-'*. THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES THE BEAU T.I E S O F T H E BRITISH SENATE: TAKEN FROM THE DEBATES OF THE LORDS AND COMMONS, FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF SIR ROBERT WALPOLE, TO THE END OF THE S E C O N D . S E S S I O N OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE RIGHT HON. i WILLIAM PITT: BEING AN IMPARTIAL SELECTION OF, OR FAITHFUL EXTRACTS FROM, THE MOST EMINENT SPEECHES, DELIVERED IN TH$ COURSE OF A MOST^IMPORTANT AND TRULY INTERESTING PERIOD, OF MORE THAN FIFTY YEARS J SEVERALLY AR- RANGED UNDER THEIR RESPECTIVE HEADS, WITH TH* NAMES OF THB MEMBERS, TO WHOM T HE Y ARK ASC R1BEO, ANNEXED THERETO. THE LIFE OF SIR ROBERT WALPOLE. VOL. LONDON, PRINTED FOR JOHN STOCKDALE, OPPOSITE BURLING- TON-HOUSE, PICCADILLY. M DCC LXXXVI. ADVERTISEMENT. TH E extreme utility, as well as intrinfic merit of the following Work, is fo obvious, that the Edi- tor has little more to obferve, than that it will be found equally candid and impartial. While, however, he experiences every fatisfaclion in the confidence he has, that it will have its admirers for fome of the fineft reading to be met with, he fufters much in the fear he has, of being expofed to the cen- fure of others, who may probably think he has either neglefted them, or failed in the attempt he has made to do them juftice. In his defence, he thinks it neceffary to reprefent, that the Debates of Parliament, for the laft fifty years, were found to produce fo many beauties, that it would have been altogether impracticable, however defirous he might have been of doing it, to have felected them all, at lead, without running into a very ex- penfive and voluminous work indeed. He was, there- fore, under the painful neceflity of pafling by a number of beauties deferving notice, and could only make choice of thofe that were the moft ftriking; determin- ing, at the fame time, to give as much variety, and to include as many fpeakers as poffible. Notwithftanding thefe difficulties in the way of ren- dering that complete and general fatisfaclion he wifhed to afford, he trufts the Work will, neverrhelefs, be found worthy univerfal patronage and fupport. To the Public in general it will furnifh much ufeful and entertaining matter, while the Politician, and A 3 Member 1407663 vi ADVERTISEMENT. Member of Parliament in particular, will find it a fource of the moft neceffary information and inftruclion. It will be found to contain the Speeches of the firft Speakers that ever ornamented the Britifh Senate, and their opinions on the moft important and interefting topics. The -whole is fo arranged, as to exhibit, in one point of view, all the Eloquence, the Wit, or Satire, c. that has been in the Lords and Commons, from the Adini- niftration of SIR ROBERT WALPOLE, down to the pre- fent time, with the name of each Member annexed to tfie Beauty afcribed to him. Thofe Beauties that would, from the nature of them, admit of it, will be found fhort and concife j others more at large, either as meriting it from their excel- lence, or to prevent their being disjointed or unintelli- gible ; whilft fome are felefted entirely from the vaft mafs of matter they contain, or the great fund of know- ledge they poflefs. Upon the whole the Editor flatters himfelf, that the BEAUTIES of the BRITISH SENATE will prove particularly acceptable to thofe who have not the De- bates of Parliament, and ferve as a valuable companion to thofe who have ; nor be thought unworthy, either as an elegant or ufcful work, a place in the LIBRARY of every GENTLEMAN in the Britifli Empire. January 26, 1786. INDEX N D E X T O VOLUME THE FIRST. ADDRESS TO THE T-HRONE, Lord Frnham 5? Page i. Marquis of liockinghara 53 Hon. Temple Luttrell 54, 58 MR. Shippen i, 4 Sir VVm. Wvndham 3 Sir Jofeph Mawbey 50, 61 Mr. De Grey 64 Mr. William Puheney 4 Mr. Courtenay 64 Mr. Henry Fox 9 Mr. Burke 65 Watkin Williams Wynne, Lord North * 65 Eiq; 10 Earl of Chefterfield Earl of Carterej ii 12 ATTACK, Page 67. Mr. Pitt J6 Mr. Shippen 67 Mr. Sandvs 2 1 Sir William Wyndham 67 Hon. Edw'ard Ccke 27 C >li/nel Mordaunt 68 Mr. Pulteney 69 ANECDOTF, Pa^e 33 Sir Rob. Walpole $9, ^p, 71 Lord Gage 72 Mr. Sandys 33 Lord Limerick 72 Mr. Shippen 33 Maior Selwyn 5-6 Mr. Pulteney 34 Colonel Barrg 78 Mr, Lyrtelton Sir Thomas Aftoa 3 38 Lord George Gordon 82 Mr. Fox 82 Horace Walpole Lord Hervey 3 4 o 4 Earl Temple 83. Mr. Rieby 87 Lord Delavvar 4 o / **/ Lord Carteret 41, 42, 46 AMERICAN AFFAIRS, Duke of Argyle Lord Chancellor 43 43 Page 91, Earl of Chefterfield 44 Earl of Chatham 91 Mr. Pulteney 46 Mr. Wilkes 96 Robert Tracey, Efq; Mr. Hlitchefon 48 49 Earl Temple 99 D uke of Manchester i o i Hon. Edward Digby Colonel Conway Lord Clive 5 1 5 1 52 Mr. Burke 105 Governor Johnflone io5 Governor Pownall 10$ Hi, WiJke> M Sir Cecil Wray 109 A 4 A&MT, INDEX. ARMY, Page no. Mr. Pulteney 179, 18* Sir John Barnard 181 Mr. .Shippen - 110,116 Mr. Horatio Walpole 1 20 Earl of Aylesford 1 20 DEFENCE, Page 183. Earl of Straffbrd 123 DukeofArgyle 126,139 Lord Hervey 128 Mr. Shippen 1 3 1 Mr. Pulteney 137 Mr. Walter Plumer 138 Sir Rob. Walpole 183,184, 187 Mr. Pulteney 187 Right Hon. Henry Pelham 192 Lord Mansfield 194 General Burgoyne 195 Sir John Barnard 138 William Thornton, Efq; 140 Right Hon. Tho.Townfend 142 Lord North *97> *99 Mr. Hamilton 200, 207 Mr. Rofe 208 Major Scott 209 B R i B E R T, Page 144. Biihop of Bangor 144 E L o QJJ E N c E, Page 215. EarlofChefterfieid 150 Mr. William Pulteney 215 Lord Noel Somerfet 217 CIVIL LIST. Pace ici. Mr. William Pitt 221 * O J EarlofChefterfieid 223 Mr. Shippen 151 Earl of Halifax 224 Lord Carteret 157 Lord' Raymond 226 Dulce of Newcaflle 159 Earl of Sandwich 230 Sir Robert Walpol* 160 Mr.Wilkes 16^ Mr. Shippen 231 Sir Dudley Ryder 235 Mr. Dempfter 166 Lord Percival 241 Right Hon. Mr. Pelham 245 COMMENCE AND REVENUE, Mr. Pitt 249 Page 1 68. General Burgoyne 254 Mr. Fox 256, 259, 261 Sir Paul Methuen 168 Mr. Erfldne 292 Sir Robert Walpole 179 Mr. H. Dundas 299, 303 LIFE E O P SIR ROBERT WALPOLE. THE commencement of the Adminiftration of Sir Robert Walpole, having been judged a proper period for begin- ning the Beauties of the Britifti Senate, it may naturally be ex- peled that the work fhould be preceded by fome account of his life. Sir Robert Walpole, whofe political hiftory forms as im- portant an aera as any to be met with in the annals of the Bri- tifh empire, was born on the 6th of September, 1674, at Houghton, in Norfolk, and appears to have been educated on the foundation of Eton School. He was elefted to King's Col- lege, in Cambridge, and admitted in the year 1681 ; but fuc- ceeding to the family eftate by the death of his elder brother, he refigned his Fellowfhip. This great political character firft took his feat in the Hbufe of Commons in the year 1700, for King's Lynn, which Bo* rough he reprefented in feveral fucceeding Parliaments ; and in the year 1705 he had the honour of being nominated one of the Council to Prince George of Denmark, Lord High Admiral of England. In 1707 he was appointed Secretary at War, and in 1709 was made Treafurer to the Navy. In the year following, however, upon a change of the Miniftry, he was removed from all his pofts, and continued out of gffice during the whole of the Queen's reign. In the year 1711, he was voted by the Houfe of Commons guilty of an high breach of truft, and notorious corruption in his x LIFE OF SIR ROBERT WALPOLE. his office of Secretary at War ; and it was refolved, that he {hould be committed to the Tower, and expelled the Houfe. Upon a cool and difpafiionate review of this affair, it has not been thought that there was fufficient proof to juftify the feve- rity ufed towards him ; and, perhaps, his attachment to the Marlborough Miniftry, and his great influence in the Houfe, owing to his popular eloquence, were the true caufes of his cenfure and imprifonment, as they had been before of his ad- vancement. All the Whigs, however, on this occafion, con- fidcred him as a kind of martyr in their caufe. He was re-elected for the borough of Lynn, and though the Houfe declared his election void, yet they perfifted in the choice. On the death of the Queen a revolution of politics took place, and the Whig Party prevailed both at Court and in the Senate, and in a few days Sir Robert Walpole was appointed Receiver and Paymafter General of all the Guards and Garrifons, and likewife a Privy Counfellor. Thefe promotions, it is probable, he owed to his having recommended himfelf to the Houfe of Hanover, by his zeal for its caufe, when the Commons confi- dered the ftate of the nation with regard to the Proteftant fuc- ceffion, and the aflurance he procured of the Houfe to the new King, upon its Addrefs of condolence and congratulation, " Thflt the Commons would make good all Parliamentary funds." On the opening of a new Parliament, a Committee of Sp- crefy was chofen, to enquire into the conduct of the late Mi- niftry, of which Sir Robert Walpole was the Chairman ; and, by his management, articles of impeachment were read againft the Earl of Oxford, Lord Bolingbroke, the Duke of Ormond, and the Earl of Strafford. The eminent fervice he was thought to have done the Crown and the nation, by the vigorous pro- fecution of thofe Ministers, who were deemed the chief inftru- ments of the Peace, was foon rewarded by the extraordinary promotions of Firft Commifiioner of the Treafury, and Chan- cellor and Under Treafurer of the Exchequer. LIFE OF SIR ROBERT WALPOLE. xi In two years time, a mifunderftanding appeared amongft his Majefty's fervants, and it became evident, that the intereft of Secretary Stanhope and his adherents, began to outweigh that of the Exchequer, and that Sir Robert Walpole's power was vifibly on the decline. King George had purchafed of the King of Denmark the duchies of Bremen and Verden, which hisDa- niih. Majefty had gained by conqueft from Charles XII. of Sweden. The Swedifh Hero, enraged to fee his dominions publicly fet to fale, conceived a refentment againft the pur- chafer, and formed a defign to gratify his revenge on the elec- torate of Hanover. Upon a meflage, fent to the Houfe of Commons by the King, Secretary Stanhope moved for a fupply, to enable his Majefty to concert fuch meafures with foreign Princes and States, as might prevent any change or apprehen- fions from the defigns of Sweden for the future. This occa- fioned a warm debate, in which it is to be remarked, that Wai- pole kept a profound filence. The Country-party infifted, that fuch a proceeding was contrary to the Ad"l of Settlement. They infinuated, that the peace of the empire was only a pretence, but that the fecurity of the new acquifitions was the real object of this unprecedented fupply, and they took occafion to obferve too, that his Majcfty's own Minifters feemed to be divided. But Walpole thought proper on this furmife to fpeak in favour of the fupply, which was carried by a majority of four voices only. In a day or two he refigned all his places to the King. Va- rious have been tWe motives faid to have induced Sir Robert Walpole to take this ftep. If the true caufe, however, of his defection from the Court had been his difapprobation of the meafures then purfuing, his conduct muft be acknowledged to have been, in this inftance, truly noble and praife-worthy. But they who confider the intrigues of party, and that he fpoke in favour of thofe meafures, will find little room to fuppofe, that his refignation proceeded from any attachment to liberty or IQVC of his country* He refigned, moll probably, with a View of being rcftsred with greater power ; and ;ht number of his friends, who xii LIFE OF SIR ROBERT WALPOLE. who accompanied him in his refignation, prove it to have been, 'oaO: to have very much the appearance, of its having been , fa-f^icus movement. ;!-e day of his resignation he brought in the Sinking Fund Bill, which he prefented as a country Gentleman, and which, he faid, he hoped would not fare the worfe for having two fa- thers, and that his fucceffor (Mr. Stanhope) would bring it to perfection. His being called the father of a project, which hath fince been employed fo often to other purpofes than were at firft declared, gave -his enemies frequent opportunities for fatire and ridicule ; and it hath been farcaftically obferved, that the father of this fund appeared in a very bad light, when viewed in the capacity of a nurfe. In the courfe of the debates on, this Bill, a very {harp conteil took place between Walpole and Stanhope. On fome fevere reflections thrown upon him, the former loft his ufual ferenity of temper, and replied with great warmth and impetuofity. The acrimony on both fides produced very unbecoming expreflions, the betraying of private converfation, and the revealing a piece of fecret hiftory, viz. " The fiandalous pratlice of felling places and reverfions^ which occafioned a Member to fay on the occa- fion " I am forry to fee thefe two great men fall foul of one " another : however, in my opinion, we muft frill look on " them as patriots and fathers of their country : and fince they " have by mifchance difcovered their nakednefs, we ought, ac- " cording to the cuflom, to cover it, by turning our backs * c upon it." Sir Robert Walpole, in the next Sefllon of Parliament, op- pofpd the Miniftry in every thing, and even exceeded Wynd- ham or Shippen in patriotifm. Upon a motion in the Houfe for continuing the army, he made a fpeech of above an hour long, and pointed out the danger of a {landing army in a free country, with all the powers of eloquence. Early in 1720, the rigour of the Patriot bejran to foften, and the ccmphiiance of the Courtier to appear, and he was again appointed Paymafter of LIFE OF SIR ROBERT WALPOLE. xiii of the Forces, and feveral of his friends were found foon after in the lift of promotions. No doubt now remained of his en- tire converfion to Court meafures ; for before the end of the year, we find hiai pleading as ftrongly for the forces required by the War-office, as he had before declared agair.ft them, even though at this time the fame pretences for keeping them on foot did not cxift. He \vas foon after again appointed Firft Lord of the Trca- fury, and Chancellor of the Exchequer ; and when the King went abroad in 1723, he was nominated one of the Lords Juf- tices for the Adminiftration of Government, and was fworn fole Secretary of State. About this time he received another diftinguifhed mark of the Royal favour ; his eldeft fon, then on his travels, being created a Peer, by the title of Baron Wai- pole, of Walpole. In 1725 he was made Knight of the Bath, and the year after Knight of the Garter. Sir Robert Walpole, however, refigned all his places on the j 8th of February, in the year 1741, after having been Firft Lord of the Treafury, and Under Treafurer of the Exchequer, ever fmce the 4th of April, 1721, a courfe of nearly twenty years. He had fuccccdcd the Earl of Sunderland in the former fituation, and Mr. Aiflabie in the latter. Three days after his jefignation, his Majefty was pleafed to create him Earl of Orford, Vifcount Walpole, and Baron of Houghton, and to allow him, a pen fion of 4000!. though upon his removal, and the altera- tions made in the Miniftry, there were public rejoicings in Lon- don and Weftminfter; but pofterity will be the bed Judges of the advantages the nation derived from the change. The meafures of his Adminifl ration, during the long time He remained prime, or rather/0/* Minifter, have been often can- vafled with all the feverity of critical inquiry. It is difficult to tliicern the truth through the exaggerations and mifreprefenta- tions of party; and it muft be left to the impartial Hiftorian to fet it in a proper light. The Reader need not be informed, that he was long called " The Father of Corruption," though, perhaps, 2 xiv LIFE OF SIR ROBERT WALPOLE. perhaps, he had only been an improver of it ; but notwithftand- ing this, and that he boafted that he knew every man's price, he found himfelf, at length, unable any longer to procure a ma- jority in the Houfe of Commons. There is an inftinctive propenfity in mankind to think' reve- rently of the myfteries of Government ; and a perfon who is able, in whatever manner, to prefide over the affairs of a nation for a confiderable period, is infallibly exalted into a great man. In purfuance of this propenfity, we have heard much of the abi- lities of Sir Robert Walpole. He had a great fluency and rea- dinefs of language j and though what he .uttered was neither nervous nor elegant, yet it had its weight with thofe, who eftimate the value of a fpeech by its length, and think him the beft Orator, who can harangue upon all occafions without hefi- tation. He was well (killed in parliamentary bufinefs, and pof- fefled a certain eafmefs of foul, and calloufnefs of fenfation, which made him proof againft all attacks, and raifed him fupe- rior to every embarrafTment. By an unwearied attention to figures and calculations, he had acquired a knowledge of the fubject of finance, which his fyftem of Government did not always allow him to turn to the greateft advantage. That fyf- tem was founded on the narroweft and moft deteftable princi- ples. As he had never known what it was to be concerned in a popular Adminiftration, he was acquainted with no means of preferving his power but that of corruption. The maxim which he purfued and avowed is well known. He ridiculed the very ideas of parriotifm and public fpirit, thought felf- inter eft the wifeft principle by which a man could be actuated, and bribery the moft elevated and comprehenfive fyftem that ever entered into the human mind. After this, it is but fair to add, that in the well-known debate relating to Steele^ for publifhing the " Crifis" he greatly diftin- guifhed himfelf in behalf of liberty ; and the Scbtfm Bill foon after gave him a fine opportunity of exerting his powers, and appearing LIFE OF SIR ROBERT WALPOLE. xv appearing in the character of the champion of civil and religious liberty. But whatever objections his minifterial conduct may be lia- ble to, in his private character, he is univerfally allowed to have poflefied very amiable and benevolent qualities. That he was a tender parent, a kind matter, a beneficent patron, a firm friend, an agreeable companion, are points that have feldom been difputed him ; and POPE, who was no friend to Courts and Courtiers, hath paid him gratis, an handfomer compliment on the laft of thefe heads, than any liberality could ever pur- chafe. In anfwer to his friend, who perfuades him to go and ice Sir Robert, he fays " Seen him I have, but in his happier hour, " Of focial pleafure ill-exchahg'd for power ; * c Seen him, uncuniber'd with the venal tribe, " Smile without art, and win without a bribe." No Minifter, perhaps, ever diftinguifhed himfelf more by hit writing than Sir Robert Walpole. About the end of Queen Anne's reign, and the beginning of George the Firft, he wrote the following pamphlets. i. " The Sovereign's Anfwer to the Gloucefterfhire Addrefs." The Sovereign meant Charles Duke of Somerfet, ib nick-named by the Whigs. 2. " An- fwer to the Reprefentation of the Lords on the State of the Navy." 3. The Debts of the Nation ftated and confidered in four pages, 1710." 4. " The thirty-five millions accounted for, 1710." 5. " A Letter from a Foreign Minifter in Eng land to Mofieur Pittecum, 1710." 6. ." Four Letters to a Friend in Scotland upon Sacheverell's Trial." 7. " A Short Hiftory of the Parliament." 8. " The South-Sea Scheme confidered." 9. A Pamphlet againft the Peerage Bill, 1719." 10. " The Report of the Secret Committee, June 9, 1715." Upon the whole, the firft remarkable concuflion that the Go- vernment of Walpole occafioned in the minds of the governed, xvi LIFE OF SIR ROBERT WALPOLE. was owing to a fcheme he had formed for extending the Laws of Excife, by which, under fpecious pretences, he hoped to (well the number of dependents, and add to the means of cor- ruption. But what filled up the meafure of his unpopularity, was his inglorious fyftem with relation to foreign affairs. As he was the Minifter of the King, and not the Man of the People, he had long facrificed the interefts, and lavifhed the treafures of Great-Britain, in fubferviency to a fyftem of continental mea- fures, to which his Mafter was invincibly attached. After his refignation, Sir Robert Walpole fpent the remainder of his life in tranquillity and retirement, and died in the year 1745, in the yift year of his age. BEAU- BEAUTIES O F T H E BRITISH SENATE, ADDRESS TO THE THRONE. I Rife not only to offer my fentiments againft the terms of the Addrefs propofed, but likevvife to make a Motion. It has, Sir, upon fuch an occafion, been the ancient cuftom of this Houfe, to prefent an Addrefs of Thanks to his Majefty, for his moft gracious Speech from the Throne, but fuch Addrefies were in former days always in general terms ; there were in them no flattering paragraphs, no long compliments made to the Throne, for tranfations and fuccefies which had never been laid before the Houfe, and of which, by a neceflary con- fequence, the Houfe muft have been fuppofed to have been en- tirely ignorant : it is true, Sir, we have of late years, fallen into a cuftom of complimenting the Throne upon every fuch occafion with long Addreifcs j and this cuftom has been followed fo long, that I am afraid it may at laft become a Vote of courfe, to vote an Addrefs to his Majefty, in fuch terms as fhall be concerted by thofe very men, whofe meafures are approved of by the compliment made to the Throne. I confefs, Sir, that I am fo little of a courtier, that I cannot return thanks for what I know nothing of j nor can I applaud before I know a VOL. I. B rcafon a BEAUTIES OF THE reafon for fuch applaufe. I am not at all againft an Addrefs of Thanks in the ancient ufual ftyle : but tho' I mould happen to be finale and alone in my oppofition, which I hope I mall not, yet I am refolved to oppofe addreffing in thofe terms ; for, if it were for no other reafon than this, that fuch a Motion may not ftand upon the Journals of the Houfe, as agreed to nem. con. for if not taken notice of in time y fuch humble Addrefles to the Throne may at laft come to pafs as matters of courfe, and ke as Jittle regarded or oppofed, as feme affairs now are, which at firft ftood a long con-teft before they could be introduced. It is no new thing in me to oppofe fuch Addrefles ; I always have oppofed them ; and though I do not thereby appear to be a good courtier, yet k mews that I have fome refpeft for the honour and dignity of this Houfe : befides, when fuch Addrefles have been propofed, it has been promifed, and we have been aflured, that no advantage {hould afterwards be taken of any words contained in any complimentary part of fuch Addrefs: but every Member in this Houfe knows, that when the Houfe had an opportunity of examining things more particularly, and Debates enfued thereupon, they have been told, that they could pot cenfure any of the paft tranfacYtons, becaufe they had ap- proved of them all by their Addrefs of Thanks to his Majefry for his moft gracious Speech from the Throne. I hope, for the fake of my country, that all things are well ; that our affairs both at home and abroad are in that profperous condition in which they have been reprefentcd to us ; but as we cannot yet judge from the effe&s, and as the treaties, from which this great profperity and lafting tranquillity is to arife, have not yet been hid before us, I cannot but look upon it as an anticipation of the Refolutions of this Houfe, to thank his Majefty for thofe Treaties, which we have not as yet had an opportunity either to perufe or confsdcr j and therefore I move, that the firft part only of the Motion already made mould ftand, and that all the ether complimentary paragraphs mould be left out. , Jan. 13, 1732. I CAN- BRITISH SENATE. 3 I CANNOT agree to the terms for addrefling his Majefty, be- caufe though every thing may now be well fettled upon a folid and Lifting foundation, yet I cannot think that our conduct has in every refpe& been right ; or that the intercft of this nation has been, by his Majefty's Minifters, principally and fteadily purfued. At one time we were frightened out of our wits with apprehenfions that the Pretender was to be put upon us, and that without any rettfon, for all that I have yet feen or heard upon the fubjecl:. Then Don Carlos was made fuch a giant of, that he, that Infant, was to fwallow up and deftroy all the powers of Europe ; and at that time we fued to France for an alliance, and befought their afiiftance, by which we put it in their power to commence a war whenever they pleafed : and if they had not been more taken up with whims and difputes about religion, than any wife nation ought to be, they would certainly have involved us in a war, in conjunction with them, and thereby would have made us aflift them in recovering all that they had loft in the two laft wars, the taking of which from them had caft us fo much blood and treafure. Seme time after we (hook off all fears of the Pretender, Don Carlos was again diminifhed to an ordinary fize, and then we began to bully France as much as we had courted it before : fuch conduct cannot appear to me to be right, at leaft it does not appear to be fteady and uniform. Upon the other hand, it muft be faid of the Imperial Court, that they have adted with fteadinefs and prudence ; they have properly adhered to the natural interefts of their native country, and have fteadily purfued the plan they had in view, through Isll the different lhapes in which the affairs of Europe have been put within thefe few years ; and by this firmnefs and refohmon they have at laft brought us to their own terms, and have accomplifhed their defigns, notwithstanding the conjunction and alliance of ib many formidable powers agsinft them : whereas we have been obliged, in fome manner, to comply with the demands of almoit every power we have treated with ; and if by fuch means we B 2 have 4. BEAUTIES OF THE have at laft got oft" by any tolerable conditions, it muft that we have been like a man in a room, who wants to get out, and though the door be opeo, and a clear way to it, yet he ftalks round the room, breaks his (bins over a ftool, tumbles over a chair, and at laft, rumbling over everything in his way, by chance finds the door and gets out, after abundance of need- lefs trouble and unnecefTary danger. Sir William Ifyndkam, Jan. 13, 1732. I HAVE always been againft longAddrefTes; I am ready enough to agree to an Addrefs of Thanks to his Majefty for his moft gracious fpeech from the Throne ; but fuch Addrefs ought to be in the moft concife terms, and the moft general words : this was the antient ufage of Parliament, and I find but few of our old cuftoms that are altered for the better : however, if we muft go on with the cuftom of making long-winded AddrcfTes, I think we ought to take fome notice of the fpirit that is at prefent amongft the people. It is very certain, that there are great fears, jealoufies, and fufpicion?, outdoors; that fomethino: is to be attempted this Seffion of Parliament, which is generally thought to be deftrudtive to rtie liberties, and to the trade of this nation. There is at prefent a moft general and remark- able fpirit amongft the people, for protecting and defending their liberties and their trade, in oppofition to thofe attempts which they expect are to be made againft both. Mr. Shippen t Jan. 16, 1733. As this is a new Parliament, I hope we fhall begin with (hewing a little more regard to the ancient cuftom and dignity of Parliaments, than has been fhewn of late years. In former times, the Addrefles of this Houfe, in return to his Majefty's Speech from the Throne, were always conceived in the moft general terms. Our ance^ors would never condefcend upon that cccafion, to enter into the particulars of his Majefty's Speech : when they were to approach the King, and to declare their BRITISH SENATE. 5 their affection and their fidelity to him, they thought it was inconfiftent with that fidelity they were to declare, to approve, upon that occafion, of any minifterial meafures, and much more fo, to declare their lati^faction with meafures they knew nothing about. This Houfe is the grand inqueft of the na- tion, appointed to inquire diligently, and to reprefent faith- fully to the King, all the grievances of his people, and all the crimes and mifmanagement of his fervants ; and therefore it muft always be a breach of our fidelity to our Sovereign, as well as a breach of our duty to the people, to approve blindly the conduct of his fervants. When we have examined dili- gently, and confidercd deliberately the conduct of any Minifter, and are at laft fully convinced that he has acted prudently and wifely for the public good, it is then our duty to return him the thanks of the public, and to reprefent him as a faithful Minifter to his Mafter j but to make panegyrics upon the con- duct of any of the King's fervants, before we have examined into it, is more like the language of flavcs and fycophants to a Prime Minifter, than that of loyal and faithful fubjects to their Sovereign. I muft acknowledge, Sir, that the Motion now made for addrefling his Majefty is more general, and more adapted to the ancient cuftom of Parliament, than moft I have heard fince I have had the honour to be a Member of this Houfe. I hope we fhall not find that this extraordinary modefty proceeds from a confcioufnefs of mifconduct. For the fake of the public, I heartily wifh we may find that it proceeds from fuperior merit ; which is, indeed, generally attended with fuperior modefty : but as I have always been, upon fuch occafions, againft general encomiums upon Minifters, and as the propofitiou now before us, or at leaft a great part of it, implies a general approbation of all our late meafures, particularly thofe relating to the pre- fent war, which the majority of this Houfe are, in my opinion, entirely ignorant of, I cannot agree to it ; becaufe I have not yet learned complaifance enough to approve of what I know B 3 nothing BEAUTIES or THE nothing about, much lefs to approve of what I fufpcct to be violently wrong. I had the honour, Sir, to be a Member of this Houfe, in the laft Parliament, and I remember feveral Motions were then made, for getting fome infight into the (late of our foreign affairs, and our late tranfaclions : Motions which appeared to me highly reafonable, and even abfolutely necefiary to be com- plied with, before the Houfe could reafonably comply with the demands that were then made upon them: but every one of thefe Motions had a negative put upon them. I have always had a fufpicion of the works of darknefs ; I do not like any conduct that cannot {land the light at noon-day ; and therefore I am afraid, fome of our late tranfadlions are fuch as no man could approve of, if they were expofed to public view. We have long been amufed, with hopes of fome extraordinary bene- fits that were to accrue to the nation from our many tedious and expenfive negotiations : we have been long in expectation j but when one negotiation was over, we have been always told, to have patience, the next was to accomplifh all our defires ; we accordingly have had a great deal of patience, but, fo far, as I apprehend, I can obferve no benefits that have accrued, or are like to accrue j but on the contrary, many dangers and dif- advantages : fo that the whole train of our late negotiations really feem to me, to be calculated for no other end, but to ex- tricate a fet of puzzled, perplexed negotiators, from fome former blunder, by which they have generally been led into a fecond of worfe confequence than the firft : every fubfequent negoti- ation feems to me to have had no other view or defign, but to get rid of fome dilemma we were thrown into by the former; and happy have we thought ourfelves, after a great deal of money fpent, if we could but recover our former condition. In fliorr, Sir, if any Gentleman will rife up and faew me any addition, or any new advantage, with refpecl: either to our trade or our poficflions, that this nation has acquired by any of our late tranfaction?, I fhall agree to the Motion : but con- fidering BRITISH SENATE. 1 ftdermg the great cxpence the nation has been put to, and the great lofles many of our merchants have, without any redrefs or fatisfaction fuftained, I cannot agree to pafs compliments upon, or declare my fatisfaction with, ojir late management in general, till it be made appear to me, that thefe public and private loffes, have been fome way balanced by national ad- vantages. The fccond paragraph of the Motion I am, indeed, furprifed at upon another account, to make our acknowledgments to his Majefty, for not involving the nation too precipitately in a bloody war, is, in my opinion, very far from being a compli- ment to his Majefty j it is impoffible, it is not to be prefumed that his Majefty can do any fuch thing : but if it were poffible, and if any fuch thing had been done, to be fure it would have been doing the nation a very notable mifchief; and according to the idiom of our language, at leaft in private life, to thank a man, or to make our acknowledgments to a man, for his not doing us a notable mifchief, is a contemptuous way of ex- preffing ourfelves, and is always an infinuation, that from fuch a man's malice, or his weaknefs, or imprudence, we expected fome notable mifchief; and therefore when we are difappointed, when the mifchief is not fo great as we expected, we fay, by way of contempt, that we are obliged to him. If none but Minifters were concerned in this part of the Motion, I {hould have let it pafs without any remark, nay, I fhould readily have agreed to it ; but as his Majefty is concerned, I hope the Gen- tlemen who made the Motion will take care to have it fome way altered, if they are refolved to have it ftand part of the Addrefs. This {hews, Sir, how apt people are to fall into blunders, when they attempt to make extravagant or forced compliments j and therefore I wifti we would avoid fuch dangers, by confining our Addrefs to a general acknowledgment of Thanks to his Majefty, for his moft gracious Speech from the Throne, and a declaration of our affections towards him, of our attachment to his family, and our zeal for his fervice. B 4 However, 8 BEAUTIES OFTHE However, Sir, as it has been granted on all hands, that no- thing contained in our Addrefs can prevent the future inquiries of this Houfe, or can be a bar to our cenfuring what we (hall* upon inquiry, find to be amifs, therefore I fhall propofe no Amendment to the former part of the Motion : but I muft take notice of one thing which is apparent, without any inquiry, to every man in this Houfe, to every man who knows any thing of public affairs, and that is, the great charge this nation has already been put to on account of the war, while the other powers of Europe, not yet engaged in the war, have not put themfclves to one {billing expence : nay, even our allies, the Dutch, who, as his Majefty has been pleafed to tell us, are under the fame engagements with us, have not put themfelves to the leaft charge on account of the prefent war. Now, Sir, as his Majefty has told us, that we had no concern with the caufes or motives of the war, we cannot, therefore, be in- volved in it, unlefs it be for the prefervation cf the balance of power : and as all our allies are as much interefted in this refpecT: as we are, it is reafonable they (hoiald bear their pro- portionable (hare of the expence : and as they have yet done nothing like it, I think it is become necefiary for us to take fome notice of this matter in our Addrefs to his Majefty ; for which reafon, I (hall move this Amendment to the latter part of the Addrefs, viz. *^ That this Houfe will cheerfully and effectually raife fuch fupplies, as (hall be neceffary for the " honour and fecurity of his Msjcfty and his kingdoms ; and' *' in proportion to the expcnces to be incurred by the other powers " who were under the fame engagements with this nation, and " not then involved in the war : and whatever (hall be the fuccefs * 6 of his Majefty's gracious endeavours to procure the blefilngs of peace and general tranquillity, will enable his Majefty to " act that part, which honour and juftice, and the true intereft " of his people (hall call upon him to undertake." Mr. William Pulter.cy^ Jan. 27, 1735. IT BRITISH SENATE. 9 IT has always been the cuftom of this Houfe, at the beginning of every Seflion of Parliament, to return his Majefty our Thanks for his Speech from the Throne ; but the fevere ftroke, which not only his Majefty and the Royal Family, but ail the nation have received fmce our laft meeting, in the death of the Queen, requires, that on this occafion our Thanks to his Majefty, for his moft gracious aflurance?, fhould be attended with our condolence for his inexpreflible lofs. A lofs, Sir, which, I flatter myfelf, I read in the eyes of every Gentleman who hears me, and which muft be regretted by every fubjedl in the kingdom, who retains in his brealt one fpark of loyalty and gratitude. Gentlemen cannot mifs to obferve, that if his Majefty has expreflcd himfelf with more brevity than ufual, it is owing to the remembrance of a Princefs *, who endeared herfelf in every relation of life, either as a confort, a mother, or a Queen. And though her death, Sir, is an afflicting difpenfation to all the na- tion, yet we cannot fuppofe, that any of us can feel it fo deeply as the royal breaft ; which, while fhe was alive, (he fo much cafed of the toils of government by her counfels, which never had any other tendency than to promote his honour, by pro- moting the happinefs of the people. Of this, Sir, we had many late inftanccs, efpecially when the fovereign power, in the ab- fence of her royal confort, was delegated into her hands. On that occafion, Sir, we may all remember with what moderation Ihe governed, with what cheerfulnefs (he rewarded, and with what reluctance fhe punifticd ; though the prudence of her meafures rendered the exercife of this laft and moft ungrateful branch of the royal prerogative but fcldom neceflary. Therefore, Sir, however fome amongft us may differ in particular views and intcrcfts, I hope we fhall unite in paying a debt of gratitude to the memory of the beft of Princefles, as well as of duty to the beft of Kings. Henry Fox, Efq; Jan. 24, 1738. * The confort of George the Second. As io BEAUTIES or THE As fpceches from the Throne have been taken for the fcnfe of the Miniirry, too lavifh Addrefies from this Houfe have been regarded rather as incenfe to the Minifter, than a juft acknow- ledgment to the Sovereign. But, Sir, I hope we lhall always look upon ourfelves as the truftees of the people, and endeavour to fpeak their fenfe in our Addrefles, as well as a& for their in- terefts in our proceedings. Though the expr;flion, Sir, pro, pofed to be iuferted in this Addrefs, that we will carefully ai'sii all heats and animofities^ is, to be fure, a very proper part of a Rc- folution of this nature, and what I am perfuaded every Gentle- man wijl willingly agree to ; yet there have been inftances, Sir, when from as well-guarded expreflions Minifters have taken occafion to attempt the fubverfion of that liberty of de- bate, and freedom of fpeech, which ought to diftinguifh the Re- prcfentativcs of a free people. Amongft fuch a people, Sir, an oppofition always muft, and, perhaps, it is their happinefs that it does exift. And, Sir, though it is to be wifhed that heats and animofities were banifhed from all oppofition, yet, I am afraid, while men have different paffions, different interefts, and different views, this can fcarcely be effected. The granting ncceffary fupplies for the current year, Sir, is what feems very reafonable and indifpenfible in a Houfe of Com- mons: but, Sir, I believe there are inftances when, in former reigns, the Commons have refufed to grant a {hilling fur the fervices of the current year, till they were fure the money granted for the fervices of the preceding had been properly ap- plied. Befldes, Sir, the true old parliamentary method of pro- ceeding, was not immediately to grant a Vote of Addrefs for every thing the Minifter had done during the intermediate time, right or wrong, but to appoint a day for examining the griev- ances of the nation ; and redrefs of thefe, was always infifted on before any fupplies were granted. No Houfe of Commons ever had greater reafen than we have to be frugal of the public money, and to inquire in what manner it has been applied. We have already granted to his Majefty BRITISH SENATE, u Majefty Turns fufficient to have enabled his Majefty to have put the nation in fuch a fituation, that (he might have nothing to fear from any enemies, either at home or abroad ; and, con- fequently, to have diminished the taxes, and eafed the people of fome part of the unfupportable load of debt they now lie under. .If, upon inquiry, k {hall appear that they have adcd in this manner ; if it fhall appear that the people have fo much as a profpeft of relief from their prefent prefTures, I (hall think the fums we have already granted, not only well beftowed, but fhall concur in any Motion that may be made, for our granting the like in time to come : but, Sir, notwithftanding the fums we have already granted, if the public debt, inftead of being dimi- nifhed, is daily increafmg ; if it fhall appear that any part of i* has been applied in promoting the arts of corruption and be- traying the nation, I think it is our duty to put a flop to any fuch grants in future. In the mean time, Sir, I am as forward as any Gentleman here, that we fhould condole on the irrepa- jable lofs of our late Queen; and that we teftify our refolution of lofmg no opportunity of fhowing our zeal for the fupport of his government, and the prefervation of our excellent con- ftitution ; nay, of our going the greateft lengths in fecuring the Crown to his Majefty's perfon and family. But, Sir, give me, leave to fay, that the readieft way to make thefe engagements good, is by referving to ourfelves a right for inquiry into any application that may have been made of the public money and; credit; and, by determining, let the world fee, that we are re - folved to do as much as lies in our power for making his Ma-. jcfty the Sovereign of a great, a happy, and an uncorrupted people. Watkln jyiUiams-Jfynnc, Jan. 24, 1738. I KNOW, my Lords, it has been of late years a cuftom, to make the Addrefs of this Houfe a fort of echo to his Majefty's Speech from the Throne ; and as echoes never fail to repeat the }aft words of a fentence, fo, it feems, we muft never fail echoing back ,2 BEAUTIES OFTHE back the laft paragraph of his Majefty's Speech. This, I fay, has been a cuflom of this Houfe for fome years paft ; but I can- not think, that a religious obfervance of this cuftom is either confident with the character we ought to preferve, or neceffary for our {hewing our refpec"l to our Sovereign. Earl of Cbejlerfeld, Oti. 23, 1 739 . MY Lords, I have a Motion to make to your Lordfhips, which, as a friend to our prefent happy eftablifhment, as a friend to his moft gracious Majefty now upon the Throne, as a friend to my "country, and as a Member of this Houfe, I think I am in duty bound to make ; but as it is a Motion of an extraordinary, though not an unprecedented nature, I muft firft beg leave to fhow you my reafons for making it; and I hope to fho\v fuch reafons, as will induce every Lord of this Houfe to think, that it is now abfolutely necefTary to comply with it. My Lords, it is the duty of Parliament, and efpccially of this Houfe, to give our Sovereign the mofr. fmccre advice, not only when it is afked, but often when it is not defired by the Crown. As Members of this Houfe, we are in duty bound to have a watchful eye over the public meafures his Majefty is advifed to purfue, and over the chief Minifters he is plcafed to employ in the adminiftration of public affairs ; and when we are of opinion, that the meafures he is advifed to purfue are wrong, or that the Minifters he is pleafed to employ are weak or wicked, it is our duty and our bufmefs, while we fit here, to warn our Sovereign of his dangei*, and to remove weak or Wicked Counfellors from about his Throne. As to the parlia- mentary methods of removing a Minifter, I need not acquaint your Lordfhips that they are of feveral kinds, and that all but one tend to punifh as well as remove. When we proceed by impeachment, by bill of attainder, or bill of pains and penalties, the defign is to punifh as well as remove : but there is another way of proceeding in parliament, which tends only to remove the Minifter from the King's Councils, without inflicting any real BRITISH SENATE. 13 real puniftiment upon him ; and that is, by an humble Addrefs to our Sovereign, that he would be gracioufly pleafed to remove fuch a one from his Councils. I therefore move your Lord- (hips, " Whether an humble Addrefs fhould be prefented to his Majefty, that he would be gracioufly pleafed to remove the Right Honourable Sir Robert IValpole^ Knight of the Moft Noble Order of the Garter, Firft Commiflioner for executing the office of Treafurer of the Exchequer, Chancellor and Under-Trea- furer of the Exchequer, and one of his Majefty's Moft Ho- nourable Privy Council, from his Majefty's prefence and coun- cils for ever : " I believe, my Lords, it will not be queftioned, that either Houfe of Parliament may offer fuch advice to the Crown, by way of humble Addrefs ; I believe it will not be faid, that it is unufual, or unprecedented j and therefore I fhall not trouble your Lordfhips with calling to your remembrance, any of the precedents that may be found in the Journals of Parliament. I {hall only take notice of the difference between the methods of proceeding by Impeachment, by Bill of Attainder, or Bill of Pains and Penalties ; and this method of proceeding, by way of humble Addrefs to the Crown. When we proceed by way of Impeachment, by Bill of Attainder, or by Bill of Pains and Pe- nalties, fome particular criminal tefts muft be alledged, and there muft be fome fort of proofs of thcfe facls. But when we proceed by way of Addrefs to the King, that he would be gra- cioufly pleafed to remove fuch a Minifter from his Councils, a general view of'that Minifter's conduct, a general view of pub- lic affairs, may afford juft caufe for fuch an Addrefs, and com- mon fame is a fufficient proof; for when no particular fact is infifted on, it is impoflible to bring any particular proof. This, my Lords, is the difference ; and the reafon of this difference is very plain. When a man is to be punifhed, either in his perfon, his freedom, or eilatc, ibme crime or criminal neglect, ought to be not only alledged, but proved by a legal proof, or by ftrong preemptions : but as his not being employed in the King's Councils 14 BEAUTIES OF THE Councils neither affects his pcrfon, his freedom, nor his cftatc, therefore weaknefs alone, or a general bad character, may be a good caufe for removing him. A weak man is certainly, in any country, very unfit for being in the King's Councils ; and, in a popular government, a man who has incurred the general odium of the people, ought not to be continued in the King's Councils ; becaufe the unpopularity of the Minifter may, at leaft, affeft the Throne itieU, and render the people difaffeted to their Sovereign. I muft, therefore, defire your Lordfhips to take particular care to diftinguifli between the method of proceeding againft a Minifter by Impeachment, by Bill of Attainder, a Bill of Pains 2nd Penalties, and the method of proceeding againft a Minifter by Addrefs only ; becaufe, if you do not take care to fix this- diftinction in your minds, you may expect from me what I do not intend to give, and what the nature of the motion I have made, fenders it not only unneceflary, but unfit for me to give. I am to move only for an humble Addrefs to his Majcfty, that he would be gracioufly plcafed to remove a, Minifter, I may fay, the Miniftcr, from his Councils ; and therefore, it is both un- jieceflary and unfit for me, to charge that Minifter with any particular crime, or to acquaint your Lordfhips that I have, or I am ready to produce particular proofs againft him : if this vrere my intention, I fliould think it below my dignity, as a Member of this Houfe, to content myfelf with moving for an bumble Addrefs; I fhould think it incumbent upon me directly to impeach, let the confequence be what it would. Therefore your Lordmips are not to expect, that 1 am to accufe any Mini- fter of a particular crime, or that I am to tell you, that I am ready to bring proofs of what I alledge againft him. If I can (hew, that the affairs of Europe have been brought into the unlucky fituation in which they are at prefent, by the conduct of this nation ; or if I can fhew, that the diftrefled condition in which our people now are, is wholly owing to our own conduct; either of thefc will be an argument that muft, that ought at i leaft, BRITISH SENATE. ~ 5 Icaft, to prevail with every Lord who is convinced, that this Minifter has been the principal, if not the fole advifer of that conduct. If the people be generally diflatisfied with the con- duel of our public affairs, and if that general diflatisfaction be wholly directed againft any one man now in adminiftration,as our government is ft ill, I hope, a popular government, it is a fuffi- cient caufe for this Houfe to let his Majefty know the character of his Minifter, by an Addrefs to remove him from his Councils. If there be any one of his Majefty's Minifters that has ufurped, or that even is generally thought to have ufurped the fole power of dire6ting all public affairs, and recommending to all public pofts, honours, and employments, it is our duty, at leaft, to addrefs his Majefty to remove fuch a Minifter, becaufe fuch a one is inconfiftent with the conftitution of our government. Upon this queftion, my Lords, it fignifies nothing whether the general character the Minifter has gained, or the mifconducl he has been guilty of, has been owing to his weaknefs or his wickcdnefs ; for either is a fufficient caufe for having him re- moved. But I muft obferve, that till he is removed, it cannot be made manifeft by proper proofs, whether his mifconduct, or his general bad character, be owing to his weaknefs or wicked- nefs ; for artful Minifters always act by tools, and under agents, who, whilft their patron is in power, will never reveal the flagi- tious fecrets committed by him to their charge: but as fuch men are feldom faithful any longer than it is their intereft to be fo, remove the Minifter once from the King's Councils, put it out of his power to reward the wicked fidelity of his aUbciates and tools, and the fecret hiftoryof his dirty jobs will then begin to unfold itfelf, and may be made manifeft by a legal proof. Sup- pofe the King fhould be advifed, by a favourite Minifter, to keep up a conftant fricndfhip and alliance with the greateft rivals and moft inveterate enemies of his country ; and that he ftiould, for this purpofe, facrifice the intereft, and forfeit the friendmip of the moft natural allies ; whilft the Minifter is in power, this may fecm to proceed from his weaknef?, or from the ignorance he has 16 BEAUTIES OF THE has of the true intereft of his country: but remove him from the perfon and councils of his Sovereign, and then it may ap- pear to have proceeded from his wiciccdnefs : it may appear that he was corrupted by the enemies of his country, or that he knowingly and wickedly facrificed the intereft of his country to fome private view of his own. If he employed any one in tranfadling or receiving the bribe, if he was ever fo free in converfation with his friends as to unfold the motives of his mifconducr, or the reafons why he gave fuch wicked advice to his Sovereign, fome of them, either from conicience or intereft, may be induced to difcover the fecret, when it is fafe for them to do fo; but whilft he continues folely to enjoy the ear of the Sovereign, it can never be any man's intereft to accufe him, it will always be unfafe for a private man to do fo ; becaufe the power of the Crown will be employed in blafting the credit, or preventing the effect of his evidence ; and probably in making the punifhment fall, not upon the guilty Minifter, but upon the brave and honeft accufer. Earl of Carter et^ Feb. 13, 1740. I CAN by no means think that the complicated queftion now before us, is the proper, is the direct manner of taking the fenfe of the Committee. We have here the foft name of an humble Addrefs to the Crown propofed, and for no other end but to lead Gentlemen into an approbation of the convention. But is this that full deliberate examination, which we were with de- fiances called upon to give ? Is this curfory blended difquifition of matters of fuch variety and extent, all we owe to ourfelves and our country ? When trade is at Itake, it is your laft in- trenchment; you mvift defend it or perifh : ar.d whatever is to- decide, that deferves the moft diftincl confideration, and the moft direl and undifguifcd fenfe of Parliament. But how are we now piocccJing ? Upon an artificial miniftcrial quef- tion ? Here is all the confidence, here is the corfcious fenfe of the greateft fervice that ever v/as done to this country ; to be complicating BRITISH SENATE. 17 complicating queftions, to be lumping fan&ion and approba- tion, like a Comrniflary's account, to be covering and taking fancluary in the royal Name, inftead of meeting openly, and ftanding fairly the direct judgment and fentence of Parliament upon the feveral articles of this Convention. Sir, you have been moved to vote an humble Addrefs of Thanks to his Majefty for a meafure, which (I will appeal to Gentlemen's converfation in the world) is odious throughout the kingdom : Such Thanks are only due to the fatal influence that framed it, as are due for that low, unaUied condition abroad, which is now made a plea for this Convention. To what are Gentlemen reduced in fuppcrt of it? Firft try a little to defend it upon its own merits j if that is not tenable, throw out general terrors ; the Houfe of Bourbon 'is united, who knows the confequence of a war ? Sir, Spain knows the con- fcquence of a war in America j whoever gains, it muft prove fatal to her : She knows it, and muft therefore avoid it j but fhe knows England does not dare to make it. Arid what is a delay, which is all this magnified Convention is fometimes called to produce ? Can it produce fuch conjunctures as thofe you loft, while you were giving kingdoms to Spain, and all tft bring her back again to that great branch of the Houfe of Bourbon, which is now thrown out to you with fo much terror ? If this union be formidable, are we to delay only till it becomes more formidable, by being carried farther into execu- tion, and more ftrongly cemented ? But be it what it will, is this any longer a nation, or what is an Englifh Parliament, if with more fliips in your harbours than in all the navies of Europe, with above two millions of people in your American colonies, you will bear to hear of the expediency of receiving from Spain, an infecure, unfatisfa&ory, difhonorable Conven- tion? Sir, I call it no more than it has been proved in this Debate ; it carries fallacy or downright fubje&ion in almoft every line : It has been laid open and expofed in fg many ftrong VOL. I. ' C and 18 BEAUTIES OF THE .and glaring lights, that I can pretend to add nothing to the conviction and indignation it has raifed. Sir, as to the great national objection, the fearching your (hips, that favorite word, as it is called, is not omitted, indeed, in the Preamble to the Convention, but it ftands there as th*. reproach of the whole, as the ftrongeft evidence of the fatal fubmiffion that follows : On the part of Spain, an ufurpation, an inhuman tyranny claimed and exercifed over the American feas ; on the part of England, an undoubted right by Treaties and from God and Nature, declared and afierted in the Refo- luticns of Parliament, are referred to the difculHon of Plenipo- tentiaries upon one and the fame equal foot. Sir, I fay this undoubted right is to be difcuffed, and to be regulated, and ir" to regulate be to prefcribe rules (as in all conftructions it is) this right is, by the exprefs worJs of this Convention, to be given up and facrificed ; for it muft ceafe to be any thing, from the moment it is fubmitted to limits. The Court of Spain has plainly told you, (as appears by papers laid on the table) you fhall fteer a due courfe, you fhall navigate by a line to and from your plantations in America ; if you draw near to her coafts (though from the circumftances of that navigation you are under a neceffity of doing it) you fhall be feized and confifcated : if then upon thefe terms only, flie has confented to refer, what becomes at once of all the fe- curity we are flattered with in confequence of this reference ? Plenipotentiaries are to regulate finally the refpective preten- fioris of the two Crowns, with regard to trade and navigation in America ; but does a man in Spain reafon, that thefe pre* tenfions muft be regulated to the fatisfa&ion and honor of Eng- land ? No, Sir; they conclude, and with reafon, from the high fpirit of their Administration, from the fuperiority with which they have fo long trufted you, that this reference muft end, as it has begun, to their honor and advantage. But Gentlemen fay, the Trerties fubfifting are to be the meafure cf this regulation. Sir, as to Treaties, I will take part BRITISH SENATE. 19 part of the words of Sir William Temple, quoted by the Honor- able Gentleman near me, It is in vain to negotiate and mc.l.t ., if there is not dignity and rigor to enforce the obfcr- vaace ot them ; for under the mifconftrucHon and mifmterpre- tation of thcfe very Treaties fubfifting, this intolerable grievance has arilen j it has been growing upon you Treaty after Treaty, through twenty years of negotiation, and even under the dif- cuffion of CommiiTaries to whom it was referred. You have heard from Captain Vaughan at your bar, at what time thefe injuries and indignities were continued ; as a kind of explana- tory comment upon the Convention Spain has thought fit to grant you, as another infolent proteft, under the validity and force of which fhe has fufFered this Convention to be proceeded on. We will treat with you, but we will fearch and take your fhip? ; we will fign a Convention, but we will keep your fub- jecls prifoners, prifoners in Old Spain; the Weft -Indies are remote, Europe {hall be witncfs how we ufe you. Sir, as to the interference of an admiflion of our right not to be fearched, drawn from a reparation made for flhips unduly feized and confifcated, I think that argument is very inconclu- f:ve. The right claimed by Spain, to fearch oar fhlps, is one thing, and the exceffes admitted to have been committed, in confequence of this pretended right, is another : but furely, Sir, reafoning from inferences and implication only, is below the dignity of your proceedings, upon a right of this vaft im- portance. What this reparation is, what fort of compofition for your lofles, forced upon you by Spain in an inftance that has come to light, where yoir own Commifiaries could not in confcience decide againft your claim, has fully appeared upon examination ; and as for the payment of the fum ftipulated, (all but feven and twenty thoufand pounds) it is evidently a falla- cious, nominal payment only. I will not attempt to enter into a detail of a dark, confufrd, and fcarcely intelligible account ; I will only beg leave to conclude with one word upon it in the light of a fubmiflion, as well as of an adequate reparation. C 2 Spain 20 BEAUTIES OF THE Spain ftipulates to pay to the Crown of England, 95,000!. by a preliminary proteft of the King of Spain, the South Sea Com- pany is at once to pay 68,000 I. of it : If they refufe, Spain, I admit, is flill to pay the 95,000!. but how does it ftand then r The Afliento Contrail is to be fufpended : you are to purchafe this fum at the price of an exclufive trade, purfuant to a na- tional treaty, and at an immenfe debt of God knows how many hundred thoufand pounds, due from Spain to the South Sea Company. Here, Sir, is the fubmiffion of Spain by the pay- ment of a ftipulated Turn ; a tax laid upon fubje&s of England, under the fevereft penalties, with the reciprocal accord of an Englifh Minifter, as a preliminary that the Convention may be figned : a condition impofed by Spain in the moft abfolute imperious manner, and received by the Minifters of England in the moft tame and abject. Can any verbal diftinftions, any fcvafions whatever, poffibly explain away this public infamy ? To whom would we difguife it? To ourfelves and to the na- tion : I wifh we could hide it from the eyes of every Court in Europe: They fee Spain has talked to you like your Mafter, they fee this arbitrary fundamental condition, and it muft ftand \vith diftin&ion, with a pre-eminence of fhame, as a part even of this Convention. This Convention, Sir, I think from my foul is nothing but a ftipulation for national ignominy, an illulbry expedient to baffle the refentment of the nation j a truce without a fufpenfion of hoftilities, on the part of Spain ; on the part of England, a fufpenfion ; as to Georgia, of the firft law of nature, felf-pre- fervaticn and felf- defence ; a furrender of the trade and rights of England to the mercy of Plenipotentiaries, and in this in- finitely higheft and facrcd point, future fecurity, not only in- adequate, but directly repugnant to the Refolutions of Parlia- ment, and the gracious Promife from the Throne. The com- plaints of your defpairing Merchants, the voice of England has condemned it ; be the guilt of it upon the head of the ad- vifer i BRITISH SENATE. 21 vifer; God forbid that this Committee fhould (hare the guilt by approving it ! William Pitt, Efq\ March 6, 1739. AMONG the many advantages arifing from our happy Con- ftitution, there is one that is reciprocal to King and People, which is a legal and regular method by which the, People may lay their grievances, complaints, and opinions, before their Sovereign ; not only with regard to the meafures he purfues, but alfo with regard to the perfons he employs. In abfolutc monarchies, the People may fufter, they may complain ; but though their fufferings be public, their complaints muft be" private ; they muft not fo much as murmur againft their King's Meafures or Minifters ; if they do, it is certain perdition to the few that are guilty of fo much indifcretion. This is a nioft terrible misfortune to the People in all abfolute monarchies, and occafions thofe fevere punifliments and cruel tortures, which are fo frequent in all fuch ; but it is a misfortune to the abfolute Monarch, as well as to the people under his de- fpotic fway, for as he has no way of coming at the knowledge of the unpopularity of his Minifters or Meafures, he often goes on purfuing the fame Meafures, or employing the fame Minifters, till the difcontents of his People become quite uni- verfal and furious ; and then by a general infurreclion, he and his Minifters are involved in one common ruin. However up- right his intentions may have been, however much he may have been impofed on by his Minifter?, an impetuous domi- neering mob can feldom make any difference : The defpotic Monarch himfelf, and fometimes his whole family, are borne down by the impetuofity of the torrent, ami become a facrifice to the refentment of an injured populace. In this kingdom, Sir, it can never be fo, as long as the King allows- Parliaments to fit regularly and freely, and the Members of this Houfe perform faithfully the duty they owe to their King, their Conftituents, and their Country. As C 3 Members 22 BEAUTIES OFTHE Members of this Houfe, Sir, we are obliged to reprefent to his Majefty, not only the grievances, but the fentiments of the People, with regard to the meafures he purfues, and the per- ibns he advifes with or employs in the executive part of our Government ; and therefore whilit we fit here and do our duty, no general difcontent can arife, without his Majefty's being informed of its cauies, and of the methods for allaying it : If we negle Penfions, Titles, and Ribbons, as well as of all Preferments, Civil, Military, or Ecclefiaftical. This, Sir, is of itfelf a moft heinous offence againft our Conftitution ; but he has greatly aggravated the heinoufnefs of his crime; for, having thus monopolized all the favours of the Crown, he has made a blind fubmiffion to his direction at elec- tions and in Parliament, the only ground to hope for any ho- nours or Preferment, and the only tenure by which any Gen- tleman would^ preferve what he had. This is fo notorioufly known, that it can ftand in need of no proof. Have riot many deferving Gentlemen been difappointed in the preferment they had a juft title to, upon the bare fufpicion of not being blindly devoted to his perfonal intereft ? Have not fome perfons of the higheft rank and moft illuftrious characters been difplaced, for no other reafon, than becaufe they difdained to facrifice their honour and confcience to his direction in Parliament ? As no crime, no neglect, no mifbchaviour could ever be objected to them, as no other reafons could ever be afligned for depriving the BRITISH SENATE. 27 the Crown of their fervice, this only could be the reafon. Nay, has not this Minifter himfelf not only confeffed it, but boafted of it ? Has he not faid, and in this Houfe too, that he would be a pitiful fellow of a Minifter, who did not difplace any Officer that oppofed his meafures in Parliament ? Can any Gentleman who heard this declaration defire a proof of the Minifter's mifconduct, or of his crimes? Wr.s not this openly avowing one of the moft heinous crimes that can be committed by a Minifter in this kingdom ? Was it not avow- ing, that he had made ufe of the favours of the Crown for ob- taining a corrupt Majority in both Houfes of Parliament, and keeping that Majority in a flavifti dependance upon himfelf alone ? Do not we all know, that even the King himfelf is not, by our Conftitution, to take notice of any man's behaviour in Parliament, far lefs to make that behaviour a means by which he is to obtain, or a tenure by which he is to hold, the favour of the Crown ? And fhall we allow a Minifter not only to do, but openly to avow, what he ought to be hanged for, fhould he advife his Sovereign to do fo? It is by means of this crime, Sir, that the Minifter I am fpeaking of has obtained the au- thority or approbation of Parliament in every ftep of his con- duct, and therefore that authority or approbation is fo far from being an alleviation, that it is a moft heavy aggravation of every wrong ftep which he has thus got authorized or approved by Parliament. For this reafon, in confidering any particular ftep of his conduct, its being authorized or approved by Par- liament can have no weight in his favour, whatever it may have againft him. If the ftep was in itfelf weak or wicked, or if it now appears from its confequences to have been fo, its having been approved of or authorized by Parliament, muft be fuppofed to have proceeded either from his having mificd the Parliament by falfe gloffes and afteverations, or from his having overawed a Majority by means of that crime which he has fince openly avowed. Mr. Sands, jfpril 16, 1740. As 2 8 BEAUTIES OF THE A s cur duty to our Sovereign makes it neceffary for us to return fome fort of Addrefs by way of anfwer to his Majefty's Speech from the Throne, at the opening of a Seflion, and as this practice has been eftablifhed by immemorial cuftom, I (hall be excufed if I introduce my Motion with my fentiments upon that furprizing turn which has been lately given to the affairs of Europe, by his Majefty's wifdom and conduct. In order to do this, Sir, I muft begin with obferving, the difmal profpecl we had of the affairs of Europe about eighteen or nineteen months ago. I think there is no maxim in politics more certain than this, that it is inconfiftent with the liberties of Europe, to allow France to increafe her own power, or to divide the power of Europe into fo many branches, as to make it impoffible for any one Prince or State, to think of oppofing her in any of her ambitious fchemes ; for it is very certain, that, as foon as the thoughts of Oppoikion end, thofe of Dependence begin; and confequently, if France could once effect this purpofe, all the Princes and States of Europe would become dependent upon her ; and moft of them would, at all times, think of preferving their infignificant fhadow of fove- reignty only by being obedient to her commands, and aflifting her againft thofe who fhould bravely dare to rebel. We fhould then be in the fame circumftance as Europe, or, I may fay, the world was, when the grandeur of the Romans was at its greateft height. Some of the Princes and States of Eu- rope, might be dignified with the deceitful title of Sacti Gallic: Jmperii ; but if ever any one of them fhould ever dare to be- have otherwife than as the moft abject flaves, even that empty title they would be ftript of, and their territory would be converted into a province of the French empire. Our Royal Family, like that of Macedon, might, for fome time, be left in poffefiion of their throne ; but if any one of our fu- ture princes fhould endeavour to fhake off his dependency, a powerful invafion would be the certain confequence ; and if France were the fole miftrefs of the Continent of Europe, or had BRITISH SENATE. 29 had it entirely at her command, our natural barrier would prove ineffectual : (he would then come up againft us with fuch a power as we could not oppofe either by fea or land : our Royal Family would be cut off; our noble and great families would be all carried captives into France, and Britain would, from thenceforth, be divided and governed by French Intendants or Lieutenants, as Macedonia was by Roman Praetors or Pro- confuls. This confequence was forefeen, Sir : this confequence all Europe was fenfible of in the laft age : I wifh I could fay the fame of the prefent : but, by what fatality I know not, the prefent age feemed, a few months ago, to be ftruck with fuch a blindnefs as prevented their feeing this danger, though it was never more apparent. Several of the Princes of Europe, go- verned by a felfifh private interefr, had actually joined wirfi France in pulling down the Houfe of Auftria, though that was the only power, on the Continent of Europe, that could, by itfelf, pretend to limit or fet bounds to the ambitious Court of France. By this means the Queen of Hungary was en- vironed by fuch numerous hoftile armies, that it was impofllble for her to refift for any long time ; and the confederacy againft her was fo powerful, that no counter-confederacy equal to it could be formed. This, I (hall grant, was, in fome meafure, owing to her own unfeafonable obftinacy, as well as to the felfifh views of fome of her enemies ; for however unjuft Ihe might think her pretenfions, in common prudence fhe fhould, upon the death of her father, have yielded to thofe that were the moft moderate, in order to enable her to refift thofe who were fo immoderate as to aim at the total overthrow of her Houfe. This was, Sir, from the beginning of the prefent troubles, his Majefty's advice to her ; bt;t this prudent advice fhe would not, for a long time, give the leail ear to; and this not only united her enemies amongft themfelves, but increnfed the views and demands of each j which reduced hi* Majefty to the fatal neceflity 30 BEAUTIES OK THE neceflity of waiting till her obftinacy Ihould be foftened, and the eyes of fome of her enemies be opened, by time and future accidents; This he was obliged to do before he could openly declare in her favour, or afiift her in any other fhape than by granting her fums of money ; but this he did with a fteady de- fign to take advantage of every accident that fhould happen : and the behaviour of the French in Germany, efpecially about the time of the battle of Crotzka, was fuch as furnifhed him with an opportunity which he wifely took care to lay hold of, and to make the beft ufe of it he could, whereby he prevailed upon both the kings of Pruffia and Poland to withdraw them- /elves from the French alliance, and to make peace with the Queen of Hungary, upon terms which (he readily agreed to. By this prudent conduct of his Majefty, it became now poffible to form fuch a confederacy in Europe as might, with fome hopes of fuccefs, endeavour to oppofe the ambitious de- figns of the Court of France ; and to give courage to the other Powers of Europe to enter into fuch a confederacy, he refolved to fend a body of his Britifh troops to Flanders, in order to have a numerous army formed there ; which, before the end of the campaign, railed fuch terrors in France, as prevented their fending fufficient reinforcements to their troops already in Germany, and likewife prevented their join- ing the Spaniards with fuch armies as might have overwhelmed the king of Sardinia, or compelled him to defert the alliance he had before, by his Majefty's interpofition, entered into with the Queen of Hungary. At the fame time, proper orders were given to his Majefty's Admirals in 'the Mediterranean, to prevent the Spaniards from fending any reinforcements or provifions by fea to their army in Italy; and our fquadron there was reinforced and instructed, fo as to enable it to execute thefe orders, againft whofoever (hould dare to abet the Spaniards .in any fuch attempt. By thefe means, Sir, the Queen of Hungary was, before the cad of the campaign, rcftored to the pofieffion of Bohemia, Weftphalia BRITISH SENATE. 31 Weftphalia was freed from the burden and terror of a French army, and the Spaniards were, during the whole campaign, defeated in every attempt they made againft Italy : but there were two things ftill remaining to be done ; which were to drive the French entirely out of Germany ; and to eftablifh, upon a more folid bafis, the alliance of the King of Sar- dinia, in order to drive the Spaniards entirely out of Italy, for which purpofe it was requifite to obtain the hearty concurrence of the Dutch. Thefe things were to be the work of the next campaign, and therefore as early as the feafon would permit, the army which had been formed in Flanders marched into Germany ; and his Majefty not only joined it with a confide- rable body of his electoral troops, but went in perfon to com- mand the army, and by his valour and conduct, chiefly, the glorious battle of Dettingen was obtained, which compelled the French to evacuate Germany, and not only put the Queen of Hungary in pofleffion of all Bavaria, but opened a free paf- fage for her armies to the Rhine ; fo that France, from being the invader of the dominions of others, had now enough to do to defend her own. Whilft his Majefty was thus triumphing over the arms of France in the field, he equally triumphed over her councils in the Cabinet ; for, notwithftanding the utmoft efforts of France to the contrary, he prevailed with the Dutch to fend a body of 2C,coo men to the afliftancc of the Queen of Hungary ; and a definitive treaty of alliance was concluded at Worms, be- tween his Majefty, the Queen of Hungary, and the King of Sardinia, by which, alliance, and affiftance of that Prince was eftablifhcd upon a firm bafis : and experience has already fhewn the great ufe it may be of to us, in defeating the defigns of our enemies the Spaniards in Italy ; which will convince that haughty nation of its being necefiary for them to cultivate a good correfpondaice with Great- Britain, if they have a mind to be quiet in their own polTeflions, or to difturb the poffdlions of any of their neighbours. Thefp 32 BEAUTIES OF THE Thefc great and unexpected events, Sir, have been all brought about by the wifdom and vigour of his Majcfty's Councils, and therefore we csnnot in gratitude omit taking notice of them upon this occafion. I was very fenfible, that there were many Gentlemen in this Houfe, who could have fet them in a clearer light, and recommended them to your conhderation with greater energy than I can ; hut I knew your affe&ion and duty to your S-overeign, and the luftre of thofe events, was in itfelf fo refulgent, that I thought it required no high degree of eloquence to excite your grateful acknowledg- ments ; therefore I ventured to undertake the tafk, and hope I (hall be forgiven my arrogating to myfelf the honour. Honourable Edward Coke, Dec. I, 1743. A N E C- BRITISH SENATE. 33 ANECDOTE. IN the Grecian and Roman Commonwealths, their rradcfmen and labourers gained laurels in the field of battle by their courage, and returned to gain a fubfiftence for themfclves and families by their induftry ; but when they began to keep {land- ing armies, their foldiers, it is true, for fome time gained lau- rels in the field, but they returned to plunder, and at laft to fubdue their country; which put an end to their freedom, and of courfe to every thing that was praife- worthy amorigft them. God forbid our fate fhould be the fame ! It is a miftake to imagine, that our tradefmen would be drawn away from their labour by breeding them up to military difcipline ; on the' con- trary, they might be brought to ufe it as their diverfion, and then they would return with more alacrity to their ufual labour* In former times, our holidays, and even Sundays, were em. ployed in the exercife of the long bow> and other warlike di- verfions j and I muft think, that fuch days would be better employed in that way, than in fitting at an alehoufe, or loiter- ing in a (kittle, or nine-pin ground : but fuch a change of manners is not to be introduced without the afliftance of Go- vernment. Mr. Sandys^ Feb. 3, 1737. OLIVER CROMWELL, when he turned every Member of this Houfe out of doors ; when he bid one of his foldiers take away our niace, that fool's bauble, as he called it, had not a much more numerous regular army tha"n we have at pre- fent on foot ; arid though the army under King James the Se- cond behaved in a more honourable way, yet fuch a behaviour is not much to be depended on ; for I am convinced, even that an army would not have behaved as they did, if the difcontent- ed had not had an army to repair to ; or if proper meafures had been taken to garble them a little before hand. Mr. Shippen, Feb. 3, 1737- VOL. I. D BBFORK 34 BEAUTIESoF THE BEFORE I make. my Motion for fettling on his Royal High- nefes the Prince of Wales, one hundred thoufand pounds a year, give me leave, Sir, to inquire into thefe feveral founda- tions : and to begin with the laft, I {hall {hew, from many un- doubted authorities, that the Prince of Wales has always had, and ought to have, a fufficient provifion fettled upon him, in fuch a manner, as to render him as independent of the Crown as any other fubjeft can be. To recount all the precedents that occur in our hiftories and records, would take up too much of your time, and therefore I {hall take notice of only the moft remarkable. King Henry the Hid granted to his eldeftfon Edward, afterwards King Edward the HI, the Duchy of Guienne, before he was fourteen years of age; and the mo- ment the Prince was married, he not only confirmed his former Grant by a new Patent, but likewife granted him, and put him in pofleflion of, the Earldom of Chefter, the cities and towns of Briftol, Stamford, and Granthatn, with feveral other caftles and manors ; created him Prince of Wales, to which he annexed all the conquered lands in that Principality, and appropriated him Lieutenant-Governor of Ireland, though he was then but juft turned of fourteen ; all which was done, as the hiftorians exprefs it, ut maturus ad res graviares gerendas expertus redderetur. By this generofity and benevolence of the King towards his eldeft fon, that Prince was early in his youth eftablifhed in a ftate of independence and grandeur ; and thofe paternal favours were afterwards fully repaid by that illuftrious and heroic Prince, for he afterwards proved his father's chief and only fupport. Everyone knows how by his condu& and courage, at the battle of Evefljam^ he relieved his father out of the hands of his enemies, and reftored his affairs after they were brought into a moft dangerous and defperate ftate. Nay, not only the King himfelf, but the nation reaped fignal fervices from the free and independent circumftances in which the King had fo early placed his fon. A ftate of independency naturally ennobles and exalts the mind of man j and the effects of BRITISH SENATE. 35 of it were moft confpicuous in this wife and brave Prince, for he afterwards became the glory of England, and the terror of Europe. The next precedent I {hall take notice of is, that of Edward the Black Prince, upon whom Edward the Hid his father, fettled at different times the Earldom of Chefter, the Duchy of Cornwall, the Principality of Wales, the Duchy of Guienne, and the Principality of Aquitain. That wife and grave Prince, Sir, was fo fenfible of the reafonablenefs of the ancient maxim of England, with regard to the King's eldeftfon, that he took care every future Prince of Wales fliould have fomething to depend on, independent of his father, from the very moment of his birth : for which purpofe he fettled, by Act of Parliament, the Duchy of Cornwall in fuch a manner, that the King's eldeft fon, and Heir Apparent to the Crown, has ever iince been Duke of Cornwall as foon as born, and without any new Grant from the King ; from whence has arifen the common proverb, natus eft, non datus, dux Cornubies. Some of the latter Grants of that King might, indeed, proceed from the great perfonal merit of the fon, but the firft Grants could not proceed from any fuch confideration ; they could proceed only from his own wifdom, and from the general maxim I have mentioned ; for the Prince was not then three years old, when his father fettled upon him by Patent the Earldom of Chefter; he was butfeven years old, when Cornwall was ereled into a Duchy, and fettled upon him by A& of Parliament as before-mentioned ; and he was but thirteen when the Principality of Wales was fettled upon him. Soon after that time, indeed, his perfonal merit b^gaa to appear : But how came it to appear ? Its early appearance did appear, and could only proceed from his father's having em- ployed him in, and inured him to the ftuuy of weighty affairs, at an age when moft Princes are induftrioufly taught to think of nothing but baubles and toys. The fame conduct, Sir, that wife King obferved during that brave Prince $ life : he was continually heaping favours upon D 2 the 36 BEAUTIES OF THE the Prince his fon, and the Prince was continually repaying thefll with glorious a&s of gratitude and filial duty. When he was feventeen, he fully repaid all former favours, by having the chief Jhare of the Victory obtained over the French at the famous bat- tle of Crefly. In the twenty-fourth, or twenty-fifth year of this Prince's age, the King inverted him with the Duchy of Gui- enne, which new favour he foon afterwards repaid by fending the French King home prifoner to his father, after having taken him at the ever -memorable battle of Pcittien. And in the two and thirtieth year of that Prince's age, a great part of France having been conquered and fubdued by his valour, the King his father erected Guienne^ Gafcony\ and feveral other provinces of France, into a Principality, under the name of the Principality of Aquitain, with which he inverted the Prince his fon : this new favour the Prince likewife foon repaid, by carrying the glory of the Britifh arms into Spain, and replacing Peter upon the Throne of Caftile, after having defeated the wfurper Henry at the battle of Nejara in that kingdom : for all which -glorious victories, and many other great fervices done to his native country, the nation was fo grateful to his memory, that immediately after his death, or at leaft as foon as their grief for the lofs of fo brave a Prince would give them leave, the Houfe of Commons addrefied the King to create his fon Prince of Wales, and Duke of Cornwall, which that wife King immediately agreed to ; for his grandfon being then Heir Apparent to the Crown, he became entitled, by the maxim I have mentioned, to an independent fettlement : but as he was not the King's eldeft fon, he had no pretence, from any for- mer precedent, to the Principality of Wales ; and his right by the late Act to the Duchy of Cornwall, was thought to be doubt- ful by the Lawyers of that age ; the Lawyers being then, it feems, as dexterous at ftarting doubts and fcruples, as the Lawyers of the age we now live in. Give me leave, Sir, to mention one other precedent ; that of Prince Henry, afterwards the glorious King Henry the Vth, whom. BRITISH SENATE. 37 whom his father Henry IV. in the very firft year of his reign created Prince of Wales, Duke of Cornwall, and Earl of Chefter, though the Prince was then but twelve years of age ; all which grants were recorded upon the Parliament's requeft, in order to prevent any poflibility of a revocation : and though that King was naturally of a jealous and a fufpicious temper, yet we find, during his whole reign, he was every now and then making new grants to the Prince his fon, even tho' he was fometimes malicioufly made to believe the Prince was confpiring againft him. This Prince, it is true, fell into fome excefles incident to youth and idlenefs ; but, from the firft part of his life, and from his conduct after he became King, we may judge that thofe excefles were rather owing to his father's jealoufy than to his own natural temper : for when he was but about fixteen, he by his valour contributed greatly to his father's victory over the rebels at Shrewsbury ; and the very next year, having been entrufted with the command of his father's army againft the rebels in Wales, by his conduct and courage, he gave them two fignal defeats ; by which he gained fomuch efteem, that the King, his father, from his own natural and unhappy temper, and not from any undutiful behaviour in his fon, began to grow jealous of him, and therefore never afterwards employed him in any public affairs ; fo that the ex- cefles he fell into, probably proceeded from the idlenefs of his life, and the activity of his genius ; or, perhaps, rather from a defign of removing from his father all future occasions of jealoufy. This, indeed, feems to be confirmed, or at leaft rendered the moft probable conjefture, by his conduct after he became King ; for immediately upon his accefllon, he baniihed from his prefence all the companions and fycophant upholders of his former debaucheries, and became one of the greateft, and one of the moft glorious Princes that ever fat upon the Englifh Throne. The late King James the lid, when Duke of York, and the late Queen Anne, when Princefs of Denmark, were both provided D 3 for. 3 B BEAUTIES OF TJJE for. The Duke of York had a great fcttlement made upon him by Parliament, foon after the Reftoration, though he was but Preemptive Heir to the Crown, his brother King Charles being then in a capacity of having children, who would have given him a more effectual exclufion than could ever be attained by Parliament, till his own ridiculous meafures put it in their power : and the lare Queen Anne, when Pi 'meets of Denmark, had alfo a great ftttlement made upon her by authority of Par- liament, tho' King William and Queen Mary were both then alive, and in a capacity of having children; fo that the Princefs Anne, when that fettlement was made, was but the Preemptive Heir to the Crown. From thefe precedents it appears, that the maxim of having an independent provifion fettled upon the Prefumptive or Appa- rent Heir of the Crown, is a maxim that has ever been obterved in this nation. Mr. Pulteney, Feb. 23, 1737. Julius Cafar had as great reafon as any man can ever have, to difcourage virtue, and reward the vicious : Julius Cafar did fometimes threaten men for doing their duty ; but Julius Ceefar was always extremely fhy of putting fuch threats in execution. We are told, that when he went to feize upon the facred trea- fure of Rome, and was oppofed by Metellus^ the Tribune, he threatened to kill Metellus ; and at the fame time told him, Jftud ncnne fcis adolejcer.tule^ longe mihl dijficilius dicere^ quam facere. This was threatening a man for doing his duty j biit Julius Cafar took care not to put his threat in execution. Mr. Lyttelton, Jan. 28, 1738. I REMEMBER a ftory that was told of a great favourite of Charles the lid. This Gentleman, who was a true cavalier, fought for the father, and was banifhed with the fon, whom he attended all the time of his exile. Upon the reftoration of the Royal Family he continued ftill to follow his matter's fortune, but BRITISH SENATE. 39 but never minded his own ; till his continual attendance at Court, his giving into all the faftiionable expences of the times, and the figure which his intimacy with his Majefty obliged him to fupport, at laft exhaufted every (hilling of his eftate. But fuch was this Gentleman's modefty, (a virtue you'll fay very rarely to be met with in the favourite of a Mo- narch) that he never made one felicitation in his own behalf, though he had many opportunities of doing it. At laft the King, being informed of his circumftances, took occafion one day, as the Gentleman was foliciting a poft for one of his friends, to tell him, " Sir, you have been a very faithful and a very " conftant fervant to me ; I have had very great fatisfaction in " your company, without your being a fhilling the better for " me, though I am perfuaded your eftate has fufTered confider- ** ably in my fervice. As you are a man of fenfe, and fit for " bufinefs, why do you not afk for fomething for yourfelf ?" The Gentleman made no other return to his Majefty at that time, but a profound acknowledgment of the honour he had received, by his Majefty's being fo mindful of him ;. but fome time after, being all alone with the King, " Pray, Sir," fays he to his Majefty, " be fo good as to lend me half a crown." " Half a crown !" anfwers the King, " what do you mean ? " if you have cccafion for a larger fum you may have it." *' No, no," replies the Gentleman, " this fmall piece does very " well to begin with ; for I have often obferved, that once put " you in the way of giving, it is eafy to keep you in It, and *' then you do not care how much you give." There is fomething in this pretty applicable to our granting money for the public fervice. The fum, Sir, originally afked for, and granted, is but fmall, and makes no great figure, per- haps, in the public accounts ; but an accumulation of that fum from time to time, obtained when we were in a giving humour, makes at length, a moft enormous article. Sir Thomas 4/ton, Jan. 28, 1738. D 4 IT 4 o BEAUTIES OF THE IT was a maxim with Julius Cafar, never to venture even a battle, if the difadvantages that might enfue from a defeat appeared to be greater than any advantages he could expect from a victory ; and in Africa, we are told, that he bore with many infults and . indignities, from the adverfe army, only be- caufe by a little patience, he had reafon to expect being able to obtain a victory with lefs blood-fhed ; and in refolving upon peace or war, the fame maxim ought to be obferved. Horace Walpole, Efq; Jan. 28, 1738. BOTH the circumftances of Europe, and the circumftances of Spain, are now, my Lords, very different from what, they were in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, or in the time of Oliver Cromwell. In Queen Elizabeth's reign, Spain was the only formidable power in Europe, and we had as much reafon as any other of her neighbours to endeavour to reduce her power. For this prurpofe, Queen Elizabeth took the wifeft courfe that could be taken, by encouraging and fupporting the Civil War in the Netherlands j by which means, fhe at laft enabled the Seven United Provinces to throw off the yoke of Spain ; and the whole power of Spain being applied towards fupporting their dominion over the Netherlands, they could neither fpare money for fortifying their fettlements in America, nor could they fend any regular troops thither for defending them ; fo that even our private adventurers had great fuccefs, and often got rich'booties by privateering, and by incurfious upon thofe fettlements ; for, as there was no good correspondence between France and Spain, and an open war between Spain and Hol- land, the Spaniards could not make ufe of either French' or Dutch vefiels, for carrying on their trade with their fettlements in America ; and befides, as the French were then involved in civil wars, they durft not venture to difoblige England, by 'afiifting Spain, either openly or by underhand dealings. In Oliver Cromwell's time, my Lords, we know that the Spaniards were engaged in a heavy war with France, which rendered BRITISH SENATE. 41 rendered them unable to provide for the fecurity of their trade and poflefiions in America; and though, by our taking part with France in that war, we got the ifland of Jamaica, which was a valuable acquifition, yet I muft think, it would have been, lucky for this nation, if Oliver had joined with France againft Spain ; for it was his fatal union with France, that laid the foundation of the exceffive power of that kingdom, which has fince coft this nation fo much blood, and fo many millions of money. And now, my Lords, with regard to both thefe wars, I muft obferve, that notwithftanding our great fuccefles againft Spain, in Oliver's time, that nation was not eafily, or foon reduced to comply with fuch terms as we thought reafonable, for both Queen Elizabeth and Oliver Cromwell left the war to be put an end to by their fucceflbrs. Lord Hervey^ Feb. 22, 1738. EVERY nation in Europe is proud of feeing the younger children of their Royal Family make a figure in the world. The provifion which his Majefty has been pleafed to make, is but very moderate. Twenty-four thoufand pounds a year, can never be thought too much to the four Princefies ; and 15,000 1. per annum is lefs, I believe, than any fecond fon of the Royal Familyeverhad before : the younger brother of Charles the lid had io,cool. fettled upon him ; and the fmall allowance to the Duke, mentioned in this Bill, is a proof of his Majefty's mo- deration, and that he has the good of his kingdom, and the eafe of his fubje&s, always firft in his thoughts. Lord Delmvar^ Feb. 22, 1739. AT the time of the Revolution, the Dutch provided afqua- tiron of fifty men of war, and tranfports for 14,000 men, of which a great number was cavalry, in three months time, for accompanying the Prince of Orange to England. I fay, my Lords, in three months time ; for it was in July that the firft Refolution was taken to aiftft the Prince of Orange, and the 42 BEAUTIES OFTHE the States- General prepared fuch an expedition, that foon after the beginning of October, a fleet of 50 men of war, 25 fri- gates, 25 fire-fhips, and near 400 tranfports, with an army of 10,000 foot, and 4000 horfe, were ready to fail, and actually did fail upon the igth of that month. Lord Carter et, Nov. 18, 1740. IF then we fhould return to the country, my Lords, and tell the people, that our government durft not fend forces out to invade the enemy, for fear of their invading us, will not every man of common fenfe laugh us to fcorn ? Does not every one know, that the beft way to prevent an invafion is to in- vade ? Did not the Romans fend Scipio'to invade the Cartha- ginians, at the very time that Hannibal was in Italy, and almoft .it their gates ? But the cafe with us is ftill ftronger ; we could eafily have invaded the enemy when and where we pleafed ; whereas it was difficult and dangerous, if not impoffible for them to invade us at any time, or in any place. To pretend that we rnuft always keep a mercenary army of 30,000 men in Britain and Ireland, for fupporting our government againft an invafion with 4 or 5000, muft be ridiculous ; or it muft be a very bad compliment upon the illuftrious family now upon the Throne ; becaufe, it is fuppofmg that .they have few or no friends in the nation, but thofe they keep in daily pay. And to fay that a common foldier, who has no property, who has neither ara nor focus, will fight againft a foreign invader with more courage and refolution than thofe that fight pro aris & ficis, is, I am fure, a very unjuft reflection upon all the Gen- tlemen and all the men of fubftance in the kingdom. Lord Carter et y Nov. 18, 1740. I*CNOW, my Lords, I do not fpeak properly, when in talking of what happened in King Charles the Ift's time, I make ufe of the term Cabinet Council, becaufe it is a term of much later date ; for in thole days, befides this Houfe, the King had no other BRITISH SENATE. 43 other Council, but that which we ftill call the Privy Council, and of that Council there was always a Committee appointed to confider and take care of foreign affairs ; but the Refolutions of that Committee were not carried into execution, till they were approved of by the Privy Council : In that Council there then fat feveral great Officers, fuch as the Lord High Trea- furer, the Lord High Admiral, and others, who by their birth and quality, as well as by the importance of the pofts they en- joyed, added weight and dignity to the Council of which they were Members ; but thefe high offices are now fplit into Com- miffions, and fometimes granted to men who have neither birth, quality, nor character ; which is not done for the fake of difpatching bufmefs (for every one knows, the whole bufmefs of the nation, or office, is now chiefly directed by one, in the fame manner it was formerly) but for the fake of multiplying falaries and gaining votes. This has very much derogated from the honor of that Aflembly, and is, I believe, the chief caufe of their power being now almoft entirely ufurped and exercifed by what is called the Cabinet Council ; but even what we now call the Cabinet Council, has not always the power and influence they feem to have ; for when any one Minifter happens to get the fole direction of all public affairs, the other Members of the Cabinet Council, or at leaft the majority of them, ferve only to give a fort of authority to what the Minifter has been pleafed to relblve on. Duke of Argyll, Dec. 8, 1740. IN Queen Elizabeth's time, though the war againft Spain began in 1585, and lafted till that Queen's death in 1603, which was feventeen years, yet in all that time there were but three or four expeditions of confequence undertaken againft the enemy, either in Spain, or in the Indies ; and though the pri- vate adventurers got fometimes a rich booty, yet the nation never reaped an advantage, nor kept pofleffion of any one place they had the good fortune to take. Again, in Oliver Cromwell'* time, 44. BEAUTIES OF THE time, though the war againft Spain began in 1654, and con- tinued till his death in 1658, yet no one expedition was under- taken, or, I believe, fo much as thought of, againft any one of the dominions of Spain, except that one expedition by which the war begun, and by which we got and kept the Ifland of Jamaica. The Lord Chancellor, Dec. 8, 1 740. MY LORDS, I muft think it very unlucky in any one, that argues in favor of our conduct in the prefent war, to mention Queen Elizabeth or Oliver Cromwell; both of them began war againft Spain in a very different manner from what we have now done. Queen Elizabeth began the war, by fending an army into the Low Countries, to aflift them in throwing off the yoke of Spain ; at the fame time fhe fent a fquadron, with land forces on board, to the Weft-Indies, not with fimple or am- biguous orders for making reprifals, but exprefs orders to attack the Spanijh fettlements ; and accordingly they took and plun- dered St. Jagc, one of the Cape Verd iflands, as alfo moft part .of the ifland of St. Domingo, the town of Garthagena, and the towns of St. Antonio and St. Helena in Florida. The very next year after the return of this fleet, fhe fent another under the fame Admiral, Drake, to the coaft of Spain, which did not lie to be ftared at off of any of their ports, but entered the harbour of Cadiz and the river of Lijbon, and burnt a great number of {hips : and though the Admiral had no land forces on board, yet he landed at feveral places upon the -coaft of Spain, and ravaged the whole country round. At the fame time fhe fent Cavendiji} to the South- Seas, where he ravaged the whole coaft of Chili and Peru, and returned to England with a booty vaftly rich. The year following was the year of the Spanijh Armada^ the fate of which I need not relate. The next year, with the afliftance of fc.rte private adventurers, (he fent a fleet and army againft Spain itfclf, where they landed at fevernl places, beat an army that was fent againft them, and might have got a grea t booty, BRITISH SENATE. 4$ booty, if they had not amufed themfelves with reftoring the dethroned King of Portugal. The four or five years next fol- lowing, that great Queen was chiefly employed in affifting Henry the IVth of France againft the Spaniards and his own rebellious fubjects ; and in the year 1596, a new fleet and army was fent againft Spain under the Earl of Efiex, who took the- city of Cadiz, burnt or took all the (hips in the harbour, and after having done the Spaniards an infinite deal of fervice, re- turned to England with a moft inconfiderable booty. Befides thefe, my Lord, there were feveral other expeditions oflefs note undertaken againft Spain in that reign j and if we did not, in that time, keep pofleffion of any of the places we took from the enemy in the Weft-Indies, it was becaufe we did not then fo much know the value of fetdements in that part of the world. But if Queen Elizabeth did not pufti the war againft Spain with fo much vigor as fhe might have done, there were two reafons for it, which do not now fubfift. In the firft place, our trade, which was then in its infancy, fuffered but very little by the war, and we were yearly getting great riches by plundering the enemy at fea or land ; and in the next place, that gracious Queen was extremely (by of loading her fubjects with any new taxes, or putting the public to any expence. When fhe found herfelf under no neceflity to fend out forces to attack the enemy, or aflift her allies, fhe kept no army or fquadron at home, to be a burden and oppreffion upon her own fubjects. She raifed no armies, nor fitted out any fquadrons, but when fhe had immediate occafion for them, or was in imminent danger ; and as foon as the fervice, or the danger was over, fhe difmifled her armies, and paid off her fquadrons : I wifh I could fay, we had held the fame conduit ever fince, or that we now held fuch a conduct. With regard to Oliver Cromwell, it is well known he began his war with Spain by the conqueft of Jamaica, which has fince brought in fo many millions fterling to England ; and if it had not been, for a miftake in his General, he would probably have begun 46 BEAUTIES or THE begun it with the conqueft of St. Domingo, which would have been an acquifition of much greater confequence to this kingdom. If he did not fecond his blow in the Weft-Indies, it was be- caufe he engaged with the French in their war againft the Spa- niards in the Netherlands, by which he got pofieffion of the im- portant city and port of Dunkirk ; and he died in little more than two months after he had made this new and important acqui- fition, which we might to this day have had in our pofleffion, if the Parliament, upon the Reftoration, had done their duty, and annexed it to the Crown of England. Earl of CheflerfieU, Dec. 8, 1740. THE cafe of the Earl of Briflol, in King Charles the Firft's time, may fhow how dangerous it is to accufe a favorite Mi- nifter, whilft he is in the zenith of his power and intereft at Court. Nothing could be more j uft than the acciifation brought by that Earl againft the Duke of Buckingham, yet it produced an accufation againft that Earl, in which the King himfelf was the accufer, and his Attorney General the profecutor. This was a moft terrible fituation which that noble Earl was brought into by his fidelity to his country, and his own honor ; and if the power of the Crown had been in the fame condition it is now, notwithftanding the heinoufnefs of his charge againft the Minifter, notwithftanding his full and well-vouched defence as to the charge exhibited againft him, he might, probably, have fallen a facrifice to the refentment of that favorite Minifter. Earl of Carterety Feb. 1 3, 1 740. IT is with regret I obferve, that almoft every Seflion intro- duces fomething new, in diminution of the Liberties, or dero- gatory to the Conftitution of this kingdom. In former times^ the Grant of a Supply often flood a long Debate in this Houfe, and was fometimes abfolutely refufed ; now it is always granted mmine contradicente. The Malt-Tax was never introduced till towards the latter end of King William's reign, and was at firft BRITISH SENATE. 47 firft moft ftrenuoufly oppofed: Nay, even during the war in Queen Anne's time, it was often oppofed, and was looked on as a tax fo burdenfome upon the poor labourers and manufac- turers of this kingdom, that no man imagined any Minifter would have the aflurance to propofe renewing or continuing it, after the war was over. The Mutiny Bill was at firft thought to be a moft dangerous innovation, and was therefore moft vio- lently oppofed, efpecially in time of peace ; but it is now become fo familiar to us, that we pafs it regularly every year, without the leaft oppofition, as if a Standing Army and a Mutiny A6t were two things abfolutely necefTary for the fubfiftence of our Conftitution. Not many years ago, the Members of this Houfe, when afiembled, looked upon themfelves as the grand Inqueft of the Nation, and therefore thought themfelves in duty bound to inquire into every grievance and complaint, without any other foundation than a public rumour ; but now every Mo- tion, that tends to an inquiry into any complaint, is rejected ; or if any fuch inquiry be fet on foot, it is committed to thofe who are themfelves fufpe&ed of being the original and chief caufe of the complaint. Thus, Sir, we have for feveral years gone on approaching, I am afraid, to the confines of flavery ; and in this Seflion, we have made a new and a very extraordinary ftep. Till this Seflion we have always thought, that every Member of this Houfe had a right to vote for a Call of the Houfe. We are fellow-labourers for the public good : we are all joint-guardians of the Liberties of our Country, and every Member has a ric;ht to infift upon it, that his companion ihould attend and bear an equal (hare of the burden, or at leaft a (hare proportionable to his ftrength and capacity. But in this Seflion, Sir, we have feen a Motion for a Cull rejected, though that Motion was the firft of the kind that had been made, though it was fupported by ftrong reafons, and though it was defired by near one half of thofe that were then prefent. This I muft look on as a moft dangerous innovation ; for when we begin to encroach upon, 3 r 48 BEAUTIESc-F THE or derogate from our own Rights, no man can tell how far it may go. I do not know, but I may live to fee the Queftioh put upon a Gentleman's rifing up to fpealc, whether he Jhall have leave to fpeak ? And if ever fueh a Queftion fhould be put, I fhall not in the leaft doubt of its being carried in the negative, in cafe there fhould be a fufpicion of the Gentle- man's intending to utter things difagreeable to thofe that ma,- then have the direction of the Majorities of this Houfe. IVilliam Pulteney^ Efq; Jan. 29, 1739. I MUST be againft compelling the attendance of fuch Gen- tlemen in this Houfe ; I am far from finding fault with any of thofe Gentlemen that have returned ; J think they have done their duty in doing fo ; but I cannot help comparing them to the prefent King of Spain. He, fome years ago, refigned his Crown, out of a pet, and, I think, it was a religious or confcientious pet too. I wifh they had held him at his word, and never allowed him to refume, as they might and ought to have done j for his fecond fon, now Prince of Afturias, was the natural fucceflbr to his eldeft, who died King of Spain. But they allowed him to refume his Crown, and we know what difturbances he has fmce bred in Europe. If the Gen- tlemen who left their Seats laft Seffion, had been taken at their word ; if we had ordered their Seats to be filled up by nevr Elections, they could have complained of no injuftice : but we have this Sefiion allowed fuch of them as have returned, to refume their Seats. In this, we have fhewn ourfelves to be as indulgent as the fubje&s of the King of Spain ; and I hope they will take care not to make fuch an ufe of the indulgence they have met with, as his Catholic Majefty has done. They have hitherto fhewn, that they do not incline to do ; but, if we fhould call in thofe that, for aught we know, are ftill in a bad humour, I do not know what may happen. Evil company, they fay, corrupts good manners. It is a dangerous experi- ment, BRITISH SENATE. 49 merit, to mingle the infec~led with thofe that are but juft re- covered. For this reafon I was againft the Call. Robert Tracey, Efq; Jan. 25, 1735. No Legiflator ever founded a free Government, but avoided a ftanding army, that Charybdis y as a rock againft which his Commonwealth muft certainly be (hipwrecked, as the Ifraelites, Athenians, Corinthians, Achaians, Lacedemonians, Theba-.s, Samnites, and Romans ; none of which nations, whilft they kept their liberty, were ever known to maintain any foldier in conftant pay within their cities, or ever fuffered any of their fubjecls to make war their profefiion ; well knowing, that the fword and fovereignty always march hand in hand ; and therefore they trained their own citizens, and territories about them, per- petually in arms; and their v.'hole Commonwealths, by this means, became fo many formed militias ; a general exercife of the beft of their people in the ufe of arms, was the only bul- wark of their liberties, and was reckoned the fureft way to preferve them both at home and abroad, the people being fe- cured thereby as well againft the domeftic affronts of any of their own citizens, as againft the foreign invafions of ambitious and unruly neighbours. Their arms were never lodged in the hands of any who had not an intereft in preferving the public peace, who fought pro arts & focis, and thought them- felves fufficiently paid by repelling invaders, that they might with freedom return to their own affairs. In thofc days there was no difference between the citizen, the foldier, and the huubandman j for all promifcuoufly took arms when the public fafety required it, and afterwards laid them down with more alacrity than they took them up : fo that we find among the Romans, the braveft and greateft of their Generals came from the plough, contentedly returning when the work was over, and never demanding their triumphs, till they had laid down their commands, and reduced themfelves to the ftate of pri- vate men. Nor do we find this famous Commonwealth ever VOL. I. E permitted 5 BEAUTIES OF THE permitted a difpofition of their arms in any other hands, till their Empire increafing, neceflity cenftrained them to ere& a conftant ftipendiary foldiery abroad in foreign parts, either for the holding or winning of provinces. Then luxury increafing \vith dominion, the itrit rule and difcipline of freedom foon abated, and forces were kept up at home ; which foon proved of fuch dangerous confequence, that the people were forced to make a law to employ them at a convenient diftance : which was, that if any General marched over the river Rubicon, he fhould be declared a public enemy. And in the paflage of that river, the following infcription was creeled, Imperator five five tyrannus armatus quifquis fi/lito ; vexi/lum armaque de- nee citra bunc amnem trajicito. And this made Cafar, when he had prefumed to pafs this river, to think of nothing but the prefiing on to the total oppreffion of that glorious Empire. Mr. Hutchefon, Feb. 12, 1740. SIR, it is a new doflrine in this nation, and abfolutely in- confiftent with our Conflitution, to tell us, that his Majefty may, and ought, in the difpofal of offices and favours, to con- fider Gentlemen's behaviour in this Houfe. Let his Majefty be never fo well convinced of the wifdom and uprightnefs of his meafures, he ought not to take the leaft notice of what is faid or done by any particular man in this Houfe. He is a traitor to our Conflitution that advifes his Majefty to do fo ; and if reports are carried to his Majefty, with regard to the behaviour of any particular Member of Parliament in this Houfe, or at any Election, he ought to do with them, as it is faid King William did with the Papers of a Plot he had dif- covered. By perufing one of them, he found reafon to fuf- pecl feme of his Courtiers had been concerned j whereupon he threw them all into the flames, that they might not furnifh him with fufpicions agairift thofe he took to be his friends. 5 The BRITISH SENATE. 51 The fame Monarch (hewed another inftance of his generofity, and of his regard for our Conftitution. A poft in the army having fallen vacant, the Gentleman who had the next right to it, happened to be a Member of this Houfe, and one that had oppofed the Court, which few Officers do now-a-days ; the Minifters, as ufual, were againft his preferment, becaufe he had oppofed the King's Meafures in Parliament j but the King told them, he had always behaved well as an Officer, and he had nothing to do with his behaviour in Parliament. Honourable Edward Djgby^ March 23, 1741. WHATEVER notion fome Gentlemen may have of abfolute power, Sir, it has been thought neceflary in all countries for preferving fubordination and difcipline in an army. In the Roman Commonwealth, from its very firft original, the Ge- nerals of their armies had a moft abfolute and unlimited power over every Officer and Soldier in the army. They could not only prefer and reduce, but punifh even with death itfelf, by their fole authority, and without the fentence of any Court Martial. The ftory of Manlius^ who put his own fon to death, for fighting the enemy againft his orders, is fo well known, that I need not put Gentlemen in mind of it. Not only particular men, but whole armies, were among the Ro- mans fubject to be punifhed by the fole and abfolute power of their General ; for we read that Appius^ in the very infancy of that Commonwealth, caufed every tenth man in the army to >e whipped for flying from the enemy ; befides punifhing fome of the Officers with death. And, I believe, there is now no country in the world, where their armies enjoy fo much free- dom, or fo much fecurity againft being opprefled by their Commanders, as both the Officers and Soldiers of our B.ritifh irmies enjoy. Colonel Conway, Feb. 7, 1750. 2 THE S 2 BEAUTIES OF THE THE old Nabob Meer Jaffier, if ever Muflulraan had a friendfhip for a Chriftian, had a friendfliip for me. When the news of my appointment reached Bengal, he immediately quitted Muxadavad; came down to Calcutta; impatiently waited my arrival fix weeks ; fell ill ; returned to his Capital, and died ! Two or three days before his death, in the prefence of his wife, and in the prefence of his Minifter, he faid to his ion and fucceflbr, " Whatever you think proper to give to Lord Clive on your own account, the means are in your power : But as a teftimony of my affection for him, I defire you wills pay to him, as a legacy from me, five lacks of rupees." I muft pbferve, that the Nabob's death happened whilft I was on my voyage, and fome months before my arrival in Bengal. The^ principal and intereft amounted to near feventy thoufand pounds. The whole of the money, added to about forty thoufand pounds more, which I prevailed on the Nabob to beftow, is eftabliflied for a Military Fund, in fupport of Officers, and Soldiers who may be invalided in any part of India, and alfo in fupport of their widows. Lord Olive, March 30, 1772. IF Gentlemen will fearch the Records in the Tower, they will find that the town of Calais in France, when it belonged to the Imperial Crown of thefe Realms, was not taxed till it lent Reprefentatives to Parliament. Two BurgefTes from Ca- lais actually fat and voted in this Houfe. Then, and not till then, was Calais taxed. The Writ out of Chancery, and,-: the Return to it, in the reign of Edward the Vlth, with the names of the Burgefles, are ftill extant. I faithfully gave them to the Public from attefted copies. Mr. mikes, Feb. 1775. THE adopting of the meafures of fupporting large ftanding armies, to' enforce the fovereignty over their provinces, (an alluring motive) has fubjugated them all in their turns, and ex- tinguiflbed BRITISH SENATE. 53 tinguifiied their conftitutional provifions and barriers againft tyranny. To pafs over the lefler States, not only Marius, and Sylla, and Cxfar, but Auguftus and Tiberius, thofe able tyrants, who fyftematically ruined the Roman Empire and her liberties, atchieved it by troops raifed to maintain the Roman Sovereignty over their provinces. They did, indeed, fubdue thofe pro, vinces ; and their projedt reached ftill farther than they ex- pected ; for it flopped not till the Military Power, eftabliflied by them for that end, overturned the Imperial Power itfelf. In lefs than fifty years from the death of Augujlus^ thofe armies raifed to keep the provinces in awe, had no lefs than three Emperors on foot at the fame time ; and thenceforward the Military Power difpofe of the Empire, and gave to whom it pleafed the throne of the C