future government of India,
if a proper plan can be atchieved upon no other terms. The
firft of thefe admiflions feems agreeable to the civil maxims of
the learned Gentleman's life, fo far as a maxim can be traced
in a political character, fo various and flexible : and to deny
the fecond of thefe concefiions was impoffible, even for the
learned Gentleman, with a flaring reafon * upon your table
to confront him if he attempted it. The learned Gentleman's
Bill, and the Bill before you, are grounded upon the fame bot-
tom, of abufe of truft, male-adminiftration, debility, and
incapacity in the Company and their fervants ; but the diffe-
rence in the remedy is this : the learned Gentleman's Bill
opens a door to an influence a hundred times more danger-
ous than any that can be imputed to this Bill, and depofits
iu one man an arbitrary power over millions, not in Eng-
land, where the evil of this corrupt Miniftry could not be
felt, but in the Eaft-Indies, the fcene of every mifchief,
fraud, and violence. The learned Gentleman's Bill afforded
the moft extenfive latitude for malverfation j the Bill before
you guards againft it with all imaginable precaution. Every
line in both the Bills which I have had the honour to intro-
duce, prefumes the poflibility of bad Adminiftration, for every
* Mr. Dundas's Bill, brought in laft year.
word
266 BEAUTIES OF THK
word breathes fufpicion. This bill fuppofes that men are but
men; it confides in no integrity, it truils no character j
it inculcates the wifdom of a jealoufy of power, and an-
nexes refponfibility not only to every action^ but even to the
inaflion of thofe who are to dilpenfe it. The neceffity of
thefe provifions muft be evident, when it is known that
the different misfortunes of the Company refulted not more
from what the fervants did^ than from what the matters
did not.
To the probable effects of the learned Gentleman's Bill and
this, I beg to call the attention of the Houfe. Allowing, for
argument's fake, to the Governor General of India, under the
ftrft-named Bill, the moft unlimited and fuperior abilities,
with foundnefs of heart and integrity the moll unqueftionable j
what good confequences could be reafonably expelled from his
extraordinary, extravagant, and unconftitutional power, under
the tenure by which he held it ? Were his projefts the mofl
enlarged, his fyflems the moft wife and excellent which hu-
man fkill could advife ; what fair hope could be entertained of
their eventual fuccefs, when, perhaps, before he could enter
ypon the execution of any meafure, he may be recalled in con-
fequence of one of thofe changes in the Adminiftrations of this
country, which have been fo frequent for a few years, and
which fome good men wifh, to fee every year ? Exactly the fame
reafons which baniih all rational hope of benefit from an Indian
Admir-jiftration under the Bill of the learned Gentleman, juftify
the duration, of the propofed commiffion. If the difpenfers of
the plan of governing Indiaj (a place from which the anfwer of
a letter cannot be expected in lefs than twelve months) have
/jot greater liability in their fituations than a Britifh Mintflry-^
adieu to all hopes of rendering our Eaftern territories of any
real advantage to this country ; adieu to every expectation, of
purging or purifying the Indian, fyftem, of reform, of improve-
ment, of reviving confidence, of regulating the trade upon
jts proper principles, of reftoring traiiqui>lity, of re-eftablim-
ing
BRITISH SENATE. 267
ng the natives in comfort, and of fecuring the perpetuity of
thcfe blcflings, by the cordial reconcilement of the Indians with
their former tyrants upon fixed terms of amity, friendfhip, and
rellowfhip. I will leave the Houfe and the kingdom to judge
which is bcfl calculated to accomplim thofe falutary ends ; tho
Bill of the learned Gentleman, which leaves all to the difcretion,
of one man, or the Bill before you which depends upon the duty
of feveral men, who are in a ftate of daily account to this Houfe,
of hourly account to the Minifters of the Crown, of occafional
account to the Proprietors of Eaft-India ftoclc, and who are al->
lowed fufficient time to practife their plans, unaffected by every
political fluctuation.
But the learned Gentleman wiflies the appointment of an
Indian Secretary of tate i n preference to thefe Commiflioners :
in all the learned Gentleman's ideas on the government of In-
dia, the notion of a new Secretary of State for the Indian de-
partment fprings up, and feems to be cherifhed with the fond-
nefs of confanguinity * j but that fcheme (hikes me as liable to
a thoufand times more objections than the plan in agitation.
Nay, the learned Gentleman had rather, it feems, the affairs
of India were blended with the bufmefs of the office which I
have the honour to hold. His good difpofition towards me
upon all occafions cannot be doubted, and his fmcerity in this
opinion is unqueftionable. I beg the Houfe to attend to the
reafon which the learned Gentleman gives for this preference,
and to fee the plights to which men, even of his underftandtng,
are reduced, who muft oppofe. He laughs at the refponfibility
of the Commiifioners to this Houfe, who, in his judgment,
will find means of foothing, and foftening, and meliorating the
* Mr. Dundas's Bill was to hare appointed a Secretary of State for
the Indian department, and to have made the Governor General dcfpotic
in India. If the Earl of Shelburne had continued in power, it was under-
ftood that Mr. Dundas was to be the Indian Secretary. Mr. Fox here
alluded to this anecdote.
Members
2 68 BEAUTIES or THE
Members into an oblivion of their male-adminiftration. What
opinion has the learned Gentleman of a Secretary of State ?
Poes he think him fo inert, fo inactive, fo incapable a crea-
ture, that with all this vaunted patronage of the feven in his
own hands, the fame means of foothing, and foftening, and
meliorating are thrown away upon him. The learned Gen-
tleman has been for fome years converfant with Minifters ;
but his experience has taught him, it feems, to confider Se-
cretaries not only untainted and immaculate, but innocent,
harmlefs, and incapable. In his time, Secretaries were all
purity with every power of corruption in their hands ; but
fo inflexibly attached to rigid rectitude, that no temptation
could feduce them to ufe that power for the purpofe of corupt-
ing, or, to ufe his own words, for foothing, or foftening, or
meliorating. The learned Gentleman has formed his opinion
of the fimplicity and ina&ion of Secretaries, from that golden
age of political probity, when his own friends were in power,
and when himfelf was every thing but a Minifter. This er-
roneous humanity of opinion arifes in the learned Gentleman^
unfufpecting, unfullied nature, as well as in a commerce with
only the beft and pureft Minifters of this country, which has
given him fo favourable an impreffion of a Secretary of State,
that he thinks this patronage, fo dangerous in the hands of
feven Commiflioners, perfectly fafe in bis hands. I leave
to the learned Gentleman that pleafure which his mind muft
feel under the conviction with which he certainly gives this
opinion j but I fubmit to every man who hears me, what
would be the probable comments of the other fide of the
Houfe, had I propo'fed either the erection of an Indian Secie-
tary, or the annexation of the Indian bufmefe to the office
which I hold.
In the afiemblage of the learned Gentleman's objections,
there is one ftill more curious than thofe I have mentioned. He
diflikes this Bill, becaufe it eftablifhes an imperium in imperio.
In the courfe of oppofition to this meafure, we have been fami-
liarized
BRITISH SENATE. 269
liarrzed to hear certain fentiments and particular words in this
Houfe but directed, in reality, to other places. Taking it,
therefore, for granted, that the learned Gentleman has not fo
defpicable an idea of the good fenfe of the Members, as to ex-
pect any more attention within thefe walls to fuch a dogma,
than has been (hewn to the favourite phrafe of his Hon. Friend
near him, (Mr. William Pitt) who calls a Bill which backs this
finking Company with the credit of the State, a conffcation of
their property, I would wifti to afk the learned Gentleman, if
he really holds the underftanding, even of the multitude, in
fuch contempt, as to imagine this fpecies of argument can have
the very flighted effect ? The multitude know the fallacy of it
as well as the learned Gentleman himfelf. They know that a
diflblution of the Eaft-India Company has been wiflied for fcores
of years, by many good people in this country, for the very
reafon that it was an hnperium in imperio. Yet the learned
Gentleman, with infinite gravity of face, tells you he diflilces
this Bill, becaufes it eftablifhes this novel and odious principle.
Even a glance of this Bill, compared with the prefent conftitu-
tion of the Company, manifefts the futility of this objedion,
and proves that the Company is, in its prefent form, a thoufand
times more an imperium in imperio than the propofed Commif-
fioners. The worft fpecies of Government is that which can
run counter to all the ends of its inftitution with impunity.
Such exactly was the Eaft-India Company. No man can fay,
that the Directors and Proprietors have not, in a thoufand in-
ftances, merited fevere infliction ; yet who did ever think of a
legal puniftiment for either body? Now the great feature of
this Bill is to render the Commiflioners amenable, and to punifli
them upon delinquency.
The learned Gentleman prides himfelf that his Bill did not
meddle with the commerce of the Company ; and another Gen-
tleman, after acknowledging the folly of leaving the govern-
ment in the hands of the Company, propofes to feparate the
commerce entirely from the dominion, and leave the former fafe
and
5*70 BEAUTIES or Trie
and untouched to the Company itfclf. I beg leave to appeal
to every Gentleman converfant in the Company's affairs, whe-
ther this meafure is, in the nature of things, practicable at this
moment. That the reparation of the commerce from the go-
vernment of the Eaft may be ultimately brought about, I doubt
not ; but when Gentlemen reflect upon the immediate ftate of
the Company's affairs, when they reflect that their government
was carried on for the fake of their commerce, that both have
been blended together for fuch a feries of years j when they re-
view the peculiar, perplexed, and involved ftate of the eafjern
territories, their diflimilitude to every fyftem in this part of the
globe, and confider the deep and laborious deliberation with
which every flep for the eftablifhment of a falutary plan of go-
vernment, in the room of the prefent odious one, mull be taken
the utter impoflibility of inftantly detaching the governing
power from interference with the commercial body, will be clear
and indubitable.
A Gentleman has afked, why not choofe the Commiflioners
out of the body of Directors ; and why not leave the choice of
the Affiftant Directors in the Court of Proprietors ? That is to
fay, why not do that which would infallibly undo all you are
aiming at ? I mean no general difparagement when I fay, that
the body of the Directors have given memorable proofs, that
they are not the fort of people to whom any man can look for
the fuccefs or falvation of India. Amongft them there are,
without doubt, fome individuals, refpe&able both for their
knowledge and integrity j. but I put it to the candour of Gen-
tlemen, whether they are the fpecies of men whofe wifdom,
energy, and diligence, would give any promife of emancipating
theEaft-India concerns from their prefent diCafters and dif-
graces. Indeed, both queftions may be anfwered in two words.
Why not choofe the Directors, -who have ruined the Company?
Why not leave the power of election in the Proprietors, whs-
have tJfWarted every good attempted by ibs Direfiors ?
The.
BRITISH SENATE. 47!
The laft point adverted to by the learned Gentleman relates
to influence ; and upon his remarks, combined with what fell
from fome others upon the lame fubjeft, I beg leave to make a
few obfervations. Much of my life has been employed to di-
minifh the inordinate influence of the Crown. In common,
with others, I fucceeded, and I glory in it. To fupport that
kind of influence which I formerly fub verted, is a deed of which
I (hall never defcrve to be accufed. The affirmation with
which I firft introduced this plan, I now repeat : I re-aflert
that this Bill as little augments the influence of the Crown, as
any meafure which can be devifed for the government of India,
that prefects the flighteft promife of folid fuccefs, and that it
tends to increafe it in a far left degree than the Bill propofed by
the learned Gentleman, The very genius of influence confifts
in hope or fear ; fear of lofing what we have, or hope of gain-
ing more. Make thcfe Commiflioners removeable at will, and
you fet all the little paffions of human nature afloat. If benefit
can be derived from the Bill, you had better burn it than make
the duration fhort of the time neceflary to accomplifti the plans
it is deftined for. That confideration pointed out the expedi-
ency of a fixed period ; and in that refpecl it accords with the
principle of the learned Gentleman's Bill ; with this fuperior
advantage, that inftead of leaving the Commiflioners liable to
all the influence which fprings from the appointment of a Go-
vernor-General, removeable at pleafure t this Bill invefts them
with the power for the time fpecified, upon the fame tenure that
Britifh Judges hold their ftation, removeable upon delinquency,
punifhable upon guilt, but fearlefs of power if they difcharge
their truft ; liable to no feducement, and with full time and au-
thority to execute their functions for the common good of the
country, and for their own glory. I beg of the Houfe to attend
to this difference, and then judge upon the point of increafmg
the influence of the Crown, contracted with the learned Gen-
tleman's Bill.
The
472 BEAUT TES OF THE
The ftate of accufations againft me upon this fubjecl: of in*
fluence, is truly carious. The learned Gentleman, (Mr. Dun-
das) in ftrains of emphafis, declares, that this Bill diminimes
the influence of the Crown beyond all former attempts ; and
calls upon thofe who formerly voted with him in fupport of
that influence, againft our efforts to reduce it, and who now
fit near me, to join him now in oppofing my attempts to di-
minifh that darling influence. He tells them, I out-berod
Herod ; that I am out-doing all my former out-doings ; and
.proclaims me as the mercilefs and infatiate enemy of the influ-
ence of the Crown.
Down fits the learned Gentleman, and up ftarts an Hon.
Gentleman, with a charge againft nte, upon the fame fubjecl,
of a nature the dired reverfe. I have fought under your ban-
ner, cries the Hon. Gentleman, (Mr. Martin) againft that felt
giant the influence of the Crown ; I have bled in that battle
which you commanded, and have a claim upon the rights of
fpldierfhip. You have conquered through us ; and now that
victory is in your arms, you turn traitor to our caufe, and carry
over your powers to the enemy. The fierceft of your former
combatants in the caufe of influence, falls far fhort of you at
this moment ; your attempts in re-erecling this monfter,., ex-
ceed all the exertions of your former foes. This night you
will make the influence of the Crown a colofius, that fhall be-
ftride the land, and crufh every impediment. I impeach you for
treachery to your ancient principles come, come, and divide
with us!
This Hon. Gentleman, after a thruft or two at the Coali-
tion, (its down : and whilft the Houfe is perplexing itfelf to re-
concile thefe wide differences, the Right Hon. Gentleman over
the way (Mr. VV. Pitt) confounds all paft contradictions, by
combining, in his own perfon, thefe extravagant extremes. He
acknowledges that he has digefted a paradox; and a paradox
\vell he might call it, for never did a groffer one puzzle the in-
tellects of a public aflembly. By a miraculous kind of difcern-
ment
BRITISH SENATE. 273
ment he has found out, that the Bill both increafes and diminifoes
the influence of the Crown.
The Bill diminifhes the influence of the Crown, fays one:
you are wrong, fays a fecond, it increafes it : you are both right,
fays a third, for it both increafes and diminishes the influence of
the Crown, Now, as moft Members have one or other of thefe
opinions upon the fubjecl, the Hon. Gentleman can fafely join
with all parties upon this point ; but few, I truft, will be found
to join him.
Thus, Sir, is this Bill combated, and thus am I accufed.
The nature and fubftance of thefe objections, I conftrue as the
ftrongeft comment upon the excellence of the Bill. If a more
rational oppofition could be made to it, no doubt it would.
The truth is, it increafes the influence of the Crown and the
influence of party as little as poflible ; and if the reform of India,
or any other matter, is to be poflponed until a fcheme be de-
vifed, againft which ingenuity, or ignorance, or caprice, fhall
not raife objections, the affairs of human life muft {land ftill.
I beg the Houfe will attend a little to the manner in which
the progrefs of this Bill has been retarded, efpecially by the Right
Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Pitt.) Firft, the Members were not all
in town, and time was defired upon that account. Next, the
finances of the Eaft-India Company were mif-ftated by me, and
time was defired to prove that. The time came, the proofs
exhibited, Counfel heard, and yet the ifiue was, that my former
fbtement, inftead of being controverted, became more efta-
blifhed by the very proofs which were brought to overturn it.
The Horn Gentleman has mifreprefented me to-night again :
he has an evident pleafure in it, which indeed I cannot prevent;
but I can prevent this Houfe and this country from believing
him. He prefers the authority of his own conception (eager
enough in all confcience to mifunderftand me) of what I faid
to my own repeated declarations of my own meaning. He
fuppofes a miftake becaufe he wifhes it. I never did fay the
Company were abfolute bankrupts to the amount of the debt,
VOL. I. T lut
2 7 4 BEAUTIES OF THE
but I faid there was immediate necefiity of paying that given
fum, without any immediate means of providing for it. The
account of the Company's circumftunces, preferred hft week,
furnifhed matter of triumph to the Kon. Gentleman for the full
fpace of three hours ; that is to fay r whilft Counfel were at the
Bar. I made no objection to the account but this trljiing one
that 1 2,000,000 1. were ftated which ought not to appear at
all there, and which were placed there only for delulion and
fallacy. I never objected to the arithmetic of the account.
The fums, I doubt not, were accurately caft up even to a figure :
yet the Houfe will recollect, that the Hon. Gentleman, about
this very hour of that debate, endeavoured to protract the bufi-
nefs to the next day, upon afiuring the Houfe that the Com-
pany would then fupport their fbtement. I refufed to accede,
becaufe I knew the matter to be mere fhifting, and manceuver-
ing for a vote, and that the Company could not fupport their
ftatement. Was I right ? The Houfe fees whether I was : the
Houfe fees the finance poll is now totally abandoned, and for
the beft reafon in the world, becaufe it is no longer tenable.
But the Hon. Gentleman is indeed a man of refources ; he now
gives me a challenge, and I beg the Houfe to remark, that I ac-
cept his challenge, and that I prophefy he will no more meet
me upon this than upon, the former points.
But there is no limit to a youthful and vigorous fancy. The
Right Hon. Gentleman juft now, in very ferious terms, and
with all his habitual gravity, engages, if the Ploufe will join in
oppofmg us to-night, that he will digeft and methodife a plan,
the outline of which he has already conceived. He has nothing
n^w to offer; but juftly confiding in the fertility of his own
imagination, and the future exercife of his faculties, he promifes
that he iviii bring a plan, provided the majority of this HouSt
\villjoin him to-night. Now, if ever an idea was thrown out
to pick up a ftray vote or two in the heel of a debate, by a de-
vice, the idea given a \vhik- ago by the Hon. Gentleman is pre-
cifclyfuch: but if I can augur rizhtiy from the complexion
of
6
BRITISH SENATE. 275
of the Houfc, his prefent will have exactly the fame fuccefs with
all his" paft ftratagems to oppofe this Bill *.
His learned Friend, (Mr. Dundas) with fingular placidnefs,
without fmile or fneer, has faid, " as this meafure was probably
decided upon fome time fmce, the Eaft-India Company, who
could not expefl fucb a blow, ought to have been informed of the
intended project. The Company was evidently unaware of
this attack, and, in fairnefs, fhould have been apprifed of it."
Does the learned Gentleman imagine men are in their fober
fenfes, who liften to fuch cavilling and quibbling oppofition ?
The Company unaware of this attack ! The learned Gentle-
man's own labours, independent of any other intimation, had
been an ample warning to the Company to be prepared. Every
man in the kingdom, who reads a newfpaper, expected fome-
thing ; and the only wonder with the nation was, how it could
be fo' long delayed. The Reports of the Committees alarmed
the Public fo much, for the honour of the country, and for the
falvation of the Company, that all eyes were upon Eaft-India
affairs. This fort of oblervation had indeed much better come
from any other man in this Houfe, than from that identical
Gentleman.
If thefe were not fufficient to roufe the attention and diligence
of the Company, his Majefty's Speech at the commencement
and conclufion of the late Seflion of Parliament, gave them note
cf preparation in the moft plain and decifive terms. In his
opening fpeech, his Majefty thus fpeaks to Parliament upon the
fubject of India :
" The regulation of a vaft territory in Afia, opens a large
field for your wifdom, prudence, and forefight : I truft that you
will be able to form fome fundamental laws which may make
their connection with Great-Britain a blefling to India, and
that you will take therein proper meafures to give all foreign
* He was right ; for the Miniflry had an acccfilon of five votes this
ni^ht, above the former diviHon.
T 2 nations^
276 BEAUTIES or TBE
nations, in matters of foreign commerce, an entire and perfect
confidence In the probity, punctuality, and good order of out
government. You may be allured that whatever depends upon
me, fhall be executed with a fteadinefs, which can alone pre-
ferve that part of my dominions, or the commerce which arifes
from it."
The learned Gentleman, who knows more of the difpofkions
of the Cabinet at that time than I do, can better tell whether
any meafure of this nature was then intended. The words are
very wide, and feem to portend at leaft fomething very im-
portant j but whether any thing fimilar to this meafure was
meant, as this paflage feems to imply, or not, is indifferent
to the pomt fn queftion. This is clear from it, that it gives
a very ceremonious warning to the Eaft-India Company ;
enough furely to expofe the weaknefs and futility of the learn-
ed Gentleman's remark. The changes and circumftancesof
the Cabinet, in the courfe of the laft feffion, can be the only
excufe for the delay of fome decifive meafure with regard to
India : and if in addition to all thefe, any thing more is re-
quifite to confirm the notoriety of Parliament's being to enter
ypcn the bufmefs, the following paragraph of the King's clofing
Speech, laft July, completes the mafs of evidence againft the
learned Gentleman.
Mis Majefty, after intimating a belief that he {hall be
obliged to call his Parliament together earlier than ufual, thus
fpeaks :
" The confideration of the affairs of the Eaft-Inuies will re-
quire to be refumed as early as poffible, and to be purfued with
a feuous and unremiting attention." Superadd to all this, the
part of the King's opening fpeech this year upon India ; and if
the whole do not conftitute fufKcient testimony that the Com-
pany had full notice, nothing can.
Yet, notwithftanding all this, the learned Gentleman ac-
cufes us Q$ Jurprijing the Company ; and his Right Honourable
Friend,, in hopi.s Lis nropofai of another Bill may have weight
in
BRITISH SENATE. 277
in the divifion repeats the hacknied charge of precipitation^ and
forces the argument for delay in a taunt, " that we wifh to
*' get rid of our torments, by fending this Bill to the other
" Houfe." The Honourable Gentleman's talents are fplendid
and various ; but I afTure him, that all his efforts, for the laft
eight days, have not given me a fingle torment. Were I to
chufe a fpecies of oppofition to infure a minifterial tranquillity,
it would be the kind of oppofition which this Bill has received,
in which every thing brought to confute, has tended to con-
firm, and in which the arguments adduced to expofe the weak-
nefs, have furnifhed materials to eftabllfh the wifdom of the
meafure : fo impoffible is it, without fomething of a tolerable
caufe, even for the Right Honourable Gentleman's abilities to
have effect, though his genius may make a flourifhing and fu-
perior figure in the attempt.
Before I proceed to the other parts of the debate, I wifh
to fay one word upon a remark of the learned Gentleman :
he fays, that the claufe relative to the zemindars was fug-
gefted by his obfervations. God forbid I fhould detract from
the merit, or diminifh the defer t of any man. Undoubtedly
that excellent part of the Regulation Bill derives from the learn-
ed Gentleman ; and if he were in this Houfe when I introduced
the fubjecl of India, he would have known that I did him full
and complete juftice upon that point.
My Noble Friend (Lord John Cavendilh) has did, this Eill
does not arife from the poverty of the Company, but that
liberal policy and national honour demanded it. Upon the laft
day this Bill was debated, I confined myfelf chiefly to the de-
monftraticn of the fallacy and impofture of tha-. notable fchedule
prcfented by the Eaft-lndia Company ; and having proved its
falfehood, I can now with the greater fafety declare, that if
every {hilling of that fi<5titious property was real and forth com-
ing, a Bill of this nature was not therefore the lefs neceflary.
I thought we were fully underftood upon this point, from the
opening fpeech in this bufinefs, which did not fo degrade the
T 3 meafure
27$ BEAUTIES OF THE
mcafure as to fay it originated in the poverty of the Company,
which, as my Noble Friend rightly remarks, was the frnalleft
reafon to its adoption, and which opinion is not, as the Right
Honourable Gentleman infmuates, " fhifting," hut recogni-
fing and recording the true grounds of the Bill, If any mif-
underftanding then has hitherto taken place upon this head,
it will, I truft, ceafe henceforth ; and fo odious a libel upon
'this country will not pafs current, as that fordid motives only
induced the government of England to that which we were
bound to do, as politicians, as Chriftians, and a? men, by
every confideration which makes a nation refpectable, great,
and glorious !
Having vindicated the Bill from this afperficn, and founded
it upon that bafts which every honeft and fenfible man in Eng-
land muft approve, I may be allowed to fay that fome regard
may be had even to the mean and mercenary upon this fubjecl
(a portion of whom we have here, in common with all other
countries. ) Will fuch men endure with temper a conftant drain
upon this kingdom, for the fake of this monopolizing Corpora-
tion ? Will thofe, for inftance, who clamour againft a two-
penny tax, afford, with good humour, million after million to
the Eaft-India Company ? The Sinking Fund is nt this mo-
ment a million the worfe for the deficiencies of the Company,
and as the Noble Lord (Lord John) fays, an extent muft in
three weeks arreft their property, if Parliament does not inter-
pofe or enable them to difcharge a part of their debt to the
Crown. Let thofe, therefore, who think the commerce
ought to be inftantly feparated from the dominion, (were
that at this time poflible) and who think it ought to be left
wholly in the prefent hands, reflect, that the formation of a
vigorous fyftem of government for India is not more incum-
bent upon us, than the eftablifliment of the eaftern trade upon
fuch principles of folidity and fitnefs, as fhall give fome juft
hopes tlat the public may bs fpeedily relieved from the
moaftrous
BRITISH SENATE. v /,9
monftrous preffure of conftantly fupporting the indigence of the
Company.
I have fpoke of myfelf \ cry ofteji in the courfe of what I have
faid this night, and muft fpeak ftill more frequently in the
courfe of what I have to fay : the Houfe will fee this aukward
talk is rendered indifpenfable, infinitely more having been faid
concerning me, during the debate, than concerning the quef-
tion, which is the proper fubject of agitation. The Right Ho-
nourable Gentleman (Mr. Pitt) fays, that nothing ever hap-
pened to give him an impreffion of my character, or to prevent
a mutual confidence. He fays rightly ; there have been in-
terchanges of civility, and amicable habits between irs, in
which I trull I have given him no caufe to complain. But
after pronouncing a brilliant eulogy upon me and my capa-
city to ferve the country, the Honourable Gentleman con-
fiders me at the fame time the moft dangerous man in the
kingdom, (Mr. Pitt faid acrofs the Houfe, " dangerous only
" from this me of u re." To which Mr. Fox inftantly made this
reply) I call upon the Houfe to attend to the Honourable Gen-
tleman ; he thinks me dangerous only from this meafure, and
confcffes, that hitherto he has feen nothing in my conduct
to obliterate his good opinion. Compare this with his op-
pofition during the laft and the prefent fcflion. Let every man
reflect, that up to this moment the Honourable Gentleman
deemed me worthy of confidence, and competent to my fitu-
a.ion in the State. I thank him for the fupport he has
afforded to the Minifler he thus efteemed, and (hall not prefs
the advantage he gives me, farther than leaving to hirnfeif
to reconcile his practice and his doctrine in the beft manner
he can.
The Honourable C7cntleman could not for one night pafs
by the Coalition, yet I think he might have chofen a fitter
time to exprefs his indignation againft the Noble Lord (Lord
North) than the prefent moment. An attack upon the Noble
Lord in his prcfence would bear a more liberal colour j and the
T 4 cau/e
OF THE
280 BEAUTIES
caufe of his abfence now through indifpofition, would furely
rather difarm than irritate a generous enemy. There are dif-
tin&ions in hatred, and the direft foes upon fuch occafions
moderate their averllon. The Coalition is, however, a fruitful
topic, and the power of traducing it, which the weakeft and
rneaneft creatures in the country enjoy and exercife, is of courfe
equally veiled in men of rank and parts, though every man of
parts and rank would not be apt to participate the privilege.
Upon the Coalition, the Honourable Gentleman is welcome to
employ his ingenuity, but upon another fubje6r, alluded to him,
I (hall beg leave to advife, nay even -to inftrut him.
In what fyftem of ethics will the Honourable Gentleman
find the precept taught of ripping up old fores, and revivng
animofities among individuals, of which the parties themfelves
retain no memory ? This kind of practice may incur a much
worie charge than weaknefs of understanding, and fubjecl: a
man to much greater imputations than are commonly applied
to political miftakes or party violence. The foundnefs of the
heart may be liable to fufpicion, and the moral character be in
danger of fuffe ng by it, in the opinion of mankind. To
cover the heats, and obliterate the fenfe of former quarrels
between two perfons, is a very diftinguifhed virtue : to renew
the fubjeft of fucb differences, and attempt the revival of fuch
difputes, deferve's a name which I could give it, if that Hon.
Gentleman had not forgotten himfclf, and fallen into fome fuch
deviation. He values himfelf, I doubt not, too much, again to
make a fimilar flip, and muft even feel thankful to me for the
counfel I thus take the liberty to give him.
An Honourable Gentleman under the gallery, (Mr. Martin)
to whom an abufe of the Coalition feems a fort of luxury,
\viihes that a ftarling were at the right hand of the chair to cry
out difgraceful Coalition ! Sir, upon this fubject I (hall fay but
few words :
The calamitous fituation of this country required an Ad-
minifhation whofe {lability could give it a tone of firmnefs with
foreign
BRITISH SENATE. 281
foreign nations, and promife fome hope of reftoring the faded
glories of the country. Such an Adminiftration could not be
formed without fome junction of parties j and if former dif-
ferences were to be an infurmountable barrier to union, no
chance of falvation remained for the country, as it is well
known, that four public men could not be found, who had
not, at one time or other, taken oppofite fides in politics. The
great caufe of difference between us and the Noble Lord in
-the blue ribband no longer exifted j hi$ perfonal character ftood
high ; and thinking it fafer to truft him than thofe who had
before deceived UP, we preferred to unite with the Noble Lord.
A fimilar junction, in 1757, againft which a fimilar clamour
was raifed, faved the empire from ruin, and raifed it above
the rivalfhip of all its enemies. The country, when we came
into office, bore not a very aufpicious complexion ; yet, Sir, I
do not defpair of feeing it once again refume its confequence
in the fcale of nations, and make as fplendid a figure as ever.
Thofe who have aflerted the impoflibility of our agreeing with
the Noble Lord and his friends, were falfe prophets ; for events
have belied their augury. We have differed like men, and
like men we have agreed.
A body of the beft and honeftefl men in this Houfe, who
ferve their country without any other reward than the glory of
the dtfinterefred difcharge of their public duty, approved that
junction, and fanctify the meafure by their cordial fupport.
Such, Sir, is this Coalition, which the ftate of the country
rendered indifpenfable; and for which the hiftory of every
country records a thoufand precedents, yet to this the term dif-
graceful is applied. Is it not extraordinary, then, that Gen-
tlemen fhould be under fuch fpells of falfe delufion, as not to
fee, that if calling it difgraceful makes it fo, thefe epithets ope-
rate with equal force againft themfelves. If the coalithn be
difgracefu!, what is the anti-coalition ? When I fee the Right
Honourable Gentleman (Mr. Pitt) furrounded by the early ob-
jects of his political, nay his hereditary hatred, and hear him.
revile
282 BEAUTIES OF THE
revile the Coalition, I am loft in the aftonifhment how men
can be fo blind to their own Situation, as to attempt to wound
us in this particular point, pofleiTed as we are of the power of
returning, the fame blow, with the vulnerable part flaring us
directly in the face. If the Honourable Gentleman under the
gallery wifhes that a ftarling were perched upon the rig-ht-hand
of the chair, I tell him, that the wifh is juft as reafonable, to
have another ftarling upon the left-hand of the chair, to chirp
up coalition againft coalition, and fo harmonize their mutual dif-
grace, if difgrace there be.
With the fame confiftency, an Honourable Gentleman calls
us dtferters- -"-us! a few cold and difaffedted members fall off,
then turn about, and, to palliate their own defection, call the
body of the zrmy deferters ! We have not defcrtedj here we
are a firm phalanx. Deferted indeed we have been in the mo-
ment of difafter, but never deje&ed, and fcldom complaining.
Some of thofe who rofe upon our wreck, and who eagerly
grafped that power which we had the labour of erecting, now
call us deferters. We retort the term with juft indignation.
Yet whilft they prefume we have the attributes of men, they
would expect us to have the obduracy of favages. They would
have our refentments infatiate, our rancour eternal. In our
opinion, an oblivion of ufelefs animofity is much more noble ;
and in that, the conduct of our accufcrs goes hand in hand
with us. But I beg the Houfe, and I wilh the world to cb-
ferve, that although, like them, we have abandoned our enmi-
ties, we have not, like them, relinquifhed our friendships :
but there are a fet of men, who, from the mere vanity of
having confequence as decifive voters, object to all ftable Go-
vernment ; thefe men hate to fee an Adminiftration fo fixed,
.as not to be moveable by their vote. They aflume their dig-
nity on the mere negative merit of not accepting places, and
in the pride of this felf-dcnia!, and the vanity of fancied in-
dependence, they object to every fyftem that has a folid bafis,
becaufe their confequence is unfelt. Of fuch men I cannot be
the
BRITISH SENATE. 283
the panegyrift, and I am lorry that fome fuch men are among
the moil cftimable in the Houle.
An Honourable Gentleman advifes me for the future, not to
mention the name of tue Marquis of Rockingham, who, he
fays, would never countenance a Bill of this kind. This is
indeed, impofing hard conditions upon thofe, who have willingly
fuffcred a fort of political martyrdom in the caule of that Noble
Lord's principles, thofe who furrendered pomp and power,
rather than remain where his principles ceafed to be fafhiona-
bl, and were withering into contempt. I venerate the name
of that Noble Marquis, and fhall ever mention it with love
and reverence; but at no period of my life with more confi*
dence than at this moment, when I fay, that his foul fpeaks in
every line of th e Bill before you ; for his foul fpeaks in every
meafure of virtue, wifdom, humane policy, general juftice,
and national honour. The name of the Noble Lord who en-
joys his fortune has been mentioned in this debate, and will be
mentioned again by me;* I will tell the Honourable Gentleman,
that this Noble Lord, (Earl Fitzvvilliam) though not the iflue
of his loins, inherits, with his property, the principles of that
Noble Marquis in ail their purity and foundnefs; and is as in-
capable as that Noble Marquis himfelf, or as any man on earth,
of countenancing any act which either immediatel v or ultimately
tended to the prejudice of his country, or the injury of the
Conftitution. I have had the honour of knowing the Noble
Earl from an early age. I have obferved the motives of his
actions : I am endeared to him by every tie of kindred fenti-
ment, and of mutual principle. A character more dignified
and exaltsd exifts not in the empire; a mind more firmly at-
tached to the Conftitution of his country: he is, what the na-
tion would defire in the heir of Lord Rockingham, the only
compenfation we could have for his lofs.
An Honourable Gentleman (Mr. T. Pitt) at the other fide,
has ufed violent terms againfl this Bill, and the movers of it.
Sir ? I tell that Honourable Gentleman (looking directly in the
face
284 BEAUTIES OF THE
face of Mr. T. Pitt) that the movers of this Bill are not to
be brow-beaten by ftudied gefture, nor frightened by tremulous
tones, folemn phrafes, or hard epithets. To arguments they
are ready to reply ; but all the notice they can take of afier-
tions, is to mark to the Houfe, that they are only aflertions.
The Honourable Gentleman again repeats his favourite lan-
guage of our having feized upon the Government ; his Majefty
changed his Miniftry laft April, in confequence of a vote of
this Houfe ; his Majefty did the fame twelve months before, in
conlequence of a vote of this Houfe. His Majefty, in fo
doing, followed the example of his predeceflbrs ; and his fuc-
ceffors will, I doubt not, follow the example of his Majefty.
The votes of Parliament have always decided upon the dura-
tion of Miniftry, and always will, I truft. It is the nature of
our Conftitution, and thofe who diflike it, had better attempt
to alter it. The Honourable Gentleman called the change in
1782 a glorious one; this in 1783 a difgraceful one. Why?
for a very obvious, though a very bad reafon. The Honourable
Gentleman afiifted in effecting the firft, and ftrenuoufly la-
boured to prevent the fecond. The firft battle he fought with
us; the fecond againft us, and we vanquifned him. In 1782
his friends were out, and would be in. In 1783 his friends
were /', nor wtuU. go out. Thus having done without him
what we once did with him, the Houfe fees his motive. It is
human nature certainly; but certainly not the better part of
human nature. He fays he is no party man, and he abhors a
fyftematic oppofition. I have always acknowledged myfelf to
be a party man ; I have always acted with a party in whofe
principles I have confidence ; and if I had fuch an opinion of
any Miniftry as the Gentleman profefles to have of us, I would
purfue their overthrow by a fyftematic oppofition. I have
done fo more than once, and I think that in fucceeding I faved
my country. Once the Right Honourable Gentleman, as I
have faid, was with me, and our conduct was fair, manly,
conftitutional, and honourable. The next time he was againft
me,
BRITISH SENATE. 2 ?5
me, and our conduct was violent and unconftitutional, it was
treafonable ; and yet the means were in both inftances the fame,
the means were the votes of this Houfe.
A game of a two-fold quality is playing by the other fide of
the Houfe upon this occafion, to which I hope the Houfe, and
I hope the kingdom, will attend. They are endeavouring to
injure us through two channels at the fame time, through a
certain great quarter, and through the People. They are at-
tempting to alarm the firft, by afferting that this Bill increafes
the influence of Miniftry again/I the Crown j and routing th
People, under an idea that it increafes the influence of the
Crown againjl them. That they will fail in both I doubt not.
In the great quarter I truft they are well underftood, and the
princely mind of that high perfon is a fecurity againft their de-
vices : they are running fwiftly to take off whatever little im-
pofition might have been put upon any part, even of the multi-
tude. And I wifh to refcue the character of the public under-
flanding from the contemptuous implication, that it is capable
of being gulled by fuch artifices. I feel for my country's ho-
nour when I fay, that Englifhmen, free themfelves, and fond
of giving freedom to others, difdain thefe ftratagems, and
are equally above the fillinefs of crediting the revilers of this
act, as above the bafenefs of confederating or making common
caule with thofe who would fupport a fyftem which has dif-
honoured this country, and which keeps thirty millions of the
human race in wretchednefs. I make allowances for the hair-
brained headftrong delufions of folly and ignorance, and the
effects of defign. To fuch evils every meafure is liable, and
every man muft expect a portion of the confequence. But for
the ferious and grave determinations of the public judgment
I have the higheir. valae, I ever had, and ever {hall have. If
it be a weaknefs, I confefs it, that to lofe the good opinion of
even the meancft man, gives me fome pain ; and whatever
triumph my enemies can derive from fuch a frame of mind,
they are welcome to. I do nor, after the example of the
Honourable
BEAUTIES or TH*
Honourable Gentleman who began this debate, (Mr. Powy?)
hold the opinion of Conflituents in difparagement. The
clear and decided opinion of the more reafonable and refpecl:-
able fhould, in my opinion, weigh the Member upon the fame
principle that, I think, with the voice of the nation (hould
prevail in this Houfe, and in every other place. But when the
Reprefentative yields to the Conftituent, it fhould indeed be by
the majority of the reafonable and rcfpe&able, and not, as we
fhall fee in a day or two, fome of the honefteft men in England
voting againft the moft popular tax was ever introduced
into this Houfe, in direct opposition to their own convi6tion,
and not upon the opinion of either the more refpectable or rea-
fonable clafs of their Constituents.
My noble friend, (Lord John) with his ch a racier i flic fpirit,
has faid, that we never fought power by cabal or intrigue, or
undherhand operations ; and this he faid in reply to an Honour-
able Gentleman, (Mr. T. Pitt) whofe conduct demonftrates,
that he thinks thofe the fureft path for his friends. This bill,
as a ground of contention, is farcical : this bill, if it admitted
it, would be combated upon its intrinfic qualities, and not by
abufing the coalition, or raifing a clamour about influence ;
but why don't the Gantlemen fpeak out fairly, as we do, and
then let the world judge between us ? Our love and loyalty to
the Sovereign are as ardent and firm as their own. Yet the
broad bafis of public character, upon which we received, is the
principle by which we hope to retain this power j convinced
that the fureft road to the favour of the Prince, is by ferving
him with zeal and fidelity; that the fafeft path to popularity,
is by reducing the burden, and reftoring the glory of the na-
tion. Let thofe (looking at Mr. Jenkinfon) who aim at office
by other means, by infcrutable and myfterious methods, fpeak
out ; or, if they will not, let the world know it is becaufe their
arts will not bear examination, and that their fafety confifts
in their obfcurity. Our principles are well known ; and I
{hould
BRITISH SENATE. *8 7
iliould prefer to perifti with them, rather than profper with any
other.
The Honourable Gentleman under the gallery (Mr. Martin)
alfo fays, he diflikes fyftematic oppofition. Whether perpetu-
ally rifing up with peevifh, capricious objections to every thing
propofed by us, deferve that name or not, I leave the Gen-
tleman himftlf to determine, and leave the Houfe to reflect
upon that kind of conduct which condemns the theory of its
own conftant practice; but I meet the Gentleman directly
upon the principle of the term. He diflikes fyftematic oppo-
fition ; now I like it. A fyftematic oppofition to a dangerous
Government is, in my opinion, a noble employment for the
brighteft faculties ; 'and if the Honourable Gentleman thinks
our Adminiftration a bad one, he is right to contribute to its
downfal. Oppofition is natural in fuch a political fyftem as
ours ; it has fubfifted in all fuch Governments ; and perhaps it
is neccflary. But to thofe who oppofe it, it is extremely ef-
fcntial that their manner of conducting it incur not a fufpicioa
of their motives. If they appear to oppofe from difappoint-
ment, from mortification, from pique, from whim, the people
will be againft them. If they oppofe from public principle,
from love of their country rather than hatred to Adminiftra-
tion, from evident conviction of the badnefs of meafures, and
a full perfuafion that in their refinance to men, they are aiming
at the public welfare, the People will be with them. We op-
pofed upon thefe principles, and the People were with us ; if
we are oppofed upon other principles, they will not be againft
us. Much labour has been employed to infufe a prejudice upon
the prefent fuliject ; and I have the fatisfaction to believe that
the labour has been fruitlefs ; (making a reafonable exception
for the miftakes of ihe uninformed, the firft imprelTzons of no-
velty, and the natural rcfult of deliberate malice) we defire to
be tried by the teft of this Bill, and riik our character upon the
illue : confiding thoroughly in the good fenfe, the juftice, and
the fpirit of Englishmen. N^t lofc^v founds, nor fclefbd epi-
thets,
288 BEAUTIES OF THE
thets, nor paffionate declamation in this Houfc, nor all the for-
did efforts of interefted men out of this Houfe, (of men whofe
ats in the Eaft have branded the Britifh name, and whofe ill-
gotten opulence, working through a thoufand channels to delude
and debauch the public underftanding) can faften odium upon
this meafure, or draw an obloquy upon the authors of it. We
have been tried in the caufe of the public ; and until we defert
that caufe, we are allured of public confidence and protection.
The Honourable Gentleman (Mr. Powys) has fuppofed for
ine a foliloquy, and has put into my mouth fome things which
I do not think are likely to be attributed to me : he infinuates
that I was incited by avarice, or ambition, or party fpirit. I
have failings in common with every human being, befide my
own peculiar faults : but of avarice I have indeed held myfelf
guiltlefs. My abufe has been, for jnany years, even the pro-
feffion of feveral people j it was their traffic, their livelihood ;
yet until this moment, I knew not that avarice was in the cata-
logue of the fins imputed to me. Ambition I confefs I have,
but not ambition upon a narrow bottom, or built upon paltry
principles. If, from the devotion of my life to political ob-
jects, if from the direction of my induftry to the attainment of
tome knowledge of the Conftitution, and the true interefts of
the Britifh empire, the ambition of taking no mean part in
thofe aits that elevate nations, and make a people happy, be
criminal, that ambition I acknowledge. And as to party
fpirit that I feel it, that I have ever been under its impulfe,
and that I ever fhall, is what I proclaim to the world. That
I am one of a party, a party never known to facrifice the in-
terefts, or barter the liberties of the nation for mercenary pur-
pofes, for perfonal emolument or honours ; a party linked to-
gether upon principles which comprehend whatever is dear
and moft precious to free men, and eflential to a free Confti-
tution, is my pride and my boaft.
The Honourable Gentleman has given me one afiertion,
which it is my pride to make :^he fays that I am connected
with
BRITISH SENATE. 289
with a number of the firft families in the country. Yes, Sir,
I have a peculiar glory that a body of men, renowned for their
anceftry, important for their pofleflions, diflinguifhed for theif
perfonal worth, with all that is valuable to men at flake, here-
ditary fortunes and hereditary honours, deem me worthy of
their confidence. With fuch men I am fomething without
them, nothing. My reliance is upon their good opinion j and
in that refpeft, perhaps, I am fortunate. Although I ha.ve a
juft confidence in my own integrity, yet as I am but man,
perhaps it is well that I have no choice but betiveen my own
eternal difgracc and a faithful difcharge of my public duty j
whiift thefe kind of men are overfeers of my conduct, whilft
men, whofe uprightnefs of heart and fpotlefs honour are even
proverbial in the country, (looking at Lord John Cavendifh)
are the vigils of my deeds, it is a pledge to the public for the
purity and reditude of my conduct. The profperity and ho-
nour of the country are blended with the profperity and honour
of thefe illuftrious perfons. They have fo much at flake, that
if the country falls, they fall with it; and to countenance any
thing againft its interefl, would be a fuicide upon themfelves.
The good opinion and protection of thefe men is a fecurity
to the nation for my behaviour, becaufe, if I lofe them, I lofe
my all.
Having faid fo much upon the extraneous fubjec~ls introduced
by the Hon. Gentleman into the debate, I (hall proceed to
make fome obfervations upon the bufinefs in queftion. When
the learned Gentleman brought in his BUI laft year, the Houfe
faw its frightful features with juft horror ; but a very good me-
thod was adopted to foften the terrors of the extravagant power
that Bill vefted in the Governor-General. The name of a No-
ble Lord (Lord Cornwallis) was fent forth at the fame time,
whofe great character lent a grace to a propofition, which, def-
titute of fuch an advantage, could not be liflened to for one
moment. Now, Sir, obferve how differently we have ated
upon the fame occafion.
VOL. I. U EtrZ
290 BEAUTIES OF THE
Earl Fitzwilliam has been fpoken of here this day in thofc
terms of admiration with which his name is always mentioned.
Take notice, however, that we did not avail ourfelves of the
fame of his virtue and abilities in pafling this Bill through the
Houfe.
If fiich a thing were to have taken place as the inftitution of
an Indian Secretaryship, (according to the fuggeftions of fome
Gentlemen) this Noble Lord would certainly have been the
very perfon whom, for my part, I fhould have advifed his Ma-
jefty to inveft with that office. Yet, although his erect mind
and fpotlefs honour would have held forth to the public the
fulleft confidence of a faithful execution of its duties, the objec-
tions in regard to influence upon a rsmoveable Officer, are ten-
fold in comparifon with the prefent fcheme. The Houfe muft
now fee, that with all the benefits we might derive from that
Noble Lord's character that although his name would have
imparted a fanclity, an ornament, and an honour to the Bill, we
ufhered it in without that ceremony, to ftand or fall by its own
intrinfic merits, neither (bidding it under the reputation, nor
gracing it under the mantle, of any man's virtue. Our merit
will be more in this, when the names of thofe are known whom
we mean to propofe to this Houfe, to execute this comminion.
(Name them, faid Mr. Arden, acrofs the Houfe.) I will not
I will not name them ; the Bill fhall ftand or fall by its own
merits, without aid or injury from their character. An Hon.
Gentleman has faid thefe Commiffioners will be made up of our
" adherents and creatures." Sir, there is nothing more eafy
than to ufe difparaging terms ; yet I fhould have thought the
name of Earl Fitzwilliam would have given a fair preemption,
that the colleagues we (hall recommend to this Houfe for the
co-execution of this bufmefs with that Noble Lord, will not be
of a defcription to merit thefe unhandlbme epithets. rafTure
the Hon. Gentleman they are not. I afiiire him they are not
men whofe faculties of corrupting, or whofe corruptibility, will
give any alarm to this Houfe, or to this country : they are men
whofe
BRITISH SENATE. zgt
private and public characters ftand high and untainted j
who are not likely to countenance depredation, or participate
the fpoils of rapacity. They are not men to (green delinquency,
or to pollute the fervicc by disgraceful appointments. Would
fuch men as Earl Fitzwilliam fuffer unbecoming appointments
to be made ? Is Earl Fitzwilliam a man likely to do the dirty
work of a Minifter ? If they, for inftance, were to nominate a
Paul Benfield to go to India in the Supreme Council, would Earl
Fitzwilliam fubfcribe to his appointment ? This is the benefit
of having a commiffion of high honour, chary of reputation,
noble and pure in their fentiments, who are fuperior to the little
jobs and traffic of political intrigue.
But this Bill, Sir, prefumes not upon the probity of the men ;
it looks to the future poflibility of diflimilar fucceflbrs, and to
i the morality of the prefent Commiflioners, who are merely hu-
iman, and therefore not incapable of alteration. Under all the
caution of this Bill, with the refponfibility it impofes, I will take
upon me to fay, that if the aggregate body of this Board, deter-
mined to ufe all its power for the purpofe of corruption, thif
Houfe, and the people at large, would have lefs to dread from
them, in the way of influence, than from a few Afiatics who
will probably be difplaced in confequence of this arrangement }
"ome of whom will return to this country with a million, fomc
with feven hundred thoufand, fome with five, befide the three
or four hundred thoufand of others, who are cut off* in their
career by the hand of fate. An inundation of fuch wealth is
for more dangerous, than any influence that is likely to fpring
rom a plan of Government fo conftitutcd as this propofed
whether the operation of fuch a mafs of wealth be confidered in
its probable effefts, upon the principles of the Members of this
Houfe, or the manners of the people at large, more efpeciaily
when a reflection that Orientalills are in general th moil ex-
emplary clafs of people in their morals, and in their deportment
the moft moderate, and correfponding with the diftinlion of
their high birth and family, furniflies a very reafoiuble prefump-
U 2
BEAUTIES
OF THE
tion, that the expenditure of their money will be much about as
honourable as its acquirement.
I (hall now, Sir, conclude my fpeech with a few words upon
the opinion of the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Pitt.) He
fays, " he will flake his character upon the danger of this Bill."
I meet him in his own phrafe, and oppofe him, character to
character : I rifle my all upon the excellence of this Bill ; I rifle
upon it whatever is moft dear to me, whatever men moft value,
the character of integrity, of talents, of honour, of prefcnt re-
putation and future fame ; thefe, and whatever elfe is precious
to me, I flake upon the conftitutional fafety, the enlarged po-
licy, the equity, and the wifdom of this meafure ; and have no
fear in faying, (whatever may be the fate of its authors) that
this Bill will produce to this country every blefling of commerce
and revenue ; and that by extending a generous and humane
Government over thofe millions whom the infcrutable dcftina-
tions of Providence have placed under us in the remotefl regions
of the earth, it will confecrate the name of England amongft
the nobleft of nations.
JlJr. Fax, Dec. i, 1783.
I HAVE ventured to confider ourfelves as re-aflemblcd this
.day, after the neceflary adjournment of the feafon, under his.
Majefty's folemn promife, that we mould not be interrupted in
our deliberations on the affairs of the Eaft-lndies, and the fup-
port of the public credit, by any prorogation or diilblution of
the Parliament : for, if his Majefty's Anfwer to our late Ad-
drefs means any thing fliort of that, his Miniiicrs, who have ad-
vifed and perufed it, have not only abufed his Royal confidence,
but grofsly deceived and infulted this Houfe. For the Anrwer
in acknowledging the urgency of thofe objects, mentioned in
the Addrefs, as reafons aguinft diflblving, and like wife the ex-
pediency of proceeding on them with vigilance, inofl undoubt-
edly conveys, that the Houfe will be permitted not merely to
cieetj but to meet for the furtherance of thofe objects. On the
day
BRITISH SENATE. 293
day the Anfwer was re^.rl in this Houfe, there were no refponfi-
ble Miniftcrs prefent ; but as they are here now, the Houfe is en-
titled to know, in the moft explicit and unequivocal terms, pre-
vious to the difcuflion of any queftion of India, whether they
are to unuerftand, that they are met again freely, independently,
and with ultimate effect to deliberate on the affairs of India, and
the other great confiderations that prefles upon them ; or whe-
ther they are only tenants at the will of the new Minifter, to be
fent back to their constituents as delinquents, unlefs they fhall
recede from everv principle of conftitutional policy, to which
they are folemnly and publicly pledged, and lhall agree to re-
gifter any edict upon the fubjecl which the new Treaiury Bench
may diclate to them, however repugnant to their former opi-
nions ? For if that fhouJW be their fyftem, I, for one, would not
give up a moment of my time to deliberation which muft be
fruitlefs, and which could end in the final execution of no per-
manent fyftem of Government in Afia or Europe ; if Miniftcrs
meet us only by way of experiment, to try our opinions with
the rod of diffolution hung over our heads as the fcourge of dif-'
obedience, determined, iniread of retiring on a difappointment,
ftill to diftract and difturb a Government which they cannot
guide, and to gain over a future Parliament, by the arts of
cabal and corruption, which the virtue of the prefent has re-
fifted, it will become us to know, not from the Minifters, but
from the Throne itfelf, whether this country is to be governed
by men whom the Houfe of Commons can confide in, or whe-
ther we, the people of England's Reprefentatives, are to be the
fport and foot-ball of any junto that may hope to rule over us
by an unfeen and unexplorable principle of Government, utterly
unknown to the Conftitution ? This is the great queftion to
which every public-fpirited Citizen of this country fhould diret
his view. A queftion that goes very wide of the policy to be
adopted concerning India, about which very wife and very ho-,
neft men, not only might, but have and did materially differ,
The total removal of all the executive feryants of the Crown,
V 3
294 BEAUTIES OF THE
while they are in the full enjoyment of the confidence of that
Houfe, and indeed without any other vifible or avowed caufe of
removal, than becaufe they do enjoy that confidence, and the
appointment of others in their room, without any other appa-
rent ground of fele&ion than becaufe they enjoyed it not, is, in
my mind, a moft alarming and portentous attack on the public
freedom ; becaufe, though no outward form of the Government
is relaxed or violated by it, fo as inftantly to fupply the confti-
tutional remedy of oppofition, the whole fpirit and energy of
the Government is annihilated by it. That the prerogative of
chufing Minifters belongs to, and ought to belong to his Ma-
jefty, and let no man hope to hear from me a fingle cxpreflion
that ftrikes at the juft independence of the Crown; but as all
its prerogatives, like our own privileges, are but trufts for the
people, and as none of them can be abufed but by the agency
of others, I perfuade myfelf that they will look to thofe, who,
In an evil hour, have given the Crown the moft refponfible
advice on the fubjecl: alluded to, by accepting of all the pofts
of executive power, merely as it ftiould feem, becaufe the voice
of the people's Reprefentatives in this Houfe has been recently,
repeatedly, and loudly lifted up againft them. I ventured to.
exprefs my aftonifhment on a former day, when the Firft Lord
cf the Treafury was not in his place, that when the affairs of
India were the firft and moft important objedls of the King's
Government, he could venture to take upon him the conduit
of th'at Government in a Houfe of Commons, adverfe to all his
ideas and principles on the fubjecl:, and the majority of which
he had on the fame fubjecl loaded with the moft opprobrious
epithets ; an expreflion he thought himfelf at liberty to ufe, be-
caufe after a great and refpectable majority had aflented to the
$ill upon the fecond reading, and in the Committee, the Right
Hon. Gentleman did ftill, on the third reading, confider the
friends of it collectively as fupporting a defperate faction, in an
attempt to maintain themfelves in power at the expence of the
facred chartered rights of individuals, and the mo.fl: valu-
able.
BRITISH SENATE. 295
able interefts of the public, with many other galling expreflions.
My objection to this language, as I explained it when I firft
ftated it, is not fo much becaufe it was unparliamentary or un-
precedented, though I thought it fufficiently fo : it was not an
arraignment of the Right Hon. Gentleman for ufmg it, fincc
on moft concerted public meafures the fame fort of language
was but too frequent from both fides of the Houfe ; but I did,
as we may all remember, exprefs my utter aftoni(hment,Vhich
I again exprefs, (for it grows on me every inftant) that the
Right Hon. Gentleman fhould hope to continue one day the
Minifter in a Houfe of Commons, while that majority, whofe
principles of government he has thus fo recently reprobated,
continues to fubfift : that was, and continues to be my obferva-
tion ; and I am not afraid to truft the juftice and propriety of it
to the good fenfe, the dignity, and the memory of the Houfe.
If the Right Hon. Gentleman retains his own opinions, and if
the Houfe likewife retains its own, is it not evident, that he
came into office without the moft diftant profpect of ferving
the public ? Is it not evident, that he has brought on a ftrugglc
between executive and legiflative authority, at a time when
they are pointing with equal vigour, unity, and effe6t, to the
common interefts of the nation ? Is it not palpable, that inftead
of giving ftability, dignity, and authority to the Government of
his country, at a time when its affairs are falling into ruin in
every part of the world from the want of them, he has crippled
and enervated all its operations, ftirred dangerous queftions be-
tween the Prerogatives of the Crown and the Privileges of the
People, and wafted the important hours of deliberation in this
Hcufe, in bringing things back to the very condition they were
in originally, when he ftcppcd forth to difturb them. Can the
Right Hon. Gentleman, or any body for him, explain to the
Houfe why the Crown, by its Anfwer to our Addrefs, fhould
promife not to difturb our proceedings, yet (hould at the fame
moment change the whole executive authority of Government,
and place it in the hands of perfons adverfe to every principle
U 4 they
296 BEAUTIES OF THE
they had pledged therafelves to adopt, on the very meafure they
were defired to proceed upon ? Is it not plain to the meaneft
underftanding, that it itruck a palfy into every member of ex-
ecutive power, which could not, and ought not to have any
energy or ftrength, when deprived of that vital fpirit of popular
government, which could only circulate life and heat through
the medium of the people's Reprefentatives in this Houfe ?
I truft, that whenever the Crown of England removes its
Mmifters, enjoying the full confidence of the Commons, and
chufe fo flrans;e and inaufpicious an hour for that removal, as
%vhen upheld by that confidence they were planning great and
neceflary fyftems of Government, and when it not only chofe
that feafon for removing them, but put into their room perfons
whofe principles on the fame objects the people's Reprefenta-
tives had recently rejected and condemned, I hope, whatever
may be our differences on other fubjecls, that we (hall be una-
nimous in confidering that moment as a great and alarming
crifis, in which the freedom of the Government is to be decided
on for ever : and that though we fhould proceed like prudent
and virtuous men, with forefight and moderation, taking care
rot to touch any of the forms of the Government, yet that we
fhould convince the Crown by our conduct, that the wifeft and
ablefl individual, who (hall ever venture to ftand upon fecret
influence againft the confidence of this Houfe, will find, that
his abilities, whatever they may be, or whatever they may be
fancied, inilead of being a fupport and protection to him, will
only be like the convulfions of a ftrong man in the agonies of
difeafe, which exhauft the vital fpirit fairer than the fainter
Itruggles of weaknefs, and bring on death the fooner.
Such, in a few hours, I truft will be the fate of the Right
Hon. Gentleman at the head of the prefent Government : in-
deed he never compared, in his own mind, his firft appearances
in this Houfe, when under the banners of a RigHt Hon. Gen-
tleman, he fupported the genuine cauie of liberty, with his pre-
fent melancholy ridiculous fituation in it, than he v t 'as drawn
into
BRITISH SENATE. 297
into an involuntary parody of the fccne of Hamlet and his mo-
ther in the clotet :
Look here upon this picture, and on this :
See what a grace was feated in this youth,
His father's fire the foul of Pitt himfelf,
A tongue like his to foften or command,
A ftation like the Genius of England
New lighted on this top of Freedom's hill ;
A combination and a form indeed,
Where every god did feem to fet his feal
To give his country earneft of a Patriot.
Look you now what follows :
Dark, fecret influence, like a mildew'd ear,
Blafting this public virtue : Has he eyes !
Could he this bright afiembly leave to pleafe,
To batten on that bench !
The Right Hon. Gentleman may profit the lefs from thete
obfervations, from believing that I feek them, and that I have
a pleafure in making them : if he thinks fo, I can aflure him
upon my honour, that he is miftaken ; fo very much miftaken,
that the inconveniencies which the country fufter at this mo-
ment, from the want of a fettled Government, are greatly
heightened to my feelings from the reflection, that they are in-
creafed by his unguided ambition. Our fathers were friends,
and I was taught from my infancy to reverence the name of
Pitt; an original partiality, which inftead of bein diminilhed,
was ftrongly confirmed by an acquaintance with the Right Hon.
Gentleman himfelf, which I was cultivating with pleafure, when
he was taken from his profeflion into a different fcene. Let
him not think that I am the lefs his friend, or the mean envier
of his talents, becaufe they have been too much the topic of pa.
negyric here already, and both I and the pubiic are now reap-
ing
298 BEAUTIES OF THE
ing the bitter fruits of thefe intemperate praiSes. " It is
good (faid Jeremr'ah) for a man to bear the yoke in his youth ;'*
and if the Right Hon. Gentleman had attended to this maxim,
he would not at fo early a period have declared agaiuft a Sub-
erdinate Situation, but would have lent the aid of his faculties
to carry on the affairs of this country, which wanted nothing
but ftability to render them glorious, inftead of fetting up at
once for himfelf to be the firft ; becaufe he had too haftily de-
clared againft being Subordinate, and doing it under circum-
ftances, which could not but for a time at leaft (the fpirit of the
Houfe would take care it fnould not be long) diiiurb and dif-
tradt all the operations of Government, and difappoint the moft
folid interefis of the public,
How very different has been the progrefs of my Hon. Friend
that fits near me, who was not hatched at once into a Minifter
by the heat of his own ambition, but who, as it was good for
him to do> in the words of the Prophet, " bore the yoke in his
youth," pafied through the Subordinate offices, and matured his
talents in long and laborious pppofitions ; arriving, by the na-
tural progrefs of his powerful mind, to a fuperiority of" political
wiSdom and comprehenfion, which this Houfe had long with de-
light and Satisfaction acknowledged. To pluck fuch a man
from the Councils of his country in the hour of her dirtrefles,
while he enjoyed the full confidence of the Houfe, to give effecl:
to vigorous plans for her interefts, and to throw every thing
into confufion by the introduction of other men, introduced, as
it {hould feem, for no other purpofe than to beget that confulion,
is an evil that, if we cannot rectify, we may at leaft have leave
jo lament : thefe evik are, however, imputed, by the Right
JHon. Gentleman and his colleagues, to another Source to the
Bill for the regulation of the Eaft Indies, from the miSchiefs of
which they had {tapped forth to Save the country a language
fnoft indecent in this HouSe of Commons, which thought it
their duty to the public to paSs it by a majority of above an
hundred ; but which was, however, to be taken to be deftru&ive
BRITISH SENATE. 299
and dangerous, notwithstanding that authority, becaufe it had
been difapproved by a majority of eighteen votes in the Lords,
feme of whom I reverence as confcientious and independent
pinions ; but the majority of which fmall majority voted upon
principles, which the forms of the Houfe will not permit me to
allude to, farther than to fay, that individual Noblemen are not
Always Gentlemen.
Mr. Erjk'me^ Jan. 12, 1/84.
AFTER the teftimony of fo many honourable and independent
Gentlemen who have, with one voice, acknowledged, that the
Refolution before you, for removing the prefent Miniftry, is, in
the prefent cafe, abfolutely unwarrantable, I rife with peculiar
fatisfadlion and peculiar advantage ; and I mufr therefore be al-
lowed to augur well of the event of this night's Debate. Sir,
I rejoice to fee the moderation and temper which has (hewn it-
felf on this day ; 1 rejoice that we meet the queftion fairly, and
that it is not brought forward as that was, upon which this Re-
folution is to be founded, and of which it is faid to be nothing
more than a mere corollary. The former, important as it was,
not only to the interefts, but to the perfonal honour of his Ma-
jefty's prefent Minifters, was brought before us fuddenly and
unexpectedly at five o'clock in the morning, when every man's
faculties for fpeaking, for hearing, and for judging properly,
were exhaufted by a previous Debate of more than twelve hours,
and when a very confiderable part of the Houfe had departed,
under the firm and very natural perfuafion that no more quef-
tions of confequence were likely to be introduced. The pre-
fent queftion, as it is brought forward at a better hour, and
with a better temper, fo will it be decided upon, I truft, with a
better and clearer judgment; and I afiure you, Sir, I (hall at-
tempt fo far to follow the example of thofe before me, and of
the Right Hon. Gentleman himfelf, (Mr. Fox) as to fuffcr no-
thing perfonal, nothing indecent, nothing heated, nothing un-
becoming
jso BEAUTIES OF THE
becoming the critical and awful hour in which I fpeak, to efcape
out of my lips.
Sir, the firft thing I have to obfcrve is clearly and diftin&ly
this ; that allowing, for argument's fake, aclual credit for
every report without doors, and every infmuation that has been
made here, the prefent refolution is neverthelefs utterly without
foundation.
What, Sir, is the utmoft that reports have ever faid ? That
my Lord Temple has indifcreetly, wantonly, and, if you will,
unconftitutionally reported his Majefty's private opinion on the
fubje<3: of the India Bill, and that in the Houfe of Lords that
Bill has been by this, means thrown out. But, Sir, is my
Lord Temple a Minifter ? Your refolution fays his Majefty's
prefent Minifters : Lords of the Bedchamber are no Minifters;
whom, therefore, are thofe men that your refolution means
to flander ? I call on the Noble Lord to amend his Motion,
and to name in it the names of every Minifter of his Majefty,
on whofe chara&er he means that this ftigma fhould alight.
Sir, I defy any man even to infmuate that any one of his Ma-
jefty's Cabinet has ever had the leaft fhare of that fecret in-
fluence upon which this Motion is founded, and for which it
is to turn them out of Office. Sir, they are not even accufed;
they have a right to be accufed, and they will deny every part
pf the imputation. The throwing out of the India Bill was a
matter previous to their appointment, in which they had no
concern, and for which they can fhare no blame, even if I
allow, for argument's fake, that blame is due any where.
His Majefty's prefent Minifters have, I aflert, been con-
ftitutionally chofen by him who has the fole right to chufe
them j and by this refolution they are by this Houfe inftantly
turned out.
Sir, is it therefore for their incapacity and inefficiency that
you overthrow them? (The Houfe having cried hear ! hear !)
Mr. Dtindas faid, then, Sir, I infift that their incapacity and
infufficiency (hall be named in the Motion as the ground upon,
which
BRITISH SENATE. 3-1
which you at once deny them your confidence. Let this Houfc
judge and know upon what ground they give their vote. Let
me tell you, Sir, our Conftituents will afk to know, the People
of England muft. and will know, why Minifters named by h'ts
Majefty are inftantly turned out by the Houfe of Commons ;
turned out, I fay, before they are tried, and condemned before
they are accufed.
Sir, if this refolution means any thing, it is in the nature
and fpirit of an addrefs, requefting the King to appoint a whole
new fet of Minifters. I am forced, therefore, to view it in
this light, fince it is in effect pointed at his Majefty, and muft,
probably, be followed up by an addrefs in the fame tenor, and
to the fame purport.
I beg, therefore, the Houfe will go with me in confidering
how the Royal mind muft feel, and what fort of language his
Majefty muft hold to himfelf upon fuch an addrefs.
" You fend me back the Minifters I have juft chofen ; have
I not then the right to chufe my Minifters? Certainly yes, you
fay. But what crimes have they committed ? What is it they
have fo foon perpetrated r Certainly not one aft of their Ad-
miniftration is yet pafled. Are they, therefore, without the
confidence of the Houfe of Commons ? Are they men fo un-
popular, fo incapable, fo infufficient, that you will not bear
with them even for a moment ? Is the Minifter who devotes
himfelf to the Houfe of Commons, particularly, fo unpopular
and fo incapable ? I bad chofen him, I had fingled him out as
a man, of talents the moft aftonifhing, of integrity the moft
uncorrupt, of a reputation the moft extraordinary. I had
fondly imagined him the favourite of the Houfe of Commons;
I had been taught to fancy, that in celebrating his name, all
my People joined in one anthem of praife.
" Is it for this, therefore, that the Houfe of Commons thu
inftantly condemns him ? Is it on account of his fair fame
and unexampled reputation, that I am ckfired to withdraw
XDV public confidence from fuch a perfoa as this I It follow*.
no
3 02 BEAUTIES OF THE
* *
no doubt, therefore, that you wifli me to fubftitute characters
as oppofite as poffible to thisn You wifh me then to name
fome man or men in whom I can place no confidence ; fome
man or men whom my People execrate, and in whom I mvfelf,
in perfect union with my People, cannot confide. If fuch
men are to be my only choice, if unpopularity, hatred, and
diftruft, are to be the qualifications and the great characterises
that form a Minifter in thefe days, it would be matter of the
lincereft joy to me, if the Houfe of Commons would permit
me to wave my choice ; let the Houfe of Commons name
their Minifter j let them fearch out perfons fuited to their pur-
pofes, only let me not be forced to play the farce of naming
to them men whom they have fmgled out, whom my con-
fcience condemns on public grounds, and whom my People
tell me they do not approve." Such would be the natural
anfwer of a King, allowing him to be a man of feeling, and
a man of honour, like ourfelves, on fuch an unheard-of Ad-
drefs as this ; juft this neceflarily muft be his private fentiments
and foliloquy on the occafion. Therefore, fays he, I would
befeech the Houfe of Commons at once to name the men in
whom alone they are determinid to confide. Already we know
- their names. Let us bring in a Bill, naming the Right Hon.
Gentleman and the Noble Lord exclufive Minifters of this
country for a terms of years ; for that is precifely the fpirit
and meaning, that, Sir, is the plain Englifh of this refolution,
except indeed that by the prcfont Motion, the Houfe of Lords
is exempted from any {hare in the nomination ; whereas, if it
was a Bill, it would not be the Houfe of Commons alone that
would name the Minifter of this country.
Sir, we have been told by the Right Honourable Gentleman,
that this is a great conftitutional queftion, and not a queftion
who (hall be Minifter. I meet the Houfe on that ground, and
I beg leave to requeft no more favour than this, viz. that
every man who thinks with the Right Honourable Gentleman,
that this is not a queflioa who fhali be Minifter, will vote
with
BRITISH SENATE. 303
with him, and I am content that all the reft mould vote with
me. Nay, Sir, if there is any man in this Houfe who in his
conference does not think, that this reiblution ferves to name
the Right Honourable Gentleman and his colleague, the ML-
nifters and the only Minifters of this country, I am content
that all fuch perfons, to a man, mould vote againft me. I
feel on this ground very fure of finding myfelf to-night in a
moft refpectable majority indeed.
Sir, I have no perfonal objections or diflike to the Noble
Lord or the Right Honourable Gentleman ; it is upon clear
conftitutional grounds that I refift this vote, and I call upon
the independent part of the Houfe that they will ftand forth
and maintain the character, the moderation, for thus I will
venture to fay they will moft effectually maintain the true con-
fequence of this Britifti Houfe of Commons. Let the Houfe
look well to its conduct this night, for this night it is about
to decide what is the Conftitution of this country. The aC-
fumption of power and privileges which did not belong to it,
has once proved the overthrow of thfc Conftitution ; we are
verging towards the fame precipice again, we are claiming to
ourfelves the right of appointing Minifters, we are difclaiming
the nomination of his Majefty, without caufe and without
trial : let us confider this queftion, I fay, without favour 01
afie&ion, for we are this night deciding on the Conftitution.
Mr. Henry Dunda^ Jan. 16, 1784.
THERE are feveral perfon?, ufcful and deferving members of
fociety, who are unfortunately, at this time, deprived of the
happinefs and comfort of enjoying their hereditary pofleflions.
Thofe unhappy men have fuffered from the active part which
their anceftors or themfelves have taken in a late alarming re-
bellion, that had convulfed the empire, and nearly overthrown
the prefent Royal Family; but thofe feuds and animofities are
now entirely done away, and I can with truth and juftice af-
.firm, that his prefent Majefty has not in his domiaipcs a more-
brave
304 BEAUTIES OF THE
brave and loyal people than thofe who poflefs the mountains of
the north. They have frequently given the moft diftinguifhed
and memorable proofs of their prowefs their affection to their
country and their loyalty to the beft of Sovereigns, by ex-
pending their treafures, and often pouring forth their blood for
the defence and glory of Great-Britain.
Surely, therefore, that people who have called forth their
military 'fkill for the honour of their countrymen, who have
often repelled the enemy, who have often added new luftre to
our former glorious achievements, merit at leaft fome fmall
degree of acknowledgment and gratitude from their fellow-
iubjedts. Their caufe of former mifunderftanding is now no
more j and as they have made themfelves illuftrious in the field,
they claim the protection of the Britifh Adminiftration in the
Cabinet. I need hardly mention, that the people I allude to
are thofe hardy fons of Britain, who inhabited the mountains
in the Highlands of Scotland j a race of men to whom an il-
luftrious Statefman, in a former war, has paid the higheil tri-
bute of applaufe for their military prowefs.
I am proud to have been the firft who called forth thofe re-
fources from the bleak wilds and mountainous parts of the
North, as they have been the means of reftoring peace and
tranquillity to our dominions, when moft other refources had
been applied in vain. I, like the illuftrious ftatefman to whom
I allude, am not too partial to this or that part .of the country,
but freely confefs, that I am ftimulated from motives of juf-
tice and humanity, to make a propofition, which has for its
ultimate object, the reftoration of property to the real pro-
prietors, and giving peace and happinefs to fome individuals
who merit well of fociety. The illuftrious perfon to whom I
allude, is the late Earl ef Chatham, a name glorious in the
annals ef Great-Britain, and who has fpoken of the hardy fons
of the North in terms of the moft expreilive panegyric. " I
" am not," faid he, " attached to one part of the country
*' more than to another. I am above all local prejudices. It
BRITISH SENATE. 30$
4t Is a matter of indifference to me, whether a man was rocked
" in his cradle on this or on the other fide of the Tweed. I
** fought for merit where I could find it, aad I found it in the
" mountains of the North. Thofe hanly fons anfwered the
emergency of the times, and I have the honour to boaft
" of being the firft who called their powers forth into action.
" They were in a manner profcribed and forgotfcn, till I
" emancipated them from their bondage, and helped to wipe
" away the odium which was illiberally fixed upon them. No
" fooner had they taken the field in the fervice of their coun-
*' try, than they turned the tide of war, and our manly ex-
" ertions were crowned with fuccefs. They fought our
" battles, they bled freely in the fame caufe, and gave the
" enemy to underftand, that Britifh valour was not to be con-
*' quered without a fuperior degree of perfonal couraee and
" bravery. Their fidelity could only be equalled by their in-
*' trepidity, which has fignalized their own and their country's
" renown all over the world."
Thefe were the fentiments of that great Minifter, who had
fhaken the dominions of the French Monarch to the center.
I confefs, I am as free from national prejudices as the much-
eftcemed Earl ; and adopt the prefent propofition from motives
of found policy. I am not attached to one part of the country
more than to another, and would be happy to embrace an op-
portunity of (hewing my impartiality. The unfortunate per-
fons, whofe cafe I now fubmit to Parliament, have been de-
prived of their eftates for near forty years. I do not call to
queftion the national expediency which has impelled the Le-
giflature to ena<5t thofe laws that have operated fo rigidly againft
them j but if, by an alteration of the times, and an alteration
of opinion, motives of humanity could be adopted, it would,
I am convinced, be worthy of a Britifh Parliament} to alleviate
the diftrefles of their fellow-creatures, by reftoring to them
thofe pofleilions which they once had a right to enjoy. Their*
pad atonement demands it as an act of juftice: their future con-
VOL. I. X duc\
3 o6 BEAUTIES OF THE
duel, if we may judge from their paft fervices to the Hate, will
make it an act of national wifdom. They have already fuf-
fered fufficiently for the part they have taken in the late rebel-
lion in 1745. They have been proscribed they have been
forced into exile they have frequently been reduced to the
moft deplorable dilemma in fhort, they have laboured under
every fpecies of misfortune and affliction. Inftead of comforta-
bly-enjoying their own lands and pofleffions inftead of palling
their time in the fweet fociety of their wives and children in-
ftead of enjoying thofe bleflmgs which God had in a former pe-
riod beftowed upon them, they are excruciating thought !
doomed to a variety of the moft complicated difafters, and
forced to leek that afylum and happinefs in a foreign land, which
are denied them at their native homes.
I am happy to think that my propofition has been frequently
in the contemplation of feveral Adminiftrations, 1 have often
mentioned it to the Noble Lord in $he blue ribbon, when he
was Minifter of the country ; and I can aflure the Committee,
that, to the honour of his Lordfhip be it faid, he has often en-
{ered into the fubjeCt with the greateft warmth and tendernefs ;
and has on all thofe occafions ated as a man of honour, in-?
tegrity, and univerfal philanthropy. In juftice to the late Ad-
miniftration, it is proper to mention, that they intended to
bring forward a propofition of a fimilar nature. But the dif-
ferent Adminiftrations of this country have of late been fo
fluctuating, that it has been impoflible for them to profecute
any fuch defign with effeCl:. However, I can now congratulate
the People on the occafion, when the prefent Miniftry will
have it in their power to alleviate the diftrefies of thofe unfor-
tunate perfons, by reftoring to them their eftates and property.
The immortal Earl of Chatham was the firft man, after the
late unfortunate rebellion, that called thofe men forth from ob-
fcurity. He intended to have rewarded them in a fimilar man-
ner, as appears from the encomiums which he beftowed on
them .fome years ago on a qucflion relative to the Stamp-act,
when
BRITISH SENATE. 307
when he had an opportunity of doing juftice to the merit of
the Highlanders. This defign, however, was fruftrated ; but
it gives me fingular felicity to think, that what was fo happily
begun, under the adminift ration of that illuftrious perfonage,
will be completed under that of his fon ; for I am fully per-
fuaded, that none will objeft to a meafure which is pregnant
yith the mpft happy cpnfequences.
Mr. DundaSi Aug. 2, 1784.
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