tif^'4}' '?-;-*;' THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES GIFT OF COMMODORE BYRON MCCANDLESS i-agrsa^d'oy J.3. uoagacxc. ^ l^fc W & ^ i):i- .:J9 Kn.irnv/d rrr thf t'ri/.t r,^plt.i ,•/' i/i,- l.il'r,iry l-:.liii<' mK< F.n.iliiad, r.» I *l Vll'.AV OF THK [Romans evacuate Britain. Picts, Scots, and Sasoni.] legions which defended it, might be secure from the northern incur- sions of tlie unconquered mountaineers, he formed a line of posts along the Scottish isthmus. Defended by these and subsequent for- tifications, protected by the conqueror's forces, acquiescing willingly in the dominion of their masters, more effectually and durably sub- dued by their arts than their arms, the once bold, hardy, and indepen- dent Britons became the timid, effeminate, and servile subjects of the Roman empire. Detached from the continent, this province en- joyed profound tranquillity, long after the irruptions of northern barbarians had pervaded the other parts of the empire. The skilful avarice of its conquerors discovered many of the advantages of Britain ; the general fcitility of its soil ; the richness of its pastures ; the abundance of its flocks, secure from wild beasts and venomous serpents; the value of its minerals; the number and conveniences of its harbours, equally adapted to commerce and defence. From her civilized svibducrs, Britain first learned the powers which she pos- sessed, and which, inspired by liberty, and enlightened by knowledge, she has since carried to so unparalleled an extent. The progress of northern invaders at length compelled the empe- rors of now enervated Rome to recall their legions from distant frontiers, that they might defend the metropolis. Valuable as Britain was, they were necessitated to evacuate that island for ever. Debili- tated by long peace, and dejected by long slavery, the southern Britons had now to encounter ferocious foes, against whom the strength of Roman fortifications, and the dread of Roman discipline, had hitherto afforded them sufficient protection. The Picts and Scots, who dwelt in the northern parts beyond the wall of Antoninus, made incursions upon their peaceable and effeminate neighbours ; and beside the temporary depredations which they committed, these combined na- tions threatened the whole province with subjection, or what the in- habitants more dreaded, with universal plunder and devastation.* Unable to defend themselves, the Britons applied for assistance to their late masters. A single legion sent to their succour freed their country from its desultory invaders; and, having effected its deliver- ance, again returned to the continent. The Britons were once more exposed to the inroads of their impetuous neighbours. Still too little inured to war, to recover the valour of their ancestors, they again sought security from foreign protectors. Stretched along the coasts of northern Germany, and opposite to Britain, were the Saxons, one of the fiercest and most warlike tiibes of their nation. Hardy and intrepid in every kind of warfare, from their maritime situation, they were peculiarly addicted to nautical expeditions. Originally fishermen, they had become pirates; they possessed arms an"d ships, the art of navigation, and the habit of naval Avar. Invading and despoiling the neighbouring coasts, they had gradually extended their depredations fiom the German ocean to the British channel and the Bay of Biscay. The Romans had been frequent- ly successful in repelling these piratical efforts,! but they could not prevent them from being renewed with increased force. The disso- lution of the Roman power encouraged the Saxons to repeat their incursions into southern Europe ; they were a terror to other nations. • See Hume, vol. i. p. 7. t Gibbon, vol. iv. p. 21'. STATE OF ENGLAND. 3 [Character of the Saxons.] Such was the people to whom the Britons applied for aid. Henj^ist and Horsa, the most celebrated warriors of the time, easily persuaded their countrymen to engage in an enterprise which appeared to them to promise a favourable opportunity of displaying valour, and acquir- ing plunder. Preparing a consideral)Ie force, they landed in the isle of Thanet, and immediately marched to defend the Britons from the Picts and Scots. They were speedily successful aerainst the ravagers of southern Britain. Rescued from their enemies, the Britons now expected to enjoy tranquillity, under the protecti(5ii of their warlike allies. They soon found, however, that a state cannot long enjoy in- dependence and security, that trusts to any efforts but its own. The Saxons seeing, in the facility with which they overthrew the Picts and Scots, how easily a people could be conquered that were unable to resist such feeble invaders, soon formed the project of subjugating the Britons themselves. They were allured by the fertility, verdure, and riches of the country ; and inflamed with the desire of exchang' ing for it, the barren, bleak, and indigent regions of uncultivated Germany. Of these advantages they informed their countrymen, and soon received re-enforcements, which enabled them easily to subdue that part of the country which they had first known and attempted. The ready establishment that the Saxons acquired in Kent under Hengist and Horsa, invited other hordes to invade different parts of the island. The Britons by degrees recovered that valour* which their ancestors had exerted against the conquerors of the world : the contest became arduous and bloody : many deeds of heroism were per- formed by the defenders of their liberties, as well as by ambitious ag- gressors. The fame of prince Arthur, though the theme of chivalrous mythologyt and poetic fiction, is allowed by our historians to have its foundation in truth. :j: In the darkness of barbarity, as well as in the light of civilization, Britain wanted not leaders and soldiers to combat the assailants of her independence. The natives, however, were yearly decreasing in numbers, while the losses of the Saxons were supplied by recruits from the continent. After a hundred and fifty years, the Germans fully established themselves, by exterminating the ancient possessors. The Saxons, in forming their heptarchy, having extir- pated the Britons, introduced into this island the manners and insti- tutions of their native land, and effected a revolution more complete than that which conquest has usually produced.§ The elegance and refinement which had begun to spread through Britain while a Ro- man province, were now totally overwhelmed by barbarity. But, uncouth as their manners were, the Saxons possessed vigor- ous understandings, undaunted courage, supported by, great bodily strength, and inspirited by an ardent love of liberty. Their several systems of policy, formed upon the principles of their ancestors, as consecrated to immortality by the pen of Tacitus, uniting kings, chiefs, and commons, were the rude but strong foundation of that constitu- Gibbon places the courage and perseverance with which the Britons resisted the Saxons, in a more strikinsr li^ht than anv other historian. See History, vol. vi- p. 385 to 393. a & - t See Don Quixote. I Hume, vol. i. p. 16; and-fJibbon, vol. vi. p. 390; with their respective au- thorities. § Robertson's Charles V, vol, i. p. 19T. ■v 4 viiiw or riiK [Intercourse with the continent. Commerce.] tion, which their descendants, inheriting the force of their character, now enjoy and preserve. When they had settled themselves beyond all question and dispute as masters of southern Britain, the Saxons soon discontinued intercourse with their German countrymen, and maintained little connexion with any foreign country. Adhering to the superstition of their forefathers, they had broken one powerful tie, by which many of the Britons were attached to christian Europe. Having, in the products of their new possession, supplies for their ■wants, they rarely*altempted to cultivate the knowledge of other countries for the sake of commercial benefits. From their insular situation, together with llie state of their continental neighbours, who ■were chiefly occupied in disputes with adjoining principalities, or in- ternal arrangements, they had no hostile interference with foreign countries; neither religion, irafTic, nor jarring pretensions^ engaged them in amity, nor involved them in war, with the nations of the con- tinent. Since the invasion of Julius C-^csar, Britain was never so detached from external politics, as during the first ages of the Saxon heptarchy. Religion restored the intercourse ■which had formerly subsisted be- tween Britain and the continent. The conversion of the Anglo-Saxons to Christianity, beside the important effects which it was calculated to produce upon the morals and dispositions of its new votaries, proved the means of opening a political connexion between this island and less barbarous regions. Coincidence of theological opinion gradually introduced communications upon other subjects ; the kingdoms of the heptarchy began to interest themselves in the affairs of their southern neighbours, and to conceive that a naval force was the most eflectual means of defence and security to islanders. Though the internal contests between the several princes had prevented this newly dis- covered policy from being carried into extensive execution, yet one prince (Offa of Mercia) set the example ; and, when France under Charlemagne had risen to a great pitch of power and opulence, en- couraged commerce, and formed a navy, as the certain security of this country against the conquerors of the continent.* Offa perceived the advantage to be derived from foreign trade being carried on by his own subjects, and for that purpose concluded a commercial treaty with the French monarch. When the heptarchy was consolidated under Egbert into the king- i^dom of England, circumstances became more auspicious to the com- mercial and political aggrandizement of the country. This revolution favoured internal trade, by putting a period to intestine wars, and rendering the communication between the several parts of England more secure and free : it was friendly to external commerce, by making the English monarchy a greater object to foreign merchants, and the English monarchs of gi eater consideration in foreign countries. Still the Anglo-Saxons were defective in that nautical power which their situation required, and its resources admitted. Depredations committed by a new enemy, who invaded the coasts, convinced the English of the necessity of equipping a mariiime force. The Saxons, who had remained in Germany when their brethren • Henry's History of Great Britain, vol. iv. p. l'J6. STATE OF ENGLAND. 5 [Danes invade England. Navy, &ic. established by Alfred.] established themselves in Britain, continued to maintain the character, and follow the pursuits of their ancestors, beintj distinguished for naval power, and becoming, from its exertion in piracy, formidable lo all the southern coasts. As they still adhered to the pagan super- stition, Charlemagne undertook their conversion by means more agreeable to the violent bigotry of the benighted ages, than to the generosity, magnanimity and wisdom of his own character. In the progress of his conquests having subdued nortliern Germany, by the most rigorous edicts against paganism he endeavoured to establish Christianity, and severely punisb the transgressors of his decrees, in many instances decimating the refractory.* Some of these pagans complied with the imperious mandates of the conqueror ; while others, more intrepid and independent, refused to yield to injunctions so cruelly enforced, and, to avoid the fury of the persecution, retired into the adjoining peninsula of Jutland. Meeting there with inhabitants of similar manners, institutions, and religious faith, they easily coalesced with the ancient possessors, and having assumed a common appella- tion, the Saxons and Jutlanders, under the name of Danes, about the end of the eighth century, commenced a very extensive system of maritime invasion : in the course of which they were induced to visit England, at that time unprotected by an adequate naval force. In their inroads they showed that, though barbarians, they were not destitute of judgment or prudence. Learning that the natives were as valiant soldiers as themselves, they trusted chiefly to their skill and activity as sailors ; and having previously explored the state of the coasts, they landed in the most defenceless and fertile parts ; which having pillaged before an English force could assemble, they retired to their ships ; and soon after descended, in a similar manner, and with similar suc- cess, on other parts of the coast. These enterprises harassed the vigorous reign of Egbert, who had not acquired the only force by which they could have been effectually repressed. Elated with their success, and farther encouraged by the feebleness and inaction of the superstitious Ethelwolf, they enlarged their schemes, and formed the project of subduing the whole of that country, with the devastation of whose coasts they had hitherto been contented. During the reign of this weak prince and his elder sons, the Danes made rapid strides to the attainment of their object; when the genius and wisdom of his youngest son Alfred, not only extricated his country from present danger, but established the most ellectual means of future security and aggrandizement to the kingdom. Having restored his country from a state of humiliation and sub- jection, to honour, independence, and glory, the illustrious Alfred turned his philosopluc mind to a comprehensive survey ol'its situation and circumstances, and its relation to foreign powers. He saw that the safety and greatness of England must chiefly depend upon marilime etTort. To promote trade, and to csLablioh a navy, after tiie expulsion ot the Danes, was a principal object of his renowned administration. For the attainment of these purpuses,- as well as to gratify the inquisi- tive spirit incident lo genius, he cultivated an intercourse wiih foreign and even remote countries. His agents not only explored the sliorcs t Hume, vol. i. p. 42. 6 VIEW OF THE [Contests with the Danes beneficial to England] of the Baltic and the White Sea, but investigated the state of Asia, from the Mediterranean to the Persian and Arabian gulf. He intro- duced new manufactures, which furnished many articles for exporta- tion, as well as for consumption within the kingdom. By his inven- tive talents, he made great improvements in the art of ship-building. The vessels constructed under his directions were much superior to any that were known in the northern or western seas, in the three important qualities of celerity, force, and facility of management.* As the founder of English jurisprudence, and the cstablisher of internal security and tranquillity, Alfred is not more deservedly celebrated than as the founder of English navigation and commerce, and the es- lablisher of external security and greatness. This extraordinary prince so clearly demonstrated and vigorously pursued the real inter- ests of his country, that other Anglo-Saxon kings, according to their adoption or neglect of the policy of Alfred, succeededin resisting the efforts of foreign aggressors. The abilities and vigour of the English sovereigns for several generations maintained a powerful navy, which prevented the northern plunderers from seriously infesting a co'.mtry so strongly secured, and impelled them to seek pillage and settlement among our continental neighbours. The weakness of Elhelred in the neglect and mismanagement of naval affairs, manifested in its effects the wisdom of Alfred, as clearly as it was shown in the able measures of his immediate successors ; for vthen the system of defence, which Alfred by his precept and example inculcated, waseitlier abandoned or feebly executed, the evils recurred, which he had so vigorously repelled and afterwards prevent- ed. But, though the invasions of the Danes impressed the English ■with a high idea of the importance of commerce, it was rather -with the view of affording the means of defence, than of being productive of prosperity and civilization. Export traffic, so much interrupted by northern cruisers, did not, in the time of the Saxons, rise to that mag- nitude which Alfred had proposed and expected. The total subjec- tion of England to the Danes was salutary to the commerce of the kingdom, by putting an end to those bloody wars between the two nations, which had raged about forty years with little intermission. Canute the Great, a wise as well as a warlike prince, endeavoured to gain the affections of his English subjects, by affording them the most cfi'ectual protection, and every encouragement in his power. He em- ployed the influence which his high reputation, extensive dominions, and mighty force had obtained, among foreign princes, to procure favours and privileges from them to his trading subjects. From his time, during the reign of his sons, and after the restoration of the Saxon line, the navigation and commerce of England continued compara- tively flourishing till the conquest. The Danes, having betaken themselves to cultivate the arts of peace, no longer disturbed their neighbours by piracy. By the contest with the northern navigators, the Anglo-Saxons were losers in the interruption of agriculture and of internal improvement, but gainers in acquiring naval power,, com- mercial ideas, and promoting an intercourse with the continent. From the accession of Canute, wl)cn the internal clisadvantages ceased to be ' ilenry, vol, iv. p. 221. STATE OF ENGLAND. 7 [Change eflecled by the Normans. War between England and France.] felt, and the external advantages increased, the benefit which they now derived exceeded the loss that they had formerly incurred. Though England, from religion, had hitherto some intercourse with southern Europe, her chief political connexion was with the north. She had very little acquaintance with her adjacent neighbours the French. Tlie conquest of the kingdom by William of Normandy, made a most important change, both in her internal state, and in her relation to the continent. Complicated as the feudal system was in its nature, and extensive in its subjects, it was extremely simple in its principle, and con- fined in its original objects : it was a policy which, overlooking every other consideration, narrowed its provision to national de- fence ;* and was merely a reciprocal guarantee of acquisitions pro- ceeding from conquest. The leaders and officers among the northern subduers of middle and southern Europe, in their re- spective tribes and divisions, entered into agreements to prevent themselves from being dispossessed of their lands by other invaders. The insulated state of the Anglo Saxons rendering them less exposed to ambitious depredators than their continental neighbours, the feudal system had not been established in England. The people had retain- ed more of the ancient German liberty than'on the continent, where an enslaving aristocracy was generally prevalent. Hence was pre- served that spirit of freedom, which the most aspiring monarchs could never thoroughly subdue, and which has rendered this comparatively small territory, this "little body with a mighty heart !" the* admiration and terror of most extensive and powerful empires. The manners of the Saxons, though rude and unpolished, were frank, manly, and inde- pendent; totally void of that servility and submissiveness which charac- terize the subjects of either monarchical or aristocratical slavery ; they were barbarians, it is true, but bold and generous. The con- quest of the kingdom by the Normans effected a considerable change ; though by no means like that by the Saxons, a complete revolution in laws and manners. William attempted to model his new dominions according to the feudal system, with partial, but imperfect success. The Saxon spirit of liberty continuing, extended to the Normans, with whom, in a few ages, the former inhabitants became entirely inter- mixed ; and obtained from the prudence of wise,t or extorted from the fears of weak,| princes, the revival, and even the improvement, of the Anglo-Saxon constitution. Still, however, the Norman laws and establishments subsisted in a considerable degree, and long continued to afiect the condition and manners of the people. § The changes produced by the Norman conquest were still greater at the beginning, and eventually more permanent in other respects, than in our laws and establishments. Hence is to be dated the com- mencement of our intercourse with middle and southern Europe, and especially with France, which has formed so important a branch of our political history. From that growing intercourse with continen- • Robertson's Charles V. vol. i. p. 13. t Henry I. and Henry H. + John and Henry HI. Sec Hume, vol. i. and Blackstone, vol. iv. c. 53. § Blackstone, vol. iv. c.33. on the Rise, I'rogress, and Completion of the British Constitution. 8 VIEW OF THE [Civil anil political objects of Edward I. and III.] tal Europe, proceeded also, in the progress of time, the beginning of our commercial efforts, and the revival and extension of our naval force. From the possession of Normandy by the English princes, proceeded those wars which so long raged between France and Eng- land to their mutual detriment. The crusades at certain times, by giving them identity of object, produced alliance ; but this was soon after followed by hostilities. The weakness and wickedness of John, abroad as well as at home, produced most beneficial effects to his country. The murder of prince Arthur excited a war, which, termi- nating in the conquest of the English dominions in France, extirpated the principal cause of dissension; while the weakness of Henry III. and the wisdom and goodness of Louis IX. maintained a long peace between the respective kingdoms. The lofty genius, comprehensive wisdom, and intrepid spirit of the first Edward, were chiefly occupied with two grand objects ; the es- tablishment of a perfect system of jurisprudence in England, and the consolidation of Great Britain into one kingdom. Engaged so deeply within the island, he was involved in no lasting or important hostili- ties with the continent. In the unfortunate reign of Edward II. the feebleness of the son in Britain undid a great part of what the abili- ties of the father had effected ; and with the continent he had estab- lished no material connexion. The ambition mingled with the extraor- dinary qualities of his celebrated son found a new ground of contest with France, which caused great disasters to both kingdoms. Unwise as the policy was which prompted Edward III. to seek the sovereignty of a kingdom in opposition to its established laws, and contrary to the interests of his own country, his measures for executing the under- taking were concerted with an ability worthy of his character. To make a powerful impression, he formed an extensive confederacy with continental states, and laid the foundation of a much wider intercourse with the Low Countries and Germany, than had ever existed before. The first important consequence resulting from Edward's alliance with the Netherlands was, that his attention was thereby directed to naval affairs. After the revival of commerce, first by the Italian states in the south, and afterwards by the Flanseatic league in the north of Europe, central position, maritime situation, fertility of soil, and industry of people, being fostered imder a government of less feudal aristocracy, and more enlarged frcdom than prevailed in France and Germany, rendered Flanders the medium of commercial com- munication between the coasts of the Mediterranean and the Baltic. It nearly monopolized that intermediate trallic, for its neighbours of France and Britain made no attempt to improve their respective op- portunities for trade. English materials indeed were the principal subjects of Flemish skill; from the raw produce of the farms and pastures of England, Flanders derived the staple of her flax and woollen manufactures. An emporium of merchandize, she acquired wealth and force; and was particularly dibtinguished for naval power. Resorting to Flanders to promote the purposes of the military alliance, Edward was not slow in observing the political state of that country. His perspicacious mind discovered the cause to be, its commerce and manufactures. He endeavoured to excite among his own subjects, that spirit of industry, which he found so beneficial to its votaries ; STA IF. OF ENGLAND. f) [Influence of Enghuid in tUe afTairs of Europe. Failure of Edw-ard's policy] and to direct it to those objects in which he perceived its efforts to be most productive. He invited Flemish artizans to settle in his do- minions, and commenced the woollen manufactures in his own king- dom. Knowing his people to have genius, enterprise, and perseve- rance, he first turned those qualities towaids the arts which have raised England to be the foremost among commercial nations. As Edward I. formed and digested English jurisprudence, so admirably- fitted for rendering to every man his right, and guaiding his pro- perty; Edward III. laid the foundation of that skill, and those efforts, which have acquired to Englishmen so much property to secure. From his engagements with Flanders originated niival victory,* which united with his commercial views to impress on his mind the impor- tance of mariiime power. The splendid achievements at Cressy and Poictiers, so glorious to English valour, and to the courage and con- duct of Edward and his renowned son, combining with the admired talents and character of both, gave to them and their country a weiglit in other European kingdoms, which England h.ul never before pos- sessed. The irritation of the contest produced a spirit of hostility between the two first nations of the modern world. Frequent wars impeded the advances of both to an opulence and power suited to their respective genius and character. The reign of Edward III. may be considered, in English history, as the great epoch of com- mencing manufactures and commeree in this nation ; as the period when England began to have an extensive influence in the affairs of the continent ; and when a spirit of regular and permanent hostility first broke out between England and France. Though the basis of British commerce and naval power was so ably and skilfully laid by Edward, yet general causes and particular events long retarded the superstructure. The murtial spirit prevalent in England, when intermingled with the pride of feudal aristocracy, represented the manufacturer and merchant as despicable, in compa- rison to the soldier; and while the warlike character of the times de- preciated in the public opinion the estimation in which those peaceful professions were held, and precluded from them the votaries of honour and fame, the violence and turbulence of those rude ages di- minishing the security of property, often tended to obstruct the vo- taries of interest in their mercantile adventures. The character and circumstances of the succeeding sovereigns, and the contests aI)out the throne, promoting for a century military energy, and not restrain- ing turbulent violence and injustice, interrupted the natural progress of Edward's plans. The feebleness of a long minority, the frivolity and profligacy of Richard's personal character, the jarring interests of the princes 9f the blood, and their respective pretensions to that power which the incapacity of the sovereign was so little qualified to hold, prevented any advances from being made in great schemes of policy. When Richard's sceptre was wrested from his weak hands by the skill and force of a powerful usurper, there still continued in the kingdonx grounds of feud and discord very unfavourable to national improve- ment. Henry IV. provident, vigilant, and wise, comprehended the great importance of commerce, and promoted it to the utmost of his • Off Slulse, June, 1540 Vol,. VII —? 10 Vir.W DFTHK ^Attempted conquest of France. War* of Lancaster and York. Edward IV.] power. He formed a commercial treaty with the Hans-town mer- chants; and promoted the seiilemenl of mercantile foreigners within his own kingdom. He devised and encouraged the formation of Eng- lish factories in foreign parts; a proposition, which, as our knowledge of the globe enlarged, and our intercourse with remote countries ex- tended, has in subsequent times been expanded into a grand and valua- ble system of colonization. He, like his grandfather, saw how neces- sary superiority at sea was to the security and prosperity of England, and made it one of his chief objects to maintain a formidable navy.* He encouraged artizcuis and mariners, and inculcated industry; but the various insurrections by which his rei^^n was disturbed, though all successfully quelled by his courage and conduct, interrupted the exe- cution of his commercial sclicincs. The extraordinary genius of Henry V., equally fitted for the field and the cabinet, directed its exertions chiefly lo military superiority; but he was im|)ressed with the importance of naval strength to Eng- land : he wa? as victorious at sea as at land ; and in his reign the fleets of Eiiy;land rode iriuuiphant in the channel. Eagerly intent, however, on conquering France, he could not bestow an adequate regard on the commercial advancement of his kingdom. After this great prince was prcmalui\,ly cut oti", the fii'st years of his son's reign were employed in attempts lo preserve and extend his fathci's con- quests in France ; but the succteding pari of his reign, replete with (ii^comfiull■e abroad and discontent at home, lost the national superi- ority buili by sea and land. The renowned earl of Warwick, indeed, recovered lo England her maritime dominion ; but the discords in whicli he soon took so active a part, and which terminated in such bloody and desiruciive civil wars, impeded industry, commerce, and all the peaceful arts, and involved England in grievous calamities. The duke of York, lineal heir to the crown, induced by the imbecility of the reigning prince, with probable grounds for expecting success, attempted lo finish the usurpation which the talents and character of the two preceding monarchs appeared to have firmly established; and though he himself did not live to attain the wished for dignity, yet, seconded and supported by the illustrious Warwick, he paved the Way for ihe spcetly accession of his son. Edward IV. to dissipation and profligacy joining great vigour of character whenever occasion required its eiTorts, exerting the mari- time supciioriiy of England with considerable success, invaded France with a powerful fleet. But the civil wars that recurred during the greater part of his reign, together with the indolence that marked his conduct when not stimulated by iniperious and immediate neces- sity, prevented the promotion of commercial schemes in proportion lo the resources of the country; of which the state at that time, ex- hausted by long wars and general devastation, was extremely unfa- vourable to the success ol arts and of comnierce. The short and cruel reign of Richard HI., principally occupied in endeavouring to re- move the consequence* of one crime by the commission of others, was too much engaged in massacre and proscription to afford him leisure und atltuiion lor supporiiuy; the internal prosperity or maritime force • Heiirj 's History, vol, x. p. 243. STATE OF LNGLAND. H [Civil wars reduce the feudal nobles. Efl'ects of reviving learning.] of his country. The recent disconifuure of the Enj^lish in P'rance, added to their own internal dissensions, occasioned great distress, depopulated the kinj^dom, retarded agriculture and manufactures, and increased the ferocity of manners ; while the profligate character of the princes of the house of York, and the wickedness which they cxciied or directed, introduced flagrant depravity. Edward havnig obtained possession of the throne by military force, however well founded his right, very frequtritly violated the constitution of his country, and tyrannized over the lives, liberty, and property of his subjects. His courtiers and favourites imitating his example, carried cruelty and oppression against their adversaiies to a still greater pitch than even Edward himself. The ancient nobility of England were almost entirely annihilated by the dreadful contests. Her own fatal dissensions, added to her recent discomfiture in France, had lessened the influence of England on the continent. During the greatest part of the fifteenth century, her progress in point of internal civilization and prosperity as well asof foieign influence, WdS little proportioned to her intrinsic pov'^ers. Still, however, if her advances were ob- structed, they were not altogether in)peded. Learning raised her head, though mingled with the superstition of the cloisters, in which she had been cherished and preserved from total extinction. Various colleges were founded and insliiuiions promoted, which proved ulti- mately favourable to the advancement of knowledge. The cultivated taste of polished ages, or the enlarged moral and political science of enlightened philosophers, were not to be expected in a state of society clovjded with darkness, and fettered with superstition; yet sonic of the seeds were now sown, which afterwards ripened into literature. The efforts of reviving learning, though not very judiciously direct- ed, were by no means feeble. The metaphysical theology of the schools, originating in misapprehension concerning the most profound of philosopliei s,* was not devoid of Grecian acuteness; and if its dis- coveries did not greatly expand the understanding, or its spiiit libe- ralize the sentiments, yet its contentions, by sharpening and invigora- ting the faculties, paved the way for intellectual aud moral improve- ment. Increased sagacity began to produce discussion of arithority in matters of thought and reasoning: the bold doctrines of WicklifiTe, though chiefly opposed by menace and persecution, slill excited a few of the clergy to employ more rational aiguments. Cotemporary or collateral heresies moved some ecclesiastics to prepare, by literary effort, for the defence of the existing superstition ; while they disposed and formed others for attack. But erudition, narrowly as it was still diffused, was not entirely confined to the church. Humphrey of Cilocester was a prince of considerable learning ;t Anthony earl of Rivers, and John earl of Worcester, in the reigns of Henry IV. and Edward, were eminent for literary knowledge.^ Gallant and meri- torious as were many of the nobles, who perished in the wars belweea Lancaster and York, their fall tended ultimately to tiie reduction of • See in Dr. Gillits's Preface to his translation of Aristotle, his account of the difference between Aristotle's te.\t and tlie comments of his professed inierpre- ters. f See Hume's History of Knfjland. ♦ Henri's History, vol. x. p. 147. 12 VIEW or THE [Different institutiont, in EnglanJ and France- Ilenrj VII] the feudal aristocracy, which, though never so entirely predominant in England as to slifie all remains of Saxon liberty, was yet so preva- lent as greatly to encroach on the constitutional rights of a free people. Generally bloody as were the wars, the animosity of contending chief- tains, and the resentment, rapacity, or jealous fears of the successive conquerors, rendered the proportion of grandees either killed in battle, or massacred by cruelly, much greater than that of the gentry, yeomanry, traders, and subordinate orders. The rising consequence of the great body of English commons eventually saved their country from the absolute monarchy which overwhelmed the neighbouring nations. Similar, indeed, in calamitous circumstances, at different though near periods of the fifieenh century, but dissimilar in the original in- stitutions, and in the ranks and orders of men which these generated, France and England were destined to experience very unlike systems of polity, at the time they both advanced in civilization and knowledge. When the French nobility, after being so much exhausted by inter- nal dissensions and the wars with England, were farther impaired by the crafty, unfeeling, and oppressive policy of Louis XL; there being no intermediate orders between them and the labouring people, who were actually slaves, all ranks were involved in one vortex ot arbitrary dominion. France became a simple monarchy ; while England, by rearing and cherishing a middle class, which augmented in force, as spreading industry and increasing knowledge, enlarged the means of acquiring moderate independence, was improved into a free constitu- tion, providing equally for the governing and governed, and proposing the general welfare as the only legitimate object of political establish- ments and national conduct. To the promotion of these beneficial purposes, no sovereign was more instrumental than Henry ViL: though his measures originated ill the peculiar circumstances of his situation, rather than in liberal policy ; yet, without allowing either wisdom or goodness the full credit of the beneficial effec's produced, an impartial examiner of his actions, and their evident consequences, must see, that he promoted the prosperity and meliorated the condition of England. He, indeed, was the first who carried effectually into execution, the great plans of improvement devised by the genius of his illustrious predecessor Edward HL Contracted in sentiment, covetous in disposition, and suspicious in temper, Henry did not always propose the most benevo- lent ends. Vigorous and penetrating in intellect, cautious in delibe- ration, but decisive in conduct, he both devised and employed the most opposite means. Apprehending the adherents of the house of York to be inimical to his own doubttul title, if he did not create, he probably brought into action, discontcents which might have lain dor- mant ; but when dissatisfaction rose to revolt, he with firmness and prudence suppressed repeated rebellions. Experiencing of suspect- ing the principal enmity to subsist among the higher ranks, he was anxious to weaken tlic order of nobles : he permitted the barons to break the entails of ilieir estates, and made laws to prevent them from retaining lart^e bodies of clirnls, which rendered them formidable and lurbulciii* He encouraged agriculture and commerce, perhaps * Uo'iertson's Charles V. vol. i. p. 103. STATE OF ENGLAND. 13 [He encourages navigation. Sebastian Cabot.] with a view (as our great historian conjectures) of gratifying his ava- rice by filling his coffers from imposts ;t and he concluded several very useful commercial treaties, which, though somewhat narrow in their principles, were in their operation lucrative. He bestowed great auention on the promotion of navigation ; as, before his time, foreign trade had been chiefly carried on in foreign bottoms, he endeavoured, with considerable success, to procure to English ships the carriage of our own exports and imports. During this reign a spirit of maritime adventure for the purposes of discovery and commerce arose in several parts of Europe. The invention of the compass encouraged navigators to explore oceans before untried by Europeans. Venice and Genoa had hitherto monopo- lized the traffic of the western world to India. Portugal, in the fifteenth century, was governed by a succession of courageous, able, and en- terprising princes ; who, perceiving the advantages accruing to the Italian republics from a trade with India, attempted to employ their maritime situation in profitable traffic. Nautical adventurers, directed by the princes of that country, proceeded gradually along the coast of Africa. At length, they extended their voyage to the southern pro- montory of that immense peninsula : to which, foreseeing it would open a passage to the East Indies, they gave the name of the Cape of Good Hope ; and a few years after arriving on the Malabar coast, showed to western Europe, that India was more easily accessible to its commercial adventurers, than to its eastern neighbours ; and that oriental riches were no longer to be exclusively acquired by the coast- ing traders of the Mediterranean, but to be shared by the bold es- sayers of unknown oceans. But while Vasquez di Gama found out an accessible though circuitous course, from the shores of the northern Atlantic to the southern regions of Hindostan, Columbus, by the iorce of his genius, conceived, and by the boldness of his enterprise and perseverance, discovered to the inhabitants of Europe, much nearer to their own coasts, a new world, replete with incentives to commerce and navigation; and abounding not only with materials for riches, but with subjects of reflection, and means for enlarging human comprehension and enjoyment. Soon after the illustrious Florentine found the West Indies, Americus Vespusius, in prosecution of Colum- bus's plan, arrived at the southern continent, and gave his own name to a quarter of the globe discovered by another. Accident, and not the parsimony of Henry, prevented England from enjoying the honour of this signal discovery. He soon fitted out a squadron, which sailed to the west, in order to explore unknown regions in latitudes more contiguous to his own kingdom, and seek a nearer passage to India than by doubling Africa. Sebastian Cabot conducted the enterprise, and arrived at a coast to which he gave the name of Newfoundland. Steering along to the southward as far as that part of the coast which has since been named Virginia, he ascertained that there were large tracts of laiKl adjacent, convenient for naval enterprise upon the Atlantic. Though Henry did not attempt to establish a settlement on this coast, yet the enterprise was of the highest importance, as it stimulated England to farther nautical adventure. A spirit of navi- gation, commerce, and discovery was excited by Henry, which after- * Hume. 14 VILW OF THE [Increasing influence of England among foreign states. State of Ekirope.] wards generally diffused itself, and called into action the maritime exertions of these islands, improved by all the sap^aciiy and energy of the national character when employed in the mobi beneficial direc- tion. But while Henry thus promoted the commerce, navigation, and in- ternal prosperity of his country, he extended her inHuence among foreign states. He loved peace, without fearing war. Though by no means comprehensive in his views of European policy, he under- stood sufficiently the relations, objects, and condition of other king- doms, to provide for the security and defence of his own dominions. He was courted by cotemporary princes in every part of Europe, and the English nation was never so closely interwoven in continental affairs as during his reign. Other circumstances concurred with the personal character of Henry, to extend the intercourse between Eng- land and the nations of the continent. Previous to the fifteenth century, little political connexion had subsisted between the neighbouring states of Europe ; their reciprocal hostilities were rather the effect of passion and personal animosity, than of any well digested system of poli- cy. Their means of reciprocal annoyance, occasional impost, and tem- porary militia, though sufficiently adapted to the desultory conflicts of the pride or resentment of rival chieftains, were little fitted for the purposes of systematic war. When England, under Henry V. and in the posthumous execution of his great and ambitious projects, had almost overwhelmed France, the neighbouring principalities of Ger- many and Spain bestowed no attention on an event menacing the se- curity and independence of Europe.* The contests between the several kingdoms of Spain, evidently tending to unite that part of the continent into one great empire, were regarded by the rest of Europe with equal indifference. Princes were little effected by remote or eventual danger. This inattention did not entirely arise frf)m the Avant of sagacity to foresee distant contingencies, but proceeded in a considerable degree from the condition of their dominions, which called their consideration to present and proximate objects. The power of the barons under the feudal system, often either distracting the public tranquillity by the feuds of rivalry, menacing the sovereign by rebellion, or by oppression driving the populace to insurrection, with the imperfections of the civil government, so fully occupied the sovereigns, as to leave them little leisure to survey foreign affaiis. This was especially the situation of France, the most compact, cen- trical, and populous kingdom of Europe ; and the best fitted, from the advantages of her situation, the number and character of her people, if internally well governed, cither to secure herself, or to protect or disturb her neighbours. The fiefs into which that kingdom was di- vided, weakened the force of the monarchy; but from the destruction fjf the nobility in the wars with England, the rapacious policy of Louis XI. and the re-atjnexation of the English possessions and detached principalities to the crown, government was rendered almost simply monarchical. '1 his event was accelerated at home, and its influence extended abroad, by another effect of the wa.s. These generated standing armies, which, now being first employed by Charles VH. to • See Robertson's Cliarles V. vol. i p. 3?. T l)e same truth may He gathered f.om Humc'^ History of those uars, though it is nut so cxpiesil) blated. STATK OF KNGLAND, 15 [Augmented power of princes. Balance of power.] preserve his crown, and afterwards maintained by him to humble the remainder of his barons, were now enlarged by his son, and exercised in crushing the ancient nobility, and seizing the territories of his neighbours. Charles VI 1 1, the son and successor of Louis XI. found the nobili- ty incapable of opposing the will or projects of the prince, and a powerful army, with little to employ its force but the resumption of Britatiny. He eflected this purpose partly by war, and finally by marriage. The monarch of France, now no longer occupied at home by the English or his barons, from efforts commencing in successful defence and progressively extending to internal usurpation, began to prepare measures of offence against independent states, which had given him no provocation. For the execution of such designs, he |)ossessed subjects whose energy of character rendered tiiem formi- dable and efficient instruments against all with whom they were at war, either justly or unjustly. Having invaded Italy with a powerful force, he first presented France as the disturber of Europe; a cha- racter which she has so often resumed in the three following centu- ries, wiih strength of operation, and vicissitudes of event ; not rare- ly with injustice of principles, impolicy of object, and pernicious result. C'harles overran Italy from the Alps to the southern extremi- ty and possessed himself of the city and kingdom of Naples. Neigh- bouring nations were now acquiring similar efficiency of force with France by similar means ; by the reduction of the nobles, the conso- lidation of principalities, the re-union of fiefs under the lords para- mount, and the employment of a standing army. Exempted from constant anxiety and apprehensions from their own subjects, they were enabled to watch the conduct of their neighbours ; and in ob- serving their motions, to view distant probabilities as well as immedi- ate effects. The most powerful prince of the continent after Charles of France, was Ferdinand of Arragon, who was now by his marriage with Isabella of Castile, actual sovereign of Spain. This prudent prince, alarmed at a progress which endangered the safely of his do- minions, combined with the Italian states and Maximilian of Aus- tria in forming a confederacy to repel the prosperous aggression of France, and confine the invader to his ancient dominions. The object and principle of this alliance form an epoch in political history, as liie first effort of modern* times to maintain a balance of power ; which is merely self preservation in a community dictating plans of policy, to provide against circuitous injury and annoyance, as well as against direct attacks. To this treaty, which was concluded at Cambray, Henry VIL • From history it appears, that the sugacious Greeks very early discerned the necessity of resisting etibrts against others, wliicli might extend to themselves. Animositr, ambition, and pride, were not the sole causes of tiie l*eloponnesiai> conteueracy against Athens; but, in a considerable degree, the appreiiension of growing power. When the Spartans became in their turn predominant, a similar confederacy was formed, to reduce the excess of their power ; an object to which the Athenians adhered with such nicety of discrimination, that when they found the scale preponderate in favour of the Thebans, sacrificing all animosity to sound policy, they joined the Spartans in order to preserve the balance of power. See Gillies, vol. ii. chap. 5. vol. iii. chap. 27 and 30 ; but mostly In the last. Other histories also illustrate this observation respecting the Greeks, whose policy was so contrary to that of other ancient nations, especially the victims of progressive Roman conquest. Hi VIF.AV OF HIE [Character of the reiga of Henry VII. Henry \11I.] acceded, and, though his general caution, and distance from the scene of hostilities, did not suffer him to take an active share in the war, yet his junction in the alliance is an epoch in the histoi-y of England ; because England then first joined in a continental confederacy to re- press the offensive measures of France. Though the reign of Henry VII. conduced eventually to political as well as commercial and naval improvement, yet the extension of freedom, far from being Henry's object, was by no means the imme- diate effect of his measures. The aristocracy was reduced, but the people were not yet risen to such strength and importance as to op- pose a sufficient bulwark, to the augmented powers of the crown. Twenty-eight temporal lords only formed the first house of peers af- ter Henry's accession ; and the order was soon found to have decreaed in authority, as well as in number and possessions. In the interval between the fall of the barons, and the rise of the commons, the power of the crown was much greater than in former reigns. Henry \'II. may justly be termed an absolute prince. His government was arbitrary, both in the series of his acts and the general regulations or laws which through him were established.* In his time the authority of the star-chamber was revived, and in some cases confirmed by law, and armed with powers the most dangerous and unconstilulional over the persons and properties of the subjects. Informations were al- lowed to be received, instead of indictments, in order to multiply fines and pecuniary penalties. A tendency, directly or indirectly, to augment the emoluments of the exchequer, was the general charac- ter of his laws. Ambition in Henry, descending from its lofty rank, became the humble minister of avarice ; but the joint efTecls of both passions, though hurtful at the time, were destined by providence to be beneficial to posterity. Henry VIII. was disposed to piomote the commercial improve- ments which his father had begun ; but the knowledge which either he himself or his ministers possessed of the subject, was extremely imperfect. On the whole, all the direct acts and immediate conse- quences of his government were inauspicious to nautical discovery, and the extension of commerce. Navigation and trade were indeed advanced during this period, but rather by the efforts of private ad- venturers, than the policy of either the sovereign or the legislature. The first part of Henry's reign was chiefly occupied at home in plea- surable dissipation, and courtly splendour, under the magnificent and ostentatious ministry of Woisey ; wasting in sumptuous entertain- ments and costly pomp, the riches which the avarice of his father had acciuired. The luxuries of the court requiring foreign supplies, stimulated private adventure, and, without any meritorious plans of the sovereign or his counsellors, encouraged the importation of com- modities 'from distant and even newly discovered countries. The spirit of maritime enterprise excited by the last king, though little promoted by his son, operated on the nation, and the circle of trade was gradually enlarged in various quarters of the world. Tliough no English colonics were yet settled in any part of the new world, their merchants carried on a trade with the islands in the West • Blackstone'* Commentaries, v'<]. iv. chap 53., on the progress of the Enfjlish laws and constitution. ' * STATE OF ENGLANIJ. 17 [Prog^ress of trade and discovery. Attempts to find a north-west passage.] Indies, which had been seized and settled by the Spaniards: they had agents residing in some of these settlements, parlicuhirly in the great island of Cuba, for the management of their trade. Mr. Thorn of Bristol, one' of the greatest merchants and boldest adventurers of the age, established a factory at Cuba; and was the first Englishman who set the example of a commercial settlement in the new woild. Em- ploying the opportunities he thereby acquired, not only for the pur- poses of present traffic, but for discovery and future extension of com- merce, he sent agents to the Spanish fleet, furnished with great sums of money, to bring exact charts of the seas, rivers, and lands wliich they visited, and as accurate a description of the accessibility, slate, and productions of the several countries, as they could procure * The spirit of discovery in private adventurers was no less ardent, than the desire of trading with countries already known. Henry in the beginning of his reign appeared eager to promote inquiry into new regions, and fitted out ships for exploring the soutlicrn ocean. But the expedition by some misconduct or mischance having failed, t the king, from a fickleness incident to violent minds, and the promi- nent feature in his character, totally abandoned all thoughts of such undertakings. Merchants and mariners, however, persevered; and though some of their voyages appear not to have been lucrative, yet, by adding to the national stock of nautical science, and extending the sphere of English navigation, they produced important advantages. Two ships destined for South America were committed to Cabot, which visited the Brazils. The knowledge of that coast, and its great projection into the Atlantic, being acquiied, Hawkins, father to the renowned voyager, directed his course to the same country, and having opened a traffic with the Brazilians, crossing over to the oppo- site promontory, was the first Englishman v/ho surveyed the coast of Guinea. With their progress in gain, the desires of English mari- ners increased; and their ideas expanding with the advancement of knowledge, they directed their thoughts to Indian opulence. In their voyages to the Mediterranean, having traded to its eastern coasts, they received accurate information concerning the riches of Hindostan, which before were only imperfectly known through distant and uncer- tain report. In their intercourse with Portugal, they beheld with en- vy the vast wealth that flowed into that country from the regions of the east-t Conceiving, with Columbus, that the islands which he first discovered lay contiguous to the vast continent comprehended under the general name of India, they hoped to find a more compendious passage, through which, by easily outstripping the Portuguese and all southern Europe, they might acquire the principal share of the treasures of India. Unsuccessful as the attempt proved to discover a north-west passage, and unfortunate as the adventurers were, yet the undertaking showed a bold spirit of commercial enterprise. Not- withstanding partial discouragements and failures, the general result of private maritime pursuits in Henry's reign, was a great accession of trade and riches to the country. Under this monarch, from the progression of causes that began to operate through Europe in his • Hackluyl, vol. ii. p. 726. f Henry, vol. xii. p. 327. i Kobertson's posthurhous America. Vol.. V'll— 3 Ig Air.W OF IIIF [Continental policy oi Henry] father's reign, the iiilerest of European powers became more involved and intermixed, ihaii they had been at any former period. Henry attained with the continental powers a very great degree of influence ; he indeed held the balance, but turned the scale according to present iiTipulsr and passion ; being more frequently actuated by the suggestions of his proud, ambitions, and resentful favourite, than either by equity or sound policy. When he ascended the throne, the power of France, superior to any other nation on the continent, the hostile jealousy between that country and England, and the con- nexion and affinity between Henry and Ferdinand, concarred in ren- dering the English king ininucal lu the French. Louis XH. was eager, like his predecessor, to conquer Naples ; but the opposition of Ferdinand, joined to the trea( hery of that crafty and unprincipled monarch, prevented his siicrcss. A new field, how- ever, was soon opened for the ambitiun of Louis. Julivis IL like many of Ins predecessors on ilie papal throne, instead ol promoting the meek benevolence of the christian religion, was the incendiary of unprovoked and ini(]uitous war. By his Intrigues a partition treaty was frametl between the three great powers of Austria, Spain, and France, for dismeh)bcriiig the dominions and dividing the riches of the illustrious republic of Venice. A league was formed at Cambray for this nef.trious purpose; and it was stipulated, that the pope, who instigated the robheiy and projected the plan, should have a considera- ble share of the plunder acquired by more powerful and efficient perpetrators.* Such confederacies, composed of jarring materials, contain the seeds of their own dissolution. The rapid successes of French etungy filled the allies with jealousy and alarm. The pope, wl.o had first planned this alliance of the great powers, anxiously sought to excite discord among the several members, involving them in mutual quarrels, that he might expel them successively from Italy, and enjoy without control the sole direction of that country.! He de- tached Ferdinand from the league, and endeavotired, through that prince and his own influence to excite Henry to war with France. The sagacious prelate, thoroughly knowing the characters with which he had to deal, made suitable applications ; he first addressed himself to Ferdinand's interest; then to Henry's love of distinction, national animosity to the French, and passionate zeal for the catholic religion; in which, as in every thing else, his ardour was violent, and spurned at all contradiction. He persuaded Henry that in attacking France, he should fight the cause of the church, which Louis was most pro- fanely defying ; he flattered and promoted his ambassador ; and led Henry to expect, that the title of the Most Chriatian King, so precious an ornament to the French monarchy, should be transferred to the English sovereign. To fix the impression of his religious authority on this devout monarch, he sent him a sacred rose, perlumed with musk, and anointed wiih chrism. t Inspired by devotion, impatient lor displaying to Europe his power and importance, and reviving the • Sec the outlines of this confederacy and it.s operations, in Ro!)crtson's Cliarles v., vol. i. p. 117 to 120; and Iliime, vol. i. p. 'Jf>3 to 267. For the detail, see (.uicciardini ; and l'Abb(: du 3o8, Histoire de lit I.igue de Cambray. ' ,* I Gtiicciarrlini, lib. viii. ' % Spe Hume, vol. ii. p. 265. STATF, OF KNTGLAM). |9 [Balance of power. Interests of F.ngland require Henry h) support Francis.] ancient claims upon France, Henry engaged in a war, which was iieitlier necessary lo Uie security, nor conducive to the interests, of his kingdom. Chivalrous impolicy engaged the romJtitic James in the contest, and kindled a war between Scotland and England. Tiie disciplined valour of the southern Briions overcame the impetuous rashness of northern heroism, and obtained a victory, fatal to the vanquished, and brilliant but useless to the conquerors. English courage and military prowess Avere again displayed in France with splendid achievements, and signal success, but followed by no impor- tant advantage; and all parties ])erceiving the unavoidable necessity of putting an end to the calamities of war, a treaty of peace was con- cluded, which comprehended all the belligerent powers. After peace and tranquillity had continued for several years, a new state of European affairs gave a change to the scale of power, and to the policy that was expedient for maintaining the balance. Charles of Austria had now succeeded to all the inheritances and acquisitions of his paternal grandfather and grandmother, in Germany, Italy, and the Low Countries; and to all. the inheritances and acquisitions of his maternal grandfather and grandmother in Spain, Italy, Africa, and the new world.* Francis, the first of that name, had ascended the throne of France on the death of his cousin Louis. The relative po- sition and stale of their territories led these two princes to political rivalry, while other causes concurred in inflaming their competition. They were botii young, and succeeded to their respective possessions about the same time; both were, endued with great abilities, though of dissimilar dispositions ; and both became masters o.'^ very exten- sive resources. Beside so many gener:il grounds of emulous ani- mosity, they had a special source in their respective application for the imperial diadem. The appointment of Charles, and rejection of Francis, called immediately into actien those causes of hostility which must have soon operated from their reciprocal situation and respective characters. Between these two mighty monarchs, Henry of England only, by the greatness of his powei', was fitted to hold the balance. Quick in perception, and vigorous in capacity, he readily saw the general policy of preserving an equipoise ; and, devoted to the honour of his country, as well as to his own glory, he valued himself on being the umpire of Europe. But though his talents were considerable, his judgment was not proportionably sound; at least, its exertions were too easily swayed by the impvilse of temper and passion. The accumulated possessions of the emperor Charles V. rendered him manifestly superior to Francis; political security therefore, the principle of English interference in continental affairs,! required that Henry should lean towards France ; but he cherished the ancient English enmity to an opposite neighbour. Francis, wdio resembled Henry in many of the accomplishments on which he greatly prided himself, and in some parts of his character, (though much supeiior • Robertson's Charles V., vol. ii- p. 1 to 26. f See lord tlrenville's speech on the Uussinn arnnament in 1791 ; Mr. Pitt's sjjeech onAhe negoliulion with Buonapiirle; Mr. Fox'?> .speeches on the continental connexions which England ought to pursue; Mr. Pill's applying the same prin- ciple to our alliance with Holland and Prussia; and parliamentary speeches on the object and grounds ot the late w ai. 20 VIl-^V OF TlIK [Unwise, but vigorous policy of Henry. The Reformation.] on the whole,) was the object of his personal rivalry. Henry was moreover governed by his favourite Wolsey, whom Charles courted, and bribed most lavishly for the present, flattering him with the hopes of being raised to the papal dignity, at that time the highest in Chris- tendom. Instigated by this imperious counsellor, the English king adopted a policy totally inconsistent with the interests of his king- dom ; made war with France, and, by weakening that country, ren- dered it more easy for Charles to increase his already overgrov.n power. When Frimcis, defeated and a prisoner, was reduced to the lowest pitch of distress, Henry's motive of interference was much less the necessity of repressing Charles, than the persuasions of Wolsey ; who, disappointed of the expected promotion, (most fortu- nately lor the independence of Europe,) became as violent against the emperor as he had been before in his favour. Henry's conduct to- wards Catharine widened the breach between him and her nephew ; so that, during the rest of his reign, he was, with very few intermis- sions, closely connected with i'lcincis, and Charles was prevented from endangering the liberties of Europe. The part which Henry took in the affairs of the continent, though far from being uniformly wise, or even, when right, proceeding from reasons of sound policy, was generally cfTicucious. It demonstrated the force and weight of the English power, though not always wielded by the king from the best motives, or for the most useful purposes. The reign of this monarch, the first period of active and uniform in- terference in the transactions of the continent, showed that England was at least an efficient member of the great European republic ; and that her relative power being once ascertained, its utility to her- self or her neighbours would depend upon the wisdom or folly, the justice or injustice, of her directors. The most momentous event by which Henry's reign is distin- guished, is the reformation ; a change accelerated by particular inci- dents, collisions of passion, and individual circumstances, but origi- nating in general causes. Among these, on the one hand, were the scandalous profligacy of the clergy, the grasping rapacity of their avarice, the enormous usurpations of their ambition, tlic overweening insolence of their pride, and the gross ignorance of the great part of that immense body, multiplying the absurdities of superstition, which had overwhelmed tlu- wisdom and the benevolence of the christian religion; and on the other, the progressive expansion of the human faculties, from that contracted state into which they had been confined about the expiration of the tenth century,' and from which, though slowly at first, they had since gradually extricated themselves. The understandings of men, enlightened by knowledge, became more acute and vigorous by exertion, and their moral discernment more just. That great engine of intellectual communication, the press, was now invented ; men began to read, and to reason on what they did read. The bible, which had been so studiously concealed by the priest- hood, was discovered and perused. Penetration, now assisted by learn- ing, found out that many of the articles of faith, and injunctions of both ritual and moral practice, were not only incompatible with con- • See Robertson's Charles V. vol i. ; and Hume's general observations on the predecessors oOlenry Vlf. at the conclusion of the reign of Hichard III. STATE OF ENGLAND. 21 [Causes which led to the Ileformation. Consequences of that event.] science, reason, and common sense, but opposite to genuine Christi- anity as contained in the scriptures. Finding so many defects in the superstructure, men gradually be- gan to examine the basis. Such was the course which the renowned Luther pursued : who, perceiving the jibsurdity and wickedness of selling indulgencies to vice and profligacy, and demonstrating what he perceived, proceeded from one step of discovery to another, until he iouiid that the whole system of papal superstition was raised upon an hypothesis totally inconsistent with history, experience, and reason ; that its principle was the infallibility of a human being, which was obviously false, and consequently that the v/hole train of deductions depending upon this principle, were inadmissible on its authority. With the intrinsic absurdity of papal superstitions, which diffused reason and knowledge tended to dispel ; with the profligacy of the clergy, which conscience prompted to reprobate and oppose ; the policy and passions of princes and other individuals, no doubt, con- curred in promoting the reformation commenced by Luther. Revived learning, however, raising human intellect to its real dignity, and through the press spreading its influence much more extensively than even in the enlightened ages of antiquity, soon destroyed ecclesiasti- cal thraldom, and dispelled gloomy superstition. The metaphysical subtleties of one set of reformers might be diflferent from those of another; but the most essential and valuable part of the HEFORM, the EMANCIPATION OF HUMAN REASON FROM THE CHAINS OF HUMAN AUTHORITY, Sprang from the ettorts of that reason, and was the source of the principal advantages, religious, moral, civil, and political, which resulted from this great revolution in the church. These changes, though operating chiefly in the country where enfran- chised genius and learning had arrived at the highest pitch, were not confined to nations which formerly protested against the authority of an Italian clergyman, but extended to countries where the pope's supremacy was still acknowledged. In protestant states, however, besides this great and general ad- vantage from the overthrow of papal authority, many other more im- portant benefits accrued, especially in England. Immense sums and demesnes, the tributes of superstition and credulity to hypocrisy, fraud, and imposture, or the exactions of tyrannic violence from the terrors of weakness, which had been employed in fostering sloth, idleness, and sensuality, were now amalgamated into the mass of na- tional property, encouraged rising industry, and improved the public revenue. The reformation tended to promote agriculture, trade, manufactures, and private and public opulence, the means of national defence, security, prosperity, power, and glory. Thus a revolution, at first sight theological, became a most important event in the com- mercial history of Britain. It tended also to the improvement of English jurisprudence ; by removing from that admirable system, all those pernicious' incumbrances, which had been imposed on our laws by clerical artifice and usurpation, to shelter crimes.* • Blackstone, vol. iv. c. 16 and 18, on the benefit of clergy ; and chap. 33. on the progress of the law and constitution of England, fourth period, under Hen y 22 VIKW OF lilE [Character of Henry's reign. Edward VI. promotes iiuvigation and eommercc.] By the reduction of the clerical aristocracy, the still enfeebled state of the lay aristocracy, and the hitherto slow progress of the commons ; the abject servility of parliaments ; the vigorous talents, inflexible temper, and violent passions of the sovereign; this reign, though ultimately conducive to liberty, was more absolute than any re- corded in the English history. Though the open, liberal, and intre])id mind of the monarch, never exercised his authority in the treachery, dissimulation, and baseness, so prevalent in despotic courts, yet the ungovernable fury of his affections, the profusion and rapacity of his disposition, and the violence and capriciousness of his inclinations, with the fickle bigotry of his ever-changing theology, re^ndered him unjust, oppressive, tyiannical, and cruel. Under the sanction of those pusillanimous parliaments, the encroachments of monarchical power were established by law. But the political evils of Henry's reign, which resulted from individual character and special circumstances, were only temporary ; tlie good arising from the general causes was permanent, and contained in itself the means of progressive improve- ment. The short reign of Edward VI. tended in many respects to extend the advantages, and correct the mischiefs of Henry's government. Commerce and discovery made considerable advances at this period. The trade of England had hitherto been carried on chiefly by for- eigners, especially by a corporate company from the Hans-towns, called the merchants of the Steelyard. In former reigns, these had engrossed a great part of the trafhc with foreign countries, and employed Ger- man or Flemish shipping. This establislmient, which was encouraged by Edward III. and succeeding princes, in order to teach the Eng- lish commercial lessons, and excite mercantile emulation among them, had been long extremely useful. The council of young Ed- ward perceiving that the reasons for encouraging these foreigners no longer existed, and that a spirit of mercantile adventure being now raised among the natives of England, such privileges enjoyfed by aliens interfered with the national interest, found it necessary to annul them, and place all foreigners on an inferior fooling to native subjects. This change contributed greatly to the advancement of commerce and navigation ;* and a commercial treaty was concluded with Sweden, on the solid principle of reciprocal exchange of super- fluity to supply mutual want.t" The great fishery on the banks of Newfoundland became an object of attention, and was prosecuted witii activity and success. | The Er)glish still cherished the idea of open- ing a communication with eastern riches, by a more expeditious course than the Cape of Good Hope. Cabot, so renowned for naval enterprise, urged th.e English, instead of steering towards the north-west, which had proved unsuccessful, to attemjjt the discovery of the desired passage by the north-east. At his instance, and under his direction, several noblemen and persons of rank, together with some principal merchants, having associated for this purpose, were incorporated by a charter, under the title of the Company of Mer- chants Adventurers for the discovery of regions, dominions, islands, and places unknown. Two ships and a bark were equipped for this • See Hume. f Ibid. f Kobertson's posthumous America, p. 16; and Hackluyt's voyages, /'osstm. SrA TK OF KNGF.AM). 2.'i [Repeals the tyrannical laws of his father. Mary.] service; and though they failed in the great end of their expedition, one ship and the bark being lost, yet the other effected very iniportant discoveries. An intercourse with the vast empire of Russia, before unknown to English adventurers, was opened ; and, on the return of this ship, a mercantile company was formed for trading with Muscovy. Attempts were now made to open a communication with India and China by land, through the new connexion with Russia, by Astracan and the Caspian sea; and though the adventurers did not penetrate so far as they intended, yet they acquired a knowledge of the countries, commodities, and inhabitants of Turkey; which, combined with the maritime enterprises in the Mediterranean, laid the foundation of English commerce with the Ottomans. A commercial intercourse was also opened with the western coasts of Africa ; while the traffic begun with Ikirbury was considerably extended in the reigns of Ed- ward and Mary. The war with Scotland, in which Henry had left his kingdom en- gaged, together with the factions which prevailed under the protect- orship of Somerset and the administration of Warwick, prevented Edward from possessing on the continent that influence which his father had maintained. The distraction of English councils, and the connexion with Scotland, now so closely united by the afllance of the dauphin with the infant queen, encouraged and stimulated the French monarch to attack England in war; and though hostilities were soon ended by a peace, the English, torn by dissensions, were losers by the treaty : nor did this kingdom afterwards, in the course of Edward's reign, interfere with effect in continental politics. The internal part of Edward's history is of the highest importance. The first session of his parliament repealed all the laws enacted through the arbitrary violence of Henry, which had tyrannically extended the crimes of treason and felony, and made heresy a capital offence. The prolestant religion was fully established, and though the re- formation might not extend to every principle and doctrine which unfettered reason could impugn, yet it proceeded as far as the senti- ments, knowledge, and character of the nation could bear. The re- form was great, though less violent and more gradual than in some other countries, where they laid the whole hierarchy prostrate ; yet from its moderate and progressive nature it was the more likely to be durable. While it humbled the pride and ambition of the clergy, and restrained their avarice and profligacy, it left them rank and pro- perty to maintain the dignity conducive to the purposes of their office, in a country where great diversity of rank and property pre- vailed. Abolishing much useless pageantry, the English reformers, aware that men are as frequently led by their senses and imagi- nations, as swayed by their hearts and understandings, left a sufficient degree of pomp, ceremony, and accompaniment, to amuse the fancy, and please the eye and the ear, without substituting idolatry for real devotion. The leading features of Mary's character, were, an ardent and boundless zeal for Romish bigotry, and an ungovernable love for the man whom she married. These passions, enhancing and inflaming each other, account for the most important transactions of her short and detestable reign. At once a religious and amorous devotee, she persecuted and butchered protestants, to please herself and her bi- 24 VIEW 01- TIIK [Elizabeth. Augmentation of the navy.] goted and cruel husband ; while to gratify his wishes, and secure a greater portion of his company and love, she oppressed and exhausted lier people, and engaged in a most impolitic and destructive war.* Humanity, patriotism, justice, every duty of morality and genuine Christianity, were sacrificed to the violence of her affections. Many beneficial laws, however, were enacted in her reign, which, though proposed by Mary to reconcile the people to her schemes of restoring the Romibh faith and hierarciiy, and to her extortions of their money to lavish on her husband, produced permanent good, while the evil of being governed by the tool of such infuriating passions, was a tem- porary evil, and, fortunately for the kingdom, of short duration. The gloom was soon dispersed, and followed by the most resplendent brightness. The reign of Elizabeth, so auspicious to the prosperity and happi- ness of her subjects, was extremely favourable to the rising spirit of navigation, discovery, and commerce. The peace, foreign and domestic, which her wisdom and firmness preserved with little inter- ruption for almost the first thirty years of her reign, notwithstanding the hostile jealousy of surrounding nations, the furious passions which agitated the continent, and the discontent which bigotry and rivalry kindled or fanned in her own kingdom, were peculiarly conducive to the enterprising efforts of able, bold, and adventurous Englishmen. Strict and vigilant economy exempted her subjects foom the burthen of taxes injurious to trade; the popularity of her administration among the greater part of her subjects, overawing disaffection and preventing commotion, left her people full liberty to pursue nautical and commeicial enterprise. Undisturbed by the factions of a turbu- lent minority, or the cruel persecutions of frantic bigotry, the saga- cious Elizabeth, like the greatest of her predecessors, saw that the security of a kingdom environed by the sea must depend on its naval force. One of the first acts of her government was to increase the number and strength of her navy. Before her reign, the English had com- monly been supplied with large ships by foreigners. The queen, desirous of having the resources of strength and the vehicles of riches furnished within her own kingdom, filled her arsenals with naval stores, promoted ship-building, and encouraged her subjects to bend their allcnlion to pursuits which were destined to render them- selves and their jjosterity eminent among nations. With this view she Ijuilt several ships of great force and versatility; and as the skill of artificers improved, the number of sailors increased; and from the reign of Elizabeth may be dated the first regulation of the English navy. Her patronage and example stimulated and invigorated the efforts of her subjects in ship-building and nautical expeditions. Carefully examining the advances made under her predecessors, she improved their discoveries and acquisitions; cultivated and extended tlie connexion formed with the Russian sovereign ; secured to her subjects the continuance of their exclusive and lucrative trade with his dominions; and encouraged the incorporated body of merchants enjoying that trade, to resume their endeavours of penetrating by land into eastern Asia. Their efforts were at length successful in opening • See Hume's history oF Mary, passim. STATE OF r.NGLANP. 25 [Voyages to America. liist attempts at colonizaiion.] a lucrative trade with Persia, which manifesting to her subjects the riches of the east, produced a resolution of resorting to thessc coun- tries by sea. As the English advanced in the knowledge of Asia and its pro- ductions, their ardour incr«ased lo discover a short nautical course to these opulent regions. Their disappointments in the northwest and northeast did not entirely chill their hopes ; they still flattered themselves that ihey miglit discover an outlet which had hitherto baffled their inquiries ; and FrobiL>her, in three successive voyages, explored the coasts of Labrador and of Greenland, but without dis- covering the northwest passage. Though the disappointment was sensibly felt, yet English courage and enterprise rose superior to dis- appointment. Sir Francis Drake, so renowned in naval history, deter- mined to sail round the world: an undertaking hitherto achieved by Magellan only. Having successfully finished this formidable voyage, and acquired an accurate and distinct conception of the commodities both ol the east and west, he inspirilcd his countrymen to bolder and more comprehensive schemes of naval and commercial enterprise, than any vhich they had hitherto attempted. The English had for- merly seen and acknowledged themselves far surpassed in seamanship by the Flemings and Italians, and recently by the Portuguese, who were the first lor naval reputation in the annals of history. They now rivalled that country in its most splendid enterprise : and having rapidly risen iVoai inferiority to equality, they doubted not soon to attain a striking superiority. Having confirmed their skill, they felt their force; and perceived that the surrounding ocean, so long ne- glected, was an Englishman's clement, on which he was destined lo excel. They formed a notion eventually true, bold, and beneficial, that no object attainable by human ability exerted in maritime effort, is beyond the reach of English seamen ; a nautical and commercial enthusiasm, therefore, diffused itself through the country. English adventurers, having hitherto confined their efiorts to visit- ing foreign and remote regions, and satisfied with present discovery and traffic, had made no attempt to form new settlements. Sir Hum- phry Gilbert, a gentleman of ingenuity and learning, enthusiastic for discovery, proposed to conduct a colony to America; and, having ap- plied to the queen, obtained the first charier for a colonial establish- ment.* The charter authorized him to discover and take possession of all remote and barbarous lands, unoccupied by any christian prince and people; vested in him and his heirs the property of the soil of such countries, with the legislative powei-, and the civil and criminal juris- diction over those who should settle in ihe new planlaiions. The laws and their administration were to be conformable to the polity of Eng- land, on which the new colony was still to depend. Arbitrary as the powers thus confirmed were, such was the spirit of udvent»ure now pre- valent, that many agreed to conform to the conditions, and became Gil- bert's absociates. In his undertaking he was assisted and accompanied by his half-brother Walter Raleigh, afterwards so renowned in political and literary history. Two expeditions which Gilbert conducted to New- foundland and Cape Breton ended disastrously. In the last, the leader himself perished. The undaunted spirit of Raleigh, not disappointed by • Eobertson's posthumous- Americs, p. 33. Vol.. VII— 4 26 VIKW OF TIIF, [A\'ist internal policy of il>c queen. Commercial companies] this miscariiuKC, projected a new scheme of colonizrttion. After pro- curini^ a similar charter from the queen, adopliri}^ his brother's ideas, but avoiding his errors, he resolved to steer a much more southern course, nnd also to send trusty ofliicers to explore the country, before he should attempt a seulement. On their return they reported, thai they had found in southern latitudes a most beautiful country, distinguished for fertility of soil, and mildness of climate; of which they had taken possession in her majesty's name and called it Virginia, as a memo- rial that this happy discovery had been made under a virgin queen. Raleigh accordingly fiued out a squadron, and planted in that country the first colony ever established by Englishmen. The nevv colonists, however, in the eagerness of their search after the precious mines with which they supposed the new world in every part to abound, neglected the means of subsistence. Being on the point of perishing with famine, they returned to England. Raleigh made a second attempt to establish a colony ; but he and other patrons of the settlement being called to defend their country agiiinst the invasion of Philip, this colony also failed. Vigorous, beneficial, and glorious as the admin- istration of Elizabeth proved, it was not very favourable to schemes of doubtful and contingent advantage, or to what in modern mercan- tile language are called speculations; and plans of new establishments were in her reign carried on at the expense and risk of individuals. Resides, the wisdom and felicity of her internal government promoted agriculture,* manufactures, commerce, the mea/is of subsistence, convenience, and comfort ; and as it bestowed security on her subjects for the enjoyment of their manifold ailvantages, was not favourable to emigration. But though the first attempts to plant colonies were imsuccessful, the spirit of colonization excited in the reign of Eliza- beth, continuii^g to prevail and increase afterwards, pioduced in colonies most abundant sources of British opulence and power. Eager as Elizabeth was for the encouragement and extension of trade, in order to cherish it in its infant stale, she granted many monopolies ; which, though probably necessary at the linrie, would, if they had continued, have proved destructive to that commerce they were in- tended to promote. t The principal companies established by Eliza- beth were tlie Russian and the Turkish, and one which was destined far to surpass either in the momentous interests that it involved. Near the close of this long and illustrious reign, John Lancaster pro- • A law war made in the fifth of Eli2abeth, allowing for the first time the ex- portation of corn. To this enactment, Camden imputes the great improvement of agriculture. ■\ Our gre:»t comtDercial philosopher in a few words states the reasons for mo- nopolies bo cit any ard strongly, and illustrates them by such appo.site analogies, as 10 present ai or^e view the extent and bounds which policy allows and pre- scribes to trading corporations. " When," says he, " a company of merchants undertake at thrir own risk anrl expnnce to establish a new trade with some re- n>ote and barbarous nation, it may not be unreasonable to incorporate them into a joint stock company, and to nmnt ihtm, in case ot tlitir success, a monopoly of the trarle for a certain number of years. It is the easiest and most natural way j-n which the st»ie can recompense thi n» for hazarding a dangerous and extensive expeiimeni, of winch the public is af'terwi.rds to rei.p tl e bi-mfit. A temporary monopoly of this kind may be vindicated upon the same principles upon which a like monopoly of a new machine is granted to its inventor, and that of a new book to Its author; but uptm the expiration of the term, the monopoly ought ccrtainlj, to be ueiermined." Wealth of Nations, vol. iii. p- 144. STATE 01 ENGLAND. 27 [Kast Imlia company. Spanish Armada ] posing to measure part of the coiirbe of sir Francis Drake, under- took a trading expedition to India. A charter was granted to the adventurers, at whose expense the entei-prjse was undertaken, and they were formed into a corporation, under ilie name of the East India Company. The first attempt by En^^lishmen to participate in the trade of India, being eminently successful, encouraged future adventurers. Thus the reign of this pi-incess very strongly and effec- tually promoted agriculture, internal and foreign trade, maritime skill and enterprise, the means of subsisting, enriching, and aggrandizing the people intrusted to her care. Under this extraordinary personage, nautical effort was not merely encouraged as the means of opulence, but of defence, of securiy» and of power, France, at this time engaged in intestine wars by «ie bigoted frenzy of furious religionists, and with all her resouvtes possessing scarcely any commerce, was totally deficient in naval ft^'ce. Philip, who included in his dominions the experienced sailors eth as the protector ^f freemen who dur^it vindicate their own rights, though contrary \J> a despot's will i meditated a blow by which he expected to subjugate England, and to involve the country and its allies in civil and /eligious thraldom. For this purpose he equipped the Armada, whii/h he vainly fancied and denominated invincible. Elizabeth, in preparing and strengthen- ing a navy, had not been guided solely by the general policy which dictated maritime force as the means of defence in insuiar situation ; but having discovered the purposes, motives, md plans of her most potent neighbour and rival, she had recently directed her pecuaar attention to the increase of a fleet. In this pursuit, she was seconded by the efforts of her subjects, who were inspired with that patriotic loyalty, which the wisdom and virtues of a sovereign exerted for the public good, choosing ministers and other executorial officers accord- ing to their fitness to promote the national welfare, and actually cfiect- ing the ease and happiness of the'people, never fail to produce among Englishmen. These dispositions, guided by private and individual skill, combining with armaments prepared by her foresight and headed by commanders selected by her sagacity, discomfited the operosc equipment of her foe. From that lime, England became mistress of the ocean; her sailors thenceforward conceived theni.selves snperi;.M' to those of all other nations. The coacepiion powerfully contributed 28 MF.W OF THE [Continental policy of Elizabeth.] to the attainment of reality. Since that time, defeat, disaster, and dist^racc, have never failed to follow those who have presumed to l>ravc England on her own element. The same reign witnessed the first regular formation of an Encjlish navy, and its supremacy over all other naval powers. So eminently and decidedly successful in defen- sive effort, the English undertook repeated expeditions to the coasts of their enemies ; and though the issue of them was not always, it was generally prosperous. Spain was humbled, and England was exalted. Respecting foreign politics, Elizabeth was placed in a situation ')f infinitely greater difficulty than her father, or any of her pre- cccessors. Religious bigotry was the chief spring which moved the Host powerful piinces on the continent; their very ambition was sub- se-vient and instrumental to their theological fanaticism. France, insead of watching the motions and repressing the encroachments of ^he'iouse of Austria, devoted her principal attention to the persecu- \ion -)f heretics, and joined in all the dark and nefarious designs of ^e p»pe, Spain, and the emperor. According to the sentiments and o»)inioi3 of popish sovereigns and people, Elizabeth was not the rijhifu' sovereign of England, because she was not approved of by anitaliin priest. The legitimate successor to the crown, according to jopisi interpretation, was the queen of Scotland, a bigoted catho- lic, and anear relation of the ablest and most ferocious champion of the (atholc league. Elizabeth was not, like her father, so situated, as to trim the balance between the rival potentates of France and Austiia, anc to turn the scale according to her judgment or choice. Miicli more 'lifficult was her part, to secure the independence of her people, and «f others whose interests were closely connected with theirs, igainst I general confederacy of priests and arbitrary piinces, of bigotry and dc.potism, bandied in atrocious barbarity, in order to dis- seminate articlfci of theoloe^ical belief. In the time of Henry VIII. J^ngland showed she could maintain the balance of power. Under Elizabeth, in pre^rving that balance, England assumed the character which she has, ex-.ept in the reigns of the Stuarts, ever since main- tained, of supportijg the rights and independence of Europe against the powerful disturicrs of its tranquillity. Such was the lelation in which Elizabeth stood to foreign countries. Too vigorous in under- standing anci profound in wisdom to be a bigot, or to estimate modes of faith by any other test than their conduciveness to private and public welfare, in he.- choice -)f religion she was guided by prudent policy, founded in her own hiiualion, and the scntimenls and interests of the greater part of her people.* It v^as expedient that she should be at the head of the protestan\3. Fortunately, in the two countiies, more contiguous to her kliigdon and of which the sovereigns, both from joint and hepaiate motives were well disposed to give her disturb- ance, the number of protestants was very great; so as in France to afford feufRcient employment to the popisli combination at home, and in Scotland to be fully established, and totally paramount to the party which from theological sympathy was favoured by the sovereign. So thoroughly wise and prudent was Elizabeth, that for twenty-nine • See Kume'j account of £li2abeth's reasons for re-establjjhing the protestant religion, vol. ii. p. 565. STATE OF ENGLAND. 29 [Ecclesiastical and political establishments. Tendency of her reign.] years she discomfited all the designs and conspiracies of popish de- votees against her person and kingdom; supported the prolestants in France, Germany, and the Low Countries ; and furious, implacable, and savage, as was the hatred of the confederate princes to every supporter of the protestant cause, and above all to Elizabeth, she never involved herself in hostiliiies; but when the aggressive inva- sion of Philip rendered war unavoidable, she showed that the same wisdom and strength of mind which had maintained peace, so benefi- cial to rising industry and commerce, could carry on war with effect when necessary for the security of her country. In her latter years, policy as well as kindred genius, and wisdom allied her to the illus- trious Henry of prance. The catholic league being now broken, and the power of Philip reduced, there being no longer a popish pre- tender to the crown, the chief difficulties of both her internal and foreign relations ceased ; and the queen and country, which in such trying circumstances had arisen to a pitch of high importance, were regarded by foreign states with an admiration that never before had been so universally bestowed upon the efforts of England. In her ecclesiastical conduct and establishments, Elizabeth, guided by policy, and not stimulated by bigotry, v as usually moderate, but on certain occasions led to acts of intolerance. As long as the Roman catholics confined themselves to their own theological doctrines, and did not disturb her government, she permitted them to enjoy their opinions without molestation ; but when she ibund thein engaged in conspiracies against her life, she and her parliament enacted very severe laws respecting a system of' faith producing plots for treason and assassination. These laws, though intended chiefly to operate for the discouragement of popery, afterwards applied to otiier dis- senters from the established church. A sect was now rising in Eng- land, composed of those who thought the reform as established by Edward and restored by Elizabeth inadequate to the corruptions of the church, and who, professing to seek a greater degree of purity, were thence called Puritans. Beginning to seek civil as well as ecclesiastical liberty, they were by no means agreeable to Elizabeih, whose notions of kingly prerogative, being formed when the power of the crown, from the depression of the aristocracy and before the elevation of the commons, was so predominant, were extremely lofty. For the repression of puritanical doctrines, she established the court of ecclesiastical commission; a most arbitrary tribunal, which, in the powers vested, the jurisdiction conferred, the modes of process .established, and the punishments prescribed, was not less iniquitous than the popish inquisition, though, from the wise mode- ration of Elizabeth, much more mildly exercised than by a Pliilip or an Alva. ^ In her government, Elizabeth, like all the princes of the house of Tudor, was extremely absolute. A spirit of liberty, however, had begun to rise, which, though fostered by the wise and beneficial con- duct ot Elizabeth, was certainly not intended by her to be cherished, The industry and enterprise which she encouraged and promoted, diffused property among the commons; that property nourished inde- pendence, and joined with advancing reason and knowledge in dissemi- XiU'.ing a spirit of f.'eedom. The government, however, of the ouecn, 30 "MEW OF THE [Literature. Great merit of Elizabeth. James 1.] though imperious, yet generally lenient, did not irritate this new spirit by particular acts of oppression, tyranny, or cruelty. Her conduct, steadily and wisely directed to the interests of her people, rendered her extremely popular. Her manners, engaging and insinuating, in- creased the attachment of her people. From her character and situa- tion, the greater number of her subjects considered her welfare as identified with their own. The most strenuous votaries of liberty were the most inimical to popery, against the approaches of which they considered Elizabeth as the strongest bulwark. From attach- ment to a sovereign in whom they experienced so many excellencies, and also from awe of so very resolute and intrepid a character, they yielded a submission to the authority of Elizabeth, which they by no means thought due to the mandates of kingly power. The literature which Elizabeth encouraged tended also to promote the spirit of freedom. The writers of Greece and Rome, inculcating so strongly and impressively the principles and sentiments of liberty, ■were now very generally read among the higher and middling ranks. Genius, no longer fettered by priestly enactments, soared aloft; and though not immediately directed to political discussion, yet by en- lightening and invigorati;« J men's minds, prepared them for just notions respecting their rights, and hold and manly conduct in assert- ing their liberties. The reign of Elizabeth, though like her father's manifestly arbitrary, has in its ultimate tendency and effects, proved favourable to freedom. Thus in the various constituents of internal prosperity and happiness, and in estimation and importance among foreign powers, England never made such advances as under the very long but much more glorious reign of Elizabeth. Considered as a rational being, placed in authority, and intrusted with the government of marikind, examined according to the circumstances of her situa- tion, the duties required, her discharge of those duties, and the result in the condition in which she found and left her subjects, (the true criterion of a ruler's ability or weakness as a sovereign,*] no prince that ever filled a throne surpassed Elizabeth. Different as was the character of Janties from that of his illustrious predecessor, his reign was in many respects conducive to industry, commerce, and the internal prosperity of the kingdom, though it gene- rated disputes which were eventually productive of the most fatal con- clusions. Endued with scholaslic learning and pedantry, fitter for being a Latin lecturer on controversial divinity in a sequestered college, than for being the ruler of a great, bold, and enterprising nation, James possessed two qualities often resulting from literary seclusion : he was extremely indolent, and extremely timid ; and therefore a lover of peace. The pursuits of his subjects rendered his pacific character beneficial. The spirit of industry, adventure, and trade, being uninterrupted by foreign wars, greatly increased in the reign of James. The traffic with the East Indies was now entirely established, tiie stock of the company was considerably cnlargtd, and its profits became every year more • This is the light in wlilch the expanded mind of Hume considers our illustri- ous quaen , disrcgardmji such loiblcs, as, though they might mark part ot lier character, did not interfere with her adminislratton of afTaira, poweiful, constant, and successful promotion of the public good. STATE OF ENGLAND. 31 [Increase of national prosperity. Establishment of colonies.] extensive. The trade of Turkey was advantageous ; a lucrative com- Ttierce was opened with Spain, and the mercantile intercourse with Russia and other northern countries increased in productiveness. The export trade greatly surpassed the import, which, though no certain criterion of a flourishing commerce,* proved that English commodi- ties were numerous and valuable. James perceived the hurtful ten- dency of monopolies, and considerably lessened their number and im- portance. Manufactures advanced in a similar proportion, and espe- cially woollen commodities. Tlie king eagerly promoted English cloths, and laboured to prevent the exportation of raw materials, to be manufactured in foreign countries for English consumption. f In a commercial view, this reign was chieHy distinguished by the colonies which were planted, and established on principles the most beneficial of any recorded in the history of colonization. The pacific disposition and conduct of James were favourable to new plantations. 'l"he planters were not interrupted in thwr settlements by foreign enemies, and the force sent for their establishment was not obliged to be recalled for the defence of the mother country. Bold and enter- prising adventurers, who languished in inaction daring the peace, found in colonial projects a new field for active exertion. A most strenuous promoter of plantations was Richard Hackluyt, eminent for commercial and nautical knowledge. That he might stimulate his countrymen to new efforts, this experienced navigator published a collection of voyages and discoveries made by Englishmen : he com- prehended the proper objects of inquiry and research concerning new countries, understood the fresh information that arrived, and saw to what purpose it might be most usefully supplied. In the last year of Elizabeth, by Hackluyt's suggestion, Gosnold undertook a voyage to America, and pursued a direct and middle course between the northern route of sir Humphry Gilbert, and the southern circuit of sir Walter Raleigh. Gosnold having reached a .country called Massachusetts Bay, coasted to the southwest, landed on the continent, traded with its inhabitants, and having ascertained the fertility of the country, re- turned to England. Having learned these particulars, he combined them with what was before known concerning Virginia ; and, after consulting with other men of ability and enterprise, proposed an as- sociation for establishing colonies in America. The king, being pe- titioned, sanctioned the project with his authority. Informed of the extent, and in some degree of the value, of the American lands, he divided into two districts the portion of the continent which he in- tended to plant : the first, to be called the South Colony of Virginia; the second, the North Colony of New-England. The projected plan- tations were intrusted to the care of exclusive companies; a system conducive to the protection of infant colonies; though adverse to the prosperity of settlements arrived at mature vigour. Associated under the name of the London Company, Hackluyt and others received a grant of lands, and were authorized to settle a colony in Virginia. Several gentlemen and merchants of the west of England, incorpo- rated under the name of the Plymouth Company, obtained a similar • See Wealth of Nations: and the marquis of Lansdowne's speech on the coml mercial treaty with France, in answering bishop Watson, t Hume, vol. iii. p. 382. 32 VIKW OF THE [Repiiblican'sm in New England. Ireland. Continental policy.] grant and authoriiy for colonizing; New-England. On each were be- stowed charters, which, though inconsistent with the enlip;htened and generous spiiit of liberty that has since previiilcd in tins country, were by no means deficient in security to properly, and ervcourage- nient to industry. The southern colony was first established in the early pai t of James's reign. Having left their country before the dis- putes between kingly prerogative and popular privilege were publicly ngitated, the new planters carried with them notions, opinions, and sentiments, favourable to the church and monarchy, and transmitted ihem to their posterity. The first attempt to colonize the north proved unsuccessful, nor was the settlement finally effected till near the end of the reign, when great dissensions began to prevail. The planters of New-England were chiefly men, who, discontented with the established church and monarchy, sought for freedom in the wilds of America. Afterwards receiviijg accessions of voluntary exiles from the persecutions of narrow and impolitic bigoliy,they formed a colony, which was inimical to kings and bishops, and preserved that character to the present age. Differing in pursuit from the Spanish conquerors of the New World, the English settlers sought and acquired property, not from the bowels of the earth, but from the surface of the soil, and the bounties of the ocean liberally rewarded the efforts of active and enterprising indus- try. The spirit of their institutions joined with the productiveness of their situation rapidly promoting colonial prosperity. To the policy of James, the nation is indebted for the regulation of Ireland. His measures amended and secured the tenure of pro- perty, established the administration of justice, stimulated industry and the arts, and constituted an important branch in the progressive improvement of the British dominions. In his intercourse with foreign nations, this king was far from pre- serving to his country that weight and consideration which his prede- cessors iiad acquired. Though the feeble and inactive hands of the English sovereign were not qualified to hold the balance of Europe, yet the state of affairs rendered his inertness safe to his own country, and not injinious to the independence of other nations. Henry IV. had harmonized his kingdom, lately so discordant; and turned to arts and industry those bold and active spirits that had been recently ac- tuated by religious frenzy, and rendered France a suihcient counter- poise for the unwieldy greatness of Spain. After the death of her renowned monarch, from her own strength, and the ability of her minister, she fully maintained her weight in the scale. The conquest of the Palatinate deemed so disgraceful to James, was too distant an event to affect the political interests of England, and the forbearance of the king might be justified upon principles of prudent policy. But as his motives were presumed to be his constitutional and habitual in- dolence and timidity, his conduct was exposed to mortifying con- tempt. He almost daily was trying treaties to obtain the re-establish- ment of the elector, but without displaying that firmness and force which most effectually promote English negotiations for repressing ambition. In the political government of his kingdom several errors of the understanding, and weaknesses rather than vices of the heart, com- STATK or ENGLAND. . 3;^ [The king's lofty ideas of prerogative uwsuited lo his character and the tunes.] bined with ihe circumstances of the times, and produced dissatis- faction and discontent very troublesome lo himself, and fatal to his son. James entertained lofty ideas of kindly prerogative, totally in- compatible with the real purpose of any delegated trust, and much beyond the limits prescribed by our fundamental laws, but perfectly conformable to the practice of the house of Tudor. He did not per- ceive the great difference of the case, both as to the characters of the princes, and the opinion and power of the subjects. The Tudors were more fitted lo secure submission by cool, stern, and determined policy; to terrify resistance by energetic, though capricious and violent command ; or lo exact obedience, and lo ensure compliance, through the awe, veneration, and attachment entertained by subjects for the magnanimity) wisdom, and p^^irioiism of the sovereign. A great class of men had now arisen, not only disposed, but able lo question any branch of the asserted prerogative, which ihey considered as un- necessary cu" injurious lo the only legitimate object of government- In his disposition and adminislraiion, James was neither tyrannical nor imperious, but delighting in discourse and speculative disserta- tion, he talked much more about the divine right of kings, than all the princes of llie house of Tudor, who had contented the.pnselve* with exercising absolute dominion without searching into political metaphysics. James provoked and accelerated discussions about pre- rogative, to which the commons were already sufiicienlly prone,* and which his indolent, irresolute and timid character farther encouraged. The king's theology concurred with his political sentiments in pro- moling discontent. From the study of polemic divinity, he was the sincere votary of the high church doctrines, and a zealous advocate of hierarchy. The strenuous friends of liberty were inimical to popery, which they accused the king of regarding too favourably. His refusal t<^ reduce the power of the high commission court, whilst he granted every indulgence lo catholics, being construed into a pre- dilection for the Romish doctrines, and a hatred of ihe puritans, ex- asperated the spirit of liberty, already so slrong in the commons. Another feature in the king's character, by helping to disgust hi« subjects, conduced to the depression of the kingly name; his indis- creet and boundless attachment to frivolous and contemptible favour- ites ; and the promotion of the minions of his childish fondness, to offices for which they were totally unfit. The people very naturally and reasonably concluded, that a person can prove no divine right lo govern a kingdom, who shows himself so very deficient in wisdom, as, in choosing a minister of state, to consider merely personal graces, and courtly manners. Contending \yiih such a prince, the commons were both emboldened and empowered tu show him, that absolute power had no longer subsisted in England ; that they were prepared to vindicate the rights and liberties of ficemen ; and that his boasting claims would only challenge stronger confutation, and his eager, but feeble opposition produce farther demands. Abburd and extravagant as their theological cant and preteubions might be, the puritans were hitherto actuated by an elevated and noble spirit of civil and political freedom, which every Briton who justly appreciates the blessings of the present constitution must acknowledge with veneration and grati- tude. Their talents and conduct were well filled for promoting the Vol. VII— 5 . 34 \\l'.\\ OF 1 HI, (Dispules bslweeiithf king afulcoinmona. (Jliarlf-s (.follows hisfatlier'afDotstepsj attiiinmcnt of lihcrly; they proceeded caiuioiisly and Gjradually, and enlarged their views and systematized their plans, as their cause be- came popular and the opposite obnoxious. The king employed rash and violent letters and speeches,* to which they opposed prudent, vigorous, and decisive conduct. The course of contest produced the celebraied manilesio in which the commons of England first boldly, openly, and precisely declared, that the representatives of the people hold certain liberties, franchises, and privileges, not as grants of the king, but as the rights of frceborn Englishmen. Though James ex- pressed great rage against the contents and authors of this paper, yet he was afterwards obliged to court his parliament, to gratify them by passing several popular laws, and by his concessions to acknowledge that there was in the country a power fully equal to the king's, and arising fiom the strength of the people. The latter end of James's reign is a most important epoch in the constitutional history of Eng- land, as then first the commons proved their own force. James educated and formed his son Charles in the same poli'.ical and theological sentiments and doctrines which he had himself maintained, professed, and inculcated. Notwithstanding his own experience of the change of public opinion, and of political power, he had taken no pains to model the prince according to the present dispositions and character of the peojjle •hom he was destined to govern. Young Charles very naturally imbibed his father's instructions, and conceived the kingly prerogative to be such as James represented and argued, and as Elizabeth had exercised. Sincere in his profession, this prince was a zealous votary of the high church ; directed in his opinions and doctrines by prelates, and especially by Laud, he was confirmed in his notions of the divine right of kings, and the inseparable con- nexion between episcopacy and monarchy. With such principles and sentiments, so very contrary to those of -a. great, |^|uwerful, and increasing body of his countrymen, on the death of his father, Charles moimted the throne. The unlimited power of Buckingham, JaiTies's minion, having over- borne the pacific maxims of the king, and involved him in hostilities •with Spain, Charles at his accession found himself engaged in a war. As the contest was professedly popvilar, he reasonably expected the support of his peo])le and parliament ; but the supplies voted were very inadtquate lo the expenses requisite for the arduous undertaking. The leaders of the commons determined to persevere in the estab- lishment of a free constitution, considered the necessities of the prince as conducive lo their purpose, and lesolved to grant no subsi- dies without a redress of grievances, and concessions favourable to civil liijcMty. Amidljle and afl'eclionale, Charles was warm and steady in his attachments, th(jugh not proportionably judicious in the selec- tion of objects. Thence he'had maintained Buckingham in the high favour and trust liuie dcocrved by his talents and virtues, and obnox- ious to the parli.inicnt and public. He not only protected this min- ister against the just resentment of the commons, but, instigated by his coutfcils, he adopted inirjiiitous measures for extorting loans, and invading the property of EngJishmen without their cwn consent. A • .See Hume's History. - STATE OF ENGLAND. 35 [Violation of tlie petition of riglits. Series of oppression rotises resistance.] series of acts, flagrantly violating the privileges of Englishmen, alarmed and aroused the commons. Opposing firm and profound wisdom to the desultory and illegal op- pression of the court, their strong, discriminaiing, and bold remon- strance procured, in the petition of right, a demarkalion of the limits by which lihcrty and property were secured. Notwithstanding the king's engagement, incurred by his consent to the petition of right, he for many years continued regularly and systematically to tratis- gress the established laws of England ; to imprison, fine, and corpo- rally punish men, without the judgment of their peers; to deprive them of their property, and compel them to pay subsidies without the consent of their representatives ; and by manifold unconstitutional, lawless, and tyrannical acts, to oppress his subjects.* Virtuous in hi» domestic and private life. Charles, in relation to his kingdom, disre- garded justice and llie rights of liie people, as much as if he had been wicked and tyrannical. His chief instruments of oppression were the star chamber, which subjected liberty and property to the privy council, instead of the peers of the accused; and the iiigh court of commission, subjecting liberty, properly, and life, to an arbitrary body, also not constituted of the defendant's peers. Though these iriljunals subsisted in the time of Elizabeth, they were not only contiary to the great charter and other fundamental laws of England, but totally inconsistent with the principal clauses of the petition of right, as admitted by Charles him- self. Th'.' chief agents in this oppressive viokiiion 01 the constiiu- lion we're Strafford and Laud. The vigorous ability und stern iinpc- liousness of the one, and the narrow bigotry and priestly tyranny of the other, instigating the pliant Charles, jiroduced iiiifpiitous judg- nienis and punishments, ai)d uncon->iiiuiionaliv extorted money by arbitrary violence, but evenuialiy hasient-d the v:ridication of rightful liberty. Even the frivoli-ous muinmciy ol Laud's innovating ceremo- nies, though in itself meiciy laugliable, yet indicating a predilection for popery, added to the alarm ot the reforming party, and their im- patience under the lawless acts of tins domineering ecclesiastic. t Tlie usurpations of Charles and his minisiers were destined to have a speedy end. Goaded by oppression, liberty rushed forward with an overpowering force, llampdeu, with manly breast resisting exaction unauthorized by the law, roused the votaries of freedom through the nation. Charles's unbounded love of liturgy excited from the north fresh enemies to his administration. Necessitated to call a parlia- ment, the unhappy prince found that the members brought with them n much stronger spirit of opposition and resistance than had prevailed among their predecessors. In their very first acts they boldly showed, that the commons ot England were not only determined to restrain, but to abolish iniquitous tribunals, however sanctioned by precedent; to punish tyrannical violators of the rights of the people, however supported by court favour; and to enforce the redress of grievances in church and state. So far as these votaries of freedom intended to limit the boundaries of kingly power according to its legitimate • See Hume's History, vol. iii. chap. 52. I See Hunne's account ol ilic consecrntion uf St. Catherine's elmrch byl.aud, vol. iii. p. 4.49. 55 VIEW Ot THE [Raging spirit of freedom. Unjust prosecution of StrafTord and Laud. Civil wars.] object, the public good, and to prevent a repetition of tyranny, their purpose was beneficent, patriotic, and meritorious. The legislative and political transactions ol" this memorable parliament, during the first period of its operations, entitle its members to the highest praise and gratitude from the lovers of liberty, and all the subjects of the British constitution. These intrepid votaries of freedom, these re- solute opponents of kingly and priestly tyranny, saved their country from civil and ecclesiastical thraldom, which Charles's priests and ministers were so rapidly imposing. Had it not been for them, Eng- land, like France, would have been a simple despotism, subjecting the rights and happiness of a whole people to the arbitrary will and caprice of a single individual. With this generous zeal lor liberty, was joined a repugnance to all authority, however salutary and expedient; a spirit of democratical and puritanical enthusiasnti, seeking to level all ranks and distinctions, however necessary to the stability and well-being of society. Actu- ated by these principles and sentiments, the opponents of the king did not rest saiLsfied with measures and acts which restrained the monarchical and clerical power from being oppressive and tyrannical. No sooner had they accomplished that important and valuable pur- pose, than they proceeded to reductions preventing them from being active, efficient, and useful ; and after their first year, the parliament (especially the commons) became turbulent and republican. In re- sisting ship-money, abolishing the star-chamber and high court of commission, circumscribing executive power within the bounds of law and the rights and weltare of the people, the commons were the protecting guardians of British liberty ; but when, in their second year, they sought and attempted to grasp the chief provinces of the executorial power, ihey became enemies of the constitution. In their judicial proceedings, tiic popular leaders, patriotically and justly at- tacked the counsellors and ministers of tyranny; but in the mode of prosecuting and trying Strafford and Laud, the accusers charging, and the judges admitting, acts to be treason, which were not treason by the law of iii& land, both commons and peers were guilty of much greater and more irreparable tyranny, than any against which they had so pro- perly and strongly renionslrated. From their meeting in 1640 to the close of 1641, they vindicated and secured the ctnstilutional and bene- ficial rights, privileges, and liberties of English subjects: in 1642, they attacked no leso constitutional and beneficial powers delegated for the national good to an English king: and demonstrated how natu- ral it is lor wise and able men, ardent in pursuit of an object good within certain bounds, to transgress those limits; and after having begun with what was right, useful, and even necessary, to end in what is wrong, hurtful, and pernicious. Not only the particular acts, hut the general conduct of the king, during the first fourteen years of his reign, recoiled dreadfully on himself, and showed how dangerous it is for the chief executive magistrate of a free people, by galling oppression, to drive liberty to energetic resistance. The civil wars, and (heir dismal catastrophe in regicide, democratic anarchy, and militaiy despotism, manifest the direhil effects of popu- lar and prevalent enthusiasm, even though it may have originated in ;h« noble spirit of liberty. Lawless oppression drove a free, bold. STATE OF ENGLAND. 37 [Increase of commerce. Colonies. Virginia, New-Kngland.J and generous people, to decisive efforts, at first lawful and laudable.* In their proG;ress, their measures became aggressive, and in their success, levelled monarchy with the dust; and instead of rational and modified liberty, established a boundless license, terminated by mili- tary despotism. Left to private enterprise, commerce increased and flourished more than at any former period. The trade to the East Indies and to Guinea l)ecame very considerable. The commerce to Turkey and the Mediterranean was also greatly enlarged. With Spain, inimical to Holland, England now enjoyed almost the sole traffic. Under the commonwealth, the prevalence of republican principles engaged country gentlemen to bind their sons apprentices to merchants, and commerce has ever since been moi'e honourable in England than in any other European kingdom. Trade received great interruption from the civil wars ; but under the republic and the protectorate, it revived with augmented vigour. The war with the states-gcneral> carried on with such energy, distressed the commerce of the Dutch, and promoted the trade of England, their only formidable commer- cial rival. The exclusive companies, which formerly confined trade, were never expressly abolished by any ordinance of parliament, during the commonwealth; but as men paid no regard to the prero- gative, whence the charters of these companies were derived, the monopoly was gradually invaded, and commerce increased by the in- crease of liberty.! The colonies also now afTorcled a considerable vent for English mer- chandise. Virginia, strictly subject to an exclusive corporation, ex- perienced the various impediments necessarily resulting from the selfish and monopolising views of such companies; but by the advan- tage of its soil and climate triumphed over these obstacles. Its colo- nists found it peculiarly adapted to the cultivation of tobacco, a plant for which the relish was becoming very general throughout Europe. The Virginians rendered this their staple commodity. Having pur- chased some negroes from a Dutch ship, which visited them from the coast of Guinea, they found the natives of the torrid zone so much more capable of enduring fatigue under a sultry climate than Euro- peans, that they afterwards increased their number by continual im- portation. New-England received in the time of Charles I. numerous addi- tions of emigrants, and increased in population and power. Paying little regard to the royal charter, by which they were first associated, the planters considered themselves as a society voluntarily united ; and choosing a constitution framed on the model of England, they formed four colonies into confederated states, and asserted that they should be bound by no laws to which they themselves did not assent, and subject to no^taxes imposed in an assembly wherein they were * This opinion is sanctioned by the authority of Mr. Hume, vol. ii. p. 496. Mr. Hume, indeed, though called un| apologist for the Stuarts, merely stales their conduct to be natural, without vindicating it as just, ov enlilled to tlie submis- sive acquiescence of their subjects. See the history of those reigns, /«jsw'»i on the other hand, while he exposes the evils of poUtical fanaticism, he allows the puritans to be the saviours of English liberty. f Sec Hume's History of England, vol. iv. 38 VILW OF THK [Navigation act. Decline of Spain and rise of France.] not represented. Within a few years of their plantation, the colonists of New-England manifested the same spirit, and vindicated the same rights, which a century and a half afterwards produced a refusal of British taxation, and independence on the British crown. The coin- cidence of their sentiments with tliose of the English repuljlicans, ren- . dered the 2sew-Eiiglanders particularly favourable under the com- monwealth. Unfettered in their industry and pursuits, they grew in internal prosperity and strength, and promotee species of tax most connected with ccrnmerce. The excise, tending so much more effectually to prevent frauds, was improved, the principles of finance began to be understood. Left chielly to their own industry a!ul skill, the estab- lished colonies increased in prosperity, and new settlements were either formed or acquired. New-York and New-Jersey were ceded by the Dutch ; Pennsylva- nia and Carolina were planted : the first by quakcrs, who fled from the persecutions to which, by the intolerance of Charles's govern- ment, sectaries were exposed; the second, by persons well affected to the king. These carried to their respective settlements their po- litical sentiments, and transmitted them to their posterity. The persecutions also drove other emigrants to those established colonies which coincided in their opinion. Thus, from New-Hampshire to South-Carolina, the American coast was colonized by England. The northern settlements cherished a spirit of republicanism, the southern a spirit of monarchical loyalty. Rapidly prospering under the system of policy that had been embraced, they were adding proportionably to both the exi)ort and import trado of tlie mother country. The siup- ping of Elngland, in twenty-eight years, was more than doubled ;:|: James and Charles both vigorously promoted the increase of a navy, which, thougli misemployed by the corrupt and pernicious policy of Charles, yet showed itself efficient and fit for defending the country and her allies, whenever the sceptre of England should be placed in hands both able and disposed to wield it for the national good. Charles's principles and schemes of government were unquestion- ably inimical to civil and religious liberty; and though the bold and generous spirit of Englishmen prevented his designs from being fully accomplibhed, yet many of his acts, even in England, weie extremely tyrannical. His arbitary measures would have justified a much more forcible resistance than they met; and weic, probably, by the recent experience only of the miseries of civil war, prevented from recoiling on himself. In Scotland, the constant and regular plan, as well as the particular acts of his government, merited and excited abhorrence. His iniquitous conduct, at once ui^just and prolligate, caused great I)Ut only temporary evil, while the remedies which it suggested proved a durable good. His attacks on the liberty of the subject raised bul- warks of defence of the strongest jnaterials, to last many ages after he and his tyrannical efforts had perished for ever. His lormation and increase of a standing army gave rise to a law, that a standing aiiny • See slr.losiali Chiid'.s liric-C Olisorvation-S. t Si.o \\ caltli of Nations, vol. iii, p. M?. ; S(c IJavcn;iHl'S DiBCourse on die i*'i|blic Hevenues STATE OF RNGLANO. 41 [Whigs. Danger of premature resistance. Greutncss ot France.] was illegal, and made the national force dependant on the guardians of national liberty ; unjust and unwarrantable imprisonments produced the habeas-corpus act, which completed the security of personal li- beity : vigilant patriotism otllie legislature abolished military tenures ; the prerogatives of purveyance and pie-empiion ; and the capital pu- nishment of heretics. It estaljlishcd triennial parliaments; and the lest and corporir.tion acts ; and enacted many other laws which improv- ed the security of liberty and property. Hostile as was Charles to the freedom and rights of the people ; yet in his reign the constitution of England, in its progr^sive state, ar- rived at mature vigour ; the true balance between privilege and prero- gative was established. By the law, now ascertained and fixed, the people had nearly as large a portion of liberty as was necessary to their security and happiness ;* though fresh restrictions were still wanting lo ensure its operation, without interruption from the pretended prero- gatives of arbitrary princes. The tyrannical proceedings of Charles formed the opponents of his pretensions into a firm, well compacted, and powerful body. By promulgating the doctrines of passive obedi- ence, so contrary to the rights and liberties of Englishmen, to com- mon sense and to common feeling, the king, his ministers, and church- men, united the supporters of opposite sentiments, under the appella- tion of whigs ; a name important and venerable, while it signifies champions of constitutional freedom, wiihojut extending to invaders of no less constitutional prerogatives of the crown. Carrying their opposition to the measures and designs of Charles farther than pru- dence admitted, the friends of freedom, in their discomfiture, near the close of the reign, and the death of magnanimous patriots on the scaf- fold, left to future votaries of liberty a warning lesson of the danger of premature resistance even in the best cause. The same principles which influenced the internal government of Charles directed his foreign politics. Louis XIV. was absolute and unlimited sovereign of the extensive, well compacted, and fertile empii-e of France, peopled with inhabit- ants eminently ingenious, industrious, and energetic. Ardent, vio- lent, and excessive in every pursuit, his subjects were devoted to the will of their prince, and to the promotion of his glory. The downfall of the Spanish monarchy, and the triumphs of the French arms, so gratifying to the national pride, invigorated the military spiiit of French- men. Zealous attachment to their young monarch, and the desire of extending his greatness, stimulated and encouraged their farther efforts. The resources of the country were extensive and increasing ; the armies were numerous, well disciplined, and commanded by con- summate generals. The officers, in all the various ranks and grada- tions, were prepared for tlieir profession by regular and systematic tuition, and thoroughly fitted for executing the plans of their com- manders, by the skilful and masterly performance of every subordi- nate duty. Gay and dissipated in private life, they were in public service strict, vigilant, and efficient. Military stores abounded, and nothing was wanting to render the land force of France organized and formidable. The rising spirit of navigation and trade; the maritime • .See BK-Jckstone's last chapter. Vol. VII —6 42 VI KW OF THF. [Situation of England relatively to tlie continent. Policy of Cliarles. Manners.] opportunities; the example of their ncit^hbours, so successful in ac- quiring opulence and strengthening security ; stimulated France to naval efTort. The extension of commerce and navy became grand ob- jects of French policy, and made considerable advances. So situated in the youthful vigour of his life, enterprising, both ambitious and vain, desirous of power for ostentatious display as well as solid pos- session, Louis had strong incitements to attack and disturb his neigh- bours. The enfeebled and exhausted princes of Austria were little able to oppose this potent monarch. The whole continent was inca- pable of preseB^ing the balance of power ; England only could hold the scale. Skilful industry, possessing plenty of materials, desires peace : the result of industry, skilL, and materials, is property. War may be necessary for security ; but on any other ground, must, to a commer- cial nation, be unwise. As prospectiv,e policy guards against cir- cuitous, as well as direct aggression, it becomes the interest of an industrious and mercantile community to watch the progress of am- bitious neighbours. Britain, flourishing and opulent, had no induce- ment to offensive war, since continental acquisition could add nothing to her commerce and riches; but had frequently strong motives to resist the offensive wars of her neighbours, to preserve the balance of power, which, if overturned, would endanger herself. The aggres- sive character of France, .co operating with her own circumstances and situation, necessarily imposed upon Britain, her most potent and efficient neighbour, the contrary character, of being for her own ulti- mate security the protector of continental independence. Such has been the relation in which from the reigns of Charles and of Louis, the British and French empires have stood to each other, and to the rest of Europe. The arbitrary designs and profligate views of Charles united in driving him to the treacherous and fatal policy of promoting, instead of opposing, the excessive power and boimdless ambition of France. Through Louis, he hoped to establish in England his favour- ite despotism and policy, the engine of civil slavery. From Louis he received the means of wallowing in debauchery: a king of England betrayed his country for bribes from the king of France, to be squan- dered on prostitutes, and worthless minions ! From a combination of motives, imconstitulional and profligate, Charles IL abandoned his duty to these realms, joined with their most dangerous enemy, attack- ed our protcstant ally, and powerfully assisted in raising France to such a pitch of dangerous greatness. Avoiding the gloomy austerity of the puritans, and influenced by the example of the king and court, English manners now ran into the opposite extreme of licentiousness and profligacy. Many ingenious and able men fell into infidelity, immorali'ly, and impiety, and infected the literature of the times. A relish for grossness and indecency mingled itself with composition the most witty, humorous, and im- pressive, especially dramatic productions. This alloy to very great literary excellence long continued, until progressive refinement and delicacy removed the abuse. Writers in the lighter kind of composi- tions, -who designed to exhibit the manners of the times, and repre- sent them truly, drew them much more minutely than was necessa- ry ; and more favourably than they deserved. One writer, however, STATK OF KN'GLAM). 43 ILileiMUirc. .htiiic'S I. Fully of his coiichict. lievoltilion.j ihoiij^h olten chargeable with ihe indelicacy of ihe limes, often hasty and incorrect, remains the third of English poets, and almost the first of Entjlisli critics. In hit^lier departments of intellectual effort, de- pending^ on general views of ethics and divinity, on the investigation and conjprehension of physical phenomena and their laws, English ge- nius rose to great and beneficial exertions ; talents and erudition sup- ported natural theology, Christianity, and the protestant faith ; and Irom these, inculcated religious and moral duty.* In the more pro- found and abstruse studies pf mathematics and natural philosophy, several sages attained very high eminence. One reaching the zenith of scientific discovery, invention, and deduction, equalled the very deepest and wisest philosophers of all ages or countries, James II. much inferior to his brother in talents, a zealous, ardent, and priest-ridden bigot, considered the supreme good of mankind to be a belief in the Romish faith. Imperious, tyrannical, and cruel, contrary to the most obvious observation of his own early and recent experience, this prince conceived that Englishmen vould yield to any mandate which he, in the insolence of lawless sway, should dare to offer. Arbiti-ary power was principally desired by this infatuated and contemptible zealot, to make converts in theology. Neither, like his brother, treacherous or corrupt, though not without a sense of the national honour, nor a jealousy of the power of France, yet he sacri- ficed all considerations to his darling popery. His priests and his rituals, his masses and his mummeries, he preferred to the welfare of his people, and the security of his throne. Uniting against him tories, churchmen, parties, and. classes most zealous for monarchy, as well as whigs and votaries of liberty ; his conduct was more fortu- nate for the country, than if less completely odious : it facilitated the success of our glorious deliverer. The very madness of this poor infatuated zealot was extremely beneficial to his country, by withdraw- ing from him all confidence and support, and effecting a bloodless re- volution, in driving him from a throne, which he was totally unquali- fied to fill. His conduct brought the question between liberty and prerogative to a crisis; it showed English kings, that by abusing, for arbitrary and iniquitous purposes, powers vested in them by the constitution to promote the public good, they soon should have no pre- rogative to exercise. Necessity compelled a deviation from the rules of hereditary suc- cession to the throne of England ; the same necessity that dictated the exception, defined its bounds. The disqualification of James had arisen from his arbitrary principles and conduct, chiefly originating in popish doctrines, and exercised to promote popish notions and gov- ernment. The next protestant successors, not only presumed, but known to be the enemies of civil and ecclesiastical tyranny, were sub- stituted, on their agreeing to conditions necessary for the security of liberty and religion. The revolution having been thus produced, and the terms prescrib- ed on which the new sovereign was to reign, foreign politics became the most urgent consideration. The overgrown power of Louis ren- dered a confederation of other states necessary for their joint and se- • Barrow, Tillotion, and other eminient clergymen. 44 VIEW OF THE [William III. French navy crushed at La Ilogue. Continental policy.] parate security. Having heroically defended and protected his country from the unprovoked invasion and usurping ambition of Louis, Wil- liam bent the principal force of his genius to the repression of France. Much less efiicacious in power, and less splendid in character, than the monarch of Paris, the stadtholder of the Hague had a more solid, forcible, and inventive genius, creating and acquiring resources that rendered him ultimately equal to his foe. By delivering his own country from impending thraldom to France, William was enabled af- terwards to effect the delivery of England. His successful accom- plishment of this momentous object, produced the adoption by Eng- land of that system of foreign policy which the state of Europe requir- ed. Blameable as were Charles and James in so many parts of their administration, yet they had both applied with great vigour and effect to the increase of the navy, and left to a successor, seeking the real interest of his kingdom, a formidable engine to be employed against the friend and ally of their mischievous counsels. Louis had acquir- ed a considerable naval force, and was not without the hopes that France would obtain by sea the same supremacy which shehad estab- lished by land. Some partial successes in the beginning of the war against England, encouraged this expectation. But at length, exert- ing the full force of her fleet, England, at La Hogue, crushed the navy of France ; and again taught her enemies that she was still to be mistress of the ocean. During the rest of the war, though detached ships might be troublesome and vexatious, no French fleet was power- ful or formidable. The army which Charles and James iiad levied nnd maintained for wicked ends, under the guidance of William, was conducive to salutary purposes. Ins[)ired by the national spirit which supported the protcstant asserters of their riglils and liberty against a popish tyrant, they performed feats of magnanimous valour* and dis- comfited all the invading projects of tlio deposed tyrant. They could not prevent him from perpetrating liorrid cruellies, but they hindered his blood-thirsty murders from promoting his permanent interest. They at length manifested to the world, that no person proscribed by the choice of Englishmen, could attain dominion ovei" them I)y force. They also showed to their French invaders, that an attempt to subju- gate any part of this island by a foreign power, must uliimately recoil on tiie invaders. On the continent, the wealcness and distractions of the allies, and the immense land force of the enemy, i)revenled the confederates from obtaining com pK--te success; but the eflbrts of Wil- liam were strenuous and important. Without gaining splendid vic- tory, he prevented consummate generals, numerous and disciplined veterans of the enemy, from ol)taining any signal or material advan- tage. Jarring parties, and treacherous conspiracies, frequently dis- tuibed the internal tranquillity of AViliiam's reign; but the greater number oi hi-, ijeopie, awake to tlie national honour and intei-est, desired to prosecute a war with vigour which was necessary to repress the ambition of France. The exertions of the nation and parliament to humble the foe of British indei)endence exhibited that combined magnaniniity and wis- " S'-c (Icfctice of Londonderry, in Smolict'.'? continuation of Hwme, vol. i. cli. 1. and the whole nanali^e ot the war in Ireland. STATE OF H:N(JT.AM"). 45 [Knglaiul tlie most efticieut foe of French encroaclimeiit. Policy of France.] dom, Avhich bears great inconveniences, in order to repel much greater evils. They induced Louis to listen to much more reasonable terms of negotiation, than in the days of British snpineness he had been accustomed to dictate, and showed the direct tendency of warlike strength and effort to produce peace to an intrepid and mighty people. In the detail of battles, Louis was the conqueror; yet, in the result of success, prosperity, and power, the ambitious and imperious monarch of France found, at the treaty of Rhyswick, his dictatorial command limited and circumscribed. He there was taught_Ahat the most formidable foe of Galli-c encroachment is England. Deprived by a contest with Britain of that naval power which it had been one of the chief objects of his long reign to raise and extend, France might have learned, that a nation which seeks maritime aggrandizement by warring against a nation much more powerful at sea than herself, only labours to defeat her own purpose. From his continental successes, and his maritime disasters, Louis might have learned, that while she di- rected her principal attention to armies, France might gratify her unbounded ambition ; but that her marine exertions to cope with Eng- land brought a reduction of her strength. The policy of France under her vain-glorious despot, disturbing her neighbours, unjust in principle, and barbarous in operation, was in its events ruinous to the country which that despot governed. Fitted, from climate, soil, situation, and the genius of her people, to acquire, enjoy, and preserve riches, and all the comforts of life ; she, under the splendid but destructive domination of Louis, experienced pov- erty and misery. The wars occupied numbers of the hands which the welfare of the people required to have been employed in culti- vating the ground. The imports of corn, wanted to supply the defi- ciencies, were intercepted by the naval armaments of her over- powering enemy. Multitudes perished by famine. The pompous pageantry of triumphant rejoicing for useless victory could not pre- vent the melancholy spectacles of wretches starving with hunger. The impious strains of pretended gratitude, attributing to the divinity the successes of unwise injustice, were followed by the groans of subjects dying in the streets, because the infatuated ambition of their prince preferred ruinous wars to beneficial peace. These, together with tiie depopulation of his kingdom by narrow bigotry, were among the glories of Louis's aggressive policy. By his external politics, he reduced the internal prosperity, v/hicli the physical and moral re- sources of his country, the talents and skill of his ministers had so rapidly advanced. The commercial and maritime improvements, rising under the superintending wisdom of Colbert in their salut:;ry tendency to the happiness of the people, received effectual checks irom Louis himself. This view of the consequences of his wars might have taught that king, that his projects led only to splendid misery. His apparent moderation at Rhyswick afforded some grounds lor expecting, that, for the future, he would pursue a system more \vise and magnanimous, and would sacrifice the tinsel of false glory to the real benefit of his country. But those who fancied that the experienced errors of past counsels and conduct would produce a change of object and principle, gave him credit for a wisdom and greatness of mind which he did not possess. His object conlinucU 46 VI KW OF IHE {Spiiin. Finance. F.slablisliiTient of tlic l):iiik. Funding system-] the same, he only varied tlie means : by a negotialion, and a dissolu- tion of the defensive confederacy, he sought that rapacious encroach- ment, which he found to be no longer attainable by force. Tlie peace of Rhyswick was intended to facilitate the accession of u Bourbon prince to the throne of Spain. Crafty in design, and dextrous in ad- dress, amusing the allies by partition treaties, Louis over-reached the sounder and more vigorous understanding of William, and raising his grandson to be monarch of Spain, rendered a kingdom, so long the rival, at length the appendage of France. This new act of ambi- tion, so dangerous to the independence of Europe, produced a new confederacy to avert the danger by removing its cause. The overgrown dominion of France demanded an expense un- T^nown in the history of our wars, and very heavily felt by the nation. To lessen the immediate burthens of the people, a scheme was pro- posed, and adopted, for answering a great part of the exigencies of ■war, by anticipating the products of peace and prosperity. To supply the deficiencies of present income, sums were to be borrowed, on the probable expectation that the finances would increase in tranquillity and flourishing commerce, and afford a surplus beyond the expendi- ture. The debts contracted were to be guaranteed by the public faith, and to be discharged from the public savings : hence first arose, in England, the funding system. At its outset, the national debt was in- curred under an idea of certain and even speedy liquidation. The security was chiefly an assignment of specific taxes, which was sup- posed, by an hypothetical calculation, sufficient to pay principal and interest in a few years. A national bank was established, for extend- ing the credit and security of government, and for facilitating com- mercial intercourse and exchange. A mercantile joint stock com- pany was, with that view, incorporated, under the name of the Bank of England. This body, composed in 1694, advanced the sum of twelve hundred thousand pounds, at eight per cent, constituting their first capital, and repayable at the option of government in 1705; but the debts incurred both to that corporation and other bodies and indi- viduals, greatly increasing during the war, a system of perpetual funding was deemed expedient. In 1697, the debts of Great Britain, funded and unfunded, amounted to 21,515,742/. 13«. 8^d. incumber-, ing the productive industry of the country with an annual burthen of nearly one million seven hundred thousand pounds for interest, at the rate of eight per cent, then paid by government. To this system of supplying national exigencies, several strong objections were made. It was alleged, that the incumbrance would h*'. an oppressive weight upon productive industry ; that it was a tem- porary prop to national credit, which ought to be supported on the solid basis of economy; that neither economy nor prudence justified the contraction of certain and great debts, upon uncertain and contingent means of repayment; that by this mode, the state resembled an im- provident spendthrift, who. from his prodigality, being unable to wait for the regular payment of his revenue, and exceeding in expenditure the amount of his income, was obliged to borrow on usurious terms, and thus to impair his fortune. Enabled to borrow upon extravagant interest, ministers and princes would have internally the means of corruption, and obtain by influence what they could not enforce by STATE OF ENGLAND. 47 [Arguments for ami aj^uinst the funding system] power. The restriction imposed upon kingly prerogative would be really unuvailing. The king might make wars, not conducive to tiie defence or security of his people, and therefore injurious. The trea- sury, from borrowed money, affording funds for bribery, might, in the hands of an artful and corrupt minister, win a majority in parliament to support pernicious measures of tlie crown. The facility of raising money would incline and encourage the executive government to promote wars, and other expensive and useless undertakings. AH the funds forpaying the national debt being transferable, and fluctuating; in value, would introduce a system of stock-jobbing, and withdraw capitals from agriculture, manufacture, and commerce, to be employed in speculations in the public funds. Instead of seeking riches, as traders, by the progressive efforts of industry and skill, many would become money brokers and gamblers. Individuals, without ability, beneficial enterprise, and effort, would accumulate fortunes, from the exorbitant profits allowed by government; and the public would be impoverished in the same proportion. A system of borrowing un- necessarily, like every other pecuniary profusion, would increase by indulgence ; the debt would not be temporary as its authors asserted, but permanent and progressive, until it ended in bankruptcy. Such were the principal disadvantages which the adversaries of the fund- ing system anticipated from its adoption.* Its supporters alleged, that the loans were not upon the principles of a spendthrift, squandering without any prospect of return; but in the true spirit of enlightened merchants, diminishing the pressure of payments necessarily made for the attainment of beneficial objects. As a merchant wouldj without hesitation, borrow money at a great in- terest, by which he had a moral certainty of either preventing a greater loss, or acquiring a greater gain ; government borrowed, for the defence of the country against the enemies of the constitution, and for the security of our national independence against Gallic ambition. Agreeably to the soundest principles of mercantile policy, the public, when straitened for ready money, had incurred^^future and distant re- sponsibilities, at seasons of more convenient liquidation. The efforts made through the loans, and which but for them would have been impracticable, would extend the greatness, prosperity, and opulence of the country. The establishment of this system, including the national bank, would revive and confirm public credit, and extend circulation. Increasing currency would, by competition, lower in- terest, enhance the value of land, promote the spirit of manufactures and commerce, facilitate the annual supplies, and augment the means of private wealth and public revenue. The scheme would attach the national creditors to the recent establishment, from which the secu- rity of their loans was derived; and find, in the private interests of monied capitalists, a strong bulwark against the house of Stuart; commercial men, a class of subjects already numerous and important, and zealous supporters of a free government, would be firm friends to the revolution. • See SmoUet's History of William, passim. From various political writings as well as the histories of the times, this was generally the opinion of the tories and the landed interest, as the contrary was the opinion of the whigs and monied interest. Enmity to the funding system, though not necessarily connected with tory principles, was, from extraneous cacumstances, a mark of toryism. 4S VIEW OF THE [Impartial vle\r. I'mgreas of eommerce during llils reign.] As ilie funded system was an anlicipatinc^ tax on future and con- tini^cnt, thoui^h probable ind-.isli y, its efficiency towards the proposed discliar^e of debt, was necessarily to depend upon the amount of that indiistiy, and ronseciucntly nn the existence or continuance of circum- stances favourable to its exertions. It was a burthen upon future ef« fort, the disadvantages of which were immediately felt, were pecuni- ary, and could be instantly appreciated by the most ordinary capacity. The advantai;cs, commercial and political, could not be so obvious ; and to be understood, required extensive knowledge and enlarged comjjrchcnsion ; and though understood, to be relished required a wisdom and firmness which would encounter a smaller but present and certain inconvenience, to attain greater Ijut more distant and even- tual benefit. The new taxes imposed for liquidating the debt, were immediate deductions from either the profits or enjoyments of the payer. If the system was necessary, justice demanded that it should be adopted no farther than the necessity required; and that money boriowed on the national faith, to be paid from the national industry, should be envployed for the national security, honour, and advantage. During the peace, the debt conti acted by government was, in four years, reduced to sixteen millions, the reduction being upwards of five millions.* The wars in which William was engaged, considerably distressed mercantile adventurers, by the capture of their ships. Unable, after the battle of La Ilogue, to meet the English navy, France directed her chief maritime attention to the annoyance of our commerce. These depredations, producing individual loss, and consequently di- minution oi" public revenue, caused great clamours against govern- ment ; and the disaffected party represented our trade as having greatly decayed in the time of William. An impartial examination of commercial history leads to an opposite conclusion. Louis's at- tempts to destroy the commerce of England, like those against her navy, recoiled on himself. Precluded, during hostilities, from traffic with France, the English began to seek from their own industry ma- nufactures which before (.hey had imported from that country. Cut off from traffic with her southern neighbours, she encouraged and stimulated the manufacturing skill of the protestant refugees, whom the tolerating spirit of William protected from the persecution of Louis. This liberal and enlightened policy, cherishing such useful preceptors, tended eventually to render the scholars superior to their masters. Affording security to artizuns, the free constitution of En- gland applied the stiongesl motives to the exertion- of industry. France lost her expoits of linen, by which before England had been chiefly supplied ; various articles of hardware, her silk manufactures, and many other commodities, that these realms, taught to prepare for themselves, were soon able to furnish for other nations. Though not without a share in the calamities of war, the American colonies con- tinued rapidly progressive in prosperity. The West Indies were now cultivated in the manner whicli- rendered ihenl most eminently lucrative. Sugar occupied the chief care of the planters, though, • Two miHion.s of tliis sum were advanced by the new East India company, constituted in 1693. See Anderson's H'(slory of Commerce, vol. ii. p. 597 STATE OF ENCT.AXn, 49 [Recoinajje favourable to trade. Partiality of tlie king to his native country] without excludinj!^ in the appropriate soils the cultivation of other productions. Barbadoes and Jamaica, especially, had obtained very threat population and prosperity at this period. The African and Turkish trade was considerably extended; the northern was risen in a still greater proportion, as William, from inclination, vicinity, and command of the north seas,* was closely connected with the northern powers. With Sjiain and Portui^al, from political as well as com- mercial relations, England enjoyed the principal share of commerce. Even in the East Indies, notwithstanding the misconduct of the first company, and its contest with its competitor, the mercantile spirit of England overcame th? disadvantages of a corporate xnonopoly. The renovated and improved system of polity which the revolution con- firmed, secured property, and its general operation promoted the spi- rit of commerce. The acts, both for extending national and mercan- tile credit, stimulated commercial adventure and enterprise, by faci- lUy of accommodation, increase of cijrrency, and ati enlargement of that confidence on which mercantile transactions principally rest. The subsequent itieans for supporting the bank also tended to the unprecedented extension of trade. Very favourable to the promotion of the same object, was the principle of re-coinage, adopted by Mon- tague, in the depreciated state of the existing coin. By subjecting the public, and not individual holders of current coins, to the loss ac- cruing from the diminished weight he confirmed national credit. The re-coinage of silver, on terms so liberal and wise, was one of the most beneficial measures by which commerce was advanced in William's reign. t In the four peaceful years of William's reign, English com- merce very far surpassed any former efforts and success. Conducive as the co\]nsels and acts of this illustrious prince were to the prosperity of England, there were reasons, not destitute of plausibility, for imputing to him partiality to his ijative country, when- ever her interests and those of his kingdoms came into competition. The Scottish projects of establishing a colony on the isthmus of Da- rien, in order to trade witli the South Sea from its western to its east- ern boundaries, having been first countenanced and afterwards op- posed by the king, his disapprobation of the scheme was imputed to the jealousy of the Dutch. In his continental politics, he was repre- sented by the disaffected in England as- mindful chiefly of the inter- ests of the states-general. According to detractors, English blood • See Anderson's History of Commerce, vol. ii. t The following remark by Mr. Anderson, after his account of the sum sub- scribed by the second East India company, strongly illustrates both tiie increase and actual state of commerce at the conclusion of William's war. " After so long, and such an expensive war, which was now but just ended ; wherein, also, there had been very great losses, by captures of so many of our rich merchant shijis, it gave foreign nations a high idea of the wealth and grandeur of England, to see two millions sterling money subscribed for in three days' time, and had the books been kept open longer, there were persons ready to have subscribed as much more ; for although, higher proofs have since appeared of the great riches ot the nation, because our wealth is visibly and much increased since that time, yet till then there had never been so illustrious an instance of England's opulence. This, however, was undoubtedly owing, in a great measure, to the illegal establishment fif our free constitution, by the accession of king William and queen Mary to thft throne ; by which a firm confidence in the publir faith was established on a solid basis." ' Vor.. VII.— 7 5e VIF.AV OF THR ,_Folit7 of r.pgland as fixfd by the revolution. Source of national prosperity.] and treasure were sacrificed for an ideal balance of power, not neces- sary for the security of these islands. English interference in con- tiiicHtal politics might be useful to ihe Dutch, but was hurtful to this country. Bending our chief efforts to our navy, we, surrounded by the ocean, could defend ourselves against all foreign attempts, and therefore ought not to waste our strength in foreign disputes. The burthen and expense of continental war were owing either to the impolicy or injurious designs of William. Such were the views of the tories ; who, because unfavourable to William individually and his schemes, became inimical to the interference of Britain as a prin- cipal party in the contests of the continent. The whigs, friendly to William, anil hostile to Louis, M'hom they deemed the great protector and abettor of arbitrary power, ardently promoted the most active ef- forts of Great Britain against France. These distinctive and opposite plans of policy respecting the continent, commencing at the end of the seventeenth century, lasted through the eighteenth. Both parties have professed to seek security. The one has deemed naval effort sufficient for guarding the British isles against every danger; the other, either more comprehensive or more fanciful, has extended its vigilance against contingent as well as impending danger ; and, for that purpose, has promoted powerful continental efforts, a^ the wise policy of Britain. The constitution of England, having been ascertained at the com- mencement of William's reign, assumed nearly the same appearance which it has since worn. The doctrine of resistance to an executive magistrate, violating our laws and constitution, was confirmed and exemplified in awful practice. The laws having been before defined with accurate precision, the power of dispensing with them was for ever terminated. Prerogative was completely circumscribed, that no king could of his own will act contrary to the interests and liber- ties of his subjects. From that lime, if the councils or measures of the sovereign were either aibiirary, or injurious to his people, they must be so throut^h the neglect of the people themselves, or their chosen representatives in parliament ; and not from any power lodged in the king. If the influence of the crown and its ministers has ever produced noxious measures since the revolution, the people must blame themselves for appointing delegates, cither not qualified, or not disposed to promote the welfare of their country. The people and parliament may, either immediately or speedily, control and pre- vent every act of the crown which they do not approve. The liberty, property, and life of a Briton cannot be invaded but by his own act, cither through himself or his representatives. If, therefore, since the revolution, liberty, property, or life, has, in any one instance, been unjustly attacked, the injustice is chargeable to the whole body of the people, and not to the existing polity. Increased in prosperity, the means of subsistence, accommodation, and security; in riches and power; in invention, sagacity, enterprise; in aggregate industry and skill; in physical resources, and the characters of her inhabit- ants; Britain brings undoubted evidence to show, that a system pro- ducing such a multiplicity ot advantages must be wise and good. The same modified principle of hereditary succession, which had dictated the substitution of William and Mary for the lineal monarch, STATE OF ENGLAND. J( [Parties in Eng-land. Whigs, Tories, and Jacoliitci.] on the death of the princess Anne's son, suggested the act for setting the crown on the next prolestant heir. Princess Sophia, grand-daugh- ter of James I., was his nearest descendant, not disqualified for the throne by the declared resolution and act of the English lawgivers. 'Ihe act of settlement was a corollary from the act of the convention parliament, which had settled the crown in 1689. The political doc- trine established in both, was simple and explicit : in the mixed mo- narchy and free government of England, an hereditary line of princes is the most expedient, and conducive to the tranquillity tmd welfare of the people. But if the lineal heir, or even possessur, he under disqualifications incompatible with the good of the nation, the next in the line, not disqualified, shall succeed. These were the grounds on which Anne ascended the throne, to the exclusion of her brother, the bon and representative of king James. From the revolution, and through the reign of William, the politi- cal parlies were, in principles and objects, three. The first, the Whigs, who supported the new establishment from the love of liber- ty, as well as enmity to popery and French influence. The whigs were inimical to .the exlen!>ive power of the clergy, as incompatible with the freedom which they adored. Their doctrines, civil and ec- clesiastical, were extremely disagreeable to those who abetted passive obedience, either to the monarch and his servants, or the church, its bishops, and its convocations. In theology, as well as politics, the whigs estimated the importance of doctrines, by their tendency and effects upon eivil society, and little regarded the contentions of meta- physical divinity. Friendly to toleratipn, they reckoned the criterion of its extent and bounds, political expediency; and proposed, that all sects should be unmolested, who did not disturb the public tranquil- lity, or the constitutional rights of English subjects. They patro- nized and encouraged the protestant dissenters, a very powerful body, and firm friends to the revolution. On the side of the whigs, many- votaries of the church of England were ranged; these were persons who venerated the established church, as the promoter of true chris- tian piety and morality ;* but who, not desirous of exalting either kingly or priestly power beyond constitutional bounds, were denomi- nated the low church. The second party consisted of Tories, votaries of passive obedience, and staunch supporters of the church. These, being inimical to pope- ry, thought the revolution necessary for the preservation of the pro- testant religion, and considered the popery of James and his son a» the sole reason for excluding them from the throne. The tories re- probated the political doctrines of the whigs, and the theological opinions of the dissenters; and exalting the pretensions of the priest- hood, thereby acquired the denomination of high church. According to these, profaneness and impiety were the distinguishing character- istics of William's reign, and were bringing the nation fast to destruc- tion. f The third party was the Jacobites; who, though tories in many of iheir principles and sentiments, exceeded them in the practical adop- • To this class of whigs, belonged Burnet, TiJlotson, Ilosdley, and Addison. i See Pope's Essay on CriticiBin, 52 VIEW OF THE [All concur to support queen Anne. Marlborough. Confederacy against France.] lion of passive obedience, and maintained the iniquity of resistance to the hereditary prince, whatever his conduct might be, and sought the restoration of James to the throne. The two former parties had been ahernately opponents to king William; but the whigs had most frequently supported his political measures. The Jacobites, from their principles and objects, had been tmiformly inimical to our de- liverer, but varied their mode of hostility according to circumstances. Sometitncs ihcy tried rebellion, sometimes conspiracies ; but finding their treasonable efforts unsuccessful, during a great part of his reign, they confined their attempts to the difi'nsion of discontent. Different as the three parlies were, and in many respects opposite, yet they concurred in supporting queen Anne. The church party knew that her majesty was a sincere and zealous member of the churcli of England, and trusted that she would support the ecclesiastical es- tablishment and doctrines; they expected, that, through her protect- ing influence, the high church would triumph over sectaries, schis- matics, heretics, presbyterians and whigs, over low churchmen and lukewarm friends of the hierarchy. The Jacobites, conceiving her majesty attached to the hereditary line, hoped that, having no issue alive, she would attempt and affect the restoration of the lineal heir. Aware that the queen held her throne upon their principles, the whigs doubted not that, from prudence and self-interest, she would rest chiefly for support on the most strenuous adversaries to the claim of the pretender. They knew that Anne, a personage of very moderate intellects, was entirely governed by the countess of Marlborough, and through her, by the consummate talents of, the earl ; and that the vhig plans of policy were the most consonant to the interests and views of this celebrated hero. Having succeeded to the crown with the favour of all the jarring parties, Anne, on her first appearance in par- liament, declaring her sincere attachment to the church, gratified the tories ; and testifying her resolution to maintain the laws and liberties of her country and the protestant succession, and her determination to ad- here to the counsels and engagements of William, satisfied the whigs. England, again the protector of European independence, and the pro- vident guardian of her own security, went to war with France, the encroaching disturber of Europe. The succession war originated in the same principles as the former confederacy of William. Agreeing in the necessity of hoslilely opposing France, the lories wished Britain to act only as an auxiliary ; but the whigs, if not more patriotic in intention, at least more comprehensive in view, saw that partial and secondary cflbrts from Britain would not effectually answer the pur- pose of her interferences: a mere maritime and defensive war would be only a half measure of short-sighted and inefficient policy. The whigs succeeded in procuring the adoption of their plan to be carried into execution, under a renowned general, now at the head of their party. The powerful efioris of the free states imparted to their allies a portion of their spirit, as well as a considerable share of the manifold resources which liberty formed and nourished. The dis- comfiture and destruction of his bravest troops whenever they faced an Eugene or a Marlborough ; Turin, Ramillies, and Blenheim ; the annihilation of his navy, and the ruin of his commerce, under the re- •iatlcss navy of England ; the cmpoverished state of his finances, and STATE OF KNGLAND. .53 [Great exertions of France. Impolitic rigour of the allies.] the bitter miseries of his subjects; afforded to the aged violator of justice an awful lesson, that the wise policy of France, fertile, strong^, internally secure, improved and improveable, is not, by disturbing her neighbours, to distress and enipoverish herself; but by peace, and the arts which peace promotes among so ingenious a people, to cultivate and extend her immense resources for her own comfort and happi- ness. What peace had done for her prosperity, war had as uniformly undone. The combination begun, and long employed for maintain- ing the balance of power, and ensuring future exemption from dis- turbance, had completely accomplished its object. But the confede- rates, in the exultation of victory, forgot the actual and the only wise purpose of the war. Not contented with the king's dereliction of Spain, they sought the subjugation and dismemberment of France itself; disdained the very ample and momentous concessions offered by Louis, under the dejection of continued defeat; and drove him, through indignation and despair, to efforts which in any other circum- stances he would have never attempted. His people, enraged at the haughty and unrelenting severity of the confederates, and interested for the glory of their monarch and the defence of their country, made exertions that amazed both their enemies and themselves. The im- politic refusal of victors to grant favourable terms to foes defeated but not subdued, inspirited the vanquished, and enabled them to make head against the combination, until the jealousies incidental to such alliances, and other favourable circumstances, produced its dissolu- tion. The confederates learned, when it -was too late, that having in decisive victory the means of concluding honourable and advantageous peace, which would have fully effected the wise and meritorious pur- poses of the war, they ought to have embraced the propitious mo- ment. Intestine divisions had not then withdrawn the most efficient member of the alliance. ^The intriguing artifices of an inferior court servant,* the bigoted declamation of a hot-headed zealot,! had not dis- placed the first general of his time, or detached England from a con- federacy for preserving the balance of power. If they had subdued Louis as completely, as by continuing the war they proposed, Britain and Holland, in rendering Austria 'predominant, would have totally overturned the balance which they had been fighting to establish.^ The objections of the confederates, from a professed doubt of the sin-, cerity of the French sovereign, were by no means consistent with the sagacity of that consummate politician, who guided the counsels as well as led the arms of the allies.§ The penetration of Marlborough might have seen the probability of the sincerity of Louis, in his situ- ation and conduct. An interest, almost amounting to necessity, ren- dered peace, upon humiliating terms, desirable, in the ruinous and miserable state of the French kingdom. The party which, in Eng- land, was supreme in power, could have dictated a peace that would have fully separated Spain from France; repressed Bourbon ambi- tion ; confirmed the independence of Europe, the protestant succes- • Mrs. Marsham. f Sacheverel. ^ i See Somerville's History of queen \nne, passim. Smollet's History, pastim. § See Dr. Somerville's account of the negotiations at the Hague in 1709 ; and at r.ertniydenburg, in iriO. Cunningham's History i also the Memoirs of Torcy, «nd the several negotiators. 54 VIEW OF THE [Parties become more determinate. Fluctuations of opinion.] sion, and the security of Britain ; and obtained every national object for cmbarkina; in the contedcracy. If they desired more, they de- sired loo much. Prolongation of the war, therefore, was unnecessary, and consequently unwise and hurtful. In the changes of political rulers, extravagant concessions completed the evils of impolitic rigour. The precipitate advances of the tolies yielded to Louis in- finitely more, than, when offered, the repulsive haughtiness of the whigs had refused. The terms were far from corresponding with the objects for which the war had been undertaken ; and very unequal to the success with which it had been attended, and the force which the allies still possessed for its farther prosecution. But if the whigs most justly and severely censured the peace of Utrecht, impartial examiners must admit, that its evils might have been prevented at the Hague, or Gcrtruydenburg. Oxford and Bolingbroke could not have concluded an inadequate peace, unless Marlborough had three years before rejected conditions, not only adequate, but highly honourable and advantageous for Britain and her allies. The parties from which sprung this great diversity in plans and measures of foreign politics, in their long and violent contentions, became more determinate in their principles, more definite in their character, more uniform in tlieir views, and more methodical in their plans, than during the preceding reig'n. Inlhe first years of Anne, the tories, although much more agreeable to the real inclinations of the queen, were apparently superior in the house of commons and nation. But the use which they made of these advantages, manifested no great depth of policy, and tended little to" secure the contintiance of their power. The principal object of the tory majority in the first parliament of queen Anne, was to promote high church doctrines, and to restrict the dissenters. To effect their purpose, a cry was raised that lilt: church nuas hi dangtr. The prudence and expediency of exciting an alarm, in order to secure political influence, depends, in a free country, on the exact state of popular opinion. At the end of William's reign, when dis- content had been so studiously spread against the king, and all those whom he favoured, many conscientious members of tlic church really believed that conspiracies were forming by. republicans ^and schis- matics, to overtiiiow the fccclesiaslical establishment. To its well meaning votaries the church was then the chief subject of anxiety and alarm. But though they were churchmen, they were Englishmen and protestants; and if they haled presbyterians much, they hated Frencliinen and popery more. 'Ihc war breaking out, occupied their attenlion, and engaged their passions. The grand and comprehensive scheme of operations promoted by the whigs, proved successful. If they regarded the tories as the protectors of tlie churcli, they consi- tlered tlie whigs as the vanquishers of our most inveterate enemies. Their fears for the church were forgotten in the triumphant joy for the glory of their country. Dissenters were not the only enemies of the church. Conspiracies in favour of the pretender revived their fears of popery ; and turned their favourable attention to those whom they considered as the champions of the protestant succession. The house of lords, averse to the bigotry and violence by which the com- mons were actuated, strenuously opposed their bill against occasional STATj: OF ENGLAND, 55 [Whigs a compact, firm and powerful body. Whig literature. Locke.] conformity, and other measures of impassioned persecution, tending to oppress the dissenters. Defeating these illiberal propositions, they exhibited that moderation which so peculiarly becomes the interme- diate body, that the constitution intends to hold the balance between popular intemperance and monarchical encroachment, and afforded a striking and salutary instance of the wisdom and utility of the controls established by the British constitution. From these causes, the tide of popular opinion began to flow for the whigs. With a support so very momentous to a political party, other circumstances co-operated : the whig system of continental policy rendered our allies peculiarly friendly to that party, because, urging the most extensive and vigor- ous efforts : they were closely connected with the monied interest, that could and did contribute most powerfully to the immense pecu- niary exertions requisite in the present scheme of war. If inclina- tion, therefore, attached the queen to the tories, policy impelled her to support and employ the whigs. The interest and ambition of Marl- borough directed him to join that party, as his transcendent abilities placed him at the head of any set of men, with whom he united. His duchess, by her uncontrolled power over the queen, strongly assisted in rendering her majesty (though in her heart a zealous tory) in her con- duct a most active and effectual instrument under the direction of the whigs. Though there were among the tories men of considerable abilities, yet in the aggregate of talents, the whigs were greatly supe- rior. The men of the highest estimation in church,* state,! and litera- ture.! were of their side : not only favourable circumstances, but con- tinuance in office, mutual intercourse, and coincidence of views and interests, rendered the whigs a closely compacted body, capable of acting very powerfully in concert. Their principles of conduct and bond of union, were such, as they durst openly avow; a firm attach- ment to liberty, to the British constitution as recently ascertained and established, and to the protestant succession as preserving and secur- ing our rights and polity. Hence they were eager promoters of every scheme that tended to ensure the settlement of the crown, and closely connected themselves with the family of Hanover; which, from their principles, protestations, and conduct, regarded this body as its most assured friends, and indeed the bulwark of the expected accession. The able and enlightened politicians of that party strenuously pro- moted literary effort: some of them were themselves men of taste, erudition and philosophy : those who were not scholars, possessing vigorous understandings, knowing mankind, and the state of society in England, liberally and wisely patronized learning. Many works were published in favour of general freedom, and particularly the whig acceptation of freedom, by the disciples'of the celebrated Locke. Intending the greatest perfection of polity, and the highest happiness of mankind, but accustomed to metaphysical disquisition in specula- ting upon government, this renowned philosopher rather contem- plates his own abstractions, than considers man as he is found by observation and experience. Taking their tone from this extraordi- • Atterbury was not yet known. ,f Hurley, Harcourt, and St. John, had not joined the tories. t Swift was connected with Addison, Halifax, and other illustrious whigs. Pope was not yet known. 56 VIEW OF THK [Triumph of the tories and church party.] nary man, other whig writers on political subjects, recurring; to his metaphysical principles, drew from them subtile inferences, leading, if admitted, to republicanism, democracy, and even to equality of rank and property.* This was also the kind of doctrine often advanced in the senate, where there was a great predilection for abstract rea- soning on politics. Neither speakers nor writers appeared aware of the consequences of such theories, if practically adopted ; and though it was very evident they were far from desiring to carry them literally into execution, they however afforded a handle to their opponents, to charge them with an inclination to overturn the church and monarchy. The lories represented their adversaries as republicans, and endea- voured to impress the queen with the same idea, and to revive among the people an alarm that the church was in danger. Established with the people by a series of victory and glory, with the queen by the ap- plause of the country, the splendour and success of their achievements, and the influence of the Marlborough family, with the destined suc- cessors to the crown by their exertions in their favour, the whig party numerous, able, compact, and skilful, had probable grounds for conceiving that its power would be lasting. This expectation, how- ever, proved vain : soon after their power had reached its highest zenith, it was overthrown by trifling instruments. An inferior menial first broke one great tic by which the queen was bound to the whigs, and through them to the continental confederacy : and was the means of conforming her political conduct to the wishes of the tories, by disposing her to abandon the whig administration, and its political plans. She was soon impressed with an opinion, that the church was endangered, from the prevalence of the whigs, and their friends the dissenters. Meanwhile, the high church party was extremely active in inciting the people against their adversaries : they represented the war which had brought very heavy and oppressive burthens on the public, as carried on now for the interested purposes of the ministers. According to the tories, the increasing taxes, and the loss of so many countrymen and relations, were now no longer undergone for the se- curity and glory of England, but to gratify the ambition and avarice of an interested faction. Besides the horrors of a now unnecessary war, the whig counsels (they asserted) and measures were perni- cious in peace, and tended to ovcrtiu'ow government and religion. The whigs were schismatics, infidels, republicans and levellers. The church was in the most imminent danger, and must perish, unless the people were roused to overwhelm the whigs and dissenters. Eagerly urged by clerical demagogues and other ardent partizans, these topics now spread the alarm which had in vain been attempted some years before. Thpe train having been thus laid, a person was not long wanting to light the match. Sachevercl, a furious adven- turer in high church doctrines, without ability, learning, or eloquence, directed the opinions, and guided and stimulated the conduct, of the majority of the people throughout England. His discourses, con- temptible in themselves, were venerated and adored, for the reason which has so often piocured currency and admiration to frivolous nonsense or inflammatory fanaticism ; they declainied for the popular • Sfe Hoadiey, Tlndal, and many other literary supporters of tlie whigs. STAIK OF ENGLAND. 57 [Whigs support the proteslaiil succession. Union with Scotland.] prejudices which ihcii happened to be ailoul. Tlic iumcs of big;olry which he blew up might have evaporated, had not the whigs, by a trial, taken the most cITcctual means to give him and his inculcations im- liortance. Exalted by a well deserved but ill-judged impeachment, Sachcvercl aflorded a lesson to future statesmen and politicians, of the inefficacy of persecution to remove popular delusion. The extra- vagant ravings of this infuriated bigot were received throughout the kingdom as oracles of wisdom. Imbibing the general sentiment, the queen became eagerly desirous of being freed from the whig admin- istration. Addresses, drawn up in the moment of enthusiasm, were represented as the dictates of conviction and solid reasoning. During the popular ferment, parliament being dissolved, the elections (as niiglu have been with certainty foreseen) proved decidedly favourable to the promoters of the ferment ; the whigs were dismissed. Mr. Ilarlcy professed to desire a coalition of parties ; but the means thai were employed by those whom he now headed, being very inimical to siich a junction, the torics held the oflices of administration which had been forcibly wrested from the whigs, and these two parties be- came irreconcilable adversaries. As the tories had represented their party as the only friends of the church an^ monarchy, the whigs de- clared themselves the only supporters of constitutional liberty and the protestant succession ; and imputed the peace to a partiality for Louis, as the supporter of arbitrary power and the pretender. With a reso- lute firmness, adhering more closely to their principles and party than even when in office, the whigs were a very powerful body to promote or thwart any political measure. Both principle and interest bound them to the house of Hanover ; they impressed that family with the persua- sion, that both the internal and foreign politics of the tories were in- tended and calculated for the restoration of James Stuart; that the queen eagerly desired that violation of the parliamentary settlement; that the whigs, and they only, were securing the throne to the protes- tant succession ; and thus, that when the Hanoverian prince should be called to the crown, he would find his subjects divided into two parties : the one his friends, and the other his enemies. Successful in conveying to the court of Hanover this opinion, they gave to its princes a bias, which lasted long after their accession to the British throne. From zeal for the protestant accession, as well as from sound and comprehensive general policy, proceeded a measure which though opposed by narrow views of national prejudice and pride, has been momentously beneficial to the two countries that formerly constituted separate kingdoms in the island of Great Britain. The union for ever put an end to those internal wars which had formerly occasioned the desolation of both. It detached Scotland from a connexion with France, not less hurtful to herself than troublesome to England, It prevented the crowns from being separated,* as would have mo»t probably taken place, had the two kingdoms continued in a state of political disunion. It delivered both nations from the impending * See proceedings in the Scottish parliament and nation, from the first years ot queen Anne till the union ; and the views not only of the Jacobites, but of the Presbyterians. See Soinerville, Cunningham, Smoilet, &c. Vol. VII.— 8 58 VU.W OF TUF. [Advantages to both kingdoms. Commerce and navigation under queen Anne.] evils of a controverted regal succession, and the fears which were justly entertained for the protestant religion and civil liberty. Pre- serving to both countries the protestant faith and a free limited mo- narchy, both in ecclesiastical aud civil concerns, it left to each party the forms, articles, institutions, and laws, to which they were most accustomed and attached, which were interwoven with their manners, their sentiments, their opinions, their property, their domestic and civil engagements, and their duties. Both Scotland and England could now impart to each other, their respective advantages, and both were gainers by the participation. Of the two, the party which laboured under the greatest wants, no doubt acquired the greater advantage by a co-partnership, which afforded the means of supply; but the benefit which Scotland derived, being still dependent on her own industry and skill, slie by those very qualities promoted the interest of Eng- land. Without minutely scrutinizing the comparative emoluments of both, we evidently perceive, that England and Scotland, in the means of subsistence, accommodation, defence, riches, power, comfort at home, and respectability abroad, are both severally and jointly be- yond all calculation benefited by the Union. Commerce continued in this reign to increase in enterprise, skill, and success : the views of merchants were enlarged, as their impor- tance so greatly rose in the community. The war, no doubt, inter- rupted trade, by the capture of ships; this evil, to a certain degree unavoidable, was heightened by the inattention of the admiralty to the important department of its business, which should provide convoys. The near relation of the lord high admiral to the sovereign, through delicacy prevented so close and vigorous investigation into the con- duct of naval affairs, as the interests of commerce and the good of the country required. But notwithstanding these disadvantages, ma- nufactures and commerce were extremely flourishing. Civil and religious liberty invited many industrious and skilful foreigners into this country ; while others fled thither from the horrors of war. The enlarged policy of the whigs, who saw the advantages that had re- sultcc!, and were resulting, from the emigration of ingenious and in- dustrious refugees, and who knew that the wealth and power of the nation rises with the number of capable and active inhabitants, in order to attach the late emigrants completely to the country, proposed that they slionld be naturalized, and a law was actually passed for that purpose ; which, lasting till near the end of the reign, was ex- tremely favourable both to trade and public credit. The refugees promoted manufactures and merchandise, and were also purchasers to a very considerable extent in the funds. One very convincing proof of tljc increase of commerce during this reign, was the rise of public credit; the ease with which very large* supplies were raised for the use of government; and the readiness with which loans were ob- tained at six per cent, instead of eight, amounting to upwards of three millions annually,! besides the yearly taxes. Our North American colonics continuing to experience that wise and benignant policy, • According to the value of money and estimation of expenses in those times, t Tlie national debt, wlilcli, at the commencement of Anne's reign, was siATK or i-,nc;lanu. 59 [rolitical economy not well understood. Cliaracter of her reign.] which, satisfied with affording protection and claiming general alle- giance, left internal efforts and industry to their own course, was the most important and rising market for British manufactures and com- merce.* The trade to the West India colonies was also now of considerable importance. The East India traffic, small as it was, compared with present times, yet notwithstanding the cessiiiion of competition by the union of the two companies into one, was making a lucrative ac- cession to British opulence. Our trade with Spain almost ceased during the war concerning its crown; but our traffic to other parts of Europe, and to Africa, was, from our maritime strength and the weakness of our enemies, proporiionably enlarged. Exerting our naval force in annoying the enemy, and (though not uniformly) in protecting our own commerce, wc fully taught contending nations a lesson, which they miglu have partially learned before, that if weaker commercial naval powers arc fighting with a stronger, while the infe- rior loses his mercantile gain, the superior, by commanding the seas, promotes his trade. Of commercial treaties concluded in this reign, the convention with Portugal proved beneficial to this country, though it showed that the principles of commercial philosophy were not yet thoroughly understood. The revered authority of Locke had im- pressed statesn)en with a very erroneous principle in political econo- my, that national wealth consists in the quantity of gold and silver which a country possesses; that therefore the chief object of a com- mercial statesman is to increase these precious metals. The pro- fessed object of Mr. Methven's treaty with Portugal was to procure for our commodities gold from the Brazils; a purpose which might have been effected without any treaty, while Britain could supply such articles as the possessors of gold wanted. The interchange has, on the whole, proved more lucrative to the Portuguese than to the Brit- ish : still, however, though the balance of trade may have been against us with Portugal,! it has been advantageous as a source of traffic, of revenue, and a nursery for seamen. The chief objections to the com- mercial treaty of Utrecht were founded on the same erroneous sys- tem.:}; It was alleged, that a treaty with France, by interfering with our treaty with Portugal, would diminish our imports of Brazil gold. Anne's reign, notwithstanding a war of eleven years, was favourable to commerce, and llie prosperity of the country. In her external re- lations, Britain made much greater and more extensive efforts on the continent, than at any former period, though she was precipitate and irnpolitic in the negotiation at Utrecht, and thereby yielded much too advantageous terms to the aggressor, whom she had vanquished ; yet, in the misery of his people, the bankruptcy of his finances, and the 16,394.701;. 10s. 7id., at tlie end of It amounted to 53,681,076;. 5s. e^d. As by far the greater part of tiiis debt was owing- to British subjects, it is a proof how much commerce and private riches must liave been augmented. * See the statemcMit quoted by Mr. Burke from official documents in his speech, March 22d, 1775, on conciliation with America. f See Weahh of Nations, vol. ii. p. 325. t That a trade may be advantageous to a party, against whom the balance is, is now very evident; as may be clearly seen in the Wealth of Nations, and also in the marquis of Lansdowne's speech on the commercial treaty with France. 60 Vri'.W OF TflF [George I. His attachment to the whigfs.] tlisconifiture of his force, she evinced to Louis, that the unjust ambi- tion of the French sovereign which compelled Britain to arm against him, rendered that fine country wretched, which might have been happy. While the parties, that raged with such violence from the dismissal of the whig ministry, were increasing in mutual hatred and invete- racy, the death of Anne called a new family to the throne. George, elector of Hanover, a prince of a solid and vigorous capa- city, well skilled in the history of politics and interests of the different European powers, a brave, prudent, experienced general, was in the prime of life, when, as next protcstant heir of the royal line, he be- came by the rule of inheritance, as it had been modified by the king and parliament, sovereign of these realms. In his person, heredita- ry succession was as closely adhered to as was compatible with liberty and religion : the direct and next presumptive heirs having chosen to disqualify themselves, the next who had not disqualified himself suc- ceeded. George, a great grandson of a king of England, sprung from that king's daughter, came to the throne ; instead of James, another great grandson of the same king, sprung from his son. Here- by the extent and limitations of hereditary succession to the crown were ascertained: the lineal heir was to succeed, unless, by refusing to comply with the conditions required, he himself should virtually renounce the inheritance. Fitted by his talents, dispositions, and character, to govern his new kingdoms suitably to their interests and views, George's administra- tion gave much satisfaction to those who had stood forth as the cham- pions of civil, religious, and constitutional liberty. Policy as well as inclination attached him first and chieily to the whigs, the strenuous supporters of himself and his family. The tory leaders, in the last mmistry of queen Anne, had gone such length in opposing the whigs, as to be deemed inimical to the succession of the house of Hanover. If they did not design the restoration of the lineal heir, their actions had appeared conducive to that purpose. They had cultivated a close intercourse with Louis, the great patron of the pretender; promoted known Jacobites to civil and military offices ; and dismissed from the army whig officers, to make room for persons attached to the house of Stuart. At the election, Jacobites had been countenanced and chosen, through the influence and patronage of the tory party.* The ministers had effected the repeal of the barrier treaty, which bound the states-general to guarantee the protestant succession ; were ex- tremely ccld to the Dutch, the zealous friends of that settlement ; and encouraged invectives against king William, its framer, and all its principal supporters. The lories encouraged writings and writers inimical to the protestant succession. The high church, so much venerated by the torics, abetted the doctrines of indefeasible heredi- tary right, and were ardent in inculcating intolerance to dissenters, the warm friends of the revolution and protcstant succession, and ene- mies of jacobitism and the principles by which it was upheld. While the tories so acted, as to exhibit a probable appearance of a friendly • See Somerville's Dissertation on the Danger of the Protestant Succession, at the end of his history, //a mm. Cunning-liam's History. STATF, OF F.NT.T.AND. f,| [Intemperate violence of that party.] disposition to the Jacobites, they strenuously opposed every measure desired by the friends of the house of Hanover as conducive to the security of the protestant succession.* Although the concurrence of so many circumstances did not positively prove the tory leaders to have formed a design against the Hanoverian succession, and though they all might have arisen from different causes, yet they to- gether constituted such a degree of probability, as to render it pru- dent in the king to repose his first trust in the whigs, and to be cautious and circumspect in bestowing high offices on any of the active troy leaders until he had investigated their intentions. But, perhaps, it might have been practicable ior the king to have gradu- ally conciliated the greater number of the most active tories. His promotion of whigs exclusively, and dismission of tories indiscrimi- nately, from the recent conduct of both respectively, was natural, though a more comprehensive scheme of policy would have been wise. At the time of the accession, the passions and prejudices of both sides were extremely high. The cool and impartial examination of a discerning anJ unbiassed stranger must have seen, that there were on both sides great abilities and great virtues, mingled with the violence and excesses of party zeal ; and that the leading and acting men on both sides might be rendered useful in various departments of public service. But George, though discerning, was not unbi- assed; though calm in his own temper, judicious in his opinions, and temperate in his conduct, yet, from his situation, and the connexions which it had dictated, he was become the member of a party ; and as- cended the throne of England, on the one hand, with the liberal and enlightened principles, but on the other with the prejudices and pas- sions, of an English whig. ^ Choosing from that party his ministers and confidential advisers, he not only, by this first measure of his go- vernment, disgusted the tories, on account of the exclusive preference of their adversaries, but imbibing the resentments of the whigs, too readily and hastily countenanced their prosecutions. The intempe- rance of ministerial proceedings excited great displeasure among the friends and supporters of the prosecuted leaders, and giving particu- lar umbrage to the high church party, inspired the Jacobites with a notion, that the disapprobation testified or discovered on account of these acts, and the partiality of the king to the whig party, indicated a general dissatisfaction with the whole system of his new govern- ment. From this misapprehension, they conceived the opportunity favourable to the pretender. Hence, together with the instigations of the old tyrant of France, arose the rebellion of 1715. The com- paratively small number of those who joined in this insurrection, and the vast majority which adhered to king George, to civil and reli- gious liberty, proved, that, though certain councils of ministry were not agreeable to the whole of the nation, yet the house of Hanover was firmly established on the throne. The trifling attempts that were afterwards made in the same reign, being so speedily discomfited, confirmed the same position. Indeed it was evident that the good sense of the British, their firmness and patriotism, would strenuously and successfully resist every future attempt to deprive them of the • See Swift's Thoughts on the present State of Anairs,/>nw«m. 62 VIEW OF THE [Prosecutions. Septennial parliaments] blessings which they enjoyed under the house of Hanover. It was farthcrobvious, that the security of the king and the existing establish- ment rested solely upon his sulijccts tlicmselves, as by those only the disturbances were quelled. But lliough the number of those who ac- tively rose against the king was but small, very many continued dis- satisfied wiili the monopoly of favour and confidence enjoyed by the whigs. That policy, justifiable only if necessary, maintained a very great division in the kingdom, and precluded the nation from the services of many brave, able, and entcrjirising men. The prosecu- tions against the tory leaders very strikingly manifested the injustice and oppression arising from a violent s])irit of party. The most arbi- trary ministers could not have wrested facts and circumstances more, to give a plausible colour to tyranny, than the professed champions of liberty in their constructions of lord Oxford's acts : in their endea- vours to impute treason* to Bolingbroke and Atterbury, and in com- pelling the most illustrious and able men, without any evidence of guilt, to seek refuge in exile. The first years of the whig administration being employed chiefly in reducing their adversaries, they afterwards proceeded to a system of general policy. Their professed objects were, to secure the pro- testant succession, and to promote the financial and commercial pros- perity of the country. The real tendency of their conduct, however, in a great degree, was to extend the iiiHuence of ministry over the monied interest and the legislature. The first parliament which met alter George's accession, being elected when the w'higs had just recovered their superiority, consisted in a great measure of members of that party. Before the three years had expired, ministry had declined very much in popularity. The nation, though it had shown itself firmly attached to the establishment, did not approve of the exclusive go- vernment of one class of men. There was much reason, therefore, to expect, that a new election might return many representatives not friendly to the whig monopoly. To prevent so probable an obstruction, the whig leaders formed a very bold and effectual project : this was to procure an act establish- ing septennial parliaments instead of triennial, and prolonging the present for four years. The amount of this act was, that delegates, chosen by their constituents for three years, voted without the consent of these constituents, tliat the trust should last for four years longer than it had been conferred by the owners. The alleged reason was, the prevalence of disaffection and jacobitism, which the ferment of a new election would stimulate and promote. Triennial parliaments served to keep up party divisions : a longer term would contribute powerfully to the evaporation of discontent and factious passions, and secure the protestant settlement and the tranquillity of the country. The opponents of the change insisted, that on the same principle by which trustees continued their office beyond the appointment of their employers, they might render their power perpetual, and cease to depend on those employers; that so long a duration would afford to • Swift's account of the mode proposed in the academy of projectors, for dis. covering plots and conspiracies, was not a much overcharged satire against the whig deviutors from the salutary strictness of Edward IIl.'s definitions oi" trea- son. STATE or ENGLAND. 63 [Growth of ministerial influence. Walpole. Foreign relations.] ministers an opportunity of systematizing corruption, and establishin[j by its means an influence over the legislature, which might render that body merely instrumental in the hands of the executive govern- ment ; that the will of the king and minister would be the sole rule of legislative as well as executorial conduct; that the power of the crown would, through the whigs, be rendered really niuch greater than the tories had ever wished to establish or support. It is certain, that ministerial influence in this reign, whether from the long continuance of parliament, or other causes, became much greater than at any former time. Corruption had been carried to ;\ considerable length by the whigs, in the time of queen Anne, on pai- ticular occasions: but it was reserved for Walpole to establish it as a methodical and regular engine of government: and to bribe in a dexterous and circuitous manner, which might not only escape de- tection, but in some degree even impose on the receiver, and which might make him suppose that to be the reward of merit from his country which was really the wages of service to a minister. Closely connected with stock-jobbers, and other adventurers, in projects for the acquisition of money, Walpole found, through loans and similar government transactions, various opportunities of bestov/ing indirect donatives. Nor was he sparing in direct presents. He appears to have been the first minister who thoroughly xniderslood the mode of managing parliaments, and making law-givers willing tools in the hands of the court. He first completely succeeded in identifying, ac- cording to the apprehension of the majority, compliance with mi- nisters, and patriotism; opposition to ministers, and disaffection to the constitution. George's reign is an epoch in parliamentary history, as, since that time, whether ministers have been able or weak, wise or foolish, they have rarely failed to have the co-operation of parliament in their projects, whether useful or hurtful. The influence of the crown was established on the most solid basis by the whig party, and the whig leader sir Robert Walpole. The relative state of Britain and foreign powers did not require from this country any great eff'orts. Louis XIV. after for sixty years disturbing the tranquillity of Europe, was at length dead. During the minority of his successor, the regent of France, fortunately for his country, from private and personal ambition, cultivated amity and intercourse with England, in hopes that should the young king die, Britain might assist him in succeeding to the throne, in exclu- sion of the still more nearly related Philip Bourbon of Spain. These selfish views long cherished peace and alliance between the two chief powers of the world. France being pacific, none of the other nations could afford any serious ground of alarm. The menaces of Charles XII. or the displeasure of the czar of Mrtscovy, excited little appre- hension. The repeated anempts of Spain to promote the claims of the pretender, and to disturb the peace of Britain, unassisted by France, were easily crushed or prevented. A signal defeat at sea cflectually convinced the Spanish king of his impolicy in provoking the attack of an English fleet. The harmony which prevailed between France and George I. though arising from temporary coincidence of views in his majesty and the French regent, rather than from an en- larged comprehension of solid and permanent interests, was beneficial (54 vir.w 01" iiiE [King's partiality for llaiiovcr. Avarice. Soulli sea bubble.] to both parties ; by allowing the two countries in tranquillity to recov- er iVom the evils of the dreadful wars which had occupied the two preceding reigns, it manifested to both, that sound policy dictated ygrecmcnt, and not discord, to the two first kingdoms of the universe. The king, in his negotiations and engagements with France and with other powers, intended to strengthen tiie security of the protcstant suc- cession : that was the chief object of the greater number of the trea- ties in which his history so very much abounds. Large and numerous subsidies were paid to purchase assistance, or to buy off apprehended and threatened liostility.* The party in opposition to ministers asserted, that as the various attempts made in favour of the pretender, had been crushed by liriiish paliiotisni and energy, the lecoursc to foreign assistance was totally unnecessary. Experience had shown, that a great majority of the people was disposed and able to support the constitutional establish- ment. "While British subjects were attached to their sovereign, ho wanted no foicign props to his throne. It was extremely natural for his majesty to retain a partiality for liis native country, and under that partiality to blend and identify interests that certainly had no real connexion. Sonic of the treaties concluded, and tubbidies paid by Great Britain, were, on very prob- able grounds, alleged to be employed in promoting the advantage of Hanover, without affording the smallest benefit to this country. The balance of power in the two former reigns, so necessary an object of attention, and so wise a ground of confederacy, though under George I. it produced a multiplicity and variety of alliances, yet really, while France remained quiet, appears to have been in no danger. f 'fiie fo- reign policy, however, oi the first George, though perhaps too minute and busy in detail, was, on the whole, fitted to maintain the rank and rcspcctabiliiy of his kingdoms among the continental powers. If Britain in his time did not rise in dignity, at least she did not fall. The connexion between the whigs and the monied interests, pro- duced acts and conscqucuccs that make a memorable part of this reign. Commerce had opened the way to riches; riches acquired, stimulated accumulation ; or contemplated, excited enterprise and adventure. The gains of merchandise are commonly progressive. The higii interest paid, or the donative^ granted by government on loans, enabled many individuals to accjuirc fortunes much more rapidly than trade could admit. The fluctuating credit of the national funds opened a source of hazardous gains, by dealing in stock; or, to use the ajipropriale term, stock-jobbing. This kind of traffic, that had been rising in frequency as the national debt increased, was become extremely prevalent, and was indeed very much encouraged by the successive ministers of George; who seeing that jobbing kept up the price of the stocks, considered it as a very beneficial practice. There seemed, indeed, to be a kind of enthusiasm of avarice through- out maritime and commercial Europe at this lime, no less violent • See the treaty concluded with the king of Sweden, in 1717. f It was upon the anxiety of tlie British government about the relative strength of its neighbours, thai the author of tlic History of John liuU introduces his hero as keeping a pair of steelyards to weigh his neighbours. STATK OP ENGLAND. 65 [liifi'lelity and immorality. Liberal policy of Walpole.] than the religious or political enthusiasm of otlier periods. Money was the supreme object of their thoughts ; they considered projects of new l)ai)ks ; new scheriies of administering or employing esiaijlish- cd funds; and new modes of traffic, as the means of miraculous ac- cumulation * On the frenzy of covetousness which impeded the use of sound reason, and generated the nnost visionary fancies, tlie deep and dcsif^ning viilany of ministerial projectors contrived the famous South Sea bubble, that burst with such destruction to its deluded votaries. Notwithstanding the ruin which overwhelmed so many from this s])eculation, there continued a strong propensity to wild and fanciful adveniues, for many years afterwards. Stock-jobbing very naturally promotes other species of gaming,! either to increase its gains, or compensate its losses. Gambling became much more fre- quent thcin it had been in former times. The liberal principles and sentiniejits of the whigs, extending to- leration to the various sects of religionists, continued (hateful to the higli church; nor were the wliigs behind in enmity; their aversion to bigotry carried them iiito the opposite extreme. Many of them are justly chargeable with infidelity ; and their leading politicians, if not unbelievers were indifferent about religion, and great patrons of in- fidels. The court, in general, was very lukewarm in religious matters. With the nainister, himself, his supporters and favourites, articles of faith, the church, and clergy, were most frequent and acceptable sub- jects of men in»cTit aud raillery. Impiety was extremely fashionable in the various gradations of society; to which the court example did not fail to reach. Corresponding to such a state of religion, there was great laxity of manners. To this evil, the conduct of the court had its share in coi\- tributing. George, though by no means profligate in his own charac- ter, yet tended to encourage licentious gallantry : according to the mode of debauched courts on the continent, the king's mistresses made their appearance regularly among the nobility,:}; were visited by women of the highest rank and fushion, and even introduced to the young princesses his grand-daughters. The minister, and all who pos- sessed or sought favour, paid a most submissive -attention to the royal favourites. Where such persons presided, modesty and chastity could not be expected greatly to prevail. Decency and morality were by no means characteristics of George's court. This reign was favourable to commerce and finance, especially after the appointment of ^VHlpolc to be piime minister. The policy of this statesman, constantly and steadily pacific, was by that single but momentous quality, condurive to private and public opulence. Rais- ed to office immediately after the failure of the South Sea scheme, he studiously and earnestly endeavoured to repair the mischiefs produced by that celebrated fraud, and was successful in his efforts. Having settled the busin«ss of the South Sea, and restored public credit, he directed his attention to manufactures and trade, and showed that his views were both liberal and extensive. He found the foreign trade • Besides the famous South Sea scheme, there was the Mississippi plan of Mh Law, and nuniberU-ss others on the same visionary principle, though less exten- sive in influence and impnrtunce. t See Life of Budt>tt,in Disset's edition of the Spectator * See Lord O.ford's Keminiscences, Vol. VH.— 9 OO MEW OF TH't [llis views of coloiucs. George 1!. Adopts the policy of his father. j iihackled with numerous petty duties and empoverishing taxes, which obstructed the exportation of cur manufactures, and lessened the im- portation of the most necessary commodities. He framed the bene- ficial j)lan of abolishing all these restrictions, and giving freedom to the niost valuable branches of our external and internal commerce.* At his instance, a bill was passed for that purpose. By his persuasion also a law was enacted for encouraging the importation of naval stores from Noith America. Since these commodities were necessary for the navy, he thought it much wiser to be supplied from our own plan- tations, especially us we could be furnished at a cheaper rate, and as .ourcolonies took our own manufactures in exchange. Besides, should England be at war with Russia, that source of naval stores might be closed; by Walpolc's regulation, another was opened. The promo- tion of commerce was one great object of his pacific dispositions : he was very averse to hostilities with Spain when threatened in 1726, through the unnatural union between Philip and the emperor. The lommerce with Spain was very extensive and important to Great Bri- tain. Such a source of revenue and riches he was unwilling to ob- struct by precipitate war. His views of the benefits arising from our foreign settlements, just and sound, presented a lesson of colonial policy which it would ha\e been fortunate for Britain if his success- ors had always followed A speculative projector having proposed, that the American plantations should be subject to taxes, Walpole, with a discrinjnating and comprcheiisiye idea of their real utility, saw that without impost, by their industry and prosperity, they were rapidly promoting the piivaie wealth and public revenue of Britain, and totally rejected the advice. In the contest between king George and his son the prince of Wales, Walpole, though he could not avoid giving some umbrage to the heir npparent, yet impressed both him and his princess Caroline, with a very high opinion of his poliLical talents. When, on the king's death, George H. ascended the throne, Walpole was continued in his ofBce, because their majestiesf thought no other person could be found so well qualified for directing the helm of public affairs. George H. a piince ol upright intentions and the strictest honour, but of moderate talents, and inferior to his father in force of understand- ing, adopted his political notions and prejudices; considered the whigsas the only svibjccts to be trusted ; entertained groundless alarms of the designs of the Jacobites; and renewed or formed numerous alliances for securing the protestant succession. j: He was anxiously and incessantly busy with engagements and projects for preserving the balance of power, and very partial to the interests of his German dominions. The minister, adhering to his pacific plans, gratified his • See Coxe's Memoirs of sir Kobert Walpole, part i. p. 164. I From lord (nford's Reminiscences, it appears that the king intended to choose k new iniiiister ; but that the queen, greatly his superior in abilities, wlio govern- ed his uiajesty, thoiigli she appeared to be implicitly submissive to him, induced him to continue Walpole in office. ^ Tiie prince of Hesse, the duke of Wolfenbuttle, and other petty princes of Germany, gravely undertook to guarantee the throne of Britain, and received aubsidies for tiieir notable seivices ! See Smollet, passim ; see also the com- ments of the Craftsman ; and Tog's Journal. e STATK OF KNGl.AND. 67 [Expense of subsidizing treaties. Taxes ] master by promotinj^j German alliances and subsidies, but prevented the nation IVom being embroiled in war. Some of hia licutics were deemed vciy impolitic, especially ihc ireaty of Seville, by which Bri- tain introduced u branch of the house of Bourbon into Italy and de- pressed the house of Austria, the natural ally of Eni^land. Skilful as he was in forming productive schemes of finance, Wal pole's public economy was by no means equal to his invention or dis- covery of pecuniary resources. There was, indeed, a profuse waste of the nalionid treasures. Trade had greatly increased, and many new taxes had been imposed; yet in so long a period of profound peace, which underwent no n\alerial interruption from the treaty of Utrecht to the commencement of the war 1739, the whole sum paid off was no more than 8,328,35 i/. \7^. Wj^^i- and the capital of the public debt at that time amounted to 46,954,623/. 3s. 4-f\d. A great source of expenditure was what the minister called secret service mo- ney, by which he professed to mean sums required for discovering the secret intentions of neighbouring powers. This fund, according to the minister's account, was extremely useful in enabling him to discover and disconcert the wicked projects of Jacobites, and their friends in foreign countries Another great source of expense, the subsidies to German principalities for watching over the safety, in- terest, and established government of Great Britain, was also, by the minister's account, to be reckoned a premium paid for insuring the kingdom against Jacobites. The balance of power also had its share in exacting subsidies from England. The British statesmen of that time, indeed, appear to have considered the maintenance of an equi- poise, as the supreme and constant end of our foreign politics, in- stead of a means sometimes necessary for the security of Britain, and only when necessary, wisely employing British efforts. Although by the act of settlement, it was provided, that Britain should not be in- volved in any engagements on account of Hanover, yet various treaties and stipulations were made, by which expense was incurred by thess realms on account of that electorate. The protestant succession, and balance of power, were also ministerial reasons for the regular and constant maintenance ef a much greater number of troops within the kingdom, than the apparent state of mternal tranquillity and foreign politics rendered necessary. Cardinal Fleury, as pacifically disposed as the British minister, and having unlimited control over the weak and incapable Louis XV., cultivated a friendly intercourse with Eng- land. The emperor found it his interest to resume his connexions with Great Britain, in order to secure the pragmatic sanction, by which his hereditary dominions were guaranteed to his daughter, his only issue. Spain interfering with certain parts of our trade on coasts to which she pretended an exclusive right, employed no efforts which a naval force, vigilantly exerted and judiciously stationed, might not have prevented. Other states were either too inconsiderable, or too re- mote, to give any alarm to Great Britain, or to render any unusual military exertions necessary. The taxes required by the minister for defraying expenses, deemed by a considerable part of the nation use- less, were felt as severe grievances. The regular increasing pressure, however, caused much less displeasure and alarm, than one of the modes proposed for levying the imposts; this scheme of establishing (,8 VILW OF 1 HE [State of parties. Whig connexion.] an excise on wine and tobacco, though if the assessments were at all necessary, us procluciive, unci as little buithensonie* a means of col- lection, as could be adopted in such subjects of revenue; yet, from party ardour and misrepresentation, combined with the interest of smuggling nierchants, laised such a clamour as would have driven him from his office unless he iisd abixndoncd his proposition. The opponents of his adminictration, or any of his counsels, the mi- nister aflfcctcd to consider as enemies of the stute; and succeeded in impressing that opinion on m.irsy patriotic and loyal subjects, and also on the king himself, who, possessing honest intentions iind not great sagacity of understanding, was credulous, and easily duped by the pro- fessions of ihose whom he regarded as his friends. The ability ot Walpole did not only convince the king, th..t the adversaries of the minister were the enemies of the house of Hanover, and of the pro- testant succession, but even imprinted the same notion on the supe- rior penetration of the queen. Caroline, indeed, as is now well known, was the chief supporter oi Walpole, as she was the supreme director of his majesty. t But, with the address of a stronger mind governing by influence a \^eaker, she cautiously concealed from the king himself her power over his public measures. Walpole estab- lished with the court party the following doctrine: "Whoever op- " poses this whig administration is a tory ; all tories are Jacobites ; "■ every one, therefore, that opjioscs the minister, is a jacobi'.e." So much is the generality of mankind governed by words instead of pre- cise ideas, that many expressed their approbation of secret service money, foreign subsidies, the increase of-the army, and frequent sus- pension of the /labras-ccrf.uf:, to demonstrate that they were not Jaco- bites. The minister, indeed, was supported by the principal whig families, by those who, styling themselves the whig connexion, have professed lo think that they, and they only, supported the principles of constitutional liberty and the protestant succession: and, therefore, that they only ought to be intrusted with the administration of affair.'s under the house of Hanover, This combination was strengthened and consolidated by domestic affinities. The great whig houses, by an ex- tensive chain of intermarriages, formed a kind of family compact, sub- servient to their political schemes for governing the state. Walpole held his ofiice by various tenures; his. own abilities, and his declared attachment to whig principles and the protestant succession; his cfToits for keeping out the pretender, and supporting the monied in- terest; for extending commerce, and improving revenue, and main- taining the balance of power: he was farther strengthened by the whig junto, guided by his talents and address; the high opinion and Altacliment of the king and queen, and the conviction of both that his councils cliicfly tind most efiectually secured them on the throne. He riveted iht confidence of George, by the zealous promotion of his electoral and subsidizing p'ojects. He possessed many personal friends, whom he had attached to himself by his conduct, the apparent openness and familiar ease of his manners, by accumulated benefits, aiid cipeciaily by a liberal and judicious distribution of secret service • »t c », Ciltii ol Nations, vol. iii. p. 358. i >,ce Lord Orfurd's Kemlmscences, and Code's Memoirs of sir Robert Wal- pole, jii-si'n. ST A IE or LNC.LAlsD. ^^9 [Walpole's literary advocates. Opposition. Bolinj^broke J money. He had also, through the lant mentioned means, a very nume- rous body of biippoitcrs in literary men, at least in ivriirrs, who in various departments of composition, historical,* political, theological, in lyric and dramatic poetry ,t praised the miniateiial plans, and vilifiecl ihe opponents of government. Perhaps, indeed, in the history of literature, never had so many pens been employed in panegyrizing a court or ministry, as while sir Robert Walpole directed the helm of affairs. With such intrinsic and extrinsic power, Walpole continued longer in office:|: than any minister since the Cecil of Elizabeth. In all that time, he had experienced great opposition, and uniform- ly resisted attacks wtih an ability and address that very dexterously itdapted themselves to the changing nature and mode of political en- mity which he had to encounter. Though the minister endeavoured to represent the opposer of his schemes as the supporter of the pre- tender, he very thoroughly knew that the greater number were not friends to the house of Stuart. The adversaries of W^dpole consisted of different, and indeed heterogeneous, classes of political men; First, there were discontented whigs, who disapproved of his measures, and repined at the preference given to sir Robert Walpole over them- selves: secondly, the torics, who were displeased at the exclusive promotion of the whigs, but not inimical to the house of Hanover : and thirdly, the Jacobites. Though these last were unfriendly to the family on the throne, many of them contented themselves with wishes, and appeared nowise disposed lo hazard their own lives and fortunes in order to elevate the pretender to the throne. They adhered to the tories, in hopes vvith them to foment and increase national discontent. Expectations had arisen, on different occasions, that the minister's downfall approached : the tories and the opposition whigs respectively hoped to succeed, but both were disappointed. The splendid genius of Bolingbroke, now pardoned and returned from exile, animated and directed the tories ; while the acut^ and strong understanding, brilliant wit, vigorous and impressive eloquence of Pulteney, headed the dis- afi'ected whigs. Different as these two classes were in abstract po- litical opinion, yet they concurred in present object and proximate motive: they both desired to overthrow the minister. The jacobites were no less desii'ous of the dismission of the whig connexion, and Walpole individually. A coalition was now deemed expedient : and the anti-ministerialists, with Bolingbroke and Pulteney at their head, became one united body ; the former being the chief framer of their schemes, the latter the most active and efficient agent in parliament, Their plan of operations was, by the union of parliamentary and lite- rary talents, and their combined influence, first to sap, and then de- stroy the power of Walpole. In the execution of their plan, tiiey set on toot the celebrated Craftsman, which, with great and comprehensive ability, viewed the various causes of discontent, and, with versatile ingenuity, adapted itself to the numeious classes of the discontented. This paper attracted high churchmen, by ridiculing and satirizing * Tindal, Oklmixon, &.c. t Eusden, Cibber, &c. Of pamplilels, pci'iodical journals, and political scr- mons, there was a v:ist multiplicity of writers. From his second appoiutment in 1720, to his disoission in 1741. 70 ^ 'J'^V OF THE [ rhe Cyuflsinan. Resignalion of Walpolc] low churchmen, whig bishops, and paiiicularly Hoailley. Reprobaiing ihe impolicy and inicjiiity of continental alliances and subsidies ; secret service money, taxes, and stock-jobbint,^; the mischiefs that arose from a funding system, the anticipation of future industry, and the immense mass of corruption which ministers had established through the com- mand of so much national treasure; and the evils of the South Sea scheme, cotcmporary and subsequent bubbles, all which originated in the national debt; it gratified the lories. To please the Jacobites, it exposed the expensive inconvenience and uselessness of engagements incurred by Britain for the sake of Hanover ; and exhibited the pre- sent government as in its conduct totally opposite to the principles and stipulations of the act of settlement. To the whigs it appealed, upon their own genuine and original doctrines and sentiments. The present administration had, by unexampled corruption, established an influence more despotical, than the power which the most tyrannical of the Stuarts ever sought. Through corrupt legislators, the influence of the crown invaded our property by exorbitant taxes, totally unne- cessary for the security of the country, and employed the money, either for bribery, the increase of a standing army, or some other means of giving efficacy to ministry, at the expense of British liberty and property. The promoters of boundless kingly power, by what- ever means, direct or indirect, must be vigorously opposed by every real whig : the supporters of ministry were only nominal and pre- tended whigs, whose great object it was to extend the influence of the executive government. These varied reasons, addressed to dilTerent political classes, the ablest men of opposition, both in parliament and the Craftsman, as well as in subordinate publications, adapted to par- ticular subjects, occasions, and circumstances. Accommodating their strictures to the political diversities of Englishmen, they spoke also to principles in which they were very generally agreed. They addressed their mercantile and warlike spirit ; they inveighed against the de- predations of the Spaniards, as injurious to our national interest; and our long and tame sufferance of these, as incompatible with national honour. At last they succeeded in driving the nation to war with Spain, and compelling VValpole to retire from the administration of British affairs. That dexterous politician, knowing the nation to be incensed against him, when he saw that it would be impossible for him any longer to retain his office, found means to secure an indemnity and a peerage; to divide- the party that had exerted itself so long, eagerly and strenu- ously, against his measures; and to form a coalition with a considera- ble body of Iiis adversaries. By this means, he cnsuj-ed the undis- turbed enjoyment of his riches and honours. The people thought themselves ijctrayed by the late declaimers againit ministerial corrup- tion ; and in their lescniment toward those whom they branded as apostates from patriotism, forgot their rage against sir Robert Walpole. The administration that was now formed consisted chiefly of whigs, with some tory converts. They engaged warmly in continental poli- tics, ai:(I, in a great degree, merely to gratify his majesty's electoral prepossessions, involved the nation in war much farther than was ne- i cssary for the security of Britain.* They encouraged treaties and * See Smollet, vol, i. chap. 7. {'onim. STATE OF ENGLAND 7] [Cantinental affairs. Attempt of the prcteHcler.] subsidies for purposes totally useless to the country, though requiring immense sums of British money; and they supported the introduc- tion of foreign mercenaries for guarding and defending England. France having, hy long peace and prosperous commerce, repaired the strength that had been exhausted by the sj^endid btit infatuated ambition of Louis XIV. resun)ed her usual character, and disturbed the tranquillity of the continent. The death of the emperor afibrdcd her a favourable opportunity of interfering in the affairs of Germany ; and, notwithstanding her accession to the pragmatic sanction, of en- deavouring to wrest possessions from the queen of H\mgary. The critical situation of the house of Austria rendered it expedient for Great Britain to employ a considerable force to prevent Maria Teresa from being overpowered. From the loyal and patriotic zeal of her gallant subjects, together with the contributions of Great Britain, the Austrian dominions were soon delivered from the impending danger. Thus far impartial politicians approved of British interference; but when vast sums of money were expended for adjusting disputes in the north of Germany, by which it was impossible the interest of Britain could be either directly or indirectly affected, very great discontents arose. Under the pressure of enormous taxes, the people grievously complained, that a great portion of the fruits of their industry were employed to promote the interests of Hanover, and afforded the con- tributors no advantage in return for their contributions. In the ardour of continental projects, the British government bestowed very inade- quate attention on the chief bulwark of British power. Our commerce Avas much more annoyed than at any former period, even while we had to contend with Spain only as principal. France having soon without provocation taken a part in the war, our trade was extremely distressed. The merchants loudly complained that their interests were neglected, and joined in an outcry against the electoral prepos- sessions of the king, to which they said our commerce and navy were sacrificed. The employment at this time of a great body of Hano- verian troops within this island, added to the dissatisfaction of the nation ; and the Hanoverians became extremely unpopular. The Jaco- bites, seeing the prevailing sentiment, earnestly promoted the discon- tent; but conceived it to be much greater than it eventually proved. They exaggerated the displeasure which was excited by the king's supposed preference of Hanoverian to British interest, and construed it into a dislike of the house of Hanover, in hopes that the dissatis- faction might pave the way for the re-establishmcnt of the house of Stuart on the British throne. Foreign powers conceived the same idea, and France attempted an invasion. The naval force of England, however, began now to be better directed, and easily crushed every open attempt of the enemy. 1 he arrival of the young pretender the following year, proved that loyalty and patriotism in British hearts, when the king and country are attacked, absorb all partial discontents. The young adventurer, supported by a strong band of heroic though misguided votaries,* found that every attempt was and would be unavailing, to ascend a throne which was confirmed to another Ly the free choice and interest ot the people. Common danger abolished all distinctions ; whig? • See Home's Historv of the Rebellion in 1745 72 \ lEW OF TUP. ) [The rebcHion favourable to the house of Brunswick.] and tories, churchmen aud dissenters, united against an inroad vvbicb ihi'catened the subversion of the constitution and the plunder of pro- perty. Government experienced fiom the funded system one of the chief poUiict.l advantages which its first authors had predicted. The grtat numbers vho ^vcre interested in supporting national credit, vigori>v!sly c:;trted themselves to support the cause with which they coMsidertd private and pnbiic prosperity as identified In opposing rebclIio:i c^nd supporting their lawful and constitutional king, they knew ai>d felt they were supjjorting their liberty, their property, Ihcir families, and themselves. The rebellion in 1745 proved a most iavouiable crisis to the house of Hanover. It marked the diiference bctv.ecn disapprobation of certain measures of his majesty or his mi- niite;!,, and disaffection to the title and government of the house of Brunsvi'ick. Britons saw, regreittd, and censured the king's predi- leciicn for his German territories, and the expense and trouble in ■which thty involved this country ; but they discerned that this was only a temporary inconvenience, arising from George II. individually, as it had Irom his father, but not likely to descend to future representa- tives of the family of Hanover. The regiiing king vi'as not only born in Hanover, but educated there in all the notions and sentiments of the country, and had never left it until he passed his thirtieth year; a period at which the characters of men are formed, matured, and ascei tained. It was therefore natural for George to cherish Hano- ver, once the only object of his e.^pectcd inheritance, and to attend to its interest much more than was wise and politic in a king of Great Britain. The whigs, whom he had long considered as the props of his kingly power, and who had, from the time of William, been favour- able to continental connexions, readily coincided in his electoral pro- jects, and encouraged his costly scheme of subsidizing foreign states to fight their own battles, or the battles of other powers whose success ■was not necessary to the security of Britain. Frederick prince of Wales, heir of the crown, was a child,* when his grandfather as- cended the throne of Britain. Having early imbibed English ideas, he was inimical to such a multiplicity of continental engagements and expensive subsidies, and averse to that policy of his father and grand- father which conferred offices of high trust on one party exclusively. Hence it was expected that when providence should call him to the throne he would be less partial to his Hanoverian dominions, and less disposed to an interference in German politics. The prince had a numerous family, who, being all natives of England, were brought up from their infancy in the opinions and sentiments of Englishmen. Emi- nent for domestic virtues, his highness and his princess directed their chief attention to the tuition of their children, and especially to initiate their heir in the opinions, principles, sentiments, and dispositions, be- fitting a personage destined to be sovereign of Great Britain. The rebel- lion also demonstrated that the house of Brunswick was not supported by a party only, but by the British nation ; and probably added strength to the former conviction of the heir of the crown, that a king placed on the throne of Britain should rule for all his subjects, and choose servants • He was born January, \707; an.'l \ras in the eig'hth year of hia ajje at the ac- cession, An^. 1st, 1711 ' STAIK OF KNGLAN'D. 73 [I'lie Highlands. The continent. The Sea.] according to merit, and not party creeds; and confirmed his deterrai- uation to infuse the same doctrine into his eldest son. The measures speedily adopted for preventing future rebellion, effected a most important and happy change in the northern part of the united kingdom. The overthrow of aristocratical tyranny in the abolition of hereditary jurisdictions, established law and order, ex- tended constitutional lil)erty, secured property, stimulated industry, and contributed powerfully to civilize the Highlanders, and turn to beneficial eftorts that bold energy of character, which had hitherto been chiefly exerted in depredations, feuds, and insurrections. So stronglyexhibitiiig the striking and pi eminent virtues, the intrepid cou. rage, the indelaiigable activity, the invincible hardiness, the unshaken fidelity,* and ardent attachments of those generous mountaineers, ac- tuated by a mistaken principle, pointed them out, when they should be better informed and more fortunately guided, as powerful contri- butors to the benefit, honour, and glory of Britain. f In her continental exertions, BritJn in this tedious war displayed her usual courage, and incurred enormous expense, virithout accom- plishing any purpose tending to compensate her profusion of blood and treasure ; her bravest soldiers, betrayed and deserted by faithless allies, were far out-numbered by their enemies, but, though fre- quently worsted, they never received a complete and decisive defeat.J On their own element, Britons, totally unencumbered with allies, could exert and direct their most valuable force ; and although by the remissness of ministers, and the negligence, incapacity, or quar- rels of commanders, they performed few brilliant or important ex- ploits in the first years of the war; yet, through iJie remainder, they were victorious in every quarter, and sho"'ca the house of Bourbon, how vain and pernicious to themselves were their attempts lo cope with the navy of England. The peace of Aix-la-Chapellc, concluded on the general principle of reciprocal restitution, without any indemnification to eithc;- party for the immense expense and severe 'osif s which the belligerent powers respectively incurred, demonaa-ated thai t.iie two principal contributors, France and England, had grievously sufiercd by the • Never did this quality appear more conspicuously eminent and iionourable, than in the escape of the unfortunate chevalier; \vhici\ vve cannot betier m.irk than in the words of Smollet: " He (Charles Stuart) vvas obliged 10 trust his life to the fidelity of above 4ifty individuals, and many of thesse were in the lowest paths of fortune. They knew that a price of thirty thousand po'inUfc wadset upon his head ; and that, by betraying- him, they should eiijo/ wealth and afflu- ence : but they detested the thought of obtaining ricnes 0:1 sach intamoufr terms ; and ministered to his necessities with the utmost zeal and fidelity, even at the hazard of their own destruction." Vol. ii. t As various Highland chieftains were at this time favourable to king- George, dieir respective clans rendered important services in the course of fne rebellion. Selected companies had been already formed into a regular corps ; and ■. Fonte- noy, where they first saw an enemy, the forty-second regiment be^an the tenour of heroism, which througli four successive wars they have so uniformK and illus- triously displayed, from Fontenoy to Alexandria. ^ Even at Fontenoy, the French killed and wounded considerably exceeded the number of the British ; and our army was able to make an orderly retreat, without the loss of their camp. See Smollet, vol. i. Vol. Va— 10 74 VIEW Oi IHE STATE OF ENGLAND. [National debt. Commerce.] contest. To the national debt of England, a. war of nine years had added 31.338,689/. 18?. 6^(/;* so that the whole debt at this time amounted to 78,293,313/. Is. lO^r/. The addition to French debt, no less considerable, tended to prove, that a war producing such an in- cumbrance, besides the interruption of commerce and bringing no equivalent, was extremely hurtful to both parties, to the aggressor a-s much as the defender. The commercial genius of England rose superior to all interrup- tions and disadvantages from her political plans. During the last five years of the war, trade had made extraordinary advances; money poured into the kingdom, and private enterprise and pulilic credit rose to an unprecedented height Mr Pelham, now chief minister, possess- ing great industry and financial skill, very zealously and successfully promoted the extension of national credit and commerce. Aware of the benefits resulting to Britain from trade with Spain, he cultivated an ami- cable and close intercourse with that country. He encouraged fisheries, manufactures, and colonization,! the benefits of which have ever since been felt. But the measure by which his administration is principally distinguished, was the reduction of the public interest, with the con- sent and approbation of the creditors, from four to three per cent. His scheme for this purpose, which would have been totally impracti- cable unless commerce had been flourishing, money abounding, and the funds very high, was executed with great case and popularity. The greater number of creditors, having the option of being paid the principal or lowering the interest, chose the latter alternative. Mr. Pelham, indccfl, though not distinguished for force or brilliancy of genius, was uprigKt in intention, and indefatigable in application, al- ways directing his understanding to subjects and exertions within the coiTipass of his abilities. Though bred up in party notions, being candid and moderate, he employed coadjutors and agents without re- gard to their political party, and was one of the most useful ministers that ever improved the blessings of peace to an industrious and com- mercial people. This peace, however, was destined to be but of short continuance : for Europe was soon engaged in a war more general and extensive than any in which it had ever before been in- volved. The origin, proximate causes, principles, plans, events, and results, of this war, to the accession of George HI. with the state in which they placed Britain, are particularly detailed in the first chapter of this History. * See James Postlethwaite's History of the Public Revenue. I See SmoUet, vol. ii. from p. 49 to 104. HISTOllY OF THE REIGN OF GEORGE III CHAP. I. Kise, Progress, Operalioiis, and Kesults of llie War 17:>6 to llie accession of Geor}(e 111. A LIBERAL and expanded policy would have sviggested to France, M-hich experienced so little advantage from her wars and ambition, the wisdom of permanent peace. She might thus have cultivated the arts of which her country was so susceptible, and by an intercourse with England, might have improved her commerce and her naval skill. She might have raised herself by industry and beneficial enter- prise, instead of seeking to humble her neighbours by efforts at once ineffectual against their object and ruinous to herself. But if she did prefer aggression and war to peace and prosperity, she might have learned from awful experience, that her success had arisen, and must arise, from continental effort, in which she might be and was superior to any power; instead of maritime effort, in which she was and must be inferior to one power. Another scheme of policy remained ; which was, to direct her chief attention to commerce and navigation, in order to rival and surpass England. She saw that colonial establishments very extensively and powerfully promoted our commercial and naval pre-eminence. Her statesmen, confounding effect with cause, supposed our prosperity to have arisen from our plantations : whereas those flourishing settle- ments, with many other constituents of opulence and power, were really results from skilful industry, acquiring capital under fostering freedom, and thus rapidly increasing and extending its power of ope- i-ation. They concluded, that the effectual means of out-rivalling Britain was to reduce her colonial possessions. This object count de Maurepas the French minister proposed ; and for this purpose form- ed a plan, which, ever since the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, operated in various parts of the world, but first and chiefly in North America. During the seventeenth century neither France nor England was sufficiently acquainted with the geography of America, to ascertain with precision the limits of their respective claims. In treaties* be- tween the two crowns, after general stipulations to abstain from en- croachment, the adjustment of bounds had been intrusted to commis- sioners. Even at the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, the American limits were still left to be settled as before, and thus a ground remained • See the treaties of Rhyswick and Utrecht. 76 ' lllSTOKV OF THL Chap. I.— 1753 [Dispute wilb llie rrencli in America.] open for future contention. Thoup;h the line of dcmarkation bad never yet been asceitaiiied on the frontiers of British America, yet, rapidly flourishintj on the coasts, tlic colonists sought a new source of weallli from the remotely interior country. They cultivated the In- dian trade, for which their navigable lakes and rivers opened an easy and expeditious conveyance. Extending to the west of the Allegany mountains, our planters conceived that we had a right to navigate the Mississippi, opening another communication between English Ame- rica ai.d the ocean. With these views, a company of merchants and planters obtained a considerable tract of land near the riverOhio,* but within the province of Virginia ; and were established by a charter under the name of the Ohio Company, with the exclusive privilege of trading to that river. This was a measure by no means agreeable to the court of Versailles; the French had projected an engrossment of the whole fur trade of the American continent, and had already made con;-)iderable progress, by extending a chain of foits from the Mississippi, along the lakes Erie and Ontario, to Canada and St. Law- rence. Incensed at the interference of the English in a traffic which his countrymen proposed to monopolize, the governor of Quebec wrote letters to the governors of New York and Pennsylvania, inform- ing them, that as the English inland traders had encroached on the French territories and privileges, by trading with the Indians under the protection of his sovereign, he would seize them wherever they could be lound, if they did not immediately desist from that illicit practice. t A denunciation of punishment for the infringement of an alleged right, neither admitted nor proved, met with no attention from the English governors. The Frenchman, finding his complaints disregarded, next year ordered three of the British traders to be seized and carried to Quebec. He confiscated the goods of the ac- cused, and sent the men to Rochelle in France, where they were de- tained in confinement. The earl of Albemarle, ambassador at Ver- sailles, remonstrated to the French ministry on the unjust confine- ment of British subjects, arid procured their release, with promises from the French ministry, that no grounds of complaint should be suf- fered to continue; but the insincerity of those professions was soon manifested by the conduct of their servants, which was afterwards commended and justified by the court. Meanwhile the French, pur- suing their plan ot encroachment, built forts on the territories of In- dian tribes in alliance with Britain, at Niagara, on lake Erie, in the back settlements of New York and Pennsylvania. The governor of Virginia, informed of these depredations, sent major George Wash- ington, since so illustrious, with a letter to the commandant of a French fort recently built within the confines of his province. The encroachtnenis, he said, were contrary to the law of nations, repug- nant to existing treaties between the two crowns, and injuriou^j to the interests of British subjects. He asked by whose authority the ter- ritories of his Britannic majesty were invaded, and required that he should evacuate the country, and not farther disturb th'i harmony • So far back as 1716, the governor of Virginia had fornned a project of a mercantile company to be established on the Ohio ; but the reJalive politics of George I. and the duke of Orleans prevented the king from granting a charter. f See Snnollet, vol. ii. 1753.— CHAr. I. KEIGN OF GEORGE [IF. 77 [Settlement at Nova Scotia.] which his sovereign wished to subsist between himself and the French king. The French commandant replied, that it did not belong to him to discuss the right of his master to the territories in question ; that he commanded the fort by order of his general the marquis Du- Quesne ; that he would transmit the letter to him, act according to his direclionj, and maintain the fort, unless commanded by his gene- ral to relinquish possession. The English governor now projected a fort to be built on the Riviere Aubeuf, in the neighbourhood of that which the French had recently erected; and the Virginians under- took to provide the stores, and defray the expense. In more northern parts of British America, the same schemes of encroachment were carried on, with a consistency of design, and per- severance in execution, which evinced that both emanated from one uniform and vigorous plan. At the peace of Utrecht, Acadia had been ceded by the French to the English ; but before the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle it had turned to very little accotmt. During the administration of Mr. Pelham, so auspicious to commerce and revenue, a scheme was formed for ren- dering this province a beneficial acquisition. An establishment was proposed, Avhich should clear the improveable grounds, constitute communities, diffuse the benefits of population and agriculture, and promote navigation and the fishery. The design having been ap- proved by his majesty, the earl of Halifax, a nobleman of good under- standing and Ubcial sentiments, and at that time president of the board of trade, was entrusted with the execution. Officers and pri- vate men, dismissed from the land and sea service, were invited by offers of ground in different proportions, according to their rank, with additional considerations according to the number and increase of their families. A civil government was established, under which they were to enjoy the liberties and privileges of British subjects. The settlers were to be conveyed to the place of destination, and maintained for a year at the expense of government. From the same source they were to be supplied Avith arms and £(mmunilion for de- fence, as well as with materials and utensils for agriculture, fishery, and other means of subsistence. In May, 1749, the adventurers set sail from England, and in the latter end of June arrived at the har- bour of Chebucto. This port is at once secure and commodious ; it has a communication with most parts of the province, either by land carriage, navigable rivers, or the sea, and is peculiarly well situated for fishery. Here governor Cornwallis pitched on a spot for a set- tlement, and laid the foundation of a town, the building of which he commenced on a regular plan, and gave it the name of Halifax^ in honour of its noble patron. The actual advantage to accrue from the colonization of Nova Sco- tia, which must be contingent or at least distant, appears to have had less share in inducing Britain to make the establishment, than the de- sire of securing it from being repossessed by the French ; as they, if again masters of the country, might very much annoy the more southern colonies, which were then rapidly flourishing. The French, regarding the new colony with jealousy and displeasure, as promoting the advantage of Britain, and counteracting theii- own views, did not themselves at first disturb the new settlers, but instigated the Indians to give them every annoyance. 78 HISTORY OF TUK (Juap. 1.-1763, [Disagreement of the commissioners.] When Halifax was built, the Indians were spirited to commit hos- tilities a^uinsl liie inhabitants, some of whom they murdered, and others they carried prisoners to Louisburg, where they sold them for arms and ammunition. The French pretended that they maintained this traffic from motives of pure compassion, in order to prevent the mas- sacre of ihc Enjjflisli captives; whom, however, ihey did not set at liberty, wiiiiout exaciini^ an enormous price. These marauders, it was found, were generally headed by French commanders. When complaints were made to the i^overnor of Louisburg, he answered, that Uicsc Indians were not within his jurisdiction. The commissioners appointed to ascertain the limits of the two powers met repeatedly; but the pretensions of the French were so exorbitant, and so totally inconsistent with the letter and spirit of treaties, and the generally understood description of the countries, that they plainly perceived that every attempt to establish amicably a fair demarkaiion would be vain.* The governor of Canada detached an officer with a party of men to fortify a post in the bay of Chenecto, within the English Nova Scotia, under the pretence of its consti- tuting a part of the French territory. Besides being a palpable in- vasion of a British possession, this was productive of a two-fold evil to the new colony. When Acadia had been ceded to the crown of England, Annapolis was the chief town, and indeed continued so till the building c«f Halifax. Many of the French families that inhabited the town under their native government, vvere suffered, and chose to continue in it, and in fact became British subjects. Not a few, how- ever, still retained their predilection for their mother country, were closely connected with the French establishments in Cape Breton and Canada, and were active partisans in instigating the Indians to molest the English colonists. Encouraged by the vicinity of the fort now raised, they became openly rebellious. By the fortification of the same post, the Indians also acquired an easy entrance into the penin- sula, to annoy, plunder, capture, and massacre the subjects of Eng- land. In spring 1750, general Cornwallis detached major Lawrence with a small body of men to reduce the Annapolitans to obedience; but at his approach they burnt their town, forsook their possessions, and sought protection from monsieur la Corne, who was at the head of fifteen hundred men, well supplied with arms and ammunition. Major Lawrence, knowing that he was unalile to cope with such a force in the open field, demanded an interview with the French com- mandant, and asked on what principle he protected rebellious sub- jects of Great Britain ? La Corne, without entering into any discus- s'on, merely replied, that he was ordered to defend that post, and would obey his orders. The major found it necessary to return to Halifax, and lay the proceedings of the French before the governor. 'i'he Annapolitans, better known by the name of the French Neutrals, in conjunction with the Indians, renewed their depredations upon the inhabitantsof Halifax, and of other settlements in the province. In- censed at the ingratitude of the French Neutrals towards that coun- try which for near forty years had afforded them the most libera] • Smollet, vol, ii. 17.53.— Chap. 1, UF.IGN OF C.IIORGE HI. 70^ [French line of foits.] protection, general Cornwallis determined to cvpcl them from a country which they now so much disturbed, lie accordingly detached major Lawrence with a tliousand men, attacked the Neutrals and In- dians, routed them, and killed and wounded a considerable number, until they took refuge with M. la Corne. This gentleman, an officer under the French king, and commanding that monarch's troops, gave shelter and assistance to rebels against the British government, then at peace with his sovereign. The English built a fort not far from Chenecto, called St. Lawrence, after its founder, and this served in some degree to keep the French and their auxiliary barbarians in check. Still, however, the Indians and Meutrals* were able very often to attack the English in the interior parts of the peninsula. During the years 1751 and 1752, the Indians and their coadjutors continued to disturb, plunder, and butcher the new colonists. In their expedi- tions they were countenanced and supported by the French com- manders, who always supplied tiiem with boats, arms, and ammunition. While the French thus stimulated and assisted the enemies of our country, they were no less active and persevering themselves in en- croachment, and continued to erect forts within the English limits, to secure their own inroads and aggressions. They projected, and in a great degree finished, a chain of posts in the north, as they had erected and were erecting a similar chain in the south. It was obvi- ously the intention of the French to command the whole interior coun- try from the river St. Lawrence to the Mississippi, and thereby to prevent intercourse between the Indians and the English colonies: in peace to command all the Indian trade, and in war to enable them- selves to make continual inroads upon the English, and to have the whole assistance of the Indians to annoy and devastate the British plantations. Thus they proposed to surround our settlements by a strong and comprehensive line on every side but that next the sea, so as not only to contract our bounds and reduce their productiveness, but to have the means of progressively advancing to the coast, and depriving us of our most valuable possessions. This was their grand scheme of territorial and commercial acquisition in North America ; in which they had made very considerable progress, before Britain took effectual steps to check their encroachments. Such was the state of affairs in 1753. The British government, by repeated representations, was made sensible that the encroachments of France were extremely important ; and it was soon discovered, that, besides the other advantages which would accrue to that nation from the transfer of so much of our American trade, and the enclosure of our colonies, she would rapidly enhance the value of her West India islands. A reference to treaties proved, that these pretensions were as contrary to justice, as the re- sources of the country demonstrated them to be hurtful to our inter- ests. Unwilling, however, to have recourse to hostilities without previously demanding satisfaction, George instructed his ambassador • At the cession of Acadia to England, a considerable number of its French colonists had, as we have before observed, been permitted to remain in the country, on eng'aging to yield allegiance to Britain, and undertaking to be neu- tral in any subie.)' ent dispute between Britain and France ; and thence they re- ceived the name of Neutrals. §0 illSTOIiV OF THE Cu.u-. I.— 175-1. [Appointment of Wasliing'ton.] at Versailles to state the grievance, and require redress. The am- bassador accordinp^ly repiesented the injuiies which had been sus- tained by British subjects, through the instigation of the French, and the aggressions made by their governors, in entering our territories and building forts within British limits. He demanded the indem- nification of the sufferers, the punishment of tlie aggressors, and the transmission of orders,* to prevent future violence and invasion, and to demolish the forts already erected. The French court gave general promises of sending such instructions to its officers in Ame- rica as would preclude every future cause of just complaint. So far, however, was that court from being sincere in its professions, that de la Jonquiere, commander in chief, proceeded more rapidly than before to extend the encroachments. Britain, finding how little the conductor France tallied with her professions, resolved to assume a different tone, and despatched orders to the governors of America to repel force by force, and to form a political confederacy for their mutual defence. It was an irnportant object to England, to detach the Indians from their connexion with France, and procure their co-operation with the British settlements. The governor of New York was directed to at- tempt the accomplishment of these purposes. The undertaking was difficult ; the French were employing every art which their versatile ingenuity could devise, to win the attachment of the Indians. The English governor, however, made overtures to the chiefs of the Six Nations ; and, by the promise of valuable presents, prevailed on them to open a negotiation. A congress was accordingly appointed at Al- bany, whither the governor, accompanied by commissioners from the other colonics, repaired. By the few Indians who attended, the pro- posals of the English were received with evident coldness. They, however, accepted the presents, professed attachment to England, and declared their enmity to France. They even renewed their treaties with Britain, and demanded assistance to drive the French from the Indian territories. To avail themselves of these professions, the British governors sent major Washington, with four hundred Vir- ginians, to occupy a post on the banks of the Ohio. That officer erected a fort to defend himself, until an expected re-enforcement should arrive from New York. Be Viller, a French commander, marched with nine hundred men to dislodge Washington ; but first summoned the Virginians to evacuate a fort, which was built, as he asserted, on groimd belonging to the I'rench, or their allies. Finding his intimation disregarded, he attacked the place, Washington, though inferior in force, for some lime defended himself with great vigour ; but was at length obliged to yield to superior numbers. He surrendered the fort by capitulation, stipulating tlie return of his troops to their own country. The Indians, notwithstanding their recent professions and contract, attacked and plundered Washington's party, and massacred a considerable number. Affairs were now drawing to a crisis between England and France. The French were persevering in a system of encroachment, which the British were determined no longer to permit. It now, therefore. • Smollet, vol. ii. 1755,— Chap. 1. KKIGN OF CKOnriF, III. SI [Message from the king-. V'reparations for war.] remained for France, either to relinqviish_ her usurpations, and make satisfaction to the injured, or to support injustice by force. As she appeared evidently resolved to embrace the latter alternative, both na- tions considered a rupture as piobable, and began to prepare for hos- tilities. France sent re-enforcements of troops to America, and Eng- land directed her colonies to take proper measures to prevent or re- pel the inroads of the enemy. In the internal state of British America there were circumstances favourable to the progress of the aggressors. Each settlement had separate interests, and was internally divided into different factions. Some unreasonable disputes between the executive government and popular speakers in the assemblies, occupied the time and attentj-on which the mutual interests of all parties required to have been devjt- ed to the common defence. >^^ When the British parliament met in 1754-5, his majesty's speech,* ■without expressly mentioning the probable approach of hostilities, evidently implied a conviction that they were sufficiently probable to call for vigorous precautionary measures. The king declared, that his principal view was, and should be, to strengthen the foundation and secure the continuance of a general peace ; to improve the pre- sent advantages of tranquillity for promoting the trade of his subjects, and protecting those possessions which constituted one great source of their wealth and commerce. In voting the supplies, parliament made provision for more than the peace establishment of land and sea forces. Meanwhile preparations were making at Brest, and other ports of France. A powerful armament was equipping, and acknow- ledged to be intended for North America, though the French govern- ment continued to make amicable professions. On the 25th of March, 1755, a message from his majesty informed parliaiTkcnt, that the present situation of affairs rendered it necessary to augment his forces by sea and land ; and take such other measures as might best tend to secure the just rights and possessions of his crown in America, as well as to repel any attempts that should be formed against his majesty and his kingdoms. A loyal and suitable address was returned to this message, and a supply voted for the pur- pose recommended. The French still offered the most solemn as- surances of intended amity, and adherence to treaties. With such artifice and duplicity did the court of Versailles conduct itself, that even the instrument of these professions, the ambassador at the court of London, believed his employers to be sincere ;t and, on discovering his error, repaired to his own country and upbraided the French mi- nisters with making him the tool of their dissimulation. Persevering in deceit, the court of Versailles ordered him to return to London, and give fresh assurances of its peaceful intentions. Un- doubted intelligence now arriving that a strong armament was ready to sail from Rochefort and Brest, afforded proofs of the little confi- dence due to the French professions of pacific intentions. The court of London in vain applied to France for redress, and finding her fleet destined for the scene of her continued aggression, naturally and justly concluded her intentions to be hostile, and sent a squadron under ad- miral BoscHwcn to watch the motions of the enemy's fleet. Having • See state papers for that vcar. | Sec Smollett, vol. ii. Vol. VII.— 11 8«J HISTORY OF THK Cair. I.— 1755. { AggreseiouE of France. Seizure of French merchantmen.] soiled toward the end oF April for the American seas, to intercept the armanier.t, he reached in June the coast of Newfoundland. The French squadron arrived about the same lime at the mouth of the river St. Lawrence. The fogs so prevalent on those coasts, prevented the fleets from seeing each other. A great part of our rival's armament escaped up the river; but the Alcide andLys, two ships of the line, with land forces on board, being separated from the rest of the fleet, fell in with two British ships,* and after a vigorous engagement were cap- tured. This was the commencement of maritime hostilities ; and, were we to overlook preceding acts of the French, it might appear to be an aggression on our part; but the fact, as we have seen, was, that they had for several years encroached on our American territories : we had repeatedly applied for redress but in vain; for they continued and in- creased their invasions. Thus they had commenced hostilities, while- we held only ustd force in our own defence, to weaken an armament which was destined to support and extend their acis of injustice. It is as evident a principle us any in jurisprudence, tliat injuries attempt- ed may be prevented, and therefore that war to hinder an attack is as lawful as war to repel or punish an injury. The French, however, bad done more than attempt, they had inflicted injury, and were con- tinuing in the same course ; satisfaction having been demanded, they gave no redress; therefore force on our part was not only justifiable, but necessaiy. Hostilities being on the side of England just, the con- duct of France from the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, especially her schemes of naval aggrandizement, and the vast increase of her marine, rendered it expedient that we should endeavour chiefly to weaken that part of her power by which we might be most annoyed. Policy coincided with justice in dictating an attack upon her ships; this was really no more than making reprisals at sea for her aggressions on land. As the provocation of the French justified reprisals, pru- dence required thai, in order to weaken tne enemy as well as in- demnify ourselves, they should be as extensive as possible. The court of London formed a very vigorous and bold resolution : it issued orders, that all French ships, whether outward or home- •warrl bound, should be seized and brought into English harbours. To execute this plan, admirals of the highest celebrity were chosen, and English cruisers were judiciously disposed in every station. Though our squadrons had not the good fortune to fall in with the enemy, our frigates and sloops were so successful in annoy- ing the French trade, that before the end of the year, three hun- dred of their merchant ships, many of them from St. Domingo and Martinico, extremely rich, and eight thousand of their sailors, were taken. These captures not only deprived the French of a great Kource of revenue in the property which they contained, but of a great body of sean)en, and thus were extremely advantageous to this coun- tiy. They also afTorded a lesson to a power seeking commercial and naval aggrandizement, that no policy could more efiectually obstruct such an object, than a hostile attack on Great Britain. The English and their colonies began regular hostilities in Ame- rica, to repel the invasions of the French, and to dispossess them of their unjust acquisitions. In the plan of operations for the campaign • The Dunkirk, eapt. (late e*rl) IIowc, and the Defiance-, capt. Andrew. ir.55.— Chajp. I. REIGN OF GEOUGF, IIT, 83 [Campaign in America. General Braddock.] 1755 in Norlh America, it was proposed to attack the enemy on the confines of Nova Scotia in the noilh, their foils on the lakes in the west, and on ihe frontiers of Pennsylvania and Virginia in the south- west. Early in the spring, a body of troops was transported from New England to Nova Scotia, to assist in driving the French from their en- croachments on that province. Colonel Moncklori was appointed by the governor to command in this service. 1 hree frigates ?nd a sloop were sent up the bay of Fundy, under the command of captain Rous, to second the land forces. The British and provincial troops, attack- ing a large body of French regulars, Acadians, and Indians, compell- ed them to fly. Thence IVlonckton advanced to the furt of Beause- jour, which the French had built on British ground, investing it on the 12th of June, he in four days forced it to surrender. Changing the name to Cumberland, he secui ed llie possession by a garrison. On the 17th, he reduced another fort; a valuable acquisition, as it was the chief magazine of the enemy in that quarter. Captain Rous, no less successful, obliged the French to evacuate a fort which they had erected at the mouth of the river St. John. These successes secured to England the entire possession of Nova Scotia, which hud been so . long disturbed by the enemy. But the most important object of the campaign was, to drive the French from their posts on and near the Ohio. Tne strongest fort for securing their settlements was Du Quesne, against which an expedi- tion was projected, to consist of British and provincial troops under general Braddock. This commander arrived in Virginia with two re- giments in the month of February. When he was ready to take the field, he found that the contractors had provided neither a sufficient quantity of provisions for his troops, nor the requisite number of car- riages. This deficiency, however, might have been foreseen, if pro- per inquiries had been made into the state of that plantation. The Virginians, attending little to any produce but tobacco, did not raise corn enough for their own subsistence; and, being most commodi- ously situated for water carriage, they had very few vehicles of any other kind. Pennsylvania, on the other hand, abounded in corn, in carts, waggons, and horses; that, therefore, would have been the fit- ter colony for forwarding military operations. Besides, it would have afforded a shorter route, by equally practicable roads, to the destined place. The choice of Virginia considerably delayed the expedition. From Pennsylvania the commander was at length supplied, and ena- bled to march ; but a fatal obstacle to success still remained in the character of the general. Braddock, bred in the English guards, was well versed in established evolutions. Of narrow understanding, though sufficiently expert in customary details, he had never ascend- ed to the principles of military science. Rigid in matters of disci- pline, but fully as often for the display of command as the performance of duty, he was very unpopular among the soldiers. Positive and self- conceited in opinion, haughty and repulsive in manners, he closed the avenues to information. Brave and intrepid, he with his confined abilities, might have been fit for a subordinate station, but evidently had not the power, essential to a general, of commanding an ascend- ency over the minds of men. The creature of custom and authority, . he despised all kinds of tactics and warfare which he had not seen practised. He did not consider, that the same species of contest may not suit the plains of Flanders and the fastnesses of America. The 84 lilBTOUY OF THE Ciut. 1,-1755. [Defeat of Braddock. Operations on the Lakes.] duke of Cumbcfland had written his instructions witli his own hand, and luici bolli in woid and writing- cautioned him strongly against am- buscade. The self-conceit of his contracted mind suffered him nei- ther to regard these counsels, nor to consult any under his command respecting Amciican warfare. The Indians, if well disposed, would, from their knowledge of their country and their countrymen, have ren- dered essential service. Disgusted, however, by his overbearing be- haviour, most of them forsook his army. On the 18lh of June he set off from Fort Cumberland, and marched with great expedition through the woods ; but though entreated by his officers, neglected to explore the country. On tiic 3th of July he arrived within ten miles of Fort Du Quesne, siill utterly regardless of the situation or disposition of the enemy. The following day, about noon, as he was passing a swamp between a lane of trees, he, was suddenly attacked on both flanks by bodies of French and Indians concealed in the wood. The general, in his dispositions for resistance, showed the perseverance of his obstinacy. lie was advised to scour the thickets with grape shot, or with Indians and other light troops; but he commanded his forces to form in regular order, as if they had been advancing against an ene- my in an open country. His soldiers, perceiving themselves misled into an ambuscade, werc'^eized with a panic, and thrown into confu- sion; whieh was soon increased by the fall of most of their afficers, at whom the dexterous Indian marksmen had chiefly aimed. The ge- neral fought valiantly ; but receiving a.shot, was carried off the field, and expired in a few hours : an awful instance, how little mere cou- rage and forms of tactics, without judgment and prudence, can avail a commander in chief when he is employed on an important service. The provincial troops advancing from the rear, and engaging the ene- my, gave the regulars time to recover their spirits and ranks, and thus preserved them from total destruction. Notwithstanding this sup- port, more than half the troops were cut to pieces. The remains of the army made a masterly retreat to Virginia under colonel Washing- ton, to whose skill and conduct it was chicOy owing that they were not overtaken and destroyed ; but they thus necessarily left the west- ern frontier exposed to the French and Indians. The same gencial object was attempted from the more northern provinces ; thence it was proposed to dispossess the French of liie cor- don of forts creeled between and along the lakes. General Shirley, who had succeeded liiaddock, ordered the surviving troo[)s to march from Virginia to New-York, that they might join the northern forces. An expedition was accortlingly undertaken against two of the princi- pal forts; one at Niagara, btlween lakes Eric and Ontario, and the other at Crown Point, near lake Chainplain. (ieneral William John- son, who having long resided in the mlerior parts of the province of New York, had learned the language and gained the affections of the Indians, was appointed to command against Crown Point. On the 1 1th of August the general began his march, and was by the Indians exactly informed of the disposition of the enemy. He found baron Dieskau proceeding against him with a strong body of troops. Au advanced party of Iiriti-,li provincials and friendly Indians, being at- tacked by the French sufi'ercd consitlerably before the rest of the ar- my arrived; but Johnson, having come up with the main body, engaged, and completely defeated the French forces, of whom almost one thou- sand were killed, 1755.— OtoAP. I. liKICN 01- GEOIJGK III. 85 [Campaign of 1755 unfavourable to Britain. Negotiations.] Autumn beings now far advanced, it was considered as too late in the season to attack Crown Point, and the troops retired to quarlera. Shirley liiniself headed the expccliiion to Niagara; but the defeat of Braddock had damped the spirits of the provincials, and even of the Britisli troops, so that not a few deserted. It was the middle of August before he could collect a force suHicient for his purpose ; and he was obliged to leave a number of his men to guard the fort of Os- wego, on the western confines of New York, le'at the French should seize it, and intercept his return. There also he was obliged to wait for provisions till the twenty-ninth of September. The autumnal rains being now set in, many of the Indians deserted the army. It was determined in a council of war, that under all these disadvantages they should defer the projected expedition till the iollowing season. Shirley, therefore, leaving a garrison of 700 men at Oawego, returned to Albany. Thus, in the campaign 1755, tlic general object was, to dislodge the French from their usurped possessions in America. This pur- pose was attempted on the side of Nova Scotia wi,th success : against the French chain of forts v/ith partial advantage, but without ukimatc or material eflect ; and against their encroachments on the confines of Virginia, not only without success, but with grievous disaster: and, on the whole, this campaign in America was unfortunate to Britain. Our losses in that quarter of the world, however, were amply com.- pcnsalcd by the decisive blow which was struck in Europe against the trade and shipping of the enemy. Meanwhile, the contending parlies were actively employed in in- teresting neighbouring princes in their respective causes. France, in conformity to her general plan of naval aggrandizement, bent her most strenuous efforts to inspire Spain with a jealousy of the Eng- lish, and to render her inimical to this country ; but Spain was at this time peculiarly well afVectcd to Britain. Ferdinand VI. was chicily desirous of cultivating the arts of peace ; of rousing his people from the lethargic indolence under which they had so long laboured; of propagating a spirit of industry and encouraging manufactures and commerce. His ablest and most confidential adviser in these pro- jected improvements, was Don Ricardo Wall, a gentleman of Irish ex- traction, respected for political ability, and, from the conclusion of the peace, Spanish ambassador at the court olLondon. The minister be- stowed great pains in learning the nature and processes of the muiui- factures and merchandise which had so much aggrandized England ; and communicating his various observations to his master, convinced the monarch that, commercially and politieally, an amicable inter- course with Britain was, and would be, most conducive to the bust interests of Spain. These were sentiments which the catholic kiiig continued to cherish ; and when hostilities broke out, the I'rench min- isters professed to Ferdinand- a desire of an accommodation, but in- sisted that a suspension of arms in America should be a preliminary. The Spanish king appeared not averse to the ofiice of mediator; but the British minister stated, that, however willing his majesty ifiighi be to accept of Spain as an umpire, he could not agree to the propos- ed preliminary, without hazarding the whole British interests in .\- merica. Wall, thoroughly acquainted with the real state of affairs be- 86 HISTORY OF THE Chap:I— 1755. [Subsidiary treaties, discussed in parliament.] tween the two powers, seconded these arguments, and Spain resolved to observe a strict impartiality in the contest. With other powers the negotiations of France were more success- ful. Overtures were made to German princes for succours, which implied an intention of attacking the electoral dominions of the king of England. Hanover had evidently no concern in the disputes be- tween the belligerent powers, and was, respecting France, in a state of absolute neutrality. The design of invading that country was ob- viously unjust, and contrary to the law of nations. The French, how- ever, knowing the predilection of George for his native dominions, thought that, to protect them, he would make great sacrifices of the British claims in America. Aware of their designs, his Britannic majesty concluded a treaty with the landgrave of llesse-Cassel, for the employment of eight thousand troops in the service of the king whenever they might be wanted. An alliance was also concluded with Elizabeth empress of Russia, by which she was to hold fifty- five thousand men in readiness for the service of his Britannic ma- jesty. When these treaties came before parliament, they underwent a ve- ry able discussion. The parlies in parliament were at this lime three ; the first consisted of the Newcastle interest ; the second was headed by Mr. Fox, with powerful connexions, which were formed and com- bined by the solid and masculine ability of that statesman ; and the third was led by Mr. Pitt, who rested for support on superior genius, splendid eloquence, a bold and intrepid spirit, and the exalted cha- racter and extensive popularity which these qualities commanded. Ever since the final downfall of the pretender's hopes, and the dis- comfiture of the Jacobites, the chief offices of government had been bestowed less exclusively upon whigs, than during the first thirty years of the house of Brunswick. Since the death of Mr. Pelham, Mr. Fox had been secretary of state, Mr. Pitt paymaster-general of the forces, and Mr. Legge, Mr. Pitt's friend, chancellor of the ex- chequer ; so that the whig connexion, though the duke of Newcastle was prime minister, did not monopolize administration, and the other servants of his majesty did not always coincide in his grace's politi- cal measures. The treaty with Russia was very severely censured by Pitt and Legge, as producing an enormous expense, from which Britain could derive no benefit, since the efforts of Russia could not be employed against the French in North America, where only they were invading our rights and possessions.* The Newcastle party, however, argued, that this danger of Hanover was incurred from her connexion with Britain, without any act of her own : and that it was therefore equitable and just that Britain should contribute towards her defence. On this ground, the treaty was approved by a great ma- jority, and Legge and Pitt resigned their offices. Vigorous prepa- rations were now making for war. In France, several bodies of troops moved towards the northern coasts, and excited in England an alarm of an intended invasion. Ere long it appeared, that the sole design of P^rancc was to divert our attention, while she meditated a blow in another quarter. • There is a very animated description of this debate in a letter from lord Or- ford. See Horace Walpole to general Conway, dated November 15, 1755. Or- ford's Works. 175G.— Chap. I. KEIGN OF GBOUGE III. S7 [French expedition to Minorca. Admiral B-yng declines an engagement] The French had prepared an armament in the Mediterranean : at Toulon, twelve ships of the line were ready in April, 1756, and con- veyed an army of eleven thousand men to Minorca. Landinsjj there they invested Fort St. Philip on the 25th of April. The ministers and consuls of England, residing in Spain and Italy, had repeatedly sent intelligence to government of the armament preparing, and that they apprehended Minorca to be its object. In this opinion they were confirmed, by certain information that the fleet was victualled with' only two months' provision, and consequently could not be designed for Amcfica, or any distant expedition. General Blakeney, governor of Minorca, under the same conviction, repeatedly represented to the British ministers, the weakness of the garrison of St. Philip, which was the chief fortress of the island. No steps, however, were taken to re-enforce the general, until the French were about to invade Minor- ca. Convinced at length of the danger, ministry attempted measures of defence; which were neither effectual in force, nor, as it after- wards appeared, in the commander who was intrusted. The French fleet now consisted of fifteen ships of the line, well equipped and manned. Ten only were despatched from Britain, and under the conduct of admiral Byng, who had never acquired a character suffi- cient to justify so important a trust. On the 7th of April they sailed from Spithead for Gibraltar, The admiral, being instructed to in- quire whether the French fleet had passed the Straits, learned at Gibraltar that the enemy had actually descended upon Minorca. He wrote to the admiralty, that if he had been sent in time, he could have prevented the French from effecting a landing. He complained that there were no magazines in Gibraltar for supplying his squadron with necessaries; that the careening wharfs, pits, and storehouses, were entirely decayed, so that he would have the greatest difficulty in re- pairing his ships ; that it would be impolitic to attempt the relief of St. Philip, as it could not be saved but by aland force strong enough to raise the siege ; and that a small re-enforcement would only in- crease the number of men who must fall into the hands of the enemy. This letter implying a charge of culpable negligence against admin- istration, and also anticipating the miscarriage of his enterprise, w^as very unpleasing at home, and rendered Byng odious to government. The admiral, re-enforced by a squadron under Mr. Edgecumbe, left Gibraltar on the 8th of May.* Arriving off Minorca, he attempt- ed to send intelligence to general Blakeney. The French fleet now appearing, he formed his line of battle. In the evening the enemy advanced in order, but tacked about to gain the weather-gage. The next rnorning both advanced to the conflict. Rear-admiral West, se- cond in command, attacked the enemy with such force as soon to drive them out of their line ; but he was not supported by admiral Byng's division. The admiral, though his own ship had 90 guns, and was well manned and equipped, kept aloof. His captain exhorted hini to bear down upon the enemy; but he declared his resolution to avoid the error of admiral Matthews, who, in the preceding war, by pushing too far forward, had broken the line and exposed himself to the enemy's fire. Such precipitation Byng was determined to avoid ; and, indeed, so resolutely did he adhere to his cautious plan, that he • Sec SmoUet, vol. ii. 88 HISTORY OF THE Ghap. L irSG. [Trial and execution of Byng'. Declaration of war.] really did not enp;as;c. The French admiral, not wishing to compel a closer fight, took advantage of Byng's avoidance of rashness, and retreated. Clalling a council of war, Byng stated his own infe- riority to the enemy in wciglit of metal and number of men ; with his opinion, that the relief of Minorca was impracticable, and that it was safest to retire to Gibraltar. The council having concurred in these sentiments, he accordingly did retreat to Gibraltar ; and Minorca thus deserted, after a very gallant defence of nine weeks by general Blake- ncy and his valiant band, fell into the hands of the enemy. The ad- miralty, informed of this conduct, was extremely enraged against liyng. How, they asked, could he ascertain the impracticability of defending Minorca, without trying the experiment ? Was the impres- sion made by West, a proof of the inferiority of our naval force ? Had not the English generally prospered from adventurous boldness ? Where was the danger of seconding, instead of abandoning, the other division, when it had broken the enemy's line ? Was it by such a- voidance of contest that England had attained the highest pitch of na- val glory? These sentiments extended from the admiralty over the whole nation. A violent popular rage arose against Byng. This pre- dominant passion, said by the historians of the time* to have been cherished by ministers, in order to divert the public attention from their own supineness, naturally overlooked the circumstances of the case. Presuming him guilty without ascertaining the grounds of the alleged guilt, the nation, by anticipating, perhaps in a certain de- gree produced, the sentence which he afterwards underwent. Byng having been superseded, was brought home under arrest, and com- mitted close prisoner to Greenwich-hospital. He was tried for cow- ardice, treachery, and not having done his utmost. Acquitted of the two first charges, he was condemned on the last. Great interces- sions were made in his favour, and even by the court which senten- ced him, to procure the royal mercy. The applications, however, were unsuccessful ; though respited for a time, he was shot on the 14th of April, 1757. Many, who did not pretend to vindicate Byng from the charge of misconduct, considered his fall as a sacrifice to the numerous, but now feeble junto, which supported the measures of the duke of Newcastle. Indeed it is evident, that whether Byng's conduct (if he had a sufficient force) arose from timidity, profession- al ignorance, or gross error of judgment, it was such as demonstrat- ed him unfit for the office with which he was intrusted, and conse- quently was disgraceful to those ministers who had selected him for that employment. As he never had established a high character as a naval commander, and there were other officers who had attained emi- nent distinction, it was alleged that the choice of Byng arose from political connexion, and not from personal character. His trial and execution, however, if they for a time diverted the public attention, did not continue to abstract it from the conduct of administration. Negotiations had still been going on between the courts of London and Versailles ; but the king of England, from the invasion of Minor- ca, considering France as determined* to reject all amicable overtures, declared war in May, 1756, and published a manifesto stating the * See Smollct, vol. ii. 1756. Chap. I. KElGN OF CKURGE III. §9 [Campaign in America. Affairs of the continent.] ground both of its justice and necessity. In the following monthj- \var wus declared by France against Britain. The transactions in America in the campaign of 175 5 were neith- er advantageous nor honorable to England. The British plan was, lo attack the fort of Niagara, in order to cut off the communication- between Canada and Ontario ; to reduce Ticonderoga and Crown Point, that the frontiers of New York might be delivered from the danger of invasion, and Great Britain might become master of lake Champlain ; to detach a body of troops, by the river Kennebec, to a- larm tlie capital of Canada; and to besiege Fort Du Quesne and oth- er fortresses on the Ohio.* The preparations, however, were by no means adequate to such numerous and extensive objects. There was great tardiness in despatching troops from England. The earl of Loudoun, appointed commander in chief, arrived so late with his ar- mament, that it was useless for the whole year. Thus the enemy were enabled, not only to be better provided against future attacks, but even then to act on the offensive. The French and Indians con- tinued to molest the British settlements with impunity. Encouraged by the inactivity of the English forces, they attacked the fortress of Oswego, and made themselves masters of it, though strongly garri- soned. The carl of Loudoun, finding himself unable to act offensive- ly that year, employed his time in preparations for beginning the fol- lowing campaign early, and with great force. No action of impor- tance distinguished the naval history this year. Single British ships look merchantmen and ships of war belonging to the enemy, but the fleets were not engaged after our retreat from Minorca. The most important acquisitions to this country were attained through priva- teers, which considerably distressed the enemy's trade. In the hostilities between Britain and France, other countries now became involved. His Britannic majesty had, as we have seen, form- ed a treaty with Russia, in order to preserve the neutrality of Hano- ver,and to employ a great portiop of the French forces. Circumstan- ces, however, speedily gave a total change to this system of alliance, and effected a confederacy between the king of Britain and the Prus- sian Frederick, who was the opponent of Russia. These engage- ments, and their objects, necessarily demand a short review of the progress and state of the Prussian power under that extraordinary man, who then held the sovereignty. In the seventeenth century, Brandenburgh was a principality of little importance in the politics of Europe. Towards its close, its sovereign became an elector ; and in the beginning of the last centu- ry, a king. Frederick William, the second monarch of Prussia, with a view to increase the power and importance of his kingdom, devoted his attention almost exclusively to his army. He established a mili- tary force much superior to any that had been on foot under his pre= decessors ; and formed an army with the most perfect discipline, ac- cording to the existing rules of tactics, but far inferior in number and strength to the forces of the neighbouring potentates. Indeed, his dominions could not supply, much less maintain, a veiy powerful ar- my. His soil was unfruitful, his population was scanty, his people ' See SmoUet, vol. ii, Vot. VII.— 13 MQ HISTOKY OF THK Chap. I.— 1756. [Conflicting cluiins lo Silesia. Maria Teresa. Kaunitz] were poor, and his revenue was inconsiderable. These were the nar- row resources which, on ihe death of Frederick William, fell into the hands of his son and successor,* Frederick II. But Frederick had, in his genius and spirit, resources which supplied the political and |)hy5ical wants of his kingdom : he was a man born to render a imall stale great. The house of Brandenburg had ancient claims to the two princi- palities of Silesia, almost as great in extent, and fully equal in value, lo half its dominions. The claim was in itself intricate. Austria asserted with truth, that Brandenburg had yielded Silesia for an e- quivalenl ; but Frederick denied that his predecessor possessed the power of ceding that territory ; alleging besides, that no equivalent had been received ; and that the consideration given was totally inade- quate. As Austria altogether reprobated this construction of the trea- tv, Fiederick had, on the death of the emperor Charles VI., invaded Silesia; the queen of Hungary, who was then engaged with so many enemies, and un.ible to delenfl Silesia eHectually, had ceded it at last, by the treaty of Breslaw, to the Prussian king. Hostilities being again renewed between .Maria Teresa and Frederick, a second peace was concluded at Dresden in 1745, in which the king of Prussia dictated the terms, and Silesia was renounced more solemnly than before. The empress-queen, t considering the valuable province of Silesia as not restored by her justice, but extorted from her weakness, had scarcely settled tiiis peace, before she began to project schemes for its recovery. In 1746, she foimed, with the court of Petcrsburgh, a treaty which was ostensibly defensive, but really offensive. By a secret article it was provided, that if his Prussian majesty should at- tack the empress-queen, the empress of Russia, or the republic of Poland, the aggression should be considered as a breach of the treaty of Dresden ; the right of the empress-queen lo Silesia, ceded by that treaty, should revive ; and the contracting parties should mutually lurnibh an army of sixty thousand men, lo re-invesi ihc empress-queen with that duchy. Poland, without actually signing this treaty, was understood to accede to its conditions. After the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, the empress-queen had devot- ed great attention to the internal improvement of her country, espe- cially to the increase of her military strength. This engine of pow- er she promoted by a judicious choice of oHicers, liberal encourage- ment to her troops, and, above all, by her rare and happy talents of exciting in those who ap[)roached her person, zeal, emulation, exer- tion, and a resolution to ericounier every risk in order lo obtain her favottr^ She rendered her army much more perfect and formidable than any force had before been under the house of Austria : and while thus making preparations at hotiie, she was not idle abroad, she em- ployed her ulinosi c (Forts to embroil the king of Prussia with the court of Petersbuigh, and made rapid, though secret progress in her undertaking. The politics of Maria Teresa were at this lime chief- ly directed by count Kaunitz, who for so many years served the house of Austria with distinguished zeal and ability. Kaunitz, anxious lo gratify his mistress by the recovery of Silesia, was aware that the loss • Gillies's Frederick, p. 62. ■f Francis Stephen, her husband, had been then just chosen emperor. i GilLek's Frederickj p. 207. ir56.— Chap. T. REIGN OF GKOKGE III, 9|; [lindeavoiirs to form a confederacy with France. Alliance between Britain and Prussia,] of that province, and the aggrandizement of Frederick, had been ma- terially promoted by the war between Austria and France. While the courts of Versailles and Berlin continued connected, it would be very difficult for the empress queen to execute her designs of bum- bling Frederick and exalting herself. Investigating the history and interests of Austria, Kaunil? saw that her dissensions with Fiance, her most powerful neighbour, had been the greatest obstacle to the gratification of her ambition. He knew also that the house of Austria iiad been the chief obstacle on the continent to the aggrindizenitnt of France. The French and Austrian sovereigns had been rivals from the time of Francis I. and Charles V. Kaunitz projected a sacrifice of ancient rivalry to present interest, by effecting an alliance with France, Having impressed on the empress queen the justness and force of his views, he was sent as ambassador to the court of Versailles. Qualified by the depth of his genius for conducting any great or dif- ficult business, he was by other qualities as well as his ministerial ta- lents, peculiarly well fitted to acquire ascendancy atthe court of France. Versatile, capable of accommodating himself to any characters or hu- mours which it suited his purpose to conciliate, he greatly resembled a French courtier. In his taste and manners as trifling, as he was in his understanding and political views profound, he could match a Frenchman in either his frivolity or strength. Having established his influence at Versailles, he employed it in promoting his grand project of confederacy. He represented to tbe French ministers, '* that the time was now come, when the French ought to emancipate themselves from the influence of the kings of Prussia and Sardinia, and a number of petty princes, who studiously sowed dissension be- tween the great powers of Europe, in order to benefit themselves. Excited by their artifices, the courts of Veisailles and Vienna were continually contriving schemes hostile to each other, and hurtful to both; whereas, in conformity to the rules of just policy, they ought rather to adopt such a system of public conduct, as would remove ev- ery ground of difference or jealousy, and lay the foundation for a so- lid and permanent peace."* The novelty of this plan of politics at first appeared extravagant to the court of France, which had been long accustomed to consider the houses of Austria and Bourbon as rivals ; but, on maturely weighing the propositions, they became more disposed for their reception. Besides the many continental ad- vantages which Kaunitz from time to time slated as about to accrue from this plan, they would be able, by amity with Austria, to direct the principal part of their force against Britain. Meanwhile, France urged the king of Piussia to assist her in invad- ing the electorate of Hanover. King George applied to the empress- queen to send to the Low Countries a certain number of men stipulated by treaty, which she declared it was impossible for her to spare for that purpose, as she was apprehensive of the designs of the king of Prussia. Alarmed for the safety of his electorate, our king proposed to Prussia a treaty. for preserving the tranquillity of Germany. Fred- erick thought this proposition more advisable than a renewal of the alliance with France, which was then on the eve of expiration. A treaty was accordingly concluded between Britain and Prussia on the • See Gillies's Frederick, p. 20?^. 92 HISTORY OF THE Chap. I.— 1756. [Confederacy between France and Austria. Warlike preparations.] I61I1 of January, 1756, by which the contracting parties bound them- selves* not to suffer foreign troops of any nation to enter or pass through Germany, but to secure the empire from the calamities of war, and to maintain lis fundamental laws and constitutions. The court of France appeared to believe that the king of Prussia was a subordinate prince who was l)ound to execute the mandates of Versailles. Informed of Frederick's treaty with England, the French courtiers and mini- sters were so arrogant and insolent, as to charge him with defection from his ancient protector. f Kaunitz saw that this was the proper time for obtaining the desir- ed alliance with France, and accordingly the treaty was concluded on the9tli of May, 1756. Tliis famous confederacy, announced as the union of the great powers, contained a mutual promise between the contracting parties, of reciprocally assisting each other with twenty- four thousand men, in case either of them should be attacked. The czarina, being applied to by the now allied powers, readily acceded to a confederation calculated to promote the projects formed between her and Maria Teresa in 1746. As the depression of the power of England was the object which France sought by her encroachments in >Corih America, and the cause of the war between these two nations, so the depression of Prussia was the object that Austria sought throuf>-h her alliances with the other great empires, which involved in war the whole continent of Europe. The, elector of Saxony, (king of Po- land,) though he professed neutrality, really joined in the designs against Prussia. Frederick, one part of whose policy it was to keep in pay spies at every court whose designs it imported him to know, was accurately informed, not only of the objects, but the plans of the allied potentates, and made vigorous preparations for defending^ himself and his kingdom. Maria Teresa collected magazines, and assembled two armies in Bohemia and Moravia. The king of Poland under pretence of exer- cising his soldiers, drew together sixteen thousand men, and occu- pied the strong post of Pirna in Saxony. The Russians formed a camp of fifty tiiovisand men in Livonia. Perceiving these hostile pre- parations, Frederick demanded categorically of the empress-queen whether she meant to keep or to violate the peace. If she meant the former, nothing would satisfy him, but a clear, formal, and positive assurance, that she had no intention of attacking him either tliis year or the next. He declared that he should deem an ambiguous answer a demmciation of war, and attested heaven that the empress alone would, in that event, be responsible for the blood spilt and all the dis- mal consequences. To this demand, requiring so short and direct an answer, a long, indirect, and evasive reply was returned by Kau- nitz. The evident intention was, to compel Frederick to commence hostilities.!: Seeing war unavoidable, the Prussian hero resolved to strike the first blow; but, before he proceeded, intimated to Maria Teresa, that he considered Kaunitz's answer as a declaration of war- To cover Brandenburgii, and carry the war into Bohemia, it was necessary to secure the command of Saxony ; because, unless he be- • Paper Office, ml. i. p. 39. f King of Pnnsia''* History oTthe Seven Years War. * See Gillies'i Frederick, p 31ft 1756.— Cnip. I. KKIGN OF GEORGE III. 93 [Frederick Invades Saiony. Discontents in Britain] caine master of that electorate, its sovereign might intercept the free navigation of the Elbe, cut off his intercourse with his own dominions, and discomfit his expediiion. Frederick accordingly, in August, en- tered Upper Saxony, and took possession of Dresden the capital. He had already through his spies, procured copies of the negotiations be- tween the king of Poland and the two imperial powers ; but, wishing to manifest their designs to the world, and aware that they would declare the alleged papers to be forgeries, he was particularly anx- ious to find the originals. For that purpose, he carefully ransacked the Saxon archives, and at length found the desired documents.* Having thus procured the most authentic evidence of the intended partition of his dominions, Frederick published them to the world, to expose the designs of his enemies, and justify his own conduct. The Saxon army being so strongly posted at Pirna that Frederick saw it would be impossible to force their lines, he blocked them up with one division of his army, and with another marched against the Aus- trians, who were advancing to their relief under general Braun. He attacked them on the first of October, though greatly superior in num- ber, at Lowosilz on the left bank of the Elbe; and, completely defeat- ing them, forced them to abandon all hopes of succouring the Sax- ons. Frederick, with his victorious troops, returned to the blockade of Pirna. The Saxons being in great distress for want of provisions.; and now deprived of all hopes of assistance, resolved to attempt their escape ; but in making the experiment, being surrounded by the Prussians, and finding it impossible to force their way through the enemy, they were compelled to lay down their arms, and surrender themselves prisoners of war. Having thus defeated the intentions of the enemy for this campaign, and the season being far advanced, Fre- derick placed his troops in winter quarters. In Great Britain, the people were very much dissatisfied with the campaign 1756. The loss of Minorca, followed by the inactivity in America, excited general indignation. Addresses praying a strict inquiry into the causes of our misfortunes, were presented to parlia- ment from all parts of the kingdom. Ministers were loudly accused, as being, by their incapacity and disunion, the sources of our disgraces and disasters. It was certain that great discord prevailed in the cabi- net. Though the duke of Newcastle found it necessary to have the assistance of Mr. Fox's abilities, he by no means regarded him with confidence and favour. Mr. Fox on the other hand, far from approv- ing the particular measures, and farther still the general conduct, of his colleagues, disdained to continue the tool of so feeble a junto, antl resigned his employment. The public loudly called for sacrificing an inefficient combination to the highest individual genius, and for bringing Mr. Pitt into office. The duke of Newcastle resigned. Mr. Pitt, in November, 1756, was appointed principal secretary of state ; Mr. Legge, chancellor of the exchequer; and the duke of Devon- shire, first lord of the treasury. • It was here that Frederick found th? secret articles of the treafy of Peters- burgh, which I have already mentioned as concluded between Austria and Rus- sia against Prussia, soon after the peace of Dresden ; with a reference to a parti- tion treaty made between the powers before that peace ; wiiich treaty of Peters- burgh was in effect acceded to by the king of Poland. 94 IIISTOIIY OF THE Chap. I.— 1757. [Mr. Pitt appointed minister. Dissensions in the cabinet.] His majesty desirous of making great efforts in Germany, in his speech to the house took notice of tlic unnatural union between France and Austria, which he considered as threatening the subversion of the empire, and the destruction of the protestant interest on the con- tinent, lie called on parliament to enable him to use effectual efforts against such pernicious designs. Soon after, Mr. Pitt delivered a message to the house, of which the substance was, " that, as the for- midable preparations and vindictive designs of France were evidently bent against his majesty's electoral dominions, and the territories of his good ally the king of Prussia, his majesty confided in the zeal and affection of his faithful commons, to assist him in forming and maintaining an army of observation for the just and necessary defence of ihe same, and to enable him to fulfil his engagements with his Prussian majesty, for the security of the empire and the support of their common interests." In the house of commons, when the mes- sage was discussed, strong objections were made to an interference in continental politics. It was asserted, that it was neither the duty nor interest of England, to exhaust its blood and treasure in defence of Hanover ; and that Austria herself, notwithstanding her recent al- liance with France, would not suffer that power to acquire a perma- nent footing in Germany. Mr. Pitt, viewing the course of French policy, showed that the main object of France had long been the de- pression of England. Perceiving distant as well as immediate con- sequences, he contended that continental acquisitions, by increasing her power and revenue, would ultimately render her more dangerous to this country. He had disapproved of various treaties and subsi- dies that had been formed and granted in the present reign on ac- count of Hanover solely, and without any advantage to Great Britain; but the treaty with the king of Prussia had for its object the balance of power, now endangered by the confederacy between France and the two empresses. Adherence to it was absolutely necessary for the security of lingland. Hanover was endangered on account of Britain ; it was therefore just that from Britain she should receive protection. Besides by employing the forces of France in Europe, we weakened her exertions in America. Such was the reasoning by which Mr. Pitt supported the request of the message; it was received by the majority of the house with great approbation, and suitable supplies were voted. Though parliament had shown itself eager for the vigorous pro- - secuiion of the war, and had in its votes made very liberal provisions for the year ; yet there was still a want of harmony in his majesty's councils. The whig confederacy sought an exclusive direction in the administration of aflairs. Mr. Pitt would not sacrifice his own opinions and measures to those of the party. The Newcastle combi- nation was most agreeable to the king, and willing to go the greatest ' lengths in gratifying his electoral partialities. Mr. Pitt, in his prin- ciples and system of continental interference, considered the dignity and interest of the British crown and nation,* and not the preposses- sions of the elector of Hanover. f He did not at that time conceive • Smollct, vol. ii. t This is a difTcrence very evident between the conlincntal engagements ad- vised by Mr. Pitt, and miiny of those encouraged, oral least agreed to, by former 175r.— Chip. I. REIGN OF GKOUGE III. f)5 [Dismission and re appointment of Mr. Pitt. Operations in America.] that so great a force was necessaJ'y to act in Germany, as the king and the Newcastle interest thought requisite. Being inflexible on this sul)jcct, he and his friend and supporter Mr. Leggc, were dis- missed from their odices. During several months there was no re- gular administration. A coalition was proposed between Mr. Fox and ilic Newcastle party; but in the present'statc of public opinion it would be evidently ineffectual. The Newcastle adherents saw, that they could now only possess a share of the government by suffering the chief direction of affairs to be vested in superior ability. Num- berless addresses were presented to his majesty, beseeching him to reinstate Mr. Pitt. Party spirit appeared extinguished ; all voices, without one dissonant murmur, were united in his praise. Mr. Fox, in this state of circumstances, knowing it would be vain for him to contend with the general voice of the people which was eagerly and loudly soliciting the sovereign to place Pitt at the head of his councils, with much prudence and judgment advised the king to comply with the public desire. Mr. Pitt was again made principal secretary of state, and now became prime minister of England. This appoint- ment of a chief minister is an epoch in the history of the Brunswick administration of Britain. From the accession of the houseof Hano- ver, the highest offices of state had been uniformly held by members of the whig party. Mr. Pitt, a friend to the constitution of his coun- try, and favourable to the genuine principles of original whigs, was not a member of any confederacy, and owed his promotion to himself only. He commanded party. His elevation manifested the power which the people never fail to posesss in a free and well constituted government. Personally disagreeable to the king, unsupported by any aristocratical confederacy, he was called by the unanimous voice of the people in a situation of great danger and difficulty to be the chief* manager of British affairs. His appointmeet was also an epoch in the history of the war; as from the time that he was firmly estab- lished in office, and his plans were put into execution, instead of dis- aster and disgrace, success and glory followed the British arms. In the campaign of 1757, however, the wisdom and energy of Mr. Pitt were employed too late to operate effectually. This summer the earlof Loudoun, instead of attacking Crown Point, as had been ex- pected, undertook an expedition to Cape Breton against Louisbourg. Admiral Holbourne arrived at Halifax on the 9th of July, with a squa- dron of transports for conveying the troops consisting oCabout twelve thousand men. Small vessels, which had been sent to examine the condition of the enemy before the armament sailed, brought the un- welcome intelligence, that ten thousand land forces, of which six thousand were regulars, were stationed at Louisbourg ; that seven- ministers, botli of George II. and liis father. The earl of Sunderland, sir Kobert AValpoIe, earl Granville, and the duke of Newcastle, concluded treaties, the ex- elusive objects of which were, German politics, and the security of Hanover. Mr. Pitt's policy, though it embraced Hanover in its compass, yet had for its ob- ject the humiliation of France, and the prosperity of England. • Mr. Legge was restored to his office of chancellor of the exchequer; the duke of Newcastle was again made first lord of the treasury ; lord Anson was placed at the head of the admiralty ; sir Robert Henley was made keeper of the great seal, in the room of Lord Hardwicke ; and Mr. Fox was appointed to the subor- dinate, but lucrative office, of paymaster general of the army. 96 HISTORY OF THE Chap. I— ir57. [Afiairs of Germany. Proceedings of the duke of Cumberland.] teen ships of the line were moored in the harbour; and that the for- tress was plentifully supplied with provisions and military stores. In- formed of these particulars, lord Loudoun resolved to postpone the expedition ; so that in fact nothing; was either effected, or even at- tempted, that year, by the army under his lordship's command. While Loudoun was absent at Halifax, Montcalm, the French com- aiander in chief, extended the enemy's possessions in the back set- tlements, which it had been their principal object to increase. He attacked and captured Fort William iienry on the southern shore of Lake George ; and by this accession to their former advantages, the French acquired the entire command of the extensive chain of lakes that connects the two great rivers St. Lawrence and Mississippi, and that forms a grand line both of communication and division between the northern and southein parts of this vast continent. Thus, in 1757, the interests of Great Britain in North America continued to decline. Admiral Holbourne, with fifteen sail of the line, appeared off Lou- isbourg; and, being re-enforced with four more, attempted to draw the French to battle ; but the enemy were too cautious to venture an engagement. The English fleet, after cruising in those seas till the middle of September, was overtaken by a storm, which wrecked one of the ships, and damaged the greater number; and they returned to England in a very shattered stale. The king of Prussia, having wintered at Dresden, published amani- fcsta, selling forth the conduct and cjesigns of the imperial powers and of Saxony, and asserting that he himself had proceeded on princi- ples of self-defence. Meanwhile the combined powers were making great preparations ; and France by a subsidy prevailed on the Swedes to join in the confederacy. Maria Teresa exerted herself with great zeal and success; she persuaded the empress of Russia, that the in- vasion of Saxony, a country guaranteed by Elizabeth, was an insult to her dignity. Besides addressing the czarina's pride, she tempted her avarice by a subsidy of two millions of crowns, anc^ added considera- ble bribes to her ministers. With the Germanic body her exertions and success were similar ; and it was proposed, that the electors of Brandenburgh and Hanover should be put to the ban of the empire. The king of Piussia in these circumstances had recourse to his only powerful ally George H. and proposed a plan of co-operation more extensive th^n the British sovereign deemed necessary. George con- fined his plan to the defence of the eastern bank of the Weser, while Frederick wished that of the Rhine to be the principal station, as from the depih and rapidity of the river, it was much more tenable than the Wescr, which was fordable in many places. An army of Germans in British pay was formed on the plan of king George, and the com- mand intrusted to the duke of Cumberland. In July, 1757, his royal highness took the field on the eastern bank of the Weser. The French commanded by marshal d'Estrees, as Frederick had foreseen, easily pas:ed that river, and proceeded to Munster. On the 25th of July they attacked the duke in his intrenchments at Hastenback, and seized one of his batteries. The hereditary prince of Brunswick,* then only twenty-one years of age, regained the battery sword in hand ; • Now duke of Uiunswick, 1757.— CiiAr. I. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 97 [Convention of Cloister-seven. Expedition to the coast of France.] and to use the words of a respectable historian, "proved, in the first exploit, that nature had formed him for a hero."* At the same time, a Hanoverian colonel, with a few battalions, penetrating through a wood, attacked the French in the rear, put them to flight, and took their cannon and colours. The main body of the enemy, however, being in possession of an eminence that commanded and flanked both the lines of the infantry and the battery of the allies, the duke of Cumberland thought it impossible to dislodge them from their posts; and commanded his forces to retire towards Hamalen. Marshal d'Estrees had formed so very different an opinion of the issue of the contest, that he was actually ordering a retreat himself, when he per- ceived, to his great astonishment, the allied army withdrawing f The duke having evacuated Hamalen, retreated to Nienbergh, then to Verden, and at last to Siaden ; and thus abandoned the whole coun- try to the French, without any farther contest. The duke of Riche- lieu, successor to d'Estrees, pursued his highness, and reduced him to a distressing dilemma ; before him was the ocean, on the right the Elbe, on the left the Weser, become deeper as it approached the sea; behind was the cnen^.y. Nothing remained, but either to fight their way through the hostile force, which they considered as impossible, or to surrender themselves prisoners of war. Accordingly the duke capitulated with his whole army, and concluded the noted convention of Cloister-seven, in September, 1757. By this treaty the troops of Hesse and Brunswick were to return to their respective countries ; the Hanoverians were to remain at Staden, in a district assigned them, and no mention was made of the electorate, which was occupied by the French. This unfortunate event was imputed to tv;o errors ; one in the original plan of the campaign, in choosing a weak line of defence on the Weser, instead of a strong line on the Rhine; another in the execution, by the order for retreat when there was a probable chance of victory. It was also said, that if the allied army instead of retiring to a narrow angle, had proceeded towards Prussia, they might have been ea^ly covered by the Prussian forces. His royal highness having retui'ned to England, and not finding his conduct received with that approbation which he expected, resigned all his military employ- ments. The kingdom being now under the administration of Pitt, in order to cause a diversion of the French force favourable to the allies in Germany, he planned an expedition to the coast of France ; and a formidable armament was equipped with surprising despatch4 The fleet was commanded by sir Edward Hawke, and the army by sir John Mordaunt. On the 23d of September, the fleet anchored off" the river Charente, and took the Isle of Aix, with its garrison. It was proposed to attack Rochefort. Sir Edward Hawke was eager for this measure, but sir John Mordaunt deemed it too dangerous an attempt. After coniinu- • See Gillies's Frederick, p. "247. f Gillles's Frederick, p. 247. + The equipment iilibrds an instance of ihe vigorous boldness and decision of the minister's character. When he ordered the fleet to be equipped, and appoint- ed the time and place of its rendezvous, lord Anson said it would be impossible to have it prepared so soon. " It may (said Mr. Pitt) be done ; and if the ships are not ready at the time specified,! shall signify your lordship's neglect to the king, and impeach you in the house of commons." This intimation produced the desired effect : the ships were ready. lielsham's Goorere 11. p. 428. Vol. VII.— 13 ^ ' 98 HISTORY OF THE Chap. 1—1757. [Operations of the king of Prussia. Defeat of the French at Rosbach.] ing in the river, and reconnoitring the coasts for many days, it was resolved in a council of war that they should return to England, The nation was disappointed and enraged at the failure of this expe- dition. All were sensible that the niinister had done every thing in his power, and were perfectly satisfied with the conduct of the admi- ral. The blame was thrown upon the general. He was tried by a court martial and acquitted. His exculpatory sentence, however, did not alter the public opinion. During these disasters of his ally, the king of Prussia having to contend against five great powers, was in the most perilous circum- stances, which only served to display the exliaordinary vigour of his genius, the wisdom of his councils, and the magnanimity of his dis- position. From his winter quarters at Prague, he in the beginning of April took the field. Pretending to design only a defensive war, ^ he fortified his camp at Dresden, and made some feeble incursions into Bohemia. The Austrian general, conceiving him to intend noth- ing beyond these petty enterprises, was lulled into security. Frede- rick ordered his troops to assemble by ditferent routes at Prague on the 5ihof May, where general Brown was posted with a considerable force. The king, knowing that his enemies expected a great re- enforcement, determined to bring them to battle before fresh troops ihould arrive. He attacked them without delay, forced their intrench- menis, and gained a complete victory.* The Austrians took refuge in Prague. Frederick summoned that city to surrender ; but mar- shal Daun, hastening to its relief, encamped at Kolin upon the Elbe. The king of Prussia, on the 18th of June, 1757, having attacked his entrenchments, was repulsed and defeated with great loss ; and in consequence of this disaster, raised the siege of Prague. If marshal Daun had been as active in pursuing, as he was skilful in obtaining his victory, he might have prevented Frederick from retreating with the remains of his troops. From Prague, the king retired into Sax- ony. The Austrians recovered the whole country of Bohemia, and advanced in pursuit of Frederick. Meanwhile the Russians ravaged Prussia, and the Swedes entered Ponierania. To increase the multi- plied dangers of the Prussian monarch, the convention of Cloister- seven had deprived him of his only ally ; and the French forces were now at liberty lo direct against him their whole efforts. f This hero was always more energetic and formidable than ever, after a defeat. Instead of yielding to difTicullics, he was the more strongly incited to extraordinary exertions. With a small body of men he marched against the French and the troops of the Circles, posted at Rosbach, near Leipsic, in upper Saxony. He di.ew up his forces (November 5lh, 1757) with such skill, that he overcame a great army. Ten thousand of the enemy were killed and wounded, and seven thousand • Nineteen thousand were killed, and five thousand taken prisoners. The loss of the conqiK-rors was also very considcraliPe. f At lliis time Hie king of I'nissia llius expressed himself in a letter to his friend carl Marcsclial: " Wliat say you of ihis league, wljicli has only the mar- quis of llran; daring character than Dupleix, did not venture to carry his de- signs into execution, but proceeded more secretly against the English interest, by stimulating the native princes to hostilities. While he was pursuing these measures, he professed the most pacific intentions, and even concluded a provincial treaty with the presidency of Madras. War, however, soon commenced in the Carnatic; and there the English, commanded by general Stringer Lawrence, were on the whole success- • See SmoUet's Continuation, vol. ii. / 1760.— Ciur. I. REIGN OF GEORGE lU. HI [Colonel Clive restores the British interest.] ful. But a severe blow was struck against them in another quarter of India, a blow wliich may be traced to the artifices and intiigues of tlie Fronch. Alii Verdi Khan, subah of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa, a man of great abilities, having died in April, 1756, was succeeded by liis adopted son, Sou Rajali Dowla, a young man weak in his understanding, violent in his passions, and profligate in his morals. The old vifadmi»'al Watson. On the 26th of March, he came up with the e-iemy's ships in the road of Fort St. David's, and attacked them in t^e afternoon. D'Apche having fought warmly for two hours, in the evening retreated. The misbehaviour • A rupee is about 2*. 6s, retired to Pondicherry, The Bri- tish general recovered Arcot ; ar.d, except Pondicherry, the French had no settlement of any importance in the Carnatic. • Twoof the Enpllbh captains being tried, vere dismissed the service; and the third was deprived of liis rank as post captain for one year. f From the detail of this engagement, to be found in SmoIIet, it appears, that great valour was displayed on both sides; but that the French general was rasli and impetuous; and that the victory of the English was owing to colonel Coolc'a superior skill. 1760.~CuAp. I. UKKiN OF (;K()U(iR Ilf. 115 [Transaclions in Europe. Operations of prince Ferdinand.] The conquest of Arcot finished the campaign.* Admiral Pocockc, during the sume campaign, again defeated the French and compelled them to leave those seas. On tlie Malabar coast, a squadron of En- glisii, under captain Richard Muilland, made themselves masters of the factory of Surat. Thus we have seen French aggression, after being for a time suc- cessful, rousing British energy, and producing Britisli victory; wc have seen her attempts to exalt herself by humbling England, lead to her own humiliation, and the aggrandizement of her rival; and wc have seen her unjust and unwarrantable ambition discomfilcd- Such was the state of atlairs where Britain was engaged for hcrscU solely; we must now follow her to her co-opcratixin with allies. We left Frederick in winter quarters, after the campaign of 1757, that glori- ous era in his history. In England, the king of Prussia, since the dissolution of his political connexion with France, and his alliance with this country, had become a very popular character. This pre- dilection rose to enthusiasm, on his gaining the victory at llosebach over the ancient enemy of Britain. The union of the two catholic powers was by many considered as a confederacy to oppress and sul>- vert the protestant interest of Germany. The English applauded and extolled Frederick as the protestant hero, and anxious for his success, were willing to contribute towards his support and defence. Mr. Pitt, having taken a view of the state of afiairs on the continent, as well as the whole operations of the year, saw that the strenuous eflbrls of Britain were necessary to preserve the balance of power; and that exertions in Germany, by employing the strength of France in that quarter, would weaken her operations in America. lie there- fore proposed, that a strong army should co-operate with the king of Prussia in Germany in the ensuing campaign. A subsidiary treaty was concluded, by which the king,xif England stipulated to pay into the hands of his Prussian majesty, the annual sum of 670,000/. to be employed at his discretion for the good of the common cause ; and parliament cheerfully voted the necessary supplies for that object, and other purposes of the war. The convention of Cloister-seven was considered as a disgrace to the nation, and also as infringed by the subsequent conduct of the French in Hanover. The army, v/hich had been dispersed by that treaty, was re-assembled in British pay, and the counnand, by the ad- vice of Mr. Pitt, bestowed on prince Ferdinand of Brunswick ; whose object in the campaign of 1758 was to drive eighty thousand Frencli troops from Lower Saxony and ^Veslphalia. His own forces at the beginning of the campaign consisted of only thirty thousand Hano- verians, but they were afterwards joined by the troops of Hesse-Cas- sel and Brunswick, whom England engaged by subsidies to assist in the deliverance of Germany. The plan of operations concerted with Frederick was, to compel the enemy to evacuate Brunswick and Han- over, through the fear of having their communication with the Rhine intercepted. For these purposes he sent in March two detachments to the Weser, of which one gained possession of Verden, the other, under the command of his nephew, ilie hereditary prince, took pos- • The campaign somewhat exceeded the boundaries of 1759, Arcot being taken in tiie beginning of February, 1760. 116 HISTOUY OF THE Chap. I —1760 [Battle of Crevelt. Exploits of Frederick.] session of the strong and important post of Floyer. In April, prince Ferdinand himself, crossing the Aller, advanced south towards Bruns- ■\vick, assisted by a detachment of Prussian troops under prince Hen- ry, the king's brother. M. Clermont, who had succeeded Richelieu in the command of the French forces, apprehensive of being cut off from his intercourse with the Rhine evacuated Brunswick, Wolfen- buttel, and Hanover, and marched to Westphalia. Crossing the We- ser, Ferdinand besieged Minden, and took it in sight of the enemy's army. Count Clermont now retreated towards the Rhine ; repassed it at Wesel in INIay ; and stationed the army on the left bank of the river, after having lost a number of his troops, which were taken in the retreat. Ferdinand would not suffer them to remain undisturbed ■within the boundaries of Germany. In June, he attacked them at Crevelt near Cleves, and gained a victory more glorious to his mili- tary character than decisive in its consequences. The prince of Sou- bise, who commanded a considerable body of French, having defeated a detachment of Hessians, Ferdinand was obliged to act on the defen- sive, and the affairs of France began to wear a more favourable as- pect. In July, twelve thousand British troops arriving from England under the command of the duke of Marlborough to re-enforce the al- lies, Ferdinand now resumed his offensive operations. Through his judicious, well planned, and well executed movements, he com- pletely effected the object of the campaign, by driving the French out of Lower Saxony and Westphalia.* The king of Prussia now endeavored to make the utmost advan- tage of the victories which he had gained at the close of the preced- ing campaign. Of Silesia, the fortress of Schweidnitz alone remain- ed in the hands of Austria. This place, which was blockaded during ■winter, on the return of spring he attacked by a regular siege. Com- mencing his works on the 2d of A^pril, he on the 15th carried the gar- rison by assault. Having thus completely recovered Silesia, he in- vaded Moravia, and besieged Olmutz its capital ; but having opened the trenches at too great a distance from the town, he spent his time and ammunition uselessly ; and count Daun arriving, obliged him to raise the siege. Meanwhile the Russians and Cossacks had invaded Brandenburgh, and were committing the most barbarous ravages. Their army being divided into two parts, it was Frederick's object to come between them, so as to cut off their communication with each other. In this design he succeeded ; and was able to bring Roman- zow, with the principal division, to battle at Kustrin.f The ready ge- nius of the Prussian king, on perceiving the disposition of the Rus- sian troops, formed his men in such a way, as to bear with his artille- ry on their thick mass, and prevent the parts of their army from sup- porting each other. Success followed his attempt; he gained a most decisive victory; and the loss of the enemy amounted to 17,000 men, with a great quantity of cannon and stores : the loss on the side of the Prussians amounted to about twelve hundred men. Having thus freed his country from the danger of the Russians, he hastened a- gainstthe Auatrians under marshal Daun. On the 14th of October, he was surprised by that general at Hochkirchin ;| suffered a defeat, • Smollet, vol. ii. f Giles. t Smollet. 1760.— Chap. I. REIGN OF GEORGE III, 117 [Defeat of the French at Minden. Losses of the king of Prussia.] but not decisive ; acted with such ability, as to prevent the enemy from deriving any material advantage from a victory; and ultimately compelled Daun to retire into Bohemia. The Russians and Swedes were also obliged to withdraw to Stralsund. In 1759, prince Ferdinand took the field against the French, who had again invaded Westphalia in great force, \inder Messrs. De Con- tades and Broglio. Prince Ferdinand, in July, found them posted at Minden. The prince thinking the enemy too strongly posted to render an attack by him wise, took a position at some distance, hop- ing to provoke them to commence an assault, which he was well pre- pared to resist. The French generals very imprudently left their own strong posts- to attack prince Ferdinand. The battle began at dawn, and was fought with great impetuosity on both sides till noon; when the vigour, firmness, and courage of the English infantry determined the fate of the day, and gained a complete victory. The British cavalry, commanded by lord George Sackville, were ordered to advance, and bear down upon the enemy when routed and flying. They did not advance^ and were of no service in the battle,* The same day, the hereditary prince of Brunswick, who was fast rising to military eminence, having been sent by his uncle against a detach- ment of French at Gofeldt with six thousand men, defeated twice that number of the enemy, killed three thousand and took as many prison- ers. These successes enabled Ferdinand to drive the French a se- cond time out of Germany, and to leave the allies in possession of every province and town which belonged to them at the declaration of war. The campaign of 1759 was far from being equally prosperous to the Prussian monarch. Besides the formidable enemies that he had to encounter abroad, he was distracted at home by dissensions among his generals. It was the object of the Austrians and Russians, who had before fought separately, to form a junction this campaign. 'Frederick's first purpose was, to prevent this junction, and to attack one division before they could be supported by another; but the dis- orders among the generals prevented them from acting with their usual skill and alacrity. The Prussians were defeated, on the 23d of June, at Kay, on the Oder, with the loss of more than four thousand men. This disaster disconcerted the king's measures, and was the prelude to a much greater defeat. The Austriunsand Russians, soon after this battle, joined their forces and encamped at Kundersdorf, near Frankfort on the Oder. On the 12th of August, the king of Prussia attacked the enemy, and had almost succeeded in defeating the Russians, when the intervention of marshal Loudohn and the Aus- trian army gave a fatal turn to affairs. Notwithstanding the extra- ordinary efforts of the king, who exposed himself in the most danger- ous parts of the field, had two horses shot under him, and his clothes rent by musket balls, the Prussians were completely defeated and dispersed ; the approach of night saved their army from total ruin.f • His lordship's conduct on this occasion underwent an inquiry and a trial. He alleged in his defence, that contradictory orders had been sent. This allega- tion, however, was not made out to the satisfaction of the court; the issue was, that he was declared unfit for serving his majesty in a iniUtary capacity. f The king finding the defeat inevitable, sent a letter to the queen in these lis msTOUY or the Cuap. r.— i?'6o. [French invade Germany. Masterly policy of Trederick.] The pressure of calamity served only to increase the elastic force of rredcrick's genius, lie recruited his army with indefatigable dili- gence, replaced his artillery from the arsenal of Berlin, and soon found himself at the head of a considerable body of ti oops. But the jealousies between the Russians and Austrians concurred with the active ability of Frederick. When Daun proposed to pursue the ene- my, the Russian general would not consent ; and the time was wast- ed without any important eBbrt, until winter gave the Prussian mon- arch some respite for restoring his aflairs. In 1760, the court of Versailles made great preparations for re- covering their footing in Westphalia. The hereditary prince, in April, having assailed the count de Germain too adventurously, was repulsed; but afterwards, on the 16th of July, attacked a numerous body of the enemy at Exdorf, and gained a brilliant victory ; five bat- talions were taken prisoners, with their arms, baggage and artillery.* On the 3 1st of the same month, prince Ferdinand, with the main ar- my, had an engagement with the French near Cassel, in which the enemy were compelled to retreat. The hereditary prince was after- wards defeated near Campen, but by a masterly retreat was able to rejoin the main array. The successes of that campaign towards the close were very various, but on the whole it was not favourable to the allies, as the French had again got possession of agreat partof West- phalia, and the whole principality of Hesse. The king of Prussia strained every nerve to compensate the losses of the preceding year, and so distributed his forces as to oppose the Russians, Swedes and Austrians, in separate divisions; while the Russians, on the other hand, attempted to join the Austrians in Sile- sia. Frederick used every art to animate and inspire his troops; he addressed himself to their superstition, credulity, and every other principle by which wise policy could operate upon vulgar minds : thus inspired, they took the field. The king found means to com- bine attack and defence. W^hile protecting Silesia, he invested Dres- den ; but the approach of Marshal Daun obliged him to raise the siege of that city; and the enemy also took Glatz, in Silesia. The king found it necessary now to resort to Silesia in person, to main- tain his interest in that long contested province ; with his usual dex- terity, he separated two divisions of the Austrian army, and kept such positions that it was impossible for them to surround his forces, lie changed his movements and posts so often, that he kept the enemy al- ways on the watch ; and determined to attack them himself, as soon as he should, by marches and countermarches, draw the one division to too great a distance from the other to receive from it any support. Jicfore him was marshal Daun with one army ; behind him,Loudohii with another ; and he was informed by his spies, that a third army of Russians had crossed the Oder and joined Daun. Daun being re- cnforced by the Russians, on the evening of the 14th of August pre- pared to give the king of Prussia battle. Next day his majesty de- terms : " Remove from nerlin with the royal family ; let the archives be carried tol'otsdam : the town mny make conditions with llie enemy." — Gillies. • F.lliot's rcg'imeiit of lij^ht In^rse a|ii)carcs, cliaij^cd five dif- ferent times, and broke through the enemy at every charge. Sec lielshum's History of Great Britain, vol. ii. p. 478. irGfJ.-CuAr.I. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 119 [Successive defeats of the Austrians, Retreat of the Russians.] camped at nij^ht with his army, and crossed the Oder towards general Lrtudohn. Frederick took possession of an advantageous ground, which lie justly concluded Loudohn would wish to occupy. Lou- dohn advancing, and perceiving that there were troops posted there, supposed that it was but a small detachment, and that the main army of Prussia was in camp at Lignitz. Proceeding to dislodge the fan- cied detachment, he suddenly found himself attacked by the whole Prussian army. The darkness of the night, and the surprise, render- ed the defeat inevitable and complete : 10,000 Austrians were slain, and 6,000 taken prisoners. In the camp at Lignitz, Frederick had left some hussars, who imitated the noise of patroles and sentinels. Daun, not doubling that he should in the morning find the Prussians where they had been in the evening, marched towards the camp ; but to his utter surprise, he found it entirely empty. The wind had been so boisterous and adverse, that Daun had not heard the report of two hundred pieces of cannon at half a mile's distance ; and knew nothing of the enemy, till he saw them arrayed in order of battle on the oppo- site side of the river. Daun was evidently undetermined whether he ought to attack the enemy or retreat. Frederick ordered his troops to fire, in demonstration of joy for victory ; a dexterous manoiiuvre, which completely dispirited the Austrians, and precipitated their re- treat, lie dispersed the Russians by a stratagem not unlike that which Themistocles employed towards Xerxes. He sent a peasant with a letter to his brother Henry, telling him that he was advancing as fast as he could after his victory over the Austrians, to attack the Russians, and he hoped with equal success. The peasant purposely throwing himself in the way of the enemy was taken ; the letter was found on him ; and, on being read, they repassed the Oder, and de- stroyed the bridge ; and thus, in order to avoid the pretended pursuit of Frederick, they cut off their own communication with the allied army. Frederick, meanwhile, instead of following them endeavour- ed to make the best of his victory by driving the Austrians out of Si- lesia. Daun, regretting that he had been so completely oui-generaled by Frederick, employed every means to prevail on the Russians to repass the Oder, and invade Brandenburgh. He at last prevailed ; and in October, the Russians entered the electorate, and invested Berlin. The number of Prussians that had been left to guard the capital, was less than half that of the Austrians and Russians. The combined armies entered the capital, and behaved with savage fero- city ; but the king hastening from Silesia, the enemy on his approach thought it expedient to retire. Having delivered his country from the combined troops, he returned to oppose marshal Daun, drew him into a battle in a disadvantageous situation, and gained at Torgan a victory still more decisive than that which he had obtained over mar- shal. Loudohn. The Russians, on hearing of the defeat of their ally, retired into Poland ; and thus Frederick became again superior to all his enemies. They might invade his country, take his towns, de- feat his armies, exhaust many of his resources ; but he had in his ge- nius one resource, which they could not exhaust: with his transcen- dent abilities he ultimately predominated over all their force, experi- ence and skill. Such was the state of our principal ally in war, in October 1760. 120 HISTORY OF THE Cuap. I.v1760. [Discussions between Britain and Holland.] The war gave occasion to'discussions between Britain and Holland, viiich involved general questions concerning the rights and conduct of neutral states, when neigiibouring powers are engaged in hostilities. By the barrier treaty it had been expressly declared, tnat no fortress, town, or territory of the Austrian Low Countries should be ceded or transfer- red to the crown of France on any pretext whatever. Notwithstanding this treaty, tlie states-general liad acquiesced in the surrender of Ostend and Nieuport to the French. They had also given permission for the free passage of warlike stores through tlieir territories, for the use of the French army. A memorial, bv order of the Britisli king, was presented to the states. They answerecf, that they could not prevent the infrac- tions of treaties. The Dutch for several years had been supplying the French with all sorts of warlike stores, and transporting the produce of tlie French sugar colonies to Europe, as carriers hired by the proprie- tors; and were at this time very active in carrying contraband goods to France. The supineness and inefficiency of the Newcastle administra- tiimhad sufttjred such violations of neutrality to escape with impunity; but with the energy of Pitt, the case was changed. The court of Great Britain having complained of this violation of neutrality without obtain- ing redress, took the most eft'ectual step for redressing themselves. They issued orders to arrest all ships of neutral powers, that should have French property on board. These necessary orders were strictly and vigorouslv executed. A number of Dutch ships with French car- goes were seized and confiscated; a great fern»ent arose among the Dutch: they remonstrated, and they complained. The British govern- ment assured them, that we were desirous of remaining in amity with them, but that we never could connive at sucii a deviation from neu- trality; and that we should continue to capture ships caught in such acts of violation. Towards the close of 1758, they began to make some pre- parations for hostilities. The princess dowager of Orange, daughter of George II. , by her judicious management prevented the two nations frorix a quarrel, which it was so much the interest of both to avoid. English privateers having frequently, without any authority, rifled Dutch ships, the masters were punished as pirates; but by our ships of war, autnorised for the purpose, the aggressors of the law of nations continu- ed to be captured. The princess dying, the conduct of the states threat- ened the dissolution of peace; and they persisted in supplying the French in the West Indies, and in the East had manifested a hostile disposition to the English interest. A second memorial was presented by sir Jo- seph Yorke. They endeavoured to justify themselves; but as the at- tempt was evasive and unsatisfactory, the British minister instructed tlie ambassador to reply in more peremptory terms. The Dutch aware that Pitt never threatened in vain, promised* to abstain from every kind of traffic that gave umbraj^e to Great Britain, and to inflict exemplary punisliment on any of their subjects or servants who should give offence to England. • Ferdinand, king of Spain, died in 1759, and was succeeded by his brother Charles. This prince was very far from adopting the senti- ments and policy of his predecessor respecting England. Hitherto, however, the diflerence did not manifest itself. During the contest which was carried on by Britain and her allies, overtures were made by George and Frederick towards the termination • See Smollet, vol. ii. •. d ireo— Chap. I, REIGN OF GEOUGE in. i21 [Negotiations for peace broken off. General state of affairs] of war. In the winter which followed the campaign 1759, immediately after the capture of Quebec and admiral Hawke's victory, Mr. Pitt, awaie that the day of success is the time for offering peace, proposed that the allied kings should intimate their willingness to open a ne- gotiation. Frederick consented, and a memorial was delivered to the French, imperial, and Russian ambassadors, signifying that their Britannic and Prussian majesties were ready to send plenipotentia- ries to any proper place that should be appointed, in order to receive overtures for a general peace. A preliminary article proposed was, that the dominions of the king of Prussia should be preserved en- tire. This proposal being communicated to the court of Versailles, France replied, that she had no other wish but to make peace with England; but that not being at war with Prussia, she could not con- found the interests of that nation witli those of Britain. France had been completely discomfited in every quarter in which England and she had to cope, apart from tlieir mutual allies. She was entirely subdued in North America, the East and West Indies: and had been also de- feated in Germany. The inferiority of her naval power obliged her t« despair of success in any maritime efforts; but in Germany, tliough de- feated, her case was by no means so desperate. From the exhausted state of the king of Prussia, and the enormous expenses of the war to England, slie was in hopes that she and her allies might in that country obtain advantages, which would procure more favourable terms than she could expect from the events in those quarters in which she and England had been singly engaged. The preservation of the balance of power, by supporting the king of Prussia against the great confederacy, had been the principal object of the war in Germany. Had France ratified the proposed preliminary there would have remained little which she could set against the conditions that Britain was empowered by her victories to demand. She therefore determined at present to reject a proposal with such a preface. The empress-queen, though hitherto frequently baffled, trusted to the resources of the combination, for the ultimate at- tainment of those objects which she sought by the war, and woui^i by no means enter into a negotiation, the preliminary article of w!ii-h was the abandonment of her views on the Prussian dominions. Trie over- tures were rejected by both France and Austria, in the belief that at a future period they could procure conditions more compat^'e with the views with which "they had respectively commenced thei'" aggressions. Such was the state of Britain respecting war, negotiation, allies, and neutral powers, in October, 1 760. The condition of tus country in her various relations had, from Julv, 1757, to October, ^60, in three years and a quarter, been raised fom depression and r^sgrace to exaltation and ^lory. This cliange, under Divine Provideive, had been'principal- ly effected by the force of genius, which overbo)^ all private juntos and party distinctions, fonnedthe wisest and most vigorous plants, selected the fittest instruments of execution, and by tie combination of wisdom, firmness, and judicious choice, produced '-""e most signal and import- ant success. On two individuals, thou5<^ of different ranks, yet who had each risen to a mucli higlier elevatijn than that in which he was born, depended the fortune of Europe, and other quarters of the world. In their different situations, Williaci Pitt, and Frederick of Prussia, overbore confederacy by intellectual pre-eminence and moral energy. An event now took place, in itself of great importance, and which led '«>the commencement of a reign in ajl its history, connexions, and rela>^ VcL. VII.~16 122 HISTOnV OF THE Chap, 1,-1760 • [Death, character and policy of George IL] tions: in the events, clmnges, ami vlc'ussitudes, that it has witnessed; in the difhculties \\ liich it has luul to encounter, and in the dispiays o hu- man NATi RK which it lias exhibited, the most momentous that is re- corded in the annals of mankind. On Saturday mornini^ the ^•'ith of October, 17G0, king Georg- II. of Great Britain, then near seventy-seven years of age. being at Kensing- ton pahace, rose at his usual Itour, called his page, drank Ids choco- late. a!id inquired about the wind, as he was anxious for the ariival of the mails; observing, that as it was a fine day, he projwsed to walk in the garden. A few minutes after this declaration, his page, who liad left tlve room, heard a noise, as of son\othing falling. He returned h'istily into the apartment with other attendants, and found the kitig weltering on the tloori being lifted on abed, he in a faint voice desired they would call Amelia, but before the princess could ^each his apartment, he breathed his last. George II., with abilities not exceeding mediocri ty, possessed amiable and estimable qualities: he was just, open, sincere, brave, and though in his temper prone to anger, yet placable, and in his fereiKe of oneparty of his British subjects, during a great part of his reign, though neither ve- ry liberal nor wise, was the natural c(msequenre of the circumstances in which he was placed, operating on his liujited capacity. The last years of his life proved to him that connexion with a certain confederacy was not necessary to the highest ministerial ability. In the first part of his reign, a minister of considerable talents, and in many respects beneficial to his country^ established systematic corruption as an engine ot ';xecut!ve government; and for many years this engine was believed indi?4jensable. In the last period of his reign, a minister demonstrated, that c()rruption was not necessary to superior genius, magnanimity, and • energy; but that talents and virtue, promptly, directly, and decisively exerted f«a- patriotic purposes, overbore all opposition, and procured, with the api^lause of the people, every resource which was wanted for British securry and glory. The pacific policy of sir Robert Walpole, and the persevo-jng attention of Mr. Pelham, had a share in promoting the manufacture^. and commerce of this country: but their astonishing rise under this kin^ xvas chiefly ow ing to a more general cause of Bri- tish greatness — the jrogressive spirit of industry and enterprise which freedom fosters. From the .same sourc, flowed literature and science; and in the va- rious departments of l(;^•ning, Britain was eminently distinguished. Swift, Pope, and BoliiigIr<,ke, began the literary gl'orv of George's reign; Thomson graceil its >niddle stage; Johnson and Hume adorned Its later periods. Having b»fore rivalled, and at this time rivalling the ancients, in the various spe';ies and degrees of poetry and philoso- pliy, liiitain now IV.r the first tiue contested the palm of history, and brought her Robertson and her Hume, to match the Livy and Herodo- tus, the Tacitus and Tlmcydides, of ^he Romans and Greeks. Theolo- gy, investigated by the inquirinjj und philosophical tphit of free and en- lightened Englishmen, produced valuable accessions to theoretical and ;76a-~CitAP. I. IlEIGN OF GEORGE IH. 123 {Literature, Fine arts. Manners] practical knowledge, in the works of Warburton, HunJ, Sherlock, Houdley, and Seeker. The dissenters also contributed a considerable share to the iearnimrand piety (d'the times. While Foster. Watts, and Doddndjre, inculcated relii;;ious conduct, by expoundine^aiid iniprcssiiin; in detail the doctrines of Christianity, the learned and loj!;icai Leiand defended with force ani\vard andionl IJute made privy-caiirisellors. — Meeting of parliament. — Ilis majesty's first spcccli — Expresses his satisfaction at the ces- sation of party dissensions — his resolution to adhere to the enpagements of his gi-andfathcr. —Is universally popidar. — General principle of the young king in the choice of counsellors. — (Jnaniniity of parliament, and liberal supplies. — The king recommends measures for securing the independence of the judges. — An act passed for that purpose. — Recompense bestowed on Mr. Arthur Onslow. — Parliament dissolved— Partial changes in administration. — Lord Bute made secretary of state. — Campaign 1761. — British operations. — Attack and capture of Belleisle. — America. — East Indies ; siege and reduction of Fondicherry. — I'owerfid army sent by France to Hesse-Cassel. — Prince Ferdinand disconcerts their projects. — Military ability of the hereditary prince. — Marquis of (iranby, — Kinjj of Prussia acts chiefly on the defensive. — Baffles the attempts of his com- bined enemies — Negotiations.-.ProfTeredintervention of Spain indignantly re- jected by Mr Pitt.— He discovers the hostile compact of the House of Bourbon. — Bold and decisive scheme for compelling Spain to declare her intentions,— opposed by lord Bute, atid overruled by a majority. --Mr. Pitt resigns his office. —Character of his administration.— Marriage of the king to the princess Char- lotte of Mecklenburg Strelitz.— Lord Bute, chief director of affairs.— Prejudi- ces rigainst.-- F- vent justifies the foresight of Mr. Pitt. — Hostile avowals of Spain, -.-Britain declares war against that kingdom. No sooner was the dea'h of George II. known, than the prince of Wales was proclaimed king, by the title of George III. On his ac- cession, all ranks of men ardently and sincerely testified their satis- faction. The whigs were attached to a prince of the house of Bruns- •\vick, and the lories rejoiced that they were to be governed by a so- vereign free from pyarty prejudices. Those who were neither whigs nor lories were delighted with a king acquainted with our laws and consti- tution, a native of Britain, fond of this country, and who was expected to employ talents and virtue wherever they were to be found. All regarded their young king with affection, predicted, from his charac- ter and the circumstances of the country, an auspicious reign, and were happy in the prospect afforded by his age and state of health that it would also be long. The resources of the country which his majesty was now called to govern, were, increased beyond all former computation. War, which is 60 pernicious an obstacle to other mercantile nations, had opened new channeis to the traders of Great Britain. The superiority of her marine force had crushed the navigation of France, her great rival in commerce. She now supplied, on her own terms, all those foreign market,, at which, in time of peace, she was undersold by that dan- gerous competitor. Revenue and national credit were proportiona- bly great ; the im'Dcnse sums required for the manifold services of the war, wcic furtliconting on demand. The sum total granted for that year cmounted to nearly sixteen millions sterling. The British army in various parlb of the world consisted of ninety-seven regiments of foot, and thirty-one of horse and dragoons, amounting to about a hundred and 1760.— Chap. U. liEIGN OF GEORGE Hi. 127 [Proclamation of the king. First speech to parliament.] ten thousand; the German auxiliaries in British pay were sixty thou- sand ; the ships of the line, including fifties, were a luindredand twenty- om: ; the frigates and sloops proportionably numerous ; and the sea- men in actual service amounted to 70,000. The ordnance establishment Was in proportion to those of the army and navy. This force was commanded by officers selected by the penetration of the minister; who, in his choice of agents, considered merely the object of the re- spective trusts; and disregarding family connexion, or any other ad- ventitious ground of preference, appointed instruments the most fit- ted for effecting the destined purpose. The recent establishment of a national militia, answering most of the ends of internal defence, per- mitted the executive power to employ the regular troops if necessa- ry, out of the kingdom. Notwithstanding the expensive war, the means of internal security, as well as of influence and dignity at home and abroad, were under the command of the executive government, •which employed so very energetic a minister as Mr. Secretary Pitt, On the 27th of October the king held his first council, in which he declared his resolution to prosecute the just and necessary war in which his kingdom was engaged. His majesty's first proclamation, dated the 31st of October, was a strong and striking instance of his regard for the interests of religion and virtue. Its purport was, to encourage piety and morality, and to prevent and punish vice, pro- faneness and immorality, which at that time were extremely preva- lent. His majesty, two days after his accession, appointed his eldest brother prince Edward and John earl of Bute privy-counsellors. Parliament agreeably to an act made for the purpose, continued to exercise its office for six months after the decease of the king. On November the 18th it assembled; and the new king, seated on the throne, delivered a speech, well fitted to confirm the high opinion of the public. He expressed his concern for the loss which he and the nation had sustained by the death of his grandfather, especially at a season so critical to the country ; and his sense of the weight and im- portance of the task now devolved upon him, being called to the go- vernment of this country at such a time and under such circumstan- ces. He implored the divine assistance in his endeavours to dis- charge his duty, and proceeded in the following energetic strain : " Born and educated in this country, I glory in the name of Briton ; and the peculiar happiness of my life will ever consist in promoting the welfare of a people, whose loyalty and warm afiection to me I consider as the greatest and most permanent security of my throne :, and I doubt not, but their steadiness in those principles will equal the firmness of my invariable resolution to adhere to, and strengthen, this excellent constitution, in church and state, and to maintain to- leration inviolable. The civil and religious rights of my loving sub- jects are equally dear to me with the valuable prerogatives of my crown ; and as the surest foundation of the whole, and the best means to draw down the divine favour on nny reign, it is my fixed purpose to countenance and encourage the practice of true religion and vir- tue." He then mentioned the successes of ourselves and our allies, the state of commerce, and the land and sea force in which he found the kingdom ; after which he proceeded as follows : " In this state I have found things at ray accession to the throne of my ancestors; 128 HISTORY OF THE Chap. II.— 1761, [General satisfaction. Act renderinp judges independent of the crown.] happy in viewing tlic prosperous part of it ; happier still should I have been had I found my kins»doms, whose true interests I have en- tirely at heart, in full peace; hut since the ambition, injurious en- croachments, and danj^erous designs of my enemies, rendered the war both just and necessary, and the generous overture made last winter towards a congress for a pacification has not yet produced any suitable return, I am determined, with your cheerful and powerful assistance, to prosecute this war with vigour, in order to attain to 'hat desiiable ol)ject, a safe and honourable peace. For this purpose, it is absulu'ely incumbent on us to be early prepared ; and I rely up- on your zf^Al and hearty concurrence to support the king of Prussia, and the rest of my allies, and to make ample provision for carrying on the war, as the ot.ly mcL-ns to bring oui enpimies to equitable terms of accommodation." After addressing the house of commons on the supplies, he concluded his speech in the following words: "The eyes of all En- ope are uuon you ; from your resolutions the protest- ant interest hopes for ijrotecfion, as well as all our friends for the preservation of their in.iependency ; and our enemies fear the final disappointment of theii arn!-itious and destructive views. Let these hopes and fears be cor.fi rmed and augmented by the vigour, unani- mity, and despatch, of our proceedings. !n this expectation I am the more encouraged by a pleasing circumstance, which I look upon as one of the most auspicious omens of niy reign. That happy extinc- tion of divisions, and that union and good harmony which continue to prevail amongst my sul)jects, afford me the most agreeable prospects. The natural disposition and wish of my heart are to cement and pto- mote them ; and I promise myself that nothing will arise on your part to interrupt or disturb a situation so essential to the trade and lasting felicity of this great people." This speech was extremely satisfactory both to parliament and (o the public. Very loyal addresses were returned by both houses ; but that of the house of commons was peculiarly forcible and eloquent. From the promotion of Pitt to be prime minister, there liad been no parliamentary opposition. Unanimity in both houses marked the first 'ocssion of the reign of George III. and the most liberal supplies were granted without a dissenting voice. The sums required for the pub- lic services of 1761 amounted to nineteen millions, twelve of which it was necessary to raise by a loan, and add to the debt which his ma- jesty found at his accession. The civil list was fixed at 800,000/. A message from the throne stated the extraordinary expenses incurred by several provinces of America in their exertions during the war, and patliament, as a compensation, voted 200,000/. On the third of March, 1761, his majesty, in his speech from the throne, rccoromendcd a measure displaying the liberality and patriot- ism of his character. By the death ot the king, all officers appoint- ed by him are vacated, and require new commissions. Of these were the offices of judges. In very early limes, our kings in person often licard and decided causes ; but ever since the reign of Edward Land tlie cslahiishment of the different courts and of regular circuits, they have delegated that power to the several judges. For a long period these held their places during pleasure: consequently, the adminis- 'ration of justice must have depended very often on the views, inter 1761.— Chap. II. liElGN OF GEORGE III. 129 [Pension to Mr. Onslow. Lord Bute secretary of state.] ests, or passions of the reigning prince. In the reign of William III, a more stable tenure of office was proposed and established, and it was enacted,* that the commissions of the judges should be made, not as formerly, during pleasure, but during the faithful discharge of their duties ; and their salaries were ascertained and established, so that it might be lawful to remove them, on the address of both houses of parliament. t Notwithstanding this wise provision, the office of the juclges determined on the demise of the crown. With praise-worthy earnestness for the impartial administration of public justice, his ma- jesty signified, that he considered the independency and uprightness of the judges as essential to the proper exercise of iheir office, as one of the l)est securities for the rights and liberties of his subjects, and as most conducive to the honour of his crown. He therefore recom- mended to the consideration of parliament, that such farther provi- sion might be made for secuiing the judges in the enjoyment of their offices during their good behaviour, notwithstanding the demise of the crown, as should be most expedient. Parliament expressed a strong sense of the wisdom and liberality of this measure, and an act •was passed to the effect recommended in the speech. | The parliament was now approaching to its dissolution. Mr. Ar- thur Onslow had been speaker for thirty-three years in five success- ive parliaments. He now declared, that his age and infirmities •would prevent: his return to the house; and on this declaration it was immediately moved, and unanimously carried, "that the thanks of the house should be given to Mr. Speaker, for his long and faithful ser- vices ; for the unshaken integrity of his conduct; for his steady im- partiality in the exercise of his office; and his unwearied endeavours to promote the real interests of his king and country, to maintain the honour and dignity of parliament, and to preserve inviolable the rights and privileges of the commons of Great Britain." The house far- ther unanimously addressed the king, beseeching him to confer some testimony of his royal favour on Mr. Onslow. His majesty, in an- swer, expressed his high esteem for the gentleman recommended, and bestowed on him a pension of 3000/. a year for his own life and that of his son. On the 19th of March, his majesty, having express- ed his complete approbation of the conduct of parliament, pro- rogued it ; and in April it was dissolved. About this time some partial changes were made in administration. Mr. Legge was dismissed from his office of chancellor of the ex- chequer,§ and viscount Barrington appointed in his place; lordHol- • Statutes at large, 13 W. III. cap. 2. f SeeBlackstone's Commentaries, vol. i. p. 267. i Mr. Belsliam labours to diminish the merit of this proposal of his majesty; by which, for the general good othis people, he showed his disposition to lessen the influence of the crown. He asserts, that this was no sacrifice on the part of the crown, as no minister would advise such a dismissal. This, however, is a mere assumption of Mr. Belsham's. A minister might advise the refu.salof new commis- sions tojudges obnoxious to him, as good jiulges might be to a bad minister; and anew king, before the act of 1761, had the power of such dismission: that power is, in the act desired by his majesty, entirely renounced. § Mr. Belsham, in the account that he gives of this change, imputes to his sove- reign mean and unworthy motives. According to this writer, his majesty had, at the preceding election, (being then prince of Wales,) sent a peremptory mes- sage to Mr. l.egge, who was about to be chosen member for Hampshire, pressing Vol. VII.— ir 130 TITSTORY OF THE Chap. H.— 1761. [Expetlilion to Bclleisle.] L^ W"* dernesse resigned his ofHce of secretary of state, and -was succeeded by lord Bute. Mr. Pitt still continued principal secretary, and con- sequently at the head of administration, as he must have been of any political body of which he was a member. The chief military enterprise undertaken by Britain in the campaign 1761, was the attack of Belleisile, a large island lying off the south coast of Brittany. This place was about twelve leagues in circumference, strongly fortified, and afforded to its possessors the command of a great extent of French coast. It was apprehended, that it might be of service to the English trade and shipping in time of peace ; and as a receptacle for privateers, might annoy the trade of France in time of war; or that the French, when a treaty should be set on foot, aware of its advantages, might offer in exchange for it some other valuable possession ; and under these ideas, an expedition was ordered. The land forces were com- manded by general Hodgson, and the fleet by commodore Keppel, bro- ther to the earl of Albemarle. On the 29fh of March, they sailed from Spithead, and on the 7th of April, arrived off Bvilleisle. On the Sth, they attempted a landing where its beach was most accessible ; but, after several brave and repeated efforts, were obliged to desist, with the loss of near five hundred men. Not dispirited, howevei*, by this repulse, they determined to make another trial, as soon as less boisterous weather should permit ; but this Mas not the case (ill the 25th of April. On that day they made a second attempt, and not where the coast was weakest, but strongest ; they proceeded on the same principle, the application of which had carried the heights of Abraham, and tiiey placed their chief hopes in the difliculty of the precipices : and concluded that the enemy, trusting to that circumstance, would be off their guard. To conceal their main attempt, they amused the enemy by two feigned attacks in different quarters. By these means, brigadier Lambert eft'ected a landing, and gained possession of a hill overhanging the sea ; formed his men, and repulsed a body of French, which had been sent to dislodge him from his post. Having now the command of this part of the shore, the British troops in a short time made good their landing, and immediately com- him to relinquish his pretensions in favour of Sir Simon Stuart, a nenr relation to the ear! of Mute. " Mr. Lcg-ge (says Mr. Hflshani) ri'presenlecl, in very respect- ful languaj^e, liis earnest desire to gratify tlie wisiies of his royal highness, it time- ly intimation had been given him of liis intention; but, as things were now cir- cumstanced, he could not, in honour to liimself or justice to liis friends, recede from the nomination already made. Tiiis (continues Mr. Belsham) was a species of contumacy altogctlier unpardonable; and the new monarcli took a very early and decisive opportunity to demonstrate to the world, how diHercnt was his sys- tem of thinking from that of Louis XII. who, with a magnanimity truly royal, de- clared it beneath the dignity of a king to revenge the quarrels of a duke of Or- leans." Belsham, vol. i. p. 17. This paragraph contains an assertion injurious to our sovereign, without any proof or vouchers. Where is the evidence tiiat the prince £ent such a message ? 'I'liere is none in Mr. IK-Isham's history; hut even if the prince had sent such a message, is there any proof, that, because Mr. I-egge did not do what was not practicahle, the prince shuuld conceive such resentment against him, as on that accoiuit to deprive him ofiiisotlice seven years after.-' Where is the testimony that supports this assertion, imputing to the sovereign, malignity and revenge .' Is it a construction founded on general experience of that illustrious personage's dispositions .' Are malice and rancour supposed, even by his enemies, to be component parts of the king's character? An impartial historian will admit no assertion that is unsupported by testimony and contrary to probability. 1761.— CiiAr. II. IIEIGN OF GEORGE IK. 131 [Operations in India. Capture of Pondicherry. I'roject of Mr. Law.] menced the siege with great vigour : while the fortress, on the other hand, was very gallantly defended, and several bloody contests took place. At last the chevalier St. Croix, debarred by the British fleet from any communication with the continent, and pressed on all sides, surren- dered, by an honourable capitulation, on the 7th of June, two months after the arrival of the Britisli armament. Although in England all men did not equally estimate the value of the conquest, yet they agreed in praising the military and naval exertions by which it had been obtained. In America so mucii had been already done, that little remained now to be accomplished by war. The Cherokee Indians had been trouble- some and incursive on our western frontiers, but were entirely defeated by colonel Grant, and compelled to make peace on our own terms. In the West Indies, a small armament, under lord Rollo and sir James Douglas, sailed against Dominica, one of the neutral islands, but occu- pied by the I'Vench, and reduced it under the dominion of Great Britain. In the East Indies, as we have seen, Pondicherry only remained in possession of the French. Against this beautiful town and important fortress, in the progress of success the British troops proceeded. Colo- nel Coote invested it by land, and admiral Stevens by sea. In Novem- ber 1760, the batteries and works raised by the besiegers suffered great damage from a violent storm, but were quickly repaired, and the opera- tions were carried on with vigour and perseverance. The besieged made a resolute and gallant defence, expecting the arrival of a powerful fleet to their relief; but at length being attacked by famine, they were reduced to extreme distress, and obliged to subsist on the flesh of camels, of ele- phants, and even of dogs. On the 1st of January, 17G1, a violent storm dispersed the British fleet, and gave the besieged sanguine hopes of pro- vision and succour. The British admiral, however, exerted such dili- gence and celerity, tliat in four days after the storm, he again appeared before the place, with eleven ships of the line and one frigate, two of the line having been wrecked. Being disap))ointed, after such flattering hopes of assistance, the besieged became desperate ; but neither they nor their general made any offer to surrender. At length a breach being effected, and only one day's provision of any kind remaining, a signal from the town was made for a suspension of arms. A Jesuit and two civilians offered to capitulate ; but tlie governor would propose no terms, and sent out a paper full of invectives against the English, as breakers of the treaties relative to India. As the governor would not capitulate, and the offer of the inhabitants without his concurrence could not be regarded, the city was taken by storm, and abandoned to the plunder of tlie victors. Colonel Coote and his coadjutor, by their courage, conduct, unanimity, and perseverance, effected this conquest on the 15th of Ja- nuary 1761, and thus gave a final blow to the French power in the Car- natic. In Bengal, an attempt was made to revive the power of France. On the taking of Chandornagore in 1757, Mr. Law,* a subject of France, had, with a party of French fugitives, retired into the north-western re- gions of India, and his European followers soon amounted to about two hundred men. The great mogul had a short time before been deposed by an irruption of Mahrattas, and soon after dying, one of his sons, Shah • Nephew to Law, so noted about 1720, for his Mississippi scheme. 132 HISTORY OF THE Cuap. H— 1761. [Campaign in Germany. Operations of prince Ferdinand.] j- ^ Taddah, assumed the title of his father, supported by some of his pro- vinces, and opposed by others. Law oflered this young prince his ser- vice with his two hiuidred Europeans, which was accepted with great joy ; and, though the prince's opponents were extremely numerous, yet, by the superiority of European genius, enterprise, and miUtary skill, to those of the feeble Asiatics, he ea^!ily turned the scale in his favour and reduced several considerable districts to obedience. Lsw, elated with this success, in an evil hour persuaded him to turn his arms against Ben- gal ; and he accordingly entered that kingdom with eighty thousand men of his own, and upwards of two hundred French. The subah of Bengal marched to oppose him with twenty thousand natives, but a much more forniickible force in live hundred English. The British and their allies gained a complete victory over the French and their auxiliaries : Mr. Law was taken prisoner, and his fellow adventurers killed, taken, or dis- persed ; the great mogul being among the native prisoners. This victory happened on the same day on which Pondicherry was taken, and thus by both was a final blow given to the power of France in India. We left the French in possession of the whole territory of Hesse, and a considerable part of Westphalia. Their force in Germany greatly sur- passed that of prince Ferdinand, and rendered it necessary for him to act with cautious circumspection. The general object of the allies was the same in this as in the preceding campaigns ; namely, to drive the French out of Germany : but the scene of their etforts was different. The French army was powerful, and well supplied with provisions. Prince Ferdinand, in forming his plan of operations, considered the different characters of the contending troops. The French, though equally brave, he knew, were not equally hardy with his own soldiers ; he therefore projected a winter campaign, in which the hardiness of his own troops, inured to the country and climate, would somewhat compensate for the superior force of the enemy. Accordingly, on the 9th of February, he prepared to attack the enemy on every side, while they were totally off their guard ; and on February the 10th, began his march. The centre, led by his serene highness in person, penetrated directly into Hesse, and made its way towards Cassel ; the right and left of the army were each at a very con- siderable distance from tliis body : but so disposed as fully to co-operate in the general plan, which was very extensive. The hereditary prince, who commanded on the right, marched by Stadbergen and Mengering- hausen ; and leaving the country of Hesse towards the eastward, as the alarm was to be as sudden and as widely diffused as possible, he pushed forward with the utmost expedition into the heart of the French quarters. General Sporcken commanded a corps of troops to the left and pene- trated into Thuriniria. These movements cut oflthci French from com- munication with a strong garrison which they had placed at Gottingen, and with the army of the empire in Lower Saxony : and at the same time opened a communication between the army of the allies and of Prussia. Oil the approach of the allies, the French, notwithstanding their num- bers, fled in great consternation ; and had not the country, by its defiles and difficulties, favoured their retreat, they might have been entirely de- stroyed. Prince Ferdinand attacked Fruster, a well fortified town on the river Eder, one of the streams which fall into the VVcser.* He found * Not directly, but after its confluence with tlic Fuldo. 1761.— Chap. II. KEIGN OF GEOllfiE III. 133 [Various success of the contending armies.] the place well prepared ; but though at first repulsed, he in a few days compelled it to surrender, and tlicre got possession of a large magazine. That gallant and enterprising officer the marquis of Granby,* who had succeeded lord George Sackviile in the command of the English, at- tacked and stormed several strong forts and castles in the neighbourhood, and the chief magazines of the enemy were either taken or destroyed. Marpurg, upon the river Lann which falls into the Rhine, and Leighayn, were blockaded ; but the chief object of the prince was the siege of Cas- sel, on which the fortune of the campaign must evidently turn ; since, if the strongly fortified capital of Hesse were taken, the inferior places would certainly fall. Meanwhile marshal Broglio, the French comman- der, collected his dispersed troops, and, being re-enforced from France, returned to meet the victorious enemy. The allied army had been di- vided, in carrying on the different operations ; and the hereditary prince havino; advanced a considerable way before his uncle, was attacked by Broglio and defeated. Prince Ferdinand, finding it necessary to raise the siewe and evacuate Hesse, made a very al)le retreat towards Hano- ver ; and though disappointed in the hopes that he entertained from his winter campaign, yet his expedition was far from being witiiout effect ; for, by seizing and destroying the magazines of the enemy, he prevented them from availing themselves of their successes. Both armies returned to winter quarters, and it was the end of June before they again took the field. Marshal Broglio, being strongly re-enforced, marched from Cas- sel, and moved towards the I)imet,| to join a body of troops in West- phalia under the prince de Soubise. General Sporcken, who occupied a strong position on the banks of the same river, on the approach of the grand army of the enemy, attempted a retreat, but did not effect his pur- pose without his rear being attacked, and suffering considerable loss. Marshal Broglio having joined Soubise, marched forward against the allied army, which prince Ferdinand had posted on the Lippe, on the eastern frontiers of Westphalia and the confines of Lower Saxony. Dis- covering that the design of the enemy was to attack him, the prince took a very strong position, and also employed effectual measures for securing a retreat, should it be necessary. Broglio, on the 15th of July, made a furious attack upon the marquis of Granby's posts, and after a violent conflict was repulsed ; but the next day the French made a general at- tack. Prince Ferdinand, though with very inferior numbers, by his skilful disposition, and his readiness in seizing advantages which were afforded him on one side by the tardiness of the French, was victorious ; but the victory was not decisive. Broglio thought it expedient to separate the troops, and sent Soubise westward to besiege Munster, while he himself proceeded towards Hanover and Brunswick ; and so secured his com- munication, that he could easily retreat into Hesse, should that be expe- dient. Prince Ferdinand, moving eastward to watch the motions of Broglio, sent the hereditary prince to protect Munster ; which purpose he effected so completely, as to present Soubise from besieging that city, and compel him to retire. Meanwhile Broglio was making rapid ad- vances in Lower Saxony : on the 5th of October he attacked the city of W^olfenbuttle, which after a siege of five days he took, and proceeded to • Grandfather of the present duke of Rutland. t A river on tLe confines of Westphalia and Hesse, which falls into the Weser. 134 HIS rOUY OF THE Chap. H.— 1761. [King of Prussia acts on the defensive. Negotiations for peace.] Brunswick. The hereditary prince, however, being sent by his uncle to the reHof of l»is fatlier's capital, by the skill and activity of his movements compelled the enemy to raise the siege, and also to evacuate Wolfen- bultle : soon after, both armies retired into winter quarters. After all the variety of operations and vicissitudes of fortune, both the French and the allies were nearly in the same situation as at the commencement of the campaign. The king of Prussia in this campaign, contrary to the plan which he had adopted in tlie former years of the war, and notwithstanding the glo- rious actions and important achievements of the preceding season, re- solved to act upon the defensive. Aware, however, that this resolution would encourage his enemies, he skilfidly concealed it by threatening operations which he did not mean to carry into execution. The plan of his enemies was, that Loudohn, assisted by the Russians, should under- take a war of sieges in Silesia ; that Romauiso should carry on the war on the side of Prussia and Pomerania, and, assisted by the Russian and Swedish fleets, besiege Kolberg ; while marshal Daun commanded an army in Saxony, which was to serve as a magazine for re-enforcing the other armies, and co-operating either with Loudohn or Broglio, or caus- ing a diversion in favour of Romanzow. After a long siege, the Russians and Swedes captured Kolberg. The king himself undertook the defence of Silesia against the Russians and Austrians ; and the chief display of his military skill was in the encampment that he formed, which defied the attack and prevented the progress of the enemy during the greater part of the campaign.* In September he destroyed the Russian magazines ; and, had not his own provisions failed, would have prevented any import- ant blow from being struck in Silesia; but on the 29th of September be- ing obliged to leave his strong post, general Loudohn attacked and sur- prised Schwcidnitz, which closed the campaign in Silesia. By this loss, added to the capture of Kolberg, the campaign of 1761 was, on the whole, disastrous to Prussia. The British minister was now engaged in a business which in its con- sequence gave occasion to very great changes in the state ; this was a negotiation for peace. In winter, 1760, France began to see that her hopes from successes in Germany were by no means likely to be realiz- ed ; that Britain, invigorated by Pitt, continued with unrelaxed cftbrts to support her allies on the continent ; and that Frederick still baflled, and was likely to bailie, all the force of his enemies. Her revenue, which had principally supported the expense of the war, was exhau.sted by enor- mous expenses, and her ambition was humbled by discomfiture and dis- aster, which had made the war so general. Expressing her wishes for peace, therefore, she now seemed to be in earnest. Her allies were aware, that if she withdrew from the confederacy, it would be unsafe for them to continue hostilities. Sweden, the subsidiary of France, was in- formed by the court of Versailles, that the state of the French finances did not permit the longer continuance of the subsidy ; and the courts of Petersburg, Vienna, Sweden, and Poland, concurred in overtures for a negotiation. On the 25ih of March, 1761, declarations to that effect were sii^ned by the ministers of the five powers at Paris, and on the 31st of the same month delivered at London. A declaration of the same import, • See Gillics's Frederick, p, 353. 1761.— Ci(AP. 11. UEIGN OF GEOUGE m. 135 [Views of the respective parties. Overtures between Britain and France.] by the kings of Britain and Prussia, was dated on the 3d of April ; and Augsburg was by f»oth parties fixed on as the most coujinodious situation for a congress. iVs the number of the parties concerned, and tlie variety and comphcation of their interests, must render the negotiation intricate, it was unanimously agreed by tiie parties, that neutral powers should be admitted to the convention. To simplify as much as possible the views and objects of the different parties, it was found most expedient to recur to the origin of the war, inwhich their respective purposes had been first manifested, and by the events of which they had since been jointly or severally afi'ected. Many as were the relations and consequences which the war in its progress involved, yet, on tracing them to their sources, they were found to originate in two objects totally unconnected ; namely, the limits of the French and English territories in North America, and of the dominions of the king of Prussia in Germany and Poland. It was agreed, that the adjustment of German ditlerences should be the business of the general congress at Augsburg ; and that a separate negotiation should be opened at London and Paris, for the arrangement of such con- cerns as belonged exclusively to Great Britain and France. To this negotiation, as pertaining more immediately and directly to our subject, we shall pay the first and principal attention. Ministers were re- ciprocally sent; Mr. Stanley to Paris on the part of England, M. Bussy to London on the part of France ; and the negotiation now appeared to be in the fairest train. France, which had proposed the separate treaty with England, thereby ottered a dereliction of any hopes that she might have derived from the state of affairs in Germany. It was now obvious, that, in order to maintain peace, she must make very humiliating concessions. Her proper quarrel was, by this arrangement, separated from the general cause ; and she must expect very disadvantageous conditions, as in her proper quarrel she had suffered grievous disasters. When in such a situ- ation she desired a separate peace, it might have been very naturally imagined that she was sincere ; and not only by superficial politicians, but by men of information and experience, she was really conceived to be in earnest. France was, however, playing a game artful in its design, but shallow in its policy. The court of Spain, she hoped, would not look with indifference on the humiliation of the principal branch of the house of Bourbon. Charles, she well knew, was originally far from being so favourably disposed to England, as his predecessor had been. The great successes of the English, on an element and in quarters in which they might be eventually dangerous to Spain, had added jealousy to original displeasure. The more advantageous and imperious the terms demanded by Britain should be, the more would the resentment and jealousy of Spain be inflamed, and the more easily would that power be induced to lake a part in the war. On the side of England there was sincerity in the negotiation, but there were circumstances which obstructed a peace. France was a country whose ambition had always displayed itself towards her neighbours, and more especially towards Britain, whenever she had power to give it effect: in the present contest, she had been evidently the aggressor. Our ambitious rival having commenced an unjust war, and being totally vanquished, and almost prostrate at our feet ; this was con- ceived to be the time for reducing her to a state which would long disable her for future aggression. Such was the general opinion of the people, and such also was the opinion of the principal minister. 136 mSTOPvY OF THE Chap. II.— 1761. [Principle of the overtures. Propositions of France,] The nefTotiation, however, opened, on the ground o^ uti possidetis : that is, lliat the two parties should remain in possession of reciprocal con- quest, and that wliatever cessions were made, should be granted for an equivalent. As no cessation of arms had liitherto taken place, and as the war might maki: a daily alteration in the fortune of the contracting powers, it was necessary to fix upon some epoch to which this possessory article should refer. The French proposed, that the situation in which they should stand on the first of May, 1761, in Europe, on the first of July in the West Indies and Africa, and on the first of September in the East Indies, sliould be the basis of the treaty proposed to be negotiated be- tween the two powers ; but they declared their willingness to fix upon other epochs, if these proved not to be agreeable. The British minister, at first, refused to admit any epochs, but those that referred to the day of signing the treaty of peace. To this the French replied, that unless a certain period of the war was fixed, it would be impossible to ascertain the nature and value of the possessions which might be relinquished; and they declared that, unless specified epochs were fixed, the negotiations must be at an end. The English minister at length saw the propriety of the measure, but before he would treat definitively on that point, he pro- posed two preliminary conditions : first, that every thing adjusted be- tween the two crowns concerning their particular war, should be n-ade final and conclusive, independent of the fate of the negotiation at Augs- burg : secondly, that the definitive treaty of peace between Britain and France, or preliminary articles to that efi'cct, should be signed and ratified between the dale of that memorial and the first of the following August. If these conditions were accepted, Britain agreed to name as determined epochs, the first of July for Europe, the first of September for Africa and America, and the fifst of November for the East Indies. France, having consulted with her principal ally, consented to the independence of the treaty on the negotiation at Augsburg, provided nothins; shoiddbe stipulat- ed to the prejudice of the house oj Austria. To the second article, and to the proposed epochs, she also agreed. The general principle, and the terms of its application, being ascertained, they came next to particular stipulations. The great objects in the negotiation were six : 1st, the limits of the two crowns in North America : 2d, the conquests of Great Britain in the West Indies, together with the neutral islands there : 3d, our conquests in Africa and India : 4th, the adjustment of the particular affairs between the English and French in (Tcrmany : 5th, the conduct which the two crowns were to adopt, with regard to their respective allies in Germany : 6th, the restitution of the captures made by England pre'- vious to the declaration of war. I'rance proposed to cede Canada ; stipu- lating, that whatever French colonists should so choose, might remove with their effccfs, and that those who remained should be allowed the free and public exercise of the catholic religion.* She required the restitution of ("ape lirclon, and a confirmation of the privilege of fishing on the coast of Newfoundland. In the West Indies — of the neutral islands, she proposed to relinquish TobagO to England, but that Dominica, St. Lu- cia, and St. Vincent, should return to her protection as before ; and to repurchase Guadaloupe and Marigalante, she offered Minorca. In Af- rica, she required the restoration of either Senegal or Goree; and in Eu- • Annual Register for 1761, p. 38 ; and Magazines for ditto. «>«:■ 1761.— Chap. II. KEIGN OF GE01«;E 111, 137 [Reply of England. I'roposetl interference of Spain rejected.) rope of Bellcisle : a.s a compensation for which, she ofTered to evacuate Germany eastward of the Maiiu;. In the East Indies, being stripped of all her possessions, she had nothinn; to ofl'cr. She endeavoured to prove, that the territorial acquisitions of England would hurt the commercial in- terests of the English as well as the French East India company ; and proposed that the peace in India should be. on the same footing as the convention concluded some years before between M. Godeheau and ad- miral Saunders, in totally different circumstances ; and that the ces.sion of her conquests in Germany should be a compensation for those in Af- rica and India. The chief difficulty was in the fifth object ; for England declared that she would inviolably preserve her faith to the king of Prus- sia ; and France had recently stipulated at the court of Vienna, that she would admit nothing in the treaty with England to the disadvantage of Austria. To solve this difficulty, France proposed, that the French and British armies in Germany should observe a strict neutrality ; that when his Britannic majesty should recall his forces, the christian king would recall double the number ; and that no French troops should remain in Germany, but in proportion to those who continued there in British pay. The French also demanded the restitution of the captures made before the declaration of war. These proposals were, in July, 1761, sent in a memorial to London. Mr. Pitt's answer, dated July 29th, agreed to re- ceive Canada, but without any limitation ; and, in addition to the French offer of all Canada, demanded its appurtenances. It rejected the requisi- tion of Cape Breton, or any other island in the gulf of St. Lawrence : it allowed the privilege of fishing, if the French would demolish Dunkirk ; it acceded to the propositions respec^ting the West Indies, and to restore Belleisle on the compensations offered : it refused the neutrahty proposed m Germany : and insisted, in addition to the evacuation of Hesse, that France should evacuate all Germany : it refused the restitution of either Senegal or Goree : it rejected the treaty of admiral Saunders as the basis of peace in India, but proposed that the East India companies of the two nations should negotiate on this subject ; and lastly, it refused the resto- ration of the captured ships. While these matters were depending, M. Bussy, the French agent, delivered a private memorial from France, proposing, with the consent and communication of the king of Spain, that his catholic majesty should be invited to accede to the treaty, to prevent any disputes between the crowns of Great Britain and Spain from producing a new war: specifying the points required by Spain to be, first, the restitution of some captures made upon the Spanish flag; secondly, the privilege of the Spanish na- tion to fish on the banks of Newfoundland ; and thirdly, the demolition of the English settlements made on the Spanish territories in the bay of Honduras. The sagacity of Pitt immediately penetrated the object of the proposed interference, and readily comprehended, not only the insin- cerity of the French in the proffered negotiation, but also the motives of their duplicity. He expressed himself rather, as might be expected, from conscious wisdom discovering an attempt to impose on it by trick and ar- tifice, than in the complaisant stylo of court and diplomatic etiquette. He rejected with the strongest and most unqualified expressions of con- tempt, the proposals of an enemy humbled at our feet, to interfere in dis- putes with a nation with which we were in friendship ; and called on the Spanish minister to disavow a memorial asserted to have been drawn up Vol, YH.~-18 138 HISTORY OF THE Gmap. H.— 1761 [Discussion between Britairvand Spain] by the consctil of his court. That ambassador returned at first a verbal message, and soon after was authorised by his court to dehver a written answer, in which he openly avowed r.nd justified the step taken by the French aucnt, as entirely agreeable fi> the sentiments ol' liis master. lie declared tliat the kings of France and Spain were united, not only by the ties of blood, but bv mutual interest. lie applauded the humanity and greatness of mind, which his uiost chriilian majesty had shown in the proposition complained of by Pitt; insisted much on the sincere desire of peace, as the only motive which influenced the conduct of the two mon- arcbs ; and added hanghfily, that if his master liad been governed by any other principb^s, " biscalliolic majesty, giving full scope to his greatness, would have spoken from himself, and as became his dignity. "* The whole of this paper not only indicated, but avowed, a union of in- terests and views between the courts of France and Spain, which if the negotiation should be broken oil", as it was likely to be on the rejection of the proposed interference, must produce hostilities. In the negotiation between France and England, there were two great points on which the parties could not agree. France continued to insist upon the neutrality of Germany, which was refused by England, and also on the restitution of the captures previous to the declaration of \var. The faith of the country bemg pledged to the king of Prussia, the English administration consi- dered the repeated proposals for neutrality, as attacks upon national inte- grity. Mr. Staidiey was ordered to deliver the ultimatum of the court of London, requiring the cession of Canada and its dependencies, Cape Breton, and other ishinds in the gulf of St. Lawrence, as demanded in Mr. Pitt's memorial of the 29th of July ; agreeing to the territorial resti- tution in Europe and the West Indies, on the conditions proposed ; re- quiring the cessions in Africa thciem mentioned, and also the evacuation of Ostend and Nieupcrt, and the restitution of Cleves, Wesel, Gueldres, and all the territories belonging to the king of Prussia and other allies of Britain. England insisted, that she should be left at full liberty to sup- port the cause of the king of Prussia, according to the terms of existing treaties: she propqsed to admit France to a share of the Newfoundland fishery, and to give her the small island of St. Piene ; but she continued determuied to refuse the restitution of the ships captured before the war. Britain would neither agree to the proposed neutrality in Germany, nor to the restitution of prizes; France insisted on these two points, and thus the negotiatiijn was set asid(>, and Messrs. Bussy and Stanley were order- ed to return to their respective countries. Our ambassador at the court of Madrid was instructed to require a ca- tegorical and satisfactory declaration concerning her final intentions. If he perceived on the side of Spain any intention of disavowing," or even of explaining away, the oflx-nsive transaction, he was ordered to accept it, and to aflbrd to her an opportunity of plausible denial. He accordingly made the desired representation to general Wall, the Spanish minister, and received many professions of the friendship entertained by Spain for the Knslish king and nation, but a very evasive account of the purport of the proposed ir;tcrfei-<;nr«; the minister merely saying, that nothing was in- tended by it that could be inconsistent with the dignify of hi» liritannic ma- jesty. He magnified the matters in dispiitc between Spain and Britain, and • State papers relative to a rupture with Spain, 1761. 1761 — Ciup. II. REfGN OP GEORGE m. I39 [Mr. Pitt's proposition to anticipate hostilities rejected in council.] a;Mc«J either trivial or groundless .subjects of complaint. Sub.'-equent con- ferences were evasive and un.sati.sfactyry, and con.sequentl| by no means answered tlie requisitions made by the British minirfter. The French in- terest was evidently gaining ground in the Spanish c:)urt. France strong- ly pressed upon Spain the dangerous greatness of England, which would render her now so formidable a neighbour to Spanish America, and ena- ble her, if not checked, to engross so. much commerce. The christian king earnestly solicited his catholic majesty to form a family compact, which should include an ofren.sive and defensive alliance, a reciprocation of benelits, a)ul a mutual guarantee from dangers and attacks. Charles agreed to tl)e propositions of Louis : a convention was formed for these purposes, and signed August loth, to which the other branches of the house of Bourbon were invited to accede. Tiie conclusion of this treaty, afterwards so famous under the title of the family compact, was speedily discovered* by Mr. Pitt, and confirmed his opinion of the hostile intentions of Spain. Considering war with that kingdom to be on these grounds inevital)le, Mr. Pitt proposed in council, tliat we should strike the first blow, attarJi Spain before she was fully prepared, and thereby give her a lesson, how she should presume, uhasked, to interfere in our affairs, with a mediation at once dictatorial, insolent, and menacing. He proposed, that ^we should consider the answer of Spain, as a refusal of satisfaction; and that refusal, as a declaration of war. Conceiving that hostilities were unavoidable, he proposed that we should carry them on with the utmost speed and vigour. We were paramount at sea ; let us send a fleet immediately to intercept their galleons, and thus at once strike a blow that should weaken them for the remainder of the contest. In the projects of united genius and magnanimity, there is often a grandeur, which transcends the comprehension of ordinary minds, and appals rather than inspirits the requisite efforts. Bold in conception, prompt in plan, decisive and rapid in execution, Mr. Secretary Pitt said, Spain has hos- tile intentions, let us anticipate her effortSj let us disable her power : so shall we speedily compel her to sue for peace and prevent ourselves from being disturbed by her unjust partiality. It is evident that we must have war ; the sooner we begin, the better for us, as we are prepared, and she is not : her chief resources are on the element which we command, we may therefore arrest their progress to her ports. His colleagues, thougb men of sense and information, were not endowed with those powers which at one glance can view a great and complicated subject in all its parts, diversities, and connexions. They considered Mr. Pitt's proposal aa tending to precipitate us into a war which might be avoided, and argued on the impolicy of a rupture with Spain. That nation, they admitted, had taken a very e.xtraordinary and unjustifiable step ; but his catholic majes- ty had probably been seduced by tlie artifices of France, and a temperate but spirited remonstr;\nce from the British court might recall him to a true sense of his interests. The addition of another war would diminish our national strength; and the proposed seizure of the flota would alarm all neutral nations. This was the opinion of ail the members of the coun- cil, except lord Temple ; but as it did not overturn Mr. Pitt's reasonings, • Tlie informant of the Hrilish minister is generally understood to have been the e-ir) Marischal of Scotland; who havinj? been attainted, had long resided in Spain, but was now reconcyed to the British government. 140 IIISTOUY OF 'IHfc €hap. II.— 1761 (Resignalion of Mr. Pitt.j his opinion remained unaltered. The amount was, war is an evil ; war with Spain is contrary to the interests of England ; and negotiation is a more desirable mode of settling disputes than hostilities. These general propositions Mr. Pitt neither did nor conld deny ; negotiation, he admit- ted, was preferable to war, if it could be employed, but it had been tried without eficot. Spain was resolved to violate the peace ; it was therefore just in England to prevent her attempts, and her interest to strike the first blow. As that branch of Bourbon showed a disposition to join in the enmity of the other, now was the time for humbling the whole house ; and if the opportunity were suffered to escape, it might never be recovered.* We are now taught by the event, that this illustrious statesman explored the views of both actual and intentional enemies ; for Spain proved hostile, as he predicted. It is also evident, that in such circumstances, the plan which he proposed was as wise as it was vigor- ous. If immediately executed, it would have disabled the enemy, and prevented the necessity and expense of our subsequent efforts. The succeeding part of his conduct is more liable to exception. He said, that if he could not prevail in this proposition, he was resolved to sit no longer in that council. He thanked the ministers of the late king! for their support. He was himself called to the ministry by the voice of the people ; to them he considered himself as accountable for his conduct, and he would not remain in a situation that made him responsible for mea- sures which he was no longer allowed to guide. t It was very obvious, that in ability ?ilr. Pitt far surpassed any of his colleagues ; and if it be expedient for the nation that in council superior wisdom should guide in- ferior, it was certainly expedient that such men as the duke of Newcas- tle and the earl of Bute should be governed by Mr. Pitt. Perhaps, how- ever, wisdom can best exercise guidance, where she does not assert a claim that implies conscious superiority. § Had this extraordinary statesman condcscendedto employ a softer and more conciliating mode of conduct, he perhaps might have won over a majority of his colleagues to his opinions ; but the experiment was not tried. Being out-voted in the council, ho resigned his employment into the hands of his sovereign. His majesty declared his concern for the loss of so very able a servant, but without requesting him to resume his office. He offered him any rev,ard in tlie power of the crown to bestow ; at the same time he expressed himself satisfied with the opinion of the majority of his council ; and even declared, that, had the council concurred with Mr. Pitt, he shoulihavc found itiliJficult how to have acted, in the light in 1, • Annual Ketfisler, 1761, p. 43. j The earl of Hate was said to have I'requeuliy thwarted Mr. I'itt In the cabi- i>ct, hut liad hitlit-rto been overborne bv liis superior abiiilies. U Annual Rcplstcr, 1761, p. 43. § Since writing the above, I observed, ilial lordOrford, in a letter to general Conway, expressed the same opinion: " Hr- f Mr. I'itt) and lord Temple have de cbirCd a^aiitbt the wiiole cabini^t council. Why, that they have done before now, and yet have acted wiili ihcirv Uj^nic^: it is very true ; but a little word has escaped Mr. I'itt, whiqli never entered irlto bis former declaration ; nay, nor into Orornwell's, nor Ilugli Cupel's, nor Jtilitis Caesar's, nor any reformers of modern or ancient times. He has happened to say, he will p^uide. Now, ihoiigh the cabi- net council are mighty willing to be ffUKkd when they cannot help it, yet they wish to have appearances saved ; they cannot be fond of being told that they are to be guided; stilllcss, that other people should be told so." Lord Orford's letters 1761.~Chap. If. REIGN OF GEORGE Ilf. 14J [Character of hia administration] which he had viewed the subject. The king did not conceive Spain to iiave exhibited any clear proofs of hostile intentions ; and, entertaining such a view, he could neither think it just nor prudent to commence a war.* HaviniT, therefore, with the greatest condescension explained liis sentiments, (sentiments that, in the hght in which he regarded the mat- ters in question, do him the greatest honour,) Mr. Pitt was extremely affected by the united dignity and goodness of his sovereign. The fol- lowing day, a pension of three thousand pounds a year was settled on Mr. Pitt for three lives, and at the same time a title was conferred upon his lady and her issue. This pension subjected the acceptor to much frivolous- and contemptible obloquy. Mr. Pitt's original fortune was small ; the situation into which he had been advanced by his abilities, required great expenditure ; his powerful mind engaging him in moment- ous politics, and grasping the interests of his country and other nations, he had bestowed too little attention on his own pecuniary affairs, so that he was very far from being in affluent circumstances : he had, during a most arduous conjuncture, served his country in the highest station that he could occupy ; and having found her in a state of unexampled humi- liation, he left her in a state of unexampled exaltation. Such a man de- served reward. All the ribaldrous invective poured out against his ac- ceptanee of this annuity, may be answered in a few words ; as a supply, IT WTAS WANTED ; AS A RECOMPENSE, IT WAS FAIRLY EARNED. Mr. Pitt's resignation of an employment in which his continuance would have promoted the most momentous interests of his country, can- not easily be justified. From his wisdom, his country might have ex- pected that he would have overlooked an opposition of opinion in a case which very fairly admitted of two constructions, though he was eventu- ally proved to be right ; that his patriotism would have induced him to have employed his talents, even though every particular measure adopted might not be agreeable to his views ; and that his magnanimity would overlook what he might suppose personal competitions. But, whatever sentiments were entertained respecting Mr. Pitt's going out of office, every impartial man agreed, that a greater minister had never acted un- der a sovereign of England. Lofty in genius, profound in wisdom, and expansive in views ; inventive in counsel, bold in resolution, and decisive in conduct ; he long overbore party by unequalled ability. Sagacious in the discovery of general and official character, he discerned the fittest instruments for the execution of his plans ; and employing none in offices of high political, naval, or military trust, but those whom he knew to be thoroughly qualified for effecting the purpose, he laid a sure foundation for success. The enterprises under his administration were brilliant, and the result was at once advantageous and glorious. A mind of such force of intellectual and moral qualities, energy of operation, and perseverance of exertion, which had in its powers and endowments no motives for arti- fice or disguise, perhaps bestowed too little care to conceal from others that superiority which it so transcendently possessed. A little more in- dulgence for common understandings, and somewhat less of austerity of temper and of inflexibility of disposition, might have preserved this illus- trious man to the councils of his country. This summer a very pleasing and important event took place, in the * Annual Re.^ister, ir61. p. 44. 142 ' JllSTOUY OF THE Ouaf. II.— 1761. [Marriage and coronation of the king. Earl of Bute,] .•narriagc of the king. The nation, iVom the accession of his majesty^ was very desirois, both on pubUc and private considerations, to see him united to a consort capable of rendering him luippy. Various conjec- tures were formed, who tlie lady shoidd be that was to become the queen of Great Britain. Different princesses were mentioned ; and an Enghsh woman was by many supposed likely to attain tliat high rank. Pam- phlets were written lor and against the king of Great Britain allying liimself with a subject ; but, on the 8th of July, a gazette extraordinary put an end to all conjectures. This paper announced that his majesty had d('clared his resolution of demfinding in marriage the princess (yhar- lottc, .sister to the reigning duke of Mecklenburg Strelitz ; a princess dis- tmguished for talents and amiable qualifications. It was directed by his majesty, (hat lord Harcourt should repair to the court of Strelitz, to de- mand her serene highness ; that the duchesses of Ancaster and Hamil- ton should be sent to accompany her, and lord Anson, with a fleet, to receive her in the Elbe, and conduct her to England. On the 14th of August, the noble embassy arrived at Strelitz ; and the next day, lord Marcourt asked the princess for his sovereign. The proposal being ac- cepted, a contract was signed. On the 17th, her highness set out ; and oq the 23d, she reached Cuxhaven, where the English squadron lay, and was received with every demonstration of joy by the fleet. After encoun- tering very tempestuous weather, and being driven a considerable way to the northward, on the 6th of September the squadron arrived safe at Harwich late in the evening, and the next day the princess landed on British ground. Returning with the most distinguished affability the at- tentions that were paid to her at Harwich and the intermediate places, she captivated the affections of all the spectators. That night she slept at William, the seat of lord Abercorn ; and on the 8th of September, proceeded towards London, when she was met at Rumford by the king'is eoach and servants. On their approach to the metropolis, to avoid the streets they turned aside toward the Islington road, from thence drove to Paddington, passed through Hyde Park, and coming down Constitution hill stopped at the garden gate of St. James's palace, where she was received by all the royal family. The duke of York handed her from the coach. In the garden she was met by his majesty, who saluted her with the greatest affection, and led her to the palace, where she dined with the king, the princess dowager and the rest of the family. At eight in the evening the marriage ceremony was performed by Dr. Seeker, arch- bishop of Canterbury. The duke of Cumbeiland gave the princess away ; the princess bee; me queen Charlotte, and London and V\estmin- btcr were the scenes of festivity and joy. About a fortnight after, the coronation of the king and queen was 5)oleinnizcd with a magnificence and grandeur befitting those illustrious personages, and the country over which they reigned. The deportment of the young queen on these great occasions, at public places, and wher- ever she appeared, charmed all spectators ; and, when added to the ac- counts given by those who had an opportunity of knowing the under- .standing and heart of her majesty, made every loyal Briton rejoice at the liap|)y lot of his beloved monarch. On the resignation of Mr. Pitt, the earl of B'gremont was appointed to his department ; but as the earl of Bute was now considered as the «'hief director of affairs, aad not long after, by the diamissioij of the duke irei.— Chap. II, REIGN OF GEORGE III. * 143 [Object of the king in the choice of his ministers] of Newcastle, became first lord of the treasury, we may from this time date the rommencement of the Bute administration. John Stuart, earl of Bute, whose respectable private character lias been already nicntioned, was the representative of a noble family of considerable eminence in the southwest of Scotland, and connected with the first nobility in that part of the kingdom ; especially with the house of Argyle, so distinguished for its edbrts in support of our present establishment ; and he had uni- formly taken the side of the Hanover family.* His lordship was a man of talents somewhat exceeding mediocrity, witli a considerable share of that species of literature and knowledge which is within the reach of mo- derate abilities. He was a good classical scholar, conversant in natural history, botany, some branches of chemistry, and experimental philoso- phy ; a liberal patron of letters, and a magnificent promoter of useful experiments and discoveries. t Pious in his sentiments and habits, he was meritorious in domestic and social relations; and, as a private noble- man or gentleman, a very valuable member of society. Such a charac- ter constantly contemplated by a prince so well disposed as his royal pupil, when joined to the pains and attention brial, as might nuturally he cxpcctf^d, was to throw tlio whole blame ofthe war and its continuance on Great Britain. It included also personal invectives against tlie conductof Mr.. Pitt, whom the enemies of this coun- try regarded with bitter resentment. The French now circulated with great indi.stry a report, that Spain, in consequence of a treaty recently con- cluded, would immediately declare war again.st Britain. The new minis- 1761.— Chap. II. Kf:iC;N OF GEOKGK Ilf. X45 [Manifesto of tlie Sjranisli government.] try of England instructed the arnl;r,s.sador at the court of Spain to de- mand, in moderate, but firm tenns, a ff-al.- Campai.q-n. — Capture of Mariinico. — Expedition to the Ha- vaniiah. — Policy of the uiidcrtakin}^. — Strength of the place. — Arduous siege. — lifdiiction. — Manilla taken. — Capture of the Hernnione. — Birth of the Prince of Wales. — Campaign in Portugal— in Germany — Revolution in Russia; and cH'ects of it on the con}'t;der.icy. — Proposals for peace. — Duke of Bedford sent to France. — Peace of Pans. — Approvt-d liy majorities in parliament. — Severely censured by Mr. I'itt, the minority, and out of the houses. — Impai-tial view of its merits — Great clamour against lord Bute. — Cider-tax. — Popular ferment.— • Inflamed by anti-ministerial writings. — Unexpected reslgnaiion of lord Bute. The resignation of Mr. Pitt in circumstances of such danger, did not pass without censure from impartial men and profound admirers of his illustrious character, and, when combined with his acceptance of a pen- sion, was the subject of gross and illiberal abuse, in publications known to or supposed to be favouied by his successor^ If tiiese writings were really patronised by lord Bute, they produt;ed an effect quite different from his intentions, being iinputed by a great majority of ti>e nation, to an invidious desire of degrading to his own level, a character whose soaring sublimity he could httle hope to%each. Lord Bute became daily more unpopular, from his apprehended attempts to injure the popularity of a man so much his superior ; and both himself and his supporters w.^'re extremely disagreeable to the English nation. The first parliament of the present king assembled on the 6th of No- vember, 17G1, and sir John Cust was chosen speaker of the house cf commons. His majesty's speech commenced, with noticing the happi- ness which accrued to himself, and the joy of his country, from his mar- riage with so amiable and accomplished a princess. . He wished that this first period of his reign had been marked with another felicity in the re- turn of peace ; but, though overtures had been made both for a general pacification and a separate peace between France and England, and a negotiation had been opened, yet it had net produced the^ desired effect. He observed, that to him the continuance of the war could not justly be attributed ; adverted to the principal events of the preceding campaign, and stated the necessity of vigorous efforts, which would require pro- portionate supplies ; and added, that by powerful c.xettions. only they could expect a safe and hoaourable pe^ce. Addresses were returned, corresponding with the tenor of the speech^ and the supplies granted for the year were 18,299,153^. 18*. ll^d. of which 12,000,000/. were raised by n loan. Seventy thoissand seamen Vvcre voted ; of land forces, either British or in BritiJa pay, 170,000: 100,000/. a year v/as settled on the queen as a jointure, in the event of her surviving hi.s majesty ;* • It has been said, either from misapprehension or wilful misrepresentation, that the queen, ever since her marriage, has had an independent income of IGOfyOOl. a year. This report is totally unfounded, as a perusal of the act of par- liament will show. 14S HISTOUV or- THE Cbap. 111.-1762 *" [Discussion on the war in Germany.] •with the palaces of Richmond old park for a country seat, and Somer- set-house for a town residence. Tn tlie house of commons, the» ablest champion of the minister wa? Mr. Fox ; a jTenthMnnn 'vho, with very vigorous talents and great poli- ticiU experience, had repeatedly und<'rrated hi§ own abilities when he, condescended to act an inferior part to such men as either the duke of Newcastle or the earl of IJute ; to hoth of whom he was far superior in the q'laliticatinns of a statesman. In the present session he had ngt to encounter any reguhir opposition. Mr. Pitt poured forth his energetic eloqaenc'3 to invigorate government : but did not attack any of their mea- sures, or impugn any of their propositions, unless they compelled him to vindiiate his own policy. In the course of the sesfiiur., the expedi- ency of the German war underwent a considerable disc;ussion. The origin of that war was strongly reprobated ; the expense in which it in- volved the country was painted in glowing colours; and its events were asserted to be not only unproductive, but pernicious tvn preservation ; and to sum up all, that om' honour was pledged to support our allies, as well as our interest engaged to preserve the balance of Europe. The former arguments were used by some strenuous friends of the Bute administration ; the latter by Mr. Pitt, and his supporters. For the present, however; it was deemed necef;sary to persevere in the Ger- man war, and the sum of one million was voted for that purpose. No bill of sufllf'ient importance to deserve particular mention in history, was passed or proposed in this session, which closed on the 2d of June. Considerable disunion at this time prevailed in the cabinet. ^ The duke of Newcastle, adhering to the political notions in whi'-h he had been trained, was desirous that the governriicnt siiould be carried on by the whig conf'^deracy. Lord liute was averse to the renewal of this system of party monopoly, which Mr. Pitt had so eirectually overborne. New- castle, still nonurinlly prime minister, could not bear the preponderating influence of lord Bute in the cabinet. Besides personal competition and disagreement in general politics, they diflered on a particular measure ; namely, the mode of carrying on the German war, and the subsidy to be affjrdcd to the king of Prussia. The duke proposed two millions, and, being thvvarted by lord Bute, was still further incensed. Ho ac- •«t 1762— Chap. III. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 149 [Spain declares war against Britain. Application to Porlupal] coidingly resigned ; the earl of IJute became first lord of the treasury, and Mv. Grenville secretary of state; thence nominHlly cominenced the ministry of Bute, which had really begun at the re.-^ignation of Pitt. Spain in a short timr declared war agani.st England, and the situation of Great Britain was at this time extremely critical. She was engaged, directly or indirectly, in war with all the great continental powers ; and, what was more important, agamst the chief ptirt of tlie nuuitinie strength of Europe. The navy of Spain consisted of one hundred men of war : and though the navy of France was reduced, it was pot so entirely destroyed as not to make a considerable addition to the S[)anish force. From the new alliance, powerful in its real strength, and in its principles so gratifying to the national attachment towards the house of Bourbon, despondency was succeeded by sanguine hope and animation in the minds of that volatile people. They flattered them.selves that they should now be able to obtain that superiority over Britam which (hey had so eagerly sought, and in pursuit of which they had met with such repeated disappointments and dreadful losses. Companies and individuals, at their own expense, fitted out ships of war ; and jtrivate zeal animated public etforts. The confederates were farther encouraged by the departure from the British councils of the most formidable and dreadful foe to the enemies of England ; they expected that the measures of the new mi- nistry would be feeble and inefficient, and that the country, which had cheerfully borne the expenses required to execute the great plans of Pitt, would, when deprived of its favourite minister, feel the heavy burthens arising from the war. All these circumstances tended to inspire with confidence France and her new ally. To balance these disadvantages, Britain had the uniform success, which had made the people believe themselves invincible. She had the hope of plunder arising from a Spanish war, which had always rendered it popular, and called forth the niost vigorous eflTorts both private and public. She had nitherfo the command of that element, over which a great part of the Spanish re-o\irccs must be transported. Though de- void of such a minister as. Piti, she had an adtninistration, whom the knowledge of his character and conduct, his fame and popidarity, and the low estimotion in which they them-elves were held, stimulated to strenuous exertion's, in order to approve themselves not unworthy of theii office ; and who had also the advantage of his plans and counsels, which they had before opposed. France and Spain, knowing the natural connexion between Portugal and England, and the momentous advantages accruing to this country from her commercial mtercourse with the'dominions of his faithful ma- jesty, and frorp the Portiiguese docks and harbours in time of war, de- termined to compel the court of Lisbon to renounce all friendship with Britain, and to violate the neutrality. On the sixth of March, the Bour- bon ministers delivered a joint memorial, representing Britain as assum- ing a despotic aut'.iority at sea, which was equally dangerous to Portugal as to other powers, and urged the necessity of joining in an oiionsivc and defensive alliance against England. They exhorted the king to dismiss the British from his court, to exclude thenceforward from his ports all the men of war and merchant ships of that country, and to join his forces to those of France and Spain. His catholic majesty, I'rom the great affection which he and his brother of France entertained for the king of 150 HISTORY OV THE Chap. HI.— ir62 [.The Uaurboii princes declare war against Portagal.] ^ > ■. Portugal, in order to serine tliat prince frorrf danger, spontaneously of- tered and insisted on sending S|)anisli troops to garrison all the principal liarbours of the most faithful king. His Portuguese uiiijt'sty declared, tint his country and resources wer© totally incapable ol' sujtporting a war; that, although sensible of the good intentions and benoiicenf ofl'ers of their christian and catholic majesties, and desirous of gratifying their wishes, it was impossible for him to com- ply ;' and of this tliey themselves must be convinced, on fully reflecting upon t!ic circumstances. He was closely connected with Britain, as well as with France and Spain ; and between Portugal and Britain there were ancient and uninterrupted alliances. Britain had given him no of- fence ; he could not tlicrcfore go to war with his Britannic majesty, with- out violating the honour of his crown, the law of nations, and every principle of justice. In this situation he had determined to observe a strict neutrality in a war between three friends and neighbours whom he so hii>hly regarded, and to confine himself only to such preparations as were merely necessary for self-defence. In reply to this answer, the Bourbon sovereigns, on the first of April, delivered at the court of Lisbon, a second memorial, more imperious, in- solent, and unjust than the first. It set forth, that, from the relative situa- tion of Portugal and England, the alliance between them was in effect an ofl'ensive treaty against tiic house of Bourbon. It stated, that a British licet* had, in 1750, attacked a French squadron in a Portuguese har- bour, which justified a declaration of war by his faithful majesty, unless suitable satisfaction were obtained ; and if so, the ships taken ought to have been restored to his most christian majesty, the failure of which res- titution would justify the French monarch in declaring war against the king of Portugal : but still jt was the earnest desire of the French and S|)anish sovereigns to be on terms of the strictest friendship with his most faithlul majesty, to open his eyes to his real interest, and to induce him to join them against the common enemy. The king of Portugal, far from being convinced by the reasoning or moved by the exhortations of this memorial, refused more peremptorily than before to comply with the requisition, and supported his refusal by the strongest arguments. On the 2:3d of April, a third memorial was delivered, still more unjust in its demands, and more insulting in its language, and which concluded with announcing orders to their ambassadors to leave the court of Lisbon. In liis reply to this ultimatum, the king of Portugal proved, that the Bour- bon princes, in their imperious attempts to force a neutral nation to war, find in their declaration of hostilities because their endeavour was unsuc- cessful, had violated the right of an independent nation. Such was the origin and cause of the war made upon Portugal by the house of Bour- bon ; and a more unjust or ungrounded procedure is not to be found in the annals of modern Europe known at that time, not even in those of the French themselves. f The Portuguese declaration of war was issued on • Under admiral Tloscawf-n. Sre p 105. f 111 this opinion 1 concur vviili Mr. Belsham, and we both have the honour oFa^reeinjj with tiie renowned l-'iederick. "Wherefore," said he, "did France and Spain attack the kiii}^ of Portugal, wlio had g-iven them no oilencp, and over whom they had no lij^lil of control ? Their object was, the deblrnclion of the profitable KnKlish commerce with Portuf^al, and the attainment of better terms JVomr.nglaiid in return for their cessions of the conquests which they expected to if m 1762.— CuAp. 111. REIGN OF GEORGE HI. |5i [Expcdilion of the British aj^ainst Martinico.] the 23d of May; the proclamation of Spain agaiust Portugal «jn fiic IGlh of J\ine, and of France on the 20th. Mei'avc the resignation of Mr. Pitt, an expedition had been projected against Martinico, the centre of French trade ; and the war being finish- ed in Nortli America, we were enabled to draw from thence a considera- ble pari of the army. General Monckton commanded the land forces, and admiral Rodney the fleet. Being re-enforced by some troops sta- tioned in the British West Indies, tlie army consisted of twelve thousand men, and the fleet of eighteen ships of the line. On the 7th of January, tine English armament arrived before the island of Martinico, and on the 16th they effected their landing at Cas Navire without any loss ; but they had still considerable difficulties to encoimter. The island was popu- lous and opulent, and supported by a numerous well armed and well disciplined militia, pecuhariy qualified for the species of war which the country permitted, and provided with a considerable body of regular troops. In many places the island was intersected by ravines and deep streams, narrowed into defiles, or involved in woods : where it was more open and practicable, batteries were posted with all the skill of French engineers, who had been, ever since the first attempt in 1759, strength- ening the place in expectation that our successes would induce us to as- sail so valuable a settlement. These works were most complete in the neighbourhood of Fort Royal, a strong town which defended the approach to St. Pierre, the capital, and must be conquered before we proceeded against that city. Two lofty and steep eminences, called Morne Tortenson and Morne Garnier, protected by deep ravines, overlooked and commanded the fortifications. These heights v/ere occupied by the enemy ; which, while they were retained, secured, or being lost, as cer- tainly lost the city and citadel. The sea was upon the right, the country on the left, and the eminences immediately before them, of which Morne Tortenson, being the nearest, must, from its po.sition, be first attacked. On the right, a body of regular troops and niaiines v. as ordered to advance along the beach towards the town, wliich lay in the lower grounds beyond the eminences. A thousand sailors, in flat-bottomed boats, rowed close to assist that division : on the left, the light infantry, covered by artillery, were employed to turn the enemy on that side ; while the centre, consisting of the grenadiers, and supported by the sea- men dragging alonsr the cannon, attacked tlie enemy's centre, being co- vered by the seamen acting as artillery from batteries. v.hich had been erected and disposed with great skill and activity. The general having made such di.spositions, the troops performed tluir parts with eqiiaj cou- rage, enterprise, and effect in every point. Tliey drove the enemy from post to post after a vigoro^is contest, and at last made themselves masters of the Morne. , The enemy fled precipitately, either towards the town, or to the Morne Garnier. This second eminence was as strong as the first, and much higher ; and until it was carried, the town could not be reduced. It was three days before batteries could be erected, and other dispositions made, for carrying the place. While the r»ritish troops were preparing these, the whole force of the enemy descended from the hill, and sallied- from the town upon the advanced posts of the English. The mnke in Porlngal. Kut is it a reason for attackinij a sovereis::!!, tliat there exit^ts no lawful rciison ? O law of nations, how vain and useless is lliy study '■'" 152 HISTOUY OF THE Chap. 111—1762. [Projected expedilion to the Havannah.] main body rushing forward to support their countrymen, not only repulsed the enemy, but pursued them past the ravines, ascended the hill, seized the redoubts, and made themselves completely masters of Morne Gar- •lier. The French regular troops escaped into the town, and the militia dispersed into the country. The situation which commanded the town and citadel being now possessed by the British, as soon as the batteries ■were completed, and before they began to play, the enemy capitulated on the 4th of February. St. Pierre still remained to be reduced. This was a city which, though not so strong as Fort Royal, might have made a considerable re- sistance, if the garrison had been proportioned to the strength of th« place and of the interjacent country ; but the militia were quite disheart- ened and scattered ; great part of the regulars were killed or taken at Fort Royal ; the planters were unwilling that their country should be laid waste, in a defence which, from the late and former successes of the English, they were convinced would be unavailing. It was, therefone, agreed, that they should capitulate for that place and the whole island, which was accordinirly surrendered on the 12th of February. Blartinico, Grenada, St. Lucia, and St. Vincent's, soon after yielded to the British arms. This important undertaking is to be imputed to the plans of Mr. Pitt ; the next which we have to record, belongs to his successors in the conduct of the war. The chief advantage expected by France from the assistance of Spain, was through her finances and navy. Aware of this expectation, the Bri- tish ministry form their plan for the campaign with a view to these objects, and proposed to strike a blow at the beginning of the war, which should debilitate and exhaust her new antagonist, disappoint the hopes of her old enemy, and compel both France and Spain to sue for peace. The whole navigation and trade of the Spanish West Indies centered in the Havan- nah ; an expedition, therefore, against this important possession was re- solved on, as soon as war commenced. It was both a bolder and a wiser plan to attack the centre and strong hold of our enemy's domi- nions, than to begin with a place of less consequence, in hopes thereby of gradually attaining the principal conquest. In the war with Spain which commenced in 1789, we had begun with subordinate attacks. The cap- ture of Porto Bello did not ensure the capture of Carthagena, nor would the capture of Carthagena have ensured the command of the Spanish West Indies. The conquest of the Havannah would intercept the ene- my's principal resources, and, if we chose to pursue our advances, expose the whole of Spanish America. The attempt against Cartliagena was as difficult as against the Havannah. Where the danger and expense of two objects were equal, it was wiser to employ them upon that, which, if attained, would be most advantageous. The policy of lord Bute and his coadjutorrs in tlii.s undertaking, therefore, as war ministers, was superior to the policy of sir Robert Waipol^ and his colleagues. Such an enterprise being determined on by ministry, we are next to view thr-ir ability in the commanders which they chose, and the prepara- tions which they made for carrying the plan into execution. A very powciTal armament was fitted out; and the chief command of the land forces was !;e/itowcd on the earl of Albemarle, the friend and military pu- pil of the duke of Cumberland. Admiral Pococke, who had extended the naval glory and political power of his country in the East Indies, was 1762.— Chap. HI. HEIGN OF GKORGE III. 153 [Description of the Havannah. Disposition of the British forces.] employed to command the fleet for humblin{T our enemies in the West. Commodore Keppel, fjrother to the earl of Albemarle, was second in na- val command. Thus administration regarded not only the skill of its principal officers, but their harmony, thereby avoiding the fatal error which had so powerfully tended to our discomfiture at Carthagena. On the 5th of March they sailed from Portsmouth ; and on their arrival off the coast of Hispaniola, were re-enforced by a great part of the fleet and army which had achieved the conquest of Martinico, and the other Carib- bee islands. There were two routes from Cape Nichola to the Havannah ; the one circuitous to the south of Cuba, between that island and Jamaica, round by Cape St. Antonio ; the other direct, to the north of Cuba, by the old Bahama channel. The first was the safer, but tedious ; the second, in a narrow strait, by much the shorter, but hazardous. The success of the enterprise depended in a great degree on its being far advanced before the hurricane season : despatch was therefore a very important object. The season of the year was not stormy, and it was thought most advisable to take the northern route. This attempt was esteemed bold, but not rash ; and so admirable were the dispositions of the naval commander, in send- ing vessels to reconnoitre the passage, and dividing the armament accord- ing to the nature of the sea, that, by favourableness of weather, with which from his knowledge of that climate and situation, he had laid his account, our whole force in nine days passed through this strait, seven hundred miles in length, without the smallest interruption; and on the 5th of June arrived before the place of their destination. Cuba, belonging wholly to Spain, is by far the largest island in the West Indies. It runs from east to west, verging towards the north-west, about nine hundred miles in length ; irregular in breadth, but at an ave- rage about one hundred miles. Its nominal capital is St. Jago on the south-east coast ; but the most important place for size, strength, popula- tion, and wealth, is the Havannah. The harbour of this city is entered by a narrow passage, about half a mile in length, opening into a large ba- sin, which diverges into three smaller inlets, capacious enough both in extent and depth to contain a thousand of the largest ships, and on all sides secured from the wind. In this haven the rich fleets from the various Spanish settlements in the West Indies and Mexico assem- ble, before they set sail for Europe. The Havannah, a rendezvous of such wealth, was itself so flourishing and opulent, that no pains were spared to give it proportionate security. The narrow entrance of the harbour was protected on the east side by a very strong fort, called the Moro, on a projecting point of land ; and by a fort called Puntal, on the west, which joins the town opposite the Moro fort. The town itself is surrounded by a strong rampart, with bastions and a deep ditch. The Spanish navy intended for the West Indies, consisting of twenty sail, mostly of the line, were at this time in the harbour of the Havannah. Though not much inferior to the British in maritime force, they did not attempt to risk an engagement ; but in other respects made many able dispositions for defending the town. Across the mouth of the harbour they laid a strong boom, behind which they sunk several ships. The English commanders proposed to land on the eastern side, so as to be able at once to invest the Moro, and command the country. To di- vert the enemy from attending to their design, a great part of the fleet sailed to the westward. While the enemy were attending to the motions Yoi.. VII.— 20 154 HISTORY OF THE Chip. 111.-1762. [Difficulties attending the siege.] of the fleet, our troops on the 7th of June effected a landing. The army was divided into two great corps; the ciiiefbody was employed against Fort Moro, the other advanced southward a considerable way into the in- land parts, to cover the siege, and secure our watering and foraging par- ties, and on that side, to cut olTthe enemy's intercourse with the country. A detachment was posted under colonel Howe to the westward, to create a diversion in favour of the principal objects, and to intercept the commu- nication with the country on that side. Thus the place was either in- vested or blockaded on tiie east, south, and west, by the army ; and on the north by the fleet, which commanded the sea. Notwithstanding this masterly disposition, the British had still very great difiicuities, dangers, and hardships to encounter. The sun being then vertical, the heat was excessive ; water was to be fetched from a great distance, over paths to be cut through thick woods, and the cannon was to be dragged over a rough and rocky shore ; but such a spirit dif- fused itself over the whole army, and such an unanimity prevailed among the commanders, officers, soldiers, and sailors, that, in spite of heat, thirst, fatigue, and the enemy's fire, they erected batteries against the Moro. Tlie enemy not only acted on the defensive, but on the fourth week of the siege made a powerful sally, in which they were repulsed, with the loss of three hundred men. Our sea forces, who had hitherto afforded every assistance on shore to the land service, on the 1st of July mfide a very bold attempt from their own element, and opened their broad- aides with a terrible fire against the Moro. As it was impossible, how- ever, to act from sea upon that castle, without being also exposed to the batteries of Puntal, they were extremely annoyed from both garrisons, and at length obliged to desist from their cannonade. Although this he- roic effort of the ships produced little effect on the north side, which they attacked, yet it was of great service to the land besiegers on the east side of the Moro. While the defenders of the garrison were returning the fire of the fleet, they paid much less attention than usual to our land bat- teries, which during that time did considerable damage to their works, but when the sea attack had ceased, they were enabled to return to their operations towards the land with their former eflect. The contest was carried on with extreme perseverance and obstinacy, and the event seem- ed very doubtful. While affairs were in this state, the principal British battery took fire, and was unfortunately consumed. Sickness now be- coming prevalent in this severe service and destructive climate, rendered one half of the forces unfit for d\ity, and doubled the fatigue of the other. The want of fresh provisions and wholesome water increased the diseases, and aggravated the sufferings of the besiegers. As they were daily more exhausted, and the season advanced towards the time of the hurricanes, their hopes of ultimate success became fainter. Those who escaped the dangrrous siege and dreadful climate, expected final destruction if they waited till the tempest began. From North America they had long looked for re-enforcements, but none arrived. Oppressed with these distresses, the commanders endeavoured to re-animate their troops. The enemy, they represented, had made a most gallant resistance ; and were Spaniards in military efforts to surpass Britons 1 The richest prize was before them, which British valour and perseverance might still obtain. These incite- ments inspiriting the heroic breasts of British soldiers and sailors to the most astonishing exertions, now batteries were raised. They now ir62.— Chap. III. REIGN OF GEORGE III. I55 [Capitulation of the Havannah. Manilla taken.] silenced the cannon of the fort, beat to pieces the upper ivoika, and made a lodgment in the covered way ; hence their hopes of success revived. At this time the Jamaica fleet brought them a supply of provisions, and in a few days they were succoured by a strong re-enforcement from New York. Their hopes now redoubled : but a new difficulty appeared after their lodgment was effected, from an immense ditch, which was cut chiefly in the solid rock. A thin ridge, however, had been left to flank the ditch towards the sea ; this, though totally uncovered, the miners passed without fear, and were enabled to carry on their operations in the wall. The governor of the Havannah seeing that the Mero must soon fall, unless an effort was made for its relief, sent a great body across the harbour on the 22d July before day-break, to attack our posts in three points ; but they were repulsed with severe loss. Meanwhile our miners advanced rapidly in their operations ; a part of the wall was blown up, the ruins fell into the ditch, and a breach was left, which the engineer judging practicable, the general marched at the head of his troops to attack, mounted the breach, and entered the fort. The enemy made a brave but ineffectual resistance ; the gallant commander fell, and the Moro was taken by the British troops. No time was lost in improving this mo- mentous advantage. A second re-enforcement now arrived, which still farther encouraged the exertions of our armament. As the Moro com- manded the whole eastern part of the town, the fire of the fort was turned against the enemy ; a line of batteries was placed from the fort along the hill on the extremity of which it stood, and another line was erected on the west side of the town. On the 10th of August, when they were all prepared to play, the general informed the governor by a message, that, knowing the irresistible force of the attack which he was ready to make, he suspended it, in order to give him time to capitulate. The governor replied, that he would defend the place to the last extremity. The ge- neral the next morning ordered the fire to commence from all the bat- teries, which, after playing for six hours with most tremendous effect, compelled the enemy to hang out a flag of truce. A capitulation was concluded ; and the English troops took possession of the Havannah on the 14th of August, after a siege of two months and nine days. The conquest of the Havannah was the most important exploit achieved during the war. The reduction of so strong a fortress was an arduous military enterprise ; the capture or destruction of the enemy^s fleet was a very great naval victory ; the plunder taken, amounting to three millions ster- ling, was a most lucrative acquisition ; and the enemy being deprived of the chief sinews of war, was a decisive blow that compelled them to sue for peace. While the English efforts were so successful against the power and influence of Spain in the West Indies, strenuous and successful exertions were also made in the East. As soon as it was known that hostilities had commenced, an armament equipped at Madras sailed against Ma- nilla, the chief city of the Philippine islands. The expedition appeared before that settlement on the 23d of September, which, after a short and vigorous resistance, was taken on the 4th of October. A capitulation was offered for ransoming the place at four millions of dollars, about 900,000/. sterling, and accepted. An Accapulco ship, valued at about three mil- lions of dollars, was soon after taken m those seas. In Europe, a very important Spanish treasure was obtained by the 156 HISTORY OF THE Chap. HI.— ir62. [War in Portugal. Arrival of British troops.] capture of the Hermione, from Peru to Cadiz, by two English frigates near Cape St. Vincent's : tho prize was estimated at a million sterling. The Bourbons had entertained great hopes of success and advantage in their war with Portugal ; and at first their expectations appeared likely to be realized. Their declared ohject was, to exclude the English from the militarv and commercial use of the Portuguese ports, especially Oporto and Lisbon, tt) which they had hitherto resorted ; and to this their efiibrts were ciiiefly directed. They planned the invasion in three divi- sions : the lirsl, in the north of Portugal, between the Minho and the Douro ; the second, in the middle, between tlie Douro and the Tagus ; and the third, to the south of the Tagus, to co-opt rate on that side with the middle corps in its attempt upon Lisbon. The northern division, under the marquis de Sarria, commenced hostilities ; entered the Portu- guese province of Traeos Montes, and invested Miranda, the capital of that district. This city might have made a vigorous defence, but very unfortunately a powder magazine blew up by accident, the fortifications were ruined, and the Spaniards, before they had raised their first battery, marched into the town by the breaches in the wall. Before the end of May, they had made such progress, that Oporto was in imminent danger ; and the English admiralty, under the apprehension of its capture, pre- pared transports to carry oft' British effects. The Portuguese peasants, instigated and directed by some English officers, arming themselves, took possession of a defile through which the enemy must necet'sarily pass, drove them back, and thereby checked their progress upon that side. The middle division of the Spaniards entered Portugal by 15eira, and laid siege to Almeyda, on the frontiers of Spain. This city made a gallant resistance ; but the Spaniards being joined by the greater part of their northern army, and l)y eight thousand auxiliaries, compelled it to capitulate on the 25th of August. After this capture, the Spaniards made them- selves masters of the greater part of the province of Beira, as far as the Tagus, and even Lisbon itself was in danger. At this juncture a body of troops arrived from England under the com- mand of brigadier-general Burgoyne, and count La Lippe, a German officer of great celebrity, was placed at the head of the native forces. Early in the campaign, the court of Lisbon had not paid the proper and prudent attention to the advice of the British ambassador and officers, but, taught by their miscarriages, and influenced by the persuasions of La liippe, they now adopted a different line of conduct. The Portu- guese and English commanders, having in concert investigated the state of affairs, adopted a plan of military policy very frequently successful. The most effectual measure of defensive war, they concluded to be of- fensive operations. History informed ihcm, that the best mode of re- lieving a country from invasion, was by invading the country of the ene- my. Tiic third body of Spaniards destined for southern Portugal, was still in Spanish P2slremadura. Should it effect a junction with the army in Beira, it was |)robable that the whole would overwhelm the Portuguese and their auxiliaries. While lia liippe himself watched the motions of the middle army, he sent general P)urgoyne into Spain against the other, posted at Valontia d' Alcantara,* where they also understood the enemy iiad considerable magazines. Burgoyne, by a forced march of five days, • Not the great city of Valentia, which is an opposite part of tlie kingdom. 1762.-CHAP. III. UEIGN OF GEORGE III. 157 [Defeat of the Spaniards. Death of Elizabeth of Russia] arrived at Valentia, surprised the Spanish troops, defeated them, de- stroyed one of the best yegiments in their service, and took many pri- soners, including their principal officers and the general. Though the British were disappointed in their expectation of finding magazines in tiiis place, yet their success produced a very important change in the aspect of the campaign. It not only "prevented the invasion of Portugal on that side, but disconcerted the plan of the main army ; which was, to cross the Tagus from Biera, a mountainous country, to Alentejo, an open champaign country, where their cavalry, in which their chief force consisted, could act with the full effect. The chief Bourbon army still continued to attempt the passage of the Tagus, to the banks of which they were now advanced. La Lippe and Burgoyne, by very active and skilful efforts, prevented them from efFccling their purpose. Burgoyne being posted at Villa Velha, on the southern hank of the river, where the Spaniards occupied the opposite side, observing their camp was not guarded with military vigilance, and that their flank and rear were im- covered, determined to attack them by surprise. Accordingly, fording the river in the night of October the 6th, he attacked them on the flank, while colonel Lee assaulted them on the rear, and defeated them with great slaughter. This victory, which at another time of the year might have been attended only with temporary advantages, from the advanced season, proved decisive. Great rains falling, and Avinter approaching, the enemy, having seized no posts fit for winter quarters, evacuated Es- tremadura, and returned to tie frontiers of Spain. Thus, after partial success, they were entirely defeated in the great object of the campaign ; and the unjust ambition, wliich had stimulated the Bourbons to war with Portugal, ended in disappointment, and disaster to themselves. In winter 1761-2, at a time when the king cf Prussia's affairs appeared to be at the lowest ebb, and when, from the events of the preceding campaign and the progress of the enemy, little doubt was entertained that, in !he ensuing summer, the combined parties would attain their ob- ject in the dismemberment of hia dominions, an event took place, which made a total change in the situation of the contending parties. This was the death of the empress Elizabeth of Russia, the zealous friend of the house of Austria, and the inveterate enemy of Frederick, on the 2d of January, 1762. Elizabeth's enmity to the Prussian king in some de- gree arose from resentment, but was much more the result of ambitious policy. By conquering Prussia, in addition to the extent of coast which she already possessed on the Baltic, she would have the means of be- coming a very great maritime power, the first object of the Russian so- vereign, since czar Peter the Great. She would also open the way to an irresistible power in Poland, and be able to overawe Denmark, and her ancient rival Sweden ; but if the power of the king of Prussia con- tinued entire, these great objects could not be attained. Peter, her heir, was partial to the king of Prussia ; and, as we have seen, used his in- fluence, in 1758, to call off the Russians. On his accession to the throne, he immediately concluded a peace and an alliance with Prussia ; and the Russian army in a short time joined the troops of Frederick against Austria. At this time, Sweden, which had been principally di- rected by Russia, also made peace with the Prussian king. This was a most unexpected revolution in Frederick's fiivour, as it left him, now- supported by Russia, to contend with Austria only. 158 HISTORY OF TlIK Chap. III.— 1762. [Operations of prince Ferdinand. Success of the allies.] A treaty had been annually renewed between Britain and Prussia, by which they engaged not to conclude a peace without mutual consent ; and this year the British government refused the renewal. Frederick exclaimed bitterly against this conduct as a breach of faith,* but without reason : the engagement being expired, its renewal was no longer a question of justice, but of policy. When the king of Prussia was pressed by a combination of enemies, it became necessary for Britain to support him in order to preserve the balance of power, but now he was more than a match for his enemies. Though it was our interest to pre- vent him from being overwhelmed, we had no interest in promoting his ambition ; the war in Germany, therefore, was continued not to support Frederick, but to oppose France. The French were in possession of Cassel, and great part of West- phalia. Marshal Broglio was now displaced from the command ; the prince de Soubise succeeded to his employment of general in chief, and marshal d'Estrees was second in command. The French this year main- tained only one army in Germany, with a reserve under the prince of Conde, to cover the Lower Rhine ; and their object, as in the former year, was to penetrate into Hanover. Prince Ferdinand's purpose was nearly the same as in the preceding campaign, to dispossess the enemy of their conquests, and drive them out of G ermany. He sent the here- ditary prince to oppose Conde, while he himself formed his measures against the main army. The French, at the opening of the campaign, were strongly posted on the frontiers of Hesse at a place called Grae- bestein ; and, trusting to their position, apprehended no attack from prince Ferdinand. The prince, however, made a general assault upon the camp on the 4th of July ; in which, by his skill and intrepidity, the valour of his whole army, and particularly the courage and activity of the marquis of Granl)y, he gained so great a victory, as to give him a decided superiority through the whole campaign. Every measure of prince Ferdinand was part of a well digested and arranged plan ; so that when successful, he was able to make the best use of his advantage. Lord Granby and Lord Frederick Cavendish were sent forward in pur- suit of a numerous body of French that were stationed at Horn, in order to preserve tlie communication between the main army and Frankfort. The English commanders attacked the enemy with such vigour on the 6th of July, that though they defended themselves valiantly, they were defeated and routed. By this victory, the intercourse with their maga- tines at Frankfort was entirely intercepted ; and they now found it necessary to evacuate Gottingen. Prince Ferdinand attacked prince Xavier, who commanded the Saxon auxiliaries in the French pay at the Fulda, and defeated him ; but marshal d'Estrees coming to his support, saved him from utter destru' tion. The French generals being straitened for provisions and bard i)ressed on every side, thought it expedient to call the prince of Conde to their assistance. The hereditary prince find- ing that the reserves of the enemy were preparing to join the main army, made dispositions for obstructing their progress. Prince Ferdinand en- deavoured to bring the I'Vench to battle before the junction could be effected, and proposed to ford tlie Fulda and make a general attack on the 8th of August; but, immense rains having fallen, the river was im- • See his Seven years War — winter, 1761-2. ires.-cuAi-. iir. uek;n of george hi. 159 [Campaign of Frederick. Peter HI. of Russia.] passable. The general of the allies sent his second nephew, prince Frederick of Brunswick, towards Cassel, with a view to blockade that place. The hereditary prince watched the prince of Condc so closely, that he could not advance to join the main army ; and the prince de Soubise, therefore, was obliged to retreat to join the reserves. The hereditary prince, on the 30th of August, attacked a body of French, which he conceived to be a detachment ; but soon found that it was the van-guard of Soubise's army. His serene highness defended himself with his usual conduct and intrepidity ; but, being pressed by superiority of numbers, and dangerously wounded, his troops were obliged to give way. This misfortune for a time disconcerted prince Ferdinand's plan ; but having with the utmost despatch collected the routed forces, he again prepared to act on the defensive ; and prince Soubise, to avoid an en- gagement, retired. Prince Ferdinand's army being now between the French and Cassel, prince Frederick regularly invested that city on the 15th of October, and on the 7th of November it surrendered by capi- tulation, and the whole of Hesse was recovered. Thus, in the cam- paign of 176^, the French, who had projected to conquer Hanover, were, by the skill and courage of prince Ferdinand, the hereditary prince, and lord Granby, driven from their former conquests. The king of Prussia, instead of being obliged to act on the defensive, was now enabled to resume offensive operations. His object was, to recover Silesia, compel marshal Daun, who was posted there, to retire to Bohemia, and afterwards to re-enforce prince Henry, (now in Saxony,) and a second time conquer that electorate. To distract the attention of marshal Daun, he employed a body of troops to assist the Tartars, whom he had instigated to harass Hungary and Moravia. In June, Frederick being joined by the Russians, made great advances, and, without any regular battle, obliged marshal Daun to abandon very strong posts in Silesia, to retire to the extremities of that country, and leave Schweid- nitz, enrirely uncovered. With his Russian auxiliaries Frederick now prepared to invest that city, and a considerable body of those allies ra- vaged Bohemia ; when a very unexpected and extraordinary revolution threatened to overturn his plan of operations. Peter HI. no sooner ascended the throne of Russia, than he showed that he had fallen into one of the most fatal errors which a sovereign of ordinary capacity can commit; this was, the adoption of the example of a very able and extraordinary ruler for the model of his conduct. Peter, indeed, chose two very great men for his patterns ; his grandfather czar Peter the Great, in civil and political ; and the king of Prussia, in mili- tary departments. The government of Russia, absolutely despotic, is, from this very despotism, the most insecure to its holder, unless he has the policy to conciliate the affections of its supporters. Fear being the principle of a despotic government, its most etiectual props are gloomy superstition and military force : accordingly in Russia, priests and sol- diers were the chief stays of the emperor's authority, and with both these bodies Peter imprudently contended. He began like Peter I., with op- posing the exorbitant pretensions of the Russian clergy, and ventured to appropriate their possessions to the public revenue. The Russians were the slaves of the most abject superstition that could enchain ignorant minds, and valued their priest more than their monarch. The extraor- dinary qualities of the first Peter, and the benefits accruing from them 160 HISTORY OF THE Chap. III.— 1762. [Innovations of Peter. Revolution in Russia.] to tlic country, had given to him a superiority over any of their clergy, oven in the estimation oi' the hipoted barbarians whom he governed ; but in the character of his grandson, there was nothing which would excite such veneraliiin, or confer such influence. The boundless admiration of Poier for the king of Prussia extended to the adoption of his religious opinions, and oj)erated in a line of conduct which that king was too wise to pursue. He interfered with the institutions that were venerated by his people, and obstructed rites and ceremonies, which, however trivial in themselves, no wise governor will interrupt when associated by his subjects with religious doctrines and sentiments. Desirous of innova- tion, hut narrow in understanding, he pursued it in objects commensu- rate to the littleness of his own mind. He proposed changes in the dress of the clergy, and that the ecclesiastics should no longer, as before, be dis- tinguished by beards. To this momentous change he added also some new regulations about images and pictures in churches. From this at- tack upon the beards of the living, and the pictures of the deceased, to- gether with various other alterations, his subjects apprehended their prince to be a heretic, if not an infidel. In the seizure of the revenues, liowever, the clergy found the most dangerous apostasy from the purity of the Greek church, and regarded his reforms with dread and resent- ment : with them also the other powerlUl body, the army, concurred in discontent. The same admiration of the king of Prussia made Peter ex- travaifantly fond of his military discipline ; and being a native of Hol- .stein, he was farther induced to this preference by a national partiality. He was evidently most attached to the German guards, in preference to the native Russians. He himself wore the Prussian uniform, and obliged his soldiers to adopt that dress, and abandon the modes with which in their minds the glory of Russia was associated : in short, he disgusted the Russian army. The king of Prussia foresaw the dangers of his ally from these precipitate changes, and frequently, by private letters and messengers, endeavoured to dissuade him from persisting in his present conduct ; his dissuasives, however, were unavailing. Meanwhile Peter was preparing to go to war with Denmark, on account of a dispute be- tween that country and Holstcin, in which Russia had no concern. This project increased the disaffection of his subjects, who considered them- selves as sacrificed to German interests, and a conspiracy was formed against his government. As Peter had alienated the aflections of his subjects, he had long lost those of his own family. His wife Catharine, a princess of the house of Anhalt Zerlist, was a woman of powerful un- derstandiii"; and boundless ambition.* Prone to the gallantry so preva- lent at the dissolute court of the voluptuous Elizabeth, her love of plea- sure was secondary to her love of power : her most distinguished favour- ites were para^nours of such talents and qualities as could well promote great desiirns. JVir tlie last seven years of Elizabeth's reign, Peter and she had rarely c(»habited ; each was occupied with their respective in- trigues. Catharine, too able and prudent to neglect appearances, was somewhat attentive to concealment ; while Peter, from the silly vanity of a weak understanding, was ostentatious in the display of amours. He lived openly with the countess WoronzofI"; and was even suspected to intend confining the empress, and raising his courtezan to the throne. • Sec Memoirs of Catharine II. 1762.— Chap. IIF. REIGN OF fiEOUGE III. 161 [Catharine. Birth of the prince of Wales.] The principal nobles and chief officers of the state and army formed a coml)ination to depose a prince, who was hated for his conduct, and despised for his incapacity. So little was the czar informed respecting hia most momentous interests, that the conspiracy became general, and the clergy were met for his deposition, before he knew that such a step had been projected. Catharine, understanding that the design was declared, immediately wrote to Petersburg, and harangued the guards, who unani- mously declared Peter deposed, and the empress independent sovereign of Russia. This act being applauded by the nobility and clergy, Catha- rine, at the head of her troops, marched towards a country seat in which Peter resided. The weak and timid prince being informed that he was no longer emperor of Russia, quickly wrote letters renouncing the sove- reignty, and requested leave to retire to his native Holstein with his mis- tress ; but this leave was denied. He was farther intimidated to sign a paper declaring his incapacity for government, the weakness and folly of his administration, and the necessity of his deposition : he was thrown into prison, where, in a few days, on the 6th of July, he died of what was called an hoimorrhoidal colic, the causes and symptoms of which it be- longs not to this history to investigate. Having ascended the throne of Russia, Catharine fearing that the Prussian king might prevail on the Russian troops who served in his army to declare in favour of Peter, ordered them to withdraw from Silesia into Poland. Frederick, contrary to her apprehensions, made no oppo- sition to their departure : he only requested that it might be deferred for three days, to which the general very readily consented. The Austrian commanders were ignorant of the revolution in Russia. Frederick, trust- ing to their conviction that the Russians were co-operating with him, at- tacked marshal Daun, compelled him to retire, and by this means ren- dered the siege of Schweidnitz still practicable. Though he was now de- prived of auxiliaries, he invested the town on the 20th of September, and soon compelled it to surrender. In Saxony prince Henry had been no less successful, when, towards the close of the campaign, he was re- enforced by his royal brother ; and all the conquests that he had achieved in that country early in the war, and lost the last campaign, were com- pletely recovered. In the internal history of England the most material event which hap- pened this summer, was the birth of a son and heir to their majesties. On the 12th of August, between seven and eight in the morning, the queen was safely delivered of a prince. Just after this important acces- sion to the royal family was announced, the treasures of the captured ship Hermione, drawn in wagons, and escorted by troops from Ports- mouth to London, entered St. James's street in a grand procession. His majesty and the nobility went to the palace windows, and joined with the acclamations of the people on two such joyful occasions. The young prince, from his birth electoral prince of Brunswick-Lunenburg, duke of Cornwall and Rothsay, earl of Carrick, baron of Renfrew, lord of the Isles, and great steward of Scotland, was, on the 17th, by letters patent under the seal of Great Britain, created prince of Wales and earl of Ches- ter. On the 8th of September, the anniversary of the royal marriage, his highness was christened by his grace the archbishop of Canterbury, the duke of Cumberland and the duke of Mecklenburg Strclitz being god- Voi,. YII.— 21 J52 HISTORY OF THE Chap. III.— 1762. [Pacific dispositions of the belligerent powers. Earl of Bvite.] fathers, and the princess dowager godmother. The young prince was named George Augustus Frederick. The court of France, m the events of this campaign, found that the expectations wliich had been formed from the family compact were en- tirely disappointed. Spain saw that her interference to assist the principal branch of the Bourbons, instead of producing the desired effect to her ally, was involving herself in similar disasters and humiliation. They both began to wish sincerely for peace, and were in a disposition to pur- chase it by very great concessions. In Britain, changes had taken place which rendered the re-establishment of tranquillity much less difficult. From the commencement of his administration, the earl of Bute had shown a disposition to procure peace, as soon as it could be concluded with sound policy and national honour ; and, though patriotism may have had its share in exciting this desire, yet there were other causes which no doubt co-operated. These are to be found in the character of the Bute administration, the state of parties, and of the public mind. The earl of Bute had for some months been first lord of the treasury, and the greater number of whigs had either been dismissed, or resigned ; so that there was a formidable confederacy hostile to the present minister. A less numerous but more able body, headed by Mr. Pitt, without coa- lescing with the Newcastle party, was adverse to the ministry. From the known attachment of his majesty to the earl of Bute, that nobleman was accounted the private and confidential friend of the king. Being deco- rated with honours at the commencement of the reign, and soon after pro- moted to high office, which was not in the public estimation conferred upon his political talents and virtues, he was generally esteemed and styled the royal favourite. Though his majesty himself proposed to govern the kingdom by wisdom and virtue, and not by party, yet that was thought to be far from lord Bute's object. Since, by the appointment of him and his friends, the nation did not conceive that there was an accession of wisdom or virtue to liis majesty's counsels ; and since their rise was im- puted to private favour and not public merit, it was apprehended that the project of the minister was to govern by what his opponents called a sys- tem of mere court favouritism. The supposed operation of this plan was exhibited with great force and eloquence, both by speakers in parlia- ment, and political writers.* The deportment of Bute was by no means such as tended to counteract this unpopularity. Notwithstanding his eru- dition and knowledge, he had imbibed the pride and prejudices of a Scot- tish chieftain. With exemplary morals, he was reserved and haughty in his manners, and in tiiat respect as different from the frank, affable duke of Newcastle, as in point of abilities from Mr. Pitt. lie was, besides, charged by the whigs with being the friend of arbitrary power. In his ap- pointment to subordinate offices, he had freqCiently removed Englishmen of known and respectaijlc characters, to make room for Scotchmen, who, however respectable, were not known, and were presumed to be the abet- tors of arbitrary power ; and this partiality increased the popular ferment. The whig party had been uniformly connected with the monied interest, and Pitt possessed the most unlimited confidence of that important body of men. The supplies of the current year had been raised while the duke • The substance and spirit of all that was said, or perhaps could be said, upon this subject, may be seen in Mr. Burke's celebrated pamphlet on the Discontents, published in the Grafton administration. 1762.— CiiAr. III. tlEIGN OF GEORGE IH. 163 [Negotiations. Outlines of the peace with France, Spain, etc.] of Newcastle was at the head of the treasury. On lord Bute they had no reliance ; and in the year which was to follow, the capitalists were more likely to obstruct than to facilitate the supplies. A great host of opposi- tion, though in two divisions, yet one in enmity to the minister, app^^ared ready to attack him when parliament should be assembled. So thwarted and obstructed, to carry on the war with the force and success which the nation, exulting in recent victory, expected, would, he conceived, be im- practicable. Besides, he tliought the actual resources of tlie country were nearly exhausted, and that another campaign would produce financial distress; the difficulties of perseverance in attempting to rethjce the power of Bourbon, therefore, appeared to his mind as impossibilities : for all these reasons, he was desirous that a negotiation should be commenced. The king of Sardinia, the friend of the contending states on both sides, understanding their respective and relative dispositions, offered so far to interfere, as to communicate them to each of the parties- The bellige- rent powers very readily consented to open a negotiation ; and it was agreed, that a person of the first distinction should be reciprocally sent to London and Paris. The duke de Nivernois came on the'part of France, and the duke of Bedford went on the part of England, in September, 1762. In the negotiation of 1761, a principle had been established between the two crowns, that their respective propositions, if the treaty were broken off, should be considered as retracted, and as never made : the negotia- tion of 1762, therefore, was not a renewal of that of 1761. Still, how- ever, from the similarity of circumstances, it assumed somewhat of a si- milar spirit, so far as regarded the peculiar interests of Great Britain ; and respecting Germany, there was a very material difference. France and England both recurred to the original cause of the war, the limits of the North American territories. The French king not only re- nounced all pretensions to Nova Scotia, but ceded the whole of Canada and its dependencies, including the Louisiana ; and whereas the French had pretended a right to the country which reaches from the Ohio to St. Lawrence, and had built a train efforts to command the communication, his christian majesty ceded the whole of that tract, and also the forts and settlements. Spain relinquished Florida ; so that from Hudson's bay to the southern cape of Florida, from the Atlantic to the confines of New Mexico, the continent of North America was a part of the British em- pire. To command the navigation of St. Lawrence, and to secure the possessions of her northern acquisitions, Britain was to retain the islands of Cape Breton and St. John. We were to give up to the French the small islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon near Newfoundland. By the treaty of Utrecht, the Newfoundland fishery had been divided between France and England. Britain wished her rival now to relinquish the whole, but France would not hearken to the proposal ; at length a com- promise was made, by which Britain was to possess the greater share. The next object was the West Indies, which was one of the chief sources' of commerce, wealth, and maritime force to our enemies ; here we bad made great conquests ; the question was, whether we should retain t)iem, as acquisitions to ourselves, and as an increased security for a perma- nent peace by diminishing to the opposite party the means of var ; or without carrying our views to distant objects, sacrifice them, in order to facilitate an immediate peace. The British ministers favoured the latter alternative. We ceded to Spain the Havannah, with a considerable part 154 IIISTOllY OF THE Chap. III.— 1762. [Discussion of the treaty in parliament.] of Cuba; to France, the islands of IMartinico, Guadaloupe, Marijjalante, Dcsirade, and St. Lucia. AVe retained the islands of Tobago, Domini- ca, St. Vincent's and the Grenadas. To the tlirce former (as well as to St. Lucia which surrendered) Britain had an old claim ; the last only was a new acquisition, and the three others were then of little value. Spain consented that the English should, without disturbance, cut logwood in the bay of Honduras. In Europe Belleisle was restored to the French, Minorca to the English, and the fortifications of Dunkirk were to be de- stroyed, according to former trcatio.-^. In Africa Goree was restored to France, and Senegal retained by England. In the East Indies Britain returned all the French factories and settlements ; France having stipu- lated to erect no fortifications in Bengal or Orissa, and to acknowledge the reigning subahs of Bengal, the Decan, and the Carnatic. Concerning our allies, it was agreed, that the French and Spaniards should evacuate Portugal, and that France and Britain should observe a strict neutrality respecting the disputes in Germany ; that each should withdraw their forces, and discontinue subsidies. Such are the outlines of the peace, of which the preliminaries were signed and interchanged on the 3d of November, 1762, between the ministers of Great Britain, France, Spain, and Portugal. On the 2oth of November, parliament met ; his majesty's speech de- scribed the successes obtained in various quarters of the world by the per- severance and valour of his land and sea forces ; and stated as the con- sequence of those victories, that the enemy had made peace on terms highly advantageous to Britain ; by which his territories were greatly augmented, and new sources were opened for trade and manufactures. He recommended attention to the improvement of our acquisitions, and firmness and unanimity, as the surest means of rendering the advantages of the peace more extensive and permanent. The preliminaries underwent a very able discussion in both houses. Mr. Pitt attacked them as derogatory to the honour and interests of the kingdom, as being totally inadequate to the terms which our successes might have commanded, as a surrender of those advantages which our glorious efforts had procured to ourselves, and a sacrifice of public faith in the abandonment of our allies. These general objections he and oth- ers illustrated by a detailed inquiry into the several articles. France, it was contended, was chiefly formidable to us as a maritime and commer- cial nation. Though we had acquired an extensive territory in America, yet by our stipulation respecting the Newfoundland fishery, wc had left her a nursery of seamen ; by the restoration of her West India possessions, we had given her back the means of a most beneficial commerce ; and thus had put her in the way of recovering her losses, and being again formi- dable on our own element. The fi.shery formed a multitude of seamen, and the West India islands employed them when fully trained. France, by possessing a much greater quantity of sugar land, had been long supe- rior to us in this lucrative branch of commerce. She had thus enriched her anerchants, increased her revenue, and strengthened her navy : why then, after we had in ajiist and necessary war deprived her of such valuable po.ssession.s, should wc restore to her the means of again annoying our- selves? The retention of the considerable French plantations was neces- sary to the permanent security of a peace. Besides, after so expensive a war, our victories gave us a claim to some indemnification ; in that view. 1762.— CuAi'. 111. REIGN OF GEOUGE 111. 1()5 [Arguments against and for the treaty.] the islands would have been the most productive of our conquests. Our acquisitions in America might tend to our security, but it would be very long before they could lead to our indemnification. They neither in- creased in any important degree our commerce, nor diminished the com- merce of France ; but the West India islands, if retained, would have been an immediate great gain to Britain, and loss to our rival. The re- tention of the West Indies was farther necessary to the improvement of our acquisitions in North America, and also to our commerce with Afri- ca. In that event, it was argued, the African trade would have been augmented by the demand for slaves, and the trade of North America would have all centered in Britain ; whereas, the islands being restored, a great part of the northern colony trade must fall, as it had hitherto done, to those who had lately been our enemies, and would still be our rivals. For these reasons, either Martinico, or Guadaloupe, or even both, should have been retained by Britain. The cessions made in Afri- ca and in the East Indies would have fully justified the reservation to ourselves of our West India conquests. Provident policy required that we should have reserved those possessions, and our resources and resist- less naval strength would have enabled us to retain them, in defiance of the enemy. If in the negotiation, availing ourselves of our advantages, we had decisively refused such cessions, the enemy would not have ad- hered to the requisition, with the alternative of the continued war ; or, had they been so obstinate, British force would soon have reduced them to compliance. Concerning our ally the king of Prussia, it was insisted, that, in deserting his interests, we had violated the national faith.* Such were the arguments adduced both in and out of parliament by those who disapproved of the peace, which the minister and his support- ers answered to the following effect. The original object of hostilities was, the security of our continental possessions in North America ; the dangers to which these colonies had been exposed, and the expensive and bloody war resulting to Great Britain from those dangers, rendered it necessary to prevent the possibihty of their recurrence. Experience had shown, that while France possessed a single place on the continent of America, we should never be secure from a renewal of hostilities : the removal of the French from our neighbourhood in that country, was there- fore the most effectual means of preventing future vvar.f The security so produced would also tend ultimately to indemnification : as it would not only save us from the necessity of another war, increase our trade and • The writings of those times cliarged the minister with very gross breach of faith and base treachery, in endeavouring to stimul.ite both Austria and Rwssia against Prussia, wiiile he was professing the greatest zeal for tiie security of that prince ; but no authentic evidence is acUhiced to support the allegation. See His- tory of the Minority, 1~62, 1763, 1764, 1765. f It has been frequently alleged by speculative politicians, that this very re- moval of the French from our American colonies, by freeing them from the appre- hension of a foreign enemy, encouraged that proud and refractory spirit which ended in revolution. This, however, appears to be a fanciful hypothesis. The Americans were morally certain that the French would join in supporting disaffec- tion, rebellion, and revolt, in order to annoy Great Britain ; and they could have contributed tlieir assistance more easily and expeditiously if they had retained part of their North American settlements, than when totally deprived of those possessions. In short, this theory originates in French ingenuity, and not in English reasoning. 166 HISTORY OF THE Chap. HI.--ir62. [Impartial estimate of the treaty.] revenue, and lower our debt, but permit our colonies to extend their com- merce and population. The population of the colonies had of late very rapidly advanced, and the increase of the trade with the mother country had been proportionate. North America itself would soon afford a de- mand for our manufactures, and employ almost all the working hands in England. They expatiated on the immense resources to commerce which must arise from the possession of the American continent ; and argued, that, great as commercial advantages are, they ought not to be the sole consideration, but that number of subjects and extent of territory, contributed no less to the greatness of an empire. France, they said, would never agree to a considerable cession in the AVest Indies, where the importance of our possessions depended on the North American colonies, from which they derived their principal provisions and other supplies, and that commerce fully compensated for our inferiority in West India pro- ductions. Tlieij contended, that the points which the opposite party had proposed to contest, were not of sufficient importance to jnstijy the continu- ance of the war on their account. The king of Prussia we had supported as long as he was likely to be overwhelmed by enemies ; but now, by his peace with Sweden and llussia, and by the neutrality of France, he had to contend with Austria only, for which he was fully a match. It was the interest of Britain to save Prussia from destruction, but not to promote her ambition. The impartial historian, however, who is totally uninterested in the contentions of parties, must differ from both ministry and opposition. On the subject of Prussia, ministers appeared to have judged prudently, as the reason for defending Frederick was the maintenance of the balance of Europe ; when that ceased to be in danger, policy no longer required the waste of our blood and treasures in his contests. Concerning the West Indies, our cessions appear by far too great. The reasons alleged by ministers for the dereliction of such valuable possessions, were futile in the present situation and relative force of the parties. According to their alleoations, France would not s^ive up what she had actually LOST ; but if Britain insisted on the reservation, where were her means of recovery ? The principle on which the cession was justified, was contra- ry to magnanimous and wise policy. A declared willingness to abandon momentous advantages, rather than continue a contest to secure them when already possessed, directly tended to make the adversary more stubborn, and afford an injurious example in future contests. To a pow- er transcendent in resources, it can never be a prudent reason for relin- quishing valuable interests, that they are not to be maintained without a struggle. Such conduct is really as contrary to pecuniary economy on balancing accounts upon a large scale, as to national dignity and honour. The abandonment of acquisitions affording to the possessor riches and naval strength, tended, as was foreseen, to furnish France with the means of maintaining another war whenever a favourable opportunity of- fered. It was unnecessary to expatiate on the advantages which we se- cured by our acquisitions in North America, as a reason for giving up the West Indie.s : such being our power, that we could not only have obtain- ed, but enforced both. Our great efforts had certainly exposed us to considerable difficulties, and lord Bute had been uniformly anxious to terminate the war. Peace was desirable, but the peace concluded was not so honourable or advantageous as Britain could have dictated, and 1763.— Chai'. III. UKIGN OP GKOUGE HI. 107 [Charges against the earl of Bute. Finance. Cider tax] contained in itself the .seeds of dis.solution. The definitive treaty was signed on the 10th of February, 17C3, and terminated a war begun by boundless ambition, in which defeat and disaster paid the price of impoli- tic rapacity, and repeated the lesson which former hostilities had so often inculcated, that France, seeking the extension of territory and the aug- mentation of commerce and naval power, by attacking England, em- ployed the most effectual means to prevent the attainment of her pur- pose. The peace of Fontainbleau, however, though certainly by no means the best which Britain might have concluded in the existing circum- stances, produced against its framers obloquy and invectives which they did not deserve. It was openly and loudly asserted, that the earl of Bute entertained the ancient Scotch partiality for France, and intentionally betrayed his king and country.* It was very plainly insinuated, that the duke of Bedford had been actually bribed by the court of Versailles to conclude a peace on such terms. | Improbable as these charges were in their nature, and totally unsupported by any extrinsic evidence, yet during the public ferment they obtained very general credit. The tide of popular odium ran extremely high : demagogues never fail to increase the fury of a populace already inflamed, and on the present occasion an additional subject was not long wanting. The war had made a prodi- gious increase in the encumbrances of the country, and there was such aa arrear of floating debt as to render a very large loan necessary ; the people, however, could not so clearly see the necessity of taxes being no less requisite at the conclusion, than during the continuance of an ex- pensive war. While exulting in victory, and elated with hopes of crush- ing their ancient enemy, they did not repine at expense ; but now such flattering expectations were terminated by a peace, which was generally disapproved. Ministers were aware, that in such a disposition no scheme of supply would be well received. They therefore determined to impose as few taxes as the public service could possibly admit. The nation, they contended, was exhausted, and it was therefore necessary to repair our finances by the most rigid economy. In pursuance of this plan, they proposed to raise the supplies, first, by taking 2,000,000/. out of the sinking fund ; secondly, by issuing 1,800,000/. in exchequer-bills ; thirdly, by borrowing 2,800,000/. on annuities ; and, lastly, by two lotteries for 350,000/. each. The rest of the supplies were necessarily raised by taxes. The principle of taxation under the Bute ministry was, to subject luxuries, and not necessaries, to imposts, for the exigencies of the state. The luxuries of the lower ranks, are, on the whole, a much more pro- ductive source of revenue, than those of the higher ; it was therefore ex- pedient to include the poor as well as the rich : there were taxes upon beer, ale, and porter directly, and indirectly in that upon malt ; as well as upon wine, on which, in this session, an additional dutv was imposed. Cider hitherto had been subject to no impost; it was judged expedient this year to tax that beverage, though in a less proportion than ale and porter, to which in its nature, and in the situation of its principal con- sumers, it was held most analogous ; and to levy it by the same mode, an excise. Those who examine the nature and operation of difierent • See North Briton, and Junius's Letter to the duke of Bedford, f See Junius's Letter to the duke of Bedford. 168 HISTORY OF TIIK Chap. 111.-1763. [Cause of the unpopularity of excise.] mode*? of levying taxes, can very easily perceive, that excise is less bur- thonsome to the consumer than any equivalent raised in customs. Cus- toms, though advanced by the merchant, must ultimately fall on the con- sumer ; as the merchant must not only be reimbursed, but have a profit on all his advance, it follows, that the earlier in trade customs are paid for any commodity, the heavier they must fall on the consumer. The excise being levied on commodities in use, and paid by the consumer, does not require him to reimburse the merchant for his advance, nor to contribute to his profits. But in customs, the tax being involved in the price of the commodity, is not felt as a tax ; whereas excise is imme- diately felt, and, though really lighter, is imagined to be heavier.* From this unfounded supposition, excise is a much more unpopular mode of taxation, than customs. Two circumstances add to the unpopularity of this species of tax — the necessary procedure of the tax-gatherers, and the established mode of trial. The visits of excise officers, it is alleged, are inconsistent with the rights of an Englishman, according to which his house is his castle ; yet it is obvious, that there are many other in- stances in which that castle must be entered for the public good. The next is, the summary process before commissioners, instead of trial by jury ; which is really mercy, and not severity, to delinquents. The ex- pense and delay of prosecutions, either by action or indictment, would iall infinitely heavier on defendants, than this expeditious manner of as- certaining the matter in dispute. t The excise is a much more effectual mode of preventing contraband dealing, than customs : and therefore smugglers are much more interested in abetting the unpopularity to which it is liable from vulgar and inveterate prejudices. From all these causes, every scheme for extending the excise has never failed to excite great op- position and tumult in this country. Sir Robert Walpole's famous scheme, firmly as he was established by the favour of the king and the great whig confederacy, had nearly cost him his place, and was obliged to be aban- doned. The enmity to the excise was still undiminished, and was likely to exert itself with redoubled fury against a minister otherwise so unpo- pular. The cider tax in itself appears to have been as fair and equitable as any that could have been devised ; it merely made those who chose to regale themselves with a distillation from apples, contribute to the revenue, as well as those who chose to regale themselves with a distilla- tion from barley : its prudence, however, was questionable. Great and able statesmen will not be deterred from plans of national benefit, by tiie misapprehension of popular prejudices and ignorance ; because they know, that though some of their acts may incur censure, their general measures and conduct, which command tlie veneration of their country- men, wdl ultimately prevail over occasional disapprobation. But lord Bute must have been aware that he was not an object of veneration, .since no pains were spared to convince him, that by the majority of En- glishmen he was regarded with abhorrence and contempt; that he was the last man who could overbear popular prejudice, however sound the argument might be to justify his financial measures. It was therefore impolitic in him to i)ropose, and still more unwise inflexibly to pursue, this tax, though in itself unobjectionable, lie however did persist ; and, • See J)r. Smith's Wealth of Nations. I Sec Ulackstone's Commentaries, b. iv. p. 281. ir63.-~CHAp.Iir. HKIGN OF GEORGE III. jg9 [Unexpected resignation of lord Bute.] sfrorifj a.s the opposition* was in both hoiLses, loud and violent as the clannours were througiioiit llie kingdom, the bill passed into a law. In pamphlet.s and periodi(tal publication!!, and in all popular meeting.s in the city of Lo'idon, which were entirely directed by opposition, this act was represented as part ot' a general scheme formed by lord Bute for plun- dering Kngland, to gratify the rapacity of Scotchmen,! ^^^ ^^r establish- ing arbitrary power. \Vhile the minister was by numbers considered, and by many more represented, as meditating the most destructive designs to be effected by his power, to the surprise of the public, as soon as his financial mea- su'Ps were passed, he relinquished his employment. " Having (he said) restored peace to the world, portormeu bis engaf^ements, and establisiied a conn<'xion so strong as no longer to need his assistance, he would now depart to the domestic and literary retirement which he loved." Few ministers have been more generally hated than lord Bute was by the Enolish nation ; yet, if we estimate his conduct from facts, without being influenced by local or temporary prejudices, we can by no means finti just grounds for the odium which he incurred. It is true, an im- partial reviewer can find nothing in his political character to justify the praises of some ot' his supporters, but still less will be found to justify the obloquy of many of his satirists. As a ^' ar minister, thoaoh his plans discovered little of original genius, and naturally proceeded iVtnn the measures of his predecessor, the general state of our resources, the con- quests achieved, and the disposition of our fleets and armies, yet they were judicious ; the agents appointed to carry them into execution were selected with discernment, and the whole result was successful. His desire of peace, after so long and burtliensome a war, was laudable, but perhaps too eagerly manifested. As a negotiator, he did not procure the best terms which, from our superiority, might have been obtained. His project of finance,! in itself unobjectionable, derived its impolicy from the unpopularity of his administration. Exposed from unfounded pre- judices to calumny, he deserved and earned dislike by his haughty de- portment. The manners which custom might have sanctioned from an imperious chieftain to his servile retainers in a remote corner of the island, did not suit the independent spirit of the English metropolis. The • The ablest opponent of this tax was Mr I'itt. That statesman denied the general position of ministers, tliat the nation was exhausted. There were still resources for carrying on the war Ioniser, and much more towards clearing off incumbrances on the peace. As we v.fre necessarily involvcfl in an immense debt, our wisest policy in such circumstances would be, by liberal and compre- hensive (^rants to add as much as possible to the national income. Afier discuss- ing- in detail the other parts of the financial scheme, he came to the cider tax, against which he directed the force of his eloquence. Mr. Grenville in answer contended that it was unavoidahle Wliere (said he) can we lay another tax of equal efficiency ? does Mr. Pitt tell us where we cnn lay another tax. He several times repeated, "Tell me where \om can lay another t.ax ?" Mr. Pitt replied to him in a musical tone, in the words of a favourite song, 'Gentle shepherd, tell me where .'" Mr. Grenville ever after retained the denomination of g-ejUle shep- herd. t See North Briton, No. 43; Churchill's Poems ; History of the Minority ; and other popular writin s ot the time. t: His loan was much censured, as affording extravagant terms to the lender, and bestowing the principal shares iii)on Scotchmen. This charge, however, '.bough in some measure true, was greatlv exaggerated. Vot. VII.— 22 170 HISTORY OF THE Chaf. HI —1763. [Character of his administration ] respectable mediorrity of his talents with the suitable attainments, and his decent moral character, deserved an esteem which his manners pre- cluded. Since lie could not, like Pitt, command by superior geniur;, he ought, like the duke ot' Newcastle, to have conciliated by atFable de- meanour. His partisans have praised the tenacity of lord Bute in his purposes ; a quality which, puided by wisdom in the pursuit of ri;ecu- tion proposed. The chief justice Mansfield declared his disapprobation of that mode of procedure : " I am (he said) decidedly against the pro- secution : his consequence will die away if you let him alone : but by public notice of him, you will increase that consequence ; which is the rery thing he covets, and keeps in full view." The contrary opinion, however, prevailed ; and on the 26th, a warrant was issued for seizing the authors, printers, and publishers of the North Briton, No. 45. By the law, a general warrant to apprehend all persons suspected, without specially naming or describing any person, was illegal, and, to use Blackstone's words, " void for its uncertainty ; for it is the duty of the MAGISTRATE, and ought not to be left to the o(ficer, to judge of the ground of suspicion."* But thi-< mode of procedure, though it was in- consistent with written law, had all the sanctions which it could derive from precedent. It had been used ever since the revolution, and by the successive whig administrations from that time, had never before been called arbitrary, and indeed was nothing but an irregularity. Mr. Wilkes refused to comply with the warrant, but was at last compelled to accom- pany the messengers to the secretary of state's office ; he was committed • Uiackstone's Commentaries, htiok iv. p. 291. Jiuige Bl.-jckstonc, in a note upon this place, explains Iiow such a procwcdinp, though actually illegal, came to be reckoned justifiable. "A practice had obtainid he says) in the secretary's office, ever since the restoration, groiuidtcl on some clauses in the acts for regu latinp »he 'ifi'ss, of issuing general warrants to take up (without naming any per- son in partigular,) Mic authors, printers, and publishers of such obscene and sedi- tious lib' Is as were particularly specified in the warrant. When those acts ex pired in 1694, the same practice was inadve-rteutly continued in every reign, and under every idminiatration (except the last four years of queen Anne,) down to the yar 176^; when, such a warrant being issued to aj)preliend the authors, printers, and piiblinhent, of a certam si ditious libel, its validity was disputed ; and the warrant was adjudged by the whole court of king's bencli to be void, in the rise of Money v. Leach." 1763.— Ghap. rv. KEIGN OF GEORGE ITT. I73 [Release from confinement. State of the ministry.] to the Tower, his papers were seized, and admission to him was strictly prohibited, iintil a motion was made in the court of common pleas for a writ of haheas-corpus ; by virtue of which, on the 3d of May, he was brought into Westminster hall. That they micht have time to form an opinion upon so important a case, the judges deferred decision till the 6th, on which day the lord chief justice Tratt delivered an opinion that did not, as is commonly alleged, declare general warrants to he ille- gal, but tlie warrant in question to be void on a specific g-round, the pri- vilege of parliament. DIembers of the legislature are exempted from ar- rest, except in three cases, treason, felony, and breach of the peace; and as neither of these applied to the charge against Mr. W ilkes, he was re- leased by the court. This liberation, on account of parliamentary privi- lege, was by the popular party construed to be a victory gamed by an op- pressed individual over an arbitrary government, wishing to crush consti- tutional liberty. The day before his release, in consequence of an order from the secretary of state to earl Temple, lord lieutenant of Ducking- hamshire, he was discharged from the command of the militia of the county ; and the attorney-general was directed to commence a prosecu- tion against him for a libel.* Mr. Wilkes not only refused to answer the information which the Ian officer tiled, but on the ot'rer hand brought an action against Mr. Wood, undersecretary of state, for seizing his papers, and procured a verdict with a thousand pounds damages, and full costs of suit. He also commenced a process against lord Halifax, which, how- ever, subsequent occurrences abated. The proceedings relative to Mr. Wilkes during the year 1763, occupied the principal attention of the whole nation. The popular party represented him as the cliampion of liberty, and the object of persecution on account of his patriotism. Anti- ministerial writers directed their efforts almost exclusively to the praise.^ of Wilkes, and the abuse of his prosecutors. Every publication, of which he was the subject, was read with astonishing avidity. Not the populace merely, but men of real talents and virtue, though they detested his pro- fligacy, considering the freedom of Englishmen as violated in his person, associated the idea of Wilkes and liberty. Wilkes was not slow in availing himself of the popular opinion in hi? favour. He set up a printing press, and published the proceedings against him at one guinea a copy; by the extraordinary sale of which, he procured a degree of affluence to which he had been long unaccus- tomed, and a degree of importance which he could never otherwise have established. Finally, he expressed his resolution of making the pro- ceedings against him a subject of formal complaint in parliament. The ministers who now conducted public affairs were wanting, if ROt in talents, at least in influence and estimation. Their supposed depen- dence prevented both respect and popularity ; and the proceedings against Mr. Wilkes, which were presumed to originate with lord Bute, rendered * Lord Temple having supported Mr. Wilkes in combating- the prosecutions carried on at the instance otmiiiistfis, his lordship alsd, iu officially announcing' the dismissal of Mr. Wilkes from the militia, expressed reg-ret for the loss sustained by the county from this resolution. The conduct of lord Temple was so disagree- able to his majesty's counsellors, including his lordship's own brother Mr. Gren- ville, that he was discharjjed from the lord-lieutenancy of Buckinghamshire. His lordship continued to support Wilkes ; but it was evidently on account of his po- litical prosecution, and not from an approbation of his private conduct and charac- ter. See History of the Minority ; Universal and Gentleman's Masra?:incs for 176» 174 HISTOHY OF THE Chap. IV.— 1763, [Overtures of the king to Mr. Pitt.] his conceived tools; hateful as a body, however meritorious some of tho members wore iiidividually accounted. George Granville, a man of sound undi"i>t;iudnig, with a resolute heart, and fair and unimpeaciied mtegrily, had been, during the greater part of his public life, the friend and parlisau of his brother-in-law Mr. Pitt; and, though deserving of respect and inliuencc on his own account, had been indebted for actual consideraliou to iiis connexion witb that illustrious character. His per- sonal importance was by no means sufficient to give strength and stability to a political party, especially to an adnnnistration having such formidable opponents. Of his colleagues in office, lord Egreinont, by bis abilities, oxperitnce, and reputation, possessed the greatest weight. Of this statesman's assistance, iio, on the 21st of August, was deprived by dcaih ; and the cabinet was now reckoned extremely feeble and ineffi- cient. The object of the king uniformly was, to employ political ability and virtue in the government of the nation, without regard to party. Tlie lir-t statesman of the kingdom had withdrawn from the cabinet; and to recall his nio^t efficacious talents into tho executive service of his coun- try, was the benignant wish of our sovereign. He accordingly made ap- plication to Mr. i*iit, and an interview took place on the 27th of August. The patriot being consulted respecting measures and men, delivered his opinion freely and explicitly » that in the circumstances and opinions of the times, it would be expedient for the insurance of public confidence, to restore the great whig families to a certain share of that power from wliicb they had been recently driven, and their deprivation of which had caused such alarms in the country. The king did not object to those general propositions, and appointed Mr. Pitt to a second interview on the 29th. to enter into particular arrangements. On the intervening day, Mr. Pitt conferred with the chief whig leaders, and his own political friends, concerning the personss who should constitute the new cabinet, and a plan was formed. The day f >!lowing, he met the king at the ap- pointed hour, and laid before him the names of his proposed coadjutors. His majesty, desirous of the services of Mr. Pitt individually, was willing to admit in conjunction with him certain members of the wins, party ; but, true to tho policy with which he had set out, would not surrender the whole direction of his ail'airs to a combination ; he therefore proposed a plan which should, together with Mr. Pitt and some of those wliom he rc(!onimended, extend to others. Mr. Pitt api)ears to have adhered to his first o|)inion, and the king to have persevered in his determination not to yield to so exclusive a system of administration. The conference broke ofi",* and Mr. Pitt and his friends did not become a part of the mi- nistry. Having failed m the attempt to procure the ministerial services of Mr. Pitt on admissible terms, his majesty bestowed a considerable share of power on the duke of Bedford and his partisans, making the duke himself president of the council. The accession of the numerous connexions of the Bedford family gave Mr. Grenville an assurance of a parliamentary majority, which enabled niini-slora to carry their projects into execution. • Various rcporf9,»w«;re disseminated concerning tliis negotiation. The docu- ments on wliic>i it chiefly rests, is the letter ot lord Hurdwicke to his son lord Hoyslon, ufierwards publibl.cd. 3763.— Chaf. IV. KEIGN OF CKtyRGF, IH. 1 7.T [Parliament. Proceedings against Mr. Willccs.] The session opened in#fovemhei-. His niajosl y having in his speech exhorted parliament to cidtivate the hlcssin<>s of p»c8, for instance, imported fioin the West Indies to North America, paid a duty before they were shipped ; as did also tobacco and in- digo, imported from the North American continent to any of the other plantations. 1764— Chap. IV. IIEIGN OF GEORGE III. 181 [Innovating system of taxation. Dissatisfaction of the colonies.] than its author apprehended ; and a plan for making an inconsiderable addition to British revenue eventually laid the foundation of one of the greatest and most momentous revolutions which history has to record. As a part of this innovating system, Mr. Grenville moved in parlia- ment a bill for granting certain duties on goods in the British colonies, to support the government there, and encourage the trade to the sugar plan- tations ; and on the 6th of April, this proposition was passed into a law. He also proposed another to the following purport : " that towards fur- ther defraying the expense of protecting and securing the colonies, it may be proper to charge certain stamp duties in the colonies." He postponed, however, during this session, the introduction of a bill founded on the last resolution, that the Americans might have time to offer a compensa- tion for the revenue which such a tax might produce. The colonial as- semblies, during the war, had been in the practice of issuing bills, which were made a legal tender for money : these had begun to be attended with great inconvenience, and to suffer very considerable depreciation. To remedy the evils, a law was proposed by Mr. Grenville, and passed by parliament, for preventing such bills as might be hereafter issued in any of his majesty's colonies or plantations in America, from being made legal tenders in payment of money. The restrictions on the clandestine trade had given great umbrage in North America ; the law obstructing their paper currency added to the dissatisfaction ; but the duties actually imposed upon merchandise, and the resolutions concerning the stamp duty, excited a loud clamour. The New-Englanders were the first to in- vestigate these measures. Conceiving the new laws to be part of a gene- ral plan for assuming a power not heretofore exercised by Britain over her American colonies, they immediately controverted the fundamental principle, and totally denied the right of a British parliament to levy, in any form, duties or taxes upon the colonics. The exercise (they said) of such an authority was a violation of their rights as freemen ; as colo- nists, possessing by their charters the power of taxing themselves for their own support and defence ; and as British subjects, who ought not to be taxed but by themselves or their representatives. These topics were the subjects of petitions sent over to the king, to the lords, and to the commons. Placed in a rigorous climate, and on a soil requiring active and perse- vering industry to render it productive, the New-Englanders were stroilg, hardy, and capable of undergoing great labour and fatigue. Having many difficulties to overcome and dangers to encounter, they were formed to penetration, enterprise, and resolution. Their country, less bountiful than those of their southern neighbours, rendered recourse to traffic necessary. The puritanisra which they inherited from their forefathers,* with its concomitant hypocrisy, incorporated itself with their commercial conduct ; and avarice is never keener than after a coalition with fanatical austerity, and never with more ardour uses the ministry of fraud, than when arrayed in the garb of sanctity. The trafiic of New- England, of a minute and detailed kind, less resembling the pursuit of an enlightened merchant than a petty shop-keeper, while it narrowed liberal- ity, sharpened artifice. Inheriting a tinge of democratic republicanism, the people submitted with reluctance to the constitutional authority of a * See the Introduction, p. 32, 182 HISTORY OF TIIK Chap. IV.— 1764. [War with the Indians. Defeat of captain Dalzell.] government in which monarchy made a considerable part, and spurned at the idea of yielding to what they conceived to be usurpation. Avarice being a prominent feature in their characters, they were peculiarly jea- lous of an apprehended usurpation, which was calculated to affect tiieir purposes. As their sentiments and principles prompted tliem to oppose such attempts, tlieir intelligent and bold character enabled them effectu- ally to resist tiiem. In the middle colniiios, in which the temperature of the climate and fertiHty of the soil easily afforded the necessaries and ac- commodations of life, though active and industrious, the inhabitants were not equally hardy and enterprising : they were less austere in their man- ners, admitted luxury and relinement to a much greater degree than the colonists of the north, and were attached to a monarchical form of "o- vernment. The southern colonies were dissipated, relaxed, and indolent ; and therefore, though little adapted to resistance themselves, were well fitted to receive impressions from more vigorous characters. The New- Englanders were extremely active in diffusing their own sentiments through the provinces attached to the mother country ; till, at length, the spirit of dissatisfaction became so prevalent, as to attract the notice and animadversions of the British government. While subjects so interesting and important were agitating the civilized parts of British America, government was disturbed by a desultory war- fare with the Indian .savages. British settlers had impolitically neglected the means of gaining the affections and confidence of the natives. Seeing England so completely established, the Indians regretted they had not been more active in supporting the French interest. The cordon efforts along the laUes trenched upon their hunting grounds, almost the sole resource of savage life ; and they became apprehensive that British colo- nies would be planted in those woods from which they now derived their subsistence. In the midst of these apprehensions, a report was spread, that the American provinces had formed a scheme for extirpating the Indian tribes ; though totally unfounded, this rumour was believed by the natives, and had no small share in inciting them to hostilities. A confe- deracy was formed, and a sudden attack made, during the harvest, on all our frontier settlements. Before the design was suspected, numbers of planters were surprised, and put to death, with every torture that savage ingenuity could devise ; their effects were plundered, their houses Ijurned, and their crops destroyed. The itinerant merchants, who, re- iyinw on the general peace, traded in tJie Indian country, were murdered, and their effects, valued at two himdrcd thousand pounds, plundered. The western frontiers of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, were totally abandoned by the planters ; the savages had surprised three of our forts, and were advancing fast to our principal garrison. Fort Pitt. Informed of this alarming irruption, general Amherst sent a strong de- tachment against the Indians, under captain Dalzell. The savages, however^ being apprised of his intentions, attacked the king's troops on cverv side, and Dalzell, with groat difficulty, made his retreat to Fort Detroit. A nurnerouH body of Indians now surrounded Fort Pitt, at which re-enforcements were not yet arrived ; the general sent to its relief a strong corps under colonel Bouquet- Informed of the march of this detachment, the Indians raised the siege, with a view to attack the Kriglish ; and encountering liouquct's troops, after a sharp contest, pretended to retreat, and drew their adversaries into a most dangerous 1764.— Chap. IV. REIGN OF GEOUGE III. Ig3 [Operations of colonel Bouquet. Riots occasioned by the cider tax.] finibuscadc : the British, however, formed themselves into strong co- lumn.", and preserving the strictest order, encountered tomahawks with i'l.ved bayonets ; and disciplined valour prevailing over savage impetuosity, tliey repulsed the enemy. The Indians had again recourse to ambus- cade, to which their country is so peculiarly favourable. Our comman- der wished to bring them to a close engagement ; but the enemy with skilful dexterity eluded battle. In his attempts to effect his purpose, Bouquet was drawn into a defile, in which he was extremely distressed for want of water, and saw that, if he were not able to bring the Indians to regular action, his troops must moulder away for want of provisions. The enemy had increased in confidence from their late success ; and the colonel perceiving this boldness, contrived the following stratagem for drawing them into battle. The British troops were posted on an emi- nence, while two companies were stationed in more advanced situations. These he ordered to fall within the circle, as if retreating, while the other two were drawn up so as to appear to cover that retreat. The first two companies moved behind a projecting part of the hill, so as not to be perceived by the enemy. The savages, leaving their woods, attacked the two companies that were nearest them ; but while they pressed for- ward, believing themselves sure of victory, the two that had made the feigned retreat, rushed on, and attacked them in the flank, while the others charged them in front. The savages were defeated and routed ; and the British troops arriving at Fort Pitt, secured that important post. The savages now made an attack upon Niagara, and carried four hun- dred men in canoes across Lake Erie ; but these were defeated by an English schooner. General Amherst, aware that, though the disciplined force of Britain must ultimately triumph over savage ferocity, the inroads of the Indians was a great interruption to colonial prosperity, made such proposals as, by the great influence of sir William Johnstone, were accepted by the principal tribes ; and the rest, sensible that they were no longer able to contend with the British, also sought and obtained peace. At home, little happened of sufficient importance to be a subject of history, except the proceedings regarding Mr. Wilkes, already mentioned. The cider tax, however, occasioned a number of meetings and resolutions, and some riots. The crop had been very deficient, and the dearness of ])rovisions caused great discontent ; which was increased by the repre-^ sentations of demagogues, imputing the scarcity in a considerable degree to the influx of Scotchmen,* whom, it was asserted, lord Bute had brought hither to eat the fruits of England. The dissatisfaction in many places rose to tumult. The scarcity also contributed to a different evil, the prevalence of robberies to a very alarming degree : this mischief was farther increased by the discharge of numbers of soldiers and sailors at the peace, who had not since that time got into a regular employmertt : indeed, at no time were felonies more pregnant, daring, and atrocious. • The poet Cluircliill was peculiarly zealous and successful in impressing these ideas on those credulous readers who would receive the colourings of fancy for authentic tn.th. His writings were highly prized by critics who had not suffi-. cient discrimination to perceive the difference between the acrimony of malig- nant invective and the strength of well-founded satire ; who, to use the language of Johnson concerning another inciter of disaffection, " mistook the venom of the shaft for the vigour of the bow." 184 HlSTOTiY OF THE Chap. IV.— 1764. [Abuses In mad-houses. State of Europe. France.] DurinjT this yoar the legishiture was informed, that very shameful prac- tices prevailed in private mad-houses. Committees of both houses in- quired into the subject, and found that these pretended receptacles for lunatics were very frequently converted into prisons lor the confinement, by the autliority of private individuals, of persons who had done nothing offensive to the laws of their country ; wives who interrupted the de- baucheries of their luisbands ; parents, who chose to manage their own aflliirs, without implicitly submitting to their children ; children, sisters, and wards, who did not implicitly yield to parents, brothers, and guar- dians ; in short, whoever opposed the will of relations assuming despotic power. Individuals, invested with no authority by the law of the land, arrogated to themselves a power not granted by our laws to any part of the executive government. They committed fellow subjects to gaol without an examination : they suspended by their sole will and authority the habeas-corpus act ; and in ellect established bastilcs in Britain. It was found, that the keepers acknowledged this absolute power of indivi- duals ; and, without any inquiry, received whomsoever their lettres de cachet chose to send in confinement. They admitted and detained per- sons in their perfect senses, requiring notlnng fiirthcr than to be paid for their maintenance. The legislature, having investigated this evil and discovered its extent, made regulations to prevent its continuance or re- newal. During this year, two events took place, which were important to the royal family, and consequently to the country. The hereditary prince of Brunswick, who hj;id so eminently distinguished himself in the war, was in January married to the princess Augusta, eldest sister of the king. The bishopric of Osnaburg, which was alternately in the gift of the houses of Hanover and Saxony, becoming vacant, and it being king George's turn, as elector of Hanover, to present, was bestowed upon the infant prince Frederick, second son to their majesties. Before we revert to the internal and colonial contests which agitated the first portion of the present reign, it seems proper to take a short re- view of the state of Kuro])e, especially of those parts of it whose acts must always be important to Great Britain. The alliance between France and Austria had been so far from an- swering its purpose, that its consequences had left both the contracting parties in an exhausted and depressed state. The family compact be- tween France and Spain, which was intended to exalt, had humbled both kinffdoms. In France, internal dissatisfaction interrupted the measures of governmeut for repairing the losses sustained l)y the war. The im- mense expenditure of France, both for herself and her allies, had involved her in the greatest pecuniary difiiculties, and obliged government to levy very heavy taxes. The parliament of l*aris objected to some of the new financial decrees ,' and fijrce being employed to reduce them to compli- ance, they resigned their offices. Various representations were made to the king, to justify their conduct. The duke of Fitz-james, governor of Languedoc, imprisoned some refractory members of the parliament of Thoulouse. As a customary mode of procedure with the executorial of- ficers of the king of Franc6, this act might indeed raise indignation, but could not excite surprise ; tlie proceedings of the parliament, however, in these circumstances were unusual, and manifested a deviation from the spirit by whieii that country had been actuated ever since the esta- ir64-CHAP. IV. in:iGN OF GEORGE HF. 185 [Austria. Prussia. Rising' greatness of Russia,] blishment of the house of Bourbon. The parhament of Thoulouse im- peached the duke, gave orders for the arrest of his person and the seques- tration of his estates, and referred the cause to the cognizance of the parhament of Paris, as the supreme court of judicature. That body, accepting the appeal, ordered their president to request the king's pre- sence in the examination. The king replied, that, as the duke of Fitz- james represented his person, he would lumself take cognizance of the cause. To this intimation the parliament returned a very strong remon- strance. The death of Fitz-james prevented the dispute coming to issue, but the spirit of resentment which had manifested itself did not evaporate. Austria had concluded a peace with the kini^ of Prussia a few months after the treaty of Fontainbleau ; she had for ever renounced her claim to Silesia, and by her supulalioiis acknowledged herself to have totally failed in the purposes for which she had undertaken the war. By her ainbilious projects she had, during the contest, incurred a debt amounting to twenty-live millions sterling; which was to her an enormous sum. The counsels of her able minislcr Kaunitz were necessarily occupied in devising means for the diminution of this bur- then. One important object she obtained by the licaly of lluberts- burg, in the express consent of the king of Prusbia to tiie archduke Joseph, eldest son and heir of the emperor and empress-queen, being chosen king of the Romans, and the election took place in April, 1764. The king of Prussia, though he had ov,ercon^e all his enemies, and dictated the termsof peace, equally able in every department, had been so provident, that at the end of the wau he had not contract- ED A SHILLING OF DEBT, jud hudcvcn one year's revenue in his trea- sury.* Frederick, though now at peace, did not relax; he employed himself in cultivating the advantages of tranquillity, reviving indus- try, encouraging agriculture and commerce, improving his revenue, and rendering his country flourishing. Russia, though advancing more slowly toward civilization than the ardent genius of czar Peter had conceived, was rapidly increasing in the solid constituents of power. Her military force, arising from such extensive resources, was extremely strong. In hostilities she had commonly been subsidized as an ayxiliary, instead of contributing as a principal ; hence the wars in which sl.c had been engaged exer- cised her soldiers witiiout exhausting her finances. Her commerce was extending on every side ; not only from her pursuing the schemes of Peter, but from the policy of other countries. During the present century, more than at any preceding peiiodj the nations of Europe had sought maritime strength. Russia was the grand magazine of naval stores : these exports increased lier wealth ; intercourse with the traders enlarged her commercial ideas, and more strongly impress- ed on her the importance of maritime iorce. Her marine was rapidly advancing ; and from her various resources she had the greatest in- fluence with nations with which she was nearly connected. Such was the state of Russia when the sceptre fell into the hands of a princess thoroughly qualified by understanding and temper to cultivate the pro- ductiveness of the country, improve and multiply its resources, and • See GlUles's Frederick, p. 364. Vol. VH— 24 186 HISTORY OF THE Chip. IV.— 1765. [Interference of Russia in the affairs of Poland. Corsica.] call them forth to beneficial action. The empress Catharine, in ihe beginning of her reign, appeared so much occupied with her own do- minions, as to attend little to foreign transactions ; and merely to wish to be on terms of peace and amity with her neighbours, without inter- fering in any of their contests or concerns. She had made a defen- sive alliance with the king of Prussia, without embroiling herself with Austria; she was on amicable terms with Sweden and Denmark : she had kept totally aloof from the disputes of the maritime powers, and professed the highest regard for all the belligerent parties, and the greatest satisfaction when their wars were at an end. But at length an event took place, which showed that her ambitious character was destined to display itself in other countries as well as Russia. On the 5th of October, 1763, Augustus, elector of Saxony and king of Poland, died; and his son, the young elector, offered himself as candidate for the throne. The king of Prussia, very anxious to prevent the crown of Poland from becoming hereditary in the house of Saxony, opposed the choice of its present head. The Russian empress joined Frede- rick in his opposition to the house of Saxony, and recommended count Poniatowsky, a Pole by birlh, representative of a powerful and illustri- ous family, and himself a man of gi'cat virtues and accomplishments ; and in order to strengthen his interests she sent a powerful army in- to Poland. Austria, France, and Spain, connected with the house of Saxony, wished success to the elector, but had neither the disposition nor power to employ force in his favour. Branitzky and Radzivil, two Polish chieftains of great power and authority, endeavoured to oppose Poniatowsky, but were defeated, and driven out of Poland ; and Ponia- towsky was, on the 7lh of September, 1764, elected, by the title of Stanislaus II. king of Poland. In southern Europe a war had subsisted for upwards of twenty years, between the republic of Genoa and the inhabitants of Corsica. The islanders had been at first headed by a German adventurer,whom, trusting to his air-built promises of interesting the great powers in their favour, they chose king, by the title of Theodore king of Corsi- ca. Finding him, however, not to possess the power and influence to which he had pretended, they compelled him to abdicate the throne and retire into banishment. The Corsicans, after this event, chose a native chieftain, named Giacinto Paoli, general of their armies, and president of their councils ; and under this commander they were su- perior to the Genoese troops. After a contest of many years, the senate of Genoa applied to the most christian king for assistance ; and in August 1 764, a convention was signed between the French and Gen- oese, by which the king of France guaranteed the island to Genoa, and promised lo send a naval and military force to assist in its reduction. '1 he Corsicans applied to the courts of Vienna and London to medi- ate for lliem with the French monarch ; but nothing was done in their behalf, and the French troops took possession of the principal for- tresses of (Corsica. The British parliament met on the lOlh of January, 1765. The question of general warrants was early in the season brought again before the house, in a new form, and on the 29th, underwent a very able discussion, in which many ingenious arguments were brought forward o'}\ both sides, new rather in detail and illustration than in principle. The speakers of opposition showed the evils which might 1765.— Chap. IV. UEIGN OF GEOTIGE III. | g^ [Plan of taxing America. Difference between ancient and modern coloniea.] arise from general warrants in a greater multiplicity of lights than before, and administration enlarged much more than formerly on the impropriety of the interposition of the house of commons in declar- ing the law of the land : but the real grounds of argument on both sides were and must have been the same, as the subject had been so completely debated in the preceding year. After a very warm con- test, it was dismissed by the previous question. The deliberations of parliament were now turned towards Ameri- ca. Both the justice and expediency of taxation underwent a dis- cussion, on much more comprehensive principles than in the former year, when the probable efficiency of the tax appeared to be the sole consideration. The petitions and manifestos from the American co- lonies, denying the right of the British parliament to tax them, being read, the minister submitted the question to the house. A more im- portant subject of discussion had rarely been presented to the British parliament. It was a question, the extent and consequences of which its proposer had by no means digested ; it involved the general ob- jects of colonization, the means by which those were to be effected, and the particular constitution, slate, and sentiments of the British colonies. In considering this subject, many, by arguing from the practice of parent countries and their plantations in ancient times, were led to very faulty conclusions respecting the question between Britain and her colonies. The motives for colonization have been extremely different in different ages, countries, and circumstances ; and from that dissimilitude arose a proportionate diversity of relation and reciprocal interest between the mother country and the planta- tions. Small states, with confined territories and an increasing po- pulation, were frequently obliged to send the surplus of their inhabit- ants in quest of new settlements. This was the cause of colonial establishments from Phenicia, and from Greece ; whose plantations in Asia, Africa, Italy, and elsewhere, were from their nature not de- pendent on the parent country. They often, indeed, retained a close intercourse with each other, from identity of extraction and langu?ge, and similarity of manners and government; but the parent country was far from claiming any authority over its emigrated descendants. This kind of colony resembled the children of a family se-'ing out to seek their fortunes abroad, because they had no means ^'f subsistence at home : settling themselves in a foreign country, st-osisted and pro- tected by their own efforts; consequently no long^^i' under the com- mand of the parents, whatever their affection n-»sbt be for them and their brethren. The colonies of the Romans vere planted from other causes, and were, in consequence, on a ver/ different footmg. 1 he state, increasing at home in population/ and abroad in territories, found conquered countries drained of inhabitants by long wars, but abounding in cultivated land. Th-^y therefore sent settlers from Rome* to occupy the lands, whict might otherwise have been in a great measure waste from the reduced population. Here the mother country offered comfortable sr':)sistence to her offspring for their in- dustry, and protection for -'tieir allegiance. The Roman colonists were not adventurers sent to seek their fortunes with the '' world all before them," but childr-n settled by parents in farms entirely de- • Smith oi\ Colonies, Wealth of Nations, vol. ii. p. 346. 188 HISTORY OF THE Cuap. IV.— 1765. [Principles and system of British colonization.] pendent on themselves ; and these plantations were, and must have been, part of the Roman dominions. Advocates for the taxation of the British colonies, in writings and speeches, qtiotedthe subjection of the Roman plantations; advocates against that system quoted the independence of the Grecian emigrations : although, in reality, nei- ther example would apply. Modern colonies have neither, like those from Greece, been establishments originating in necessary separation, and therefore in their nature independent ; nor like those of the Ro- mans, springing from specific donative within the jurisdiction of the donor, and therefore in tlieir nature dependent. They have been setik'nients formed for the purposes of immediate or eventual gain ; and they proposed the accession of resources to the parent country. Tiie great and leading inquiry was, how are these colonies to be ren- dered most beneficial to a state so circumstanced as their parent coun- try ? The plans of different European nations in the government of their colonics, varied according to the general policy of the parent country, the circumstance* of the settlements, and the character of particular administrations. The constitution of the American colo- nies was similar to the polity of Britain, in established provisions for the security of property, liberty, and life ; they therefore possessed the right of taxing themselves by their representatives. This was a privilege which the Americans thought inherent in them as British subjects, and confirmed by charters admitted by the mother country ; its practical enjoyment constituted a great part of their comfort and happiness; and teaching them to value themselves and their respec- tive colonies, inspirited those exertions which rendered them so be- neficial to the British empire. The actual benefits that accrued to Eiigland from her colonies, consisted in the increase of people, as the means of security and productiveness were augmented ; and in the vast and rapidly growing accession to our trade,* to supply the wants of the multiplying colonies. Commercial benefits were the cJjjects of the plantations ; the question, therefore, to be considered simply was, how are these advantages to be most effectually promot- ed, ins-jrcd, and improved ? It was a mere question of expediency, requiring no metaphysical disquisitions about abstract right. Expe- rience show^^ll that our gains had been very considerable, and acquir- ed without n>irmur or dispute, by the old plan, of profiling from their commerce, qnd demands for our productions: wisdom had now to delerminc, wheP.er an adherence to a system of experienced benc- • Tliis was sir Uo!)crt AVjfj^oIe'sview of the subject, declared when.as we have already oSserved, he w:is cx|))<;ssin}^ liis objections to taxin}( America. As his opinion was iniicli quoted duriiij.tl,c discussion before us, it may not be foreign to our purpose lo repeat it in Ids ovn words ; " I will leave the taxation of Ameri- ca," said he, '• for some of my succt.sors, who may iiave more courage than I have, and be less a friend lo commerce q,.,,! f am. It has been a maxim with me, during my administration, to encourage t.e trade of the American colonies in tlie utmost iaiitiide; nay, it has been necessary ti. pass over some irregularities in their trade with Kurope ; for, by encouraging tlictr, to an extensive growing foreign commerce, if they gam 500,000/. I am conviiict/1, that in two years afterwards, full 250,000/. of their gain will be in his majesty ; exchequer, by the labour and product of this kingdom ; as immense quantities of tvery kind of our manufactures go thither; and as they incr<::isc in tlioir foreign y^jueiican tr.ule, more of our produce will be wanted. This js Uxxiw^ tiicm more aj^vecably to their own coii- •titutiun and to ourb.'^ 1765.— Cuir. IV. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 189 [Bill imposing stamp duties. Arguments for and against the bill.] fit daily increasing, or the adoption of new schemes of doubtful ope- ration and certain opposition, was most likely to continue and extend that benefit for which colonies were established. The British minister preferred the untried theory to the essayed plan ; and stated to parliament, that having postponed his scheme of taxation till this session, expecting that the colonies would have of- fered an equivalent, instead of a compensation they had sent remon- strances. On the 7th of February, 1765, he opened his system to the commons, and in a committee moved fifty-five resolutions for impos- ing stani/i duties on certain papers and documents used in the colo- nies, and introduced a bill grounded upon the propositions. Of the two parties which opposed government, the duke of New- castle's was the more strenuous in combating the stamp, act. The principal leaders among the whig party, in the house of commons, were general Conway and Mr. Dowdeswell. Ministry had now ac- quired a very powerful auxiliary in the brilliant ingenuity of Mr. Charles Townshend, who had lately come over to their side. The supporters of British taxation asserted, that the colonies had been planted by our care, and nourished by our indulgence ; and that as America had been the cause of great expense, it was but reasonable that she should contribute toward the general demands of the empire, as a part of which she was protected. The British legislature (they said) had a right to enact laws for every settlement within the British territories. The Americans, though not nominally, were really re- presented in the British parliament, and thus were on a footing with many individuals and bodiesof Britons, who, having ostensibly no vote in the election of members, were equally included in the provisions of the legislature. The British finances were exhausted by a war be- gun for the security of the colonies ; it was therefore not only equita- ble that they should contribute, but extremely ungrateful in them to refuse. The nation had contracted an immense debt to give therii protection ; the navigation act, that palladium of British commerce, had been relaxed in their favour ; in short, Britain had treated them as favourite children. The arguments of the opposers of the staafi act were resolved into two heads; the right of Britain to tax America, and the expediency of exercising that right. The sovereign claim of taxation proposed by the pending bill, was totally inconsistent with every principle of freedom ; it would undo the secu,rity of property, and was contraiy to the rights of British subjects. The perfection of the representative system is, that the delegate is placed in the same situation as the con- stituent, and is bound himself by the laws which he has a share in en- acting. In Great Britain, every individual may be said to be virtu- ally represented; as every law and impost extends equally to those who have, as to those who have not votes. The Americans were not even virtually represented, and so far were members of British par- liament from being interested in securing tl>e property of the x^meri- cans, that, if the right of taxation were admitted, by increasing the burthens of the colonies, they would relieve their own. Such were the arguments used against the right of taxation. On the ground of expediency it was urged, that fron) the established system we had de- rived very great benefits, commercial and financial ; that the willinr: 190 HISTORY OF THE Chap. IV.— 1765. [Consequences of the new system in America.] conti'ibutions of the colonics in demands for our commodities, though circuitously, increased our revenue much more than any direct im- post would augment it, since it was already manifest that they would very unwillingly pay. The particular regulations of the act itself al- so underwent a severe discussion. But, whatever arguments might be forcibly used against taxation as a political system, the stamp act itself, merely as a measure of finance, was liable to little objection. The subjects and duties were extremely clear and definite, so as to preclude arbitrary exactions ; simple and practicable in its operations, it would require little expense in the collection ; and equitable in its subject, it would fall most heavily on those who were ablest to bear its burthen. It was likely to be productive through the increase of commerce, and consequently of engagements subject to thexluty. It bore the character of its author, skilful in finance but not profound in legislative politics. The bill was carried through both houses by a great majority ; and, on the 22d of March, passing into a law, became an important epoch in the history of the present reign. The argu- ments on both sides in parliament were repeated, and enlarged upon in the political writings of the times. Opponents to government re- presented the act as not only iniquitous iu itself, but as part of the ge- neral arbitrary system of lord Bute, whose councils they conceived to have still a direction in government. According to their account, the court intended, by subduing the liberties of America, to prepare the way for overturning the constitution of England. These allega- tions, little as they were justified by facts, were very generally believ- ed by persons already disposed to impute evil designs to the execu- tive government. The American agents were not slow in transmitting to their respec- tive colonies an account of the stamp act, the opposition that it encoun- tered in parliament, and the dissatisfaction which prevailed in Eng- land. Prepossessed, as the colonies were, with a notion that the Bri- tish government entertained arbitrary designs, they now conceived that America, thus taxed without her consent, was intended for slave- ry ; and they resolved on a vigorous resistance.* They saw powerful opposition in parliament, and displeasure throughout the nation ; they, therefore, entertained hopes that parliamentary ability, anti-ministe- rial publications, and popular clamour, might bring about a repeal; and they were aware that a ferment in the provinces would powerfully promote such a measure. The leaders of all the colonies bestirred themselves to excite the indignation of the people ; they published in pamphlets, and circulated in newspapers, arguments against the jus- lice and expediency of taxation, and represented it as the forerunner of slavery. The provincial assembly which first met after the pro- mulgation of the stamp act, was the assembly of Virginia; a colony particularly distinguished for loyalty to the sovereign, and attachment to the mother country and the English constitution. Virginia, in- deed, was more remarkable for a sympathy of sentiment with Britain than any of the other provinces, and had received the impression so prevalent in England from the commencement of lord Bute's adminis- tration, that the constitution was in danger ; and here commenced • bee Stedman's History of the American War, vol. i. p. 29. ir65.— CuAp.IV. REIGN OF GEORGE IH, 191 [Annexation of the Isle of Man to the crown.] provincial opposition to taxation by the British parliament. The as- sembly having met on the 29th of May, after a very warm debate, passed resolutions disavowing the right of the British parliament, or of any other body than the assembly of Virginia, to legislate for that colony. The grounds of the disavowal, however, implied their attach- ment to the British constitution ; they rested their claims on their RIGHTS AS BRITISH SUBJECTS, declared and confirmed by their char- ters. The assemblies of the other colonies adopted similar resolutions against the stamp act, which they all concurred in voting to be a most unconstitutional law, and a violation of their rights. The assembly of Massachusetts Bay had, in the preceding year, taken the lead in de- nying to the British parliament the right of taxation ; and now, seeing that the other states were severally strenuous in the opposition, 'pro- jected a general concert among the colonies. For this purpose they formed a resolution, declaring the expediency of holding a congress to consist of deputies from the several assemblies, in order to consult on the common grievances under which the colonies laboured from the late acts of parliament, and frame and prepare a general petition, witli addresses, to the king and queen, and to both houses. Letters sent to the different assemblies communicated this resolution, and invited the other provinces to meet in congress at New York on the 12th of October. Such of the colonial assemblies as met before this period acceded to the proposition, and nominated deputies ; but though a great ferment arose through America, yet it did not break out into actual tumult till autumn. The people then threatened to discontinue the use of British manufactures until the stamp act should be repealed : yet the British minister meanwhile acted in such a way as to show that he had no apprehensions of any serious or important opposition to the execution of his financial scheme. He had formed no measure to enforce its operation;. from his conduct, it was evident that he con- sidered it as merely a tax, which though it might be somewhat un- popular before it was perfectly understood, would soon cease to be a subject of complaint. He proceeded, therefore, in his favourite pur- suit for the good of the revenue. j Mr. Grenville found that the Isle of Man, from its centrical situa- tion, and its adjacency to such a line of coast, was a great receptacle for smugglers: an evil which could not be thoroughly prevented un- der its existing government, as the sovereignty was not vested in the crown, but in a British subject. It had originally belonged to the fa- mily of Derby ; and, by the affiance of a daughter of that house to the family of Athol, had descended to the dukes of Athol. Mr. Grenville proposed a bill for annexing the sovereignty to the crown of England, leaving to the duke the estates which he possessed in the island, and indemnifying* him for the rights that he was required to relinquish. • The terms granted to the duke of Athol were 70,000Z. besides a pension for life to himself and to the duchess. As the bargain, on the part of his grace, was a compulsory sacrifice to the good of the state, on every principle of justice be- tween sovereign and subject, he ought to have received very full indemnification. It was alleged by the duke's friends, that the compensation was not adequate. His son and successor, the present duke, having afterwards personally examined and inspected the state and resources of the island, and the advantages of which his family had been deprived, applied for a modification and amendment of the present bargain ; but this belongs to a much more advanced period of the history. 192 HlSTOnV OF THE (^iiAp.TV.— 1765. [TndisposUion of the king. Kcgency bill ] The bill was passed on the 10th of May, and followed by laws for pre- venting illicit trade. Several causes now combined to weaken and distress administra- tion. The stamp act was very unpopular in its principle, and still more obnoxious from the apprehensions that were entertained of its ef- fects. The threats of the Americans to abstain from the bse of Bri- tish manufactures, caused a great alarm arrtong manufacturers, mer- chants, and ship owners : and this alarm naturally spread among all the mechanics and labourers dependent on those three .classes. While afraid that they would be deprived of work, they had another subject for dissatisfaction in tlie scarcity of bread, and high price of provisions: evils to which they were exposed during the wliole of this year, and which created great discontent and clamour. Although the dearness of tlicse necessary articles could not justly be attributed to ministry, yet by the populace it was charged to their account. With these causes of popular discontent, a measure relating to the royal family co-operated in accelerating the downfall of the Grenville administration. Toward the close of this session, the king having been indisposed, a very great alarm took place, from the general afleclion with which his majesty's virtues were regarded, and also on considering the long minority which must have taken place if the termination had been fa- tal. The king, on his recovery, having gone to the house, in his speech took notice of his illness, and said, " that though not attended with danger, it had led him to reflect on the state in which his family and country would be left,^hould it please heaven to put a period to his life while his sufccessor was of tender years. For that reason he recommended to parliament to make such provision as would be ne- cessary, should any of his children succeed to the throne before they respectively attained the age of eighteen yealfrs;* and proposed to their consideration, to empower him to appoint, by instruments in writing, under his sign manual, either the queen, or any other person of the royal family usually residing in Great Britain, to be the guardian of the person of such successor and the regent of these kingdoms, until such successor should attain the age of eighteen years, subject to the same restrictions as had been provided by a regency act whicji had been passed on the death of the late prince of Wales." A bill was proposed in the house of lords, in consequence of his majesty's recommendation, that the council of regency should consist of the dukes of York and Gloucester, his majesty's brothers ; the duke of Cumberland, his uncle ; princes Henry Frederick! and Frederick William, the king's two youngest brothers ; and the chief officers of state for tlu; time being. A question arose in the house, who are the royal family ? The law lords explained it to be the descendants of George II. ; ministry acquiesced, and the bill passed the house of lords. According to this interpretation, no one could be named re- gent, except the queen or some one sprung from George 11. ; her roy- al highness the princess dowager of Wales, therefore, was not includ- ed. In the house of commons this omission was construed to be an • See liis majesty's spr-ech, state papers, 1703. t Late duke of Cumberland. ires— CuAP. IV. KEIGN OF GEOUGE III. 193 [Unpopulaiity of llic atlministration.] indignity to her royal liighness ; and a molion was made, that the name of the princess should be inserted immediately after the name of the queen. This amendment being admitted, the bill was returned to the peers, and so it passed into a law. The administration having never been popular, was now become very obnoxious; and temporary and incidental distresses were imput- ed to their misconduct and evil designs. Complaints had for several months prevailed among the silk, weavers that their employment had been greatly injured by the encouragement bestowed on French ma- nufactures. Near the close of the session, their murmurs rose to tu- multuous expostulation ; and in numerous bodies they surrounded the palace and the houses of parliament, and presented a petition for the redress of their grievances. A mob once collected, from whatever cause, raicly confines itself to just, legal, and constitutional opcratigns ; these persons therefore proceeding to various outrages, were at length repressed by the interference of the militai'y, who were called in to as- sist the civil power in the re establishment of order and tranquillity. Inimical to ministry, great numbers of the people and some of the popular leaders ascribed the ground of complaint to their misrule, and severely censured the means that were necessarily employed for the suppression of the disorders. Other circumstances now co operated with the popular enmity to administration. The cabinet had evidently lost the tavour and confi- dence of the sovereign. The framers and supporters of the hypothe- sis concerning the secret supremacy of lord Bute, ascribed the de- clension and decay of their influence to the suggestions of the alleged favourite. According to this theory, Mr. Grenville and the duke of Bedford had not been such subservient tools to what was styled the interior cabinet or secret junto, as was expected and required, and had frequently thwarted the sovereign and his private friends and coun- sellors both in measures and appointments. The popular party as- serted the omission of the princess dowager's name in the first bill of regency, to have been regarded by the court as an intended insult, and as such to have been resented. But it has never been proved that lord Bute retained the alleged power and influence; and there- fore no conclusion founded on such a supposition can be admitted as historical truth. That the king might be more attached to some indi- viduals than to others, independently of their political qualifications, is no less probable, than that a sovereign should have the affections of another man. It is equally natural and allowable, that a monarch should wish to promote the interests and aggrandizement of the objects of his attachment, in preference to indifTerent persons. The duty of his situ- ation precludes not the bestowal on his friends of oflQces of honour or emolument, for which they may be respectively qualified. In the ma- ny departmerrts of executive service, there are offices which do not require an equal degree of ability and effort as others. Places of high trust a patriotic sovereign will bestow, to the utmost of his power, on the fittest that can be found for promoting the public benefit ; but thci;e are many other subordinate appointments which, without detriment to the public good, may be given according to private favour. Agreea- bly to the principle and rule which directed his choice of ministers from the beginning, the king chose his chief otTicial counsellors ; but Vol. Vli.— 25 194 HISTORY OF THE [Chip. IV.— 1765. [Dismission of the Grenvilla administration.] some offices of less importance he was willing to bestow according to his own predilection. It appears, that after the duke of Bedford liad firmly established himself and his partisans, one of iiis chief objects was to extend his own patronage by donatives to iiis creatures; that he strongly thwarted his royal master ;* and that the other chief mem- bers of the cabinet joined in his unaccommodating and refractory op- position. Hence was thought to be derived their procedure in the regency bill ; and at the close of the session, ministers possessed no more favour with the king, than they had enjoyed with the people from the commencement of their administration. Various conferences took place between the chief ministers and the sovereign, respecting their continuance in office ; at length, according to general and uncontra- dicted report, the duke of Bedford presumed to use such language to hii. sovereign, as could not possibly be tolerated ;t and, as his col- leagues adhered to the president of the council, the administration was dismissed. Mr. George Grenville's ministry has eventually proved a very im- portant era in the history of this reign. He himself was a man of good understanding and upright intentions ; possessing, however, that species and degree of ability which may be of great public service in the ordinary course of affairs, he by no means rose to that genius w hich can adapt its exertions to situations untried | Besides, the nev«r circumstances which Mr. Grenville encountered, were of his own creation ; he assumed an hypothesis, that the country was so much exhausted as not to have the means of adequate revenue without a new source ; but his theory was demonstrably erroneous: such a re- venue was raised as, exclusive of America, and during the continu- ance of peace, annually reduced the national debt. Industrious as Mr. Grenville showed himself in his inquiries, and accurate in finan- cial calculations, as a politician he proved himself not equal to the situ- ation in which he was placed. His projects to produce a partial in- crease of revenue drove the colonies to disaffection, and generated a fatal political change, without obtaining the revenue which he sought, and which might have accrued circuitously to the country if he had left the subject untouched. Mr. Grenville has been charged with be- ing the tool of lord Bute to establish absolute power; but his conduct affords no ground to justify the imputation of unconstitutional views. The proceedings respecting Wilkes were rash and precipitate, butin- lerfeied no more with liberty than the measures of every minister had done since the revolution. His schenries of finance, on which, in- cluding. ^lnelican taxation, the merits of his ministerial character rest, display an iridusti ious man, of official habits and expeiience, conver- sant in details, without lising to the general principles of political economy ; but neither in their pluD nor execution do they manifest ar- • See Life of lord Chatham ; History of the lafe Minority ; and Jiiniiis's Letter to the duke of [iedtord. " Aficr two years siibiTii.s.sio?) (says Junius) yon thonj^ht you had collected a strength sufficit-nt to control Ins influence, and that it was your turn to be a Ij rant, because yon had been a .slave." f See political writings of \765,pasnm; also Junius's Letter to the duke of Bed- ford, in a note. t See the admirable character of Grenville, drawn by Mr. Burke, in his speech on American liXaiion. 1760.— CiiAr. I. liEIGN OF GKOKGE III. I95 [Political character of Mr. Greriville.] bitrary intentions. In his acts he did not conceive himselfto be vio- lating the rights of Biitibh subjects; and in his measures for the ope- ration of his acts, he showed no intention nor disposition to give ilicm effect by force. Authentic history is not justified in exiiiljiiing him as the promoter of ai bitrary power; but tlie reviewer of his adminis- tration, allowing him the ci edit of an upriglit public steward, will dis- cern that he was not a consummate statesman, and must regret that political measures most fatal to this country originated in the minis- terial projects of Mr. George Grenville. 106 HISTORY OF THE Chap.V. 1765. CHAP. V. His majesty continues to desire a ministry unconnected with party politics. — Ap- plies through lord Hute to Mr- Pitt for tliat purpose— Mr. Pitt's propositions deemed by the soverfig;n inadmissible. — Frustrated in his grand object, the king commissions tlte duke of Cumberland to form a ministry. — Tlie marquis of Hockinglumi and the whig party come into oflicc. — New ministry court the popular favour— but want the support and co-opcriilion of Mr. Pitt. — Sudden death of tiieir patron, the duke of Cumberland. --Change in administration en- courages in America opposition to the stamp act. — Colonial concerts and as- sociations against Hritish commodities. — Outcry in Britain against i he stamp act. — Meeting of Parliament. — American aflfairs chief subjects of ministerial consideration. — Minister's plan, a declaratory law, reserving tlie right of taxa- tion and the repeal of the stamp act — plan adopted — declaratory law passed — repeal of the stamp act. — Knckingliam's ssstem shows good intentions, but temporizing policy.— Series of popular acts.— Phm for the government of Cana- da. — Change of ministry. — Mr. Pitt receives full powers to form a new admin- istration.-\iew of aflairs in lirilish India, from the close of the war with France to the grant of tlie Uewannc. — Character of the system pursued b^ the compa- nj's servants in India at this period. When the Grenville administration was drawing to a close, offers had been again madg lo Mr. Pitt, Bui that illustrious' statesman, con- sidering solely the good of his country, and proposing ministers to be appointed merely for their fitness, made no allowance for pailicular predilections, would not accede to any terms short of a comiilete change of men, measures and counsels, and would not even gratify the court by leaving to its appointment the subordinate offices. His majesty did not deem it expedient to purcliasc at such a price even the services of Mr., Pitt. The agent in this last negotiation had been the duke of Cumberland, who was now employed by the king to form anew miniiliy. The duke had himself been much connected with the whig parly ; of which the duke of Newcastle, being far advanced in years, the marquis of Rockingham, an upi ight, amiable, and well disposed nobleman, of vt;ry great fortune, was now reckoned the head. His highness, not having succeeded in his application to Mr. Pitt, made proposals to tlic marquis of Rockingham, which he, without any communication with that great man, accepted. The marquis of Rockingham was made first lord of the treasury, the duke of New- castle lord privy-seal, Mr. Dowdeswell chancelioi- of the exchequer, the duke of Giafionand general Conway principal secretaries of state, and the carl of Xoihinglon chancellor. This administration, considering itself as the whig confederacy, •which had in two preceding reigns possessed the direction ofuffair^, appeared dele imincd lo piocecd upon the whig principles, and to court popular favour; for al;ility or political experience none of the principal ministers were distinguished The severest accuser of lord Bute would i.ot pretend that the marcpiis of Rockingham was raised for his wisdom, any more than his lordsliip; so far, however, as pleas- ing manners and whig principles, with moderate talents, fit a man for conducting the affairs of a great nation, the marquis was qualified ir65.— Chai'. V. lir-lGN OF GEOKCJE III. 197 [Death and character of the duke of Cumberland.] for beinsi^ prime minister. This cabinet did not at first attain the popularity which its members expected from the appointment of a whig connexion. Why, said the city of London and other numerous bodies, is not Mr. Pitt at the head of affairs ? The marquis ol Rock- ingham may be a very well disposed man, but what are the prool^of his political capacity and of his being able to remedy the many evils that have befallen this country since the resignation of Mr. Pitt? The public had in fact, without perceiving it, undergone a change of opinion as to the constituents of a beneficial administration. Men no longer considered the question, Is or is not the minister connected Avith the great whig families ? but. Is he or is he not fit for con- ducting the business of the nation ? It was apprehended that the whig party had made its peace with the secret junto by which, according to the prevailing popular hypothesis, the country was governed. The chief prop of this ministry was the duke of Cumberland, who'was himself a most zealous whig, with all the principles, sentiments and prejudices which had distinguished tliat parly during the reign of his father and grandfather; but this advantage they did not long enjoy: on the 31st of October his royal highness died suddenly of an apo- plexy, in the forty-fifth year of his age. William Augustus duke of Cumberland was a man of very res- pectable and amiable moral qualities. In the private relations of life, his conduct was highly meritorious. He was an affectionate broth- er and uncle, a mild and generous master, a sincere and ardent friend, and a zealous well wisher to the interests of his country. He was charitable to the poor, liberally bestowed alms on those who could not work to earn their bread, and devised a variety of employments for those who could labour. He was a brave, intrepid soldier ; and if, as a general, he was not very successful, his disappointments could not be imputed to want of resolution, activity, or enterprise. His campaigns in Flanders were, no doubt, less successful than the ex- pectation of the country anticipated ; but those were too sanguine. It was not considered that his highness, when commander-in-chief of the allied army, was only four-and-twenty years of age, with few ante- cedent opportunities of militcuy experience, and had to combat mar- shal Saxe,one of the first generals of the time, at the head of a more powerful army than France had ever before brought into the field. His conduct during the rebellion met with great praise. The severi- ties that followed (and which the perverse malignity of Jacobites styled cruelty, and no doubt exaggerated,* in order to render the heroic prince unpopular) were perhaps salutary and beneficial. Fortune does not always attend the brave. The campaign which ended at Cloister- seven certainly was not successful : his highness's retreat, however, saved a number of brave men, who might have been destroyed by the French, had he been rash enou.gh to continue the contest. His cau- tious prudence preserved an army destined to victory under another general, and actually laid the foundation of prince Ferdinand's suc- • The report generally prevalent in Scotland, concerning the stifTerings of rebels not brought to trial, are so totally inconsistent wldi the mild and benevo- lent character of the royal general, and are founded on suppositions so repugnant to law, justice, and common humanity, that they carry with them intrinsic evi- dence of their falsehood. 198 HISTOllY OF THE Chaf. V.— 1765. [Proceedings in America. Congress at New York.] cesses. His highness, after this event living in retirement, was emi- nent for the exercise of the private virtues ; and so liberal, munificent, and kind was lie to all within the spliere of his influence, that, al- though historical readers may perhaps not immediately discover in his life the ground for his usual title of the gre t duke of Cumber- land, they can in every pint of his character find facts to justiiy the ap- plication of the GOOD duke. When the change of ministry became known in America, the spirit which had been long gathering burst into open violence; first and princijially at Boston, and afterwaids in several of the other colo- nies. At Boston the fury of the populace was directed against the officers of the crown; both those who were supposed friendly to taxa- tion in general, and those who were appointed for executing the stamp act. Their houses were pillaged, their furniture was destroy- ed, their oflicial papers were committed to the flames, and only by concealment did they save their persons. The governor assembled the council of the province, and found no inclination in them to sup- press the riots.* He attempted to muster some companies of militia in order to keep the peace ; but they refused to obey his orders. The stamp officer, seeing the danger of the employment which he was required to exercise, resigned his office. In the other colonies the disorders were not so outrageous as at Boston, but were suffi- ciently violent to frighten revenue officers from collecting the duty on stamps. No duty was levied, and the act was completely ineffi- cient. Deputies from nine of the thirteen colonies met at New York, on the first of October 1765, to hold a general congress. t After hav- ing spent several days in debate and deliberation, the delegates drew up a declaration of the rights and grievances of the colonies. Re- specting the first head, their rights^, they proceeded more on the mo- derate principles of Virginia and the middle colonies, than on the vio- lent republican ideas of New England ; the rights which they assert- ed, they claimed as British subjects, and according to the British con- stitution. The declaration set forth, that they owed the same alle- giance to the sovereign as the people of Great Britain, and all due subordination to parliament ; that they wtfre entitled to the same rights, privileges, and immunities, as their fellow subjects ; that no taxes could be imposed upon free-born Britons, but by their own con- sent, or that of their representatives ; that the colonies were not, and could not be, represented in parliament ; that the only representa- tives of the inhabitants of the colonies were those that were chosen by themselves; and that no taxes had been or could be imposed upon them but by their representatives ; that all supplies to the crown were free gifts from the people ; that, therefore, it was unreasonable in the British parliament to grant the property of the inhabitants of • See Stedman's History, p 39. f " Ti)e four colonies not represented in this congress were, New-Mampshire, Virginia, North Carolina, and Georgia. From the lastlliree of these, deputies were not sent, because the letters from Massachusetts Bay arrived during the re- cess of their assemblies, which were not afterwards permitted to meet till the Ist of October had passed : and in New-IIarnpshire, the assembly did not think fit to appoint deputies, althougli they approved of the holding of a general congres*. juid signified an inclination to join in any petition that should be agreed upon by the deputies of the other colonics." 8ec Stcdnian'» History, vol. i. p. 19. 1765.— Chap. V. KEIGN OF GEOHGK III I99 [Resolutions against imports from nritiiin. I'lans of administration ] the colonics; and finally, that trial by jnry was the riorht of a British subject. They next pioceeclcd to ihcii- icnivuncnt : the stamp act tended to subvert the risjhts and liberties of the colonies; the duties imposed, iinconstituiif)nal in their principle, were oppressive in their operation, and the paynieni imprac;ic;jble ; the British manufactures, wliich they were in tiie habit of purchasing, contributed greatly to the reveniie; the restrictions imposed by the late acts would disable them from purchasing these articles, and conseqtiently yvould materially injure the revenue ; the inciease and prosperity of the co.onies de- pended on the fiee enjoyment of their rights and liberties: and these considerations of right and expediency they had firmly, but respect- fully, urged in memorials and pe.iitions to the king and both houses of parliament. Besides the actual resolutions formed, an importanfpoint was gain- ed by the meeting of this congress, in the establishment of a corre- spondence and concert between the leading men of the several colo- nies, which paved the way for a combination, should future circum- stances render their joint efforts necessary or expedient. The mode- ration ot their proceedings, the alleged grounds of their claims, the fairness of their professions, and the apparent respectfulness of their statements to the king and parliament, manifested a sound policy, much more formidable than tumultuous violence. Associations were formed for prohibiting the importation of Biilish manufactures until the stamp act should be repealed. On the 1st of November, when the act was to commence, neither stamps nor distributors were to be found. CommeiceVas at a stand, because the instruments vi-ere want- ing that were now to legalize its transactions. The civil courts could not proceed for the same reason. The customs could not be levied : in short there was a general stagnation of business ; and Mr. Grenville's scheme of taxation, so far from improving the revenue, obstructed one of its principal sources. In Britain, great clamours arose against the stamp act, and the ma- nufacturing and mercantile interests promoted petitions for its repeal. The colonies were represented as grossly injured, and the violence which had been committed was imputed to despair. Britain itself was in a distressed situation; manufactures were at a stand, com- merce was stagnant, provisions were at an enormous price, and a nu- merous populace without the means of procuring a livelihood. A great part of our evils was imputed to the situation of America; and liom that cause, commercial dillicuUies were likely to increase; as vast sums were owing to British merchants from the colonies, which the debtors declared an inability to pay in their present situation. American affairs were the chief objects that engaged the attention of the Rockingham administration, whose situation was extremely de- licate and embarrassing. On the one hand, the Grenville party, the devisers of American taxation, and the framers of the stamp act, in- sisted on coercive measures: on the other, Mr. Pitt and his adhe- rents disavowed the right of taxing America, and acquiesced in the revenue circuitously derived from her by commerce. Ministry pro- posed to steer a middle course, which they thought would neither precipitate disturbances in America by the rashness of their counsels, nor degrade the dignity of the crown and nation by irresolution and weakness. Mr. secretary Conway wroteletters to this purport to the 200 TIISTOltY OF THE Chap, v.— 1766. [Meeting of parliament. Evidence of Dr. Franklin.] governors of the chief colonies, expressing at the same time a dispo- sition to grant relief to grievances, and to vindicate the rights of the British crown and parliament. He recommended to them to try leni- ent measures ; but if they ,-hould fail, to use the force with which they were intrusted. Parliament met on the 16th of December, 1765 ; when his majesty in his speech took notice of important occurrences in America. He staled, as a reasqn. for assembling the parliament before the holidays, that numerous vacancies* had taken place in the house of commons, which he wished them to have an opportunity of supplying, that they might proceed after the recess to a great variety of important affairs. On the 14th of January, 1766, they met after the holidays ; his majesty again, in his speech from the throne, treated chiefly of American af- fairs, and recommended such a temperature of policy as might re- store harmony to the colonies, without detracting from the rights of Britain. This was the middle course which ministry adopted, and by which they hoped to satisfy both the promoters and opposers of Ame- rican taxation. The beginning of the session was employed in exa- mininga great variety of petitions both from Americans and from Bri- tish merchants and manufacturers ; the object of which was, to estab- lish the evils that resulted from the stamp act. The original propo- sers of the tax contended, that these petitions were procured by mi- nisterial artifice; but that, even if trade had suffered to the degree alleged in those petitions, it would be better to submit to a temporary inconvenience, than by a repeal of the act to hazard the total loss of British supremacy. ^ To ascertain the grounds of the petitions and complaints, and also other important facts respecting the colonies, witnesses were exam- . ined by parliament ; and of these, the most distinguished was Benja- min Franklin. Bred a printer, this extraordinary man, through re- nins and industry regulated and directed by judgment, rose to a high pinnacle of physical diacovery : he soon showed, that the mind which could elicit fire from the heavens, could converge xmd reverberate the rays of moral and political light. He had visited and inspected the greater part of the colonies, was well acquainted with the best in- formed and ablest men in all, and none was conceived more accurately to know the circumstances of the colonies and the dispositions of the people, or more ably to comjirelicnd the policy which in such circum- stances and dispositions would be most suitable and beneficial. High- ly estimated among his coimtrymen, he had been appointed the pro- vincial agent for representing to the British government the evils that must accrue from the new system of taxation. The Grenville ministry litUe regarded statements lending to demonstrate the impo- licy of their own measures. By the Rockingham admi)iistration his accounts were very differently received, and he was called to give evi- dence before liie house of commons. His testimony tended to prove, that the colonists were well affected to the parent country, and con- sidered the interciils of Britain and America so closely connected, that they could not be separated witliout the greatest loss to both parties. Impressed as they were with this truth, and attached to the parent country, theirs was the affection of- British subjects, enjoying • By the new appoihtnients and the change of ministry. 1/66.— Chap. V. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 201 [Arguments of the opponents and advocates of American taxation.] constitutional rights : the new system of taxation and the stamp act they deemed flagrant violations of those rights, and would not submit to the present act, or any other proceeding from the same principle, unless they were compelled; a conciliatory system, therefore, begin- ning with the repeal of the stamp act, would re-establish tranquillity and harmony. Such was the substance of Franklin's evidence ; and from its intrinsic prubabili'y and consistency, as well as the character of the witness, it made a very strong impression both on parliament and the public. Those who were friendly to a repeal consisted of two parties : the friends of ministry, who maintained the right of American taxation, although they supported the expediency of rescinding that particuiai- act ; and the votaries of Mr. Pm, who entirely denied to parliament the right of taxation. The question resolved itself, therefore, into two divisions : 1st, whether Britain possessed the right of taxing the colonies or not ? 2dly, whether the stamp act was or was not expedient? The first question depending chiefly upon great and constitutional principles, aff"orded an ample field for political reasoning. The de- niers of the right of taxation, after prefatory remarks on the nature and end of government, and the component principles of just and be- neficial polity, took a view of the constitution of England in the means that it has established for levying taxes. Tracing our history up to the earliest times, and pursuing it downwards, they contended that no British subject had been taxed but by himself or his representa- tives : and that this right the planters of colonies carried with them ■when they emigrated, not as a specific charter granted to those colo- nies, but as a general right of British subjects. The operation of this right they illustrated in a great variety of instances ; they endeavour- ed at the same time to make a distinction between what they called external duties, that is, restrictions on commerce ; and internal, to be levied on the body of the people. They adduced various arguments from the practice of ancient states ; and quoted modern instances of the impolicy of coercive measures and taxation on colonies. The arguments in favour of taxation were less forcible, though more extensive and detailed, and supported by a great variety of al- leged precedents as well as instances. The British constitution was in a fluctuating state ; and many things which were once constitution- al were no longer so now. Various taxes had been raised, contrary to law, by forced benevolences, ship inoiiey, and other means; and the connexion between the representation and taxation could not stand the test of historical inquiry : representation was very arbitrary and accidental; whereas taxation was general. There was in the diff'er- ent colonies a diversity of forms and regulations, which all showed the jurisdiction of the mother country, exerting itself as might best an- swer the circumstances of the case; and heretofore duties had been levied without the least opposition. The navigation act shut up their commerce with foreign countries; but did they ever question the le- gality of that act ? Their ports were made subject to duties which cramped and diminished their trade, yet it never was maintained that this impost was illegal. The distinction between internal and exter- nal taxes was totally unfounded ; if a tax were laid on any article at the ports of New-England, Pennsylvania, Virginia, or any other colo- ny, its operation would be as much felt as if it were raised in the in- VoL. VIL— 26 20)^ HISTORY OF THK Chap. V.— 1766 [Speech of Mr. Pitt. Repeal of tlie stamp act] land part of the country. Respecting the representation in parliament, the Americans were as much represented as the g-eatcst part of the people of England. America, it was alleged by the Grenviile paity, never could have objected to taxation, unless they had been encou- raged by the seditious doctrines, recently so prevalent in England. The question was not now, what was law, and what 7t'a< the constitu- tion ? but, what in law, and what is the constitution ? If a practice had generally prevailed, had been held to be law, and never had been questioned, as a number of precedents proved this to be, it be- came law and the constitution by that very admission. Various sta- tutes rcspectini; Chester, Durham, and other places, were quoted, particularly by Mr.Gienville, to support the practice of taxing without representation. Protection and obedience were reciprocal : we pro- tected America, therefore she was bound to obt-y this counvry, and she must either obey in all points, or in none. When was America eman- cipated ? Was she not still dependent on the mother country ? Mr. Pitt, who had spoken with his usual ability on the opposite side, replied to Mr. Grenviile, and demonstrated the absurdity of arguing on judicial precedents in great questions of legislative policy "I come not here (he said) armed at all points with law cases and acts of parliament, with the statute book doul)Icd down in dogs cars, to defend the cause of liberty but for the defence of liberty, upon a general constitutional principle; it is a ground on which I stand firm ; on ■which I dare meet any man " He contended, that if America had yielded to taxation by the British parliament, in which she was not represented, she would yield to slavery ; and thatamyriad of judicial decisions could not make slavery liberty, nor agreeable to the consti- tution of England. He insisted that there was a dilTercnce between internal and external taxation ; the first being imposed lor the express purpose of raising a revenue, and the second for that of regulating commeice. Mr. Grenviile had asked, when were the colonies eman- cifiaed? "When said Mr, Pitt) were they made slaves? America has produced to this country, through a trade in all its branches, a re- venue of two millions a year : this is the price that America pays you for protection. Are the proceeds of the stamp act to indemnify us for the loss of that revenue? and, as she has shown a determination to resist, how are you to render your stamp act eflicient ? Is it by force ? force will destroy the value of the ol^jcci fur which you are contending: the event will be extremely precarious, and even success destructive : if America falls, she will fall like the strong man, and with her pull down the pillarb of the constitution." On these grounds, Ik- proposed that the stamp act shov.;ld be absolutely, totally, and immediately re- pealed. Ministry introduced a prefatory bill, declaring that Britain had a right ic tax Anicrica. The declaratory act passed in the beginning of March ; ai»d on the 18ih the stamp act was repealed, by a majority of 275 to 167.* Some lime after, another bill was passed to indem- nify those who had incurred penalties on account of the stamp act. The great oliject of the Rockingham ministry appears to have been popularity. The cider tax had been most undeservedly unpopular. To court the favour of the people, they proposed and procured the repeal of this tax, though equitable and productive. Resolutions of • See parliamentary journals^ iree.—CHAp. \. ueign of geouge hi. 20ti [Overtures to Mr. Pitt for the formation of a new ministry.] the house were passed, declaring the illegality of general warrants and the seizure of papers. They proposed and procured an act for restraining the importalion of foreign silks, and thereby excited the joyful gratitude of the English manufacturers. The price of corn still continuing high, provisions were made for preventing monopoly and exports, and piocuring, by importation, a more liberal supply. They promoted the extension of trade, especially by a commercial treaty with Russia. Notwithstanding these popular and beneficial acts, the ministry could not acquire credit, strength, and stability. The votaries of the hypothesis concerning secret inlluence represent- ed them as the tools of lord Bute, who employed them until a more efficient cabinet could be formed, and would soon abandon them when no longer necessary for his purpose. The partisans of Mr. Pitt, and those who from patriotism wished the reins of government to be placed in the ablest hands, desired that he should bepiime minister; and before the termination of the session, a great majority of the nation wished and expected a speedy change of ministry. Their immediate dissolution is generally believed to have been ac- celerated by the chancellor Northington. After the prorogation of parliament, ministers projected a plan for the civil goveri.ment of Canaila. The new system proposed to leave to the natives their an- cient rights of property or civil laws, and to temper the rigour of theii; criminal code by the more equitable and liberal system of English ju- risprudence. The chancellor represented the scheme as theoretical, visionary, and totally unworthy of practical statesmen ; and declared he could no longer be member of so incapable an administration. His majesty was convinced of their incompetency to carry on with bene- ficial effect the functions of administration. He made overtures to Mr. Pitt, containing ample powers to form a ministry, and on the 12th of July the administration of the marquis of Rockingham ter- minated. Rockingham's ministry had been formed on a principle which pre- vailed during the greater part of the two preceding reigns. It was conjposed of what was called the tvhig connexion^ but certainly show- ed neither ability nor efficiency that could make it permanent. The extraordinary powers of Burke, which were employed in its defence, endeavoured to impute its dissolution to the interior cabinet, the ex- istence of which he assumed, and the fancied operation of which he described with such strength and brilliancy.* But it really fell from its own weakness : in the most important offices there was neither great talents, political knowledge, nor official experience. The mar- quis himself was a very upright and disinterested man, and his co- leagues possessed fair and respectable characters ; but they do not appear to have acted from their own judgment : they wished to please all parties, a sentiment indicating more of an amiable disposition than of profound wisdom, and leading to indecisive and consequently inef- fectual measures. Of this kind was their principal policy, that as- certained the character of their administration — the law which declar- ed the British right of taxing America, and the repeal of the stamp act.t Their less important measures were popular rather than able. • In his Thoughts on the Discontents. The reader will, I hope, pardon me for repeating what I had formerly writ ;i04 HISTORY OF THE Chap. V.— 1766. [Affairs of India. Transactions in Bengal] They certainly were very moderate in the bestowal of lucrative ap- pointmentb on themselves or their friends; but, on the other hand, their claims on public gratitude were not great. Perhaps, indeed, it will be difficult to find, in the history of mini*>ters, a set of mm more respectable for private characters, or more inefficient as public ser- vants, than the marquis of Rockingham's administration. Before v.e proceed with British affairs, it is necessary to take a view of India. On the coasts of Coromandel and Mulabar, we have brought the narrative of those India transactions in which France was concerned, to the close of the war. Those of Bengal, to which her power and influence in the last years of hostiliiies very little extend- ed, we have not pursued to so late a period, but left them at the perfect establishment of the company's power. Meer Jaffier Ally Cawn, the viceroy of these provinces, elevated by the English, and dependent on them, found himself by his elevation surrounded by dif- ficulties and dangers. The relations of his deposed predecessor re- garded with resentment the man whom they deemed the nmrderer of their kinsman, and the usurper of his power. The sums stipulated to indemnify the English hud cxhuusted his treasury; and the com- mercial privileges granted to them, diminislied the revenue by which he might have repaired his finances. To relieve his necessities, he betook himself to unwarrantable and tyrannical methods of levying money, and thus lost the affections of his subjects. From the indi- gence and dissatisfaction of his people, he was u.^able to procure or extort the supplies that he required ; his troops wei e ill paid and use- less; and his principal lords not only resisted his arbitrary exac- tions, but refused the just and accustomed tribute. Thus distressed, he tried to relieve himself by infringing on the privileges and ex- emptions granted to the servants of the India Company, and thereby alienated the affections of those who alcne were able to defend him against his enemies. In the year 1758, the mogul or emperor of Hin- dostan had been deposed by a conspiracy, headed by the vizier, and assisted by the Mahraiias, and not long after his deposition, he died in prison. His eldest son. Shah Zadda, endeavoured to assert his right to the throne of Hindostan, and was seconded by Mr. Law, a French (en on this subject, as it illustrates the grounds on which 1 formed a judgrnent of the marquis ofltockingham's ministry. — "An attempt to satisfy two parliesof to- tally contrary views, by not deciding tlie point at issue, is rarely either the off- spring of wisdom, or the parent of success. Such temporizing indecision gene- rally dissatisfies both parties, and keeps the differences alive. The stamp act had been opposed in America, not as inexpedient, but as unjust. They had not pretended tliey could not pay the impost, but that the imposers had no right to tax. Litlier tfu' stamp act was a grievance, or was not: if a grievance, the re- dress did noi apply to the subject ot coniplainl : if" not a grievance, why ofler re- dress? It the objections of the colonies were groundless, it would have been just in par'ianicnl to disregard them ; and wise or unwise, according to the value of the object, means of coercion, and probable result. If liie riglit was ascertain- ed, and \\e thought coercion prudent, Ific repeal would be absurd; if not, the declaration of riglit would be a mere impotent bravado. If the complaints of A- merica were well grounded, then it woidd have been jii.sl and wise to renounce the exercise of an unjust power. Here was tlie maiiitenancc: of an obnoxious speculative principle, with the abandonment of practical benefit, for which only it could deserve support. The declaratory law tended to oouuteract, in America, the cflects of the repeal The measures of the Ko'.lroving it to the greatest^ ad vantage. Thus have we seen a mercantile company, in less than ten years, acquire by war and policy, more extensive possessions, and a richer revenu*; than those of several European monarchs. This was an epoch in tile history of conquest. Nations of merchants had before conquered very extensive dominions, but this was a mere corporate body of private subjects. The principles on which the servants of this company of meicliauLs procci-dcd, were formed in a great degree by the habits and conditions of the masters. The leading ^(»bjcct was gain; ambition was oidy secondary and instrumental: power and dominion were esteemed merely as the means of profit. Where the Romans carried their arms, they sought warlike glory, victory, and the splendour of tri- lunph, as well as i\\^. gains of jjlunder; they took their sujierstition w^ith them: and from the conquered countries made additions to tlveir gods, as well as to tlieir treasury. The Spaniards, the creatures of gloomy bigotry, carried to Mexico their zeal for making converts, as well as for aopiiiingsilver and gold. These and many other victors were actuated by varictus passions: but the British com[uerors in India directed their pursuits to one object exclusively, — the acquisition of money. They considei-cd, in every transaction of war, peace, or alliance, what money could he drawn from the inhabitants. In their modes of exac- tion from tlic feeble natives, they observed the systematic regularity of commercial habits; they made bargains; and for the money received, stipulated value delivered. They pillaged, not with the ferocity of soldiers, but with the cool exactness of debtor and creditor. Instead of saying to the sovereign of Hindostan, " You have a very rich territory and we must have a great part of the product,'' (which might have ap- peared the language of robbers,) they adopted a mercantile mode; " We shall collect your revenue for you, reserving to ourselves only eighty per cent, for factorage:" this was the S[)irit of their agreements. Before they planned aggression, they calculated the probable proceeils, the debts that they might extinguish, and the addition, on the balance of accoun. l. f GiUicb's rrcderick, p. ZSO. 220 HISTORY OF THE Chap. VI.~1767. [Russia. Enlightened views of Catharine.] spectivcly excelled ; bis plans of rural economy he formed chiefly on the model of England ; and in dividing unappropriated lands, he adopted the mode of the British parliament. Peace at this time was his main object, although by his financial and military economy he was well pre- pared for war. The character of the empress of Russia was now developing itself, and she became conspicuous for the force and solidity of her genius, the extent of her capacity, tlie greatness of her views, and the adaptation of her measures to the circumstances in which she was placed. Sovereign of an immense empire, she comprehended the state of her dominions ; she saw its resources and susceptibility of improvement ; and, great as its strength was, how much was wanting to make Russia what it might become. The substantial amelioration of her country and people, was the object to which she evidently directed her principal altention. She accurately studied the materials with which she had to work, discrimi- nated the state in which she found the people, accommodated herself to their notions, won their affections and veneration, and by her conduct was as absolute in authority as in power. Dissipated as she might be in her private life, she did not sufier pleasure to interfere with the per- formances of her imperial duties. Wishing to promote in her country, commerce, navigation, and all the useful arts, she sought a close corre- .spondence with the most commercial and enlightened nations ; with Bri- tain she concluded a commercial treaty,* in principle and detail very be- neficial to both nations. Desirous also of introducing the elegant arts and erudition at her court, she invited thither eminent artists and scho- lars, and established literary institutions for the advancement of know- ledge and science. Although from the time of czar Peter the Great, considerable advances had been made in the internal improvement of Russia, yet that ought to have been, much more exclusively the object of her princes and government than it actually had been. Extension of territory was by no means wanting, for her dominions were enormous already. Consummate wisdom would have withheld Catharine from projects of foreign conquest ; but that a bold aspiring princess with such power, should not project an increase of her territories, was rather to be wished from the highest practical exercise of political philosophy, than to be expected from sovereign ambition, possessing so fully the means of gratification. We have already seen her interference in foreign affairs in the management of Poland ; but disturbances were there rising, which soon brought her farther into action, and more openly manifested her encroaching character. In the south of Europe an event took place this year, of the greatest importance to domestic, civil, religious, and political society; the ex- pulsion of the Jesuits from Spain, the country whose superstition had rendered it so much sul)joct to that extraordinary order. The great, energetic, versatile, and skilfully directed ability of that singular frater- nity, had extended their authority and power very widely in all Roman catholic countries. Their talents for calling forth abilities, their great skill in every species of political intrigue, and their dexterity in every kind of business, spread their influence among many others beside the gloomy votaries of depressing superstition. Their authority had long • See this volume, p. 203. 1767.— Chap. VI. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 221 [Expulsion of the Jesuits.] been very prcat amidst the gay splendour of the French court, as well as in the sequestered retirements of Spanish cloistcr.s. But their most uncontrollable power was in South America ; where it must be admitted, by their eflbrts among the natives, they contributed very eflcctually to the civilization and industry of those tribes, though they bore a sway dangerous to any state in the heart of its dominions. The authority acquired by the Jesuits in the course of two centuries was so exorbitant, that monarchs began to regard them witli a very jealous eye. They saw that they really did much incidental good, and were extremely sub- servient ; but that they were acquiring the means of becoming imperious. As in France there was more of united genius and energy than in any other popish country, there first Romish fraternities were attacked. Louis XIV. had from parade and ostentation cherished literary efforts, though in his time they were <;hiefly confined to subjects of taste, sentiment, and physical research, without extending to theological and political phi- losophy. Once set in motion, however, genius would not limit itself to prescribed operations. The very enormous extent to which superstition had carried the influence of the church, attracted sagacious speculatists, who proposed to inquire how far the various privileges claimed, doetrines inculcated, and observances enjoined, by the clergy, were consistent with natural religion, truth, and reason; how far the lives,, sentiments, and opinions of churchmen were agreeable to the dictates of virtue and common sense ; and how far their system of faith and practice was con- ducive to the public welfare. They easily discerned, that in the doc- trines, institutions, and practices of the Roman catholic church, there were parts totally incompatible with reason, moralify,- and enlightened policy ; but in the volatile violence of Frenchrnen, they carried their animadversions infinitely farther than truth admitted. Confounding re- ligion itself with its abuses, they charged against Christianity the errors and mischiefs of popish corruptions ; imputing to our Saviour and his apostles, the consequences of the ignorant, superstitious and usurping institutions of popes and cardinals. Deism, and infidelity of all kinds became very fashionable in France ; and in a prevailing dislike of reli- gious establishments, it was not to be expected that the Jesuits should escape ; as, beside the imputations common to other monastic orders, there were such strong objections attaching peculiarly to themselves ; their principles, their activity, their enterprise, their corporate ambition, and, above all, their casuistical morality, leaving a wide field open for palliating every crime. That enmity to the Jesuitical order, which virtue justified, if not arising from a sense of the hurtful arts, and policy required, was in fact owing in a great degree to infidelity. But other causes co- operated : the order of Jansenists had become very successful, and had acquired great influence ; the Jesuits were known to be extremely rich, and the public treasures were very much exhausted. Ideas were long entertained, for these various reasons, of suppressing this order ; and, in October 1763, they were actually crushed in France and all the French territories. The following year they Avere suppressed in Portugal and all its dependencies ; in Spain they had been suffered to exist some years longer ; but the influence of French caunsels at the court of Madrid, the example of his neighbours, jealousy of their power, and avidity for their riches, determined Charles to extiniruish that order throuch all his do- minions. Accordingly it was in January 1767 ordained, that the Jesuits 222 HISTORY OF THK Chap. ¥1.-1767. (Death of the duke of York and of Charles Townshend.] should be expelled, and their whole property seized for the king's use. The Jesuits, notwithstanding tlieir sagacity and extraordinary intelligence, had not the least idea that any such scheme was in agitation ; and, during the months of February and March, they went on with the usual zeal and ardour in their ordinary occupations, totally unsuspicious of the im- pending blow that was to crush tliem for ever, where their power had been strongest. On the 31st of March, about midnight, the six houses of the Jesuits in Madrid were surrounded at the same time by detachments of military, who opened the outer doors, secured the bells, and placed a sentinel before each cell. These precautions being taken, the brothers were ordered to rise ; and when assembled, being informed of his majesty's commands, they assisted in packing up a few moveables necessary for their journey. Meanwhile, a suflicient number of coaches, chaises, and wagons were secured, and without loss of time, they were conveyed under a strong guard towards Carthagena. This revolution was con- ducted with such order and silence, that the inhabitants of Madrid knew nothing of what had taken place till they were informed of it in the morn- ing : three days after, the expulsion and confiscation were carried into execution in every part of Spain, and in the month of July in Mexico and Peru. The confiscated estates and effects of the Jesuits in Europe and the Indies, amounted to above thirty millions sterling ; and thus did a government, at one sweep, deprive a corporation of its subjects, and of an immense property, without any proof of guilt. However just the political reasons for suppressing the order might be, the rapacious seizure of their property»-wtis inconsistent with every principle of justice, and could not have taken place under any equitable system of polity. In Naples, and other catholic countries, the Jesuits were suppressed with similar circumstances of tyranny. In the course of this year, the royal family of England received a very afflicting blow in the sudden death of the duke of York, eldest brother of the king. His highness had been travelling through France, Germany, and Italy ; and at Monaco was seized with a putrid fever, which termi- nated fatally on the 7^h of September. He belonged to the navy, and had served dining the war ; he was esteemed a prince of good accom- plishments, amiable disposition, and affable manners, and was beloved by those who had the chief access to his confidence and intimacy. He died in the 29th year of his age, and his remains were brought home and interred in Wpstrninster-abbey. About tlie same time, died a gentleman who was rising fast into the first political eminence, the honourable Charles Townshend, chancellor of the exchequer. Lord Chatham's in- firmities had for some time almost entirely prevented him from taking any efficient share in administration ; during his lordship's inaction, Mr. Townshend, with shining and versatile talents, was the most active mem- ber of the ministry, and was taking a lead in the management of alTairs. He was a personage of very considerable abilities; prompt, brilliant, witty, and eloquent; not, indeed, very select, either in the measures which he proposed, or the arguments that he employed, but extremely happy in the art of giving the best colour to the sentiments and opinions which he happened to adopt. Although a man of genius, he appears to have been rather more fit for literary than political attainments, or much more anxious about currency of opinions than their weight ; he was extremely irer.— Chap. VI. REIGN OF GEOltGE III. 223 [Weakness of administration. Parliament.] inconstant. When the stamp act was popular in tJie house, he declaimed in its lavour ; when it lost its popularity, he voted for the repeal ; and when the repeal was afterwards a subject of complaint, he proposed a new plan for raising a revenue. He took no time to form general and comi»rehensive views, and had no fixed principles of policy. As an orator, he was an ornament to the house of commons ; but mu^t have entirely changed his modes and habits, before he could be a very advan- tageous accession to the councils of his country as a principal states- man. Ministry was now weak and distracted ; various plans of coalition and comprehension, to give it strength, were proposed ; but the negotiations were unsuccessful. Several partial changes were made, in which the of- fices were filled by noblemen and gentlemen connected with the house of Bedford. Lord Weymouth was appointed secretary of state in the place of general Conway, who had been advanced in his professional line. A new office, of secretary of state for the colonies, was created, and be- stowed on lord Hillsborough. The earl of Northington, loaded with years, retired from his place of president of the council, and was suc- ceeded by earl Gower. Besides these promotions of the friends of the Russel family, Frederick lord North, eldest son of the earl of Guilford, was made chancellor of the exchequer. The venerable earl of Chatham had been consulted previous to the proposed alterations, and had declared that the state of his health rendered his interference impracticable. He, indeed, had no share in the appointments, and from this time cannot be considered as making one of the Grafton ministry, or responsible for any of its acts. — The scarcity of corn continued ; and from the distresses of the poor, great riots took place in the manufacturing towns. On the 24th of November parliament met. Nothing from abroad (his majesty said) appeared likely to disturb the public tranquillity, or to di- vert their attention from the internal atiairs of the kingdom. The sole ob- ject specifically recommended to their notice was, the scarcity and deaith of corn. Interference in the pi-ice df provisions on the part of govern- ment, is extremely delicate and difficult ; nor can the legislature easily adopt any eflectual mode for that purpose, except by the encouragement of importation in times of exigency, and the promotion of agriculture to prevent their recurrence. Parliament renewed the regulations of the for- mer year, adding to them a bill for importing wheat and flower from Af- rica ; and an act, similar to the law of the preceding session, was passed for limiting the dividends of the East India Company. The most important measure discussed in tliis session of parliament was, a law proposed by opposition for limiting the period of resuming crown grants to sixty years. This bill originated in a transaction affecting two private individuals. William III. had made a grant to the first earl of Portland, of the honour of Penrith in the county of Cumberland, with the appurtenances thereunto belonging. The forest of Inglewood, and the manor and castle of Carhsle were considered as parts of this grant, and had been accordingly enjoyed by the family by the same tenure and in the same quiet possession as the rest. These last tenements, how- ever, were not specified in the grant ; and sir James Lowther, being ac- curately informed of this circumstance, in summer, 1767, presented a memorial to the lords of the treasury, stating, that he had discovered that the forest of Inglewood, and the soccagc of the castle of Carlisle, had 224 HISTORY OF THE Chap. TI.~1767. [UesumpUon of crown grants. Review of parliamentary proceedings] been long withheld from the crown without its receiving any benefit from them, nnd therefore praved a lease of three lives. Having consulted the surveyor of crown lands, they granted the possessions in question, not- withstanding the representations of the duke of Portland. His grace now stopped progress in the exchequer oflice ; the cause was tried before the barons of exchequer, and sir Janios Lowther was nonsuited. Upon this attempted resumption, tiic bill was founded. Opposition insisted, that the attemi)t was a revival of the obsolete and tyrannical law, milium iempiis occun'it rcg-i, by which no length of time or possession can be a bar against the claims of tlie crown. "The exercise of any right upon this maxim, it was shown, was practised only by the most arbitrary princes, and even by them with caution, as they were sensible of the general ab- horrence which every act of the kind excited. It was farther said, that the present grant was founded on a most unconstitutional motive, to ob- tain a party and undue influence in the general election ; and that the avowed opposition of interests in the same country between the parties, and the particular connexions of one of them, left no room to doubt that this was the object in view. On the other side it was observed, that the tenements in question wereneither specified nor understood in the grant; that they belonged to the crown, not by resumption, (for there had been no alienation,) but by original right ; and the crown was no more to blame for taking possession of its own property, than a private person. The carl of Portland and his family bad been sufficiently compensated for their services ; and, after seventy years possession of an estate to which tliey had no right, they might contentedly resign it to the true owner, when there was no demand made upon them for the past issues. Ministry after finding their arguments against limitation of resumptions not likely to be successful, changed their mode of procedure, and pro- j)oscd that the bill should be postponed till the next year, and this mo- tion was carried by ^ majority of twenty ; but the supplies being settled, and other business finished, an end was put to the session,; and, on the tenth of March, parliament was dissolved. The first parliament of George HI. exhibits no distinguishing marks of legislative wisdom. Its chief objects were, individual prosecution and colonial regulation : respecting Wilkes, and other persons involved in his publications, the majority of its members proceeded with the pas- sion of partisans, and not the cool policy, of senators ; and towards America, the conduct of this body was a succession of contradictocy measures, neither effectual in coercion nor concession. They irritated, conciliated, and irritated again ; and left the colonies ill-affected to the country, sowing the seeds of the American war. liut, though their ag- grcirato policy was citlicr inefficient or hurtfid, yet they contained a con- siderable rlegroe of individual ability. In the latter years, mature and formed clocpiencc was most conspicuous in the house of peers. In the house of commons, after the death of Mr. Townshend, the ablest ora- tors had not arrived at the perfection which they were severally destined to attain. The eloquence at that time, thougli brilliant, animated, and impressive, Tlid not, either in closeriess and force of reasoning, compre- hensiveness of views, or political philosophy, equal the efforts of more recent periods. Having brought the first British parliament of his majesty to a conclu- sion, we must now turn our attention to the afiaira of Ireland, which, irer.— ciup. vi. iieign of geouge hi. 225 [Original state of Ireland. Impolitic conduct of England.] from the commencement of the reign, were of more than usual impor- tance, and since that time had become extremely interesting. To com- prehend the passing transactions of the sister kingdom, it is necessary to take a short retrospective survey of causes and events, which power- fully affected the state of the country and the character of the people. The Irish were originally sunk in barbarism, far beneath any other inhabitants of middle Europe, even in their most uncivilized ages.* Never conquered, nor even invaded, by the Romans, they continued still in the most savage state ; and were distinguished by those vices, to which human nature is always subject, when it is neither tamed by edu- cation nor restrained by laws. The small principalities into which they were divided, exercised perpetual rapine and violence against each other; the uncertain succession of their princes was a continual source of do- mestic convulsions ; the usual title of each petty sovereign was the murder of his predecessor ; courage and force, though exercised in the commission of crimes, were more honoured than any pacific virtues. The most simple arts of life, tillage, and agriculture, were almost wholly unknown. They had felt the invasion of the Danes, and the other northern tribes ; but these inroads, which had spread barbarism into the rest of Europe, tended rather to improve the Irish ; and the only towns which were to be found in the island, had been planted along the coast by the freebooters of Norway and Denmark. The other inhabitants exercised pasturage in the open country ; sought protection from any danger in their forests and morasses ; and being divided by the fiercest animosities against each other, were still more intent on the means of mutual injury, than on the expedients of common, or even private inter- est. So situated and disposed, when they were conquered by Henry II., the Irish did not improve from their connexion with a less barbarous nation. Although no country had been blessed with a greater proportion of able sovereigns than England, from the time of Henry II. to the reign of Henry VII., yet no policy could be more absurd and prejudicial, than the system which had been uniformly pursued respecting Ireland. The conquerors not only took no pains to communicate to the conquered their own progressive civilization, but even prevented those advances which the latter might have themselves made. While from the close of the eleventh century, other countries were emerging from that profound ionorance in which Europe was then sunk; that unfortunate island, possessing eyery natural means of improvement, a climate temperate and salutary, a fertile soil, a maritime situation, numberless harbours, a people sprightly, ready in apprehension, having a fire of ingenuity that beamed through the thick fogs of their ignorance, with every physical, moral, and intellectual capability of improvement, they, from political debasement, were in a condition of stationary savageness. Such men, strangers to arts and industry, were naturally prone to disorder and in- surrection. To quell revolt, and prevent its recurrence, Henry VII. proposed the extension of English jurisprudence to the appendent island. Poyning, lord deputy to the king, procured the enactment of that me- morable statute, which bears his name, by which all the former law.s • See Strabo, who describes the rish as infinitely more savage than the Gauls, Germans, or Britons. Vol. Vll— 29 226 HISTORY OF the Chaf. VI. --17 [Improvement of Ireland under Jarres I.] should be of force in Ireland, and that no bill could be introduced into the Irish parliameiit, unless it had previously received the sanction of the council of England. Tlie purpose of tliis ordinance was evidently much more to ensure dominion than to impart civilization ; and though the com- munication of J^nglish Jaws might ultimately tend to infuse a portion of English arts, manners, and industry, yet its direct and immediate ten- dency was to trench upon Irish independence ; and they long continued discontented and turbulent. After, the reformation was established in England, theological ditVerence inflamed the discontents. If men so uncultivated possessed any vestiges of Christianity, being totally unfit for the genuine wisdom and goodness of that divine system, they must have received it with the grossest corruptions which it had acquired from interested imposture, oscitant negligence, or torpid stupidity. " Super- stition (says one of the glories of that country, after Irish genius had begun to show its strength and brilliancy*) is the only religion of ignorant minds." Devoted to the most abject popery, the Irish, during the reign of Elizabeth, were easily the dupes of all the artifices of the Romish com- bination : discontent, bursting out in partial insurrection, spread to ge- neral rebellion. The vigour and prudence of Mountjoy crushed revolt ; but a more ditlicult task still remained, to civilize the inhabitants, to re- concile them to laws and industry, and to render their subjection durable and useful to the crown of England. King James proceeded in tliis work by a steady, regular, and well concerted plan, and made greater advances towards the reformation of that kingdom, than had been achieved during the four hundred and forty years which had elapsed since the conquest. The act of Poynings had given authority to English laws, and rendered future statutes of Ireland dependent on the English government, but had not abolished the Irish customs, which supplied the place of laws, and were calculated to keep the people in perpetual barbarism and disorder. Of these usages, the most noted respecting penal proceedings was the brehon, by which every crime, even murder itself, was punished, not with death, but by a fine or pecuniary mulct, vviiich was levied upon the cri- minal. In the distribution of property, the customs of p^uvelkind and taniitr]j were no less inimical to the purposes of civilized society : the land, by the custom of gavelkind, was divided among all the males of the sept or family, both bastard and legitimate ; and, after partition made, if any of the sept died, his portion was not shared out among his sons ; >but the chieftain, at his discretion, made a new partition of all the lands be- longing to that sept, and gave every one his share. As no man, by rea- 80n of this custom, enjoyed the fixed property of any land ; to build, to plant, to enclose, to cultivate, to improve, would have been so much lost labour.f The tanists, or chieftains, though drawn from the principal families, were not hereditary, but were established by election, or, more properly speaking, by force and violence. Their authority was almost absolute ; and notwithstanding that certain lands were assigned to the office, its chief profits resulted from exactions, dues, and assessments, for which there wa.s ho fixed law, and which were levied at pleasure. These customs James abolished, and in their place substituted English law, established circuits, banished oppression, administered justice, as- certained the rules of property, and severely punished crimes and dis- • Burke. f Hume, vol. iii. 67.—CBAV. VI. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 227 [Dissatisfaction of the catholics.] orders. He did not confine his improvements to the introduction of laws for securing property and punishing crimes, but promoted means of ac- quiring riches and preventing enormity. He first endeavoured to stimu- late industry, and was peculiarly successful in the province of Ulster, which, having fallen to the crown by the attainder of rebels, was entirely at his disposal. The land was divided into moderate shares, the largest not exceeding 2,000 acres. Many natives of England and of Scotland received grants of estates, and brought from their respective countries, tenants, who were capable by skill and industry, to cultivate and improve the grounds, and also to practise other useful pursuits. The Irish were removed from the hills and fastnesses, and settled in the open country : husbandry and the arts were taught them ; a fi,xed habitation was secured ; plunder and robbery were punished ; and, by those means, Ulster, from being the most wild and disorderly province of all Ireland, soon became the best cultivated and most civilized.* By these wise and prudent measures, James laid the basis of justice, security and humanity in Ire- land ; but various obstacles impeded the superstructure, which were prin- cipally referable to two sources, property and religion. Long established custom, however absurd, or even pernicious, is extremely difficult to be overcome, especially among barbarians, whose regard to mere usage is in the inverse proportion of their liberality and intelligence. The appro- priation to individuals of lands, which, according to their ancient custom, belonged to a sept or family, was extremely disagreeable to the Irish. Besides their disapprobation of the new tenure, they were greatly dis- satisfied with many of the proprietors, who, possessing the lands which had formerly belonged to communities, were regarded by the aboriginal inhabitants as aliens and interlopers, and a distinction arose between the neiv settlers and the old Irish, that long subsisted, and often manifested itself in very fatal efl^ects. Most of the ancient inhabitants continued addicted to t1ie Romish superstition. The liberal spirit of England to- wards diversities of theological belief, granted to the catholics of Ireland a degree of indulgence almost amounting to a toleration ; but so long as the churches and the ecclesiastical revenues were kept from the priests, and they were obliged to endure the neighbourhood of profane heretics, being themselves discontented, they continually endeavoured to prevent the establishment of cordial amity between the English and Irish nations. Instigated by these spiritual directors, as well as inspired with a love of national independence, they ardently desired the expulsion of the Eng- lish, and waited with impatience for an opportunity of making the at- tempt. When the Scotch presbyterians began their hostilities against Charles T, and his liturgy, and the English puritans menaced the mitre and the crown, the Irish leaders thought the occasion auspicious to re- volt. A conspiracy was formed lor overpowering the English, repos- sessing the lands of their forefathers, effecting a complete separation be- tween England and Ireland, and re-establishing the catholic rehgion as paramount and supreme. Actuated by such powerful passions, in pur- suing their objects they displayed not only impetuous ardour, but a vigour of ability, and a skilful and comprehensive concert of measures, that de- monstrated them to be very far advanced, since the desultory insurrec- tions of the former century. The native genius of the Irish, improved • Hume, vol. ill. 228 HISTORY OF TFIE Chap. VI.— 1767- [Insurrection of 1641. Policy of Cromwell and Charles II.] even by partial and reluctant intercourse with the English, evinced tho beneficial tendency of the system of James ; and their very counsels and efforts to etVect a separation, proved the benefits that must accrue from the connexion. To the historical reader, who can perceive and combine the mixed uniformity and variations of national character in the progres- sive stages of knowledge and civility, the Irish conspiracy of the seven- teenth century atFords subjects of reflection, which are not only important ia themselves, but illustrate transactions, pursuits, and conduct in very recent periods. The plot of 1641 was remarkable for unity of design, extensive organization of plan, and secresy of preparation from which there might have been expected to follow, firm, cool, and resolute exe- cution ; but when it ripened to insurrection, it burst forth with an impe- tuous fury and atrocity, liker to the blood-thirsty cruelty of savage ani- mals, than the regulated courage of rational creatures seeking moment- ous objects. More and Maguire, the projectors, were able men, but their associate O'Neal, and the greater portion of their followers, were barbarians, with the violent and uncontrolled passions of rude tribes; which, in any evil direction, were the more mischievous, from the natural sagacity, ingenuity, and force of the Irish character ; and which were then stimulated by the interested, bigoted, and infuriated teachers of a gloomy and ferocious superstition. The massacre that ensued, so horrid in its enormities, spread over all the provinces of Ireland, and involved the whole island in guilt. The daring vigour of Cromwell crushed the insurrection of Ireland, and employed plunder and forfeiture, the usual means of military usurpers to reward the instruments of their dominion, and to strengthen present tyranny ; little regardless of the real interests and permanent prosperity of possessions which they hold on such a pre- carious tenure. In the confiscation were comprehended, not only the revolters against the English government, but the loyal partisans of the ill-fated monarch. A more sudden and violent change of property was THEN unknown in the annals of injustice; five millions of acres, which had been wrested from the former proprietors, were divided among the creditors of the anti-monarchical party, and the soldiers of the protector. An order was even issued, to confine all the native Irish to the province of Connaught, where they would be shut up by rivers, lakes, and moun- tains : and could not, it was hoped, be any longer dangerous to the English government.* A policy at once so absurd and inhuman, was a principal cause of subsequent discontents, disorders, and convulsions in Ireland, and very long counteracted the wise and beneficent purposes which the system of James had sought to obtain : the insatiate rapacity of the usurper rendered incfl'ectual the provident cares and counsels of the law- ful kin:;. To redress the grievances of the Iri.sh sufferers, was a great object of the wise counsellors by whom Charles the second was directed in the earlier part ot his reign ; but it was tound an arduous task, either to undo, or compensate, such flagrant and extensive iniquities. The re- volutionary soldiers and rnonjed speculators could not be dispos.sessed, because they were the most powerfiil and only armed part of Ireland ; and, besides, it appeared expedient to favour them, in order to support the protestant and English interest in that kingdom, and because they had generally, with a seeming zeal and alacrity, joined in the king's res- • Hume, vol. iv. , 176r.-^CHAP. VI. REIGN OF GEORGE IIJ. 2^ [Equitable administration of Ormond. Bigotry of James II ] toration. Charles therefore promised by a proclamation to maintain their settlement, and at the same time to make amends to the innocent sufferers ; and proposed to perform this engagement from several funds, but chiefly a quantity of land which was still unappropriated. When the various sources of recompense were accurately examined, they were found totally inadequate to the purpose of indemnification ; so that either the present possessors must be disturbed, or the grievances of the ancient proprietors continue without redress : anxiety and alarm seized both the claimants and the holders ; the former eager to recover the inheritance of their fathers, the latter afraid to lose, but resolute to retain their own acquisitions. The duke of Ormond, appointed lord lieutenant, was deemed the most proper person, from prudence and equity, to compro- mise differences, and reconcile jarring pretensions ; and, after encoun- tering various obstacles and difficulties, he at length succeeded in pre- vailing on the parties to accede to a modification. The Cromwellian possessors agreed to relinquish one third of their lands, which was to be distributed among the dispossessed Irish, who had either been entirely innocent of insurrection, or had adhered to the royal family. In the former case they were compelled to undertake one of the most arduous tasks that can be required in the establishment of truth — the proof of a negative : they were to be presumed guilty, unless they evinced the con- trary : they were, besides, debarred from pleading innocence, if they had ever lived in the quarters of rebels. From the wide latitude of construc- tive guilt, and the difficulty of exculpatory demonstration, many persons free from the crime remained involved in the punishment ; and as two- thirds of the lands still were held by persons whom the former proprietors regarded as usurpers, they deemed themselves the victims of injustice. These sentiments were not confined to actual sufferers, but diffused among their friends and connexions, and incorporating with the spirit of national independence and popery, overspread the ancient Irish. There were now in Ireland two great parties, in the nature of things reciprocally hostile : the present holders, attached to the English government, whose power only could secure their possessions ; and the expelled descendants of the ancient owners, who were inimical to that government which they conceived to preclude the vindication of their rights. In both, interest and religion went hand in hand. The new proprietors, chiefly of Eng- lish extraction, were generally protestants, and the ejected Irish, catho- lics. The mild and equitable administration of Ormond, however, pre- vented the discordant spirit from immediately bursting out in renewed insurrection. His great object was, impartially ancftquitably to promote the good of all classes, whether protestants or catholics, and to engender in both a disposition to conciliation. In the latter years of Charles, the expectations that were entertained from a popish successor, distinguished for ardent zeal, co-operated with the wisdoin of Ormond in preventing the catholics from attempting to disturb the English government of Ire- land. The furious bigotry of James overleaped every bound of true policy ; and, without any preparation or precaution, eagerly endeavoured to re-establish the catholic religion in intolerant supremacy, annulled protestant charters and corporations, filled the offices of state with Ro- manists, and gave the supreme direction of affairs to Tyrconnel, as vio- lent a bigot as himself. The protestants in great numbers left the king- dom, and the interests of England in the sister island were almost totally 230 HISTOUY OF THE Chap. VI.— 1767. [Treaty of Limerick. Subjection of Irisli courts to English tribunals ] destroyed, when the frantic folly of James gave way to the ability of ^Viliiam. The Iiisli catholics strenuously embraced the interest of the exiled kinji, and ho[)ed that his restoration woiihl both re-establish the Romish rehaion, and enable them to regain all the lands now occupied by prolestanls. Repossession and religion being the chief purposes of their adherence to the popish prince, they combated with their usual impetuosity, and butchered with their usual i'ury ; but, after a bloody con- test and repeated defeats, the insurgents were finally overcome by the disciplined valour of English soldiers. Having the rebels at his feet, \^illlam perceived the policy which wisdom dictates towards reduced rebels, who may be reclaimed and rendered useful sulijects ; and at the celebrated treaty of Limerick, granted to the Irish catholics what they considered as the great charter of their civil and religious liberties, and allowed an amnesty for the past, on their swearing allegiance for the future ; allowing those who were dissatisfied with the present govern- ment, to retire into other countries. Various forfeitures having fallen to the crown before this capitulation, the king gratified the friends of the English government with a part of the confiscations, but remitted a con- siderable portion ; and adopted conciliation, as the means which woidd render the two kingdoms reciprocally beneficial. Great pains were em- ployed to spread industry and the arts ; the intercourse of Ireland with England and Scotland, no longer interrupted with rebellions, being ra- pidly increased, taught and encouraged manufactures, and promoted hus- bandry. The Irish, ingenious and intelligent, readily comprehended the lessons they received ; and, in some parts of the island, employed per- severance and industry, and felt the strength and resources which their country contained, if they were steadily and judiciously employed. Du- ring the reign of Anne they grew in prosperity, and appeared to be well satisfied with the English government. In .the reign of George I. a law was passed, making a very material change in tlie relation between Great Britain and Ireland, and rendering the sister kingdom much more dependent upon Britain, than even the statute of Poynings had proposed ; and whereas that lawgiver had pro- cured a negative and preventive control over Irish legislation, the bill of George I. gave a positive and enacting power, and also established the subjection of Irish courts of justice to the corresponding tribunals of England. This change passed without much animadversion at the time, though it was destined to be afterwards a very important subject of dis- cussion and correction. The Irish in that reign appear to have been chiefly engaged by wk interests of their new commerce, from which may be derived their violent opposition to Wood's half-pence. The growing trade of Ireland was regarded by many of the English with an unfounded jealousy, as they apprehended from its increase a competition of com- mercial interests ; and the legislature of Britain clogged the industry of Ireland with various restrictions, which were extremely injudicious, im- mediately injurious to Irish, and ultimately to British, prosperity. In the reign of George If. the incumbrances were |)artially removed ; wool and woollen yarn were allowed to be im|)orted both to Scotland and England ; afterwards cattle and tallow, salted beef and pork, ob- tained the same permission. At one period there arose a contest be- tween the government and the Irish house of commons respecting privi- lege and prerogative, in the application of the surplus of revenue, which 1767.— Chap. Vr. REIGN OF GEORGK III. 231 [Disorders in Ireland. Proceedings of llie white boys.] the commons conceived Oioy had a right to appropriate without the con- sent of the crown. Popular orators operating on the fiery spirit of the Irish, tht^ dispute became extremely violent: and though afterwards quieted by the skilful application of government to the leaders of most influence witli the people, yet the seeds of dissatisfar-lion still remained, and llie persons most k(!enly in oppf)sition to government ac(piircd pro- portionate popularity. The duke of Newcastle, agreeably to the general rule of his policy, sought to govern Ireland by a junto, composed of men of family or official influence. Another body of men assumed the name of patriots ; they professed to make the commercial benefit and political rights of their country the great objects of their pursuits, and to reprobate every measure or practice that appeared to lessen the political or com- mercial benefits of Ireland ; they inveighed against the powers asserted by the British government, the restrictions upon trade, and the expenses of the pension list, and co-operated with any party or individual that hap- pened to be in opposition to administration. Conceived to be .sincere in their professions of patriotism, they were revered by the populace, who received their representations as the oracles of truth, and at the death of George II. a spirit of disaffection and discord was manifest in many parts of Ireland. George III. proposed to govern Ireland as well as Britain without any regard to party distinctions; but, in the first year of his reign, the ani- mosities were inflamed to a very high pitch, by a dispute about a money bill. In October 1761, his majesty sent as lord-lieutenant the earl of Halifax, who was esteemed well qualified by united vigour- arid prudence for supporting the rights of the crown, and conciliating the affections and promoting the interests of the people. In his speeches to the legislature, and in his executorial conduct, he endeavoured to soften and banish ani- mosities, to promote unanimity", to recommend and enforce the improve- ment of agriculture and manufactures, and to encourage the education of youth, and the diffusion of useful knowledge. But the very progress of husbandry produced discj)ntents and commotions among many of the ignorant people, who had neither discernment to understand improve- ments, nor patience to await results. Parties of men assembled to de- stroy enclosures, under the pretext of restoring commons to tlie poor, and committed various outrages : the insurgents wearing over their clothes a white frock, thence received the name of ivhlle boys, that afterwards became so noted and so terrible. These banditti secured their union, and increased their numbers, by oaths of secresy, an organized plan, and by inflicting the severest cruelties on all who refused co-operation. During the year 1763, they carried their atrocities to so alarming a height, as to call the attention of parliament ; but no effectual measures were adopted for their suppression. Convened for the purpose of rescinding the muniments of property, they attacked rights and establishments of various kinds, and were peculiarly resolute in the refusal of tithes. The professed patriots, by exclaiming against the pension list and other al- leged abuses, and calling loudly for reform at a season when the public ferment and the violence of the populace were so unfavourable to such discussions, tended to inflame the disorders ; and the spirit of dissatisfac- tion, which was so industriously spread through Britain, acted also power- fully in Ireland. tn the houses of parliameot, a regular and systematic opposition was 232 HISTORY OF THE Chap. VI.— 1767. [Whig confederacy of Ireland. Bill limiting the duration of parliament] now formed to the measures of government. It consisted of two classes : individuals of frreat personal popularity ; and a combination of family connexion and political union. This band, headed by lord Shannon and the house of Ponsonby, was nearly akin, in principles and views of go- vernment, to the Rockingham party in England ; with whom its several members maintained a close intercourse, consolidated in various instances by relation and afliance. These may without impropriety be termed the whig confederacy of Ireland : and, in the successive political changes, joined and co-operated with the corresponding body in Britain. In par- liament, a considerable subject of debate was the origination of money bills. Hitherto measures of finance were proposed by the privy-council of England and sent to the Irish house of commons, which had merely a power of refusal. In 1754, Mr. Perry, one of those members who claimed the merit of patriotism, proposed, that propositions of aids should spring from the commons. The mover was strenuously supported by Mr. Ponsonby and his adherents ; and though his proposition was not passed into a law, yet its principle and spirit deserve the attention of the historical reader, as manifesting a disposition to assimilate the Irish con- stitution to the British, and consequently lessen the dependence of Ire- land. In 1766, a more important and comprehensive scheme was tried for effecting a similarity to the polity of Britain. The parliament of Ireland at this time was subject to dissolution only by the demise of the crown, or the exercise of the kingly prerogative. Several attempts had been made, during the preceding four years, to render their duration septen- nial, but were rejected by the Irish legislature ; a new bill being now in- troduced, passed the Irish parliament, but was rejected in Britain. Soon after, lord Chatham, who had received the direction of English affairs, and his friend lord Camden, declared themselves favourable to the limited duration of the Irish parliament. Charles Townshend agreed to this opinion, and his brother viscount Townshend was appointed lord-lieute- nant of Ireland. Instead of a septennial, an octennial law was recom- mended. The new viceroy repaired to his government in October 1767, and a bill for limiting the duration of parliament to the period of eight years, was proposed, speedily and unanimously passed, and received by ihe people with a joy and gratitude that demonstrated the eagerness of their desire to obtain the benefits which were possessed and secured under the British constitution. ires.— Ciiip. vrr. reign of geougk hi. 233 CHAP. VII. Prevalent discontents. — Mr. Wilkes returns from exile — offers himself candidate for London — rejected — chosen for Middlesex — prosecuted at the instance of ministers — tried l^efore lord Mansfield — sentenced to the king's bench prison — popular invectives ag-ainst tlie judge. — Hints in St. Georg^e's fields. — Wilkes's outlawry reversed. — King of Denmark visits Britain. — Favourite studies of his Britannic majesty. — Voyages of discovery and science. — Captain Cook — Mr. Banks — Affairs on the continent — Parties in Poland. — Dissidents. — Interfer- ence of Prussia and llu.'^sia. — Conduct of Austria — of France. — llupture between Kussia and Turkey. — American colonies enraged at Mr. Townshend's new im- post, — Province of Massachusetts more active in resistance ---New combination against British commodities.— Lord Hilisboroug!) the secretary of state, his let- ter to the governors of their respective provinces.— Riots at Boston— Eng- land.— Dissatisfaction and licentiousness.— Wilkes inflames the discontent.— Supported by the chief citizens of the metropolis.— Lord Chatham resigns the privy-seal.— Parties mutually adverse concur in opposition to administration. Wise and liberal as was the policy of our king, which sought to govern by virtue and ability instead of a parly confederacy, it had not hitherto attained the merited success. The royal plan had to encoun- ter obstacles which partly arose from i>articular incidents and charac- ters, but were chiefly owing to general causes. The long supremacy of the whig combination had conferred on its members, in the public opinion, a prescriptive right to govern. When Pitt adopted the project of Bolingbrokc, or more probably followed the natural course of transcendent talents, he was aware of the au- thority which the junto had acquired: he well knew that political changes ought to be gradual, and accommodated to the opinions and sentiments of the times. He therefore did not propose entirely to ex- clude the phalanx ; but, without admitting their command, to enjoy their assistance. Even this partial invasion they bore with impatience and only from the overpowering force of genius did they bear it at all : Pitt's administration afforded strong proofs, that a change of po- litical system must be gradual, and that the projected alteration would be arduous, unless pre eminent ability guided and invigorated the ex- ecution. The earl of Bute attempted a more extensive and rapid change than befits the progressive variations of human affairs: in seeking a reform agreeable to reason and justice, he failed, by preci- pitation and the want of superior talents. His personal unpopularity was prejudicial to any scheme which he could undertake, and his suc- cessors (long conceived to be his tools) partook of the prevalent ha- tred, which was farther increased by their internal and colonial mea- sures. The administration of Rockingham courted popularity, but in its weakness and inefficiency demonstrated, that the whig phalanx was fallen in strength : still, however, it was not dissolved. Pitt tried the experiment of governing without the whig connexion ; but found, that either the attempt was premature, or that the execution required more vigorous exertion than the infirm state of his health permitted him to employ. Feeble as a ministry, the combination of whigs wa3 Vol. VII.— 30 234 HISTORY OF THE Chap. VII.— 1768. [Mr. AVilkes returns from exile.] a powerful body of opposition ; and others, not of their sefit., united wUh them in thwariintj the measures of government. The earl of Chatham ceased to be an active member of his majesty's councils; and instead of the union of talents that the sovereign sought and the statesman proposed, there was in the cabinet a weakness and distrac- tion, whicii cxciied the censiire of the patriotic, and encouraged the hopes of the ambitious. The notion of a secret cabal continued to prevail, and had its share in giving spirit and strength to anti-ministe- rial efforts, l-'rom ihcse causes, and not from any disloyal acrimony, seems to have arisen the opposition to government, which forms so \ery prominent a feature in the early history of our sovereign. Be- sides, the immense augmentation of trade and opulence in the preced- ing reign, had raised the monied capitalists to a miich greater degree of importance, than at any former period they had attained. Always connected with the vvhigs, the mercantile body entered into their pre- sent views, and imputed to evil and unconstitutional motives, the in- terference of the monarch with their political monopoly. They were farther dissatisfied wiih the measures adopted towards America, which had eventually proved so detrimental to trade. The citizens of London exchanged their foinier zeal in favour of the house of Bruns- wick, for violent enmity to the successive servants whom their king chose to employ, and were foremost in supporting every turbulent in- dividual who attacked administration. Such was the spirit now raised into a strong fermentation by the general election. To prevalent discontents, an individual case proved a very formida- ble addition. Mr. John Wilkes had applied to the Rockingham party •when in administration, for patronage and redress; but the terms which he proposed, a general pardon, 5000/. in cash, and a pension on the Irish establishment, were totally inadmissible ; and his confi- dent presumption was not only disappointed in its extravagant expec- tations, but prevented the amnesty wnich modest humility might have procured. When the duke of Grafton became prime minister, the hopes of iVlr. Wilkes again revived. He had been extremely intimate ■with that nobleman, and expected friendship from their former social and convivial intercourse, as well as patronage fiom the whig princi- ples which the minister professed. He wrote a letter to the duke, congratulating his grace and the country on his promotion, and en- treating his mediation with the king. This petition, however, was entirely neglected by the duke : and Mr. Wilkes's hope of pardon vanishing, he restjlved to attack his adversaries with the keenest se- verity. On the dissolution of parliament, coming from Paris, he pro- posed himself as a candidate to represent the city of London. The conduct of the court was in this case altogether irresolute and feeble ; while prudence dictated determined measures either of rigour or of lenity. If they determined on severe justice by immediately enfor- cing his sentence of outlawry, this could have driven him back to ba- nishment, and for ever crushed his projects either of ambition or re- venge : if the more magnanimous and wiser alternative of mercy had been adopted by a full pardon, his influence and popularity would have ceased with the prosecution from which they sprung. But mi- nisters embraced half measures, the usual offspring of imbecility, and parent of disappointment. Known to be odious to the court, Wilkes was received by the people with rapturous applause. Mr. Harley, the 1768.— Chap. VII. IIEIGN OF GEOKGE III. 235 [Elected to parliament for Middlesex, lliot in St. George's fields.] lord-mayor, being in the interest of the court, prevented Wilkes from being chosen for the city ; whereupon he immediately offered him- self for Middlesex. Adored by the freeholders of a county which, from its adjacency to the metropolis, speedily catches its spirit ; sup- ported by the most opulent men in the city and the ablest at the bar, after a riotous and tumultuous election, the popular candidate was re- turned by a very great majority. Meanwhile, a legal process was car- ried on against him upon the former charges : he was tried, sen- tenced to imprisonment for two years, obliged to procure security for his good behaviour fo'r seven years, and sentenced to pay a fine of a thousand pounds. A trifling alteration in the judicial records was magnified by popular clamour into the most flagrant and oppressive injustice. It had been a common and unchallenged practice with the judges, when requested by the prosecutor, to amend informations, in order to add to their clearness and precision. At the instance of the treasury solicitor, lord Mansfield had suffered the v/ovd pur/iort, in the information against Mr. Wilkes, to be erased, and the word te7ior to be substituted. This change, perfectly consistent with law and usage, and which could not have the smallest weight in criminating the de- fendant, was represented as an iniquitous measure, flowing from the arbitrary principles and designs which were imputed to the chief jus- tice as a Scotchman, and a friend of lord Bute. Extremely enraged at the judgment passed upon their favourite, the populace forcibly rescued him from the officers who were conducting him to prison, and carried him triumphantly through the streets ; but Mr, Wilkes, that he might not appear a parly in this violence, as soon as the mob was dispersed, prudently surrendered himself to the marshal of the king's bench. The new parliament met on the 10th of May, and was opened by the lord-chancellor ; who, in a speech, informed the house, that his majesty had not called them together at that unusual season of the year for the purpose of general business, but merely to despatch cer- tain parliamentary proceedings necessary for the welfare of his sub- jects, especially the renewal of the acts against the cxi>ortation of corn, which were then on the eve of expiring. On the day on which the pailiament met, great numbers of persons assembled in St. George's fields, expecting to see Mr. Wilkes go from prison to the house of commons. The mob becoming very out- rageous, the Surry magistrates, when unable to preserve the public peace, were obliged to read the riot act, and call in the military to as- sist the civil power. Instead of separating, the populace insulled and attacked the soldiers : the legal time for dispersion being elapsed, force was found absolutely necessary ; the soldiers were ordered to fire; and, as in a mob it is impossible to distinguish active outrage from idle curiosity, a man who had not been riotous was unfortunately killed . this was Allen, who, though humble ai.d obscure in life, was from his death consecrated to pprpetual remembrance by the pen of elegant invective, poignant acrimony, and impi'essive misrepresenta- tion :* several others also were unavoidably killed. On the 17th of May, a proclamation was issued, by order of the council, for sup- lircsbing tumults and unlawful assemblies. Both houses of parlianfiCnt • See 3\ia'ms, passim. 236 HISTORY OF THE Chap. VII.— 1768. [Mr. Wilkes's outlawry reversed. King of Denmark visits England.] thanked his majesty for this measure, and united in expressing their approbation of the magistrates who had been active in quelling the disturbances : and lord Weymouth wrote a letter by his majesty's command, to the justices for Surry, which testified the utmost satis- faction with the conduct both of the magistrates and the. troops in suppressing lawless disturbances. Samuel Gillam, esq. one of the justices, was tried on a charge of having murdered William Red- burn, by having ordered the soldiers to fire; in consequence of which, Redburn had been killed. The jury seeing the absurdity and the in- justice of such a prosecution, would not suffer thre accused to take the trouble of entering upon his defence ; but when the prosecutor's evi- dence was closed, pronounced a verdict of acquittal. Donald Maclean, a soldier, was tried for the murder of Allen ; but being proved to have acted only in discharge of his duty, he was acquitted. The mob Avas very much displeased with this sentence; and, as Maclean was either known, or from his name presumed to be, a Scotch High- lander, (and consequently the countryman of lord Bute,) the clamour was the more loud and outrageous. Mr. Wilkes applied to the court of king's bench for a reversal of his outlawry, as irregular and illegal ; and, after many learned arguments on both sides, tiie judges unani- mously delivered their opinion, that the sentence was illegal, and must be reversed. On the 13th of May the king lost his second sister, the princess, Louisa Anne, in the 20th year of her age. In the course of the sum- mer, the king of Denmark, under the title of the prince Travendahl, visited England ; and, arriving in London, was honoured with every possible mark of respect and distinction, and entertained at court with all liie princely magnificence which befitted the guest and the host. Having viewed every thing most worthy of notice in the metropolis, his Danish majesty made a tour to York ; and visiting Cambridge, was received by that learned body with all the discriminating atten- tion of lettered politeness. He returned by Oxford, where his recep- tion was no less pleasing to the monarch. Arriving again in London, he honoured ihe lord mayor with his company to dinner, and express- ed high satisfaction and admiration at the hospitality of the most opu- lent body of the must opulent nation in the universe. Having remain- ed two months in the kingdom of his brother-in-law, he departed for his own. Little indc;i)tcd to nature for either brilliant or vigor- ous talents, yet by a comely countenance and figure, in the bloom of youth, and by pleasing and alTuble manners, added to his rank, and connexion with the Jiriiish royal family, the Danish king became ex- tremely popular during his slay in I^ngland. Our sovereign had from his youth devoted a great portion of his at- tention to |)hilosophical experiments, scientific inquiries, and the con- sequent arii,, both curious and useful ; he had applied himself parti- cularly to geography, astronomy, and other subjects connected with navigation ; a study pcculiaily momentous to llie realms over which he was destined to reign. Soon alter the conclusion of the peace, the king projected a voyage of discovery to the South Sea; and in July, 1764, the Dolphin ship of war and the Taniar frigate were equipped for this purpose, under captain Byron, with captain Mowat second in command. Arriving off Patagonia, they were astonished at the sta- ture of the inhabitants, which losc to a gigantic heijjht. They after- 1768— Chap. VII. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 237 [Voyages of discovery and science. Captain Cook.] wards descried Falkland's islands, and finding a harbour extremely- commodious, entered it, took possession both of the port and sur- rounding islands in the name of the king, and called the haven Port Egmont, in compliment to the nobleman who was then at the head of the admiralty. Entering the Pacific Ocean, they sailed to Batavia, whence they returned by the Cape of Good Hope, and anchored in the Downs in May, 1766 ; having circumnavigated the world in a year and ten months. His majesty lost no time in farther prosecuting the discovery of unexplored parts of the physical and moral world ; and the Dolphin was immediately refitted, and sent out in August, 1766, under the command of captain Samuel Wallis, accompanied by two frigates, the prince Frederick and the Swallow. Wallis having en- tered the Pacific, took a different direction from captain Byron, (who had first sailed north and then west,) and proceeded diagonally al- most in the hypolhenuse of his predecessor's track. This course brought the British voyagers to an island, which presented man un- der a different aspect from any in which he had been hitherto seen by Europeans. This was the place now so well known under the name of Olaheite. The manners of the inhabitants exhibited a com- bination of savage ignorance and voluptuous effeminacy, never before seen together in the same national character. The incivilizalion of the North American Indians, with the mildness of Gentoos, and the licentious lewdness of Moorish masters of harams, constituted the character of the islanders whom captain Wallis now discovered. Partly by intimidation, but still more by attention, he obtained a very favourable reception. In a year and nine months, having made very important accessions to our knowledge of the habitable globe, he finished his circumnavigation. The existence of these islands being ascertained, his majesty's next desire was to explore their resources, and prosecute discovery. It had been long before calculated, that the planet Venus would pass over the sun's disk in 1769; and one of the South Sea islands within the tropic of Capricorn \vas reckoned the most commodious station for observing the phenomenon : so that one object of the voyage was astronomical improvement, though it com- prehended several others. The command of this expedition was con- ferred on lieutenant James Cook, who was not only distinguished as a skilful navigator and gallant officer, bu\ as a mathematician and as- tronomer. Other men of science and philosophical research were prevailed on to accompany Cook : among these were, Joseph Banks, esq. a gentleman of talents and fortune, who had from his early youth employed iiis abilities and wealth in improving his understanding, en- larging the boundaries of human knowledge, and increasing liie re- sources of human wants : conversant in the various branches of lite- rature and science, he had bestowed peculiar attention on natural his- tory, natural philosophy, botany, mineralogy, and chemistry ; and was therefore a most important coadjutor for advancing purposes of phy- sical discovery. Dr. Solander, a Swede of great ingenuity and learn- ing, and deeply skilled in mathematics and natural philosophy, like- wise joined this expedition ; and Mr. Charles Green, the colleague of Dr. Bradley the royal astronomer, conducted the astronomical part of the undertaking. Thus an expedition was projected, which tended not only to promote observation and discovery, but deduction and sci- ence; and this was the first voyage ever undertaken upon such grand 238 HISTORY OF THE Cuap. V1I.-1768, [AfTuirs of the continent. Parties in Poland.] and philosophical principles. The honour of first planning an expe- dition for the advancement of science, was reserved for the reign of George III. On the continent, several disputes disturbed the general tranquil- lity. The changes which the different princes were making in eccle- siastical affairs were reprobated by the pope. The king of Spain hav- ing banished the Jesuits, circumscribed the power of the clergy, and especially of that detestable instrument of bigoted tyranny, the inqui- sition ; he reformed the church and universities, and suffered the press to be no longer subject to ecclesiastics, but rendered it amena- ble to civil authority only ; he prohibited appeals to the pope, but in extraordinary cases ; or any order from the court of Rome to be put in execution, unless sanctioned by the king and council : thus, in- stead of the pope, the sovereign became head of the national church. The king of Naples was engaged in a similar reduction of clerical power : the dominions of the duke of Parma were subject to ecclesi- astical privileges and immunities still more exorbitant than those ■which were allowed in other countries by the deluded votaries of su- perstition, that prince therefore resolved, instead of longer submitting to the authority of slavish l)igotry, to follow the dictates of sound po- licy and reason. He accordingly prohibited any appeal to be carried to the pope, reduced the power and immunities of the church, and ordained that all benefices should be held without any dependence on a foreign priest. The pope tried his decrees, briefs, and bulls, but Ihey had lost their efficacy. The other popish states seconded the efforts of the Bourbon princes. The king of France reclaimed the territories of Avignon and Venaisin, in the heart of France, which had been ceded to the pope in the days of superstition. The pope cm- ployed his own papal machinery to prevent the resumption, but to no j)urpose : the French king took possession of the territories. France about the same time made, by a negolialion with Genoa, another acquisition. The Genoese having long tried to no purpose to reduce Corsica, concluded a treaty, by which they transferred the so- vereignty of that country to the king of France ; and u body of troops was embarked at Toulon for the island, which it was expected would acknowledge, without resistance, the claims of so powerful a mo- narch : but those expectations* proved eventually groundless. While these transactions were going on in the south and west of Europe, the north and east was far from being tranquil. Stanislaus began his reign with meritorious and judicious efforts to meliorate the internal administration and condition of Poland, and to rescue her from dependence upon foreign powers; but he had to encounter very formidable obstacles both from within and without. Tiicre were in that country two great divisions of religionists : the catholics, whose worship was established by law ; and the dissidents, including Greeks, protestants, and every class of dissenters, who were not only tolerat- ed, but had a vote in the national diet, and shared in other political privileges, by a constitution established in 1660. The catholics, how- ever, having gradually become more powerful than before, gave way to their intolerant spirit, and oppressed and prosecuted the dissidents, whose legal privileges could not protect thorn from lawless power. The clergy were extremely dissalislicd wiih one piivilege enjoyed by the dissidents ; which was, an exemption from the payment of tithes. 1768.— Chip. VII. REIGN OF GEOUGE III. 239 [Interference of Russia and Prussia. Rupture between Russia and Turkey.] Clerical avarice and ambition stimulated the stupid enthusiasm of the populace against the non-conformists, and by their ascendency in the diet, encroached on their immunities. The dissidents applied to the two chief protestant sovereigns, and the chief Greek monarch, to in- terfere in their behalf. The court of London, too distant from the scene, could only mediate by its ambassador. Prussia and Russia were disposed and able to intercede much more effectually. Both Catharine and Frederick had formed most ambitious views respect- ing Poland ; and in the application of the dissidents, a plausible pre- text offered itself for their interference. Whatever might be their real sentiments concerning Christianity, they were both too able poli- ticians not to support the religious faith whose establishment they found beneficial to their dominions. Catharine, head of the Greek church, avowed herself its supporter and defender ; and Frederick avowed himself the champion of the protestant doctrine. Both these sovereigns announced their intention of protecting their brethren in religious belief; and the czarina actually sent a body of troops to pro- mole the success of her mediations. The Russian forces seized the bishop of Cracow, primate of Poland, with the bishop of Kiar, and a few others of the most active enemies of the dissidents, and sent them to Petersburg ; where, without any trial, they, by the arbitrary plea- sure of Catharine, were subjected to rigorous imprisonment, in a country against which they could not be rebels, because they owed it no allegiance. The kindred theology of Maria Teresa was rotised in behalf of the Polish catholics. France, then governed by the duke of Choiscul, though very little under the influence of superstition, was prompted by policy to attempt the repression of Russian and Prussian influence in Poland. The empress-queen prepared a force to assist the catholics ; but Frederick notified lo her, that if any of her sol- diers marched into that country, he would immediately invade Bo- hemia ; and Maria Teresa, not being equal to such a contest, made no attempt lo fulfil her intentions. The influence of the protestant courts, and still more the menaces of the Russian army, obtained, in the beginning of 1768, an edict, confirming all the privileges of the dissidents. The French, though they did not themselves engage in hostilities with Catharine, exerted all their intriguing policy to blow the flames of discord. Their plan of annoying Russia divided itself into three branches : they encouraged the Poles to form a new confederacy; they caballed at Stockholm lo change the government, in order to render the khig, who was under their influence, absolute ; and their emissaries at Constantinople endeavoured to rouse the jealousy of the grand seignior against Catharine. A fresh confederacy of catholics having been formed in summer 1768, annulled the late laws, and adopted resolutions for opposing Russia, and dethroning* Stanislaus. The Russian troops quartered in Poland defeated the army of the con- federates, pursued them to the eastern frontier, and burned the Turk- ish town of Balta, in which the insurgents had taken shelter. Already predisposed by France lo enmity with Russia, the Turks considered this act as a hostile aggression ; they sent Catharine's ambassador pri- * See Gillies's Frederick, p. 399. 210 TIISTOUY OF THE Chap. VII.--176S. [Discontents in America. Massachusetts.] soner to the fortress of the Seven Towers, and in the beginning of October declared war against Ri]3sia. In the American colonies, the act proposed by Mr. Townshend for fixing duties on certain articles of merchandise, excited very great resentment ; while the obvious proofs of weak and wavering policy in the British government encouraged them to resistance. It was easy to perceive, that the principle of the new law was the same as of Mr. Grenvilic's stamp act, to ta.v the coloiiie/t nuitlioiit their own consent^ exfiressrd by themselves or their rrfiresentativea. This identity of ob- ject their political writers soon painted in the most striking colours; Mr. Townshend'b impost (thty said) was in every respect as uncon- stitutional as the stamp act; the mother country seemed determined to crush the colonies ; resistance was therefore a duty which the Americans owed to themselves and to posterity. These arguments coincided with the sentiments and prepossessions of the people, in exciting opposition ; and the province of Massachusetts Bay .was the most active in piomoling resistance. The first public mark of dis- satisfaction on accoimt of this act was shown at Boston, on the 27th of October, 1767, when the inhabitants, assembling in their town-hall, agreed to form associations for encouraging manufactures among themselves, discoiuitenancing luxuries of every kind, and discontinu- ing* such articles of importation from Britain as were not absolutely necessary. The other colonies adopted the same, or framed similar resolutions. In January, 1768, the provincial assembly of Massa- chusetts having met, immediately entered on a general and full con- sideration of grievances;! and prepared a petition to the king, com- plaining of every statute passed since the year 1763, for imposing du- ties on America. They instructed their agent in England to contro- vert the justice and prudence of these acts, on the grounds of natural equity, constitutional right, and commercial and political expediency. They also sent letters to the several ministers, to the marquis of Rockingham, the earl of Chatham, and lord Camden, which entreated the exertion of their abilities and influence in promoting the objects of the petition to his majesty. Toward the other colonies they em- ployed the same sagacious policy, which they had successfully ex- erted in opposing the stamp act ; they excited a spirit of confedera- tion, and they sent a circular letter, which communicated the proceed- ings of the assembly, invited the other provinces to follow their ex- ample, and requcixled similar communications of measures necessary or useful for the common cause. The colonists of Massachusetts, in- deed, exerted great depth of political ability ; for, aware that consi- derable differences of principles and sentiments prevailed between most of the other provinces and themselves, they endeavoured to amalgamate opinion and feeling, by giving them unity of object. This was the system of means, which the Ncw-Englanders uniformly pur- sued. Unfortunately, at this period, the steadiness of policy, adapted to its object, formed a striking contrast with the fluctuating measures of the British government. Sir Francis Bernard, the governor of Massachusetts, was a man, neither by conciliation fitted to dissolve their concerts, nor by vigour to counteract their schemes. He was on very bad terms with the assembly, who charged him with having mis- • Stedman, p. 159. f See Stedman, vol.i. p. 59. 1768.— Chap. Vll. REIGN OF GEOUGE III. 2il [Lord Hillsborough's letter. Outrages at Boston.] represented their conduct to the British government, while he re- proached them M'ith rebellious stubbornness. This reciprocation of invective, resembling the angry bravvlings of private litigants, rather than discussions befitting his majesty's representative and a constitu- tional assembly of his subjects, widened the breach. Bernard sent to ministers a copy of the circular exhortation, which increased their displeasuic against the Nevv-Englunders. Lord Hillsborough wrote a letter to the several governors of the colonies, to be laid before the respective assemblies : he condemned the conduct of Massachusetts, as tending to promote an unwarrantable combination against the au- thority of parliament, and admonished the other colonies to disregard such disloyal suggestions. He instructed Bernard to require the as- sembly to rescind the resolution which had issued such an inflamma- tory paper : and, in case they should refuse, he was directed to dis- solve the meeting. Not satisfied with opposing innovations, the Bos- tonians riotously resisted an authority acknowledged by themselves. The sloop Liberty, belonging to John Hancock, had arrived in Boston harbour, laden with wine; the master of the vessel having in vain at- tempted to bribe a custom-house officer to let him smuggle his cargo ashore, at last locked him up by force in the cabin, sent the cargo ashore, and reladcd the ship before the morning. Liformalion of this illegal and outrageous act having been given at the custom-house, the collector, seizing the sloop, committed her to the care of the Rodney ship of war. On perceiving this movement, a mob assembled, buffeted and pelted the collector and controller of the customs, attacked the houses and threatened the persons of the commissioners, and com- pelled them to take refuge in Castle William, a fortress commanding the mouth of the harbour. The governor applied to the assembly for their advice and assistance, but received neither : a town meeting, so far from discountenancing the outrage, presented a remonstrance on the seizure of the sloop. Thus both the provincial assembly and the town of Boston showed, that, though the acts of parliament of which they complained might be unconstitutional grievances, they had re- solved to resist legitimate and constitutional authorities. The go- vernor persisted in uiging them to rescind the obnoxious resolution of the preceding session ; but, as they would not comply, he, agreea- bly to his directions, dissolved the assembly. The British ministry, informed of the late outrages, ordered troops to Boston to aid the civil power. The Bostonians, informed of the destination of the soldiers, entreated the governor to convene the general assembly; but Bernard answered, that he had dissolved the assembly by command of his ma- jesty, and could not call another without the king's orders. The Bos- tonians, disappointed in their expectation, formed the daring resolu- tion of assembling a provincial convention, which body met on the 22d of September, drew up a petition to the king against the late acts of parliament ; but disclaimed all pretence to authority, stated the causes of their meeting, exhorted the people to pay deference to go- vernment, and promised to aid the civil power in maintaining tran- quillity. Rendered more mild in their conduct by the approach of the soldiers, they dissolved their meeting the very day on which the first division of the troops arrived at Boston ; and the tumultuous spi- rit of the people being thus restrained, quietness was re-established. The assembly of New-York having submitted to the terms of the mu- VoL. Yll.— 31 242 HISTOnV of the Cnip. VII.— 1768. [Dissatisfaction in England. Resignation of lord Chatham.] tiny act, were restored to their legislative functions. The other co- lonial assemblies, guided by the circular letter of Massachusetts, and regardless of the British minister's admonitions, resolved to prohibit the importation of the enumerated articles, and directed the prohibi- tion to begin from the first of January, 1769. In England, the dissatisfaction and licentiousness of the people con- tinued to increase. Mr. Wilkes nourished the discontent, by pub- lishing lord Weymouth's letter to the Surry magistrates, and prefix- ing to it a seditious preface. A great part of the people charged all the disturbances in America to the folly and wickedness of ministry ; but there was a faction out of parliament, that proceeded to a degree of licentiousness which was inimical to the existence of regular go- vernment, and its most active partizans received too much encourage- ment from many opulent citizens in the metropolis. The opposition in parliament still consisted chiefly of two parties, the adherents of Mr, Grenvillc, and the connexions of the marquis of Rockingham,* who, though adverse to each other, agreed in voting against ministry. The earl of Chatham, the founder of the present ministry, borne down with infirmities, and totally disapproving of the measures of his colleagues, had long withdrawn from public business, and lately resigned his of- fice of lord privy-seal. The duke of Grafton, though first lord of the treasury, had been intended to act only a secondary and subordinate part, as in the same office the duke of Newcastle had done, during the splendid period of Mr. secretary Pitt's administration. As the health of lord Chatham rendered him unequal to the exertions of his earlier years, the duke of Grafton actually became prime minister. The talents of this nobleman did not exceed mediocrity, nor was he mature in political experience. So qualified, he was thrust by acci- dent, rather than exalted by design, into a situation, to fill which, in the distracted state of affairs, required a minister of consummate abi- lities and wisdom. Lord North, while only chancellor of the exche- quer, rarely exceeded his official business, or took an active share in the general concerns of administration. Lords Camden and Shel- burne, both coinciding in the views and opinions of lord Chatham, had little connexion with iheir colleagues in office. The other secretaries of state were not distinguished for political talents; so that, on the whole, the present ministry was far from possessing that combined ability and concert, that would have qualified them to manage with effect the manifold and complicated objects which demanded the at- tention of the British government. Such v/as the state of foreign, co- lonial, and domestic afi'airs, when the season arrived for the meeting of parliament. • Two pamphlets published this year, " Tlie present State of the Nation," by Mr. Grenville; and "Observations on that present State," by Mr. Burke; in their principles and views, manifest the very different and opposite opinions of the Grsnville and'Kockingham parties. ires.— Cmaf. Vlll. KEKJN OF GEOKGE III.; 243 CHAP. YIIl. Meeting of parliament — petition of Mr. Wilkes — charges against him, at the instance of ministers — expelled the house — re-chosen — declared ineligible during the present parliament — chosen a third time — election again declared void — a competitor set up — Mr. AVilkes returned by a great majority. — Mr. Lutterel declared by parliament duly elected — violent debates, and national ferment. — Revival against the Americans of trials within the realm for treasons committed beyond seas. — Debt on the civil list. — Affairs of the East India com- pany — Hyder Ally — war in the Carnatic. — Europe — gallant resistance of Cor- sica against the French — it last overpowered. — America — discontent increases from the new mode of trial. — Extreme dissatisfaction in England — the chief topic the Middlesex election. — Johnson's False Alarm. — Junius — object and character of that extraordinary work. — Petitions — remonstrance of the city of London — Meeting of parliament — lords Chatham and Camden oppose ministry — resignation of the duke of Grafton. The session commenced on the 8th of November ; his majesty re- commended from tiie throne* the consideration of our commercial inter- ests, and regretted the interruption on the continent of the general tranquillity ; but stated the assurances which he had received, that Bri- tain would not be affected by the foreign disturbances. He mentioned the commotions in America, particularly submitted the affairs of that part of his dominions to the wisdom of parliament, and inculcated the necessity of internal harmony and union. To the proposed addresses, great opposition was made; ministers were charged with having excited the disorders in America, and with gross inattention to external affairs. The Bourbon compact became every day closer, and extending its in- fluence to Austria, brought the balance of power into imminent danger. The violation of the general tranquillity in the invasion of Corsica, France would never have attempted, but from her knowing the feeble- ness and distractions of the British cabinet. Our commercial interests, it was added, were entirely neglected. These were the outUnes of the censures against ministers, brought forward on the first day of the ses- sion, as a text for future comment and expatiation. The first particular subject which occupied their deliberations was corn: the crop that year had been good, and measures were projected to prevent the recurrence of scarcity. A bill was prepared, not only for increasing the prohibition on the exportation of corn, but also for pre- venting the extraction of low wines and spirits from wheat and flour. This act was useful so far as it extended, but too trifling in its object and operation to afford any material security against the return of dearth. An evil so frequently prevailing in such a fertile country as England, manifested the expediency of restoring agriculture to its due weight in political economy, and devoting the attention of the legislature o the cultivation of land, as well as the improvement of manufactures and commerce. Other concerns, however, more urgent, though less im- portant, ocqupied parUamcnt. « * Sec state papers, 1768. 244 HISTORY OF THE Cuap. VHI.— 1769. [Petition of Mr. Wilkes. I'roceetlings against him.] During this session, Wilkes engrossed a great portion of parliamentary attention, Tliis celebrated agitator had uniformly proposed* by political bustle to accpiire notoriety and wealth. He succeeded in becoming con- spicuous, but had not hitherto obtained opulence : to ministers (as we have seen) he had in vain applied for pecuniary assistance ; but though they refused him the required supply, they left and promoted one means of acquisition in his e.Klensive popularity. In the generous hearts of Englishmen, distress is a never failing passport to pity and protection. If the suffering arise from real or apparent oppression, the spirit of free- dom enhances the desire of benignant vindication: and especially, if the alleged persecution issue from the executive government. But as the alTections of the multitude are more ardent than their judgment is discriminating, their regards are more frequently bestowed upon noisy demagogues, than wise and beneficent patriots. Whoever proposes popularity as his chief object, well knows that he must keep alive the public attention. AVilkes and his supporters were thoroughly skilled in the machinery of political notoriety, and spent a great i)art of the recess in holding meetings, clubs, and parties ; framing resolutions, remon- strances, and pamphlets. Lest the curiosity of the people should be diminished, or the zeal of his supporters cooled, Wilkes deemed it expe- dient to present a petition to the house of commons. Tiiis paper reca- pitulated all his alleged grievances, from his fust apprehension in April 1763, to his commitment in 1768 : the only new h)atter that it contained was an assertion, that lord Mansfield liad illegally and tyrannically altered the records ; and that Philip Carteret Webb, esq. secretary to the treasury, had bribed the petitioner's servants with the public money, to steal the Essay on Woman, to be made a ground of prosecution. The former statements of the petition, being a narrative of proceedings already determined by the law of the country, the house passed over; on the two last allegations a discussion commenced on the 21st of Ja- nuary 1769, which lasted till the 3d of February. On the charge against lord Mansfield it was resolved, that the orders made by the lord chief justice of the king's bench, for the amendment of the informations established in the said court against Mr. Wilkes, were according to law and equity, and the practice of the court ; and also, that the complaint was frivolous, groundless, and prejudicial to the administration of public justice : on the second head it was resolved, that the charge against Mr. Webb was not proved. The preface to lord Weymouth's letter, of which Mr. Wilkes acknowledged himself autiior and publisher, next came under consideration ; it was voted to be a false, scandidous, and seditious libel, tending to the subversion of all order and legal government; and a proposition was immediately made, that Mr. AVilkcs should be expelled the house. In supporting this motion, ministers and their adherents spoke anrl acted as parties eagerly interested in carrying a proposition, not as judges investigating the conduct of one of their peers, that they might deliver a fair and impartial senter^ce. The charge was accumu- lative and indefinite : it contained a recitation of his former ofiences and expulsion, and also of conduct which was then undergoing the animad- version of the courts of law, fully competent to condemnation or ac- • This he him^lf declared to Mr. Gjbbon before the publication of thb North Briton. Gibbon's Miscellaneous Works, vol. i. p. 100, note. '' t 1769.— Chap. VIII. KKIGN OF GEOUGP: III. 245 [He is expelled the house — repeated re-elections ] quittal.* Their speeches'!" chiefly expatiated on these sul)jccts, and contained the irrelevant exaggerations of passion, njucli more than the statement.s and prooCs of justice. The opposers of thi.s sentence con- tended, tiiat the lihel on lord Weynionth, a peer of the realm, wa.s the only specific ground of the motion: that his privileges, as a lord, were not cognizahle by the commons ; and that any offence against liim as a British subject, bclouged to tlie laws of the land. For the other libels, he had been already expelled, and the house had piniished him for an attack upon the legislature. Sliould he be twice chastised for tlie same offence? *' By the present proposition (they said) we are to blend the executive and judicial powers of the state witli the legislative, and to extend our jurisdiction, that we may take upon ourselves the odium of trying and punishing in a sunnnary manner an offence which does not affect us, but is subject to the investigation of the laws. In the exercise of this assumed power, we are to form an accumulative and complicated charge, which no other courts, nor even we, have ever admitted in other instances. We are to mingle now crimes with old, and to try a man twice for the same misdemeanour. We are to transfer the censures of a former parliament into the hands of the present, which is to make them the foundation of a new punisliment. We are to assume a power of determining the rights of the people, and of their representatives, by no other rule but our own discretion or caprice. "J Strong as these ar- guments may appear to an impartial reader, they were overborne by a ministerial majority, and Mr. Wilkes was expelled the house of com- mons. Theconductof ministry manifested that alteration of laxity and vio- lence, which never can proceed from united wisdom and vigour. If severe punishment were expedient, why was it not employed when he returned from exile, before the reversal of his outlawry?§ Permitted then to be out of confinement, he had revived his popularity, and paved the way for its progress to a height which nothing tended more effectually to increase than further prosecution. Well knowing the temper of his constituents, and of the nation in general, Wilkes considered his expulsion as the sure road to greater popularity and distinction, and immediately offered himself a candidate for the vacated county. The favour of his supporters rose to an en- thusiasm that overspread London, the county, and their environs ; and the sympathetic spirit quickly diffused itself throughout England : under the influence of such sentiments, his re-election was unanimous ; and the next day he was declared by the house incapable of being re-elected during the present parliament. On the 16th of March, Mr. Wilkes Was chosen a third time ; and the following day his election was again de- clared void. The Middlesex freeholders avowing their determination to choose him again, ministers set up another candidate, colonel Lutterel. The fourth election took place on the 13th of April: for Mr. "Wilkes, there were eleven hundred and forty-three lawful voters; for his oppo- nent, two hundred and ninety-six : Mr. Wilkes was accordingly returned. The next day his name was erased from the writ by order of the house ; • See Journal of the House of Commons, February 3d, 1769. f See parliamentary debates on the expulsion of Wilkes, February 3d, 1769. i See parliamentary debates, FebrUcYy 3d, 1769. i See Junius's Letter XL to the duke of Grafton. 246 rilSTOUY of the Cuap. viii.— ir69. [America, llevival of tmls within the realm for treason beyond seas.] and tlie ne.xt day after, Henry Lawes Lutterel, esq. was, after a very violent debate, declared by a majority of two hundred and twenty-one to one hundred and thirty-nine, duly elected.* The passionate resentuient ol rulers against an individual, so clearly manifesting their want of mag- nanimity and true wisdom, produced a totally different effect from that which they expected or desired : their aversion procured to its object the warmest popularity. Ten days after the last vote of the house of commons, he was chosen alderman of tiie city of London. Subscrip- tions were opened, to raise money both for the liquidation of his debts and his future subsistence. He was represented as a meritorious patriot, sutlt'ring oppression and tyranny for his virtues. During this session, America occupied a great share of parliamentary attention ; both ministry and opposition were desirous of an inquiry, but the motives of the parties were different. Ministers proposed to justify their own conduct and that of their officers, and to convince the public that all the disturbances which had happened, were owing to the refrac- tory and rebellious spirit of the colonists ; while, on the other hand, their opponents endeavoured to demonstrate, that the commotions were caused by the weakness and arbitrary proceedings of the British govern- ment. Having these different motives to inquiry, ministers and opposi- tion desired different modes ; the former proposed to confine their inves- tigations to the late acts of the Americans ; the latter, to consider not only the conduct of the colonists, but the measures of Britain for several years ; to trace disorders to their sources ; as only by the knowledge of these, could the evil be effectually removed. This broad plan of discus- sion by no means suited the designs of ministry ; and it was carried by a great majority, that the investigation should be conducted on narrowed grounds. The house resolved itself into a committee, and motions were made for various papers, which would have illustrated the conduct of government and its servants ; but they were uniformly overruled. Papers in great variety were indeed laid before the house ; but they re- lated to the conduct of the colonists merely, without including the mea- sures of government. With such incomplete materials, the majority of the legislature reposed so great a confidence in ministers, as to be per- fectly satisfied ; and on them, undertook to deliberate. On the 8th of February, an address to his majesty passed the house of lords, and was adopted by the commons, declaring the late proceed- ings of the house of representatives of Massachusetts Bay to be a de- nial of the authority of the supreme legislature to make laws for the colonics. It therefore asserted the acts to bo illegal, unconstitutional, and derogatory to the rights of the crown and parliament of Great Bri- tain ; and reprobated the circular letters of the same assembly, as tend- inir to inflame the other colonies, and to create unlawful combinations. It declared the town of Boston to be in a .state of disorder and disobedi- ence to law ; justified the measure of sending a military force, as neces- sary in such an exigency; stated the opinion of the houses to be, that nothing could so effectually preserve British authority in the tumultuous provinces, as the condign punishment of the rioters: and recommended • This was tlie question on which a youth, destined to be one of the greatest orators and ablest men ever admired in any senate, first spoke in parhament : Charles James Fox had procmed a seat before the ie^al ago j and & lawgiver at twenty astouished his hearers by lUc force of liis abilities. 1769.— Chap. VIII. UEIGN OF GEORGE III. 247 [East India Company. Debt on the civil list.] • to his mnjesty to revive the execution of Henry VIII.'s statute, for try- ing within the realm of England treasons committed heyond seas. The proposed revival of this law was very stroniily controverted ; it was the constitutional privilege tf every British sul)ject, declared by the great charter, confirmed by various subsequent laws, and by uniformly esta- blished usage, to be tried by his peers, and in the county in which the transgression was alleged to have been committed, that, if innocent, he miffht easily bring forward such testimony as would insure his acquittal. The projected plan would be most iniquitous in its operation ; by carry- inof the accused to an immense distance from his friends and business, it rendered it impossible, except for a man of great wealth, to endure the expense of bringing over exculpatory evidence, or taking other effectual steps to clear himself from the charge. The prosecution, in effect, would be condemnation ; even if the defendant were acquitted, the purposes of justice would be entirely defeated. Ministers alleged, that from the atrocity to which licentiousness had risen in Massachusetts, the revival of the statute was absolutely necessary : that tlie legislature and the pub- lic ought to have so much confidence in government, as to be convinced that they would not harass innocent persons ; that the expense, and other inconveniences, to the guiHy, were only parts of their punishment, and there was no reason to question the impartiality of British juries. It was indeed improbable, that there could be any necessity for executing the act, as the display of mingled vigour and lenity would bring back the colonists to a sense of their duty. An historian wholly uninfluenced by the party notions of the times, cannot but lament the infatuation of mi- nisters, who, when the Americans were so greatly discontented by the infringement of one constitutional right of British subjects in taxation without their consent, attacked another constitutional right equally va- luable, the trial of peers. The general character of the policy of this administration towards America, was feeble anger, which provoked with- out intimidating its objects. Parliament now turned its attention to the affairs of the East India company. The agreement made with that body, us well as the act for restraining the dividends, being now on the eve of expiration, the com- pany made overtures for a new contract ; and after a long negotiation, a bargain was settled on the following terms : the company was to conti- nue to pay to the public for five years, the annual sum of four hundred thousand pounds ; they were at liberty to increase their dividend to twelve and a half per cent. ; but the addition was not to exceed one per cent, in any one year. Should the company in that period be obliged to re- duce their dividends, a proportionate sum was to be deducted from their payment to government ; and should they fall to six per cent, the pay- ment was to be discontinued. The company was bound to export Bri- tish goods, at an average, of equal value to those annually sent to India during the last five years ; and should any surplus of the company's cash remain in England after the payment of specified debts, it was to be lent to government at two per cent. These stipulations were deemed advantageous to government, and reckoned a favourable specimen of the official talents of lord North, who had been extremely instrumental in fixing the conditions. A message was sent this session by the king to the house of commons, informing them, that a debt of 513,000/. had been incurred by the civil list, and asking their assistance for its dis- 248 HISTORY OF the Chat. VIII.— 1769- [Hyder Ally. War in the Carnatic] charge : the opponents of ministers proposed an inquiry into the expen- diture, which was nejfativetd, and the required sum granted ; and on the 9th of Mav tlie session was conchided. ^Vhile events so interesting to P^ngland weiib goi'ig on in Europe and America, a war broke out against the company in India, excited and headed by an adventurer, who, witli his son, proved more formidable enemies, than any native princes that l>ritain ever encountered in the east. Hyder Ally, from being a common soldier, raised himself to be ma- ster of the Mysore country, in the mountains between the eastern and western coasts of the hither peninsula, and on the Malabar side acquired extensive dominions adjoining tlie ocean. Endowed with vigorous na- tural talents, he possessed great military experience, which was chiefly attained by a long service among the Europeans. He applied himself to form and discipline his own army on the model of their system, and was assi-Utyed in executing any vigorous measures for restraining disorders, the leurs of the colonists soon vanished. The as- 1769.— Ciur, Vlir, llEIGN OF GEORGE in. 251 [Associations against importations (rom llritain.] sembly, maintaining the proposition to be unjust, unconstitutional, nnd tyrannical, fbrnicd resolutions to resist its operation ; they voted charges against their governor for misconduct ; which, with a petition for his re- moval, they transmitted to England. The other colonial assemblies re- probated the revived statute with no less force of reason than the New- Knglanders ; and some of them with still greater severity of expression, accompanied by more violent resolutions. Bitter altercations took place between the assemblies and the governors, some of whom imitated Mr. Bernard in dissolving these meetings. Such acts, far from benefiting the parent country, difibsed dissatisfaction more widely, by spreading through the people the sentiments which had prevailed in the assemblies. The enmity of the Americans to the scheme of the present year, contributed very powerfully to the promotion and extension of the associations against British commodities. Committees were appointed in ftU the principal towns, to inspect cargoes from Britain, and to report to the con- stituents if any persons had purchased prohibited articles. ^Vhoever were found to transgress the resolutions of the associatois, were publicly censured in their meetinss, which moreover inserted their names in the newspapers, to render them odious to the people. By these combina- tions, resolutely detcrniined to persevere in their purpose, Ikitisli com- merce suffered a very great diminution. It was found, on an investiga- tion, that the exports from this country to America in 1769, fell short by seven hundred and forty-four thousand pounds of those of the year 1768, It appeared also, that the revenue from America, which had been in 1767 one hundred and ten thousand pounds, in 176S had lessened to seventy thousand, and in 1769 was so low as thirty tliousand. The association had confined the prohibition of the specified articles to those of British growth or manufacture ; the natural consequence of which was, that they began to be smuggled from foreign countries, especially from France ; and thus the two acts of this administration, tlie law of 1767 for raising a revenue from America, and the proposal in 1769 of reviving an oppret^sive statute of a tyrannical prince, long obsolete for its absurdity and injustice, pre- vented the use of British manufactures, destroyed an important branch of commerce, impaired revenue, encouraged the produce and trade of con- tinental Europe,' and enriched our commercial and political rivals : so narrow were the views of the ministers of that time, and so extensive were the consequences of their weakness, rashness, and impolicy! During the summer, discontents arose in England to a greater height than in any preceding period of the reign. Although the conduct of ad- ministration respecting America had its share in exciting dipsatisfaclion, yet the chief cause was the proceedings against JMr. Wilke.s, especially with regard to the Middlesex election. The nomination of Mr. Lutterel involved in it a totally difierent question from the expulsion of Mr. Wilkes. The expulsion, whether well or ill fcimded, was a question of individual conduct, of wliich the justice or injustice terminated in Mr. Wilkes himself, without affecting any otiier person ; bivt the nomination of a man supported by a minority involved a constitutional ri;^ht, and the decision might cventuylly ailect many others. , A sul;ject which so greatly agitated and interested the |iublic mind, naturally became a theme of Kter- ai'y discussion, and the ablest men were (^>i)gf)ged on both sides. The qliestion at issue was, whether e\[)ulsion constituted disqualification dur- ing the current parliament? The su|>{)ortcrs ul the anuniative contended, 252 HISTORY OF THE Cuap. VHI.— 1769. [Dr. Johnsoii'i " F:ilse Alarm," Letters oF Junius.] that the power of disquahfying persons from beiiif^ members of its body was inherent in the house of commons, and that its exertion could be de- monstrated from precedents. The force of Dr. Johnson was employed on this side of the question, in the essay which was entitled, " False Alarm ;" and his chief argument was, that the power of disqualifying ex- pelled members was necessary to the house of commons ; as expulsion with re-eligibilitv would be a nominal, not a real punishment. He also quoted the case of sir Kobert "Walpole, and dwelt on the individual cha- racter of Mr. AVilkos. Political expediency, however, could not prove existing law ; and individual character Mas irrelative to a question of pri- vilege between constituents and the representative body. The writer who entered most fully and minutely into this (picstion, upon the rcrdgroimds of law and precedent, v. as the celebrated Junius. He defied his adver- saries to produce any statute applicable to the subject. The precedent on which ministers rested, was the case of Walpole ; but, as Junius shows, the judgment of the house was quite dillereut.* Mr. Wilkes was expelled, so was Mr. ^Vaij)ole; ]Mr. \^ ilkes was re-elected by a majority of votes, so was Mr. Walpole. The friends of Mr. Taylor, the opposing candidate, petitioned parli;mient, that lie, though supported by a minority, should be returned ; the house determined that Mr. Taylor was not duly elected^ Mr. Luttcrel, supported l)y a minority, was declared l)y the house to be duly returned. Mr. "Wilkes was declared incapable of being elected, because he had been expelled ; Mr. Walpole was declared inca- pable of sitting in parliament, not because he had been expelled, but be- cause he was deemed guilty of a breach of trust and notorious corrup- tion in his oflicial character of secretary at war. The Middlesex election was one occasion which called forth the epis- tolary eloquence of this renowned writer; but the objects of its exc-rtion and the range of its ex^atialion were far more extensive. During the su- premacy of the whigs, the influence of public opinion had very rapidly in- creased throughout the English nation. The same spirit of iii(]uiry that had scrutinized the actions of the Stuart princes, operated with redoubled force after the revolution had ascertained the extent and bounds of prfvi- lege and prerogative ; and the consequent laws had sanctioned the use of freedom's most powerful engine, the press, tried and proved in the contentions of the whigs and tories in the reigns of William and Anne ; of ministerial and anti-miiiistiuial parties, while Walpole sat at the helm of affairs : the efficacy of this cne:getic instrument was more fully essay- ed since the accession of the present sovereign to the throne ; and most suscessfully employed in counteracting the liberal and comprehensive po- licy which, without respect of parties, sought olhcial fitness in the minis- ters (if the crown. ?flisapprehendiiig, or perverting ingenuity, charged the failure of erroneous or premature means to the impolicy of the gene- ral end ; and endeavoured to demonstrate, that every censurable measure of individual ministers arose from the new system, and that the only re- medy for the evils under which the country and its dependencies labour, was the renewal of tlie whig monopoly /f* , These wfere the proposi- tions which the parliamentary orators of tlie arislocratical confederacy • See Letter XVI. dated July 19th, ir69. f See the scope oCoppositioii wnlingr,, but especially J?mkc on the discontents, tnd Junius':) letters. ir69.— Chap. Vlll. REIGN OF GKORGK III. 253 [Middlesex election. Address to the king'.] wished to inculcate themselves, and also to disseminate through lite- rary coadjutors. To this phalanx of opposition and discontent, se- veral senators, and many writers, who were not partisans, adhered ,' in the course of the contests, the high and growing authority of the press was daily more manifest, and in the estimation of the multitude rivalled parliament itself, and the whig* combination entertained san- guine hopes, that through intrinsic force, aided by literary eloquence, that fanned the popular flame, they should at length succeed in restoring the former .system, and recovering the direction of the royal councils. To regain for the whigs and their supporters the sole possession of the political fortress, fought their champion Junius. Personal motives evi- dently inflamed this writer against individual oflicers of the crown, whom party considerations induced him to assail, as members of a body which was to be driven from the councils of the king, to make way for the restoration of the whigs. He began his warfare in January 1769, by a general view of the state of the country ; described Britain as internally distracted, and as little regarded by foreign powers : and assuming the truth of his account, imputed the alleged evils to the new system and the existing ministers. He thence descended to specific measures, and the respective characters of the chief members of the administration ; with a two-fold purpose, of deriving the counsels from the new plan of royal policy, and its alleged framer and conductor lord Bute ; and de- monstrating that the chief officers of the croM'n were, from private pro- fligacy, public corrnplion, or political prepossessions, the fittest for car- rying it into execution. I The Middlesex election, at an early period of his work, afforded him an opportunity of inveighing against ministers, and attacking parliament as meanly condescending to be the tool of government in violating the rights of electors, and depriving En"lishmen of their constitutional and most valuable franchise. Keeping directly to his purpose, he deduced the Middlesex election from the new system, and the ministers who had been chosen to render it effectual. To the same cause he ascribed the various acts, legislative, executive, and judi- cial, which he reprobated in the course of his writings. With skilful unity of design, the details and result of his eloquence were adapted to his purposes of impressing the \n\hVic with an opinion that the whole policy of the present reign had been unconstitutional in principles, at once feeble and oppressive in operation, and pernicious in effect. Ad- vanced not in the impassioned hour of contentious and temporary de- bate, but in a uniform series of deliberate inculcation, such assertions evidently conveyed an indirect censure of the sovereign ; but circuitous attack was not sufficient for the purpose of Junius. A direct address' to the king himself, he thought would more efTcctually accomplish the end for which he employed his pen. Composed with exquisite skill and great ability ; dexterously adapted to the popular prejudices, and the views of the whigs, his letters had converged all the rays of discontent into one. focus; now was the time for exciting a flame, which should consume every object that was hostile to the confederacy of the whigs. He wrote a letter, that contained a direct and virulent attack on the con- * See letters to the duke of Grafton, &c. and to the dukes of Grafton and Bed- ford, and lord Mansfield, t He accuses lords Mansfield and Bate with jacobitism. See lellci's, pas-im. 254 HISTORY OF THE Chap. VIIL— 1769. [Object and character of this extraordinaiy man.] duct and government of the king ; in which the errors imputed to the monarch's administration were liis dereliction of the policy* of his two predecessors ; his choice of servants without regard to the whig con- nexion, his employment of Scotchmen, and the series of successive measures which these changes had produced. The consequences (said Junius to his sovereign) must be dissatisfaction, rebellion, and revolu- tion ; uidess the king should cease to govern according to his own judg- ment and choice, and should yield his understanding and will to the implicit direction of a party. Such was the object and nature of the letters of Junius, which continued to be published for near four years; and to ensure almost unprecedented circulation throuhistry, impressive declamation, poignant and sarcastic ma- lice, as in the English orator of the Ikon Maek. Tiiese anonymous efTusions were not prized only by such critics as composed Mr. Wilkes's eleclioD mobs, but by reader.'? oi' real abilities and learning, who, hostile to government, and approving the spirit which they breathed, did not rigorously scr;itinize the arguments ; m0n of ta.ste, charmed ;\'ith the bcautie.«s of the composition, ovierlooked the reasoning and tendency; • Junius's letter to the k\n^, December 19tli, 1769. I?r0.— Chap. VIII. REIGN OF GEORGE 111. 255 [Petition. Remonstrance of the city of London; Parliament.] and never was a political work more universally perused than the letters of Junius. Ministers, aware of the prevailing discontents, endeavoured to pro- cure addresses which might counteract the popular spirit, but were in England by no means successful. Essex, Kent, Surry, and Salop, were the only counties; the universities of Oxford and Cambridge, the cities of Bri.«tol and Coventry, and the town of Liverpool, the only corpora- tions of note that expressed the sentiments desired by government. From Scotland, however, the addresses were more numerous and agree- able to ministry.* Petitions, on the contrary, were presented from many counties, cities, and corporations, and these were of two very different classes: one set, though explicit, was temperate ; and, though forcible, decorous : of this species, the best written and most distinguished were from Buckinghamshire and Yorkshire, supposed to have been respec- tively framed by Mr. Burke and sir George Saville. These confined themselves to the rights of election, which they asserted to be violated; and, eitlier indirectly or expressly, prayed for a dissolution of parliament. The other class, though nominally petitions, were false and indecent remonstrances; of these, the most noted and prominent were from Mid- dlesex and the city of London. | They professed to review the whole series of acts during his present majesty's reign. According to their account, the king had been uniformly directed by profligate counsellors, who had infused into the royal mind sentiments and counsels of the most dangerous tendency to the liberties and happiness of his subjects ; from those pernicious counsels, according to their assertion and enumeration, had proceeded the corruption of all the orders, and violation of the most sacred rights of Englishmen ; and the reign of the king was a tissue of unjust, tyrannical, and cruel acts, flowing from the legislative, executive, and judicative estates: after this statement, they proceeded to pray, that he would banish from his royal favour, trust, and confidence, his evil and pernicious counsellors. Though the tenor and language of the Middle- sex and London petitions were essentially the same, the latter was ren- dpred more notorious, by the perseverance of unfounded expostulation with which its promoters obtruded their abusive charges upon their sovereign. False as many of the allegations were, yet, coming from the most opulent body in the kingdom, they had very great influence in spreading tlie discontents, and the dissatisfaction had risen to an extra-\ ordinary height before the meeting of the legislature. Parliament was assembled on the 9th of January 1770; and, contrary to popular expectation, his majesty's speech did not mention the public discontents. One subject of which the king spoke, though really of very great importance, was much ridiculed by the speakers and writers^ of opposition. An infectious distemper having broken out ariiong the cattle, threatened one of the chief articles' of provision. -The king, by the advice of his privy-covuicil, had taken every step which he thout/ht likely to stop the contagion, and consulted his parliament on farther measures to be adopted concerning a matter of the highest aational im- • See state papers, If 69. t See in the state papers, the petition of the Middlesex electors, May 24tb, 1769, and tlie London petition of June 30th, 1769. i See Junius's letter to the duke of Grafton, February 14lh, 1770. 256 HISTORY OF THK CHip. VIII.— 17r0. [Resignation of tlie dukeof Graflon ] jiirtance. He expressed his regret, that his endeavours to tranquillize America had not bciui attended with the desired success ; and that com- binations liad been Tonned to destroy the commercial connexion between our colonial provinces and this country. He had, however, received the strongest assurances, tluit the present disturbances in Europe would not interrupt tlie quiet ol' Great Britain. The debate upon the address con- tained a very wide range of animadversion, and great acrimony of cen- sure, into which the opposition in both houses introduced the Middlesex election, the prevailing discontents in England, and the commotions in America, anil urged the dissolution of parliament and a total change of counsels. Ministers, admitting that discontents existed, imputed them to the spirit of faction, and the speeches, writings, and petitions, which had been thence produced; they, however, were by no means unanimous. Lords Camden and Shelburne withdrew from counsels so different from those which they and thefr admired friend lord Chatliam would have sup- ported or approved. Soon after, to the great astonishment of the nation, tiie duke of Grafton, on ihe 2Sth of January, resigned his office of first lord of the treasury. Lord Camden and -Mr. Dunning, his chief sup- porters in their respective houses, had shown themselves inimical to the measures winch had been recently pursued: besides, the duke of Grafton professed himself the political pupil of the illustrious Chatham; and though, during the illness and inaction of that statesman, he had swerved from his principles, opinions, and maxims, he still avowed the highest veneratiou for his character and sentiments. Perfectly recovered, lord Chatham was now retirrned to parliament, and with his wonted vigour aUacked the system and measures of administration. The opposition of all his ablest friends Grafton could not endure. In addition to these causes, wo may ffnd another probable reason for the dereliction of his po,st. Junius, indefiitigable in raking together calumnious anecdotes, and dexterous i.'i bestowing on tliom the appearance of truth, had made the private as well as the public conduct of this nobleman the chief butt of his satire, and for his actions assigned the most contemptible and unworthy motives. He must be either grossly stupid or stoically mag- nanimous, either less or greater than ordinary men, who, though con- scious fif innocence, can bear witli indifference powerful calumny that produces general belief. The duke of (irafton, regarding his character, was so much moved by the letters of Junius, that they certainly co- operated with other causes in impelling him to resign. irrO.— fjBir. JX. RRICN OF GKOKlili III. 237 • CHAP. IX. Commencement of lord Xoitli's a(1mini.strnlion.---Tlie rcmonslrance oftlie city of Loncion— and reply of his majesty— are discussed in parliament.-- Hill to pre- vent officers of the revenue from voting at elections— nefjativcd.— Mr. Oren- ville's law for regnlatinp contested elections.— Lord North's bill for repealinjjf all duties on America, except on tea.— 'Itimult at Boston-captain I'reston and the soldiers interfere— tried and acquitted.— The minister wishing conciliation, overlooks the riot.— Session rises— War between Uussia and Turkey.— Catha- rine is favoured by England— senrls a fleet to the Mediterranean— her ainiies overran Moldavia and W'alhichia— alarm I'lussia and Austria --France— disputes between the king and parliaments. —Dispute between Britain and Spain about Falkland's island.— Spain, the aggressor, refuses to make adequate satisfaction- trusts to the co-operation of France— disappointed — offers concessions that sa- tisfy the British court ---America becomes more tranquil.— Discontents still continue in England.— London addresses the king—dignified answer of his ma- jesty— noted reply of Beckford, the lord mayor.— Meeting of parliament.— Lord Mansfield's doctrines on 'the law of libel--are controverted by lord Camden-- Camden challenges the chief justice to a legal disquisition on tiie subject--lord Mansfield declines the contest.— Prosecution of printers.— Misunderstanding between the two houses.— Singidur confederacy for bribery in the borough of Shoreham.— Oppo.sition censure the terms of satisfaction admitted from Spain.— Supplies.— Session rises. Lord North, chancellor of the exchequer, .succeeded the duke of Grafton in his office of first lord of the treasury; and from lliis time commenced an administration which form.s a momentous era in the his- tory of (jrreat Britain. The Middlese.x election catne hefore i)Oth houses in a variety of forms, and produced brilliant and forcible eloquence, but necessarily a repetition of arguments which had been already employed. In discussing this sub- ject, lord Chatham reviewed the measures of government, which ho declared, in its principle.s and details, to be weak, unconstitutional, and ruinous ; and unfolded his own reasons for oppo.sing a ministry which owed its exi.stence to himself. Finding (he said) the line of conduct which he hnd chalked out not observed, and his opinion totally over- ruled, he had withdrawn from public business, and at length entirely re- signed. — Hi.^ several motion.s, however, were negatived by the influence of mini.stry. The reception of tlie TiOndon petition tmderv/ent very severe animad- versions. Tiie king nf)t having paid to that production the t'avourable attention which its authors had the presumption to expect, they chose to deliver another paper to the kinu;. entitled, the humble, address, remo7i- straiice and petition of the lord-mayor, aldermen, and livery of the city of London. In this humble application to their sovereign, these citizens undertook to declare what was the law of the land, and wherein it had been violated ; and to prophe.sy that its violation would produce more ruinous consequences tiian the ship-money of ('harles I. and the dis- pensing power of James II. The citizens next declared the parliament a noa-entihi, an illegal meeting, whose acts were not binding, and there- foro could reqiure no obedience. Thev drew a parallel between the ad- VoL. YIL— as 258 lIlSTOltY OF THE Chap. IX.— 1770. [Reply of the king to tlie remonstrance. Discussion in parliament.] ministrations of George III. and James TI ; differing indeed in means, but concurring (they affirmed) in principles and system. The constitu- tion, now endangered by the wickedness of his majesty's ministers, had been established by the virtue of their ancestors, and by the virtue of present patriots it should be preserved. The concluding paragraph of this essay I shall quote, as a specimen of the terms in which this corpo- ration dictated to their monarch, and of the licentiousness of that period of history. '' Since, therefore, the misdeeds of your majesty's ministers, in violating the freedom of election, and depraving the noble constitution of parliaments, arc notorious, as well a.-^ subversive of the fundamental laws and liberties of this realm ; and since your majesty, both in honour and justice, is obliged inviolably to preserve them, according to the oath made to God and your subjects at your coronation ; we, your majesty's remonstrants, assure ourselves, that your majesty will restore the constitu- tional government and quiet of your people, by dissolving this parliament, and removing those evil ministers for ever from your councils." The answer was a striking example of tem|)erate, but dignified and forcible reproof; it was couched in the following terms : " I shall always be ready to receive the request.^, and to listen to the complaints of my subjects; but it gives me great concern to find, that any of them should have been so far misled, as to offer me an address and remonstrance, the contents of which 1 cannot but consider as disrespectful to me, injurious to my parliament, and irreconcilable to the principles of the constitution. I have made the law of the land the rule of my conduct, esteeming it my chief glory to reign over a free people. With this view, I have always been careful, as well to e.xccute faithfully the trust reposed in me, as to avoitl even the appearance of invading any of those powers which the constitution has placed in other hands. It is only by persevering in such a conduct, that I can either discharge my own duty, or secure to my sub- jects the free enjoyment of those rights which my family were called to defend : and while I act upon these principles, I shall have a right to expect, and I am confident I shall continue to receive, the steady and aff'ectionate support of my people." On the 15th of March, the remonstrance was discussed by the house. The city members, supported by the rest of the opposition, defended it: its framers gloried in the production. Others, less violent, eluded the merits of the paper in question, and reasoned on the general right of pe- titioning his majesty, and the propriety of addressing him at the present time. The suj)porters of ministers confined themselves to this specific remonstrance, which they contended, and proved, to be insulting, inju- rious, and dangerous ; particularly dwelling on that part of it which pre- sumed to deny the legality of the present parliament, as tending to de- prive the people of their repre.sentatives, and to annul every act which had pn.ssed since the general election. Both houses addressed his ma- jesty, thanking him fijr his answer to the remonstrance. Several mo- tions were made for an addrc-^s to his majesty to dissolve the parliament, but the.se were negatived. Lord Chatham was extremely active in anti- Diini.storial propositions ; and the admirer of the highest wi.sdom and patriotism of those times must regret, that the h(;at of party contention should so far have transported this illustrious senator, as to have induced him to countenance and support the very irreverent remonstrance of the city of London. , .^^ irrO— Chap. IX. KtllGN OF CEOHCili III. 259 [Bills tcjjulatiiig elections and rt^'pealinjj all diilics on America except on lea ] An attempt was made to diminish t!ic influence of the crown, by pro- posing a bill to disqualify certain officers of the revenue from voting for members of parliament ; and a motion to this efiect was rnad(; on the 11th of February. The supporters of the proposition observed, that the chief officers of the revenue were disqualified from sitting in parliament, and that there were the same reasons lor iiicapacilating inferior officers from being electors. Both classes of servants must be under the direc- tion of the crown ; and the departments of the revenue were become so numerous, as to render that influence inconsistent with the purposes of a free representation. Ministers replied, that the motion presumed in its objects a dependence and corruption which was not proved ; on tliis presumption, it proposed to place holders of those employments in a worse situation than their fellow countrymen ; and thus to deprive many individuals of the rights of British subjects : the motion was rejected. On the 28th, a proposition was made for inspecting the accounts of the civil list during the year 1769. The nation (it was urged) had a right to examine how its late grants had been employed : if the money had been properly used, no inconvenience could accrue to ministers from the inspection ; if improperly ap|>lied, it was the duty of the house to make the discovery. It was answered, that the civil list being entirely the re- venue of the crown, the crown had a right to expend it at will ; if an ap- plication had been made for an additional grant, the expenditure of the first ought to be investigated to ascertain its necessity ; but that not being the case, there were no reasons to require or to justify an examination : on these grounds the motion was negatived. On the 7th of March, Mr. fxeorge Grenville proposed a bill for regu- lating contested elections. These were formerly tried by a select com- mittee ; by degrees the committees were so enlarged, as to become open to every member : so great a number of judges, not bound by oath, de- cided very often according to party connexion, or some other partiality, instead of justice ; and many instances occurred of unfair nominations. To remedy this evil, Mr. Grenville proposed a plan analogous to a trial by jury. Before a contest could be tried, the house must consist of not less than a hundred members ; the names of all present were to be put into boxes, and to be drawn out till they amotmted to forty-nine: the two litigants were alternately to strike otl'one of these, till they were reduced to thirteen ; these, with two nominees, were to be sworn a select com-_ mittee, empowered to examine records, papers, and witnesses, and to' determine finally. The bill was passed into a law, since well known by the name of the Grenville act, and is considered as having made a very beneficial change in the fairness of decisions. American aflairs began in March to occupy the attention of parlia- ment, and first offered to the public an opportunity of judging of lord North's ministerial talents. The Britisli merchants who traded to Ame- rica had sustained immense losses by the rejection of their goods ; and, apprehending ruin if the associations should continue, presented petitions to parliament, staling their sufferings, and praying its intervention. On the 5th of JM arch, lord North proposed a bill for the repeal of part of the act of 1767, which laid a duty on paper, painted colours, and glass, but continuing th« part of the same law which exacted a duty from tea. The minister assitrned as a reason for bringing in the bill, the dangerous com- binations which the imposts had produced in America, with the losses 260 ♦* HISTORY OF THBi"- Chap. IX.— 1770. (Tumult at Boston. Interference of captain Preston.] and dissatisfaction which tht'y had caused among tlie merchants at home. He strongly expressed his disapprobation ol'the act in question, but cen- sured it as an unprochictive impost, not as an impolitic claim : the arti- cles taxed (he said) being chiefly British manufactures, ought to have been encouraged inr^tead of being burthened with assessments. The duty on tea was continued, lor maintaining the parliamentary right of taxation. An impost of three-pence in the pound could never be opposed by the colonists, unless they were determined to rebel against Britain. Besides, a duty on that article payable in England, and amounting to nearly one shilhng in the pound, was taken ofl' on its exportation to America; so that the inhabitants of the colonies saved nine-pence in the pound. The minister hero discovered tliat ho had not investigated the state of affairs, and the sentiments of the people; for a cursory attention to the declara- tions and acts of the Americans must have demonstrated, that their ob- jection was not to the amount, but to the claim ; and experience might have convinced him, that no tempori/iiig expedients, no half measures would be eflectiKil. Dillereiit as the professed opinions of the Rocking- ham administration and of lord North were, their policy sprang from simi- lar indecision. Wishing to please both parties, they left the chief matter in dispute undetermined, and of cour-e a subject of future contention. The members of opposition did not fail to see and to predict the inefh- cacy of the minister's plan ; they repeated the arguments on the injustice and inexpediency of taxing America, and the evils which had arisen from the attempt: the luiiiisler's proj)osilions, how<;ver, were carried by a great majority. This act may be considered as an omen of lord North's admi- nistration ; at least, so lar as a display of character justifies predictions respecting tuture conduct and its result. Discerning men saw meritori- ous intentions and ready ingenuity, without the accompaniment of that enlarged political wisdom, lirmness, and decision of mind, which only when united can constitute a beneticial statesman. The very day on which the resolutions were passed tliat lord North in- tended for satisfying the colonies, a quarrel arose at Boston between some of the inhulntants and a party of soldiers. While the troops sent to Boston in 176S remained in that town, the people had been awed into quietness ; but in the end of 1769, a great j)art of them having been or- dered to other quarters, those who remained were treated with the most provoking insolence ; thoy were lampooned and abused in the newspa- pers; ridiculed and reviled, if met singly or in small bodies in the streets; and disturbed and interrupted in the discharge of their d»ity. In the even- ing of the 5th of March, a dispute happened between two or three young men of the town, and as inruiy soldiers, near the barracks ;* virulent lan- guage produced blows ; the soldiers pi'oved victorious, and pursued their advcrsari(-s through the streets. The bells were rung to alarm the popu- lace ; a inol) assembled round the custom-house, and threatened the sen- tinel's life that was posted there ; captain Preston, the ollicer on guard, sent a party to protect not only the soldier, but the custom-house, and 80on after proceeded thither himself. The mol), becoming very violent, attacked the soldifrs with stones and clubs ; the captain, as long as it was possible, kept his men fiom firing; but at length, their lives being in danger, they were obliged to use their arms in their own defence : four of * Sec Stcdinan, vol. i. p. 75. ♦ • ♦ irrO.— CiiAF, IX. REIGN OP GEORGE III. 26.1 [War between Russia and Turkey.] the insurgents were killed, and some others wounded : the luniult be- came much more general, and the rest of the ti:oops were as.sembled. The governor* having called together the council, they advised the re- moval of the troops, which was accordingly ordered. Captain Preston surrendered himself for trial, and the soldiers under his command were taken into custody. Every unfair means that could be used were em- ployed to inflame the people against the defendants, and to prejudge the cause. In the newspapers, and various other publications, the troops were represented as guilty of deliberate murder ; dead bodies were car- ried in procession through the town, and held out as the victims of mili- tary e.xecution. Fortunately for the cause of justice, the trials were put oft' for several months, so that the ferment subsided: captain Preston was honourably acquitted ; as were all the soldiers, except two, who were con- victed of manslaughter. The account of this tumult arrived in England before the rising of par- liament, and it was expected that ministry would have immediately pro- posed taking it into consideration. They, however, purpo<;ely waved the discussion, entertaining great hopes of the conciliatory effect of the re- cent repeal ; and, as the disturbances had taken place when th.at was not known in America, they trusted that the account of the new resolutions would change their sentiments, and produce dispositions to order, tran- quillity, and harmony. They thought it therefore prudent to abstain from investigations which might again inflame the colonists ; and the session closed toward the end of May. A war was now raging on the continent, in which Britain, without actually interfering, warmly favoured one of the parties. For several years it had been part of the British policy to renew and increase that in- tercourse with Russia, which, from political, but still more from commer- cial motives, former kings had cultivated, but which had been diminish- ed in the last war by the alliance of the czarina with our enemies. Tur- key had been for successive ages on amicable terms with France, and ta French ports flowed the greater part of her beneficial commerce. The British government and nation earnestly desired the success of Catha- rine, our friend and ally, against Turkey, the friend and ally of our rival, and were strongly interested in the events of the war. These at this time diversified public attention, and prevented it from brooding solely on in- ternal contests and colonial disturbances. The war which had been de- clared between Russia and Turkey, was carried on with great fury by both parties : but by no means with equal ability and skill. Catharine employed the winter of 176S and 1769 in increasing her armies, and making pecuniary provisions for supporting the war: she also established a new council tor military and political affairs, over which she presided herself. The Russian troops, hardy and courageous, had the advantage of great and recent experience, in the wars with Frederick, and the con- test with the Poles. The Turks were much inferior to the Russians in military discipline, and for the last thirty years had not been engaged in any war. They had never, like the powers of christian Europe, intro- •i-Mr. Hutchinson had been lately appointed to that office. The Americans had petitioned for the removal of sir Francis Bernard ; and that gentleman having re- turned to England to defend himself, vindicated his conduct to the satisfaction aiid approbation of his sovereign. Disdaining, however, to resume liis authority among people who had solicited his annihilation, he resigned his employment. 262 IIISTOUY OF THE Chap. IX.— 1770. [Comprehensive views of Catharine. Progress of her armies.] duced so much of science into their tactics, as, during peace, to improve themselves in the niihtary art ; tlie force and goodness of their armies depended solely on actual exercise, and experience in the field became torpid by long cessation of efibrt. They had formed their empire by the sword, and had awed the conquered for several centuries by keeping it perpetually drawn. Fear only of the courage and warlike force that they saw incessantly displayed, ha'd kept the Greek christians in a subjection, which, from religious, moral, and political principles, filled them with in- dignation and abhorrence. They had from religion a very warm attach- ment to Russia, and since she had arrived at great power, considering her as the natural patron of the Greek faith, they were evidently disposed to seek her protection, whenever an attempt for their relief could be made. Seeing their oppressors, once so terrible, now enervated by long inaction, they began to entertain hopes of emancipation. Informed of the state of Turkey, and of the sentiments of her Grecian brethren, the lofty genius of Catharine conceived, and her bold spirit executed, a project which asto- nished all Europe. This was, to send from the recesses of the Baltic to the Mediterranean a fleet which should excite and support insurrections of the Greek christians, intercept the intercourse between Constantinople and its granaries in Egypt and other parts of the empire, command the Archipelago and the Levant, and spread alarm through the vast dominions of the sultan. Her mind, capacious and comprehensive as well as in- ventive, had carried its views to the whole of her interests. She earnestly cultivated the friendship of England, and thereby was powerfully assisted in her naval schemes, by having the advantage of our ports both in this island and Gibraltar, and also of able officers and skilful pilots. By land she made such a disposition of her forces, as was best calculated for speedily rendering the enemy's country the seat of war ; and though dis- tant, profiling from the co-operation of her fleet, and diverting the force of her antagonist. The campaign was opened as early as the climate would permit : the Turkish Tartars, accustomed to brave the utmost ri- gour of the winter, made an incursion into the Russian Ukraine, plun- dered and desolated the country, before the Russian troops took the field ; and, though afterwards obliged to retire, secured their booty. In April, prince Gallitzin, commander-in-chief of the Russians, posted him- self on the Niester, to oppose the main army of the Turks, who were marching into INIoldavia, while general Romanzow was placed on the Nieper, to watch the Turkish Tartars. Before the arrival of the Turks, Gallitzin attempted to seize Chockzim ; but, being strongly fortified and garrisoned, it held out till the arrival of the Turkish army rendered it prudent to desist. The vizier, aware of the superior discipline of the enemy, wisely avoided a general engagement, and harassed the Russians l>y marches and skirmishes. The Janizaries, abundantly brave, but un- used to fatigue, lonccd for a general battle, in which they assured them- selves of a victory tliat would put an end to their labours, and sulFer them to return to (he luxuries of the capital. Esteeming the cautious policy of their commanders cowardice, they transmitted intemperate complaints to the divan. The court, weak as wi';kerl, and ignorant as despotic, without inquiry put the vizier to death, and appointed Ali Pacha, a man of fierce brutal courage, his successor. This nomination proved very favourable to tlie Russians. Ali Pacha gave Gallitzin battle, and was defeated with very greatUoss ; he soon after fought hiin again, when the Ftussians ob- 1770.— Cu»r. IX. UEIGN OF GEORGE III. 26.3 [Jealousy of Austria and Prussia. Affairs of France.] tained a decisive victory, and reduced the fortress of Chockzim ; and be- fore the close of the campaign, they overran Moldavia and Wallachia. The Russians this summer liad various engagements with the Polish confederates, but none decisive, as they were obliged by the Turkish war to employ so many troops elsewhere. It was not till the beginning of the year 1770, that the Russian fleet, under count Orlofl', sailed for the Mediterranean : after having been shat- tered in the North seas, the armanientstopped at Portsmouth to refit ; and departing, arrived at Port Mahon. After undergoing a second re- paration, they sailed from Minorca about the end of February, reached Cape Metapan,* took Missitra,! ravaged the coasts, proceeded to Asia Minor, burnt the Turkish fleet in the harbour of Skio,+ and, cutting ofl* the communication between European Turkey and the most fertile pro- vinces in other quarters, distressed Constantinople. The Russian armies continued uninterruptedly successful ; Romanzow, after repeated victo- ries, one of which at the confluence of the Pruth and the Danube, was glorious and decisive, conquered all Turkey beyond that river except Bessarabia. Here, however, count Panin besieged and took the famous town of Bender by storm, and reduced the whole province. Thus all the Turkish dominions from Poland to the Danube southward, and from Hungary to the Eu.xine, eastward, were now in the possession of Russia. The neighbouring powers regarded these successes of Catha- rine with jealousy and apprehension. The house of Austria was much alarmed at the conquests of so ambitious and enterprising a power in its immediate vicinity. Even Frederick, intimately as he was connected with Russia, did not rejoice at her great accession of territory. Two interviews took place this year between the Prussian king and the em- peror ; at which Joseph declared that neither Maria Theresa nor himself would suflfer Catharine to retain Moldavia and Wallachia. Frederick, though he did not differ in sentiment from the emperor on this subject, was desirous of restoring peace between the courts of Petersburg and Constantinople, by such means as would preserve his amity and alliance with Russia, which it was his interest to maintain. Frederick had, at the beginning of their disputes, strongly dissuaded the Turks from going to war with Russia ; and the disasters that proceeded from not following his advice, gave him great credit with the Ottoman Porte. He dexte- rously suggested, without any direct proposition, that they should apply for his mediation ; which measure they very readily adopted, and when requested to interfere, he advised them also to apply to the court of Vienna. Though not of themselves disposed to solicit the house of Austria to be their umpire, yet, from their great deference to the opinion of Frederick, they agreed. A negotiation commenced ; but, from the jarring interests and views of both the principals and mediators, it met with various obstacles, and did not at that time produce a peace. France, accustomed to take so active a share in the disputes of other European powers, was now occupied in disputes between tlie king and the parlia- ments, important in themselves, but still more momentous in the spirit of liberty which they exhibited. She was farther distressed by a scarcity of provisions ; and her commercial interests were greatly injured by the bankruptcy of her East India company. On the 16th of May, the nup- • Anciently Tenarua. | Spuria. ^ (/hios. 264 HISTORY OF THE Chap. IX.— irrO. [Dispute with Spain respecting the Falkland islands.] tials were solemnized between the dauphin, grandson of the king, and the princess Marie Antoinette, daughter of the empress-queen, which many years after had so fatal a dissolution. In the course of this year, a dispute arose between Britain and Spain, which had nearly terminated in a war : the ground of the contest wus, Falkland's islands, in the South Seas. Captain Davis, who, in 1592, had been sent to accompany captain Thomas Cavendish in his last voyage; which proved so fatal,* having either parted with his commo- dore, or deserted him on the east coast of South America, was driven by storms towards the Streiifhts of Magellan, where he discovered the land now called Falkland's islands ; but being in the greatest distress, he left them without observation and without giving them a name. Two years after, sir Uichard Hawkins being in the same seas, again saw the islands, and in honour of his queen called them Hawkins's Maiden Land. In 1598, Sebald de West, a ]3utch navigator, came to the same islands, and supposing himself the first discoverer, called them, from his own name, Sebaid's Islands. England heard nothing more of them for near a century, so that even their existence was called in question. In the reign of king AVilliam, however. Strong, an English mariner, found them out, and gave them the name of Falkland's islands. | Some other navi- gators touched atlliem in the reign of queen Anne, yet they were still reckoned of no importance ; from lord Anson's voyage, however, it was concluded that it would be very beneficial to this nation to have a friendly port and place of refreshment much nearer Cape Horn than the Brazils. J In 174S, in consequence of the representation made in Anson's voyage, some sloops were sent to examine Falkland's island, and make farther discoveries in the South Seas. Mr. Wall, the Spanish ambassador, having been informed of this expedition, maintained the right of the Spa- niards to the exclusive dominion of the South Sea, and remonstrated against the destination of these ships ; but the British ministry declared, that the examination of the Falkland's islands should be their sole object. Similar remonstrances having been made to our ambassador at the court of Spain, the same intentions were avowed. Falkland's islands were no more thought of till after the peace of 1763 ; when, as has been already mentioned, commodore Byron took possession of them in the name of king George, and represented them as a much more valuable acquisition than had been before conceived. In 17b6, the king of Spain sent some troops from Buenos Ayres to the port which had been occupied by the French, and established a settlement there to which he gave the name of Solidade Carlicr : in the same year, captain Macbride arrived at Port Egmonf, situated on a different island, where he established a garrison. It does not a])])ear, that either of these settlements knew of the other before the year 1769 ; in the November of which year, captain ITunt, of the Tamar frigate, cruising ofi' the islands, fell in with a Spanish schooner from Solidade: he'ordored the vessel lo depart from the roast, as belong- ing to Great Britain. The governor of the Spanish settlement professed • See Cavcn'ti'li's Voya^rps, in t!ie rcipn of I'/lizaheth. f His Journal was never [jrinted, IjiiI ift iii manuscript in tlie Britis!) Museum. i This idea was nf>t new to Knglanrl though never siiccessfnlly executed. Jn the reign of Charles l(. sir John Narboroup(h altcmpfed to establish a settlement on the coast of Patagonia; but, though eagerly and liberally supported by the kiiif, he found the design totally inripraclicable. 17r0.— CiiAP. IX. KEIGN OF (iKOUGE III. 2G5 [Concession of the court of Spain. Dismission of (he duke de ChoiscuK] to suppose that the English commander was there only by accident ; but said, that he had no right to send a command to Spaniards in the king of Spain's own dominions. Captain Hunt asserted the claim of the English, from discovery and occupancy. Reciprocal warnings to quit the islands were frequently repeated during the months of December and January, when captain Hunt departed for England. The governor of Buenos Ayres now sent an armament of live frigates to Port Egmont j but captain Farmer of the Swift frigate, and captain Maltby of the Fa- vourite, prepared to defend the garrison, and warned the Spanish com- modore to quit that harbour; adding, he might be convinced that the king of Great Britain and the British navy were fidly competent to exact satisfaction for any insult that should be oflered them by Spain, or any other power. The Spaniards, however, landed their troops under cover of cannon, and invested the garrison. The British commanders having thus ascertained the commencement of hostilities by the Spaniards, and being from the inferiority of force totally unequal to defence, offered terms of capitulation ; by which it was stipulated, that the English should within a specified time evacuate Port Egmont. Departing from that island the English captains arrived in England in October. Informed of this proceeding, the British ministry applied to prince Masscrano, the Spanish ambassador, who acknowledged that he had heard from Madrid of the transaction; but that Buccarelli, the Spanish governor, had acted without any special orders from his king. Being a^^ked, however, if he would, in the name of his master, disavow Buccarelli's violence, he said, that he could not answer without orders from his court. The British government now directed Mr. Harris, the ambassador at Madrid, to de- mand the restitution of Falkland's islands, with a disavowal of Bucca- relli's hostilities, and in the mean time vigorously prepared a naval arma- ment. The answer of Grimaldi, the Spanish minister, to the first appli- cation of Britain, was cold, ambiguous, and unsatisfactory ; no particular orders (he said) had been sent to the governor to drive the English from their settlement ; but Buccarelli had acted agreeably to the general in- junctions of his sovereign, that governors in America should resist en- croachments on the Spanish dominions, and therefore had merely done his duty. The court of Spain soon after oflered by mutual concession to accommodate their diflerences ; if Britain would disavow the warning given to the Spaniards by captain Hunt, Spain would in like manner dis- avow the violence of Buccarelli. This profter was indignantly refused by the court of London ; for though captain Hunt had given warning, he had offered no violence ; but the Spaniards had committed a hostile aggression ; an actual injury had been done to Britain, and must be re- paired. The Spanish court persisted in the proposal of reciprocal dis- avowals : but the English ministers adhered to their first demand, conti- nued their preparations, and at the close of the year, Mr. Harris, the ambassador, v.as directed to withdraw from Spain. The court of Ma- drid now assuming a very different tone, showed itself disposed to conci- liation at the expense of concession. Spain was at this time chiefly governed by the court of Versailles ; and the duke de Choiseul was de- sirous of engaging both kingdoms in a war with Englnnd, in which he hoped the distracted state of the internal and colonial atlairs of Britain might render the house of Bourbon s\jccessful, and compensate the dis- asters of the former war ; and that he himself, not having to contend Vol. VH.— 34 256 HISTOKY OF THE Chap. IX.— 1770. [ Artiprira. Address of the city of London to the king'. His reply.] against the councils of a Pitt, might acquire triumphant glory. But the duke de rhoiseul having in the recent disputes shown himself friendly to the popular parfv, and having lost the countenance of the king and his mistress, was judged no longer tit to he prime minister, apd was dis- missed from all his ofHces. Ilis successor adopted a pacific policy, and this was the principal cause that efl'ected the change in the Spanish pro- positions. On the 22d of January, 1771, prince Masserano delivered a declara- tion of the king of Spain, disavowing the violent enterprise of Bucca- relli, and promising to restore Port Egmont and the fort, with all the artillery and stores, according to the inventory taken before the evacua- tion. The declaration added : this engagement to restore Port Egmont cannot, nor ought, in any wise, to afiect the question of the prior right of sovereignty of the Malonine, otherwise called Falkland's islands. Lord Rochford, who had lately succeeded lord Weymouth as secretary of state for the southern department, was instructed by his majesty to answer, that as tlie court of Spain disavowed the expedition, and hound itself to restitution, the king would look upon that declaration, and the full performance of the engagements, as a satisf\\ction for the injury. America was somewhat more tranquil during the present, than in the several preceding years. The want of indulgences, to which they had long been habituated, was severely felt,* and the inhabitants became weary of their combinations. As soon as they were informed that a con- siderable part of the noxious act was repealed, they resolved to confine their association to the prohibition of tea. The most violent malcon- tents, indeed, endeavoured to keep the people to the association, on the extensive principle which had been first adopted, but they could not pre- vail. The trade of this country with America began again to flourish ; and subsequent to captain Preston's treatment, there was no material disturbance even in Massachusetts during that year. ' The discontents at home were still, however, very prevalent, especi- ally wherever the influence or example of the London citizens could operate. The corporation persevered in remonstrating to his majesty ; and on the 23d of IMay they presented an address still more indecent and disrespectful than that which they had delivered before. Common sense must suppose, that they intended to provoke and insult their sove- reign, in making an application which contained such strong and devious reasons for rejecticm and reprehension ; an application to which the king could grant no favourable answer, consistently with regard to the honour of his crown, and the rights of his parliament. t On the address being presented, his majesty answered, " I should have been wanting to the public, as well as to myself, if I had not expressed my dissatisfaction at the late address. My sentiments contiimc the same ; and I should ill deserve to be considered as the father of my f)eople, if I could suffer myself to make such a tjse of my prerogative, as I cannot but think in- consistent with the interest, and dangerous to the cohstitution, of the kingdom." To this answer, Beckford, the lord-mayor, requested leave to reply ; a request, which, though unusual aiifl indeed unprecedented, his majesty granted. Having deprecated the displeasure which his ma- • Stedman, vol. i. p. 7. f See address to the city of London, May 23d, J770. 1770.— Ciup. IX. REIGN OF UEOHGE ill. 2G7 [Character of the lord mayor. PaiTnim( nf. Law of libe!.] jesty had expressed asjainst the London remonstrance, he conchided in terms perhaps the most extraordinary that had ever been used l)y a Bri- tish subject to a British kinnibat im- prudent, declined the invitation. Tiie public was left with an impression, that lord Camden's doctrine, certainly more consistent with constituti- onal liberty, and with the analogy of the general rights of juries to scru- tinize intention as well as to learn mere fact, was virtually admitted to be also conformable to law and precedent. If lord Mansfield could have proved the alleged exceptions in the case of libels, it was conceived that he would have adduced his proofs, in order to prevent future ani- madversion, as well as to justify his past jurisdiction. Men of ability and knowledge, who without considering either precedented opinions, or practice, merely argued from reason and conscience, could not discover why IN rENTioN should not be taken into the juridical account in esti- mating defamatory guilt, when intention was necessary to constitute guilt of every other species. Defamation was, iiuieed, never more licentiou.s, than at the present time, on [)oIitical subjects. One very commnn expedient of party ca- lumny was, misrepresetitation of |>arliamcntary speeches in newspapers, so as to render them either absurd or odious. Two printers,* alleged to be most culpable in these injurious mistaternents, were summoned to the bar of the house, but paid no attention to the intimation. The serjeant at arms was ordered to ake them into custody : they were not to be found. Six other printers were commanded to appear before the house on similar charges ; five of them obeying were rcpriniandcd and dis- missed, but the sixth* still disregartling the notice, was ordered to be • Tliomson, of tlic fiazettc ; and VVhcble, of the Middlesex Journal. t Miller, of the London Evening I'osl. CaAt. IX.— 1770. RKIGN OF GEOKGE III. 269 [Singular confederacy for bribery ] taken into custody. The throe printers, being severally apprehended in the city, were carried respectively before Mr. Alderman Wilkes, Mr. Alderman Oliver, and Crosby the lord-mayor ; who not oidy discharged the printers, but required the oificers who had executed the warrants to give bail to appear at the next sessions, to stand trial for assault and false im|)risonment. Informed of these transactions, the house was tilled with indignation, and the lord-mayor was ordered to attend in his place. The magistrate justified his conduct on the ground of his oath of office com- pelling him to preserve inviolate the franchises of the city ; one of which was, that by the charters no citizen could have law process served against him, but by tlie city officers. It was asserted by the commons, that the exemption of the city could not be pleaded against the privileges of the house. This doctrine, invalidating chartered, rights, and the act of parliament by which they were sanctioned, being supported neither by precedent nor argument, was strongly controverted in the house, but was admitted by very great majorities. The house directed the records respecting their messenger to be expunged, and all proceedings to be stopped. With this order, by which one branch of the legislature pro- posed to suspend the law of the land, the magistrate refused to comply ; and Crosby and Oliver were committed to confinement, for what the com- mons styled contumacy. The city of London, by its proceedings ever since the Middlesex election, was extremely ofTensive to ministry and its supporters in parliament ; and the house of commons in this instance was evidently actuated by resentment rather than guided by magnanimous and sound policy. Many who had most severely censured the remon- strances of the city, blamed this procedure against its principal magis- trates, as a violent, impolitic, and illegal attack upon persons, whose conduct, however deserving of reprehension, did not render such ani- madversion either wise or just. Indeed, ministers themselves appeared to have thought that they had carried their violence too far. They sum- moned Mr. Wilkes to repair to the house ; but he refused to attend in any other character than as member for Middlesex. They issued orders for his appearance at the bar on the Sth of April ; but, aware that he would not attend, they some days before adjourned the house to the 9th. This palpable evasion impressed the public with an opinion, that the commons were now either sensible that they had done what was wrong, or were afraid to do what they conceived to be right. The city of London actively supported its magistrates during these transactions, and insisted that the whole charge of their prosecution and defence should be defrayed by the corporation. Their confinement could only continue till parliament was prorogued, a^id at the end of the session they were liberated. This imprisonment of the magistrates fanned the popu- lar flame, injured instead of serving the cause of government, and greatly diminished the respect of the people for their representatives. So perni- cious is it for either lawgivers or judges to deliberate or decide under the influence of violent passion or prejudice.* A select committee, appointed agreeably to Mr. Grcnville's late bill for determining a contested election for the borough of Shoreham ni Sus- sex, brought to light about this time a remarkable scene of corruption. The returning officer had declared a candidate supported by only thirty- • See in Sallust, Caesar's speech on the punishment of the conspirator*. 270 HISTORY OF THE Chaf. IX.— 1771. [Opposition censure ministry for accepting' ihe terms proposed by Spain ] seven voters duly elected, in preference to another who had eighty-seven in his favour. When examined by the committee on what appeared to be so flagrant a partiaHty, he in his exculpatory evidence estabhshed the following facts. The majority of freemen of the corporation had formed themselves into a society which thoy called the christian club, profess- edly to promote pious and charitable purposes ; and several acts Were occasionally performed to accredit their profession. But the real object of the combination was, to sell the borough to the highest bidder, and dis- tribute ihe money among the pious confederates. Paying to religion that homage which conscience often exacts from men violating its most sa- cred duties, they bound themselves by solemn oaths to fidelity in their associated villany ; and added legal instruments, in bonds with large pe- nalties, to secure their adherents to this illegal engagement. These pro- fessed religionists then, without scruple, took the oath aeainst bribery and corruption. The returning officer had himself belonged to the club, but, being disgusted with their conduct, had quitted their party. Aware of their principles and established practice, he by vigilance ascertained, and was able to prove, that a sum of money had been distributed among eighty-one of the majority, whose votes, therefore, in his return he had not estimated. The officer was censured for his assumption of illegal power ; but the facts being proved, a law was made, incapacitating the eighty-one freemen from voting at elections. Of external politics, the only important subject of discussion this year was, the satisfaction offered by Spain concerning Falkland's islands, and accepted by this country. According to opposition, the proffer of Spain, accompanied with the reservation of a right to the subject in dispute, was neither a satisfaction for past injury, nor a security against future. Wc had been obliged to pre[)are armaments, which cost us three millions sterling; and it was strictly just, that Spain should indemnify us for «n expenditure which originated in her aggression, and increased to its pre- sent amount by her reluctance. The convention had procured no recom- pense for this enormous expense ; but oven as a restitution. Port Egmont, and not all Falkland's islands had been ceded ; whereas our right to the whole was as clear as to that part. Although the court of Madrid had disavowed the act of hostility as proceeding from particular instruction, yet she had justified it-as implied in her general directions to American governors. Ministers ought to have demanded the disavowal of this general order, and of the exorbitant and absurd claim to exclusive dominion in the South Sea, on which it was founded. ]>y the law of na- tions, and even by the treaty of Utrecht, we were entitled to demand the pimishment of Hiiccarelli : we ought also to have exacted the complete Bctllemcnt of the Manilla ransom : in short, the agreement, neither com- plete nor decisive, contaii^d the seeds of future hostility. Ministers re- plied, that the claim to Falkland's islands had never been allowed hy Spain. ^)ur people had really given the first insult, by warning the Span- iards to de|»arl from an island which they considered as their own. Spain had given up the British settlement and property which her officers had .seizr-d ; and what more could be expected from the most successful war? Indemnification for expf nse was a redress which, in modern treaties of peace, it was very unusual for a victor to. demand. We had supported and satisfied the honour of England ; and our dignity being secure, our interest required that wc ahould live upon the most anucuble tcrmci with 1771.— C«AF. IX. liEIGN OF GEORGF. HI. 271 [DlfTerence between the two lioiises of parliament. Supplies.] a country with which we had the closest commercial ties. War with Spain would soon have joined France in the same cause, more closely have ce- mented the aMiance between these powers, and involved us in hostilities with the whole house of Bourbon. They accused opposition of a desire to embroil this country in a war with Spain, in hopes that some disaster might ensue, which would expose administration to the public resent- ment, and drive them from office.* A great majority of both houses, af- ter very violent debates, declared their approbation of the convention with Spain. The discussion of this subject incidentally caused a disagreement be- tween the two houses, which lasted through the whole session. Before the adjustment was completed, the duke of Manchester made a motion for an address to expedite our preparations, rccomnieiuiing at the same time certain dispositions of our forces. Ministers thinking these discus- sions not prudent before strangers, of whom there was a great number in the house, proposed that the house should be cleared. There happened at this time to be several members from the other house attendinii with a bill, and these were included in the order for departure. The commons considering this procedure as derogatory from their dignity, gave a simi- lar order for exclusion, without the exception of peers. The misunder- standing, for the last three months of the session, prevented all inter- course between the houses, except in mere matters of business ; and, to the great disappointment and displeasure of the public, excluded all others from both. The supplies which were granted this session under the apprehension of a war with Spain, were liberal. The ways and means were, a loan of 1,800,000/. on exchequer bills ; an increase of land tax to four shillings; a lottery ; the surplusage of the sinking fund ; a small tonnage upon shipping ; with additional duties on tobacco, teas, spirits, wines, and other foreign goods. These taxes, chiefly afl'ecting luxuries, met with little opposition or animadversion. Indeed, this budget manifested merely common official experience, and neither proved the minister to possess, nor to want, financial talents. Parliament being prorogued on the Sth of May, closed a session more remarkable for the contentious violence of its debates, and the passionate heat of its propositions, than for the wis- dom of its deliberations, or the importance of its decrees. • This charge, though advanced in parliament, was much more explicitly de- tailed in ministerial writings, and especially in Dr. Johnson's celebrated pamphlet upon Falkland's islands. 272 HISTORY OF THE Chap. X.— 1771. CHAP. X. State of the colonies. — EfTccts of lord North's conciliatory attempt. — Sfrikingdl- rersity of sentiment and spirit between New-En.e^land and other colonies — i.s not sufficiently rejjarded hy ministers. — Discontents in Knt^land bejijin to subside. — Meetinpi' of parliament. — Petition for exemption from subscribing the thirly- nine ailicles. — Opposed by one clas.-* on jri-ounds of theological principle — :by another on political expediency — Petition of the dissenters. — Houghton's bill for the relief of the dissenters is pa.ssed the house of commons, but thrown out by the lords. — Clerical nullum tenvpus bill is rejected. — Law for restricting the marriage of the royal family. — Arguments against it — for it — i)assed. — East India affairs. — Supplies. — Session ri.^es — Death of the princess dowager of "Wales. — Operations between Russia and Turkey. — Scheme of Frederick and Catharine for petitioning Poland— Ofl'er Austria a Rhare--she objects to the in- equality of the division— her scruples are vancjuished by a larger distribution. — Dismemberment of Poland.— Revolution in Sweden.— State of Denmark.— In- capacity of the king.— Character and conduct of the queen.— Artifices of the queen-dowager.-"Struensee. —Accusation and arrest of Matilda.— Itemonstran- ccs of the court of London.-. -His Britannic majesty demands and rescues his Suffering sister— and alibrds her an asylum in his German dominions. The act of 1770 did not fully satisfy the wishes of the American peo- ple ; in most of the colonies, however, its influence was so ^reat, that during 1771 tranquillity prevailed. There were, indeed, in all the provin- ces, demagogues who strenuously endeavoured to convince their coun- trymen that the repeal had been extorted by resistance, and not conceded by justice ; and that therefore they ought to persist in oppo.sing Rriti.<;h government, tmtil every disagreeable law should be rescinded. But the middle and southern colonies, now not actually feeling any grievance in the operation of the duty, were not to be disturbed by abstract claim.s, and a general calm succeeded to the late ferment. New-England, how- ever, and especially Massachusetts Bay, was far from being equally quiet. The establishment of a board of customs, necessary for the ef- fectual execution of the navigation act, and the activity of the navy officers in preventing contraband practices at the beginning of tlieir op- position, had not been an ostensible subject of dissatisfaction ; but they now expressed their sentiments openly against customs. In an address to the governor on the 5lh of July, 1771, they declared customs to be a tri- bute extorted from those who had a rigiit to the absolute disposal of their properly ; and the principle now assumed, was a disavowal of the su- premacy of Britain, which from the first establishment of the colonics had been acknowledged in America. The other provinces had objected to taxe.", as an unconstitutional innovation ; they asserted the clnims of British .subjects, and a.s Britisii subjects rcqiu'red redress. The colonists of Massachusetts spoke and acted as members of independent communi- ties ; and the general tenor of their conduct nianife.sted a di,«posilion to separate from Great Britain as soon as a favourable opportiuiily should offer. The concessions which tranquillized their southern brethren, only served to render those turbulent republicans more insolent and violent. Ever since the removal of the troops, they had insulted, attacked, aiKl 1772.— Chap. X. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 273 [Discontents in England begin to subside. Parliament.] abused the custom-house officers, and other servants of the crown ; and demonstrated that nothing would restrain them from injustice and tumult, but an armed force. Had the British ministry accurately studied the di- versity of provincial character, and employed able, popular, and eloquent men, to court and conciliate the southern and middle colonies, counteract the arts of the northern emissaries, and detach the votaries of monarchy from the abettors of republicanism, it is by no means improbable that they might have prevented the revolt from being general ; and, if they had eftected that great purpose, they would have had little difficulty ia compelling, by vigour and decision, the democratical agitators of Massa- chusetts to perform the duties of British subjects : but no such experi- ment was tried. Lord North appears to have formed no comprehensive plan for the government of America ; but to have satisfied himself with devising temporary expedients for removing particular discontents, as they showed themselves in overt acts of sedition arvd violence, without investigating principles and causes, or framing any general system either of conciliation or coercion. In England, hostility to government became less violent. The city of London, indeed, persevered in imperious expostulation with the sove- reign ; while the king had the magnanimous patience to answer insolent rudeness with mild politeness, and gave a very temperate though deci- sive denial, including a poignant censure for so frequent a repetition of such an absurd address. The discontents of the metropolis, however, were diverted by a schism between Wilkes and some of his late support- ers ; especially Mr. Home, afterwards so noted as a politician, and emi- nent as a philologist. These private disputes long occupied the adverse champions, and tilled the press : though their causes and details be of no historical importance, yet their existence requires to be mentioned, since they tended to the diminution of those inflammatory proceedings which so long had disturbed the public peace. In other parts the dissatisfac- tion became more languid in its efforts ; its outrageous violence seemed to be passed ; and though in some places it manifested a gloomy sullen- ness, yet, on the whole, a dawning prospect opened of returning tran- quillity. The situation of affairs abroad contained no grounds of apprehension respecting the peace of Great Britain : Spain had fulfilled her engage- ments by restoring Port Egmont ; and France continuing the scene of internal disturbance, which was heightened by the profligate and odious character of the duke d'Aguillon (now favourite ai:d prime minister,) ap- peared to be without any intention of annoying her neighbours. Eastern Europe was occupied either as actors in hostile scenes, or very vigilant and interesting spectators. The year 1771 was therefore favourable to internal and colonial quiet, and threatened no interruption from abroad. Ministers acquired fresh accessions from the party of Mr. Grenville ; besides, members of other connexions were now tired of opposing an administration that appeared to them firmly estab^Tied. On the 22d of January 1772, parjiument asscn^led ; and the first day's debate showed much less of asperity and acrimony, than the prelusive efforts to the contentions of the former sessions. The business of im- portance which earliest in the session engaged the attention of parlia- ment, was a motion of ministers for voting twenty-five thousand seamen for the service of the current year. The French, it was said, had sent Vol. VIL— 35 274 HISTOUY OF THE Chap. X.— 1772. [Petition for exemption fi-om the thirty-nine articles.] a strong fleet to Indin. it was therefore necessary lor England to send thither a still more powerful force ; the Spaniards had also a considerable armament in the A\ est Indies, it was requisite for this country to over- match them in that quarter ; and the war between the Turks and Rus- sians rendered it proper to employ a stronger fleet in the Mediterranean, than was wanted n\ tlic time of peace. Opposition contended, that the force was greater than the exigency of the country demanded ; but they suffered the motion to be carried without an}' division. Early in this session came before parliament, for the first time, a sub- ject which has since been very frequently agitated, and has produced a vast variety of literary and political discussion. On the 6th of February, a petition was presented to the lower house, from some clerijj'mcn of the church of England, certain members of t'le learned professions of law and physic, and others, praying to be relieved from the necessity of subscrib- ing the thirty-nine articles. Men had an inherent right, they said, held from God only, and subject to no human authority, to use their own judgment in the interpretation of scriptuie. Tliis natural rieht, they af- firmed, was recognized by tlie original principles of reformation. Such n privilege, belonging to them as men and protestants, was violated by the imposition of subscriptions to certain articles of faith, that did not flow from Christ and his apostles, but were drawn up by human beings as fallible as themselves. These subscriptions were farther represented as a great hindrance to the dilfiision of true religion, by discouraging the study of the real sense of the scriptures, and creating animosities among fellow protestants : the diversity of opinions held by the established clergy concerning some of the articles caused dissensions, and the disputes among professed believers encouraged infidelity. The petitioning mem- bers of the two other learned professions complained, that they suffered peculiar hardships in being obliged at their first admission to the univer- sity {malriculalion), when so immature in age and knowledge for deep disquisitions, to subscribe to a variety of theological propositions, in order to attain academical degrees in their respective faculties, while their opi- nions on those subjects could be of no consequence, either to the public, or their employers in their professjions. The supporters of the petition argued on the advantages of extending religious toleration ; and endea- voured to show, that the articles were in some parts contradictory, and in others totally indefensible. They enlarged on the principal topics set forth in the petition ils'ilf ; and concluded with observing, that, on erant- mg the requested relief, many of the dissenters, being no longer deterred by articles, would join the established church. By two classes was this petition opposed : the one consisted of the tory and high church gentlemen, who considered the thirty-nine articles as the bulwark of the church of England, and of Christianity itself. In the last century the church, and with it the state, fell, through such in- novations. PaiiiamMjt, they contended, could not grant the desired re- lief, because it coulr^jtot annul the obligations of an oath. The king could not comply with fjfeir petition, as he was bound by oath to preserve the establi'^hed church ; a com[iliancc would also be a breach of the arti- cles of union, as by them it was stipulated, that the ecclesiastical go- vernments of Scotland and England should continue for ever unchanged. Writings of late had appeared, inimical to the most important articles, not only of the church of England, but of the christian faith ; they had 1772.— Caiip. X. REItiN OF GEOKOE HI. 275 [Different grounds of opposition to the petition.] denied tiie doctrines of the trinity, and the divinity of our Savour ; and tluis endeavoured to remove the corner stone of our religion : by granting the petition, therefore, v.e should admit unitarians and other heretics to be clergymen of the church of England. A greater number of members opposed the petition on political grounds.* They vindicated its advocates from the charge of heretical "opinions ; they maintained, that the legislature had still a control over the articles of union, and had exercised that control towards the two churches ; in England, by an act against occasional conformity ; and in Scotland, by an act annulling the popular election of clergyman. Every society, they observed, is competent to determine the qualifications of its members ; all governments have a right to constitute the several orders of their subjects, to ascertain that the principles and characters of persons employed in any trust be such as will most effectually answer the pur- poses of those trusts. The office of public instructors of the people in virtue and religion, requires a careful examinaiion of the capacity, dispo- sitions, principles, and opinions of the persons proposing to officiate. The clergy being intended to teach the nation, it is expedient that there should be an uniformity of established doctrine, the chief tenets of which every clergyman should" admit. Admissibility to the clerical, as well as to any other public office, is a question of expediency ; and this is no hardship : a candidate has the alternative, of refusing either the employ- ment, or subscription. Physicians and civilians are in the same predi- cament, required to subscribe certain articles, or not to become mem- bers of an English university. It is found expedient that there should be a national church for the preservation and promotion of Christianity, and for the welfare of society. These articles are considered by the legislature as conducive to the purposes in view ; therefore law givers ought to require the admission of them in the holders of employments which are connected with the objects of that national church. On these strong and comprehensive grounds'of equitable policy, many enlightened senators, who were not votaries of the high church doctrines, joined in defending our ecclesiastical establishment against innovation. The ma- jority against the petition was two hundred and seventeen to seventy-one. In the course of the debates, not a {ew of the opposers of the petition had expressed an opinion, that though it was just and reasonable to re- quire subscription from persons proposing to be clergymen in the esta- bhshed church, and to derive profit from the priesthood, it was hard to oblige dissenting ministers to subscribe the docirinal articles of the church, from which they sought neither promotion nor emolument. By the act of toleration, dissenters were alloM'ed to exercise divine worship according to their own sentiments, if their ministers subscribed all the articles of the church except those which relate to discipline. When that act was passed, dissenters were as warmly attached to the Calvin- istic doctrines of the articles as churchmen themselves, and readily sub- scribed them as required by lav/. During the last two reigns, it had ap- peared that Arianism and Socinianism became very prevalent ; few of the dissenters for many years had subscribed the articles, and thus were liable to penalties, though from the liberality of the age, and the lenient government of the house of Brunswick, these were very rarely inflicted, * Parliamentary debates, 1772. 276 HISTORY OF THE Cuxt. X .—1772 [BUI for the relief of dissenters. Clerical nullum tempus bill] Sir Henry Ilougliton niado a motion to relieve the dissenters from subscriptions and the penal laws, but was warmly opposed by the high church gentlemen. Tiie dissenters, it was said, by omitting to subscribe, had violated the law of the land ; and the transgressors, not satisfied with being excused, desired the law to be changed in order to accommodate a change in their opinions. A total exemption from subscription would open the way to heresy and infidelity. The dissenters were a respecta- ble body, and a certain regard was due to their opinions ; but the present bill, instead of proposing the mere relief of non-conformists, was a pro- ject for encouraging schism, and ultimately destroying tlie church of England ; many of the dissenters now maintained doctrines totally dif- ferent from those of former times, and were inimical to the church of England, to the protestant religion, and to true Christianity : to encourage such men, therefore, would be equally contradictory to sound policy, and to the interests of the established faith. The supporters of the bill con- tended, that subscriptions, while they operated against the pious and conscientious, are no restraints on the impious and wicked. The secta- rians were charged with having deviated from the theological opinions of their predecessors ; but in all ranks of a community advancing in know- ledge and civilization, the more understandings were exercised, the greater would be the diversity in the result of different efforts. That some individual dissenters held principles inimical to Christianity, might be true ; but the charge against them as a body was totally false : they had been uniformly the friends of civil and religious liberty, had sup- ported the British constitution, the establishment of the house of Bruns- wick, and all those principles and measures by which our constitutional rights were upheld : they had moreover supported the christian faith against its most ardent impugners ; and such men certainly deserved to enjoy something more than mere impunity by connivance. By tolera- tion, Christianity had flourished ; by intolerance, the number of believers had been lessened :* let protestants be united, that we maybe the better able to make head against infidels. These considerations induced a great majority in the house of commons to vote for the bill ; but in the house of lords the bishops exerted themselves so strenuously against an indul- gence which they conceived and represented to be dangerous to the church, that the bill was rejected by no less tlian a hundred and two to twenty-nine. During this session also, another bill was proposed on an ecclesias- tical subject, entitled the church nullum lempus bill ; the object of which was analogous to tlie purpose of the crown nvllum tempus law, to secure land possessors against dormant claims of the church. On the part of the church it was answered, that the power of revivmg claims was ne- cessary to prevent the laity from effecting those encroachments which they were always desirous of making upon the clergy. The proposed bill would be peculiarly injurious to the poor clergy, whom great land- holders, and combinations of rich fiirmers were very much disposed to oppress. The supporters of the bill rc[)lied, that its provisions guarded against the alleged inconveniences : and they defied its opponents to • Burke's speech on sir Henry Houghton's mulion. I'arliaincntary debates, 1772. 1773.— CuAp. X, liliIGN or GEOllGE HI. 277 [Bill restricting the marriage of the royal family.] prove that the laity did oppress the clergy. Ministers, desirous of gra- tifying the hierarciiy, were very inimical to a bill which tended to abridge clerical power. To independent members, however, it appeared so rea- sonable, that notwithstanding the influence of administration, the ma- jority by which it was negatived was very inconsiderable. While parliament was occupied in examining the extent and bounda- ries of religious indulgence, and admitting the equity and wisdom of liberal toleration, prevented it from intrenching on the establishment, a subject was submitted to their deliberation, which involved the most im- portant duties of morality, and the closest ties of civil society: this was a bill for restraining the royal family in the momentous engagement of marriage ; the proposition of which arose from the following incidents. The duke of Gloucester had espoused the countess dowager of Walde- grave ; and the duke of Cumberland, Mrs. Horton, a widow, and daugh- ter to lord Irnham. These marriages, which had been concluded clan- destinely, gave great dissatisfaction at court. On the 28th of February, the king sent a message to both houses of parliament, importing, that his majesty thought it ^vould be wise and expedient in parliament to render effectual the right which had always belonged to the kings of this realm, of approving all marriages of the royal family, to supply the de- fects of the law now in being ; and, by some new provision, more effec- tually to guard descendants of his late majesty (excepting the issue of princesses affianced into foreign families) from marrying without the approbation of his majesty, his heirs, or successors. In consequence of this message, a biU was brought into the house of lords for rendering all the descendants of George II. (with the exception above mentioned) incapable of contracting rharriage without the consent of the king, or his successors on the throne, signified under the great seal, and declared in council. There was in the bill, however, one deviation from the tenor of the royal message ; for if such descendant, after passing the age of twenty-five years, gave the privy-council twelve months previous notice of his intended marriage, unless both houses of parliament within that time declared their disapprobation, it might be valid without the royal consent. The bill was strongly opposed by both houses, on grounds of law, policy, and morality. It was denied that the power declared in the preamble to have belonged to the king, actually did constitute part of the royal prerogative in the extent now claimed ; as a fact, it was not to be found in our history ;* nor as law, in our statutes, precedents, or the opinions of our judges. The declaration of law was, besides, either useless or hurtful : if intended to have no retrospective operation, it was frivolous and unnecessary ; if designed as a retrospect, it was iniquitous. The descendants of George II. might in time comprehend great num- bers who were dispersed among the various ranks of civil life ; and thus many families would, in their most important engagements, become de- pendent on the crown. The time of non-age too, was by this law lengthened beyond just limits ; it was disrespectful to the royal offspring to suppose, that they did not arrive at intellectual maturity so soon as other • The instances adduced by the supporters of the bill did not prove the asser- tion of a legal right in the king to interfere in the marriage of his relations, they showed only the influence of the sovereign's authority, which inchnalion or pru- dence induced his family to regard. 278 HISTORY OF THE Chap. X.— 17^2. [Arguments for and against the bill. It is passed into a law.] subjects; and it was farther absurd, that when at eighteen a prince or princess was deemed quahfied to govern a kingdom, they should not till twenty-six be fit to contract a marriage. The discretionary power, wherever vested, of prohibiting any marriage, was a violation of the in- herent rights of human nature, founded on the strongest propensity im- planted in man for the best of purposes. No legislature was competent to the annihilation of this right. It had, moreover, a natural tendency to rouse a disputed title to the crown ; for, should those who might be affected by it be in power, they would procure a repeal of the act, and consequently produce a contest with the next heir under that law; should they not be in power, they would still excite compassion and indig- nation among those who must think them aggrieved by such a restric- tion, and hence dissension and civil war would ensue. The prohibition was also contrary to morality ; for, as far as it reached, it was calculated to promote debauchery, seduction, and other vices, which marriage tended to prevent. Depriving those personages of the highest blessings of life, partners of their own approbation and choice, it drove them, in the unavoidable course of human passion, to illicit connexions, to concubi- nage, to promiscuous intercourse; and if it did not justify, at least pal- liafed, in mdividuals so restricted, deviations from strict and rigorous virtue, much more than in any other subject not so circumscribed.* By the supporters of the bill it was argued, from a variety of cases, that the kings of England always possessed the power now declared. Ten judges had, in 1717, delivered an opinion, which admitted the king's right to direct the marriage and education of the royal lamijy. The judges, when consulted concerning the present bill, had determined, that the power claimed belonged to the king, as far as respected the marriages of his children, grandchildren (unless the issue of foreign families) and the presumptive heir of the crown. It was farther observed, that the dishonour reflected on the crown by improper alliances, and the evils experienced formerly by the nation from the intermarriage of the royal family with subjects, rendered it necessary to guard in future against either derogatory or dangerous connexions. The sovereign is the na- tural guardian and judge of the honour, dignity, and conduct of his fa- mily. The subjects of the bill might in time greatly increase in number, yet' it was not to be supposed that the sovereign, in the multiplicity of momentous affairs, would interfere beyond his near relations, or other probable heirs ; but should future inconveniences, not now foreseen, arise from the bill, the legislature was always competent to apply a remedy. The bill was passed by a considerable majority ; and from this time no marriage concluded by a descendant of George II. under twenty-six years of age, witliout the consent of the king, or of both houses of par- liament after that age, is lawful. Whether the law be wise or unwise, is another question ; but the fact is, that without compliance with this statute, no jxirson so circumstanced can be lawfully married, nor have legitimate ofinpring. The attention of parliament was also called this session to East India affairs. It was generally acknowledged, that great abuses prevailed m the administration of thr company's possessions ; but the extent of the • Parliamentary debates, 1772 ir72.— Chap. X. KEIGN OF GEOKGK IH. 279 [Affairs of the East Indies. Supplies.] evils \v!i3 not hitherto ascertained in eitlier hou.se. The company was aware of the very flagrant delinquency that existed among its servants, but was desirous of retaining in itself the means of correction and future prevention. The directors were far from wishing the interference of government, and much alarmed by the doctrines that had been advanced concerning their territorial possessions ; knowing too, that the misconduct of their servants afforded to government and to the legislature, very strong reasons for taking an active concern in the territorial administration of British India, they were very desirous of making it appear that they were themselves competent to the task. Admitting the abuses by their ser- vants, they pretended to have discovered the causes, and proposed, by removing them, to apply effectual remedies. They had, they said, hi- therto allowed too much power to their servants, and now proposed to reduce executorial authority, and to extend their own. For this purpose, Mr. Sullivan, the deputy chairman, proposed in the house of commons a bill for the better regulation of the company's servants and affairs in India, by restraining the governor and council from every species of trade, entirely changing the court of judicature and mode of administering justice in Bengal, and restricting the power of the executive servants. In supporting his motion, he severely attacked lord Chve as the principal transgressor. Lord Clive, defending himself and retorting on the com- pany, impuied the chief abuses to their misconduct and violence : reci- procal recrimination produced from both very minute and copious details, which confirmed other members in their opinion that there existed fla- grant delinquency. Ministens, without discussing the charges of either party, expressed their fears that the evils were too deep and extensive for the bill to remedy ; and it would, they said, be premature to form any plan of correction and prevention, before inquiry should be made as to the actual state of affairs. The bill was rejected : a select committee of thirty-one was soon after appointed to inquire into the nature and state of affairs in India ; and this committee found the subject of their inquiries so very extensive and complicated, that they asked and obtained leave to sit during the recess. On the 1st of May, lord North entered on the business of ways and means : and showed that, after providing for the service of the current year, the nation, without fresh taxes, was able to pay off two millions and a half of three per cent, annuities, then at ninety ; he also enlarged on the prospect of peace, which he said might be reasonably expected to last ten years, and would liquidate a considerable part of our debts. Be- sides, even should peace be broken, lord J\^orlh professed himself ''^'^ such an economist, as to be able to carry on war mihovt the addllion of nexu taxes. The house was pleased with the flattering picture, and the minis- ter acquired great credit with parliament and the country for his financial ability. As the English are by no means averse from war, many were delighted with the notion that they were blessed in lord North with a statesman who could beat their enemies without troubling them for far- ther contributions. In his plan of reducing the national debt, they an- ticipated the reduction of their present taxes, and he now by fair promises began to acquire considerable popularity and reputation ;' but the chief foundation of lord North's fame at this time was his economij. * See p.irliamentary debates, May 1st, 1772. 280 HISTORY OF THE CHAr. X.— 1772. [Death of the princess dowager of Wales. Operations between Russia and Turkey.] A session, which, by its moderation, aftorded a striking contrast to the preceding years of tlie present parliament, ended on the 9th of June. During this session on the 8th of February, died the princess dowager of Wales. Her royal highness was of an amiable private character, and had long been highly esteemed and beloved by the British nation. During tiic latter part of her life, the sentiments of many persons had been changed, from surmises that rested on no certain grounds. When our present sovereign ascended the throne, it was alleged that, possess- ing great influence with a son of the warmest filial affection, she inter- fered in public aflairs, and held the chief direction of the secret cabinet, which, according to the political hypothesis of popular speakers and writers, commanded all the ostensible ministers. A precise and definite motive was assigned for the supposed efforts of this imputed influence ; the opposition to Mr. Pitt in the council ; the dismissal of the whig party; (he peace ; the prosecution of Wilkes ; the taxation of America ; the Middlesex election ; and the promotion of the Scotch : in short, every act disagreeable to the people of England was ascribed to a secret power flowing from the princess and a junto of her favourites. Though this theory was very generally received, yet an authentic historian, having neither oral nor written testimony, cannot record as a fact the existence of such an influence. It is, however, his duty to mention such generally believed rumours or conjectures, as have a great influence on the period concerning which he writes. That such a report and apprehension greatly inlliionced the popular notions of the first ten years of the reign, is very evident ; but that neither tlie votaries of the opinion nor the spreaders of the rumour have adduced evidence to confirm the truth of their assertion, is equally certain. Having therefore no proof of the facfy I cannot, consistently with sound philosophy, assign this influence as the CAUSE of the many evils which have been so often ascribed to it both in and out of parliament. In estimating the character of the princess dow- ager, I cannot, therefore, allow weight to her alleged interference in public alliiirs. Her highness was eminent for her private virtues in the various relations of life : as a wife, a mother, a mistress of a family, an c.valfed member of society, her conduct bore the manifest marks of be- nevolence and propriety ; and in none of her sentiments or actions did .she give tiie sligiitest indication of her being actuated by the dispositions which are assumed by political partisans. This year was n^pletc with important events on the continent of Europe. Tlie llussians, in the campaign of 1771, although ultimately successful on the Danube, did not obtain such signal advantages in that quarter, as were expected from their progress in the two former years. In f^rim Tarfarv tlu-v were decisively victorious, and reduced the whole peninsula, and in the Jletlilerranean they annihilated the commerce of Turkey. Negotiations were renewed in winter under the mediation of the coiuts of IJerlin and Vienna, but were not brouglit to the desired conclusion. The Austrinns were jealous of tlie progress of the Russians, both in Turkey and in Poland. They protected the confederates as far as they could, without openly manifesting hostility to llussia, or giving umbr.'ige to Frederick. At length, Muiia Teresa made claim to the Polish district of Zips, on the frontiers of Hungary, and in autumn 1771 invaded it with a powerful force. The empress of llussia, enraged at the invasion of Poland, said to prince Henry of Prussia, who was then 1773— Chap. X. REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 28 1 [Combination for the partition of Poland.] at her court, If Vienna attempt to dismember Poland, neighbouring states must imitate her example. This observation perfectly accorded with Frederick's ideas. His troops had that very year enteral Poland, under pretence of forming a cordon, to prevent the infection of the plague from spreading to his dominions ; and his army had afterwards advanced, on the pretext of relieving the inhabitants from the oppressions of the con- federates. By Frederick's orders, his soldiers had for these services exacted enormous contributions from Polish Prussia, and especially from the city of Dantzic ; and this plunder of communities at peace with Fre- derick was sent to his treasury. The present overture was only a pro- posal tor another robbery on a larger scale. Frederick lost no time in inquiring whether Catharine was sincere ; and being assured that she was serious, he. drew up a plan of dividing Poland between the three powers ; very skilfully and considerately partitioning the territories, so as to give each of the partners the share respectively most contiguous and convenient. This participation he conceVted with Catharine, before he communicated the project to Austria. Russia was to have all that territory which extends on the eastern side of the Druce and the Dwina, from the gulf of Riga to the Ukraine ; Austria was to have the offer of Ludomeria and Galicia, on the confines of Hungary ; while the king of Prussia, for his .«!hare, was to receive Pomcrellia ; which besides other advantages, joined together Pomerania and Prussia, and thus, instead of two detached, gave him three compact, provinces. Having settled this plan with R ussia, Frederick next proposed it to the imperial minister ; thinking it so advantageous, that it would certainly be accepted. Prince Kaunitz, the Austrian minister, at first made strong objections to the division, because* it would be next to impossible to agree on terms of perfect equality. In an affair of such a nature, as Frederick observed, I it was no lime to be discouraged by trifles. Catharine and he therefore intimated an alternative to Austria, if she would not agree to the division they would go to v,ar W'ith her, without allowing her any share ; but if she would become a willing party, a larger seizure of Poland should be made, to suit her ideas of equality. Austria at last consented ; a treaty was concluded, and each of the three acquired a greater portion than was originally intended. Having thus on friendly terms arranged the seizure of territories belonging to neither, they thought proper to inti- mate to the proprietors the proposed spoliation. A joint manifesto, drawn up by the three powers, set forth the troubles excited in Poland on almost every vacancy of the throne, and the friendly offices of the court of Petdrsburgh in rectifying many abuses, in the constitution of that republic. The court of Berlin claimed the credit of having se- conded these generous acts ; and Austria had chosen neutrality, as the means of promoting the active efforts of Catharine and Frederick. From the wise and benevolent policy of her beneficent neighbours, Poland had every prospect of prosperity, peace, and happiness ; but a spirit of discord had counteracted these efforts, and to re-establish tran- quillity in Poland, Russia, Austria, and Prussia found it necessary to place the ancient constitution of the kingdom, and the liberties of the • See the kinj^ of Prussia's Memoirs of himself; from which the greater part of our accoimt of this partition is compiled, t See the Jlcmoirs. Vol. VH.— 36 282 HlSTOIiY OF THE Chai-. X.— 1772. [Dismemberment of Poland. Revolution in Sweden.] people, on a sure and solid foundation. They had respectively consi- derable claims on the republic, which each would be ready to justify in time and phict^ by authentic records and solid reasons. Meanwhile, having reciprocally communicated their several claims, and being mutu- ally satisfied of their justice, they had determined to secure to themselves a proportionable equivalent, by taking immediate and effectual possession of such parts of the territories of the republic, as might serve to fix more natural and sure bounds betwren her and the three powers.* 1 he con- fj^derate partitioners did actually specify their pretensions, but without adducing any prool". The court of Warsaw answered^ these denuncia- tions by just and conclusive reasoning, founded on the plainest princi- ples of jurisprudence, equity, and moral rectitude ; demonstrating from the law of nations and many particidar treaties, the claims of the three powers to be totally unfounded, and their proceedings to be contrary to all lawful rights. Little availed the remonstrances of justice against determined ambition, aiddd by resistless force. The confederate pow- ers commanded the Polish king and republic to assemble without delay a diet to ratify their cl-iims. The king and senate applied to the courts of London, Versailles, Madrid, and the United Provinces, to interfere in their favour ; but from the weakness, distance, or internal dissensions of these states, the appli- cations were unavailing. Britain and France, indeed, remonstrated, but without etfect. Deserted by the rest of mankind, and surrounded by powerful enemies, the Polish king and his council were necessitated to convoke a senate, in order to summon a diet for the purposfe of for- mally authorizing usurpations which the force of the usurpers had before effectually confirmed. In the respective specifications of the partition- ing powers, Austria was the most insolent, imperious, and full of threats; Catharine, the most moderate, plausible, and abounding in promises ; and Frederick the most learned, acute, and replete with ingenious pre- texts. J They now respectively prepared to take possession of their booty ; and Frederick much more active than Austria, and less occupied than Russia, first securt'd his division, and added to the seizure part of Dantzic, including the harbour and port duties ; and afterwards the re- mainder, though it constituted no part of his pretended claim upon Poland. The influence of Frederick, however, was not confined to the scene of his power; for a revolution happened this year in Sweden, to which he greatly contributed. In early ages, the Swedes, like most other hardy and gallant inhabitants of the north, were fiee. From thb time of Gus- tavus Vasa, there had been a flucttiation of constitutions, in which the aristocracy, or the king, were alternately paramount, and the people en- joyed very littlp share of power. I'nder Charles XII., the government was despotic : but his sister and heir, Ulrica, was obliged to suffer the aristocralical domination to be re-established ; and Frederick and Adol- phns were not able to triumph over the Swedish nobles. Adolphus dying in 1771, was succeodrd by Ciiistavus, his oldest son by the sister of the Prussian king. Gustavus, on his accession to the throne, made the most ardent protestations of love for liberty ; professed that he thought • See state papers, 1772. f Ibid. t See the respective manifestoes ; slate papers, 1772. 1772.— Vaxe. X. HEIGN OF GEOKGE III. 283 [State of Denmark. Intrigues of the qiieen,dowager.] it the cliief glory of a king to reign over a free people ; subscribed the declaration of rights, and added articles for absolving his subjects from their allegiance if ever he should infringe the contract. At his corona- tion, he made a speech concluding with a prayer to God, that ambition mif^ht not disturb the freedom and happiness of the slate. Notwithstand- ing his solemn oaths, however, this prince had concerted a project for becoming absolute. Aided by his two brothers, and trusty officers, he gained over the army to his interest ; with the greatest art and success he courted popularity, while his emissaries no less actively rendered the people discontented with the senate and established goverrmient. He was assured of the support of his uncle; and indeed, both in the formation and execution of his plan, he displayed ability and vigour not unworthy of a nephew of Frederick. The sclieme being ripe for execution, on the 19th of August Gustavus totally overturned the constitution, which less than three months before he had sworn to maintain, and engaged to support, as the indispensable condition of his admission to the regal office. Being master of all the military force at Stockholm, he sur- rounded the senate, and made the members prisoners. The diet was commanded to assemble ; and, encompassed by fixed bayonets, the king ordered a new form of government to be read. The members, so situ- ated, signed whatever was proposed, and took the oath which Gustavus himself dictated. He then drew a book of psalms from his pocket ; and, taking off his crown, began to sing -to the praise of God : the assembly joined this pious prince in his sacred music. He afterwards informed them, that he should in six years convene the assembly of the states.* Thus the year 1772 was an era of usurpation ; by Gustavus in his own kingdom, and by his neighbours in the kingdom of another, A change this year took place in Denmark, which, by affecting a Bri- tish princess, strongly agitated, and deeply interested the loyal and gen- erous hearts of Britons. Christian, king of Denmark, was the son of Frederick V., by Louisa, daughter of George H. The queen died in early youth, and king Frederick afterwards married a German princess, by whom he had a son named Frederick. This queen was a woman of great artifice and ambition. As her son was heir in default of his bro- ther, the queen-dowager had been averse from the marriage of the young king. Christian was a prince of very weak understanding, and sunk by habits of debauchery below his natural insignificance. Matilda, though not sixteen years of age when she arrived in Denmark, immediately manifested to Julia Maria, the queen-dowager, an intelligence and sen- sibihty, which, she did not doubt, must discern the incapacity, and feel the misconduct, of her husband. She therefore formed a project of sow- ing discord between the new married couple, which she trusted would end in a separation, and promote her views ui favour of her son. For this purpose she played a double game ; she ehiployed her minions to ingratiate themselves with the king, and to encourage him in his vices ; while she informed the queen of his defects, and professing a great friend- ship, declared that every thing in her power should be done for bis re- formation. Meanwhile, the silly monarch persisted in his usual course : ihe queen-dowager contrived to have a mistress thrown in his way, whom • Mr. Charles Sheridan, British envoy at Sweden, published a very accurate account of this extraordinary revolulion. Us heads are compressed above, in the text. 284 HISTORY OF TIIK Chap. X.—1772. [Struen^ee. Accusation and arrest of Matilda.] he kept openly in the palace. Matilda, possessing great sagacity, easily discovered both the designs and motives of the treacherous dowager. Anxious for the welfare of her infant prince, she, for the sake of the son, overlooked the folly of the father ; and soon procured such influence, as to attain the chief direction of affairs, before possessed by the elder queen. The ambition of Julia was now stimulated by revenge, the gratification of which she at last accomplished. There was at the court of Copenhagen, a (Tcrman named Struensee, of some abilities, with that wide extent of superficial knowledge, and those petty attainments which are so common in continental adventurers, lie possessed also an insinuating address, and an agreeable person ; but was profligate in his manners, and abandoned in his principles. Having studied some branches of medicine, he professed himself a physician ; and having attended the king when he was experiencing the cilects of vice, he acquired great favour with the sove- reign, and in a short time made so rapid a progress, that, from being an itinerant empiric, he became minister of state. He also elevated Brandt, a fellow adventurer, and several others of his friends. Both Struensee and Brandt were raised to be carls; manyof the chief grandees were disgraced; and mostof them were disgusted with the upstart insolence of these ignoble favourites. The demeanour of Struensee also excited many and powerful enemies. As Matilda had then the superior power, Struensee joined her politics in opposition to those of the queen-dowager; and thus added to the number of his foes. Julia secretly -insinuated that not" a political con- nexion only subsisted between Struensee and the queen; and in 1771, when Matilda was delivered of a daughter, she, seeing the new-born princess, said with a malicious smile, that the child had all the features of Struensee. The evil report was industriously propagated ; and it was farther asserted, that the ruling party had formed a design to supersede the king, to appoint Matilda regent during the minority of her son, and Struensee supreme director of affairs. The report of the intended depo- sition was never substantiated by any proof; and the other rumour, which was never seconded either by testimony or circumstantial evidence, must stand in history as a false and malicious slander against the sister of the British sovereign. The queen, finding herself an object of unjust suspicion, took a part very natural to conscious innocence, but often injurious to female reputation : she disregarded the rumours, and did not abstain from the company of the suspected party. This conduct, neither prudent nor judicious, greatly accelerated the success of her ene- mies. It was not difficult to spread scandal against the friend of a man so deservedly unpopular ; and the charge was very generally believed. The king was easily impressed with the prevailing opinion, being a mere tool in the hands of any party that happened to predominate. On the 17th of January, the quecn-dowager and her son, coming at four in the morning to the king's bed-chamber, asserted to him, that the queen and Struensee were at that very hour, framing an act of renuncia- tion of the crown, which they would compel him immediately to sign ; and therefore that his only means of escaping this danger, was to sign orders which they had drawn up tor the arrest of the queen and her ac- complices. The king, though reluctant, at length complied, and the orders were immediately executed ; but the queen being found in her own apartment, and Struensee and Brandt in bed in their respective houses, manifested the falsehood of Julia's charge. Having before se- 17r2.— Chip.X. reign of GEORGE III. 285 [Interference of the king of England in her behalf.] cured the army and people, the dowager reigned without control. Stru- ensee and Brandt were tried ; but, culpable as they both might be, there M'as no evidence that they had perpetrated any capital crime ; they were, however, sentenced to death, and executed. Respecting queen Matilda, the ruling party did not attempt to establish their charges. The dowager was unwilling to establish a precedent for trying a queen by subjects ; and besides, though by subordination and iniquity she might easily have crushed an unprotected individual however innocent, yet to put to an un- deserved death the sister of the king of England, would be a very dan- gerous act of tyranny. His Britannic majesty, knowing that it would be in vain to attempt the vindication of his sister's character in a country governed by her inveterate enemies, resolved to rescue her from those malignant calumniators, and sent a squadron to demand the unfortunate princess. The court of Denmark, not choo.sing to refuse a requisition so seconded, delivered her to commodore Macbride, who conveyed her from the scene of her persecution to Zell, a city in the dominions of Hanover, where her royal brother had provided her an asylum, in which she resided during the remainder of her short life.* • She died May lOtli, 1775, of a malignant fever, in her 24th year. 286 HISTORY OF TIIK Chap. XI.--1772. CHAPTER XI. America, tranquil in the south, is turbulent in the north. — Massachusetts disavows the authorities of the British constitution. — Britain. — Mercantile failures of 1772. — Alexander Fordyce. — Chanpe of mercantile character. — Influence of accumulation in India. — Stock-jobbing — fictitious credit-^extravagant adven- ture without capital. — High estimation of lord North for financial skill. — Affairs of the India company — its pecuniary embarrassments — conduct of its servants, and distresses of the natives — reported to the house of commons by a commit- tee. — The company propose a scheme for correcting and restraining its ser- vants. — Parliament undertakes the task. — Company's petition for a loan — granted on certain conditions. — Company allowed to export tea from Britaiu duty free. — Lord North's plan for the government of India — discussed in par- liament — passes into a law. — Inquiry into the conduct of lord Clive. — Distin- guished abilities of Messrs. Thurlow and Wedderburne shown against and for lord Clive. — The war with the Caribbs. — Increase of half-pay to naval captains, — Petition of the dissenters — is rejected. — Supplies. — Reduction of the national debt. — Continental aflTairs. — Completion of the dismemberment of Poland. — Violent attacks of Roman catholic powers on their clergy. — America — tranquil- lity, and flourishing commerce. — Britain — discontent and licentiousness subside. — Increasing trade and prosperity imputed to the policy of lord North. — The minister now at the zenith of his fame. Tranquillity continued to prevail in the middle and southern colo- nies of America ; but in the northern, the democratical spirit was daily gaining ground. The salaries of the provincial judges, and the attorney and solicitor-general, paid hy the assemblies, were very scanty. To render men in such important situations more independent in their cir- cumstances, government had this year assigned them liberal salaries out of the American revenue. The New-Englanders affetted to believe that this arrangement was intended to corrupt the source of justice, and ren- der decisions dependent on government. A meeting of Bostonians, called by themselves the select men, on the 25th of October petitioned government to hold an assembly for the purpose of considering the evil tendency of the new regulation.'* The governor not complying, the committee issued a new declaration of rights, more republican than any that had yet been published ; which considered the provincials merely as free men, not as British subjects, and denied the right of the British par- liament to legislate in any case for the colonies. A general meeting of Bostonians immediately adopted tliis declaration of their committee ; the provincial assembly publi.shed their approbation of the doctrines in their most demof-ralical extent : and the proceedings of all classes and orders in Massachusetts amounted to a disavowal of the established authorities of the British constitution. Republican turbulence in the north, and trantpiil acquiescence in constitutional authority tlirough the middle and southern colonies, strongly manifested a diversity of sentiment, which it was the dut^ of legislative wisdom to Consider, in its policy towards the respective provinces. In Britain, this year was remarkable for very great and numerous bankruptcies, important in themselves, but more momentous as they de- 1772.-CBxr. XI. UEIGN OF GEORGK HI. 287 [Change of ilie mercantile clurucler. Influence of acquisitions in India.] monstrated the clo.se and complex connexions and intermingled depen- dencies of commercial credit, and also marked a change that had taken place in the mercantile character. A Scotch adventurer, named Alex- ander Fordyce, had ri.sen in a few years to such a height in the city of London, that his downfall appeared for a time to shake all credit and confidence throughout the metropolis. Fordyce was a projector, who possessed ingenuity to form plausible schemes, insinuating manners, and dexterous address to engage confidence, but without sound judgment and prudence to direct his conduct. He had gambled in the funds to a very great amount ; and having at times succeeded, by his occasional command of ready money, and by becoming a partner in a very eminent banking-house, he was intrusted with many and large sums belonging to others. He now dealt in stock-jobbing to an extent unknown in the an- nals of gambling. At length the bubble burst : he failed to an amount little short of half a million, and involved his partners in his ruin ; and many others, who had trusted him with money or bills, shared the same fate. The fall of so great a house carried its eft'ects far beyond im- mediate creditors, excited a distrust of other banking and mercantile firms, and obstructing the usual accommodation, produced many stop- pages. But the.so evils occasioned in a considerable degree by Fordyce and his connexions, originated in causes much more general, which in- fluenced the conduct and determined the fortune of many others. The gains of British merchants in former times were chiefly from the gradual operation of skill, industry, economy, and bold yet prudent adventure. The riches acquired were rarely amassed but by a long and persevering attention to trade ; moderate wealth was the progressive effect of certain intellectual and moral qualities, skilfully and steadily exerted for a long course of years, forming and determining the character, while they filled the coffers. By the vast acquisitions in India, immense fortunes had been accumulated almost instantaneously : adventurers of very limited merit in three or four years had returned with ten times the wealth that able, prosperous, and eminent merchants were able to collect by the ef- forts of a Ions: and industrious life. The view of such astonishing ac- quisitions dazzled many traders, and instead of submitting patiently to former modes of commercial process, they would become opulent by compendious means : with this intent, they engaged in hazardous adven- tures in the fimds,* monopolies, and various other objects. Not having actual property for carrying on such extensive plans, they were obliged to proceed upon trust ; and, as men of real wealth were not the most likely to risk their money on doubtful schemes, combinations of indigent adventurers were formed for maintaining a fictitious credit by interchange of bills. Some of these actually succeeded in acquiring a capital ; others kept themselves so long afloat, as to impress the world with an opinion of their ultimate responsibility, and thus found means to involve wealthy men in their projects. From the eastern accumulations and manners, came also an enormous increase of luxury; this evil did not so readily affect the substantial merchant, who in making his fortune had formed his habits to frugality and moderation, as the visionary and needy pro- • Though stock-jobbing: bad prevailed ever since the establishment of tlje na- tional debt, the great fluctuation of India .stock about this time aflbrded more •cope than usual for this species of gambling'. 288 HISTORY OF THE CuAf. XI,— 1772. [Extravagant adventure without capital. Affairs of the India company.] jector, whose fancy anticipated immense profits, and whose actual pos- sessions could not possibly suffer the smallest loss. The failures of this year were chiefly imputable to extravagant projects in trade, stock-job- bing, and enormous paper credit without capital mutually acting and re- acting, severally and jointly the effects and causes of luxury and pro- fusion. These disasters, springing from unwarrantable adventure, ex- tended their consequences to men totally unconcerned in such wild and destructive schemes. Bankers, in particular, were a class of traders, who from the nature of their business, had many customers, among per- sons requiring much accommodation by discount, and some of these sustained very great losses. The bank, in a state of general distrust, having refused the usual discounts, men of considerable property were embarrassed, as they could not raise money to discharge engagements formed on the (\xith of customary accommodation, and for several months trade was stagnant. Although many of the commercial sufferers were distressed, not from want of property, but the stoppage of its usual con- vertibility, no measures were proposed by ministers for supporting the mercantile credit of persons, who, by temporary assistance, might have been preserved from ruin. Greatly, however, as these insolvencies ob- structed trade at the time, they did not prove ultimately injurious; for, by inculcating caution and reserve, they rendered credit more discrimi- nate, and discouraged the desperate schemes of gamblers, and other un- principled or infatuated speculators. This beneficial effect, however, they owed to the natural course of commercial confidence, without any aid from the policy of administration. Lord North had now acquired a stability and power, much greater than any of his predecessors since the resignation of Mr. Pitt. In the ministry there was none of that distraction of counsels, which contributed so much to the inefficiency of former administrations. The first lord of the treasury excelled most members in parliamentary eloquence, and he had already acquired irrcat reputation for financial skill. From the re- turn of tranquillity to the greater part of America, and the diminution of licentiousness at home, his political talents were generally respected. The opponents of government, though still paramount in genius and eloquence, were very mucli diminished in number, and less severe and vehement against a minister whom tlicy could not help thinking well qualified for his office, and throughout the nation lord North was become the object of esteem and confidence. The subject about to occupy chiefly the ensuing session of parliament was the affairs of Jndia,- in the investigation of which a committee of the house was employed during the summer. Though the concerns of the company h-id been brought under the cognizance of parliament so early as 17(J7, no measures of correction and regulation had been adopted, except to rescind their acts, restrict their dividends, and obtain from them an annual sum of money on stipulated conditions. Inquiry and investi- gation now afforded abundant proof, that a comprehensive and radical refor:n was indispensably necessary to the interests of the company, the honour of England, the welfare and even existence of the natives, and the salvation of 1»ritish India. An immense accession of territory had unavoidably compelled the company to repose very great trusts in their servants, and this confidence had been most grossly and flagrantly abused. The company's ofliccrs 1772.— Chap. XI. UEIGN OF GEORG?: III. 289 [Its pecuniary embarrassments. Conduct of its serrants.] were guilty of complicated and extensive malversation ; their ambition and extravagar^ce had involved their employers in unnecessary and enor- mous expenses ; and their extortion, peculation, and iniquity, made a considerable diminution in the income of their masters. To enter on a particular detail of the multifarious means which were employed by tlie company's servants for defrauding and plundering the natives of India, would far exceed our limits ; but a short sketch of the character, system, and leading consequences of the peculation is a necessary part of our liistory, as a momentous fact belonging to our subject, marking the prin- ciple, spirit, and operation of British avarice in India, and ascertaining the necessity for a control to restrain and prevent such flagrant and de- structive wickedness. It was before observed, that the plunder of India was conducted by our countrymen according to mercantile modes, and this remark our present account will farther illustrate. The chief ser- vants of the company made it their first business to inform themselves of the most valuable and marketable commodities in the provinces which they were employed to govern, for the benefit of their masters ; they found that salt, betel, and tobacco, were the most productive merchandizes ; and, accordingly, they very deliberately formed what they called a com- mercial association for inland traffic in those articles. The principle of the co-partnership was very simple, being only that the said associators, namely the council of Calcutta, its friends and favourites, should have the sole power of buying and selling those commodities. Thus did servants, without any authority from their masters, who had indeed no right to grant such power, establish by their own will, and for their own benefit, a monopoly of the absolute necessaries of life, throughout three large, populous, and opulent provinces. Having no competitors, they bought and sold at their own price : empoverishing the people, they rendered them unable to pay the stated exactions of the company ; and thus in robbing the natives, they defrauded their own employers. Not satisfied, however, with commercial pillage, they turned their views also to terri- torial estates. The zemindars, or landed proprietors, held their posses- sions on leases, the validity of which had never been doubted, more than any other legal security for property. The company's servants, how- ever, destroyed this right, deprived the proprietors of their lands, sold them to the highest bidders, and shared the profits among themselves, according to their respective rank and influence in this combination of rapine. The landholders, deprived of the secure expectation of reaping the fruit, neglected to cultivate the soil ; a large proportion of land was left untilled, and the consequence was a scarcity of food. The oppressed Indians unable to procure rice, tried to subsist on roots ; but many of these proving unwholesome, pestilence accompanied famine : the wa- ters of the Ganges' were infected by the number of carcases which they daily received, and the putrid eflluvia increased the mortality. The in- satiate avarice of Britons thus spread desolation over India : the same iniquity which beggared the people, empoverished the company ; and vast sums were spent in lucrative jobs, of no use to the establishment. There was, indeed, among the company's servants, one predominant object, — to amass money by every means, however iniquitous and de- structive ; but the most efficacious expedients of avarice were, fraud and breach of trust to their employers, devastation of the possessions which they were hired to improve, and plunder of the natives whom they were Vol. VII.— 37 290 HISTORY OF THE Chav. XI.— 1772. [Procccdingt in patliament. Plan of lonl North] pair! to jTovern.* With sncli servants, the company, instead- of becom- ing opulent, were deeply enibanasscd ; they had borrowed larjre sums of the bank, and requested the assistance of government to hquidate their debts. Such was (he essence of the report prepared by the com- mittee, and dehvcrcd to parliament, which met on the 26th of November. It farther appeared, tliat tlioir distresses had been increased by accepting bills from their unprincipled servants, who thus procured the responsibility of their masters for engagements by which the servants only were bene- fited. The misconduct of tlio company's oilicers, with all its conse- quences, was manifestly imputable to the want of an efficient control, proportionate to the vast powers with which they were necessarily in- trusted. In the present situation of affairs, therefore, it was the business of the legislature to establish a control, which, leaving to servants every power necessary for the objects of their employment, should only re- strain malversation. The minister, admitting the abuses of the servants and the embarrassed state of the company's affairs, declared that the evils might be removed by wise and vigorous management. The com- pany were themselves preparing to send out supervisors, to direct and reform their servants ; but such etTorts would, in his opinion, be inade- quate to the exigencies of affairs. Before he himself introduced a plan of regulation, he proposed a secret committee, which should find out c.\eyy thing necessary to be known, without exposing any facts of which the publication would be injurious. The committee reported, that t!ic company, though much distressed in their pecuniary concerns, were preparing to send out a commission of supervision, the expense of which would heavily add to their difficulties ; and recommended a bill to prevent them from pursuing their intention : a second report presented a state- ment of the effi3Cts, debts, and credits, of the company at home and abroad. On the reports of this secret committee, together with those of the select committee, lord North formed a plan respecting India, which consisted of three successive bills, and the discussion occupied the principal consideration of parliament in the present session. The first bill was framed to prevent the company from employing the intended means for the correction of abuses in India, and was preparatory to the interference of the British government in the administration of that coun- try ; the second proposed to relieve the company from its present em- barrassments, by a loan ; and the third to establish regulations for the better management of tiic afiiiirs of the company, as well in India as in Europe. The first bill was opposed, as an invasion of the company's charter, and of the right which every British subject, or body of subjects, possesses, of manacing their own aflairs. The company's situation, it was contended, was not so distressed as to be irretrievable by its own effi^rts and counsels. Iti the progress of the bill, petitions and counsels from In- dian proprietors maintained the same doctrine. Ministers and the other supporters of the bill declared, that they intended the good of the company, as well as the security of the public. The proposing a very expensive commission at a time when the company was already in arrears to go- rernment, and so distressed as to be applying for a loan, was a very im- politic measure ; it was therefore the duty of parliament to prevent them • This statement is compressed from the report of the select committee, deli- Tercd to the house in November 1772. 1773.— Chap. X!. KEIGN OF GEORGE III. 291 [The company obtains a loan from parliament] from being involved in utter ruin. Beside the unsuitablcness of such an establishment to their circumstances, it was totally inadequate to the proposed object. The malversations in India were too great for any efibrts of the court of directors to correct ; the power of government only could be capable of curbing rapacity and violence, restoring to the inha- bitants the secure enjoyment of their property, and directing the revenue into its proper channels. A great majority of both houses voted for the law. During the progress of this business, the company petitioned parlia- ment for a loan, in the manner and on the terms specified in several pro- positions which had been presented to the house. They a^ked for one million five hundred thousand pounds for four years, at four per cent, to be repaid by instalments ; and engaged that the dividends of the com- pany should not exceed six per cent, until half the sum was liquidated, after which they might raise their dividend to eight per cent. When the whole loan was discharged, the net profits beyond eight per cent, should be applied to the payment of the company's bond debt, until it was re- duced to 1,500,000/. and after that reduction the surplus should be di- vided between the public and the company. They farther requested, that they might be discharged, during the remainder of the five years,* from the four hundred thousand pounds, and might have leave to export their teas, free of duty, to America and foreign countries. Lord North, admitting the policy of relieving them, proposed, that one million four hundred thousand pounds should be lent to the company, and that their dividends should be limited to six per cent, until the repayment of the loan, and afterwards to seven per cent, until their bond debt should be reduced to 1,500,000/. Respecting the participation of profits the mi- nister proposed, that the surplus profits, above the sum of eight percent, should pay three-fourths to the treasury, and the remainder be applied to the farther reduction of the bond debt, or to discharge future contingen- cies of the company. In the course of these discussions, the minister contended, that the state had a right to territorial possessions acquired through conquest by any of its subjects. Opposition argued, that lands acquired without the interference of the state, by a company exercising the corporate rights which they had purchased from the state, could no more belong to Great Britain, than the advantages of any other contract could belong to the grantor after he had m.ade the convention for speci- fied value. The minister persevered in asserting the right of the state to the territorial possessions in India, but thought it better to wave that question for six years longer, soon after which period the charter would expire. Those who either wished to oppose ministry, or to support the pretensions of the India company, chose to consider the state and com- pany as two independent parties discussing a question of property ac- cording to the law of England. The minister took a different view : he looked on the East India company as a body, which had been incorpo- rated for a certain purpose, but was now placed in a situation totally different from the intent of its charters, and as protected in its commer- cial possession by those charters ; but that its territorial acquisitions con- stituted no part of the corporation's rights ; and became a question of • Sec the i)arllamenlary transactions of 1769, in this volume, p. 247. 292 HISTORY OF THE Chap. XI.— 1773. [Free exportation of tea. Inquiry into the conJuct of lord Clive.] policy, to be determined on the general principles of wisdom and pru- dence, and not of law, to be decided by courts or judicature. In conformity to that part of the company's petition which respected the export of tea, the minister proposed, that they should be allowed to send it without paying customs wherever they could find a market. One cause of their diminished return was, the rejection of that commodity by the colonies : they had 17,000,000 lbs. on hand, which, by being en- abled to sell at a reduced price, tliey hoped they could dispose of both in Europe and America. Lord North furtiier intended, by thus ofiering the article to the Americans at a low price, to tempt them to purchase it in great quantities ; and tlius, besides benefiting the company, to add to the impost revenue from the colonies. This part of his plan led eventu- ally to more important consequences, than any of his whole system for regulating the affairs of the India company. The minister proceeded to propose a third bill for the better manage- ment of the company's affairs ; containing the first plan framed in the British legislature for governing British India. The scheme was, that the court of directors sliould be elected for four years ; six members an- nually, but no one to continue in the direction longer than the four years : that none should vote at the election of a director, who had not been a proprietor twelve months ; that the qualification of a voter should, in- stead of five htindred pounds India stock, be a thousand ; that the may- or's court of Calcutta should be confined to small mercantile cases : that a new court should be established, consisting of a chief justice and three puisne judges, who were to be appointed by the crown, and a superio- rity was to be given to the presidency of Bengal over the other establish- ments of India. In support of this bill ministers alleged that the pre- sent brief period of their continuance in office left the directors no leisure to form and execute projects of permanent advantage ; that six months was too short a term for holding stock as a qualification to vote, as it did not preclude temporary purchases for that purpose ; and that 500/. was not a sufficient interest in the company, to entitle a proprietor to a vote, in its present extensive concerns. The mayor's court, composed of merchants and traders, though competent to its juridical purpose before the territorial acquisitions, when the matters submitted to its decision ■were solely commercial, .was now totally inadequate to the exercise of the supreme judicature, and therefore a now court was proposed. The minister did not profess to expect that these regulations would completely produce the desired effect ; yet he trusted that they would operate pow- erfully towards a general reform, and that the future vigilance of the le- gislature, instructed by experience, would provide new regulations, suita- ble to the state of the various and connjlicated concerns. The bill was long and vigorously opposed in parliament, and strongly deprecated by India proprietors ; not only by the holders under a thousand pounds stock, who asserted that the franchise which they had purchased was confiscated without delinquency ; but by others, who apprehended that thereby the property of India stock would decrease in value, as so strong a motive to purchase, or retain was withdrawn : however, at length it passed into a law. The conuniltee, beside collecting information to guide and induce deliberative amendment, i'onnd in the conduct of some of the company's principal servants, grounds for very severe judicial in- quiries. A direct charge was adduced against thote who had been pria- irra.— cnAP. xi. reign of geouge hi. 293 [The house discontinues the inquiry. War with the Caribbs.] cipally concerned in tlie deposition of Surajah Dowla. (jleiicral Bur- goyne, chairman of the select committee, having enumerated the dis- tresses of India, and the acts from which, according to the committee, they arose, declared that he would prosecute the chief delinquents ; he therefwre moved " that the right honourable Robert lord Clive, baron Plassey in the kingdom of Ireland, in consequence'of the powers vested in him in India, had illegally acquired the sum of 234,000/. to the dis- honour and detriment of the state." The arguments to support this charge were taken from the result of the various inquiries, a great part of which consisted of answers to inter- rogatories, put to the accused himself, and other principal actors. Lord Clive was stated to be the oldest, if not the chief delinquent, and to have set an evil example to all the rest ; unless he were punished, therefore, every other offender might equitably expect indemnity. Lord Clive made a very ingenious and dexterous defence : and with much art having avoided a close discussion of the question on its own ground of right or wrong, he pleaded the thanks of the directors and proprietors on his re- turn home, and farther, the approbation of his sovereign and country. In certain situations, he said, there was a critical necessity, in which the English power and fortune in Asia depended solely on rapid, well timed, and extraordinary measures ; by such efforts, he contended that he had saved India. The presents were agreeable to the general custom of the east ; Meer JafKer had rewarded all those who had been instrumental to his success ; the acceptance of such recompense he had never deemed dishonourable, and, it was well known, he had never concealed. Other members of the house, beside enlarging on these topics, farther argued, that his high character and immense fortune, after having been quietly enjoyed for so many years, ought not to be endangered by a scrutiny into a remote period ; and that, moreover, his important services ought to have screened him from those charges. This species of logic, that in a case of criminal inquiry, service performed at one time, may be pleaded as a set-off against guilt contracted at another, was strongly controverted by Mr. Thurlow, who conducted the attack, while Mr. Wedderburne headed the defence. A motion being made for censuring his conduct, the acuteness of his advocate did not rest the vindication of lord Clive on a plea of service, which he as fully as Mr. Thurlow ad- mitted to be irrelative in a criminal charge, but his chief ground of ar- gument was the nature of the evidence, which arose prncipally from the accused himself, and other leading actors. The testimonies were given by gentlemen who had no conception that their statements could affect themselves ; and if rendered the foundation of a prosecution, they would oblige persons to be witnesses to their own detriment, than which no- thing could be more inconsistent with justice, and the judicial course of England.* These arguments, strongly impressed by Mr. Wedderburne, induced the house by a considerable majority to put an end to the inquiry. While East India affairs occupied the chief attention of parliament, some occurrences in the West Indies were also brought under its consideration. The islands of St. Vincent, St. Lucia, and Dominica, had formerly been deemed neutral, both by the French and the English. The proprietors of the soil were the Caribbs, being the descendants of • Debrett's Parliamcnlary Debates, for May, 1773. 294 HISTORY OF THE Chap. XI.— 1773. [Increase of half-pay to naval captains.] the aboriginal Indians, with a small intermixture from fugitive negroes. The French had made establishments in these islands, with the consent of the natives; but had found it necessary, for the secure enjoyment and improvement of their new acquisitions, to court the friendship of the an- cient possessors. At the cession of St. Vincent to England, the Caribbs were not mentioned ; and when new settlers from Britain undertook to plant the island, orders were given, that while these Indians were inof- fensive they should not be disturbed. Most of the French planters sold iheir estates to British adventurers, who became considerable both in numbers and property; but tlie most fertile tracts were still in the hands of the Indians. The new colonists, conceiving that such valuable pos- sessions would be much better improved by British industry than by In- dian indolence, proposed to government to deprive the natives of the soil fittest for cultivation, and bestow on them tracts more commodious for their favourite occupations of hunting and fishing; and administra- tion, foreseeing no opposition from the natives, approved the plan. The exchange was offered by the planters to the Caribbs, but rejected with indignation: they had held their lands, they said, independent of the king of France, and would now hold them independent of the king of Great Britain. The British settlers, apprehensive of a contest with such in- flexible neighbours, submitted to government, whether it was not expe- dient, since the Caribbs would not part with their lands, to transport them to the coast of Africa; and ministers too hastily agreed to the scheme. The Caribbs resolved to resist; and a body of troops, in 1772, Avas ordered frotn North America to reduce them to subjection; but the rainy season prevented our forces from making progress, and proved extremely sickly. These hostilities became the subject of severe ani- madversion in parliament; we had, it was said, unjustly attacked the immemorial rights of the Caribbs, and unwisely sent out our soldiers at a season fatal to Europeans who had newly arrived from a more tempe- rate climate. Motions concerning the causes of the war and the state of the troops, caused long and ardent debates in parliament: which, though severally negatived by great majorities, highly excited the public attention. Intelligence at length arrived, that major-general Dalrymple and the Caribbs had concluded a peace, in which they acknowledged themselves the subjects of Great Britain, and promised, in their inter- course with the whites, to be governed by the laws of England ; but in their own territories, and in matters relating to each other, they were to retain their ancient customs and usages: they agreed to cede certain districts to the British planters, and acknowledging that they owed their lands to the king's clemency, were allowed to retain all that was neces- sary for their population and pursuits. In this session, lord Mowc presented a petition from the captains of the navy, pr.iying a small increase of their half-pay. From the reign of Eli'/abctli till the year 1715, as his lordship showed, naval captains re- ceived a half-pay double the amount of that which they received in 1773, when the value of money was so much diminished. It would be super- fluous to employ argvunentation in demonstrating the merit and impor- tance of that gallant class of gentlemen, or to prove that the allowance was unsuitable to their rank in society. From the general attachment of Briton.s to the navy, and their conviction that the recompense was inadcfjuatc to the service, the public earnestly desired that the wish of 1773.— Chap. XI. UEIGN OF GEOKGE III. 295 [Dissenters. National debt. Poland. Russian campaign.] the .brave veterans should be accomphshed. Tlie minister, admitting their chiims, lamented that the situation of the finances did not allow ad- ditional expenses. The application, however, was so very popular, that a motion was carried in favour of the petition, a suitable address present- ed to his majesty, and an addition of two shillings a day (amounting in all to six) made to the half-pay of navy captains. The dissenters, notwithstanding the disappointment of the former year, brought in a bill for the repeal of penal laws and subscriptions, which, being supported and opposed by the same arguments as before, was re- jected. The ways and means of this session showed the financial skill of the minister to be neither excellent nor defective. His calculation, indeed, on the reduction of the national debt, had proved somewhat erroneous, as no part of the funded incumbrance was actually liquidated. Exchequer bills to the amount of 1,800,000/. were discharged: and the money ad- vanced to the East India company was not immediately raised, but cre- dit pledged for it in exchequer bills. The session did not rise till July 1st, after having lasted nearly eight months. During this winter there Mas a great scarcity of corn, especially in Scotland, and tumults ensued; the rioters, however, by the vigilance of the corn dealers, and the firmness of the magistrates, were prevent- ed from destructive outrage. On the continent of Europe, the parti- tioning powers this j^ear continued to be the principal objects of observa- tion, while they completed their project of robbery, and compelled the unhappy Poles to sanction their various steps of iniquity and usur- pation. As they advanced in spoliation, they grew more indi Aerent about even the semblance of justice; and whenever the Poles offered any re- monstrance, they immediately threatened to overwhelm them with troops.* A few of the nobility having escaped from Warsaw, betook themselves to Cracow, and there endeavoured to form a party against the plunderers and usurpers; but their attempts were unavailing; the partitioning powers, haying dismembered the best provinces of Poland under pretence of amending its constitution, confirmed its defects and perpetuated the principles of anarchy and confusion. It would be fo- reign to this liistory to follow those ilragooning lawgivers through the de- tail of their acts, but they all showed that the object was to render those parts dependent on the partitioning powers through faction and internal disorder, which it did not at present! suit their purpose to seize by their arms. Russia was by no means so successful against the Turks this year, as in former campaigns. Elated with her victories, she had refused all reasonable terms of accommodation, expecting that her conquering for- ces would penetrate to Constantinople, and tliat she might dictate the peace in the enemy's capital. Early in summer, her forces on the Da- nube took the field, and after some partial and detached advantages, the • See the manifestoes of the three several powers, addressed to Poland ; state papers, 1773. j It may be asked, why did not the confederate invaders usurp the whole king- dom of Poland ? Of the reasons of tliis forbearance, the Annual Retjister gives a very pi-obable account. " It would have been a m.itter of no difficulty to form new claims xipon as good a foundation as those wliicli they liad already made ; but it would not have been so easy to have agreed among themselves as to the dis- tribution." Annual Kcgister, 1773, p. 40. 296 msTOUY of the chap, i.— 1773. [Views of France, lletluction of ecclesiastical power.] grand army penetrating to the confines of Romania, found the vizier so strongly posted, tliatlie could prevent the progress of the Russians with- out being compelled to ha/.ard a battle. After various masterly but ineftectual movements to bring the enemy to a decisive engagement, Romanzow ^vas obliged to recross the Danube, and at the end of the campaign found himself no farther advanced than at the begin- ning. In the Crimea and the Levant, the Russian operations, much less important, were equally indecisive: the Turks, indeed, being now rctaught tlie use of arms, commanded by an able and skilful general who possessed the confidence of his soldiers, no longer alforded certain and easy victory. It was conceived, that France and Spain were this year preparing to take a part in the war against Russia, of whose progress and power the house of Bourbon was jealous. Their armaments not being confined to the ports on the Mediterranean, and being greater than was necessary to act against the Russians in the Levant and Archipelago, the Baltic was supposed to be one object of their destination. France was believed to be, through her intimate connexion with the king of Sweden, instiga- ting that prince to a war, which from his lately acquired absolute pow- er, he could the more readily undertake. The equipments of the Bour- bon sovereigns, wliatever might be their purpose, necessarily aroused the vigilance of England; a poAverful fleet was speedily prepared; and the ambassadors of Britain at their respective courts announced, that if they interfered in the war between Russia and Turkey, an English fleet sailing to the ^Mediterranean would frustrate their projects. The king of Spain, always inimical to this country, appeared disposed to hosti- lities; but the French king and ministry, desirous as they might be to check the progress of Russia, Avere far from wishing to involve them- selves in a war with Britain, and by their influence at Madrid they pre- vented a rupture. In Italy, the pope, who had so strenuously maintain- ed the cause of the Jesuits, and so obstinat6ly endeavoured to support the customary extortion of his priests, v.as now dead. His successor, aware that a bishop of Rome wasof little consequence out of his own diocese, unless supported by the power of lay sovereigns, determined to ndtivate the friendship of those princes. To gratify the united house of Bourbon, he suppressed the Jesuits; but allowed individuals who had belonged to that order, to remain in his dominions, provided they ren- dered themselves useful, v>ithout advancing doctrines in suppoit of their late institution, or taking any steps towards its restoration; and this was the final blow to the remains of an order the most celebrated of monkish fraternities. In all the Roman catholic states, the reduction of ecclesi- astical power, begun with sucli eftect by the house of Bourbon, was be- come general; indeed, plans of this sort were so hastily adopted and executed, as rather to manifest that they sj)rung from imitation than from rational conviction. The exaltation of priests far beyond their due rank in society, had been very long the fashion, so thcjr excessive depression became now the mode of catholic courts; and undue contempt of ecclesiastics was a favourite sentiment with princes and ministers 111 those countries wherein they had very recently been regarded witli un- deserved admiration : those notions very naturally, in the usual course of human opinion, running itito opposite extremes, accelerated the pro- gress of infidelity ; and in their remote consequences, precipitated the downfall of their abettors. irrS.— Chip. XL KEIGN OF GEOUGE III. 297 [Prosperous state of affairs at home and abroad] Though the stubborn repubhcans of New-England continued to thwart the mother country, the middle and southern provinces were peaceable and quietly advancing in population and prosperity. They seemed resolved to cultivate the friendship of Britain, replete with bene- fit, and which for several years no measure or occurrence had tended to intercept. They appeared well satisfied with the administration of lord North, under which the chief objects of their complaints had been re- dressed. Relieved from the greater j)art of the obnoxious imposts, they gave themselves httle trouble about the reservation of the principal ; and while their purses were spared, forebore quarrelling about metaphysical propositions ; they also discouraged the republican agents of their north- ern neighbours. Bred in monarchical principles, they did not, like the Bostonians, wish to separate from Great Britain merely because it was a monarchy ; they were willing to give allegiance for protection, though af- forded by the wearer of a crown. At home, the spirit of licentiousness had subsided ; the minister, unas- suming and agreeable in his manners, and candid in his opinions, was es- teemed able and successful in his administration. His plan for govern- ing India greatly increased his own power and patronage, and was yet pleasing to the country. It was necessary to restrain by some means the oppression, extortion, and cruelty of the company's servants ; and the nation conceived the principles and provisions of his system to be effec- tual for that purpose. His new arrangements would, it was supposed, by preventing the extravagance and depredations of the company's offi- cers, increase this bountiful source of revenue, and farther diminish the public burthens. The nation was at peace with all the world, and appa- rently likely to continue long to enjoy tranquillity ; commerce was in- creasing, and conceived to be in a train of very great augmentation ; and every tiling appeared favourable to private and public prosperity. Thus during lord North's ministry, his country, from being a scene of turbu- lence and discontent, was become tranquil and satisfied ; America, iVom refusing our manufactures, distressing our commerce, and being almost in rebellion against our government and laws, now afforded an advanta- geous market for our commodities, enriched our merchants and manu- facturers, employed our shipping, exercised our sailors, and declared their attachment to our constitution and king. India, from being the scene of iniquity, was to be administered with justice. Our receipts, re- cently unequal to our annual expenditure, now, without farther burthen- ing the subject, enabled us to reduce the national debt, and thus ultimate- ly to lessen the taxes on the people. Such was the situation and repute of the minister, and such the opinion and hopes of the people, at the pe- riod which the history has now reached ; lord North being now in the meridian splendour of his administration. Though the fairness of the prospect was no doubt exaggerated by san- guine imaginations, yet to discerning judgment it was by no means un- pleasing; tranquillity was restored at home, and in most of the colonies ; some progress was making in reducing the national debt ; trade was ac- tually increasing, and likely still farther to advance. The effect of the East Indian plan, either commercial or political, could not with any pre- cision be ascertained ; but by restraining, in some degree, fraudulent and predatory appropriation of Indian wealth, seemed calculated to improve the company's finances, and the revenue of Britain. Reflecting polui= Vol.. VII.— 38 Ji98 HISTORY or THE Chap, XI.— 1773. [Imputed to the policy of lord North.] cians saw, that the favourable change in our affairs could not be all traced to the minister's counsels or measures, but they certainly perceived that American tranquillity was to be imputed to his propositions. In these they discovered a mind more inclined to conciliation than coercion, and confidently interred that lord North would adhere to the soothing policy, of which they had already experienced the salutary effects. No event or situation had occurred, to exhibit lord North as a great minister ; but there were hitherto no grounds to question his capacity for successfully conducting the affairs of his country, in circumstances not more trying than those which he had yet encountered. irrS.— Chap. XII. REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 29^.1 CHAP. XII. Object or the minister in his proposition respecting the export of tea. — Alarm at Boston. — Discovery of the governor's letters to the English muiistry. — News arrires in Boston, that ships laden with tea are on their way. — Riots — Govern- or's proclamation is disregarded. — Ships arrive at Boston. — A mob throws the cargo into the sea. — Meeting of parliament. — King's message respecting the disturbances at Boston is discussed in parliament. — iiill for blocking up the port of Boston. — The punishment of a whole community for the acts of a part, is de- fended by ministers. — The principle and provisions of the bill are impugned by opposition as unjust and unwise. — Precedents discussed. — Opposition predict, that it will drive the colonies to confederate revolt. — The bill passes into a law. — Mr. Fuller's motion for repealing the duty on tea. — Mr. Burke's cele- brated speech on American taxation. — Coercive plan of ministers farther de- veloped. — Bill for clianging the civil government of Massachusetts. — Bill for changing the administration of justice therein. — Quebec bill. — Inquiry into the state of prisons. — Howard. — Supplies. — Literary property ascertained by a de- cision of the house of peers. — .Session closes. — Expectations and apprehensions from the coercive measures of the legislature. I coMF, now to a part of the narrative more important than any which has hitherto been the subject of this history. I have to trace the causes and the commencement of a vv^ar, which in its progress in- volved maritime Europe, and in its operations displayed very fre- quently all the strength of the British character, in which, though the issue proved unfortunate, as the counsels were not rarely unwise, and the executive conduct not seldom dilatory and indecisive, yet the con- test was on the whole not inglorious. The mass of British energy was unimpaired. Military ardour and enterprise, naval skill, courage, and ability, manifested themselves in all ranks. If Britain, having the whole force of her ancient foes and her recent friends and subjects to combat, did not come off victorious, yet she was not vanquished j she indeed lost her colonies, but did not lose her honour. Various were the circumstances, both internal and external, in her cabinet, her senate, her camp, and the combined efforts of her ene- mies, which tended to depress our country : but all did not effect a lasting humiliation. The national exertions, though far different in success from those during which Pitt had guided her counsels, or Marlborough headed her troops, proved that Britain had not dege- nerated. Severely as the effects of the American war were immedi- ately felt by this country, yet its distant consequences have been most dreadful to continental Europe, by rapidly accelerating that great re- volution which now overwhelms so large a portion of the civilized world, and has made the chief abettors of revolt fall into destruction from the principles which that revolt cherished. Lord North, in his proposition for exporting the teas of the com- pany without paying duty, had a two-fold object in view : to relieve the company, and to improve the revenue. The Americans, being in- formed of the act, viewed it only in the latter light. The association* against iinporling tea, were still in existence ; although, except in 300 HISTORY OF TIIR Cnip. XII.—1773. [Alarm at Boston. Discovery of the Hutchinson letters.] Massachusetts Ear, little regarded ; and the promulgation of this scheme revived their spirit in the more moderate colonies, but in Massachubelts it excited great rage and alarm. It was foreseen, that if the lea were once introduced and landed, it would be impossible to prevent its sale and consumption, and thus the inhabitants would be obliged to pay the duty, notwithstanding all their efforts to oppose taxation. As tea had been clandestinely imported even to Boston, the dealers, who were very numerous, were afraid that the trade might be taken out of their hands, and become entirely dependent on the consignees of the East India company. These, from the connexion now subsisting between the company and the administration, were gentlemen who favoured government, and were of course unpopular in New-England. There was another circumstance also, which rendered these colo- nists more inimical than ever to government, and consequently more determined to oppose its measures and misconstrue its intentions. Some years before this time, the governor and deputy governor of Massachusetts had written confidential letters to official persons in England, containing a very unfavourable view of the state of affairs, and of the temper, dispositions, and designs of the leaders in that pro- vince. They alleged, that a republican spirit prevailed there, which would resist the measures of Britain, however equitable; that to re- duce the inhabitants to obedience, coercion was necessary ; and that a considerable change of the constitution and system of government was requisite, to ensure the subordination of the colony ; and proposed, that the alteration should be such as would abridge their liberties. By some means not yet discovered, Doctor Franklin, agent for the province in England, got the letters into his possession. Franklin was also depu;y post master-general for America, an office which he held from the appointment of the British government; from gratitude, therefore, he might have been presumed to be attached to his em- ployers. Perhaps the possessor of the letters might, on this supposi- tion, have shown them to him, in order to illustrate some opinion re- specting the conduct of the Americans; but howsoever he might have discovered them, it was to be expected that he, who must have seen their nature and tendency, would not have published papers which must necessarily embroil the governor and the colonies. Franklin, nevertheless, did make them known, by transmitting them to the pro- vincial assembly then sitting at Boston. The animosity and indigna- tion excited by their perusal were, as the informer must have fore- seen, vciy violent. The assembly sent a deputation to inquire whether the governor acknowledged the signatures ; and the subscription be- ing owned, they prepared a petition and remonstrance to bo presented to the king, charging the governor with betraying his trust by giving partial and false information, declaring him an enemy to the colony, and praying for his removal from office. This new source of discord rendered the Boslonians more open to other causes. The consignees of the East India compariy were chiefly of the family and nearest con- nexions of the governor and deputy governor, and were thus more obnoxious to the hatred of the Boslonians. In the month of November, intelligence was received that three ships laden with tea were on their passage to Boston. Tumults, vio- lence, and riot, were excited, to frighten the consignees from acting 17r4.-CiiAr. XII. REIGN OF GEORCiE III. 301 [Arrival of the tea-ships, and discharge of their cargoes into the sea. Parliament.] in their intended capacity. Some of the company's agents were so intimidated as to yield to this lawless violence, and to relinquish their appointments, but others resolved to discharge their duty. Commit- tees were appointed in different towns, to which the constituents de- legated much greater powers than justly and legally they possessed themselves. They authorized the deputies to inspect the books of merchants, to impose tests, and to inflict punishment on those who resisted their tyrannical proceedings. These violent measures were not confined to the province of Massachusetts, but extended to the other colonies ; it was, however, at Boston that they proceeded to fla- grant outrage. There the populace, with the imperious insolence of a democraiical mob, commanded the agents to relinquish their ap- pointments ; but those gentlemen refused to deviate from engage- ments which justice sanctioned, and law authorized ; and the rioters attacked the houses of the refractory consignees, whom they obliged to take refuge in Castle William. The governor issued a proclama- tion, commanding the civil magistrates to suppress the riots, and pro- tect the peaceable and well disposed inhabitants ;* but the proclama- tion was disregarded and despised, and the sheriff" insulted for at- tempting to read it at one of the illegal meetings. In December, 1773, three ships belonging to the company arrived at Boston; and the very day on which they came to port, one of the first objects that they beheld was a custotn-house ofiicer tarred and feathered by a riot- ous multitude, because he had performed the duties of his office. The populace manifested so general a spirit of enmity and revenge against all whom they supposed to be connected with the importation of tea, that the captains were afraid to attempt the landing of their cargoes, and off"ered to return to England, if they could obtain the proper dis- charges from the consignees, the custom house, and the governor: but though these officers would not venture to land the tea, they re- fused to give the captains a discharge while their cargoes remained on board, for the delivery of which they were engaged by the compa- ny. A meeting of the inhabitants had expressed a determination to send the cargoes and ships back to England, and applied to the cus- tom-house for a clearance, and to the governor for leave for the ships to pass Castle William ; and the refusal of both being reported, the Americans apprehended that it was the design of the government of- ficers to land the tea privately, which would render it impossible to prevent its gradual sale, and consequently the taxation, which the Bos- tonians abhorred. To oppose this, a number of armed men, in the evening of the 18th of December, disguised as Indians, boarded the ships, and threw the cargoes into the sea. Before the news of this outrage arrived in England, parliament had assembled. That august body met on the 13th of January, 1774. The principal subjects of the king's speech were, the pacific disposition of other loreign powers, though the war between Russia and Turkey still continued ; a general recommendation to employ our tranquillity from abroad in improving our condition at home, and especially to prosecute such measures as should tend to advance our commerce and revenue. Under these heads he recommended them to pay par- ticular attention to the gold coin, which was then very much impaired. • Stedman's History of the American War, vol. i. p. 84. 302 HISTORY OF THK Chap. XlL-lTH. [Message of the king respecting the disturbances in Boston] On the disputes of America his majesty did not enter, as no informa- tion had yet been received of the violent proceedings of the colonists during the recess of parliament. In February, however, intelligence arrived of the riot in Boston ; and on the 7th of March, a message was delivered from his majesty to the house of commons by lord North, purporting, thut in consequence of the unwarrantable practices car- ried on in America, and particularly the outrageous proceedings at the town and port of Boston, with a view of obstructing the com- merce of this kingdom, and upon grounds and pretences immediately subversive of the constitution, it was thought fit to lay the whole mat- ter before parliament. The king confided as well in their zeal for the maintenance of his majesty's authority, as in their attachment to the general interest and welfare of all his dominions. He trusted that they •would not only enable him effectually to adopt such measures as might be most likely to put an immediate stop to these disorders, but would also take into their most serious consideration what farther re- gulations and permanent provisions might be necessary to be esta- blished for better securing the execution of the laws, and the just de- pendence of the colonies upon the crown and parliament of Great Britain. This message being delivered, a great number of papers were laid before the bouse, consisting of copies and extracts of letters from the different magistrates and officers, the votes and resolutions of the inliabitants of Boston, and many other documents both authen- tic and important. An address to his majesty was proposed, strongly expressing the readiness of parliament to comply with the requisition of the royal message. Though this motion was carried without a di- vision, it produced a very general discussion of American affairs, and of the mode and extent of the inquiries which should be made. Mem- bers of opposition admitted, that America was in a very disordered state ; but contended, that the disturbances arose from one radical cause, taxation; and until that was removed, discontent would always continue in the colonies. They ought to inquire into the conduct of the Americans who had resisted government, and punish them ac- cording to the guilt established by proof. They ought also to examine the system of violence which had provoked, and of weakness which had encouraged, their resistance. Tiie house could only support mi- nisters, after investigating their conduct, and finding it wise and equitable ; therefore a strict retrospect into their management was essentially connected with an inquiry concerning the state of Ameri- ca. If tliey had acted prudently, such a review would terminate to their honour ; but if unwisely, it behooved parliament not to encou- rage weakness and ignorance. The retrospect here proposed was not for a judicial purpose, to have ministers tried or punished ; but a de- liberative, to direct the conduct of the legislature. Ministers warmly opposed this two-fold consideration of the subject; and contended, that the inquiry should be confined to the mere misbehaviour of the Bostoniaiis. Were it to extend to other subjects, it would retard a business peculiarly pressing ; and also encourage the disaffected co- lonists, by inducing them to suppose that there was in the British par- liament a disposition to lessen their guilt by throwing blame on the executive government. The proposed retrospect was therefore not only unnecessary, iMit even dangerous : although ministers did not here prove that, in examining subjects of deliberative measures, it 1774— CoAF. XII. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 393 [Bill for blocking up the port of Boston. Arguments of lord North.] was better to rest contented with part of the facts than to scrutinize the whole (and that was the an\ount of their argument,*) yet they suc- ceeded in persuading parliament to confine its attention to the vio- lence and outrages of the Americans, without seeking to trace the causes. On this imperfect knowledge of facts, the British legislators proceeded to deliberate on questions involving the preservation or loss of a most valuable part of the empire. As the grounds of their procedure were partial, it might have been expected that they would have investigated the parts which they professed to consider, before they passed any laws upon them : it will be presently seen, in what manner, and to what extent, cognizance of the case preceded delivery of judgment. Parliament agreeing to inquire on the partial system pro- posed by government, ministers contended, that two subjects must be obtained, — satisfaction to the East India company for the loss which they had incurred by the destruction of the tea; and reparation to the honour of Britain for the insult which was offered to it in the forcible transgression of its laws. They vindicated the conduct of the govern- or, in not having employed the military force of the castle and ships of war to prevent the destruction of the cargoes : the leading men in Boston had, they alleged, always remonstrated against the interposi- tion of the army and navy, and had imputed the past disturbances to their interference. Mr. Hutchinson manifested great prudence and discretion in forbearing an employment of his force, which would have been irritating to the minds of the people ; and might well have hoped, that by thus confiding in their conduct, and trusting to the ci- vil power, he should have quieted their tumultuous violence, and pre- served the public peace. The event, however, proved contrary to his well-grounded expectations; the disposition and temper of the Bos- tonians, freed from the influence of fear, had been fairly tried, and had fully manifested themselves ; and their conduct had demonstrat- ed, that it was impossible for the powers now vested in government to prevent atrocious outrages. Our commerce, it was now evident, could no longer be safe in the harbour of Boston ; and it was abso- lutely necessary, that some other port should be found for receiving our merchandise. The minister therefore proposed, for the purpose of private indemnification and public satisfaction, a bill for shutting up the port of Boston, and prohibiting the lading or unlading of all goods or merchandise (except stores for his majesty's service, and provi- sions and fuel for the use of the inhabitants,) at any place within its precincts, from and after the 1st of June, until it should appear to his majesty, that peace and obedience to the laws were so far restored in the town of Boston, that trade might again be safely carried on, and his majesty's customs be duly collected* In that case, his majesty might, by proclamation, open the harbour ; but not even then, until it should appear that dissatisfaction had been made to the East India company for the destruction of their tea, and also to those who had suffered by the riots at the time of its arrival at Boston. f Lord North observed, during the progress of the bill, that to fine communities for their neglect in not punishing offences committed • See parliamentary debates, March, 1774 ; and afterwards on the Boston port bill. t Stedman's History of the American War, vol. i. p. 88. 304 HISTORY OF TIIK Chap. XII.— 1774. [Reasoning on the injustice and inexpediency of the bill.] within their limits, was justified by several precedents. In king Charles the second's time, when Dr. Lamb was killed by unknown persons, the city of London was fined ; when captain Porteus was vi- olently and illegally put to death by a mob, the city of Edinburgh was fined and otherwise punished ; and when Mr. Campbell's house at Glas- gow was pulled down, part of the revenue of the town was seques- tered to make good the damage. Boston, he observed, was much more criminal than either of the three cities that he had mentioned ; that town had been upwards of seven years in riot and confusion ; and there all the disturbances in America had originated. By this bill, Boston might certainly suffer ; but she deserved to suffer, and she would suffer far less punishment than her delinquencies merited : the duration of her punishment was entirely in her own power; when- ever she should make satisfaction for her past injuries, and give full assurance of her future obedience, his majesty would doubtless re- store her to her former situation, and open her port. The present was a crisis which demanded vigour j for it was necessary to con- vince America, that Britain would not suffer her laws, her govern- ment, and the rights of her subjects to be violated with impunity. It might be alleged (ministers said) that the plan was wise and just, but that the execution would be difficult ; to this they replied, that though the friends of British authority in America might suffer a little from their adherence to the cause, which was unpopular among the infatu- ated Bostonians, and our merchants might experience some diminu- tion of trade from the determination of malcontents to refuse British commodities, and from the exclusion of commerce from this port, the inconvenience of either would be temporary and short. The present and proposed measures would either induce or compel those deluded men to return to their duty. No military force would be requisite to carry them into execution, for four or five frigates would be sufficient to effectuate our double purpose ; but even if military force were wanted, it could act effectually without bloodshed. The other colo- nies, it was expected, would approve of the proper punishment being inflicted on those who had disobeyed the laws : but, even were they to combine with the rioters of Massachusetts Bay, the consequences of this rebellion would rest not with us, but with themselves : wo were only answerable that our measures should be just and equi- table. During the progress of the bill, petitions were presented, deprecat- ing its acceptance, upon a very plain principle of jurisprudence, Ma^ no man ormencanjustly be concUnmednvithout being heard ; that the charges against the Bostonians were adduced on the report of the governor, who was notoriously at variance with that town and the whole province ; that the proposed measure proceeded from the accusation of an enemy, on which partial ground it contained a sentence delivered, without hear- ing the accused party : the outrages committed were not within the jurisdiction of the city of Boston ; for the harbour was under the com- mand of the executive power ; and the governor, not the city of Bos- ton, was answerable for a neglect of authority there. In the alleged precedents of London and Edinburgh, the cases were totally dissimi- \av ; the offences had been committed within the jurisdiction of those cUies, and no judgment had been passed, until the cause was fully 1774.— Cn.u: XII. UEIGN OF GEORGK III. 305 [Opposition predict that it will drive the colonies to rebellion. Fabsed into a law-] canvassed, after hearing both parties.* This was the purport of the petitions, one of which, from natives and inlial)itants of North Ameri- ca, was lieard, but not regarded ; anollier, presented by the agent of Massachusetts Bay, for the inhabitants of Boston, was not received. The hill was opposed in the house, on the two grounds of justice and expediency. The arguments on the lirsL head were nearly the same as those which were employed by the petitioners, that the whole city of Boston was punished for an offence not committed within its juris- diction, and without being heard in its own vindication ; it was besides alleged, that even if the culpability had been admitted, the punishment far exceeded the crime. Corporations, for neglecting to suppress tu- mults within their jurisdiction, had been frequently fined, but never deprived of the means of industry and trade. The restoration of their port being rendered dependent upon the king, became in fact depen- dent upon the king's ministers ; and thus the Bostonians were placed, without a trial, in a situation in which they must incur commercial ruin, or comply with ministerial mandates. Besides, intelligence had arrived, that tea had been destroyed in most of the other colonies as Avell as Massachusetts; why then make an act of parliament for pu- nishing a part, until they had examined the conduct of the whole ? It was contrary to justice, and the constitutional rights of British sub- jects, to be taxed without their own consent ; and all the disaffec- tion and resistance had arisen from taxation, combined with the weak * The following' statement, drawn np from ihe petitions, and from llie reason- ings of members inimical to the Boston port bill, and publislied in the periodical works of the times, shows the absolute inapplicability of Porteus's noted case to the riot at Boston. ruOCKEDINGS AGAINST EnisBUHGH, BosTOisr. Began the 10th of Ftbruaiy, 1757, Began the 14th, and ended the 31st and ended June 21st, having continued of March, 1774, being in all seventeen four months. days. Tlie provost and magistrates of Edin- Witnesses examined by the privy burgh, the judges of Scotland, and ma- council, and their evidence suppressed, ny other witnesses examined at the bar of the house. Counsel and evidence for the magis- trates and city fully heard at the bar. Two members for Edinburgh, forty- five for Scotland, in the lov\t:i- house; and sixteen in the ujjpcr. Charge-'-an overt act of rebellion, and an atrocious murder ; proved on a lull hearing, and by competent eviciences. Frequent conferences htld between the two houses, to compare the e\i- dence, 8cc. Punishment" a fine of 2000^ The agent refused a hearing at the har. Not one member for Boston in either bouse, nor ior all oi' any ))arl of Ameri- ca, nor even a voice in electing one. Charge— a riot and trespasses ; no evidence, and no hearing. Not one conference. l'unishmcnt--llie loss of their port, to the injviry of the town, at the lowest rate, 5X10,000/ The restoration of their ]5orl, and the use of their properly left at the king's mercy; after they shall liave paid for rotten tea the price of sound, to the amount of 30,000/. Proof- ionrnals of the lords and com- rroof.-jouvnals of (he lords and com- mons in i737, against Edinburgh and mons, 1774, and the Boston port bill, the bill. Vol. VII.— 39 306 HIS roUY OF the Cuap. XII.— 1774. [Impart'iul considerations. General Gage sails for Boston.] and wavering; systems of ministry. Administration, aware of the real Ciiuse, eagerly siiflecl inquiry, and called upon legiblature to act opon their assertions and those of their agents. The law was inexpedient in a commercial view, as our trade must suffer, and that not by pre- clusion from Boston only ; for other colonies were equally inimical to the tea duty us Massachusetts, and had discontinued, or at least di- minished, their trade with Biilain. It was politically hurtful ; as it would irritate and tempt the colonies to resist, instead of intimidating them to submit; in short, it was the offspring of narrow understand- ing, incapable of comprehending the series of consequences which >vould, and n\ust result from such a law. In various opinions and sen- timents the colonies were divided, but on the subject of taxation they •were unanimous. Thus ministers and their supporters were taking the very means to drive to a confederacy, provinces, some of which might have been kept separately, and in the interests of the mother country ; and the combination would necessarily produce a forcible resistance to Hrilain, which, whatever should be its ultimate issue, must be pernicious to the contending parties. These reasons, how- ever forcible they were, had no influence with the majority of the parliament ; the bill was carried through both houses, and passed into a law, alter a discussion of seventeen days. The historian who impartially considers this momentous law, with all the circumstances from wliich directly or indirectly it arose, will allow, that the proceedings of Massachusetts Bay had for a series of years been dictated by principles wholly inconsistent with the consti- tutional authority of the British government over its subjects; that in opposing taxation, they had manifested a democratical spirit, not only in declarations and writings, but by acts of atrocious outrage ; that it was very natural for- ministers to be incensed against the avow- ers of such doctrines, and the perpetrators of such deeds : but he will also observe on the other hand, that the fluctuation of mildness and harshness, coercion and indulgence, (the conciliatory measures being proposed only after rigorous experiments had been found ineffectual,) enraged the colonists against the mother country for her apprehended intentions, without leading them to fear her power. In the measures which were adopted in consequence of the riot in Boston, the histori- an must discover a violence and precipitancy which more obviously displayed the impuhe of anger, than discriminating justice, cautious- ly examining every circumstance, or expanded wisdom viewing causes, operations, and their consequences. The impartial reader must sec, that an act of the British parliament, most important in its judicial operation, but infinitely more momentous in its political ef- fort.s, was passed when the legislative assembly was influenced by passion. Tiie Boston port bill being passed, a fleet of four ships of war was ordered to sail lor Boston ; and as a military force was thought necessa- ry to reduce the inhabitants to obedience, general Gage, commander in chief in America, was appointed governor of Massachusetts Bay, in the room of Mr. Hutchinson, who had asked leave to return to Eng- land. For the execution of the act, powers were granted to Gage, by commission under the great seal, to bestow pardons for treason and all other crimes, and to remit fines and forfeitures to offenders whom he should think proper objects of mercy. 17r4.— Chap. Xir. KEICN OF GliOUGK IIF. 307 [Burke's celebrated speech on American taxation.] Soon after llie enactment of this law, Mr. Rose Fuller made a mo- tion for repealing the duty on tea, the only remaining part of Mr. Charles Townshend's plan of 1767, so obnoxious to America. While parliament, he said, punished the outrages of the licentious and riotous, it was wise to graiify the well affected colonists. The greater number even of those who were most attached to the mother country was inimi- cal to taxation ; the duty was itself trilling, and its abandonment would be a very small sacrifice, were it either to preserve or restore trantiuilli- ty to the provinces. The arguments of most sneakers on this subject were nearly the same as had been employed in former discussions. Mr. Edmund Burke, however, delivered a speech on American taxation, which renders this motion an epoch in the history of philosophical and political eloquence. His ground of argument was exfedience PROVED FROM EXPERIENCE. He traced the history of the American colonies, and the policy of this country, from their first settlement to thecommcncement of the present reign, demonstrating the advantages of the former policy. The measures of the king's ministers were, he said, a deviation from that system ; a deviation unjust both to Britain and her colonies. Having pursued their hisloiy from the beginning to the time at which he spoke, he divided it into periods, described and characterized each period, and the principal actors by whom they were respectively influenced, with the effects on the welfare ot both the colonies and the parent state ; he deduced from the whole the fol- lowing recommendation: "Leave the Americans as they anciently stood ; they and we, and their and our ancestors, have been happy under that system. O/jfione the ancient /lolicy and fxraclicc of the cm- pirc^ an a ramfiart againsC the sfteculationa ofmuovntionf:, and they will stand on a manly dnd sure ground." In u few lines he marked the prominent features of ministerial policy, with the utmost accuracy of historical truth. " Never have the servants of the state looked at the whole of your complicated interests in one connected view : they iiave taken things by bits anrl scraps, just as they pressed, without regard to their relations and dependt-ncies : they never had any system, I'ight or wrong, but only occasionally invented some miserable tale of the day, in order meanly to sneak out of difficulties into which they had proudly strutted." Ministers oppo-^ed the motion, Ijecause a repeal at such a time would show fluctuation and inconsistency, which would defeat the good effects of the vigorous plan that, after too long remiss- ness, was at last adopted. The motion was negatived. The disposi- tion to carry things to extremities with America was become very ge- neral. As the repeal of the stamp act was much condemned, and its authors greatly decried by the ministerial adherents, they formed the most sanguine expectations that strong measures would prove ulti- mately successful. The Boston port bill was only a part of the coercive plan which ad- ministration had now adopted. The civil government of Massachu- setts Bay was inadequate, ministers alleged, to the suppression of tu- mults and the preservation of the peace. To remedy this defect, an act was passed, which should lleprive the lower house of assembly in MassacliMsetts Bay of the privilege of electing the members of the council, and vest that privilege in the crown; authorize the king, or his substitute the governor, to appoint the judges, magistrates, and she- riffs, and empower the sheriffs to sumjnon and return juries ; and, for the prevention of factious assemblies, prohibit town meetings from be- 308 IIISTOUY OF THE Chap. XII.— 1774. [Bills changing^ the civil g^overnment of Massachusetts,] ing called by the select men, unless with the consent of the governor.* In support of the bill, it was alleged, that the force of the civil power consists in the /tossc comitatus^ but the posse are the very people who commit the riots. If the democratic part disregarded the laws, how were they to be enforced by the governor? He could neither appoint nor remove magistrates ; that power was vested in the council, the members of which were dependent upon the people. The civil ma- gistrate caught the tone and sentiments of the people among whom he lived ; from llicm he ultimately derived his appointment ; and, though the military forces were ever so numerous and active, they could not move to support magistracy, as no magistrate could call upon them for assistance. It was therefore necessary to alter the executive and judicial powers of the xMassachusets government, and to form them upon the model of the royal governmeius in the more southern colo- nies. It was objected to the bill, that it was an arbitrary and danger- ous measure to take away the civil constitution of a whole people se- cured by a charter, the validity of which was not so much as question- ed at law, upon loose allegations of delinquencies and defects, without evidence to show the necessity of such an act. The pretence of an- nulling the charter to strengthen government, could not stand the test of examination ; for the colonies, already regulated in the manner pro- posed by the bill, were no less inimical to taxation than Massachu- setts Bay. The part of the act which affected juries, was framed, •without any pretence of abuse ; and the case of captain Preston was in itself sufficient to show, that juries could act justly even at the ex- pense of popularity. The cause of the disturbances was not the sys- tem of polity ; it was the imposition of taxes which had rendered the people dissatisfied, as well in the royal governments as in the other; and no remedy would be efficient, without the removal of the cause. This act had a quite contrary tendency ; instead of giving strength to government, it was calculated to annihilate the reinains of British au- thority in the colonies. A petition was presented by Mr. Bollan, the agent of Massachusetts Bay province, praying that the bill might not pass until advice should arrive from the colony, and that they might be heard in their own defence? by counsel before their constitution, •which had been confirmed by the most solemn charters, was subvert- ed. In the conclusion ihey made a very strong and pathetic entreaty to the house to consider, " that the restraints which such acts of se- verity impose, are ever attended with the most dangerous hatred ; in a distress of mind which cannot be described, the petitioners conjure the house not to convert that zeal and affection which has hitherto united every Amei'ican hnnd and heart in the interests of England, in- to passions the most painful cuu! pernicious ; they most earnestly be- seech the house not to attempt reducing them to a state of slavery, which the English princijjles of liberty that tiiey inherit from their mother country will render worse than death ; and that the house will not, by passing these bills, reduce their countrymen to the most abject state of misery and humiliation, or drive them to the last resourcesof despair." Alter a veiy warm debate, the bill was passed by a great ma- jority, on the 22d of Muy, 1774, in the house of commons ; and nine days after, the same arguments being repeated, it passed in the house of peers. • See Stcdman's History, vol. i. p. 89. 1774.-CHAP. XII. UEIGN OF GEORGE IH. 309 [and the administration of justice in that province.] Lord North now prepared a third bill, " for the impartial adminis- tration of justice in the cases of persons questioned for any acts done by them in the execution of the law; or for the suppression of riots and tumults in the province of Massachusetts JJay in New- England." According to the bill, the governor was empowered, if he found that any person indicted for murder, or some other capital ofl'ence, incur- red in suppressing tumults and riots, should not be likely to have fair trial in the province, to send them to any other colony, or to Great Britain, This bill, the minister alleged, was necessary to give effect to the two others; it was in vain, he said, to appoint a magistracy that would act, if none could be found hardy enough to put their orders into execution. These orders would most probably be resisted, and this resistance would render force necessary to execute the laws ; in this case, blood would probably be spilt. Who, said lord North, would risk this event, though in the execution of his clearest duty, if the rioters themselves, or their abettors, were to sit as the judges ? How can any man defend himself, on the plea of executing your laws, be- fore those persons who deny your right to make any law to bind them- selves ? He further alleged, that such an act was not without prece- dent; smugglers apprehended for offences committed on the coast of Sussex, had been made triable in the county of Middlesex, and the Scotch rebels in England. The proposed act did not tend to establish a military, but a civil government ; it gave to the province a council, magistrates, and justices, when in fact they had none before ; it did not screen guilt, but protected innocence : we must show the Ame- ricans, that we would no longer quietly submit to their insults, and that, when roused, our measures, without being cruel and vindictive, were necessary and efficacious. This act would complete his legis- lative plan : the rest depended upon vigilance and vigour in the ex- ecutive government, which his lordship promised should not be want- ing. The four regiments usually stationed over America, had all been ordered to Boston, and prosecutions had been directed against the ring-leaders in sedition ; he made no doubt that, by the steady execu- tion of the measures now adopted, obedience and the blessings of fieace would be restored ; and the evenly he firedicted^ would be advan- tageous and hafifiy to this coxintry. This bill was opposed with no less vehemence and force than the two preceding laws : the members in opposition denied its alleged foundation, that it would tend to the im- partial administration of justice ; if a party spirit against the authority of Great Britain would coridenin an active ofiicer there as a murderer, the same party spirit for the authority of Great Britain might here acquit a murderer as a zealous performer of his duty ; but the fact was, that though by the bill the people were precluded from the ex- ercise of their rights, no abuse liad been proved, or even attempted to be proved: there was no evidence that justice had not been impar- tially administered by the tribunals established ; on the contrary, the instances (colonel Barre observed) which had happened, were direct confutations of such charges. Ttie case of captain Preston was re- cent ; this ofticer and some soldiers had been indicted at Boston for murder, in killing some persons^during the suppression of a riot ; they were fairly tried, and fully acquitted. It was an American jury, a New-England jury, a Boston jury, which tried and acquitted the ac- cused. Captain Preston had, under his hand, publicly declared, that the inhabitants of-the very town where their fellow-citizens had been 310 HIS rOUY OF THE Cuap. XH.— 1774. [Speech of colonel Ban <$.] slain, acquitted himself. This was the very case which the act sup- posed. The precedents attempted to be drawn from trials for smug- gling, it was contended, were, like those adduced to support the for- mer bills, totally inapplicable. It was not difficult for either a prose- cutor or a defendant in Sussex, to attend the trial in Middlesex; but the act now proposed was a virtual indemnity for all inurders and ca- pital offences committed in the alleged execution of the laws. The distance was so great, and the expenses would be so heavy, that scarcely any man would undertake to be a prosecutor, even though his near relation were murdered. Ministers were proceeding on the partial information of interested partisans, and upon their misrepre- senlalions had framed the most destructive laws ; the consequence of this act would be, the establishment of a military government, replete with the most lawless violence. The people had been long complain- ing of oppression ; and now, that so many troops were ordered to Boston, they would consider them as the instruments of furtlier ty- ranny, which there were no longer efficient courts of law to restrain. The soldiers, it was said, unawed by the civil power, and prepossessed ■with an idea that the people weie rebellious, would, in spite of the vigilance of their officers, be guilty of such violence as would rouse its objects to resistance ; and the consequence would be open rebel- lion, " You are (said colonel Barre, in an eloquent and iinpressive peroration) urging this desperate, this destructive issue ; you are urging it with such violence, and by measures tending so manifestly to that fatal point, that, though a state of madness only could inspire such an inleniion, it would ap|)ear to be your deliberate purpose. You have changed your ground ; you are becon/uig the aggressors, and are offering the last of human outrages to the people of America, by subjecting them in effect to military execution. I know the vast su- periority of your disciplined troops over the provincials: but beware how you supply the want of discipline by desperation. Instead of of- fering them the olive branch, you have sent the naked sword; by the olive branch, I mean a repeal of all the late laws, fruitless to you and op- pressive to the colonies. Ask their aid in a constitutional manner, and they will give it to the utmost of their ability ; they never yet refused it when properly called upon; your journals bear recorded acknow- ledgments of the zeal with which they have contributed to the gene- ral necessity of the state : they might be flattered into any thing, bnt are not to be driven. Have some indulgence to yoar own likeness; respect their sturdy English virtue; retract your odious exertions of authority; and remember, that the first step towards making them contribute to your wants, is to reconcile them to your government." Mr. Rose Fuller, venerable for his years and parliamentary experi- ence, and for independence of character, by no means uniformly an opponent to government, and indeed belonging to no party, ended a long speech against this bill with ilie following words: " l/,will now take my leave of the whole i)lan : you will commence their ruin trom this day. I am sorry to say, that not only the Ikjusc lias fallen into this error, but the people approve of the mea!jcctcd to French customs, and French forms of trial. On the subject of religion, it was contended, that the capitulation had only provided that the Roman catholic faith should be tolerated. I'his privilege, (opposition was willing to allow thcni in the fullest extent; but by the proposed bill, they said, instead of ir74 -Chap. XII, REIGN OF GKORGE III. 313 [Gold coin. Inquiry into the state of the prisons.] being tolerated, it was established. The people of Canada had hi- therto been happy under toleration, and looked for nothing farther. By this establishment, said they, the protestant religion enjoys at least no more than a toleration ; for the popish clergy have a legal parlia- mentary right to a maintenance, while the protestant clergy are left at the king's discretion. Various amendments were proposed in the house of commons, and several changes took place ; but the ground- work continued the same. A petition was presented by the city of London to the king, praying him to withhold the royal assent : as the bill regarded religion, a very great popular clamour was excited, and an apprehension of popery revived. It went thiough the houses, hcvvevcr, with a very great majority, and was, on the 22d of June, passed into' a law. Although America occupied, during this most memorable session, the principal attention of parliament, several other affairs of consider- able importance came before the houses. The diminution of the gold coin had been long a subject of general complaint. In the close of the session of 1773, it had been brought before parliament; and an act was passed on the last day of the session, to prevent the counter- feiting or diminishing the gold coin of the kingdom. By the law, the loss on the diminished gold, amounting to a very large sum, fell upon the immediate possessors, and thereby principally affected the great money holders or bankers. During the recess its operation had been severely felt, and the more especially as the commercial world had not yet recovered from the distresses occasioned by the failures of the. former year. The law had become very unpopular at the com- mencement of the session of 1774 ; and several strictures were passed on the gold coin act, which was affirmed to be highly oppressive and injurious to individuals. Bankers had received coin according to its nominal value, on the public faith, and under the sanction of govern- ment. It was very unjust that a particular body of men should be obliged to make good to the public a loss sustained through the ini- quity of others, and the culpable negligence of the police, in not re- straining such criminal and pernicious practices. The lateness of the season at which the law was proposed, when many members had left town, and the hurry with which it had been carried through the houses, so as to afford no time for examining its nature and tendency, also underwent severe animadversion. It was answered by the mi- nister, that the evil had been so urgent as not to admit of any delay, and that it was necessary to be remedied, even late as it was in the session. He denied that it was unjust; for the lo^s,. he contended, had fallen on those who had been gainers by the situation which occa- sioned it, and who had always profited by the public money. A com- mittee, however, was appointed to take into consideration the state of the gold coin, and in consequence of their report, weights were esta- blished, under the direction of the officers of the mint, a conformity to which was necessary to constimte a current gold coin, and a re- coinage took place agreeably to that standard. The effect of these regulations was, that no person could be defrauded in the receipt of gold coin, except by his own negligence in not weighing the prof- fered money, and this was a very material reform in the great me- dium of commerce. During this session a committee having been appointed for in- Vot. VII.— 40 314 HISTORY OF THE Chip. XU.—1774 (.Howaril. Prosecutions for libels. Supplies.] quiring into abuses practised in gaols, among other gentlemen ex- amined was Mr. Howard, sheriff of Bedford, a man of exquisite phil- anthropy, who, it was found,' had visited those mansions of misery through the greater part of England at a very heavy expense, and with a continual risk of his life, in order to advise and administer re- lief. From the reports delivered by him to the house, several im- provements were immediately suggested, and many more were ulti- mately devised, which have since tended so poweriully to mitigate human wretchedness. The thanks of the house were unanimously returned to the benevolent man who had inspected such scenes of distress, for the purpose of alleviation; and the various inquiries which arose from the efforts of Mr. Howard, tended not only to soften the evils of poverty, but to diminish concomitant evils, and to prevent the frequency of infectious distempers, which were before so preva- lent, from the squalid and noxious atmosphere of mismanaged gaols. Some proceedings on ah enclosure bill gave rise to a libel, which was severely prosecuted by the commons. Several petitions, it seems, had been presented against the enclosure in question ; and the attention bestowed upon these by the speaker, had not satisfied the advocates of the bill. A most virulent letter was immediately printed in the Public Advertiser, charging sir Fletcher Norton with gross partiality. The commons not only acquitted their speaker of the accusation, but voted the letter a false, scandalous, and malicious libel, contrary to all law and justice, and an open violation of their privileges. The printer being summoned, threw himself upon the rnercy of the house. He declared that he had received the letter fcom Mr. Home ; that it had been published in the hurry of business ; and, as he had never before offended the house, he expressed his hopes for its compassion. On inquiry, it was found, that Mr. Home was the Rev. Mr. John Home., clergyman of Brentford. It was moved, that ^Fr. Woodfall, the printer, should be committed to the custody of the sergeant at arms ; and Mr. Charles Fox, ardent in enmity to the licentiousness of the press, friendly as he has ever shov.n himself to its liberty, proposed that Newgate should be the scene of confine- ment; the more gentle motion, however, was carried. Mr. Home was next summoned, but eluded tlic order, by pretending not to con- sider himself as the person to whom it was addressed. The next day being taken into custody, Mr. Horne pleaded not guilty. The only evidence against him being Mr. Woodfoil, who was thought to be in- competent because he was himself in custody and a parly, Mr. Home was discharged. Mr. Fox the same day compKiined of a letter in the Morning Chronicle, as a libel on the constitution and the royal fa- mily ; and, at his instance, directions were given for prosecuting the printer. The supplies proposed for this year caused great debates : oppo- sition alleged, that the number of forces, twenty thousand for the fleet, and eighteen thousand for the army, was greater than a peace establishment required, and the expenses being io several articles, and upon the whole, higher than usual, produced loud complaint and severe censure fioin opposition. The minister admitted the expen- diture to be great, but insisted that it arose from circumstances which he could not prevent, and, /or the future-) he was conjident he would be able to lesnen the cx/ienditure. 17r4.-CuAP. XII. liKlGN OF GEORGE III. 315 [Literary property ascertained by a decision of the house of peers.] The house of lords this session, in its judicial capacity, determined the great question of literary property, which was brought before them by an appeal from a decree in chancery. The present age, in this country, favourable to every species of meritorious and benefi- cial industry, has been peculiarly advantageous to literary ability In former times, when the circulation of learned productions was con- fined, and the number of readers small, genius often lay buried in obscurity, and merit was not sufficient, without a fortunate coinci- dence of circumstances, to insure protection and support: the most successful adventurers'could receive no other recompense than the patronage of the great, and at best could only enjoy a precarious and irksome dependence. Since the art of printing has rendered the mul- tiplication of copieb easy, and the progress of science and erudition has introduced a taste for reading among nuuicious classes of people, authors have had it in their power to repay theniaclvcs for their labours, without the humiliating idea of receiving a donative. But the degree in which they were to reap this benefit, depended on the security and the duration of their literary property. The protection afforded by the laws of the country to this species of labour, is not only important to the author, but also to the public ; for literary works, like all others, will be undertaken and pursued with greater spirit, when to the motives of public utility and fame, is added the induce- ment of private emolument. The occasion which brought this question before the public was as follows : certain booksellers had supposed, that an author possessed by common law an exclusive right for ever to the publication of his own works, and consequently could transfer that right. On this sup- position, some of them had purchased copy-rights, and had prosecuted others who published the same books, as invaders of an exclusive right which they had acquired by purchase. A decree of chancery had been obtained in favour of Mr. Becket, a prosecutor on these grounds, against Messrs. Donaldsons, as pirates, in having published a work belonging to Mr. Becket, The defendants had appealed to the house of peers; and the question rested principally on three points: 1st. Whether the author of a book, or literary composition, has a common law right to the sole and exclusive publication of such book, or literary composition ? 2. Whether an action for a violation of common law right, will lie against those persons who publish the book or literary composition of an author without his consent ? and, 3d. How far the statute of the 8th of queen Anne affects the suppo- sition of a common law right ? Under the first head it was contended by the advocates of perpetual literary property, that this right was founded in the general principle by which every man is entitled to the fruits of his own labour. Whoever by the exertion of his rational powers has produced an original work, appears to have a clear right to dis- pose of the identical work as he pleases; and any attempt to vary the disposition, seems an invasion of that right. The identity of a literary- composition consists entirely in the sentiment and language : the same conceptions, clothed in the same words, must necessarily be the same composition ; and whatever method be taken of exhibiting that com- position to the ear or the eye of another, by recital, by writing, or by printing, in any number of copies, or at any period of time, it is always the identical work of the author which is so exhibited. ;Mb HISTORY OF THE Chap. XII.— 1774 [Reasoning of lords Mansfield and Camden.] On these grounds of natural justice it was contended, that common law respecting literary property was founded, and by that common law the right of an author or his assignee was perpetual. A statute of queen Anne liad declared an author and his assigns to have aright to a work for fourteen years, and for fourteen years more if the author should so long live. Certain judges, among whom was lord Kaimes in the court of session,* and Yatesf in London, denied that ever such a right existed at common law. This opinion they founded on the following allegations ; that a literary composition is in the sole dominion of the author while it is in manuscript ; the manuscript is the object only of his own labour, and is capable of a sole right of possession ; but this is not the case with respect to his ideas. .A'^j /losfiession can be taken^ or any act of occupancy asserted, on mere ideas. If an author have a property in his ide.-i". it luuat be from the time when they occur to him ; therciuic, it another man should afterwards have the same ideas, he must not presume to publish them, because they were pre-occu- pied, and become private propeity. Lord Mansfield showed the falla- cy of the maxim, that nothing but corporeal substance can be an ob- ject of property ; reputation, though no corporeal substance, was pro- perty, and a violation thereof was entitled to damages. Every man's ideas arc doubtless his own, and not the less so because another per- son may have happened to fall into the same train of thinking with himself: but this is not the property which an author claims; it is a property in liis literary composition, the identity of whicli consists in the same thoughts, ranged in the same order, and expressed in the same words. This illustrious judge conceived a common law right to the copy of his work to be vested in an author and his assigns origin- ally, and still to exist, notwithstanding the statute of queen Anne. It was agreeable to the principles of right and wrong, conv.enience and policy, and therefore to the common law. The court of chancery, proceeding upon its conception of moral justice and general equity, had uniformly decreed that this, like every other species of property, was perpetual to the original acquirer, his heirs, assigns, or others to whom li might be transferred by gift, sale, or any other means of trans- mission. Lord Camden did not contest the conformity to natural jus- tice of either lord Mansfield's principle or the chancery decrees, nor undeitake to prove that there was any reason in the nature of literary productions for rendering the property of these less durable than that of other fruits of labour, but confined himself to what he apprehended to be the written law of the land. The statute of queen Anne, he af- firmed, took away any right at common law for an author's multiply- ing copies exclusively for ever, if such right ever existed. The house of peers concurred in his opinion, the decree was revers- ed, and thenceforth literary property depends on the statute of the 8th of queen Anne, which secures to the autiior or his assigns an exclu- sive properly for fourteen years, and fourteen years after the expira- tion of that period if he so long live ; but on the expiration of tJie one or both of these terms, ordains the copy right to be at an end. • On a different case import of tea, and thus had shared in the alleged criminality of Bos- ton. Though some were more temperate than others, they all concur- red in e.xpressing the greatest disapprobation of the measures pursued by the British government, an abhorrence of the ne\V act, a condemna- tion of the princi^i4es on wriich it was founded, and a resolution to oppose its etfects, and to support their brethren who were to be its immediate victims. Indeed, if ministry had formed a design of driving the Ameri- cans into confederation, they could not have devised more effectual means, than by punishing and disfranchising one colony, because un- known persons in it had heea guilty of an outrage that sprung from re- sistance to an impost which all the colonies reprobated. The assembly of Virginia, which was sitting at the time when the despatches from Bos- ton arrived, set the example: in that meeting a resolution was passed, for appointing the 1st of June, the day on which the Boston port bill was to take effect, to be set apart as a day of fasting, prayer, and humiliation, " to implore the divine interposition to avert the heavy calamity which threatened destruction to their rights, with all the evils of a civil war, and to give one heart and one mind to the people, firmly to oppose every injury to American liberties." Informed of the resolution and of the general spirit of the assembly, the earl of Dunmore determined to dis- solve that body; but the members held a private meeting, in which they drew up a declaration, setting forth, that the punishment about to be in- flicted on the inhal)ilants of Boston, in order to compel them to submit to the PAYMENT OF UNCONSTITUTIONAL TAXES, was in truth an attack on all the colonies, and would ultimately prove destructive to American rights and liberties, uidess their united wisdom should be applied to pre- vent its 0|)eration and effects. They therefore recommended to the committee of correspondence, to propose to the committees of the other colonies, that an annual congress should be held for all the colonies, to delibr-rate on such general measures as the common interest of America mi?ht from time to time require. Virginia had always been distinguished for lovalty and attachment to the British constitution; and in its present propo.'ition to combine against acts of government, it declared itself to be determined by constitutional principles. At Philadelphia, three hun- dred of the inhabitants assembling, appointed a committee to write to Boston. In a letter, temperafe yet firm, they recommended that lenient measures should he tried before they had recourse to extremities; and that commerce with Britain should not entirely be discontinued until all measures had failed. If, by satisfying the East India company for the t«as, they could terminate the unhappy controversy, and leave to the 17'74,-Chap. XIII. RKIGN OF GEORGE III. 323 [Solemn league and covenant of Massachusetts.] Bostonians their ancient constitutional liberty, there could be no doubt M'hat part wisdom would dictate. But the matter in consideration was not now the value of the tea, it was the indefeasible right of giving or withholding their own money, a right from wliich they could never re- cede. At New- York, though moderate and temperate in its conduct, one resolution of a contrary kind was carried in a town meeting; ihia was, to prevent the prosecution in the provincial courts, of any debts owing by inhabitants to Britain. This resolution, however, was neither adopted nor confirmed by the provincial adseml)iy held soon alter, nor was it any where carried into practice. In general, the proposals for a "total interruption of commerce, v/ere by no means favourably received, but considered as the last deplorable resort when every other expedient should prove ineffectual. The middle and southern colomes were at that time evidently desirous of avoiding a rupture with Britain. On the other hand, all the colonies concurred in a resolution to resist taxation, and to hold a general congress; and in the mean time tliey made very liberal contributions for the relief of the Bostonians. While the Boston port bill was producing an effect so very opposite to that which its framera and supporters expected and intended, copies arrived in Massachusetts Bay of the other two bills for altering the constitution of that province. The opposition to government now became more vehement through the colonies. Concerning the Boston port bill, the other provinces had not taken their tone from Massachusetts Bay, but had resolved to support the cause on tlie principles of the British constitution. TL he Massachu- setts colonists had then apphed to their neighbours as suppliants; and, somewhat doubtful of the reception that they should meet, had cauti- ously abstained from promulgating doctrines and sentiments which might shock the loyalty and constitutional principles of their southern brethren. Assured of the co-operation of the other colonies in resisting taxes, and trusting that the concert might be more extensive, they now took a lead; and henceforward the deliberations of the whole most frequently bore the stamp of New-England republicanism. The colonists of Massachusetts now determined to carry to the utmost extremity their resistance to the British government. By the suggestion of the provincial assembly, an association was framed, the subscribers to which most solemnly bound themselves to break ofTall commercial intercourse with Great Britain from the last day of the month of August, until the Boston port bill, and the other obnoxious acts of parliament should be repealed, and the coh»ny restored to the exercise of its chartered rights; to renounce all dealings with those who should refuse to enter into this agreement; or who hav- ing engaged, should afterwards violate their compact. To sanction the whole, a resolution was added, that the names of delinquents should be published in the newspapers as enemies to their country.* To this agreement they gave tlie memorable title of the solemn league and covenant; which, having been a name afbxed in the last century to an engagement inimical to the church and monarchy, afforded some indica- tion of the views which they entertained, and the lengths to which they were disposed to proceed. In most of the colonies there were three classes of political opinions; the first, of those who resolved to resist taxation, and advised the most violent measures to be immediately adopt- • See Slcdnijin, and Kuinsa/. 324 HISTORY OF THE Chap. XUL— 1774. [Proclamation of general Gage. Hostile preparations.] ed: secondly, of those persons who, equally determined to impose Bri- tish imposts, were more cautious and temperate, and who wished to try the effect of conciliatory propositions, before they resorted to the extre- mity of resistance; the third consisted of approvers of the British system and acts. This third set was small in number, and of no weight in the colonial deliberations. The second, in the beginning, predominated in most of the other colonies; the first was paramount in Massachusetts Bay, where there evidently prevailed, not merely a disposition to resist acts on the ground of incompatibility with the rights of British subjects, but of contrariety to their conception of republican freedom. General Gage, to counteract the covenant, issued a proclamation, which declared it illegal and traitorous, contrary to the allegiance due to the king, and subversive of the authority of parliament; and cautioned the people against giving any countenance to that engagement, under the penalties annexed to such heinous offences. This act was far from producing the desired effect, by deterring the colonists from the combi- nation. Popular writers found in it a theme for the display of ingenuity and legal knowledge, in showing that the governor, by calling that asso- ciation traitorous, assumed a power not claimed by the king himself, of making that conduct treason, which was not ordained to be treason by the laws, and thus rendering the declared will of one of the king's offi- cers equivalent to an act of the legislature. General Gage, perceiving the sentiments and intentions of the people of Massachusetts to be so un- favourable to the British government, as to require, for their repression, more powerful restraints than proclamations, ordered some regiments of foot, with a detachment of artillery, to be sent to Boston. These, upon their arrival, were encamped on a common between the isthmus* called Boston-neck, which joins the peninsula of Boston to the continent, and the town itself. The professed intention of the governor was, to prevent desertion, then very much encouraged by the provincials; but this dispo- sition of the troops was construed to be designed for the purpose of blocking up the town, and compelling it by famine to submit to any terms which might be imposed. The inhabitants of the adjacent country assured the Bostonians, tliat several thousands of armed men were ready to assist them, should their aid be necessary. In August, commissions arrived for those who were intended to con- stitute the new council, by the act for altering the constitution of Massa- chusetts. Of thirty-six, tw(!nty-four only accepted the commissions ; and against those the rage of the people was so great, that all but a few who resided in Boston, and were protected by the troops to save their property and lives, resigned their appointments. So many obstructions, indeed, occurred in every department, that civil government ivas entirely dissolved ; whoever rendered himself odious, by discovering his attach- ment to the motlu'r country, and a wish to submit to her laws, was in- sulted by the popidaco ; and many, hunted from their dwellings in the country, were obliged to take rciiige in iJoslou. Arms were provided, ammunition and warlike stores began to be collected, and the young men were employed in training themselves to military discipline. Per- • The reader may perhaps not recollect, that Boston is situated in a peninsula. This geographical fact, however, is very necessary to be attended to in the course wf the history. 1774.— Chap. XIII. REIGN OF GEORGE in. 325 [Meeting of a general congress at Philadelphia.] cciving such appearances of hostile intention, general Gage ordered all the military stores which were deposited in the several magazines through the provinces, to be brought to Boston. The colonists, appre- hendinji from this measure that he meant to commence hostilities, several thousands of militia marched toward Boston : finding that none had been attempted, they retired ; but the general thought it expedient to fortify Boston-neck against future attacks. The colonists of Massachusetts now began to make vigorous preparations for a forcible resistance to the British government ; associations were formed for promoting the know- ledge of military discipline, and the use of arms ; resolutions were passed for holding a provincial congress, which, without any regard to the go- vernor, should be considered as the legislature of the colony. They even remonstrated on the raising fortifications, and the seizure of the public magazines ; thus interfering with the executive authority of the crown. They declared, that should any person be seized for supporting the cause of the colonies, they would retaliate upon every British officer whom they could find ; and, lastly, they recommended to the receivers of the public revenue, to keep it in their own hands, until the constitution of the province was restored, or until it should be otherwise disposed of by a provincial convention. Though the other colonies did not proceed to such extremities, nor make any preparations for war, yet all, except Georgia, concurred in re- solving to hold a congress, and not submit to the payment of any internal taxes that were not imposed by their own assemblies ; and to suspend all commerce with the mother country, until the American grievances in general, and those of Massachusetts Bay in particular,, should be fully redressed. In the proceedings of the congress, instructed by the re- spective colonies, we fully see the dispositions and views of the Ameri- cans. The attention of all parties was now turned to the general congress, which, on the 5th of September, met at Philadelphia, as a central situa- tion. The congress consisted of fifty-one delegates, representing twelve of the colonies lying along the shores of the Atlantic, tVom New Hamp- shire to South Carolina inclusive : the greatest number of delegates of any one colony being seven, and the swallest two. But this disparity in the number of delegates did not affect the votes ; as it was agreed that each colony should have but one vote, whatever was its number of dele- gates. The delegates received their instruction from their constituents ; some of these violent, and some moderate ; but all uniting in condemning the Boston port bill, and the other acts of the last session of parliament relating to Massachusetts Bay, and in denying the right of the British parliament to tax the colonies. But the most material of their instruc- tions, and what in a great measure superseded the use of all others, was a power given to their delegates to agree to whatever measures should meet with the concurrence of a majority of the congress.* The con- gress sat with their doors locked ; no one was permitted to be present at their deliberations ; and all their proceedings, except those which they thought fit to publish, were kept profoundly secret. Assembled, says captain Stedman, in the cause of freedom, they nevertheless thought fit to observe a form practised only in the most despotic governments. • See Stedman, 326 HISTORY OF THE Cha». XlII.~17r4. [Approbation of the conduct of Massachusetts. Principles and objects of congress.] Their proceedings being wrapped up in mystery, and all the intermediate steps leading to a conclusion being hidden from the public eye, their de- crees when promulgated, were received like the oracles of ancient times, as the dictates of profoimd wisdom. The first public act of the congress was, a declaratory resolution mani- festing their di.«posifion with respect to the colony of Massachusetts Bay, and immediately intended to confirm and encourage that people. They expressed their sympathy with the sufferings of their countrymen in that province, under the operation of the late unjust, oppressive, and cruel acts of the British parliament ; they thoroughly approved of the wisdom and fortitude with whirh the opposition to these ministerial measures had hitherto been conducted, and declared that contributions for allevi- ating the distress of their brethren at BOston, should be continued as long as their exigencies required relief. They further declared that, if the British government attempted to carry the acts complained of into exe- cution by force, all America should combine in opposing that force. They recommended to the inhabitants of Massachusetts Bay, that as jus- tice could be no longer legally administered by the late acts, they should submit to its suspension until they were repealed ; and that every person who should judge or act under any commission or authority derived from the late act of parliament changing the form of government, and violating the charter of that province, ought to be held in detestation, and con- sidered as the wicked tool of a despotism, which prepared to destroy the rights that God, nature, and compact had conferred on America. They passed a resolution, declaring that the transportation of any person for the trial of oflfcnces committed in America, justified and ought to produce resistance and reprisals.* The congress also proceeded to declare the principles and objects of their association. They avowed their allegiance to his majesty, their affection to Britain, their dependence upon her, and the benefits and fa- vours which they had received from the parent state. In the most ex- plicit terms they disclaimed any wish of separating from the mother country ; but at the same time they declared themselves entitled to a participation of all the rights and privileges of British free-born subjects; that the present grievances and distresses arose from a ruinous system of colonial administration, adopted by the British ministry about the year 1763, and evidently calculated for enslaving these colonies, and with them the British empire. Thence had arisen the acts for taxing Ameri- ca, and for depriving American subjects of the constitutional trial by juries ; thence the late cruel, oppressive, and unconstitutional plans con- cerning Boston and the wliole province ; and the plan of extending Ca- nada, establishing an arbitrary government, and discouraging the settle- ments of British subjects in that country, and disposing and enabling the established inhabitants to act with hostility a<£ainht the freedom of the protestant colonies. To obtain redress for these grievances, they thought that the best, most effectual, and peaceable measure would be, to abstain from every sjjecies of commercial intercourse with Britain, until that re- dress should be obtained by a repeal of all the coercive acts. On the one hand, they specified the various articles of merchandise in which they had dealt with Britain, and which they now combined to refuse ; on the • Stedman's History of the Arncricun \\ar, \ol. i. p. 103 1774— Chap. XIIT. RKIGN OF GEOIIGE III. 327 [Petition to the king. Address to the people of Great Britain.] other, tlioy enumerated tl)C various acts, or clauses of acts, of which they required the repeal. The amount of their requisition was the reversal of the whole ministerial system pursued since 1763. They afterwards agreed to petition the kiuiit, and accordinp^ly framed a representation to his majeslv. Perhai)s subjects never offered to their sovereign an address consisting of stronger and more comprehensive reasoning, with more impressive eloquence : it stated every important act since the change of system in 1764 ; its peculiar featvues, its general principles, and its con- nexion with other acts ; it exhibited the whole plan of recent and present government, with the actual and probable consequences : the petitioners declared the warmest attachment and the highest veneration for the king and the constitution ; they wanted no new privileges, but merely prayed to be restored to their fcjrmer rights, which other British subjects still enjoyed ; we ask (they said) but for peace, liberty, and safety ; we wish not a diminution of the prerogative ; we do not solicit the grant of any new right in our favour ; your royal authority over us, and our connexion with Great Britain, we shall always carefully and 'zealously endeavour to support and maintain. The peroration very happily united the re- spectful deference of loyalty with the temperate firmness of freedom. " Permit us, then, most gracious sovereign, in the name of all your faithful people in America, with the utmost humility to implore you, for the honour of almighty God, whose pure religion our enemies are under- mining ; for your glory, which can be advanced only by rendering your subjects happy, and keeping them united ; for the interests of your family dejjending on an adherence to the frinciplcs that enthroned it ; for the safety and welfare of your kingdoms and dominions, threatened with almost unavoidable dangers and distresses ; that your majesty, as the loving father of your whole people, connected by the same bonds of law, loyally, faith, and blood, tiiough dwelling in various countries, will not suffer the transcendent relation formed by these ties, to be further vio- lated, in uncertain expectation of effects, which, if attained, never can compensate for the calamities through ivhich they must be gained. We therefore most earnestly beseech your majesty, that your royal authority and interposition may be used for our relief; and that a gracious answer may be given to this petition : that your majesty may enjoy every felicity through a long and glorious reign over loyal and happy subjects, and that your descendants may inherit your property and dominions till time shall be no more, is, and always will be, our sincere and fervent prayer." — The petition was subscribed by all the fifty-one delegates. An address was then framed to the people of Great Britain, which was also a very masterly composition ; it stated, that the Americans, sprung from the same ancestors as the Britons, entertained the same sentiments and principles which had produced and supported, the British constitution, and considered themselves entitled to equal rights with other Britisii subjects. " We consider ourselves, and do insist that we are, and ought to be, as free as our fellow subjects in Britain ; and that no power on earth has a right to take our property from us without our con- sent. We cJfiim all the benefits secured to the subject by the English constitution, and particularly that inestimable one of the trial by jury. We hold it essential to English liberty, that no man be condemned unheard, or punished for supposed ofliences, without having an opportunity of making his defence." Having detailed the various grievances which 328 mSTOUY of the CnAr. X1U.—1774,. [Address to the Canadians. Declaration of riglits and grievances.] they alleged themselves to have suffered, they endeavoured to show, that the people of England had in the last century contended with their kings for the preservation of the same rights which the Americans were now deprived of by a British parliament. They insisted that the oppres- gion was essentially the same, although the oppressors were changed. But not altogether relying on the efficacy of this appeal to the justice of the nation, the address endeavoured to gain it over to the cause of Ame- rica, by representing, that the certain consequences of unconditional submission being exacted from her, would i)e tlie subversion of the con- stitution of the mother country, by the tyrannical aristocracy which was engrafted on the power of the crown. They expressed deep regret at being obliged to adopt measures detrimental, in their consequences to niuubers of their fellow subjects in Great Britain and Ireland; but they hoped, that the magnanimity and justice of the British nation, would furnish a parliament of such wisdom, independence, and public spirit, as might save the violated rights ot" the wliole empire from the devices of wichcd ministers, and evil counsellors, whether in or out of office ; and thereby restore that harmony, friendship, and fraternal affection, between all the inhabitants of his majesty's kingdoms and territories, so ardently wished for by every true and honest American. Their several addresses were indeed particularly well adapted to the temper and passions of the parties whom they endeavoured to gain. They also addressed the in- habitants of Canada ; described with great eloquence the blessings of a free constitution, and the advantaijes which the Canadians might have reaped from the enjoyment of such a system. Ministers had, they said, kept those new subjects of Britain ignorant of its advantages ; they there- fore undertook to explain them to the Canadian French, and endeavoured to e.xcite the indignation of that province against the late acts, as pre- cluding them from the freedom which, in their new relation as British subjects, they ouglit to enjoy. They paid high compliments to their countryman Montesquieu; and having endeavoured to show that the new plan of governing Canada was most disgraceful to its subjects and injuri- ous to its rights, they quoted his sentiments delivered in a chapter on the British constitution ; from which they inferred, that this great political philosopher would have deemed the Canadians to be in a state of slavery. They concluded with strenuously inviting them to join in the league of the colonies. The congress likewise published a declaration of rights and grievances. This paper contained a summary of all the privileges appertaining to British subjects ; to the free exercise of these they were, they contended, entitled by the immutable laws of nature, by the British constitution, and by their several charters. All former distinctions between legislation and impost, between external and internal taxes, were now laid aside. They claimed, on behalf of the colonies, the sole and exclusive privilege of legislating for themselves in all cases what- soever ; b'.il, from the mere necessity of circumstances, were v/iUing to submit to such acts of parliament as were bona fide intended to regulate their foreign commerce ; excluding, however, all ideas of taxation, in- ternal or external, for raising a revenue from the people of the colonies without their own consent. Their grievances (they said) arose from eleven act-s of parliament* passed in the present reign; but the most * All these have been successively mentioned, and most of tliem repeatedly alluded to in the course of the history. 1774.— Chap. XIII. KEldSr OF GEOUGE III. 329 [General spirit of the colonlul proceedings. Military preparations.] intolerable re?ulted from the three acts of the last session of parliament respecting the colony of Massachusetts Hay, and the law for extending the limits of Canada. They wrote a letter to general Gage, declaring it to be the fixed and unalterable resolution of all the colonies to unite for the preservation of their common rights, in opposition to the late acts of parliament, and in support of their brethren of Massachusetts Bay. They remonstrated against his military proceedings, bearing (ihey said) a hostile appearance, which even the tyrannical acts did not warrant. They requested that he would discontinue the fortifications, and give or- ders that the intercourse between the town and country should be unin- terrupted ;■ they addressed the colonies, declaring that, upon impartially examining the conduct of the British government in North America from 17t)3, they found that all tlie disturbances had proceeded from an un- conditional assumption and oppressive acts on the part of Britain. Re- presenting perseverance in union as the only means of security against the arbitrary designs so evident in the conduct of the British ministers, they proceeded to state the trust which was reposed in the congress, and the manner in which they discharged their duty ; that, notwithstand- ing the series of oppression experienced from Britain, they had made conciliatory advances ; and while, inspired by constitutional liberty, ihey had shown themselves resolved to maintain their rights, guided by loyalty to their king, and affection to their fellow subjects, they had manifested their earnest desire of preserving peace and amity with their mother country. After the performance of these acts, during a session of fifty- one days, the first general congress of the North American provinces, on the 26th of October, terminated its meeting. The amount of the reasonings and the spirit of the proceedings, in either partial meetings, provincial assemblies, or the general congress, may be exhibited m few words; "The British system from 1763 has violated the chartered and constitutional rights of us, the British subjects in the American colonies: we will not submit to such usurpation; we will not pay duties unjustly imposed, and we Will have no commerce with Britain until the obnoxious act? be repealed. If the British go- vernment attempt to enforce its unconstituhonal decrees, self-preserva- tion compels us, and our condition enables us, to resist force by force. Yet that extremity W3 deprecate as pernicious to both parties: we pray our sovereign and request our fellow-subjects, to co-operate with us in averting so deplorable a calamity. We ask no new privilege; we desire only the restoration of those rights which, until 1763, we enjoyed with- out interruption." Such were the sentiments and acts of the colonists in North America; such t!ie first consequences of the ministerial system of 1774. Before the meeting of the general congress, nono of the middle or southern colonies had commenced preparations tor war, but when that convention broke up and its members returned to their constituents, the other provinces became actuated bv the spirit of New-Enjiland. The militia were very frequently assembled for the purpose of discipline; arms were provided for those who were without them; and resistance, by open force, to the power of the mother country, was made the subject of common discourse. Soon afterwards a copy arrived of a proclamation issued in England, to prevent warlike stores from being exported: and Vol. VII.— 42 330 HISTORY OF THE Chap. XHI.— 1774. [Massachusetts. Contention with the governor.] this prohibition rendered the inhabitants of the colonies more eager to procure supplies of the various kinds of ammunition. In consequence of the determination of congress, all the colonies deeply interested themselves in the affairs of Massachusetts Bay; and upon the transactions in tliat province, depended more immediately the doubtful issue of peace and war. The governor and council had issued writs for holding a general assembly; but the events that afterwards took place, and the heat and violence which every where prevailed, made them think it expedient to countermand their writs by a proclamation, and to defer holding the assembly to a season of more security. The election, however, was carried on, without regard to the proclamation; the new members met at Salem, but the governor did not attend to ad- minister the oaths and open ttie session. Having waited a day, and neither the governor nor any substitute for him arriving iheij voted them,' selves into u provincial compress, to be joined by such others as had been or sliould be elected for that puri)Ose. Mr. Hancock,* who was offen- sive to the governor's partv, was chosen chairman, and they adjourned to the town of Concord, about twenty miles from Boston. Thence they presented a remonstrance to the governor, on the subject of the fortifi- cations at Boston-neck, and the alarm occasioned by the collection of military force at Boston, tending to endanger the lives, liberty, and pro- perty, not only of the liostonians, but of the whole province. The general, though unwilling to return an answer to an illegal assembly, thought it expedient in the present case to overlook forms. In replying to the provincial congress, he told them, that the lives and liberties of none but avowed enemies of Britain, could be in danger from British soldiers, who, notwithstanding the enmity which had been shown to them in withholding what was necessary for their preservation, had not discovered that resentment which might have been expected from such hostile treatment. He rcnunded them that while they were complain- ing of alterations made in their charter, they were themselves subverting it by their present ille^'al meeting; and he admonished them to desist from such unconstitutif)nal proceedings. Boston was now bcsome the place of refuge to all the, friends of British government. On the ap- )>ro!ich of winter, tlic governor thought it necessary to erect temporary barracks for the troops, not only to accommodate his soldiers, but to prevent them from being qiiartered on the inhabitants; which, in the pre- sent «tale and temper' of both, might be attended with dangerous conse- q\ierices. The Bostonians did every thing in their power, without em- (iloying open violenre, to obstruct the erections. Very great mutual distrust and animosity prevailed between (he government and the people. Boston, however, was now the only place in Massachusetts that con- taninl Britisli forces; and from the hostile disposition of the provincials, and the insulated situation which they occupied, their circumstances were not much unlike to those of persons b<;siegcd by open enemies. The provinrial ootitrress not «)tdy continued their sittings, but passed re- aoiiitions which, from the disposition and jiromplitude of the people, had all the weight and efficacy of laws; their injunctions, under tlie form of • Thi« was the same p^entlemaii, the seizure of wliose sloop for contraband practices had occasioned an insurrection at Boston in the year 1768; and the con- %c<]iienc(-s of wliirli insiirrof'inn aif siippnscfl by many to liave precipitated tiie dispute btlwecn llie nioilicr country and her colonics toward its crisis. 1 1774.— Chap. XIII. KEICN OF GKOIICJE III. 331 [l'roceeding3 of the provincial congress.] advice, directed the ren^ulation and exercise of the militia, the collection and disposition of the public revenue, and the provision of arms and military stores. Thus they assumed the powers of the supreme govern- ment; and in the tirst provincial congress of Massachusetts, we see, strongly drawn, the outlines of American independence. The governor thought it necessary to issue a proclamation, warning the inhabitants of the province against suffering themselves to be ensnared by the provin- cial congress, or led by thoir influence to incur the penalties of sedition and rebellion; and strictly prohibiting all his majesty's loyal subjects from paying any regard to the recommendations and resolves of such an unlawful assembly. But the governor's proclamation was treated with contempt, while the requisitions of the provincial congress were obeyed as laws. That assembly appointed another congress to be held in the month of February 1775, and toward the end of iVovember dissolved itself. 332 IIISTOUY OF THE Chap. XIV.— 1774. CHAP. XIV. Impression in Biit»in from the Americun dispute* — Dissolution of parliament. — General eieciion. — l.t-udiiij; characters in tlie new parliament — Meeting of parLument. — l\,iiii;'s speech — address — indecision of ministers. — Character and policy of lord North — opinions of his power :itk1 efficiency. — Petitions present- ed from America, and American merciiants. to pnrfiament and the kinjjf — dis- missed without a hearintj. — Lord Chatham, thoiitjh loaded with infirmities, re- turns to the house — his introductory speech — liis j^lan of conciliation rejected. — Conquest of America conceived by ministers to be easy. — .\mcricans assert- ed to be all cowards. — Mr Fox's observations (jn the inspirin};; efficacy of liber- ty. — Parliament declares Massachusetts Bay to be in a state of rebellion. — Message from the king, requiring" an augmentation of forces. — Hill for prohi- biting the New-England provinces from commerce and fishery. — Lord North'.s plan of conciliation — apprehended by courtiers to concede too mucli, by oppo- sition to concede too Utile --Mr. Fox opposes its inconsistency. .--Lord Nortli's policy wavering and irresolute. --Dexterous retreat to satisfy the supporters of Coercion. ---Mr. Burke's conciliatory plan, on the grounds of expediency— out- lines and character— predicts civil and foreign war from the conduct of minis- ters---rejected.--Mr. Hartley's conciliatory bill— rejected.— -Ministers averse to all conciliatory overtures.— Bill for extending connnercial prcjhibitions.— Loy- altv of New-York province— -re|)resentation from it to the commons— dismissed unheard —Supplies.— Session closes.— War unavoidable.— Literary advocates for and against America. Whilk the proceedin£T.s in and coucerning A merira were' so extreinely important, tliey ditl not, in F>rilain, appear to attrac^t the attenlion of the nation in proportion to liieir niagniuido. Tliore were, indeed, politician.s and philosophers who saw them in their real aspect, and dreaded the consequences; but thi.s view was far from being general; even merchants and maniiracturers, to whom a rupture with tlie coh)nies would be so cala- mitous, seemed now lulled into equal .security with the rest of their coimtrymen. This inattention arose from various catjses. The con- tests with the colonies were no longer new, but from the year 17fi.'5 they had, with very few and i^hort intermissions, been the chief subjects of parliamentary deliberation. To those who did not minutely and criti- cally examine the new occurrences, and the change of sentiments which were now become so general in North America, most of the topics ap- peared exhausted; the various arguinents for ta.xalion had been often di.scussed, and on the triteness of the reasoning, great numbers over- looked the new effects wliicli the system was producing. Confederacies against the impr)rtation of British cf)rnmodities had before, and recently, been violated : and the present condiinations would,^ many trusted, be equally short lived. IHspute.s had l)i < ii frequently e^rfied to tlie verge of a rupture, and had b(Mn afterward.s accoirunodated ; some means of conciliation, they flattered themselves, would be again devised. The Americans would tjr.e of associatioiis, that deprived them of the chief conveniences of life, which were rendered by habit almost neces- saries; besides, ministers and their adherents had very industriously spread an opinion, that vigorous measures, with perseverance, would soon finish a contest, which nothing but former indulgence had nou- irr4.— CuAv. XIV. REIGN OF GEOKGE HI, 333 [Dissolution of parliament. General election] rishcd ; and also, that the present administration possessed in an eminent deg^ree the qualities requisite for honourably and advantageously termi- nating the dispute. Ministers, indeed, had allorded no satisfactory proofs either of their vigour or poHcy; but, as they iiad not, on the other hand, manifested cither feebleness or folly, they and their friends repre- sented the counsellors of his majesty as a body of very uncommon ability. A great part of the nation, with that unsuspecting credulity which frequently distinguishes a people otherwise so eminent for sound judgment, gave administration credit for all the talents and qualities for which they chose to take credit to themselves. For these reasons, it was not doubted that the coercive system which had been adopted and carried into execution under the direction of such men, would soon inti- midate its objects from forcible resistance; but that, if it did not awe them to submission, their reduction would be speedy and certain; sup- ported by the greater part of the country, the cabinet was the more able and determined to proceed with the plan of dictation which had com- menced so strongly in the preceding session. Parliament was now in its seventh year. In the reign of George 11. it had generally lasted near the whole time; the first parliament of the present king had also continued seven full years. On the 30th of Sep- tember, 1774, about six years and a half from the former election, a pro- clamation was issued for the dissolution of parliament, and the convoca- tion of a new one, for which the writs were made returnable on the 9th of the following November. An abridgment contrary to recent custom excited great surprise among those who judged from precedent more than from present circumstances and expediency: but many reasons were assigned for tliis unusual measure; the most probable appears to be, that, as a new state of things had arisen in America, new councils might be requisite on the part of the legislature. On the one hand, should it be found necessary to deviate from the coercive system, the old par- liament might be restrained by a sense of consistency from rescinding its own laws, while a new one would be more at liberty to act according to the exigency of the case. On the other hand, as at present, it was de- termined to persevere in coercion, and the majority of the people appear- ed to approve, it was probable that a parliament would be returned, favourable to the continuance of that system; and thus government would have an assurance of a long co-operation, of which it might be deprived by a change of circumstances and of public sentiment, were the election deferred till the succeeding year. In London, the opposition party carried the election of all its candi- dates. In Middlesex, Mr. Wilkes, now lord-mayor elect, was chosen to represent the county ; and ministers were not so imprudent as again to controvert a scat which had already given government so much distur- bance. A considerable change of individual members took place through the nation ; but it was soon found, that there was no alteration of politi- cal sentiment, and that a great majority supported the ministerial project of coercing America. The subjects which were to occupy the deliberations of the new par- liament, have rarely been equalled in importance in the legislative history of any age or country. On its counsels was to depend, whether by-con- ciliation we should restore the reciprocally beneficial harmony that had so long subsisted between Britain and her colonics ; or, by persistance 334 IIISTOKY OF THE Chap. XIV.— 1774. [Leading characters in the new parliament.] in coercion, drive sucli valuable dependencies to a rebellion, which either would not be quelled, or, if crushed, could be reduced only by etibrts which must e.xhaust the parent country, and destroy the provinces that she sought to render more productive and lucrative. For examining such momentous questions, seldom has a national council contained a greater assemblage of ability, than the British parlia- ment now exhibited. In the house of commons, among many men of considerable talents and extensive knowledge, there were ranged on the side of ministers, the financial information and accurate results of sir Grey Cooper ; the perspicacious detail, solid judgment, and orderly arrangement of sir Gilbert Elliot ; and the intrepid confidence and manly boldness of Mr. Rigby. In rising progression there followed the sound and vigorous understanding, the unremitting industry, the commercial, political, and diplomatic knowledge, the lucid disposition, the correct and perspicuous expression of Jenkinson ; and the acuteness, closeness, and neat precision of Germaine. Dundas,* from his first entrance into pub- lic life, exhibited those qualities by which he has been uniformly distin- guished ; an understanding quick, sagacious, and powerful ; reasoning forcible and direct, strictly adhering to the point at issue ; an expeditious despatch of difficult business ; and, regarding the senate as a council for the direction of national affairs more than a theatre for the display of eloquence, he was in his language intelligible and strong, without orna- ment or elegance. A mind by nature penetrating, brilliant, and inventive, formed and refined by erudition and by lileraiyf society, sharpened and invigorated by professional occupations, and enlarged by political studies and pursuits ; an eloquence that he could admirably vary to the occasion, and exhibit either in argumentative force, logical subtlety and skill, or with all the ornaments of rhetoric and the graces of persuasion, rendered AN edderburne a valuable accession to any c.ause which he chose to sup- port.;}; For masculine energy of intellect, force devoid of ornament, and exhibiting itself in efforts direct, sim[)le, and majestic, Thurlow stood eminent. Lord JS'orth was equally remarkable for pleasing and varied wit and humour, classical taste, erudition, and allusion, as for dexterity of argument and felicity of reply. On the other side were arrayed, the patriotism and solidity of Dempster and Savilie ; the industry and colo- nial information of Pow'nal ; the colloquial pleasantry, vivacity, and clas- sical erudition of "Wilkes ; the animated declamation of Barre ; the quick apprehension, commercial and political knowledge of Johnstone ; and the constitutional principles, legal precision, readiness, acuteness, and vigour, of Dunning. Above these, rose the extensive, accurate, and multifarious knowledge, the abundant and diversified imagery, the lumi- nous illustration and rapid invention ; the reasoning, dilated or com- pressed, digressive or direct, disjointed or continuous, which, if not always pointedly convincing, never failed to be generally instructive ; the comprehensive views and philosophical eloquence, of a Burke. A senator was now rising to the first rank in the first assembly of the world, • Lord advocate of Scotland. f He was the intimate friend of Smith, TJohertson, and Tergiison, and their colemporaries, in their early yoars ; and cultivated an acquaintance willi Uurke, Juhnfion, and other eminent sclioiars, in liis more advanced life. t The judicial maxims and character of Wcddcrburnc will appear in tliis and the succeeding volume. 1774.-CUIV. XIV. KiiIGN OF GEORGE 111. 335 [House of peers. Speech of the king.] who must have held a very exalted situation in any convention of states- men and orators recorded in history, this was Charles James Fox. In the twentieth year of his age he had become a member of parliament, and young as he was, distinguished himself among the many eminent members of the house, and was at first one of the ablest supporters of administration. The facility with which he made himself master of a new question, and comprehended with such force of judgment the strength, weakness, and tendency, of a proposition or measure ; his powerful argumentation, his readiness of tlie most appropriate, significant, and energetic language, soon rendered him conspicuous ; while his daily and obvious improvement showed that his talents had not then nearly reach- ed the pinnacle at which they were destined to arrive. Since he joined opposition, his talents and exertions appeared more potent and formida- ble than even had been expected.* U In the house of peers, the chief supporters of administration were, lord Hillsborough, a nobleman of sound judgment and ofticial experi- ence ; earl Gower, a peer of good character and extensive influence, who, in the minority of the duke, headed the Bedford party ; and the earl of Sandwich, acute and intelligent as a senator, but a judicious speaker rather than a splendid orator. The only peer of transcendent genius who joined ministers in the coercive system, was lord Mansfield ; a per- sonage very eminently distinguished for abilities and erudition, and for argumentative, refined, and persuasive eloquence ; but the fame of this illustrious senator was principally founded upon his oratorial and judicial powers and efforts,! and derived little accession from his counsels as a statesman. The most distinguished peers who were inimical to the coercive system, were the marquis of Rockingham, whom we have viewed as minister; the didie of Richmond, a nobleman of respectable abilities, active, indefatigable, and ardent ; lord Shelburne, whom we have seen a secretary of state, distinguished for extent of general know- ledge, and peculiarly marked for his extensive views of the reciprocal relations, commercial and political, of European states ; lord Camden, the great bulwark of English law, profoundly versed in our constitution, with that mild, clear, and nervous eloquence, which is the firm and cflicacious instrument of wisdom ; and lastly, in liimself a host, the earl of Chatham. Surveying and examining the principal actors on the grand political theatre, the reader may perceive that, both for and against ministers, there was a constellation of abilities ; but, in opposition, the highest ta- lents, and the most approved wisdom. On the 30th of November the new parliament met. His majesty's speech stated to the houses, that a daring spirit of resistance and diso- bedience to the laws still unha))pily prevailed in the province of Massa- chusetts Ray, and had in divers parts of it broken forth in fresh violences of a criminal nat\ue ; but these proceedings had been countenanced and encouraged in others op the colonies, and unwarrantable attempts had been made to obstruct the commerce of tins kingdom by unlawful combi- • A part of tltis accotint is taken, with considerable variations, from the life of Burke, first edition, p. 210 to 218. f The reader will find a character of this great man in the narrative of the year 1788 ; for the judicial part of which I am chiefly indebted to a gentleman of high eminence for literary and legal erudition. 336 HlSTOKY OF THE " Chap. XIV.— 1774. [Character of the address. Protest in the house of lords.] nations : such measures, however, had been employecl, as were judged most ellectual for canvino; the acts of the preceding session into execu- tion, protecting coininerco, and restoring and preserving order and good government in the province of Massachusetts. It expressed his ma- jesty's resolution to withstand every attempt to diminish the autliority of ])arlianiiMit over the dominions of liie crown ; the maintenance of which authority was necessaiy for the (hgnily and well'are of llie British empire: it stated the satisfaction of the king at the restoration of complete tran- quillity to Europe, by the peace between Russia and Turkey; and con- cluded with recommending tirmness and unanimity in parliamentary pro- ceedings. Avowing the taxation of the colonies to be an essential right of the Hritish legislature, and that the late acts must be executed, the speech* declared, that no regard was to be paid to the opinions and sen- timents which had produced a confederation of the colonies, and that ministers were not moved by the proceedings in America to deviate from tiie plans of tlie former session. Wiiile the speech demonstrated the intentions of government, the address, carried by a great majority (tliough not without strenuous opposition,) manifested that the new, like the old parliament, was resolved to persist in taxing British subjects without their own consent ; establishing in some colonies, systems of polity diiierent from the IJritish constitution ; punishing those who had never been tried, and ordaining trials, dilferent in principle and mode from those which are recognised by our laws ; it proved also, that the new parliament esteemed the representation of the colonists undeserving of regard. The address, indeed, sanctioned the general policy of ministers ; and the parliament, at the very commencement of its deliberative proceedings, unequivocally evinced its determination to tread in the steps of the former. The op- position speakers exhorted legislature to investigate facts before THEY PROCEEDED TO JUDGMENT; and not to pledge themselves impli- citly to follow the example of their predecessors, without fully examining the grounds on which they had acted, and the effects which tlieir acts had produced and were producing. Having moved for a communication of all the intelligence that had been received by his majesty respecting America, and the motion being negatived, they affirmed, that as the ministers and former parliament had passed sentence without taking cog- nizance of the case, the present parliament was pursuing the same plan. They next proceeded to the consequences, as they had verified or falsi- fied the predictions of ministers, contended, that whereas his majesty's counsellors had prophesied that the j)roceedings respecting Boston would strike terror into America, they had really combined into one party all the colonists, though before divided and detached ; and that, instead of friirhtcning them severally into suljmission, they had compelled them jointly to resistance. In the house of lords a very strong protest was made, which, after stating the evils of the ministerial system, added the following words : " it affords us a melancholy prospect of the disposition of the lords in the present parliament, irlien vc see the house, under the pressure oj so severe and uniform an experience, again ready, irilhnui any inquiry, In countenance, if not to adopt, Ike spirit of the former fatal j}ro- reedintis.'^ Viewing the conduct of ministry as to utility of object and justness • See slate papers, November 50, 1774. ir>'4.— CHAr. XIV. HEIGN OF GEORGE III. .337 [Indecision of ministers. Character and policy of lord Norlii.] of principle, the historical reader may probably have formed some judg- ment of the character of their policy ; he has, in the imm(;diately subse- quent act.i, a farther opportunity of estimating their qualifuations by the means which they employed. To coerce America was the determina- tion of ministry and the legislature. If coercion must be used, a stronger force, it was naturally expected, would be demanded, than that which was requisite in times of tranquillity; but when the supplies came under consideration, ministers proposed to diminish, instead of increasmg, both sea and land forces; and required seventeen thousand troop.-, instead of eighteen thousand, and sixteen thousand seamen instead of twenty thou- sand. On this subject, opposition charged ministry witli an mter.ticn of deluding the people to war, while they pretended to exptct peace; but that the hostilities, which they deprecated as ruinous in themselves, would be rendered still more fatally destructive by derectivo p'-eparation ; there was (they said) either inadequacy of force to the end proposed, or feeble and paltry artifice to conceal obvioun irtenuons.* Ever since the debate on the address. j:reat indecision had appeared m the conduct of the minister. He studiously avoided any farther dis- cussion on American politicsj and frequently absented himself from the house. From these circumstances it was conjectured, that he did not fully concur in the coercive system; and this hypothesis was by no means inconsistent with either tys known disposition or abilities. It was pre- sumed, that a man of such a conciliating temper, and whose first minis- terial actl had been concession to appease the colonists, could really be n© friend to violent and irritating measures ; and that a statesman of his undoubted talents could not, from the dictates of his- own understanding, devise or recommend such acts. Lord North, it was imagined, could not long be so completely deceived as to fact, and erroneous in argument, as the proposers of the ministerial measures appeared. Besides, it was supposed that his intellect was too enlightened, and his mind too Uberal, to possess that contemptible obstinacy of character which is incident to men at the same time weak and vain, who adhere to a plan, not because it is proved to be right, but because they had once favoured its adoption. J • See the speeches of opposition, in Debrett's Parliamentary Debates in De^ cember 1774; especially of Mr. Fox. in a committee of supply. f See the account of parliament 1770, vol. i. T It has been very often asserted, and by many believed, that lord North ori- ginally was, and always continued in bis private sentiments, inimical to the Ame- rican war ; although he, as prime minister, in every measure of carrying it on, in- curred the chief responsibility. This opinion, as an historian, I have not documents either to confirm or refute with undoubted certainty. To those who would con- fine themselves to comparison of the plans and conduct of government during that awful period, with the talents often displayed by his lordship, the conjecture may appear probable. But persons who take a candid view of the respectable and estimable moral qualities of the prime minister, will hesitate in justifying his wisdom at the expense of his integrity; they will sooner admit that a man of genius, literature, and political knowledge, reasoned falsely and acted imwisely, than that a man of moral rectitude acted in deUberate and lasting opposition to his conscience, thereby involving his country in misfortune. At the same time« I am fully aware that there is a third hypothesis possible, and by many believed, if not by some known to be true. The opinion in question rather changes the situation than degrades the character of lord North, by representing him as merely his majesty's first commissioner of the treasury and chancellor of the exchequer, instead of the prime political counsellor. Persons of very considerable respecta- bility, of very high veneration for the character of lord North, and who with invio- Vol. VII.— 43 338 HISTORY OF THE Chap. XIV,— 1775- Petitions from America dismissed without a hearing ] The theory of an interior cabinet was revived; and it was asserted, that lord North, thoueh ostensibly minister, was really compelled to obey the dictates of a secret junto. Having, however, no satisfactory evidence that such a cabal existed, nor that an alile and estimable nobleman sub- mitted to such a disgraceful mancipation, I cannot record conjecture as a historical truth, and must narrate the measures proposed or adopted by lord North as his own, because for them he declared himself respon- sible. Until the Christmas recess, the minister continued to abstain from giving any determinate opinion concerning American affairs. During the adjournment, the North American merchants of London and Bristol, having more deeply considered the consequences resulting to their trade, were seriously alarmed; as were also the manufacturers of Birmingham. Meetings were called, and petitions to parliament were prepared by these bodies, representing the great losses which they had sustained from the suspension of traffic, the immense sums due from America, and the ruin that must accrue to them unless intercourse should be speedily re-opened with the colonies. They were presented as soon as parliament met; and also petitions from various other bodies and parts of the kingdom. The West India merchants and planters stated how deeply they were concerned in this dispute, as the sugar islands not only drew a great part of their provisions from America, but were supplied with lumber from thence, for which they bartered their rum and sugars; so that an interruption of the intercourse between the l^ritish American continent and those islands, was likely not only to deprive the latter of the means of sending their produce to Europe, but to cause a great body of people to perish for want of sustenance. The various petitions were referred to a committee of the house; but from the little attention that was paid to them, it was called Ihe committee of oblivion. The petition from the congress to the king had been transmitted to London ; his majesty re- fused to receive it from a body of which he could not acknowledge the legality, but referred it to parliament. On the 26th of January, sir George Saville presented a petition to the house from three American agents praying to be heard on the subject of the petition presented by them from the congress to the king, and which his majesty had referred to the house. A hearing was refused by the commons on the same ground, that no attention could be paid to that petition without acknow- ledging the authority of the meeting. The opponents of coercion now received a re-enforcement of genius, eloquence, and political wisdom, by the appearance of lord Chatham in the house of lords, after an absence of several years. That illustrious statesman, who had carried the prosperity and glory of his country to so exalted a pitch, now left the sick room, that lie might try to avert the cvilk with which it was threatened, from the feeble, fluctuating, and erro- lable fidelity adhered to him in every vicissitvide of fortime, have given their opin- ion, that he was not really minister, but the ofFtcial executor of positive commands. I »m aware also, that in this assertion tliey are said to proceed, not merely on general inferences, but on specific evidence. From the nature of the allegku DoccMKNTS, 1 know well that if they exist, they cannot at present be made public. If the truth of this account were established, we should, indeed, have to consider his lordship as officially obeying orders, but not as voluntarily proposing counsels ; this perhaps, might excuse him as the servant of a master, but would not be suffi- cient to acquit him as member of a deliberative assembly. Even in this last view, palliations might be found to apologise to the indulgent, though it might be more difficult to discover facts and arguments which would satisfy the rigidly just. irrs.— Chap. XIV. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 339 [Lord Chatham returns to the house. His introductory speech.] neous policy of his successors in administration. Lord Dartmouth, secretary of state for the American department, having laid sundry pa- pers before tlie house relative to the state of affairs in America, lord Chatham moved an address to the king for recalling the troops from Boston. The speech that introduced the motion was replete with that forcihie, brilliant, and impressive eloquence, which during forty years had delighted, instructed, and astonished parliament. " The Americans, (said he,) sore under injuries and irritated by wrongs, stript of their in- born rights and dearest privileges, have resisted oppression, and entered; into confederacies for preserving their common liberties. Under this idea, the colonists have appointed men competent to so great an under- taking to consider and devise the most effectual means for maintaining so inestimable a blessing. Invested with this right by the choice of a free people, these delegates have deliberated with prudence, with wis- dom, and with spirit; and, in consequence of these deliberations, have addressed the justice and the honour of their country. This is their fault, this is their crime; they have petitioned for that, without which a free people cannot possibly exist. Much has been said of late about the authority of parliament. Its acts are held up as sacred edicts de- manding implicit submission, because, if the supreme power does not lodge somewhere operatively and effectively, there must be an end of all legislation. But they who thus argue, or rather dogmatize, do not see the whole of this question on great, wise and liberal grounds. In every free state, the constitution is fixed, and all legislative power and autho- rity, wheresoever placed, either in collective bodies or individuals, must be derived under that established polity from which they are framed. Therefore, however strong and effective acts of legislation may be when they are formed in the spirit of this constitution, yet when they resist its principles, or counteract its provisions, they attack their own foundation; for it is the constitution, and the constitution only, which limits both so- vereignty and allegiance. This doctrine is no temporary doctrine taken up on particular occasions to answer particular purposes, it is involved in no metaphysical doubts and intricacies, but clear, precise, and deter- minate: it is recorded in all our law books; it is written in the great vo- lume of nature; it is the essential and unalterable right of Englishmen, and accords with all the principles of justice and civil policy, which nei- ther armed force on the one side, nor submission on the other, can upon any occasion eradicate. Dreadful will be the effects of coercive mea- sures. Government has sent an armed force of above seventeen thou- sand men to dragoon the Bostonians into what is called their duty. Minis- ters, so far from turning their eyes to the impolicy and dreadful conse- quences of this scheme, are constantly sending out more troops, and declaring, in the language of menace, that if seventeen thousand men cannot, fifty thousand shall enforce obedience. So powerful an army may ravage the country, and waste and destroy as they march; but in the progress of seventeen hundred miles, can they occupy the places that they have passed? Will not a country which can produce three millions of people, wronged and insulted as they are, start up like hydras in every corner, and gather fresh strength from fresh opposition?'"* In this situation and prospect, he proposed that a petition should be present- ed to his majesty to recall the army from Boston, as the present position • See parliamentary debates, January 20, 17T5. 340 HISTORY OF THE Chap. XIV.-177v [His plan of conciliation.] of the troops rendered them and the Americans continually liable to events whicli wouKi prevent the possibility of re-establishing concord. This well-timed mark of aftection and good will on our side, would re- move all jealousy and apprehension on the other, and produce the hap- piest eflects to botlu If we consulted either our interest or our dignity, the first advance.^ to peace should come from Britain. " If the minis- ters, on the contrary, persevere m their present measures, 1 will not (said he) assert that, the king is betrayed, but I will pronounce that the <^ingdom is undone. I have crawled to tell you my opinion; I think it my duty to give the whole of my experience and counsel to my country at all tunes, but more particularly when it so much needs political guid- ance. Having thus entered on the threshold of this business, I will knock at your gates for justice, and never stop, unless infirmities should nail me to my bed, until I have at least employed every means in my poaer to heal those unhappy divisions. Every motive of equity and of policy, of dignity and of prudence, urges you to allay the ferment in America, by ihe removal of your troops from Boston, by a repeal ot your acts of parliament, and by a demonstration of amicable dispositions to .vard your colonies. On the other hand, every danger impends to de- ter you from perseverance in your present ruinous measures. Foreign war hangs over your heads by a slight and brittle thread; France and Spain no watching your conduct, and waiting for the maturity of your errors." His present motion, lord Chatham said, he had formed for a solid, honourable, and lasting settlement between Britain and America. This first speech of his lordship on the ministerial project of America, dictated by comprehensive wisdom, operating on accurate and extensive political knowledge, made little impression on the majority of the house. The peers who supported administration expressed themselves in high and decisive language, they severely reprobated the conduct of the Ame- ricans, and asserted that all conciliatory means had proved ineflectual : it was high time (they said) for the mother country to assert her autho- rity; concession in the present case would defeat its own object: the navigation act, and all other laws that form the great basis on which those advantages rest, and the true interests of both countries depend, would fall a victim to the interested and ambitious views of America. In a word, it was declared that the mother country should never relax till America confessed our supremacy; and it was avowed to be the ministe- rial resolution to enforce obedience by arms. The motion was negatived by a great majority; but lord Chatham, not discouraged by the rejection of his introductory motion, perse- vered in prosecuting his scheme of conciliation: for which purpose he laid before the house the outlines of a bill, under the title of " A provincial act for settling the troubles in America, and for asserting the supreme legislative authority and superintending power of Great Britain over the colonies," It proposed to repeal all the statutes which had been passed in the former session relative to America ; in •which were included the Quebec act, and another law that regulated the quartering of soldiers : also to rescind eight acts of parliament, pass- ed in the present reign from the fourth year to the twelfth. It pro- posed to restrain the powers of the admiralty and vice-admiralty courts in America within their ancient limits, and to establish the trial by jury in all such civil cases in which it had been lately abolished; the judges to hold their offices and salaries as in England, guamdiu se dene 1 rrs.— Chap. X[V. liEIGN OF GEOllGE III. 34 1 [Opposition to the plan. It is rejected by a great majority.] gesserint. It declared the colonies in America to be justly entitled to the privileges, franchises, and immunities granted by tlieir seve- ral charters or constitutions; and that such charters ouglit not to be invaded or resumed, unless for some legal grounds of forfeiture. IJut "while his bill took these steps to satisfy the colonies, it .vindicated the supremacy of Great Britain : expressed the dependence of America on the parent country ;* asserted, as an undoubted prerogative, tlie king's right to send any part of the legal army to whalever station in his dominions he judged expedient for the public good, and con- demned a passage in the petition of the general congress which ques- tioned that right ; on the other ni^nd it declared, that no miiitiiry force, however legally raised and kept, can ever be constitutionally employ- ed to violate and destroy the jubt .ight of the people. His lordship, aware of the many and complicated ixtaterials of his bill, requested the assistance of the house to digest and reduce them to the form best suited to the dignity and importance of the suljjcct. He deprecated the effects of party or prejudice, factious spleen, or blind predi- lection. Though a superficial view might rcpiesent this as a bill of concession solely, just and accurate examination would discover it to be also a bill of assertion. This proposiiion underwent a great diversity of discussion; the variety and multiplicity of important ob- jects comprised in it were alleged to be much too numerous for being the subject of one act; each of the objects deserved a separate consideration, and ought to be investigated with the most; scrutinizing accuracy. The ministerial lords were indeed extreme- ly violent in opposing the bill ; they asserted, that it granted to the Americans whatever they wanted, without securing the rights of the British legislature. The colonists had manifested a rebellious and hostile disposition, and it would be grossly impolitic to make conces- sions to subjects who had shown a resolution to revolt. In their stric- tures on the bill, some ministerial lords, without regarding the cha- racter, age, and services of its illustrious author, indulged themselves in petulant personalities, which answered no other purpose than to rouse the generous indignation merited by that folly which wantonly provokes superior power. He again predicted, that so violent a sys- tem would drive America to a total separation from Great Britain : foreign rivals were regarding the proceedings of the British govern- ment with the most vigilant attention, and entertaining sanguine hopes of the reduction of our power, and the dismemberment of our empire, • The colonies of America, it set forth, have been, are, and ofriglit ought to be dependent upon the imperial crown of Great Britain, and subordmate to the British parliament; and that tl^e king's most excellent majesty, by and with thr advice and consent of the lords spiritual and temporal, and commons in parlia- ment assembled, had, have, and of right ought to have full power and authority to make laws and statutes of sufficient force and validity to bind the people of die British colonies in America, in all matters touching tlie general weal of the whole dominions of the imperial crown of Great Britain, and beyond the competen- cy of the local representatives of a distinct colony ; and most especially, an in- dubitable and indispensable right to make andlord'ain laws for regulating naviga- tion and trade throughout the complicated system of British commerce ; the deep poUcy of such precedent acts upholding the guardian navy of the whole British empire ; and that all subjects in the colonies are bound, in duty and allegiance, du- ly to recognize and obey (and they are hereby required so to do) the supreme le gislative authority and superintending power of the parliament of Great Britain 342 HISTORY OF THE Chap. XFV.— 1775. [Opinions of ministry respecling America. Observations of Mr. Fox.) through the incapacity and infatuation of our ministers; though cau- tiously forbearing interference, until by perseverance in our ruinous plan, the colonics were completely sepuraied from the mother coun- try. Such were the conclusions and predictions of consummate wis- dom ; but they were disregarded, and the propositions for terminat- ing the dissensions between Britain and America were rejected by a great niiijority. The house of commons breathed a spirit of coercion no less vehe- ment than that of the house ot peers. On the 3d of February, the mi- nister moved an address to the king, declaring Massachusetts Bay to be in a state of rebellion, and detailing the acts from which he at- tempted to justify his assertion : they had been countenanced and en- couraged by unlawful combinations in other colonies, to the injury and oppression of many of their innocent fellow-subjects resident within the kingdom of Great Britain and the rest of his majesty's do- minions ; and their conduct was more inexcusable, as the parliament of Britain had conducted itself with such moderation toward the Ame- ricans ; but though ready to redress real grievances, dutifully and constitutionally submitted to parliament, they would not relinquish the sovereign authority which the legislature possessed over the co- lonies. The address besought his majesty to take the most effectual measures to enforce obedience ; and assured him of the fixed resolu- tion of the addressers, at the hazard ot their lives and properties, to stand by his majesty, against all rebellious attempts, in the mainte- nance of his rights and those of the two houses of parliament. This was a very momentous motion, the fate of which, it was foreseen, must in a great measure determine whether there would or would not be a civil war ; for were the provincials declared to be rebels, it was very probable that they would be hurried to actual revolt. The address met with strong opposition ; Mr. Dunning endeavoured to prove that the Americans were not in rebellion, and supported his assertion by an appeal to legal definitions, which, he contended, did not apply to any of the acts in Massachusetts. The address to the sovereign contained a charge against fellow-subjects that was not true, and asked him to prosecute a crime which had not been committed. Mr. Thurlow, the ailorney-general, affirmed, that the Americans were traitors and rebels, but did not prove his position from a com- parison cf their conduct v/ith the treason laws. Ministerial mem- bers endeavoured to show that they were both rebels and cow- ards , colonel Grant, in particular, told the house, that he had often aculent, which, from the same sympathetic feelings, and confornuty of opinions and determinations, were Uiost libe- rally Itestowed. It was not temperance that rryected'luxiuy ; it was not infh)lence that precluded conunercial enterpri.se and professional eflbrt ; it was not generosity which madi; the rich munificent ; or idleness or ser- vility which m.ide the poor seek .
    sistence iVom thegift^ of the wealthy. AH ordinary .springs of action were absorbed by the love of liberty ; aud irr5.— Chap. XV. REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 355 [Effects of tlic parliamentary proceedings in America.] llie enthusiastic ardour of the coloni.sts was regulated and guided by pru- dence and firmness. Wliile in most of the provinces they made prepara- tions for hostility, should Britain persevere in coercive measures, they abstained from actual violence. It was hoped by many, that the petition of congress to the throne would be attended with success ; and also, that the address to the people of England would be productive of useful ef- fects, and influence the deliberations of the new parliament. They did not, however, intermit their attention to warlike affairs ; they exercised and trained the militia ; and, as soon as advice was received of the pro- clamation issued in England to prevent the exportation of arms and am- munition to America, measures were speedily taken to remedy the de- fect. For this purpose, and to render themselves as independent as pos- sible on foreigners for the supply of these essential articles, mills were erected, and manufactories formed, both at Philadelphia and Virginia,* for making gunpowder, and encouragement was given in all the colonies to the fabrication of arms. It was in the northern provinces that hostili- ties commenced : when the proclamation concerning warlike stores was known in Rhode-Island, the populace rising, seized on all the ordnance belonging to the crown in that province, amounting to forty pieces of cannon, which had been placed on batteries for defending the harbour, and these they removed into the country. Inquiry having been made by the governor concerning this procedure, the provincials did not hesitate to avow that their object was to prevent the cannon from falling into the hands of his majesty's forces, and that they intended to employ them against any power which should attempt molestation. The assembly of the province also passed resolutions for procuring arms and military stores, by every means and from every quarter in which they could be obtained, as well as for training and arming the inhabitants. In New- Hampshire, hitherto moderate, the proclamation caused an insurrection ; a great number of armed men assembled, and, surprising a small fort called William and Mary, took possession of the ordnance and other mi- litary stores. Bleanwhile the colonies anxiously waited for the king's speech, and the addresses of the new parliament; the tenour of which would in a great degree determine whether the British government meant coercion or conciliation. On the arrival of those papers, they produced the very effect which opposition had predicted. Instead of intimidating the Americans, they impelled them to greater firmness, to a more close and general union. In proportion as government manifested itself earnest to force them to submission, the more resolved were they to resist that force : they considered Britain as attacking their rights and liberties, and these they determined to defend. The provincial conventions of the southern provinces now imitated those of the north, in passing resolu- tions for warlike preparations ; which, before the arrival of the speech and addresses, had not been proposed by any of the middle or southern assembhes, but had been left to individuals. The provincial convention of Pennsylvania passed a resolution of the nature of a hostile manifesto ; declaring their wish to see harmony restored between Britain and the co- lonies, but that if the humble and loyal petition of the congress to his majesty should be disregarded, and the British adn)ini.stration, instead of redressing grievances, were delcruiincd by force to eflcct u submission * See Stedmun. 356 HISTORY OF THE Chap. XV.— 1775. [Warlike preparations. Expedition to Concord.] to the late arbitrary acts of parliament, in such a situation they held it their indispensable duty to resist that force, and at every hazard to defend the dearest privileges of America. Preparations were now making through- out the colonies for holding a general congress in the month of May ; while in the intern)ediatc time the provincial conventions continued to meet, in order to appoint delegates to the congress, direct and hasten military preparations, and encourage the spirit of resistance in the people. But, as the republican spirit of Massachusetts had from the beginning carried opposition to a much greater length than in the other colonies, so in this province actual hostilities first commenced. The provincial con- gress having met in February 1775, directed its chief attention to the acr quisition of arms and warlike stores, by purchase, seizure, or any other means. Contributions were levied for defraying the expense of warlii^e preparations. The most violent of the Bostonians had removed into the country, to join the other colonists ; but those who remained in the town, though less outrageous, w'ere equally hostile : they greatly co-operated with their friends in the country, by communicating whatever they could discover of the intentions of the British governor, and by this means be- came more instrumental in defeating his plans. General Gage having received intelligence that some ordnance was deposited at Salem, on the 26th of February sent a detachment to bring the stores to Boston. The troops embarked on board a transport, and landing at Marblehead, proceeded to Salem ; but the Americans having received information of the design, had removed the cannon. The com- mander of the detachment marched farther into the country, in hopes of overtaking the stores ; but was stopt by a small river, over which there had been a drawbridge : this had been taken up by a multitude of people on the opposite shore, who alleged that it was private property, over which they had no right to pass without the consent of the owner. The officer, seeing a boat, resolved to make use of it for transporting his men ; but a party of peasants jumped into the boat with axes, and cut holes through the bottom. A scuffle arose between them and the soldiers about the boat : a clergyman who had seen the whole transaction, inter- posed, and having convinced the people that the pursuit of the cannon was now too late to be successful, prevailed on them to let down the bridge. The British troops passed : and, finding their object unattainable, returned to Boston. During the spring, the provincial agents had collected a great quantity of stores, which were deposited at Concord, a town situated twenty miles from Boston. Informed of the magazine, general Gage sent a body of troops, late in the night of the 19th of April, to destroy these stores. The detachment consisted of the grenadiers and light infantry of his ar- my, and the marines, under the command of lieutenant-colonel Smith and major Pitcairn, amounting to about nine hundred men. The troops took every pracaution to prevent the provincials from being informed of their march ; but they had not advanced many miles, before it was per- ceived, by the firing of guns and the ringing of bells, that the country was alarmed. Colonel Smith, finding that their destination was suspect- ed, if not discovered, ordered the light infantry to march with all possible despatch to secure the bridges, and different roads beyond Concord; and to intercept the stores, should they be attempted to be moved. These companies about five in the morning reached Lexington, fifteen miles 1775.— Chap. XV. IIEIGN OF GEORGE HI. 357 [Battle of Lexington.] from Boston, where they saw a body of provincial militia assembled on a green near the road. The Americans before this time had disclaimed all design of attacking the king's troops, professed to take up arms only for the purpose of self-defence, and avoided skirmishes with the British sol- diers ; but on this day hostilities actually commenced, and here the first blood was shed in the contest between Britain and America. When the British troops approached, the Americans were (luestioned for what pur- pose they had met, and ordered to disperse ; on which the colonists im- mediately retired in confusion. Several guns were then fired upon the king's soldiers from a stone wall, and also from the meeting-house and other buildings, by which one man was wounded, and a horse shot under major Pitcairn. Our soldiers returned the fire, killed some of the provin- cials, wounded others, and dispersed the rest. The Americans asserted that the fire began on our side ; and, besides endeavouring to establish the assertion by testimony, argued from probability ; our light infantry consisted of six companies; the militia assembled at Lexington, of only one company ; was it probable (they asked) that an inferior number of militia would attack a superior number of regular troops? To tliis the obvious answer is, the indiscretion of an alleged act is not a proof that it was not committed, nor is it sufficient to overturn positive evidence. The British oflicers who were present, gave the account which general Gage reported in his letters to government,* that the Americans fired first ; and on the testimony of several respectable gentlemen of unimpeached character, this assertion rests. The Americans being routed, the light infantry, who were now over- taken by the grenadiers, marched forward to Concord. A body of pro- vincial militia being assembled upon a hill near the entrance of the town, the light infantry were ordered to drive them from that position, when the provincials were accordingly dislodged, and pursued to a bridge beyond the town ; but rallying on the other side, a sharp action ensued, in which several of both parties were killed and wounded. Meanwhile the grena- diers destroyed the stores at Concord ; and the purpose of the expedition being accomplished, the light infantry were ordered to retire, and the whole detachment to march back to Boston. The provincials being by this time alarmed, assembled from all quarters, and posting themselves in ambuscade, among trees, in houses, and behind walls, harassed the British troops on the flank and rear. On their arrival at Lexington, the king's soldiers met lord Percy, who was advancing with a second de- tachment to support the first. The corps which had been at Concord was so overcome with fatigue, that they were obliged to lie down for rest on the ground, while lord Percy formed his fresh troops into a square, which enclosed colonel Smith's party. The troops being refreshed, they proceeded on their march to Boston, still very much harassed by the Americans, whose fire they could not return, as it issued from concealed situations, which they left as soon as their muskets had been discharged. They arrived at Boston late in the evening, quite exhausted ; the loss on each side amounted to about sixty killed and wounded. This first engagement demonstrated, that the Americans, though not inured to military discipline, possessed both courage and activity ; and, being well acquainted with the country, had skill to avail themselves of that advan- * London Gazette of June lOlli, 1775. 358 HISTORY OF THE Cuap. Xy.—1775. [American army. Second meeting of the general congress.] tage. The conflict also illustrated the species of warfare by which they could most successfully annoy the British soldiers. In open field they could not, till better disciplined, meet us without certain loss ; but by ambuscade, harassing our marches and straitening our quarters, they were able to compensate their deficiency in a regular battle. Their own military state, and the nature of the country, dictated irregular operations, and the occurrences of this day exemplified the expediency of a cujsory mode. The British troojjs, though consisting in all of two thousand men, being so pressed by those desultory assailants, farther proved, that the Americans were not altogether such contemptible warriors as the in- formers of government had represented, and the credulity of ministers and their supporters believed. The Americans represented this march of the British troops back to Boston as a retreat, and themselves as having gained a victory ; at the same time they declared hostilities to have been begun by the king's forces. Irritated by this conceived aggression, and by the reductioii of their stores, and elated by their supposed success, their countrymen imagined that they could drive the royal army from Boston : they were farther inflamed by a report, that one object of the expedition to Concord was to seize John Hancock, already mentioned, and Samuel Adams, two leading characters in the provincial convention, and the latter a delegate to the general congress. The militia poured in from every quarter of the province, and formed a considerable army, with which they invested Bos- ton. Tiie army being in the field, the provincial congress passed regu- lations for arraying it, fixing the pay of the officers and soldiers, levying money, and establishing a paper currency to defray expenses, pledging at the same time the faith of the provinces for the payment of its notes. The congress farther resolved, that general Gage, by 1ms late conduct, had utterly disqualified himself from acting in the province as governor, or in any other capacity, and that no obedience was due to him ; but, on the contrary, that he was to be considered as an inveterate enemy. Thus they assumed both the legislative and executive authority : mean- while they attempted to justify their conduct in an address to the people of Great Britain ; to whom they presented their statement of the actions at Lexington and Concord. They still made great professions of loyalty, but would not (they said) tamely submit to persecution and tyranny ; ap- pealed to heaven for the justice of their cause, and declared, that they were determined either to be free, or die. Their account of the contest at Lexington being rapidly spread through the other colonies, was re- ceived with unhesitating belief, and produced throughout the continent nearly the same effect as in tiieir own province ; stimulating resentment to hostility, and encouraging hopes of success. Similar resolutions were adopted by the otlior provinces, concerning the array of an army, the es- tablishment of a revenue, and the civil administration of afl'airs. Lord North's conciliatory plan now arriving, was every where rejected, and increased their indignation. It was (they said) a weak attempt to disu- nite the colonies, and, by detaching a part from the defence of their rights, to reduce the whole to such terms, as the British government thought proper to impose : they execrated the intention as tyrannical, but de.-!|)ised the design as iuefllcacious. . Sucli was the American disposition of mind wlien the general congress jsscmblcd on the appointed day at Pliilamd to her projects of ag- gression and usurpation : for near a century this country had been indi- rectly her most formidable opponent by land, and directly her conqueror by sea : Britain was the seat of every confederacy that repressed her am- bition, and, in the preceding war, obtained a superiority unprecedented in former contests. France, beholding England with envy, resentment, and terror, rejoiced at an internal contest which would employ great part of the British force, and enable her and her dependent, Spain, to attack their triumphant rival witli con.-idcratjle probability of success. She would wait until the breach was irreparable ; but, as soon as she saw the complete separation effected, to which the counsels of the British go- vernment was driving the colonies, she would throw off the mask. The Spanish king, particularly ill disposed towards Britain, indignant at the humiliation of bis kingdom by her power, and envious of her prosperity, would sacrifice the peculiar interest of his dominions to his connexion with France, and liis own personal animosity to England. Britain would have to contend with her colonies, who were forced to revolt, and the combined power of the house of Bourbon. Thus while a numerous body of senators supported the measures of administration for subjugating the colonjes, and expressed their thorough conviction of the wi.sdoin and ellicacy of the ministerial plans and mea- sures, a smaller number endeavoured to prove that both counsels and • Sec parlinuicntary df^bates on tlie Address, Oct. 25tb, 1775, f See speeches of Hurke and Fo.x. 1775.— CiiAP. XVI. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 377 [Employment of Hanoverian troops. Inquiry into the late campaign] conrluct were unwise, and would be incffeclual and ruinous. The histo- rian who, from tlie monuments of facts and consequences, would leave a lesson to posterity, must, in rcc frcn ice continental congress to the king, was a ground for a conciliation o;' the unhappy differences at present subsist- ing between Great Britain and America. Besides repeating the argu- ments which had been so often discussed, he argued that here was a declaration which demonstrated that the Americans wished for recon- cilement, &nd desired no concession from us derogatory to the honour of the motlier country. On the side of ministry it was contended, that to treat with the congress would be to acknowledge the legality of the as- sembly and its proceedings; that the petition was an insidious and trai- torous attempt to impose upon the king and parliament; and that, while the authors held out smooth language and false professions, they were at the very instant, in their appeals to the people of Great Britain and Ireland, abusing the parliament, denyingitfta authority, and endeavouring to involve the whole empire in rebellion and bloodshed, by inducing their fellow-subjects in these kingdoms to make one common cause with them, in opposition to law and government; the evidence before the house was chargeable with partiality and prejudice, and deserved no regard. After a violent debate, the duke of Richmond's motion was negatived by a majority of eighty-six to thirty-three. On the thirteenth of November, the house of commons having resolved itself into a committee of supply, the minister expatiated on the necessity of reducing the colonies, and expressed a fear th '. he must apply for the assistance of the landed pro- prietors, in an additional shilling to the land tax. Opposition observed, that this was a foretaste to the country gentlemen of the advantages which they would realize from the scheme of taxing America. Lord North now advanced a position, that taxation was only a secondary ob- ject, and that the supremacy of Britain was the principal ground of war; on which remark sopie of his usual supporters began to express dissatis- faction. The dextei"0us versatility of the minister explained his mean- ing to be, that the idea of taxation, and of levying a productive revenue from America, was never abandoned, and that ministers merely intended its .suspension. The dispute at present was of a much higher nature than it had been originally, and taxation was but an inferior considera- tion when the supremacy of the legislative authority of this country was at stake. He would have thern therefore perfectly understand, that whatever general terms the ministers might at any time make use of, taxation neither is, nor ever was, out of their view. As a further proof of his sincerity upon this subject, he declared that there were no means by which the legislative authority and commercial control of this country over the collies could be ensured, but by combining them with taxa- tion: the country gentlemen were convinced, and the motion was car- ried in the affirmative. • Neglect or rejection of all information which did not favour their own views, was oae of the chief and most uniform cliaracteristics of Lord North's administra- tion. 1775.— Chap. XVI. REIGN OF GEOKGE III. 331 [Conciliatory motion of Burke. Bill prohibiting' trade, etc. with America.] On the 16th of November, Mr. Burke introduced a new conciliatory bill, in which, instead of expediency, the ground of his arguments in tho two preceding se.5sions, he founded his motion on the right of the sub- jects of this realm to grant or withhold all ta.xes, as recognized by the great financial statute passed in the reign of Edward the First, slahdiim de iallagio non concechndo. On this statute, he observed, rested the protection of property from arbitrary invasion, a security which consti- tuted one of the most striking differences between Britain and absolute governments. He demonstrated, that, on account of the immense, dis- tance, it was impracticable for the American subjects of Britain to enjoy tliis privilege by representation in parliament, and that therefore, to be on an equal footing with other British subjects, they should be taxed by their own assemblies. The necessity which occasioned Edward's sta- tute to be framed, was similar to the exigency of the present times ; it originated in a dispute between that monarch and his people, relative to taxation. The latter was victorious, and obtained this important privi- lege, that no taxes should be imposed on them without the consent of the parliament. The present bill was intended to procure a similar ad- vantage for the Americans ; on this account, waving the consideration of the question of right, it renounced the exercise of taxation. Great Britain, however, reserved to herself the power of levying commercial duties, which were to be applied to those purposes that the general as- sembly of each province should deem most salutary and beneficial. The mother country also reserved to herself the power of assembling the co- lonies in congress. The bill then proposed to repeal all the laws of which the colonists complained, and to pass an immediate act of am- nesty. The principal objections to the bill were, that it conceded too much for Britain, and not near enough to .satisfy the Americans. It was also contended that, as a plan of accommodation had been already chalk- ed out in the speech from the throne, it would be disrespectful to the king to adopt any other plan, until that had been tried. The discussion of this bill brought forward the most distinguished orators on both sides: when, on a division, experiencing the usual fate of anti-ministerial propo- sitions, it was negatived by a great majority. On the 20th of November, lord North introduced a bill for prohibiting all trade and intercourse with the thirteen colonies of America. It autho- rized the commanders of his majesty's ships of war to make prizes of the ships or goods belonging to the Americans, whether found on the high seas or in harbour, and vested the property in the captors. A clause was inserted, by which all Americans, who should be taken on board the vessels belonging to that continent, were made liable to serve indiscri- minately, without distinction of persons, as common sailors on board our ships of war, at the discretion of the commanding officer. Such colo- nists were to be entered upon the ship's books, and considered as volun- teers ; and being so entered, Avere to be set on shore in Great Britain or Ireland, or in any part of America not then in rebeUion, and there to be liberated. As this prohibitory bill comprehended every species of the American commerce and employment upon the sea along the coast of the confederated states, all the former acts which affected any particular post, or any branch of commerce, were repealed, in which the Boston port and the fishery bills were included. While all were proscribed who refused unconditional submission, pardon was held out to those who returned to 382 HISTORY OF THE Chap. XVI.— 1775. [Dinerent provinces of Messrs. Burke and Fox.] their duty, and commissioners were appointed for inquiring into the me- rits of individuals or colonies who should accept of the proffered mercy. Opposition displayed its formidable talents in showing that the proposed law amounted to a declaration of war, and drove the Americans to the alternative of absolute subjugation or independence ; that it would give tlie finishing blow to the separation of Britain from her colonies, farther ruin our African trade and the West Indies, and arrest remittances from the colonics for the liquidation of their great debts due to British mer- chants. • AVhile thus producing so much mischief to our plantations and mercantile interests, the Americans would be supplied from other mar- kets ; Britain would lose a great source of wealth, with little annoyance to the colonies, and to the gain of foreign nations. It was a ridiculous inconsistency to begin with declaring war and confiscating the efi'ects of the Americans, and conclude with some fallacious provisions concerning peace. In defence of the bill, it was said, that the Americans were at war with us ; that while hostilities continued, every means must be em- ployed to distress our antagonists, as much as if we were acting against external enemies. Messrs. Wedderburne and Thurlow displayed great ingenuity in supporting these positions, and endeavoured to prove, that the inconveniences felt by the West Indian planters and 'British mer- chants were temporary, but that the permanent good would overbalance the evil. Petitions against the bill were presented, and disregarded : it was carried, however, through both houses by a great majority, and passed into a law. While the act was pending, Mr. Hartley proposed a conciliatory bill, similar in principle and object to that of Mr. Burke, though somewhat dillbrent in detail ; but it met with the same fate. The transcendent genius of Messrs. Burke and Fo.k, though exercised in every subject that came before parliament, had two different fields on which they respectively displayed their greatest excellence. The legis- lative plans proposed by opposition, projects of conciliation, and other schemes of deliberative policy, requiring the union of accurate and exten- sive detail, with confirmed habits of generalization, were most frequently the productions of Mr. Burke. Discussions of executorial plans, and concise inquiries concerning specific measures, requiring also energy of intellect, firmness and dcci.sion of temper, but without demanding .such a compass of general knowledge, or at least equal habits of philosophic contemplation, came chiefly from Mr. Fox. Mr. Burke, watching over legislation, might be called the lawgiver, and Mr. Fox, over executive measures and conduct, the statesman of opposition. On the 22d of November, Mr. Fox moved for an account to be laid before the house of the expenses of the army in America, from August 1773 to August 177o. He said, that from tlicse papers he could demonstrate the delu- sion of ministers, and the waste of the public money, to have been asto- nishing. 'I'he expenses of the ordnance in particular in the year 1775, had been greater than in any of the duke of Marlborough's campaigns. Although every branch <>l' the military service had been amply provided tor by the minister's own acknow lodgment, and according to his own ap- propriation to the respective services, a debt had been incurred in the *!inglc department of ordnance, amounting to two hundred and forty thousand pounds. When in a canq)aign of .so little exertion the expcn- fliture had been so great, what was to be expected from the operations tff the ensuing year ? Ministers opposed this motion, because, they said. 1775. (]HAy. XVI. UVAGH 07 GEORGE III. 383 [Petition from Nova Scotia. Despondency of ministers.] several accounts were not received. Mr. Fox obviated their objection, by confining his requisition to the papers which were in their possession; but the ministerial party also controverted this proposition, and from their unwillingness to submit the accounts to the inspection of the house, Mr. Fox was afterwards doubly vigilant in his inquiries concerning pub- lic expenditure. A petition, before the recess, Avas presented* from Nova Scotia to each house of parliament, in consequence of lord North's conciliatory proposition ; which by its promoters was intended as a model for the rest of the colonies. It proposed a revenue to be raised among them, under the direction of parliament. This doctrine being extremely agreeable to ministry, they gave the petition a very favourable reception, though they knew the amount of the revenue must be very inconsiderable. The pro- posed mode of taxation was, the payment of a certain proportionable sum on the importation of foreign commodities, but that the rate of the duty should be first fixed by parliament. To this plan it was objected, that the revenue heretofore drawn from the provinces, every part of which, except the tea duty, had been submitted to, and chiefly paid, was more productive than the new duties proposed in lieu of them would be, in case this regulation was generally adopted : neither did it appear likely, that the opulent colonies should follow the example of a district which ever had been a considerable expense to government, and continued to require a yearly grant from parliament for its support. The minister at first supported the petition, and a motion founded upon it passed the committee ; but during the discussion, perceiving its inefficacy, he suf- fered it to be rejected. Though the public measures and declarations of ministers expressed a determination to persevere in coercion and confident assurance of suc- cess, yet it is now knownf that, at the very time of their menacing pro- testations, they were really oppressed with fear and despondency ; they appear, indeed, to have been wavering between the false shame that pre- vents the abandonment of projects which had been precipitately embraced, and sad forebodings of ultimate failure. The first business that engaged the house after the recess, was a mea- sure of the government of Ireland ; the lord-lieutenant had sent a writ- ten message to the house of commons, requiring, in the king's name, four thousand additional troops from that kingdom for the American service, promising that their expense should not be defrayed on the Irish estab- lishment, and offering to replace them by continental auxiliaries without any expense. The commons of Ireland granted the native forces re- quired ; but after a violent debate, leaving the ministerial party in the minority, they refused to admit foreign soldier's. The message proposing the employment of troops from and in Ireland without being paid by that country, obviously meant that they were to • See parliamentary journals, Dec. 1, 1775. f From various sources, and especially from the writings of Gibbon, as we may see by the following extract from a letter, written the 18th of January 1776, during the Christmas recess. "I think our meeting will be lively; a spirited minoritj', and a desponding majority. The higher people are placed, the more gloomy are their countenances, the more melancholy their language, i'ou may call this cowardice ; but I fear it rises from their knowledge (a late knowledge) of the difhculty and magnitude of the business." 384 HISTORY OF THE Chap. XVI.— 1775. [Discussion respecting Irish troops. Proposed inquiry of Mr. Fox.] be paid by Great Britain ; and was not without reason considered as an eligagement by the crown, to dispose of British pubHc money without the consent or knowledge of tiie Britisli house of commons. On the loth of February 1776, JMr. Thomas Townshend moved, that the lord- lieuteuant's nu'ssage was a breach of the privilege of that house. The arguments by which he supported his motion were, the principles and practice of the Briti.^^h constitution concerning pecuniary grants, and the designs which such attempts intunated ; he also mentioned, though only incidentally, the absurd extravagance of paying eight thousand men for the use of four thousand. The ministerial speakers did not all take the same ground : lord North declared, that though his majesty's servants in Britain had a general co-operation with his servants in Ireland, the former did not consider themselves as responsible for the conduct of the latter : he however justified the message on the ground of expediency, Without closely discussing the right. Others supporting a higher tone of prerogative, insisted that the king had a right to introduce foreign troops into any part of liis dominions whenever he deemed it expedient. Most members of opposition w'ure3 down to the j)resent time. If, according to the hypothesis of ministers, coercion was practicable, either they had not planned efficient measures, and atforded the proper force, or they had intrusted its direc- tion and conduct to incompetent officers : there had somewhere been incapacity, neglect, or misconduct. Whether the rapid extension of dis- affection, the successes of the Americans, and the inefficiency of our troops, was owing to unfitness in one class of servants to deliberate and to determine, in another to execute, or to both, parliament ought to be informed. The country had given the minister the means of effectual effort, and had a right to explore the causes of the failure, and to know what ministers or military officers deserved, or did not deserve, farther employment. Minister.-^ themselves, if conscious that no blame was justly imputable to tiiem, were interested in promoting the desired scru- tiny ; they would rejoice at such an opportunity of vindicating their con- duct to the public, and of convincing the people that our present national disgraces, misfortunes, and application of that support which they had so liberally given, were not owing to ministerial ignorance, incapacity, or want of integrity. He concluded with a position, that none wished to avoid inquiry, but those who were either culpable themselves, or wish- l776.~CHi.r. XVI. UEIGN OF GEORGE HI. 385 [lleply of lord North. Subsidy to German princes.] ed to screen the culpability of others ; an observation, doubtless ecnc- mlly, but not universally just. IMr. Fox urjjcd these arguments vitb a force which could not be resisted by reasoning : what they were unable to combat, ministers endeavoured to elude. There appeared on the the question, as on others before mentioned, a want of coincidence in the arguments of mini.stry and their friends. Lord North was less de- cisive in his opposition than many of his supporters, and very evideutly showed a disposition to moderation, from which he was often recalled by his more violent coadjutors ; he had rather betrayed than discovered a disposition to conciliate, instead of coercing, but had been prevented by the abettors of stronger measures. In discussions with opposition, he showed a similar disposition, rather to palliate than directly to contro- vert. From the great abilities of his lordship, it may be fairly inferred, that his indecision arose in some degree tVom doubts about the general wisdom of the plan wliich hewas pursuing. It was by no means probable, that a man of lord North's talents, if thoroughly convinced that what he proposed was unobjectionable, would discover such hesitation. He ad- mitted, that miscarriages had happened, but it was impossible to foresee every event ; he was ready to resign his office, whenever the house should withdraw its confidence. Mr. Fox had charged administration with wickedness, ignorance, and neglect ; the first, he assured them, was wrong, and the two last remained to be proved. This vague, tem- porizing, and indecisive reply to Mr. Fox's definite charges, if it did not prove, at least afforded grounds for forming an opinion, that lord North liimself was not altogether satisfied with the part which he was acting. Others of much less ability were by far more decided in their opposition to an inquiry. On the 29th of February, treaties between his majesty and the duke of Brunswick, also the landgrave of Hesse-Cassel and the hereditary prince of Ilesse-Cassel, were laid before parliament. By these agree- ments, four thousand three hundred Brunswick troops and twelve thou- .sand Hessians were taken into Briti.sh service. To the duke of Bruns- wick an annual subsidy was to be paid, of fifteen thousand five hundred and nineteen pounds. For the Hessians a double rate was to be paid, amountinof to one hundred and fourteen thousand two hundred and nine- ty-eight pounds. The levy money to both princes was seven pound.? four shillings and four pence per head ; every man killed was to be charged at the rate of the levy money. All were to receive the same pay, ordinary and extraordinary as British troops. The minister con- tended, that the supply was necessary, and that the terms were fair. Op- position reprobated the measure of hiring foreign mercenaries against British subjects ; the motion, however, was carried by a great majority m both houses. The secretary at war having moved for a supply of 845,000/. for the extraordinaries of the army, this vast demand incur- red in so short a time, and in so confined and inefficacious a service, roused all the vigour of opposition. Neither the campaign of 1704, which, by discomfiting France delivered Europe ; nor of 1760, which subdued North America; had cost near so much as 1775, which pro- duced nothing but disgrace. Ministers rested their measures on the sanction of parliament ; the misfortunes of the last campaign (they said) were owing to their belief that the Americans were not in general so wicked as they had actually proved, and from that conviction we had Vol. VII.— 49 386 7ITSTORY OF THE OfiAP, XVI.— 1776. [Last efforts of the duke of Grafton for reconciliation. Assurances of ministers.] employed too small an army ; but in the present campaign, the forco which should be sent would totally reduce the colonies. On the 14th of March, the last attempt was made to prevent war be- tween the parent and the children. The duke of Grafton moved an ad- dress to his majesty, entreating, that to put an end to the effusion of blood, and to evince to the world the wish of the sovereign and the par- liament to restore peace and tranquillity, he should issue a proclamation, declaring, if the revolted colonies would present to the commander in chief of his majesty's forces in America, or to the commissioners sent out with powers adequate to the purposes of making peace or war, a pe- tition setting forth their grievances, hostilities should he in)mediately sus- pended, and the petition referred to the parliament, to be considered with the most solemn and serious attention. The great object of this motion seems to have been, to remedy the defects of the late prohibitory act : which, according to opposition, held out a delusive show of peace, without furnishing the means, or containing the powers, by wliich it could be effected. Besides the general arguments which this motion na- turally suggested, its mover adduced a declaration of lord George Ger- maine, in the other house, that nothing less than unconditional submis- sion from America would satisfy Britain. To promote the address, his grace farther stated, that intelligence was received by himself that mes- sengers had been sent by France to general Washington and the con- gress, and argued that this conciliatory proposition, would prevent the Americans from seeking the means of defence in foreign assistance. Ministers contended, that conciliation was almost impracticable, and that nothing could more certainly prevent it than concession. An ofler to admit them to amity on any other terms than those already proposed, would be a degradation to the honour of the king, the parliament, and the country. The Americans would be reduced in one campaign to ac- cept of the terms which we were pleased to offer : France would not in- terfere in a dispute between us and our colonies. If she had any such intention, it would be an additional argument for employing our force to subjugate America, before she could be joined by so powerful an auxili- ary. We have (they said) passed the Rubicon, and it is no longer time for us to be proposing conciliation. This was the language not of mere parrots of the political creeds that happened to be in vogue lor the day, but of many senators of considerable talents and knowledge; some high- ly distinguished for ability, and one equal to most men that ever appear- ed in a legislative assembly. A reader, who should know the origin, principles, and history of the American war, without having attended to parliamentary debate and speeches, would learn with surprise, that a most strenuous abettor of coercive measures, a determined enemy to nvery plan of a conciliatory spirit, a supporter of unconditional submis- sion and a prophesier of speedy subjugation, was lord IVlansfield. Such powers of argument in cases of momentous importance, drawing conclu- sions from insufficient information and erroneous principles ; such pro- found wisdom sanctioning the measures, decrees, and acts of misinfor- mation, precipitancy, and violence ; aflbrd a .striking instance of the weakness which, from the imperfection of human nature, is often inter- mingled with the most exalted qualities ; it teaches the reasoner in drawing his inferences, and the counsellor in forming his schemes, not to place implicit reliance on either the authority or example of even an illustrious sage. irre.—cujLT. xvi. imoN of george hi. 387 [Scotch militia bill rejected.] A bill was this year proposed for establishing a militia in Scotland, which, was eagerly patronized by members from that country, but strong- ly controverted by English senators. In favour of the bill it was argued, that the obvious utility of militia as a national defence, rendered its es- tablishment as proper in Scotland as in England ; and that the attach- ment now evinced by Scotchmen to the family on the throne, removed objections formerly weighty. On the other side it was alleged, that there was neither necessity nor occasion for the proposed scheme. A militia was local, and paid by the landholders for their protection and defence ; the Scotch paid one-fortieth part only of the land tax, out of which the militia expenses were paid : the population of Scotland was a fifth of that of England ; it was therefore unreasonable in her to apply for a militia, in the maintenance oi" which her expense would be but one- eighth of her advantage in proportion to England. The answer to this was obvious ; that though the specific fund for defraying the militia ex- penses was the land tax^ the protection of that branch of revenue was not its sole purpose, but the defence of every constituent of private and public property and security. After a warm contest, the minister being left in a minority, the bill was rejected. In providing the ways and means for the current year, a loan of two millions was found necessary. The funds for paying the interest, being taxes on articles of luxury, were favourable to the financial character of the minister. After passing a vote of credit for another million, the ses- sion closed on the 23d of May. 388 HISTORY OF THK Chap. X\ll.—177&- CTIAPTEi^ X\ii. Evacuation of Boston. — Britisli troops sail to Hulli'ux — objects of campaign 177t^ three : first, recovery of Canada, anrl invasion of colonies by llie lakes — se- condly, expedition to Carolina — thirdly, and chiefly, invasion of New-York — Quebec relieved, and Canada recovered. — liritish armament under sir Henry Clinton and sir Peter Parker, arrives too late in North Carolina — proceed to the south — siejje of Charleston — raised — Internal proceedings .jf the colonies- de- claration of independence. — Objects and reasons of the New York expedition — Rnt.sh force arrives there — description of New- York and its dependencies— pacificating overtures of the British commanders — rejected — Battle of Long Island. — Americans defeated, but escape. — Capture of New-York — town set on fire by the Americans. — Battle of AVhite Plains — Americans defeated in one part, but the main body escapes. — Battle and capture of Fort Washington. — General Howe plans detached expeditions — invasion and reduction of Rhode- Uhind— rapid successes of lord Cornwallis in the Jerseys — consternation ami flight of the Americans — expect general Howe at Philadelphia — lord Cornwal- lis ordered into winter quarters — revival of American spirits from the cessation of pursuit — animated to most extraordinary exertions — their offensive opera- tions — surprise of the Hessians at Trenton, and its important effects. — Opera- tions on the lakes — Crown Point taken, but evacuated. — General result of the campaign. — Depredations of American privateers — encouraged by France and Spain. The principal scene of action in which Britain was now engaged, was the American colonies ; thither, therefore, the history must ciall the attention of the reader. Boston^ from the preceding summer, had continued in a state of blockade. Gage was returned home, and the command had devolved on general Howe. The British admiral hav- ing been displeased with the conduct of Falmouth, a sea port town in the northern part of Massachusetts Bay, cannonaded atid destroyed the place; and the provincials being informed of this proceeding, issued out letters of marque and reprisal, declaring, however, it was their intention to confine their hostilities to the capture of ships which should carry stores and provisions to the British army at Boston. Se- veral vessels laden with necessaries of life, were taken at the very en- trance of the harbour ; the capture of the coal ships was severely felt, both from the coldness of the winter in that climate, and from that being a harder season than usual. Many of the inhabitants, who were known abettors of the American cause, were still retained as hostages, and all the loyalists who could escape, took refuge in Boston ; ihence there was not only a want of fresh meat, but even of salt provisions. To supply the deficiency of firing, they destroyed several houses, and used the materials; but still liic scarcity increased. Aware of the dif- ficulties. Washington prosecuted the siege with a double vigour, in order to take the place before the arrival of re-enibrccments from Britain. On the 2d of March, a battery was opened on the western side of the town, whence it was dreadfully annoyed by a furious dis- charge of cannon and bombs : and on the 5th, another acted on the eastern shore. Nevertheless, the British troops acquitted themselves 1776— CuAP. XVII. UEIGN OF GEORGE lU. 389 [Proposed objects of the campaign. Americans evacuate Canada.] with surprising fortitude, and during Iburleen days, endured this bom- bardment with undaunted courage. The besieged had no altcrnulive, but either to dislodge the Americans, or to evacuate the town. The general attempted to attack, the enemy, but lound they were sc» strongly posted as to render the assault impracticable. The British must have ascended a perpendicular eminence, on the lop of which the Americans had prepared hogsheads chained together in great numbers, and filled with stones,* to roll down upon the king's troops as they climbed up the hill. Finding that they could not force the works of the American general, and being in the greatest distress for want of provisions, general Howe and the British loyalists embarked for Halifax on the 17th of March, and arrived liiere in the end of the month. By their departure, the Americans becam» masters of Bos- ton, and a considerable quantity of artillery and stores, which general Howe was obliged to leave behind. Some ships were left in the bay, to protect the vessels which should arrive from England ; but, as it afterwards appeared, they were not sufficient to prevent the British transports from falling into the hands of the enemy. The objects proposed by the Britisli government in the present campaign were three — to relieve Quebec, recover Canada, and invade the colonies through the lakes — to make an impression on the south- ern provinces, and to undertake an expedition to New-York. During these transactions at Boston, col. Arnold continued the blockade of Quebec, notwithstanding a very severe season, and under great dif- ficulties; re-enforcements arrived very slowly from the congress, and the Canadians were disheartened and wavering; the succours, how- ever, at last came, and Quebec being cut off from supplies by land, and the ice in the river not admitting assistance from England, the townsmen and garrison experienced many difficulties- But as the season advanced for the safe navigation of the river, the Americans became more active, that they might anticipate the arrival of the troops from England: they renewed the siege, and erected batteries to burn the shipping While the besieged were engaged in attending^ to those operations, Arnold attempted to storm the town in another quarter, and made his entrance into the suburbs, but could not pene- trate farther. Meanwhile, the small -pox, so pestilential in that coun- try where inoculation was not common, broke out in the American army, and frightened many of the soldiers to desert. Although it was now the beginning of May, and the river was far from being clear of ice, an English squadron made its way up to Quebec, and on finding succours arrived, the besiegers retired. On the 9th of May, Carleton proceeded in pursuit of Arnold, just as they had begun the retreat. Seeing the troops, they left the artillery and military stores to the British, and thus the siege of Quebec was raised, after continuing about five months. Understanding that a number of sick and wounded provincials were scattered about the woods and villages, the governor issued a proclamation, ordering the proper officers to find out these miserable people, afford them relief and assistance at the public ex- pense, and assure them that, on their recovery, they should have the • " This species of pi'eparation, (Mr. Stedman observes,) will exemplify jn a striking manner that fertility of expedients which strongly characterized tbr- AmericRiis during the war." $00 IIISTOKV or rut Cuap. XVII.--1776. [State of afVairs in the Carolinas.j Hberiy to return to their respective provinces. In the end of May, several regiments arrivinj^ tVom Ireland and England, together with .1 regiment from general Howe, and the Brunswick troops, which, when added to those who were before in the province, amounted to thirteen thousand men, Carleton prepared for offensive operations. The general rendezvous was at the Three Rivers, about half way be- tween Montreal and Quebec. A body of Americans having attacked the advanced division of the British troops, was repulsed with great loss. General Ikirgoync arrived with the re enforcements in Canada, and was sent in pursuit of the provincials. Conscious of their inability to maintain their conquest, the provincials evacuated Montreal, Fort St. John, crossed lake Champlain, and stationed themselves at Crown Point, whither th« British commander did not follow them for the pre- sent. While the campaign opened thus auspiciously for Britain in the noith, attempts wee made to re-establish her authority in the south. The p,overnois of tiie several colonies had represented, that in the middle ^md southern provinces there was a considerable spirit of loy- alty, but that the well affected were afraid to discover their senti- nitnts ; and i) at if a powerful force were sent from the mother coun- try to co-operu;e with them, they would immediately attach them- selves to her cause. In consequence of this information, an army was prepared, under the command of sir Henry Clinton and sir Peter Par- ker, and ordered to sail to North Ci.rolina, from the loyalists of whichj the most sanguine expectations were entertained. Governor Martin of North Carolina, though obliged to take refuge in a ship, had been extremely active in the service of Britain: he maintained a correspondence with the settlers in the back country, especially with an unruly class of men, known by the name of regu- lators, who were inimical to orderly government, had formerly been very troublesome to the British establishment, and transferred to the provincials their hostility, since they had acquired the ascendancy In the same parts, there was a totally different set of men, emigrants from the Highlands of Scotland, under the pressure of the most indi- gent circumstances, who were distinguished for loyalty to their sove- reign, and attachment to their native land, which poverty and want had compelled them to abandon. Actuated by such contrary motives, to oppose the Americans, these two classes of settlers co-operated and acquired a considerable degree of force. Martin projected to unite with them all the back settlers of the southern colonies, and that the whole should act in conjunction with the king's troops, who were ex- pected early in the spring, and also bring forward the Indians to assist the royal cause. By the desire of Martin, Mr. Macdonald, a High- land gentleman, of known courage, enterprise, and ability, directed and headed the execution of the scheme ; the governor also issued a proclamation, commanding all persons on their allegiance to repair to the royal standard ; but it was necessary to embody the loyalists, in order to keep them steady in their intentions ; and this step ulti- mately disconcerted the undertaking. Their hopes of success rested on the concealment of the design, until his majesty's troops should arrive; but the formation of a corps, however, soon reached and alarmed the provincials. General Macdonald proposed to march to Wilmington, and there occupy a secure post, until the British landing should be able to afford them assistance. Inforrped of these proceed- 1776.— Chap. XVIL ItEIGN OP GEOKGE IH, 39| [Armament under sir Flenry Clinton. Attempt uymn Charleston] ings, Mr. Moore, a provincial gentleman, and colonel of the Caroli- nians, advanced with a body of troops iu quest of Macdonald. The Highlander sent Moore a copy of the king's proclauuition ; in answer to which, the provincial commander transmitted the test to the con- gress, promising (if they should subscribe to it) to treat Macdonald and his party as friends, but denouncing the severest vengeance in case of a refusal. The royalists losing time in negotiation, the provin- cials had leisure to assemble in great numbers to the standard of co- lonel Moore. Macdonald proceeding on his march, descried Mr. Cas- well, a provincial colonel, who was hastening with a body of colonists to join the general, and found him posted at Moore's creek bridge upon Cape Fear river, not far from Wilmington. The emigrants with great fury began the attack with broad-swords ; but colonel Macleod, the second in command, and others of their bravest officers being killed, the people, who, in the spirit of their native country regarded their leaders as chieftains, were disheartened by the fall of their com- manders, and thrown into a confusion which reached the rest of the corps; the whole party was broken and dispersed, and, being pur- sued, many of them were taken prisoners, and among others, general Macdonald. Such was the issue of the first enterprise in the southern colonies for supporting the cause of the British government. Among the causes which had contributed to the distinguished suc- cess of Mr. Secretary Pitt's belligerent measures, one of the most ef- ficacious was promptness of preparation. This was a quality ex- tremely deficient in the armaments that were employed during the ministry of lord North, and the forces sent out on an expedition were frequently too late for accomplishing their purpose. The troops des- tined to co-operate with the loyalists of the south, ought to have left Cork before Christmas, that they might reach Carolina in the be- ginning of spring, so as to be in the field before the commence- ment of the great heats that are so injurious to northern constitu- tions, unless gradually encountered ; but they did not depart from Ire- land till the 7th of February, and it was the 3d of May before they ar- rived at Cape Fear. General Clinton having joined them from Bos- ton, took the command ; and finding that from the discomfiture of the royalists he could have no hopes of success in North Carolina, re- solved to make an attempt upon South Carolina, and to besiege Charleston its capital. This town was the great support of the war- like preparations in the southern colonies, and on account both of its strength and opulence, would be an important acquisition to Britain. The harbour of Charleston was protected and commanded by a fort upon Sullivan's Island, which is formed by the conflux of the rivers Ashley and Cooper, that almost enclose the town ; and an inlet of the sea. It was projected to capture that fort, and leaving a sufficient garrison for its defence, to intercept all intercourse between Charles- ton and the ocean. Clinton arrived on the 4th of June before the ca- pital of South Carolina; the American commander Lee, having re- ceived accurate intelligence concerning the motion of the British ge- neral, by forced marches appeared about the same time in the neigh- bourhood of Charleston, and posting himself on the banks of the river, secured a communication with Sullivan's Island. Between Clinton and the fort lay Long Island, from which he understood there was a fordable passage to Sullivan's Island ; he stationed himself on this 39'^ HJSTOliY OP THE Chap. XVII.— 1776. [Attack by the Ameficans upon the Bahamas. Internal acts of the colonies.] island, constructed batteries, and prepared for the siege. Having made dispositions for commencing the attack, on the 28th of June he poured a tremendous fire from land batteries, floating batteries, and the ships. The British troops behaved with their usual valour, and the Americans displayed great courage and perseverance. Three of our siiips having run aground, two of them were extricated ; but the third Slicking fast, was set on fire, to prevent her from falling into the hands of the enemy. The troops attempted the passage, but found that the water was not one foot in dcptli as they had been informed, but near seven feet ; under cover, however, of the fire, they attempt- ed to land, but it soon appeared that there were unexpected difficul- ties to encounter even if they did land. The information which the general had received concerning the access to the fort had been ex- tremely inaccurate ; there was between it and the shore a trench, in which he had understood that the water was shallow ; but, on exami- nation, it Avas discovered to be extremely deep, and also much more under the command of the castle than the general had supposed : the troops were for the present, therefore, ordered to return to their camp. The next day, dispositions were made for repeating the at- tempt, and there was a hot fire on both sides, by which two British ships being much damaged, were ordered to retire. The attempt was repeated in a part somewhat shallower than where the first trial had been made. General Clinton and several other officers waded up to their shoulders, but finding the depth of the water increasing, were unable to proceed ; the ships could not approach so near as to do ef- fectual execution, and general Lee was in great force on the other side to defend the forts : for all these reasons, Clinton thought it ex- pedient to desist from the attempt. It was said by military critics, that the British general had not bestowed sufficient pains to investigate the situation and accessibility of the place before he commenced the attack ; that his ships might have approached much nearer the fort, and covered the landing of the troops : by political critics it was al- leged that the difficulties arose from the general causes which had been predicted; the determination and force of the Americans, in- spired by the love of liberty, and thoroughly acquainted with the na- ture of the country and posts which they had to defend. Lord Dunmore continued to carry on naval hostilities on the coasts of the southern provinces, but finding he could make no effectual im- pression, retired to Florida. The Americans, on the other hand, fit- ting out a squadron from Boston, attacked the Bahama islands, and plundered them of stores and artillery, by which means they brought to their country a supply which was very much wanted. Clinton was summoned by general Ilowe to meet him at New-York, but before wc accompany the southern force to its junction with the commander- in-chief and the main army, it is proper to take a view of the civil proceedings in the colonies, which, both on account of their political importance and influence on military operations, merit and require historical notice. In the former year, the provincial assembly of New-England had passed resolutions, manifesting a disposition to independency; but rather to feel tlic pulse of the other colonies and of their constitu- ents, than to pledge themselves by an explicit proposition. Their de- legates in the congress, and the other most violent members, having 1776— CiiAF. XVII. KEIGN OF CliOHGR III. 393 [Uecommendation of congress. Parties in the provinces] sounded the rest of the representatives, discovered, tliat from several colonies there was an aversion to that measure, and that a separation was regarded as one of the greatest evils, which ought not to be in- curred unless absolutely necessary for the preservation of their liber- ty. Bred up in republicanism, the Ncw-Englanders had deemed inde- pendence on a crowned head a desirable object; but other colonists, educated with monarchical principles, and attacJied to the king and people of Great Britain, regarded a connexion between themselves and the parent country as constituting the supreme advantages of both countries, and separation as only not so bad as slavery. The New-Englanders had been winning over the other colonies to their sentiments and principles, with great, i)Ut hitherto not complete suc- cess. The congress was becoming more and more subject to the in- fluence of its republican president; but still desirous of peace, it waited with anxiety for the result of its petition to the king, and for the measures which should be adopted in parliament. When it was learned that iio attention would be paid to the petition, that nothing short of unconditional submission would satisfy the British govern- ment, and that great armaments, including a numerous body of foreign mercenaries, were prepared in order to subjugate America, the greater number of delegates adopted the sentiments which were first generated and afterwards cherished by the New-Englanders. On the 30th of May, a prefatory resolution was passed, declaring, that the prohibitory act by which they were excluded from the protection of the crown, the rejection of their petition for redress and reconcilia- tion, with the intended exertion of all the British forces, assisted by foreign mercenaries, for their destruction, depriving the colonies of the king's protection, annihilated their allegiance; that it became now necessary for them to take the power of government into their own hands. It was therefore resolved, " to recommend to the various assemblies and conventions in the United States of America, where no form of government adequate to the exigencies of affairs had yet been adopted, to form such a constitution as should be most condu- cive to the public welfare and security." In the middle and southern provinces, of those who were deter- mined to resist coercion, there were two parties : the one wished merely to oppose all acts of hostility, but still to leave room for re- union;* the other resolved not only to resist, but to outrage the Bri- tish government. In a state of public ferment, moderation is gene- rally regarded as lukewarmness, and indiftcrence as enmity to the prevailing sentiment. In most of the colonial assemblies, being guided by the advice of the congress, they instructed their delegates to sup- port independence. In Pennsylvania and Maryland,! the assemblies resolved to oppose this measure ; and the amount of their reasoning was — Britain has oppressed, and is attempting to subdue America, it becomes us therefore to resist, but the necessity of resistance docs not justify measures injurious to ourselves, and not necessary to ren- der our. resistance effectual; we can fight as well without mentioning independence, as after declaring it ; we will not actually obey the commands of Britain, while inconsistent with our constitutional rights, but we ought not therefore to preclude the possibility of a re- • Annual Register, 1776, p. 1G3. | Andrews, vol. ii. p. 209. Vol. VII.— 50 394 I[ISTOKY OF THE Chap, XVII.— 1776. [Declaration of Independence.] conciliation,* by a change in the British counsels, which experience of the inetficacy of her plans may in time be expected to produce ; meanwhile our efforts shall be as energetic as those of the most zeal- ous votary of independence. The separation from Britain, even if finally attainable, would be productive of great and evident evils. The protection of the parent state, the salutary power of a common sovereign to balance so many separate and possibly discordant pro- vinces, the important political and commercial advantages of the old union appeared in a striking light to every man of discernment, whose mind was not clouded by the passions that overspread the muUiiude ; but no art was spared to make the contrary opinion popu- lar, and no means were more successful than publications which, by- enumerating the various acts of alleged oppression, stimulated the hatred and resentment of the children against their parents. Of these works one of the most efiectual was an essay of the noted Thomas Paine, written in the style and spirit which he has so frequently exhi" bited, strong, coarse, and inflammatory. The bold and unqualified in- trepidity of assertion passed, with undisciplined understandings, as unanswerable arguments ; familiarity of illustration, and vulgarity of allusion, highly pleased unrefined tastes ; an appeal to their preju- dices and prepossessions gratified their passions, and they concluded that he must be right whose opinions and sentiments agreed with their own.f Displaying an ability and skill, the amount of which was, that he could att Jire to combuntiblcs, Paine's address acted powerfully on the populace of Philadelphia, and contributed to inspire them with different sentiments from their provincial assembly and their delegates in the congress. The delegates, however, thought it necessary on so important a question to take the sense of their con- stituents, and after a great contest it was carried that they should be instructed to agree to the determination of congress. Notwithstand- ing the artifices of demagogues, there still remained in Philadelphia a considerable body inimical to independence. In Maryland, the dele- gates were instructed to oppose the question of independence in con- gress. Having accordingly voted against it, they were driven from the assembly ; and, on returning home, they found the violent party gaining ground. A second meeting of constituents was called, and they returned with instructions to vote for independence. On the 4th of July, the congress of delegates from thirteen English colonies in America, declared the provinces a free and independent state. In the declaration, they commenced with observing, that when it becomes necessary far one people to dissolve the political bands| which have connected it with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature, of nations, and of God, entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the cause which impels them to the separation. Government being an institution for the hap- piness of the governed, whenever it becomes destructive of that end, must be dissolved. Having laid down this general rule, they proceed- ed to enumerate the facts which, in their opinion, proved the British government'of our colonies to have been destructive to its end, and • Annual Register, 1776, p. 164. f Rdmsay, vol. i. p. 336. ^ S(ec state papers, July 4lli, 1776. 1776.— Cba9. XVII. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 395 [Enthusiastic reception by the people. Opinions of Washington.] comprised in the detail all iheacts already mentioned : in every stage of oppression, they alleged, that they humbly petitioned the king for redress, but Miith no effect. '< We have applied also (they said) to our British brethren ; we have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement ; we have appealed to their native jus- tice and magnanimity, and conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow those usurpations which \yould inevitably inter- rupt our connexion and correspondence: they have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity ; we must therefore acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our separation, and hold ihcni as we hold the rest of mankind — in war, enemies ; in peace, friends." For these reasons, they solemnly published, that they were henceforth free and independent states, and absolved from allegiance to the British crown: that all political connexion between them and Great Britain was and ought to be completely terminated ; that they had full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and do every other act which belonged to independent states. This celebrated declaration, which separated the colonics from Britain, was received with enthusiastic applause by the people, but by some of the wisest opponents of the mother country it was not equally re- lished. General Washington himself, though so strenuous and effica- cious a supporter of American resistance to what he conceived op- pression and tyranny, never, us far as I can learn, expressed an ap- probation of the total dissolution of the connexion between the colo- nies and the mother country.* His great and comprehensive mind viewed remote and distant objects ; he saw that whatever was the en- mity between Britain and America at present, it must at length termi- nate. He knew the vast advantages that had accrued, and the greater which might proceed from the renewal of friendly relations between Britain and North America; their language, their respective objects and pursuits fitted them for a reciprocity of benefit, if united, which he did not apprehend they could enjoy if separated. Distinguished as a champion of liberty, he was its champion whh the principles and discrimination of a wise man: he loved freedom secured by order, * In the original impression, I had written that gener.1l Washington roas fur from approving of an entire dissolution of the connexion. That opinion I founded partly on the general wisdom and moderation of tliat ilhistrious American, and tlic enmity which his conduct uniformly exhibited to democratic violence ; and partly on a letter for many years imputed to him, and inserted in a publication, which, till very lately, passed for genuine. I'he work in question is entitled, " Epistles, Domestic, Confidential, and Official, from general Washington;" and was long current, as its contents were probable, and its averments remained uncontradicted. The letter from whicli I made the citation inserted in a note, pages 469 and 470, of vol. i. had been, with five others, denied by general Washington, in an Ameri- can gazette, to be genuine, a sliort time before Ills death. Tiiis disavowal I did not hear of, till several months after the publication of the work^ when Mr. Bleecker, of New-York, wrote me, that the epistles in question were spurious, and referred me to the gazette in which they were disavowed by general Washington. Kar from wishing to impute any expression to any character in my history which he did not use, I am desirous of correcting the error respecting that fact ; and for iliat purpose have directed the quotation from the alleged letter to Mr, t.iind Wash- ington to be cancelled, and llic present explanation substituted in its place. My general opinion, however, that Washington, so eminent for wisdom and mo- deration, was an enemy to democratic violence, not resting on one letter, but on the whole tenour of his conduct, continues the same. 396 lIISTOliY OF THE Ciuv. XVII.— 1776. [The declaration naturally resulling from tlie measures of the British government.] and was a profound admirer of the British constitution : he did not therefore favour the democratical principles which, first spread by the New-Englandcrs, had extended throuijh the colonies; lie foresaw that the constitution resultinp^ from independence would be repub- lican, and niisjht from the influence of democratic zealots be incon- sistent with tranquillity and order. He therefore did not enter into the violence which was manifested by many abettors of independence. Engaged, however, in coiulucting military affairs, he did not deem himself necessitated publicly to declare every opinion which he might form upon the civil and political proceedings of his country- men ; and without agreeing with every demagogue that could agitate and inllamc the populace, he continued to support his country in de- fending what he thought her liberty : some of her counsels and reso- lutions might not meet his approbation, but was he therefore to de- sert her in war and danger ? As a patriot, he employed his talents not only in endeavouring to extricate her from danger and difTiculty, but in sacrificing his own particular sentiments for the sake of unanimity and the general welfare. Writers favourable to the coercion of America affirm, that indepen- dence was long before that period the aim of their leaders ; but being able to adduce no testimony or documents in support of their assertion, rest its weight on probable inferences from their conduct. " Hence, (says a late historian,)* their complaints of grievances were clamorous, frequent, and specific, while their professions of attachment and loyalty were merely general, and attended with no precise offers of conciliation or satisfaction." The American statement of grievances, in their peti- tions to the Iving, and other representations, were no doubt specific ; if they had been vague, they would have been nugatory. Their professions of loyalty and attachment were attended with no precise offers of con- ciliation or satisfaction, because in their view they, were suffering un- constitutional injury, and prayed for constitutional redress: they were reclaiming a right, and not making proposals for a bargain. They did not conceive tiiemselves to have committed injustice against the British government, aud therefore made no offers of satisfaction, either precise or general. Their propositions of conciliation were simple : they appre- hended that the new system of legislature was a violation of their privi- leges as British subjects, and declared that they would return to amity when, by the discontinuance of the present measures, their constitutional blessings should be restored. How entreaties or even requisitions that their connexion with the mother country should be replaced on the former footing, demonstrate an intention of entirely dissolving the tie, it is diffi- cult to discover. A farther argtmient to evince the American desire of independence is, that their demand of redress in the repeal of all the acts since 1763, must be insincere, for it could not be expected to be success- ful. " No party in Britain could attempt conciliation on such grounds : became, thereby they must have abandoned some principle :" the amount of which reasoning is, that if a statesman or lawgiver has proposed or adopted any measure or regulation, he must adhere to his resolution, that he may preserve his consistency ; a doctrine which, in such fallible beings a.s men, might often contravene the plainest dictates of justice and wisdom. In the colonial range of complaint, therefore, I can per- • Adolphus, vol. ii. p. 171. 1776.— Cnip. XVII. " »EIGN OF GF.OUGE III. 397 [Objects and reasons of the expedition to New-York.] ceive no proofs of determined separation. From the series of acts which the narrative has presented, it appears that the New-Englanders, since the commencement of the disputes, manifested dispositions to repubU- canism, from which v/c might fairly infer a desire, and even a design of eventual separation ; but that the middle and southern colonies were the votaries of loyal and constitutional connexion and subordination ; that their co-operation with the colonists of the north, was the immediate effect of the system of 1774 ; that their subsequent resistance arose from refused redress, and attempted coercion ; and their consent to the scheme of independence, from the total rejection of all their api)lica- tions, combined with elation for the successes of the former campaign. The independence of America, therefore, whether wise or unwise, evi- dently proceeded from no preconcerted design, but was a natural conse- quence of the measures that were pursued by the mother country, and the progress of human passions, when they refuse the admonitions of reason and wisdom ; from disputes to quarrels, repeated with increasing asperity, until they terminated in a final rupture. The main object of military operations was New-York ; and for making this part of America the chief seat of war, there were various reasons. The province of New-York, running north-west joins with Canada, that runs south-west, and both together enclose New-England, and divide it from the southern colonies. By possessing New- York and the southern part of the province, while the Canadian army invaded it on the north, a communication, it was conceived, might be established between the secondary and primary army ; both could co-operate vigorously, easily reduce New-England, afterwards act in concert against the more south- ern colonies, and procure the assistance of the back settlers, many of whom were well disposed to the mother country. New-York was a cen- trical position, from which operations might be directed either to the one side or the other, as occasion miglit serve, or circumstances require, so that this position enabled the British commander to prescribe the scene of action, and to quit it Avhen he chose ; and if the army were with- drawn from the field, the great north river, and the different channels between the islands and the main land, would enable him by his ships and detachments, to harass the adjoining countries ; while the provincials, however powerful, could make no attempt upon the islands that would not be attended with greater inconveniences, and liable to imminent dan- ger. Besides these advantages, Long Island was very fertile in wheat and all other corns, abounded with herbs and flocks, and was deemed almost equal alone to the maintenance of an army. In the province, especially in the upper part towards Albany, there were reported to be many loyalists, who would flock to the British standard as soon as they could manifest their sentiments safely. New- York, from these circum- stances, was an object of high importance, and its attainment was cot reckoned difficult: much the better part of the province is enclosed in islands, which being long and narrow, were exposed on all sides to at- tacks from our fleets, and to the descents of our troops ; and whci con- quered, the protection of the ships of war would be as effectual in their preservation, as their hostility had been in their reduction. Tlvise were the reasons on which the military plan was founded, and wljatever the sentiments of the reader may be respecting the wisdom of thp statesmar* who proposed, and the lawgivers who adopted the measures which pro- 398 HISTORY OF THE Chap. XVH.— 1776. [Arrival of the British armament. Description of New- York.] duced enmities between America and the mother country, he will proba- bly without hesitation admit, that the plan of military operation was not discreditable to the talents of its author as a war minister. But the his- tory now proceeds to narrate its execution. General Howe was obliged to remain at Halifax for two months, to receive re-cnforccments which he expected from England, with a fleet commanded by his brother, lord Howe ; the armament from England much exceeded the time that had been planned for its departure from lionie. The general, therefore, resolved to wait no longer at Halifax, but to proceed southwards, that there might be no delay after lord Howe should reach America. Leaving Halifax on the 11th June, in tlie end of the month he arrived in Saridy Hook near New-York. During his passage, he was joined by six transports full of Highland troops, belong- ing to the forty-second and seventy-first regiments ; from them he learned that colonel (Campbell with a detachment was separated from the rest of the armament : he afterwards found, that going into Boston, where they expected to have joined the British army, they were taken prisoners by the provincials. The town of Now-York is situated in an island running from north to soutliL, at the mouth of the Hudson river, at the southern extremity, separated from New-York island by a narrow channel ; on the east, is Long Island ; directly south, in sight, but at a greater distance, is Staten Island ; beyond which, and in the same direction, lies Sandy Hook. The Americans having been informed of the destination of the British armament, had been at great pains to fortify New-York town and island, and to make tlie access as difficult as possible, by sinking ships in the most approachable part of the channel ; they were also provided with a numerous artillery, and guarded by a strong body of troops. On the northern extremity of New-York island, it communicated with the conti- nent by a bridge, called Kingsbridge. liong Island, from its extent, was not so strongly fortified, yet was well guarded, had an encampment on the side next New-York, and also works on the most accessible parts of tiie coast. Staten Island being less valuable, was not guarded with equal strength and vigilance : thitlicr, therefore, he proceeded, and landed with- out opposition : he met with Mr. Tryon, lute governor of New- York, and other loyalists, who informed him of the disposition of the province, and strength of the enemy. From the accounts which he received of the provincial force, he found that it would be impracticable to commence iiostilities until the armament from England should arrive. It was the 11th of July before lord Howe reached Staten Island: the troops that ■were conveyed in the fleet consisted of twenty regiments of foot, and a regiment of light dragoons, and also the Hessian auxiliaries : so re- enforced, the Bnti-ih army amoimted to near thirty thousand men. The commanders possessed high characters, and had distinguished themselve."? in .subordinate stations of trust and importance in the former war. The naval officer had, in the year 1758, on the coast of France, laid the fouufjition of a fame wiiicli was increased during subsequent services: ihe mi'itary gentleman was the distinguished favourite of general Wolfe, led the 'aody which first seized the heights of Abraham,* and afterwards supported and advanced the estimation in which he was held. It was * See this volume, p. 102. 1776.— Chap. XVII. HKIGN OF GEOUGE UI. 399 [Pacific overtiirts of the British commanders rejected.} true, ho never had an opportunity of sifjnalizing himself as a general, ex- cept at Bunker's hill ; and having acted there under the command of an- other, he merely proved, as before, that he was an active and intrepid soldier : but from his conduct in secondary situations, he was very na- turally allowed credit for abilities which could fill up the first with equal propriety. From their near relation, no doubt was entertained that there would ,be the utmost harmony between the general and admiral ; and the appointment of lord Howe and sir William to the chief command of the naval and military operations, aftbrded general satisfaction in England, and the most sanguine expectations were entertained of their success. It must be acknowledged, that their hopes were not without apparently- probable grounds. The American army did not exceed twenty thou- sand,* raw and undisciplined,| to oppose thirty thousand veterans. These were unprovided with the various accommodations and even necessaries of a inilitary life, whereas the British forces were abundantly supplied with every article that could be useful in warfare. Besides their military powers, the general and admiral were appointed, under the late act of parliament, the commissioners for restoring peace to the colonies, and for grantmg pardon to such as should deserve the royal mercy. Before they commenced hostile operations, they tried pa- cific proposals ; and their first act was a circular letter from lord Howe to the late governors of the several provinces, acquainting them with the power which was intrusted to his brother, and accompanied with a decla- ration to the public to a similar effect. His lordship, at tlie same time, sent a letter to the American general, addressed to George Washington, esq. which that commander refused to receive, as it did not describe the rank that he held under the United States. | On the 20th of August, general Howe sent his adjutant general, Patterson, with a letter addressed to George Washington, &c. &c, &c. The general received them with great politeness, but absolutely declined to accept an official letter with- out an address naming his office. A conference, however, ensued, in which nothing effectual was done^ General Washington said, the power of the commissioners appeared to be no more than to grant pardons : they were only defending what they deemed their indisputable right, had committed no fault, and therefore wanted no pardon. Dr. Franklin had for many years resided in Englijnd as agent for the colonies of Massa- •chusetts and Pennsylvania; he was lately returned to America, and be- ing a member of the congress, possessed very great influence. Lord Howe addressed a letter to him soon after his arrival at Staten Island ; therein stated the nature of his commission, expressed his hopes that America would unite with the British in dispositions for peace, and re- quested the assistance of Doctor Franklin to effect this purpose. Frank- lin replied, by informing his lordship, that preparatory to any propositions of amity or peace, it would be required that Britain should acknowledge the independence of America, defray the expenses of the war, and in- demnify the colonies for burning their towns. A correspondence also • See Stedman. f See general Washington's letter to Mr. Lund Washington. i This conduct was highly applauded by the congress, which passed a resolu- tion, directing, that for the future no commander in their service should receive any letters or message from the enemy which did not acknowledge In its address their official character. 400 HISTORY OF THE Chap. XVH.— 1776. [ Military operations. Battle of L»np-Island.] took place between lord Howe and lord Drummond, >vhich the latter cominuiucatcd to general Washington ; but it was equally unavailing, the same arguments being used on the side of Britain, met with the same objections on the side of America. These overtures of Britain being unavailing, and the re-enforcements being now arrived, the British connnanders opened the campaign on the 22d of August, a very late season, especially in a country in which winter sets in soon and severely ; but as it evidently arose from the tardiness with which troops arrived from Europe, the delay was not imputable to the commanders in America. The British forces began with an attempt to reduce Long Island ; and a division of four thousand men, crossing from Staten Island, under cover of three frigates and two bomb-ketches, landed there without resistance in Gravesend Bay, adjoining the strait that separates the two islands. The detachment having eifected its pur- pose, the rest of the army without difficulty effected their landing. The Americans were posted near Red-Hook, almost opposite to New- York, commanded by general Putnam. The road from Gravesend to Red- Hook lay across Flatbush, a woody tract of land, behind which a ridge of hills arise. General Putnam had sent a great body of troops to seize the defiles which led through those eminences. Lord Cornwallis ad- vanced towards the pass, but finding it already seized by the enemy, in conformity to orders which he had received, he refrained from an attack. Major-general Grant commanded the left wing that extended to the coast. The Hessians.under general de Heister composing the centre, advanced to Flatbush, while the commander in chief, with the greater part of the British forces, marched to the right over Flatland. General Clinton and .sir William Erskino having reconnoitred the position of the enemy, and finding also that their attention was chietly directed towards the Hes- sians, reported to general Howe, that they thouglit it would not be diffi- cult to turn the left flank of the provincials, and thereby force them either to hazard a battle, or abandon the hills. Thinking the proposal practi- cable, the general consented. It was concerted, that to favour the de- sign of the right wing, the attack should be begun by general Grant and the Hessians on the left and centre. Farther to draw off the attention of the enemy from the principal movement, the king's ships stationed to the riiiht of them moved towards the town, so as to make them conceive New- York to be the immediate object. » On the 2Cth of August, at nine o'clock in the evening, general Clinton, lord Cornwallis, and lord Percy, advanced with part of the troops, and general Howe himself brought forward the rest of that division. At nine in the morning, the British passed the heights ; general Clinton turned the left of the enemy, and crossed to Bedford, while Grant and De Heistor attacked the right and the centre. On the side of Flatbush, the Americana made a vigorous resistance ; but their left wing, finding itself attacked both on flank and rear, was thrown into confusion, and fled in all directions. The centre and right of the provincials, hearing of this total rout of the left, suddenly retreated in disorder ; about two thousand of the enemy were killed, and one thousand taken prisoners. Among the captured were, generab^ Sullivan, Udell, and lord Stirling: about three hundred British were killed and wounded. Of the slain were, leulenant-colonel Grant and sir Alexander Murray, both officers of great 1776.— Chap. XVH. UEIGN OF GKORGE III. 4qj [Masterly retreat of Washington.] merit ; the latter a young Scottish baronet* of indfipendont fortune, who leaving the comforts of ease and atlhionce for iiardship and danger, earned a premature, but glorious death in the service of iiis king and country. General Washington had been at New-York when the engagement be- gan ; hearing that a battle had commenced, he hastened over to the as- sistance of his countrymen ; but when he arrived, he found his troops involved in ditficulties by the stratagem of tlic enemy. On seeing their situation, he did not doubt but they would be entirely destroyed, as he conceived general Howe would certainly attack, and as certainly force, the American lines. Many of the Jiritish officers and soldiers were of the same opinion. Confident, however, that they must be re- duced by regular approaches, without risking the loss that might be sus- tained by an assault, the general declined the attempt. On the evening of the 27tli, the British army opened the intrenchments before the Ame- rican lines : the provincials finding it impossible to maintain their post in Long Island, on the 29th evacuated their encampment, and general Washington executed the retreat with great ability ; his troops were with- drawn from the camp and the different works, and with the baggage, stores, and part of the artillery, .were conveyed to the water side, they embarked, and passed over a long ferry to New-York with such won- derful silence and order, that the British army did not perceive the least motion, and were surprised in the morning at finding the lines abandoned, and seeing the last of the rear guard in their boats and out of danger. To do full justice to this masterly retreat, it must be considered that they had been driven to the corner of an island where they were enclosed in a space of two square miles, with near twenty thousand well disciphned troops in front ; and in the rear, an arm of the sea a mile wide, which could not be crossed but in several embarkations. Notwithstanding these obstacles, the provincials did not lose a single man, and carried off the greater part of their provisions, ammunition, and artillery. Military critics were of o[)inion, that sir William Howe might have forced their lines on the day of the battle ; and, since he chose the more gradual ope- ration of a siege, and must have known that from their reduced force it was their interest to withdraw, he might have divined it to be their 'wish ; therefore, it was to be expected that he Vi'ould have been so vigilant as to render their retreat impracticable ; and such a prevention would have been by no means difficult, because the sea between Red Hook and New-York is deep enough for a seventy-four gun-ship to anchor, and he might have easily stationed frigates which would have commanded the passage, and prevented their escape. t The boats which had brought them from New-York to Long Island, had laid on the Long Island shore three days after their defeat, in readiness to carry them over to New- \ ork. These, it is affirmed, might have been easily destroyed by the British ; but they did not experience the smallest annoyance. Possessed of Long Island, the English army had the command of New- York, and made preparations for a descent upon the island : two brigades of Hessians, and one British being left at Bedford, the rest of the army was posted at Newtown, Hellgate, Bushwick, and Flushing. On the west side of Long Island, opposite to*Horan's Hook, where the enemy had thrown up strong works, two batteries were erected.;]; This * Representative of tiie fannily of Bahnano in Perthshire, t See Stedman. ^ Stedman, vol. i. p. 199. Vol. VIL— 51 402 IIISTOUY OF THE Chap. XVII.— 1776. [Conciliatory propositions. Proclamntion of lord ITowc] work commanded TTellgatn, a passage between the islnnds of Buchanan, Montresor, and the Two lirothers, into the sound which separates Long Iskiiid from New-York and the Connecticut shore. The Enghsh bat- teries, in a short time, not only silenced the fire of the enemy from the work, but broke it up entirely, and rendered it utterly indefensible. While these preparation were going on, the British commanders again made overtures for peace. General Sullivan was dismissed on his pa- role, and despatched to Philadelphia, to submit to the congress some propositions, whereby lord Howe expressed a wish to confer with several moderate members, not as deputies from an independent state, but pri- vate gentlemen of influence in the colonies, that in these conferences they might adjust preliminaries for an accommodation of differences : he strongly insisted, that this was a favourable crisis, as neither party were reduced to a state of humiliation, so as to preclude discussion and mo- dification of terms. The congress replied, that they could not send their members to confer with him as private gentlemen, but they would depute a committee to learn whether his lordship was authorized to treat with persons appointed by congress : if that were the case, the committee would receive such ])roposals ; and accordingly doctor Benjamin Frank- lin, Messrs. John Adams, and Edward Rutledge, were the committee appointed to confer with lord Howe on this subject. Howe still ad- hered to the contents of the message which he sent by general Sullivan : the committee informed him that they could not, nor should not, act but as deputies from the congress ; nevertheless they were desirous of hear- ing what proposals he had to make. His lordship told them, that the king and government of Great Britain anxiously wished to finish the dis- sensions between Britain and the colonies. To accomplish this desira- ble end, the obnoxious acts should be revised, and every just cause of complaint removed, if America would declare her willingness to submit to the authority of Britain. The committee replied, that an acknow- ledgment of British superiority could not now be expected : petitions, his lordship must remember, bad been presented by the colonies to the king and parliament, but had been disregarded and despised ; America had not separated herself from Britain, but Britain from America. The co- lonies had not declared themselves independent, till the parent country had declared war : the subjects had not renounced allegiance, until the sovereign had withdrawn protection : even were the congress willing to replace America in the situation which she held in 1763, that body was not competent to execute such intentions : independence was declared in consequence of the collective voice of the people, by whom alone it could be annulled : but though the Americans did not desire to return under the dominion of England, they were willing to enter into any treaty m hich might be advantageous to both. From this answer, lord Howe, seeing that America was determined to persist in independence, put an end to the conference. He soon after published a declaration to the people of America, in which he offered pardon and protection to all who should return to their former submission and obedience ; and acquainted them, that it was his majesty's iiUcfVition to consent to tiie revisal of such acts as might aggrieve his subjects. The proclamation, however, prodtic«;d very little efl^ect ; the concession was too late, and the sword only could decide the contest. The two armies were divided by the East fiver, ubuut thirteen hundred 1776.— Chap. XVll. RPIIGN OF GUORGE III. 403 [CapUire of New-York. Movements of Wasliingtoii] yards in breadth ; and, after a long and .severe cannonade, it was resolved, that the first division of the army should, on the 15th of September, enter tlie island of New- York. Accordingly, commanded by general Clinton, lord Cornwallis, major-general Vaughan, brigadier-general Les- lie, and the Hessian colonel Donop, they embarked at the head of New- town-bay, which deeply indents Long Lsland, and where they were out of sicrht of the enemy. Being covered by five ships of war, on their en- trance into the river they proceeded to Kipp's Bay, about three miles north of New-York ; where, being less expected than in some other places, the preparation for defence was not so great : the works, how- ever, were neither feeble nor destitute of troops, but the fiie from the ships was so incessant and so well conducted, that they were soon aban- doned, and the army landed without opposition. The enemy uiimediately abandoned the city of New-York, and all their posts on the south part of the island, and retired towards the north, where their strength chiefly lay. The Americans had resolved, if the Engli-sh obtained possession of New- York, previous to the evacuation to set it on fire ; but they were obliged to leave it too quickly to carry their designs into execution. Some in- cendiaries, however, secreted themselves in deserted houses, and con- trived to set fire to the town in several places. On the morning of the 21st of September, about a third part of the town was destroyed ; and it Avas owning to the extraordinary exertion of the soldiers, that the wliole was not consumed. The general had fortified Kingsbridge, in order to secure a retreat ; and the works on both sides of the passage were so strong, that they ap- peared to defy all attempts on either. At Kingsbridge, ten thousand of the Americans were posted, and six thousand five hundred at Haerlem, near New-York. The whole force was so advantageously disposed, as to render an attack dangerous from New-York. General Howe, finding he could make no impression on them in that quarter, resolved to attack them from another : he proposed to move a great part of his army to the continent behind Kingsbridge, in the rear of the enemy, on the side whence they derived their provision ; but to retain possession of New- York by a strong garrison, protected in front by a chain of redoubts, and in the rear and on both the sides by the fleet. This manosuvre would compel the provincials either to hazard a battle, or be confined in New- York island, cut oflfby the army or fleet from every supply of provisions, the ships guarding the passage from the Jerseys, while the troops pos- sessed the country adjoining Kingsbridge. On the 12th of October, ge- neral Howe embarked his troops, crossed over to the continent towards Connecticut, and landed on Frog's Neck, near West Chester : here he was obliged to wait five days for stores from Staten Island ; and on the ISth, receiving information that Pell's Point would be a more convenient place for landing, the British re-embarked, and came ashore at the mouth of Hutchinson's river, whence they advanced up the country. Extending from East Chester to New-Rochelle, there are two roads to Connecticut, the lower near the sea, the upper through high grounds called the ^^ hite Plains. The lower route was, by their last movement, in possession of his majesty's troops ; and they now prepared to seize the higher. Mean- while general AVashington discovered that if he remained in his ])rescnt position, he would be obliged to hazard a general battle, which might be in its event decisively fatal to the colonics, as there could be no possibi- 404 nisTouY OF the chap. xvil— irre, [Retreat of the Americans. Capture of Fort Washington.] lity of a retreat. His army wa.s originally inferior in force and discipline to the royal host, and now reduced by recent defeat and sickness, it was still more dispirited : from the same causes, creat animosities prevailed between the troops of the northern and the soutliern colonies. As victory was little to be e.vpected in such circumstances, it was Washington's ob- ject to avoid a battle if possible ; but if an engagement was inevitable, to change his ground, that lie might have the gn-ater probability of securing a retreat. Leaving therefore New-York island, he posted his army, about seventeen thousand in numl)cr, near Kingsbridge, and occupied the ground from tlience to ^Vhite Plains, having the river Brunx in front, and de- tached eight thousand men "to occupy the eastern bank; on tiie 26lii, crossing with his whole army, he occupied a very strong position. On the 28th of October, the royal army, which consisted of thir- teen thousand men, leaving its encampment, advanced in two co- lumns ; general Clinton commanding the right, general de Heister the left. They found the Americans encamped on a long ridge of hill, on the brow of which they had hastily constructed lines. A bend of the Brunx protected the right flank, and another turning surrounded the rear of the right wing. The left wing was posted on uneven ground, steep and rugged in front, but affording a secure retreat in the rear. The most accessible part was the centre, the slope of the hill being there gradual, the lines not fraised, and the ditches, from the rockiness of the soil and the shortness of the time, necessarily shallow. A body of provincials posted on the other side of the Brunx, commanded a ford opposite to the right flank. General Howe, inforn)ed of the position of this detachment and judging that it was stationed there to cover the right flank, sent a body of troops across the river, with a view to dislodge the enemy from their rising ground, gall tlie flank which would bo thus left defenceless, and thereby facilitate the operations in front of the camp. The troops sent upon that service under general Leslie and colonel JJonop, consist- ing both of British and Hessians, vied with each other in courage and expedition, passed tlie ford in the face of the enemy's fire, formed on the baidi, inarched with alacrity and vigour up the hill, charged the enemy with tlieir bayonets, and drove them from their works. General Howe, in the mean time, made no attempt to attack the enemy's lines, or to force their main body to battle. During the night, the provincials drew back their encamp^nent, and thereby strengthened their entrenchments ; whereupon the British commander tliought it unwise to make a general assault until some fresli troops should arrive from York island. On the 30th, the expected re-enforcement came, and the general professed an intention of attacking the camp next morning. A heavy rain having fallen dining the night, ho judged the ground too .slippery on so steep a hill for being attempted, therefore that day the assault was deferred. The succeeding night the provincials evacuated their camp, and retired back into tlie country ; after having in. their retreat set fire to all tlic houses on AVhite I'luins, they took possession of the high ground to- wards North Castle. General Howe, conceiving the enemy could not be drawn to an engagement, judged it expedient to pursue them no far- ther, and employed himself in reducing Kingsbridge and Fort Washing- ton, that he might be master of the whole of New-York island. The last of these posts wa.s very important, as it .seemed an immediate in- tercourse with the Jersey shore, and commanded the navigation of the -f'< 1776.--CiiAr. XVII. HKIGN Or GEORGE III. 405 [Progress of the British. Capture of general Lee.] North river. Sensible of tl»e value of this place, the provincials had jjarrisonod it with three tlionsand men, commanded by colonel Magaw. On the loth of November, the fort was summoned to surrender; hut the commander answered that he would defend it to the last extremity : it was therefore resolved to attempt a storm. Next morninn; the royalists made an assault in four divisions ; the first, consisting of Hessians, was conducted by general Kynphauscn, on the north side of the three others, being British troops ; the second was led by general Matthew, supported and covered by lord Cornwallis ; the third was conducted by colonel Stirling ; and the forty-second regiment, the last, by lord Percy. The Hessians were obliged to pass through a wood in which the enemy were very advantageously posted ; a hot engagement taking place in the ascent of a hill, they made their way through the thicket, and climbed to the top of an eminence. The other divisions were equally active and success- ful ; the royal Highlanders particularly distinguished themselves : before they landed from the continent, they were exposed to a heavy fire from the American batteries ; and these continued to play upon them as they were ascending a steep hill. The heroes bore all with firmness and per- severance, gained the summit, and after an obstinate resistance, took one hundred and seventy prisoners : the enemy, unable to resist any longer, surrendered at discretion. By the capture of Fort Washington, and the surrender of Kingsbridge which followed soon after, the British troops were in possession not only of New-York and the adjacent islands, but also of an easy access either to New-England or the Jerseys. Thus situated, general Howe planned two expeditions, one under lord Corn- wallis to the Jerseys, another under sir Henry Clinton to Rhode Island. General Clinton and sir Peter Parker commanded an expe- dition to Rhode Island : the provincials abandoned it at their ap- proach, and they took possession of the province, which was deemed a very advantageous acquisition, since it had been a great rendezvous for privateers, that had captured a considerable number of British slijps. On the ISth of November, lord Cornwallis crossed over to the Jersey shore with about five thousand men, and landed eight miles above Fort Lee ; when they had almost surprised the garrison, and made the enemies prisoners of war ; but a deserter informing the Americans of the approach of the king's troops, they evacuated the fort with great expedition, leaving to the British their provisions and artillery. His lordship now penetrated into East and West Jersey, and took possession cf the principal towns as far as Brunswick. The American troops fled before him in the greatest dismay. In this career of success and pursuit, he was arrested by an order from the commander in chief, to prevent him from advancing far- ther. From the consternation of the provincial forces in the Jerseys, it was the general opinion of military men, that if lord Cornwallis had been permitted to proceed, he would have taken Philadelphia. General Washington commanded the troops in the Jerseys and on the Delaware ; Lee was intrusted with a body of forces in the province of New-York, and having conceived Washington's situation to be danger- ous, resolved to cross the North river, and form a junction with him, as they marched westwaads towards the Delaware. On the 13th of Decem- ber he quitted his camp, in order to reconnoitre the enemy; in the course of this employment, being about. three miles distant from his army, he stopped at a house to breakfast. General Howe had despatched colone? 406 HISTORY OF THE Chap. XyU.—1776. [Constitution of llie Americans] Ilarcourt to obtain intelligence concerning general Lee's route and mo- tions. Having traced him as he advanced, he determined still longer to watch his progress. In the course of this service, he intercepted a coun- tryman carrying a letter from general Lee, by which he found where he was ; learning also that he was slightly guarded, he projected to carry liim otr, and galloping with his party to the place where Lee had halted, took etftjctual means to prevent his escape, lorced open the doors, made })im a prisoner, and conveyed him to the commander-in-chief at New- York. The Americans severely felt the loss of this general, who pos- sessed great abilities and very extensive knowledge ; he had formerly been a lieutenant-colonel in the British service, had served with reputa- tion in the seven years war both in America and Portugal, and was highly esteemed for his military conduct. A restless disposition, and a fortune which enabled him to gratify his inclinations, had induced him after the peace to travel ; he traversed most of the continent of Europe, visited the various courts, and was well acquainted with the respective govern- ments, customs, manners, and langtiages of the several nations. Being disgusted by some persons in the British administration, he, on the first disturbances in America, crossed the Atlantic, and offered his services to the congress. His proposals were received with joy, and he was ap- pointed major-general. By his talents, activity, and skill, he had been eminently useful in disciplining the American troops, and greatly contri- buted to support the provincial cause. This able man was by no means without his defects ; he disbelieved and ridiculed revealed and even na- tural religion, was loose in his moral principles, and profligate in his cha- racter : his very efforts in the service of the colonies arose from unwor- thy motives ; because he conceived some ground of displeasure against persons employed imdcr the JJritish government, he made war against iiis king and native country. There being no l^ritish officer of equal rank- a prisoner with the Americans, general Washington offered six field of- ficers in exchange for Lee : but general Howe answered, that he was a deserter from the British service, and therefore could not be considered as a prisoner of war. Washington contended, that having resigned his commission before he accepted of a command in the provincial service, the general was not a deserter. Howe adhered to his resolution, and Avould not release him, but kept him a close prisoner. This rigorous con- duct produced retaliation on the other side : colonel Campbell, who had Vjeen before treated as befitted his condition, was the first who experien- ced disagreeable effects, owing to the i5ritish treatment of Lee ; he was now confined in a dungeon, and the other officers, though not handled with such severity, underwent very great hardships. The affairs of the provincials a[)peaicd now to be in a desperate situa- tion : by th(; orders of the general to lord Cornwallis, they had been suf- fcrcfl to cross the J>claw;ue ; but no doubt was entertained that, as soon as the river was frozen over, not only a detachment, but the whole army under Howe himscll', would advance in pursuit of the discomfited and ffy- m, CHAP. XVllI. British nation still favmirahle to coercive measures — various causes of this dispo sitioii- -Conspiracy ami liial of John the I'ainter— Meeting of parliament.-- King's speecli— debate— Motion for a revision of acts obnoxious to tlie Ameri- cans, in conformity to fjeneial Howe's procium;ttion-"rejectecl— secession of members — Letters of marque, &.c.--Re])risal bill. -Bill for seizintj suspected persons; in which lord Norlli, wisliing to please both parties, satisfies neitlier. — Important amendments, throiit|h Mr. Dunnins^, passed. -Affairs of India-- Tiabob of Arcot, council of Madias, and rajah of 'lanjore.— Lord Pig(jt sent out — conspiiacy against him, executed by colonel Stuart— proceedings thereon in the India lKnise---in parlian>ent— seceding members return---lord Ciiatiiam's motion for terminating the war— rejected --difference of opinion among oppo- sition concei'ning Amt-rican independence.— Unexpected demand fiom Hessc- Cassel."-Proiogalion of parliament. DESTRueTivE as the manifold lo-sses which we have Locn relating were to the mercantile interest, yet the nation in general continued fa- vourable to the war. The declaration of independence separated from the cause of the Americans persons who had before regarded tliem as oppressed and suffering fellow-subjects: these now contended that the question no longer was, " Have our brethren been well or ill treated? but shall we not reduce our declared enemies ? As long as they acknow- ledged themselves subjects of the British constitution, we wished theiii to enjoy all the rights and privileges which our excellent polity confers and secures; but now they have renounced connexion, and declared hos- tility to this country, we, as Britons, must oppose the enemies of Bri- tain." By this species of reasoning, extended tarther than the subject of the analogy justified, they inferred, that the parental authority extend- ed to the control of the property eventually acquired by the children through their own ability, industry, and skill. The asserted ingratitude they enhanced, by alleging that the preceding war was comn)enced and carried on for the sake of these colonies, and that they were debtors to us for all those eflbrts by which we had vanquished the enemy, and se- cured our American settlements. No arguments were more frequently repeated by the censurers of American resistance, than this charge of in- gratitude; the weight of which so obviously depends, not on the benefit conferred, but on the motives for rendering the service. The hostilities that commenced in 1755, arose on one side from a determination to pre- vent France from being aggrandized at our expense, and to repress en- croachments upon colonies which were so beneficial in Britain. The consideration of filial duty led to parental dignity as well as claims; zeal for the maintenance of British authority and supremacy induced many a loyal and i)atriotic subject to reprobate the Americans; and not doubting that om- demands were founded in right, and conducive to honour, they did not examine whether this assertion of our alleged rights would not be over balanced by the expense and danger of the contest; and in spite of the experience which they had already received in the course of two very costly years, still regarded the reduction of the colonies as a 414 HISTORY OF THE Chap. XVIU.— 1776. [Friends of constitutional liberty.] profitable object. The mini-sterial system they conceived would greatly diminish our national burthens; on a balance of accounts, we should find ourselves jiainccs by the war; besides those who from public mo- tives approve of tiie contest, there were not wanting men who supported it from private interest; the certainty, or believed probability, of acquir- ing lucrative contracts, or rather pioiits from the war, which they could not expect in peace. The multitude were, as usual, directed by autho- rity ; tiie greater number of peers, and of the principal gentry, were staunch supporters of the ministry; and in addition to their immediate dependents connected with them by the ties of interest, there were many more who, either from attachment, admiration of rank and fortune, or vanity, were influenced by their opinions, followed their example, praised the measures and conduct of ministry, and reviled the Americans and the British opponent.^ of administration. Great numbers felt resentment and indignation at the ingratitude and insolence which they imputed to the colonists, for resisting such reasonable demands of their benefactors, under who.-ense necessarily attendant upon our present situation, but doubted not that the commons would cheerfully 2rant the suppliis that might be wanted for such momentous purposes. His sole object was to promote the true interest of all his subjects ; no people ever lived under a milder government or enjoyed more happiness, than the revolted colonies, as was demonstrated by their population, arts, wealth, and the strength by hca and land, which now gave them confi- dence to contend with the mother country. Addresses being framed ac- cording to the usual form of complimentary repetition, produced very vehement debates, and motions of amendment diametrically opposite to the original propositions. The opponents of ministers asserted, that izre.— CuAP. xviir. ukkin ok (iEour.K iif. 4J7 [Dcljates on the addresses. Heasoning- of opposition] the disaffection and revolt of a whole people could not have taken place without error or misconduct in their former rulers ; they repeated their objections to the present system of measures, imputed to them perni- cious effects, and contended that nothing could restore Britain and Ame- rica to their former happy state and relations, hut a total change both of counsels and counsellors. Nothing could be more inconsistent with a proper spirit in parliament, than an attempt to bend British subjects to an abject unconditional submission to any power whatever ; to anni- hilate their liberties, and subdue them to servile principles and passive habits by means of foreign mercenaries. Amidst the excesses (it v.as said) which have happened, we ought to respect the spirit and principles whicii so evidently bear an exact analogy to those that supported tlie most valuable part of our own constitution. The speech had asserted, that the prosperous state of America was owing to the mild government and fostering protection of Britain : they admitted the propf)siiion, but a necessary consequence of the truth was, that those who had wantonly changed so beneticial a system deserved the severest censure. The Americans had been charged with implicitly obeying arbitrary leaders ; who were these tyrants 1 In no country of great population and power was there so near an equality between individuals, or so little of depend- ence ; in situations, wherein labour was extremely productive even to the lowest operator, a very moderate share of industry produced an am- ple subsistence, and removed the cause which in other countries so often rendered the lower classes retainers to some patron in the higher. As the general prevalence of independent and easy subsistence precluded the necessity of abject submission to wealth, the want of nobility pre- vented the atithority annexed in other countries to rank and title. The provincials had no motives to yield to the authority of adventitious dis- tinctions ; Mr. Hancock, their civil president, was a plain merchant, of fair character, who possessed no influence over the people beyond that which arose from the trouble caused by British administration. Mr. Washington was a country gentleman of a great landed estate, such as several private gentlemen possess in every county in England ; respect- able in his own district, but little known beyond its limits before the situa- tion of his country called him from obscurity. Others, now most emi- nent in the field and congress, would have been still more obscure, had not the oppressive acts of Britain stimulated the public exertion of their abilities : in circumstances rendering resistance necessary to preserve their liberties, they naturally reposed their chief confidence in virtue and ability: they acknowledged the power of talents and qualifications; lis- tened to the advice which they thought wisest and most patriotic, from their own delegates and agents ; and followed their counsels with a will- ing ratification, and not an extorted obedience. The persons represent- ed by ministers as governing the Americans with despotical tyranny, were no other than their own officers and servants, appointed by their will, and removeable at their pleasure. The conciliatory offers, in them- selves totally inadequate to the case, had rot been brought forward until the whole system declaring them rebels and enemies, and denouncing the vengeance due to such, had full time and scope for operation. The amicable and pacific professions of other powers deserved no reliance, while they were really assisting the Americans, and making powerful pre- parations both by sea and land. Respecting the required unanimity, mi- YoL. VIT.— 53 4 IS lllSTOltY l)F THK Chip. XVIII.— irrfi. [Argiimrnts of inlnisiers. Peculiar situalion of" opposition.] nietcrs could not he seiioiig. " "We (rontiniicd their opponents) predicted the niischiels whirh liavo .since actually arisen, because we reprobated ministerial proroedings as pernicious ; and though they have really prov- ed more fatal than wo represented, yet we are called upon to give our approbation and support." Ministers contended, that "the American declaration of indepen- dence had entirely destroyed the {jrounds on which ihey had been formerly supported in parliament. Our colonies enabled us to hold a principal place amonnj the chief powers of Europe ; deprived of tliese settlements, we should be reduced to a state of humiliation and dependence. Should we ingloriously relinquish our present situation, or by a vigorous exer- tion retain our u«ual power and splendour ? l^e.^^ides interest and safety, indignation and resentment ought to rouse the British spirit to chastise the ingratitude and insolence of the American rebels. Though the atro- ciousness of their crunes would justify any severity of punishment, it was 8«ill wished to treat them with lenity, when brought to a knowledge of their condition, and a sense of their duty. Designing and ambitious leaders never could have succeeded in instigating the Americans to hos- tility and a declaration of independence, if their disobedient and rebelli- ous spirit had not been t'omented and nourished by aspiring and factious men ui this coutitry, who sacrificed loyalty and patriotism to their own selfish and unjustifiable prr jpcts. The opponents of ministers in parlia- ment having hitherto avowedly regulated their conduct on the supposition that the Americans never designed or even desired independence, were now bound to support, with the utmost vigour, measures necessary for their reduction." The votes in favour of ministry were nearly as nume- rous as usual, but in debate the animation of their friends was not so ar- dent ; the hopes of an immediate reduction of America they saw were not fulfilled ; another campaign must be encountered, very great expense must be incurred, and foreign powers would probably interfere in the pro- tracted contest. The declaratiori of American independence placed the supporters of the colonists in a situalion never before known in the history of parliament ; the Americans were no longer fellow-subjects complaining of grievances, but a separate state engaged in hostilities with this country. Parliamen- tary annals do not before this session atlbrd an instance of a party in our senate avowedly defending the cause of a power with which our country was at war, with the approbation of both the senate and nation. Mem- bers may have censured either the impolicy or precipitancy of intended hostilities,* but after they were actually commenced, have abstained from such opposition, as tending to inspirit the enemy, and to di.shearten their countrym.en. They have objected to specific plans for carrying on the war, and censured instances of rash or feeble execution ; but their an- im; dversions were confined to management without extending to origin : they showed tliemselves aware that when a powerful state is once involv- ed in a war, the only ciTcHtual means of honourable and secure extrica- tion are vigorous eflbrts ; but the opponents of ministers at this period took a different course, and however prudent and just their exertion,'? might bo while they tended to avert war, they became much more ques- • Fn tlie Dutcli war undertaken by the mean and profligate Charles, not merely a party, but the parliament and nation were averse to hostilities. irre— Chap. XVJU. KEIGN OF GEOUGE HI. 419 [Motion for a revision of tlie obnoxious acts. Secession u{ mtmhf rs] tionable in point of expediency, from tlie time that the colonies ^epaialed themselves from the mother country. A few days after the introductory debate, lord John Cavendish hav- ing produced a copy of the proclamation issued hy lord Howe and his brother on the capture of New-York, proposed that in conformity to its promises, the liou.se should resolve itself into a committee for revising the acts by which the Americans thought themselves aggrieved. Minis- ters replied, that the proffered redress of grievances was intended only for those who should return to their duty. A disavowal of independence and an acknowledgment of Briti.sh supremacy were requisite, on the part of-lhe colonies, before any conciliatory measures coidd be adopted by Britain. The proclamation was perfectly conformable to the general spirit of all our proceedings ; sanctioned by great majorities in parliament, it assured protection and the maintenance of their constitutional rights to those who should return to their duty, but vindicated the authority and dignity of this country. To revise and repeal laws with a view to redress the grievances of a peo|)le, who, denying the authority of such laws, could not be aggrieved by their existence, would be grossly absurd and nugatory. If they persisted in Iheir renunciation of dependence, there was no doubt from our force and our recent successes, that we could soon reduce them to submission. Although the ministerial argument, that it was absurd to debate upon the degree of authority to be exercised over men who denied the asserted right of exercising any, was fair; yet their assertion, that this proclamation oftered no more than preceding acts of the legislature and executive government, was not equally just ; before, they had promised amnesty to unconditional submission ; in this paper they had proposed a condition, in compliance with which a revision of obnoxious laws and a redress of grievances were proffered. In the course of the debate, ministers, though they agreed in opposing the mo- tion, took different grounds. Ijord North dwelt chiefly on conciliation, which he appeared to think the commissioners might effectuate : lord George Germaine, and other speakers, trusted chiefly to compulsion, as the only means of driving out of them their spirit of independence. Op- position did not tail to observe and mention their diversity, which, in- deed, had very frequently been discovered ; but that body itself, without harmony and system, notwithstanding the great abilities of several mem- bers, and the extraordinary powers of some, did not so effectually coun- teract the schemes of ministers, as it might have done by unanimity and concert. In debating this question, the speeches of opposition rather in- dicated than showed the difference of opinion concerning American inde- pendence, which afterwards became manifest, and even produced a jtolitical schism among the opponents of the North administration. Mr. iiurke and the Rockingham party early intimated a wish to treat with America without questioning her independence : Mr. Fox had joined op- position through no party connexion, bj* chiefly associated with Mr. Burke and his political friends, and adopicd many of their principles and doctrines ; he agreed to this opinion, avowed it with his usual oj)ennes.=!, and supported it with his usual force. Mr. Dunning, colonel Barre, lords Camden, Shelburne, and Temple, and others connected with the earl of Chatham, wished to treat with America, but to maintain the su- premacy of Britain. After the rejection of this motion, many of the minority, especially of 420 HISTORY OP THK Chap. XVIII.—irrr. [Letters of marque and reprisal bills. Bill for seizing suspicious persons.] the Rockingham party, withdrew from the house when any question re- specting America was discussed; they attended on ordinary business, but when that was despatched, retired. They said, they were wearied with opposing reason and argument to power and numbers without any effect. This secession was by no means approved by opposition in ge- neral, many even loudly blamed such proceedings. A member of parlia- ment, they asserted, consistent with his duty, cannot withdraw himself from tlie business of parliament, merely from an opinion that he will be outvoted, and ought not ihence to infer tliat his attendance must be use- less ; tliough by vigil;ince they did not procure a majority, they were not without etiect, as by discovering and exposing the absurdity and mis- chievous tendency of measures, they could often modify, if they did not prevent, pernicious laws and counsels. Some acknowledged, that the whole body of the minority might secede jointly, but that members ought not to absent themselves separately ; and in support of this opinion they rather quoted precedents than adduced arguments. In 1738, Mr. Pitt, and the whole opposition to sir Robert ^Valpole, had on the ratification of the Spanish convention, absented themselves from parliament. The defenders of individual secession contended, that, in cases of imminent danger to the constitution, such conduct might operate as a call to the nation, and awaken the people to a real sense of their condition : its as- sailants insisted, that whoever was fit for being a useful member of par- liament, must derive his utihty not from inaction but from effort : that by his presence he might lessen the evil of hurtful propositions, though he could not amend them by his absence. They appealed to experience to prove the beneticial amendments which ministerial motions often under- went from the strictures of opposition, so as to be rendered more inno- cent before they passed into laws. After the proposed revision of obnoxious acts, no political question of material magnitude engaged the attention of parliament until the expira- tion of the Christmas recess. In the beginning of February, a bill was introduced by lord North, for granting letters of marque and reprisals against American ships, which passed the house of commons without opposition; in tlie house of lords it underwent the small alteration of inserting tlie word ;)cj*;MmJon instead oi' marque, the latter being supposed applicable only to foreign enemies. Another bill proposed soon after by the minister, excited severe ani- madversion in parliament, and great alarm among the people ; this was a law to enable his mai«:;sty to secure and detain persons suspected of treason, comniitled either in America or on the high seas, or accused of piracy. By the bill, persons so charged or suspected were liable to be imprisoned in a common gaol or any other place of confinement v.ithin his majesty's dominions, there to remain without either bail, or the pri- vilege of demanding a trial to ascertain the charges. The law was to comprehend crimes siip[)ose i to be generated in these realms, though committed abroad, and the pcinalties were to extend to all at home, by whom they should be suspected to be suggested or encOmaged. The law was to continue in force for a year; and thus any man asserted to be suspected of these crimes, might at the pleasure of ministers, te de- tained in prison at home, or even sent to our foreign settlements ; de- prived of his liberty, or doomed to banishment without any investigation of his case. Every British subject might be alleged to be an object of irrr.— Chap. XVIII. REIGN OF CEOUGK III. 421 [Opposition to the bill — it is paised with amendments ] suspicion ; his liberty, therefore, the enjoyment of his friends and na- tive country, the exercise of his talents, industry, and skill, might de- pend upon the permission of administration. Mr. Dunning first disco- vered and exposed the nature and tendency of this proposition; it might, he proved, operate not only as a suspension of the habeas corpus, but as a temporary banishment to persons against whom there was no evidence oi criminal conduct. It was contrary to the spirit of laws and a free constitution, founded in arbitrary principles, and fitted to produce tyran- nical consequences ; these positions he established by a recital of its various provisions, and an enumeration of its obvious effects. The strongest objections being already adduced, Mr. Fox followed the pro- bable operation of the law through a great variety of cases, and by his luminous eloquence illuslrated its injustice and impolicy. Recurring to its principle, he inferred it to be an index of a general design long form- ed for changing the constitution of this country, and executed as oppor- tunities served, circumstances suited, and power increased. To support their motion, ministers employed the usual topics ; in dangerous situa- tions it is necessary to strengthen the hands of government, and impos- sible to carry on public business without delegating power to the crown, which would be improper in seasons of tranquilhty. The apprehensions from the operation implied a want of that confidence in ministers, without which they could not perform their official duties ; should the authority intrusted to the executive government for a specific and indispensable purpose be abused, the means of redress were easy ; parliament could not only withhold future reliance, but prosecute past malversation. To these common arguments, the luminaries of the law and eloquence urged their objections with a force which lord North saw it was in vain to com- bat ; he was moreover informed that great fears were entertained by the people from the proposed law : to satisfy all parties, his characteristic dexterity gave such an explanation of his purjjoses, as permitted a very material change in the bill. Perceiving the minister begin to relax, Mr. Dunning offered two amendments ; the one circumscribing the objects, the other the penalties of the law. After a long discussion, it was agreed that the bill should extend to none who were not out of the kingdom when the offences were committed, and that the confinement should be in no part of his majesty's dominions but within this realm. Lord North, in admitting these changes, declared that thj present state of the bill corresponded with his principles and objects ; ai\d tl it ho was 'sorry if any ambiguity of expression excited a difl!erent opinion : he hoped the present correction would satisfy gentlemen in opposition, and that the law would meet universal approbation. While the minister thus strove to please both parties, he, as is usually the case, satisfied neither ; op- position thought he conceded too little, many of the ministerial party that he conceded too much ; and that to render the bill agreeable to his political adversaries, he deviated from the intent with which it was de- signed by his coadjutors. Lord North, indeed, often rendered it evi- dent, that on very im.portant questions he either did not originally agree with some of his own colleagues, or that, in the progress of a discussion, he fluctuated between contrary opinions. His education had rendered him a tory ; his situation and many concurrent circumstances made him the official promoter of coercion, but his temper and disposition inclined him to mildness and conciliation. If any of his measures were imperious 422 HISTORY OF THE Cuip. XVm.— 1777. [Nabob of Arcot. Lord Pigot sent to India] or arbitrary, their severity and harsliness arose, not from a mind dictato- rial and tyrannical, but too yielding and indulgent, and which, from ex- cessive pliancy, too often gave way to understandings far inferior to his own. The bill, with the alterations, passed the house of commons ; and being carried to the peers, occasioned neither debate nor amendment. The peers of opposition absented themselves so generally, that the only protesting opponent was lord Abingdon. The attention of the nation for several years had been almost solely engrossed by the American contest ; but a transaction on the coast of Coromandel now atUacted the regard of the public to the East Indies. At the treaty of Paris, France had been obliged to admit Sallabat Sing as lawful soubah of the Decan : Mahomed Ali Cawn, as lawful nabob of the Carnatic, or of Arcot. This prince had ever since culti- vated a very close intercourse with the civil and military powers of the English presidency at Madras, and resided in the fortress. He display- ed vigorous ability, enterprise, and ambition ; and formed a considerable army, which he disciplined by British officers. His expensive estabhsh- ment and munificent gifts to the company's servants, had greatly ex- hausted his treasures ; but his donations and character acquired an in- flcnce in the council, through which, with the assistance of his forces, he did not doubt that he would soon supply the deficiencies. Accordingly a joint project was concerted by the nabob and his friends of the British presidency ; this was an expedition to Tanjore. Fuligee, rajah of Tan- jore, was a Gentoo prince, near Cape Comorin, whose ancestors had never been conquered by the Mahomedan invaders of Hindostan : they were, however, obliged to pay a tribute. He himself had been for many years, and then was, in alliance with both the English and the nabob, and held his dominions under their joint guarantee. When the mogul granted to the English such extensive powers, and they formed such ar- rangements as would render them most profitable, it was resolved that \ Mahomed Ali Cawn should be appointed to collect a revenue due to his superior, and that a considerable sum should be allowed to himself for agency. After this nomination, a great variety of pecuniary transactions took place between Mahomed and the king of Tanjore. The nabob ap- plied to Fuligee for the revenue that was due ; the rajah alleged that he had a right to deduct sums owing to him by the other, on the balance of their private accounts. The nabob insisted on the immediate payment of the whole revenue, and proposed to refer their own concerns to sub- sequent consideration. Fuligee repeated his proposals for the deduction, and pleaded his inability by any other means to pay the demand. The nabob applied to the government at Madras, and engaged the presidency to support him, by iuvadmg Tanjore with the company's forces. The event of this convention was, that the rajah was despoiled of his riches, and his subjects were phmdered.* The proceeds of this incursion amounted to about five millions sterling; and the chief part of the booty was divided among the company's servants. When the news of this ex- pedition reached England, the East India directors manifested great dis- pleasure against the plunderers of Tanjore, and concerted measures for making all possible restitution to the injured rajah. For that purpose, they sent out as governor to Madras, lord Pigot, so highly respected for • Annual Regiiier, 1777, p. 94— 110. irr7.— f^uip. XVIII. UEIGN OF GEORGK iir. 423 [Conspiracy against him.] his able and effectual defence of it seventeen years before against the French ; to him the company were indebted for preserving its posses- sions in that part of India. His civil government was no less distinguish- ed than his military exploits, and his private character procured him ex- tensive esteem. The English presidency, meanwhile, prepared to guard against the consequences of their late acts ; and the nabob was still more anxiously making provisions for not only retaining what he had already acquired, but for securing, through his friends at Madras, the perpetual possession of the kingdom of Tanjore. Lord Pigot arrived in the latter end of 1775, and was violently opposed by the majority of the council and the commander in chief, in executing the proposed plans of reform. Notwithstanding these obstacles, he succeeded so far as to restore the king of Tanjore to his ancient and hereditary dominions. This act of justice enraged the nabob, who, with his son, an impetuous and daring youth, joined tlie most avowedly violent of their friends in the presidency. Lord Pigot thought it of the highest moment to send a proper officer to restore the king of Tanjore ; but the majority of the council opposed the appointment of the person whom he nominated for that purpose, and contended that their board had a right to act, notwithstanding the dissent of the governor. Pigot contended, that the governor was a part in every legal and orderly act of government. His lordship finding, as he affirm- ed, that the sole principle of the council was to traverse all his endea- vours to carry the orders of the company into execution, embraced a very strong measure : having put the question, he, by his own casting vote, suspended two of the council ; and, by his supreme authority put the commander in chief under arrest. Enraged at these proceedings, the secluded members, together with the nabob and his son, formed a plot for securing the person of the president, and eflecting a revolution in the government, which should place the power entirely in their own hands. By the confinement of sir Robert Fletcher, colonel Stuart suc- ceeded to the immediate command of tlic forces. This gentleman was extremely intimate with the governor, to whom he appeared warmly at- tached ; nevertheless he was closely connected with the suspended members and their adherents. Becoming an accomplice in their con- spiracy, he, by his military power and personal ability, was a formidable accession to their party. Stuart was aware that violence offered to the governor's person by the troops within the precincts of the fortress, would involve the actors in the capital penalties of the mutiny laws ; but by means of his professed friendship, he was able to invent a stratagem for seizing the person of the governor, without incurring the legal criminali- ty. On the 24lh of August 1776, colonel Stuart spent the day at the house of lord Pigot,* and was entertained with all the cordiality that a host could exert to a visitant whom he thought his sincere and affection- ate friend. The guest, complaining of the excessive heat of the fortress, and observing his entertainer also affected by it, advised him to spend the night at a villa belonging to the governor, and, as an inducement, of- fered to accompany him in the excursion. The governor being per- suaded, they set out together : when they were bi^ond the precincts of the fort, his lordship, according to the concert of his guest and professed • Annual Register, \777, p. 25-2, 255; and in detail in the evidence before the company. 424 HISTORY OF THE Chap. XVIII.— 1777. [Proceeding's in the India House and in parliament.] friend with his avowed enemies, was met by an officer and a party of se- poys, rudely and violently dratrged out of the chaise, carried prisoner to the Mount, and strongly guarded. Pubhc orders, signed by the princi- pal cons;piiators, were issued, by which immediate death was denounced on all who shoidd attempt his rescue. The conspirators and their friends, under a course of legal forms, assumed the whole power of government. Representations of these transactions were immediately transmitted by the dilleront parties to Europe; and the nabob, who had taken so active a share in the disturbances, sent a gentleman as his agent both to the company and ministers. A court of proprietors having considered the business, recommended to the directors to reinstate lord Pigot, and pun- ish those who iiad dispossessed him of bis power. The directors were not so decided in their opinion as tlieir constituents : they voted indeed for the restoration of lord Pigot, and tl.e suspension of the conspirators from their offices ; but they also resolved, tiiat his lordship's conduct had been reprehensible in several instances. When they re-considered the business, it was evident that their opinions were much farther distant from those of the proprietors, than at first. The agents of the ruling party at Madras, and the commissioners from the nabob, had by this time pressed their arguments and statements with a force and effect which weakened the professions that had produced the late resolutions. Government also had listened with such attention to the accounts of the prevailing party, as to have become manifestly favourable to the oppos- ers of lord Pigot. On the 9th of May, the question being again discussed in the India house,* it was determined that the governor should be re- stored, but that he and the council of Madras should be ordered home, and their respective conduct undergo a legal scrutiny. From this deter- mination governor Johnstone appealed to the house of commons, and moved for resolutions expressing strong approbation of the conduct of lord Pigot, condemning the proceedings of his opponents, and annulling the resolution. The seceders were now returned to the house, and, with the rest of the party, supported the motion of governor Johnstone. The adherents of ministry censured the conduct of lord Pigot, as well as his opponents, and contended, that in such circumstances it was right and equitable to bring both parties to England, where only a just and impar- tial inquiry into their conduct could be carried into execution. By the restoration of lord Pigot, the dignity of government would be supported and established ; but he had abused his trust, and violated the constitu- tion of the company, therefore his removal was equally just and neces- sary. O[)posilion justified the conduct of the governor, and insisted that the proceedings toward him amounted to an insurrection against estab- lished government. Mr. Burke displayed tlie atrocity of inferior ser- vants towards a superior, v/ho was promoting the honour and interests of their mutual master; and entered very deeply into the conduct of the nabob of Arcot, and the corrupt and dangerous influence acquired not only at Madras but in this country by that ambitious prince. The British government had espoused his cause, and that of his factious adherents: administration, by llWbming the tools of this nabob, and countenancing schemes destructive to the interests of the company, had rendered it ab- solutely necessary for parliament to interfere for the security and preser- • See proceeding's of the India house respecting lord Pigot. 1777.— Chap. XVIII. UEIGN OF eEOUGK III. 425 [Motion of lord Chatham for terminating the war rt-jected. Supplies.] vation of India. These argunienls had considerable wci<.4)t, and tho motion was negatived by a majority of only twenty-three, being much ismaller than tiiose which usually voted (or ininislers. As governor Johnstone's appeal was rejected, the resolutions of the India house met with no further animadversion from parliameni : an order was sent out for recalhng lord Pigot, as well as the members of the council. On the 30th of May, the earl of Chatham made one effort to rescue his country from the miseries of war. Tliis illustrious statesman disre- garded the disappointment of his former attempts, and was more strongly confirmed by the event in his reprobation of hostilities destructive to the parties: enfeebled by age, borne down by distem])er, and supported by crutches, with a body lit only for the bed of sickness, but a mind quali- fied to restore the nation from sickness to health if it would follow his prescription, the venerable patriot came forward to propose the sal- vation of the state by a change of counsels and of conduct. He moved an address to the throne, representing that they were deeply penetrated by the misfortunes which impended over the kingdom from the continua- tion of an unnatural war. He recommended an immediate cessation of hostilities, and a removal of accumulated grievances^ as the only means of regaining the affections of our brethren, and securing to Great Britain the commercial and political advantages of those valuable possessions* In explaining his goneral object, he unavoidably repeated statements formerly made, and arguments frequently advanced, both by himself and other statesmen. But he exhibited more fully and circumstantially than at any preceding period, the danger to which our discord and situation exposed us from the house of Bourbon. This part of his speech was a forcible, eloquent and impressive comment on his own text, delivered at a much earlier sta^e of the contest — France and Spain are watching THE MATURITY OF vouR ERRORS. It showed with what penetrating sa- gacity and enlarged comprehension a mind of which " age had neither dimmed the perspicacity nor narrowed the range,"* darted into the secret counsels of our rivals, developed the proofs of their designs, and unfolded tlie series of their policy. Ministers, he said, as they had blundered from the beginning, are led into a fatal error respecting our inveterate enemies the French; they imagine nothing is to be dreaded iVom France, becausje she has not directly interfered in favour of America. Would they have France incur the expense and hazard of a war, when Britain is doing all for her that she can possibly wish or desire ?| She has been sedulous to give just that degree of countenance and protection, which has hitherto served to keep the civil war alive, so as to batfle your de- signs, or to waste your strength. The energetic orator described in the truest light, as well as the most glowing colours, the evils that had arisen, were proceeding, and must farther issue, from the ministerial system. Ne- vertheless liis reasoning and eloquence were again unavailing, his pacifica- tory motions were rejected, and wisdom cried, but she was not regarded. The supplies for the current year were very great: they consisted of about forty-five thousand seamen, and about sixty thousand land forces, including all in the British pay at home and abroad. The sun\s required for the three great departments of annual provision, the navy, army, and • See Mackintosh's V'indlcln; C.allicaf. f See parliamentary reports, 3d Mav, 1777. Vol. VII.— 54 426 HISTOUY OF tup: Chap. XVlll.— ir77. [Strictures on lord North. Unexpected demand from Hesse-Cassel.] ordinance, were granted without a division. The demands of the year rendering a loan necessary, five millions were voted; the new taxes for paying the interest were, a duty upon male servants not employed in agriculture, manufactures, or commerce; on auctioneers, and on goods sold by auction; and additional imposts on glass and stamps. These being all taxes which could not be charged with affecting the necessaries of life, or extending greatly to the poorer classes, were deemed unob- jectionable as measures of finance. On inspecting the accounts of ex- penditure during the preceding year, opposition contended that they were perplexed, obscure, and nearly unintelligible. Besides this intricacy, which they imputed to them generally, there were in various instances great sums stated in the gross amount, without any specification of items. This objection was urged with peculiar severity against the charges for contracts; the agreement for supplying the army and fleet in America with rum, afforded an ample field for animadversion: four shillings per gallon had been allowed, when three was the market price; and the con- tractor was in one account credited with thirty-five thousand pounds for rum, without any statement of the quantity, quality, or price of the goods delivered : the same person had also the benefit of a very objectionable contract with government for furnishing horses. In discussing these bargains, lord North's dealings with contractors, which afterwards con- stituted so ca|)ital a subject of reprehension, were for the first time scru- tinized and censured; and it was strongly contended, that in the depart- ment of his business which respected national grants, the minister was far from being a fritsral stexcard of the public money. But the animad- versions on this profusion were by no means confined to economical considerations, they also extended to political. Opposition charged the minister not only with waste, but corruption: several contractors had seats in parliament; national treasure, it was observed, was squandered in iniquitous contracts, and the contractor was, by the money of his constituents, bri!)ed to betray their interests, which he had been chosen to protect. Bad and unwliolesome provisions were allowed to be sent by persons receiving a price much beyond the market value of provisions that were really good and wholesome: such deleterious fare spread dis- temper through the troops, and carried off many more than actual ser- vice. The minister endeavoured to defend himself from these charges ; but his arguments, though plausible and dexterously urged, were by no means cogent and convincing. The payment of an unexpected demand to the langrave of Hesse- Cassel, for a debt alleged by him to have been due for levj' money ever since 1755, was severely censured. The minister contended that the claim was fair, though from the distance of time not expected. The Hessian prince was in justice entitled to the amount, though there had been no late treaty; and while we were now deriving such benefit from his troop.;, policy required us to keep on the best terms with him, by satisfying his just demandi*. After the pecuniary business had hccn thought to be entirely at aji end, and the session was drawing near to a close, a message was deli- vered from his majesty, informing the house that a debt of G1S,00()/. had been incurred by the civil list. The minister moved, that the re- quisite sum should be granted for discharging the amount; and that a hundred thousand pounds .should be added amiually to the eight hundred 1777— Chai'. XVIII. UEIGN OF GKUKGli III, 427 [Debt on the civil list. Address of the epeaker to llie king.] thousand. This motion was strongly opposed: the incumbrance, it was alleged, w£^ owing entirely to the profusion of ministers, and liad been contracted for the sake of carrying on and supporting a system of cor- ruption. The accounts were, as usual with that minister, intentionally intricate, obscure, and general ; no less than 294,000/. wa« placed to the account of secret service money; and vast sums were charged for foreign ambassadors and for the board of works, without any particularization. It was inconsistent with the duty of the commons to their constituents, , to vote away the national money, without any evidence of value receiv- ed , the eight hundred thousand pounds was sufficient for answering the various appropriations, and supporting the regal dignity and splendour. The desired addition was peculiarly unreasonable at the present time, when the nation was groaning under their accumulated burthens to pro- mote the ruinous projects of ministry, and to encourage their extrava- gance and corruption. Ministers argued, that the present debt, and the necessity of an addition to the income of the civil list, arose from the same cause, the diminished value of money; besides the royal family had increased in number. The greatest possihle economij (said lord North) always had been, and always shoidd be employed, while lie teas at the head of the treasury. The motions being carried through both houses, the speaker, a few days^after, in presenting the bill to the king for assent, used the following words: " In a time sire, of public distress, full of diffi- culty and danger, their constituents labouring under burthens almost too heavy to be borne, your faithful commons, postponing all other business, have not only granted to your majesty a large present supply, but also a very great additional revenue, great beyond example, great beyond your majesty's highest expense; but all this, sire, they have done in the well grounded confidence, that you will apply wisely what they have granted liberally." On their return to their own house, the commons voted unani- mous thanks to the speaker. Some of the ministerial party, however, on reconsidering the subject were greatly displeased with what he had delivered, as it appeared to them to contain an insinuation not favourable to the character which they claimed of being economical stewards for the public. Mr. Rigby, a few days after, declared that the speaker had not expressed the sense of the commons: Mr. Fox immediately moved, that he had spoken the sense of the house. Lord North and the more mode- rate part of the ministerial adherents, though they wished the motion withdrawn, finding Mr. Fox would not comply, to avoid altercation voted in its favour; and on the 8th of June, parliament was prorogued. 428 HISTORY OF THK Chap. XlX.—lTr?. CHAP. XIX. Occupntions of Howe iliiiiiic!: winter — of Washington. — Plan of the campaign — its late commencement l)y g-encml Howe — desultory operations in the Jerseys. — General Howe moves from winter cjuarters — attempts by a strataerein to bring ■Washlnpton to liatile— failing in that expedient, evacuates the Jerseys. — Ex- pediiion hy seato Philadelpliia. — Ilattle o( Rrandywine. — Major Ferguson essays a new species of rifle, invented by himself. — Capture of Pliiiadelphia — Battle of Germantown — American fortifications on the river. — Red Rank and Mud Isl- and taken — American fleet burnt. — Situation of the Americans at White ^larsh and Vailey Forge favourable to an attack. — General Howe's inaction — he retiresearly to winter quarters. — Conduct of p^eneral and troops at Philadel- phia. — Expedition of sir Henry Clinton up the North river. — Capture ofPrescot in Khode island. — ^ or'.hern army — Hurgoyne takes the command. — Carleton offended with the appointment, resigns his employment. — Rurgoyne purchases the aid of Indian savages — number of his troops. — Expedition of c )lonel St, Leger. — 'I'lie general's manifesto. — Capture of Ticonderocja and Fort Indepen- dt-nce. — Destruction of American galleys — The army reached the [ludson. — Ouelties of the Indians. — Defeat at l'>ennington. — Siege of Stanwix — raised. — , Battle with general. Gates at Stillwater.— Distressed situation of the army — de- sertion of the Indians — Burfjoyne retreats — Battle near Saratoga — reduced state of tiie army---troops surrounded— convention with the Americans at Sara- togfa. The public attention was now turned to the campaign in America, and great expectations were formed that it would terminate in the complete reduction of the colonies. The general plan was nearly the same as in the preceding year ; that the Canadian army .should co-operate with general Howe, and thus the command of New-York province divide the northern from the .'southern colonies. A body of provincial loyalists was formed under the direction of the commander in chief; they were allowed the same pay as the regulars, and officered by gentlemen who had been obliged to leave their respec- tive habitations for their attachment to the royal cause. Inexperienced and not inured to military discipline, they were not yet fit for active ser- vice and were therefore so stationed as to allow the veterans to take the field. General Howe himself enjoyed evefy luxury at New York which he could have found in the metropolis of Britain: his favotirite occupa- tion was gaming, a pastime in which many of his young officers became thoroughly initiatffl. There were routs, balls, and assemblies in great abtmdance: so that tiie lioad-quartors bore the appearance of a gay and voluptuous city in tiie time of peace, rather than a military station for watching and annoying the enemy in war.* Such were the pursuits of the Hritish commander from December to June. While general Howe thus amused himself and his troops with llio diversions and pleasures ofNew-Vork, Wa.shington was very diflercntly employed. The diffi- culties which, notwithstanding the forbearance of his antagonist, the American commander had to encounter, were, extremely arduous. The provinciiil forces were hitherto but a militia, both in their discipline and • Stcdman's History of the Anaerican war, vol. i. p. 287^ 1777.— Chap. XIX. liEIGN OF GEORGE III. 429 [Proceedings of Washington. Expedition to Danbury, &c.] the tenure of their service: the late success at Trenton promoted the disposition of the colonists to resist ; but on the other hand, the severity of the season suspended their nnihtary ardour, insomuch that about the middle of February the colonial army did not exceed four thousand men ;* and this small body of raw peasants was moreover sickly. Nevertheless for four months they occupied a position at Morristown, not fifty miles from the brave and numerous veterans of the royal army, where they not only experienced no annoyance from general Howe,| but harrassed and distressed the British posts and foraging detachments. Washington did not fail to profit by the cessation of British effort. The boundless spirit of individual independence, which so naturally followed the American claims and assertions, was adverse to the operation of authority, and especially to that prompt and implicit submission which is necessary in military bodies. Washington saw that the powers which were allowed iu the various gradations of command, were inadequate to their object: hitherto the commander in chief himself was obliged to act according to the specific instructions of the congress. The general represented the disadvantages which accrued to the common cause from authority so fettered; and such was the influence of his known wisdom and patriotism, that he was vested with full and ample powers to collect an army of foot and horse in addition to those which were already voted, to raise artillery and engineers, and to establish their pay. Thus empowered to organize an army, the next care of Washington was to bind the troops to military fidelity as well as political allegiance. To the powerful motives of con- ceived patriotism and freedom lie added the cement of religion, and, with the approbation of congress, proposed an oath of adherence to the provincial cause. Provisions so wise produced the expected success; the colonists soon ceased to be an irregular militia, and became skilful and disciplined soldiers. During the same important interval, twenty thousand stand of arms arrived from the continent of Europe, and before the expiration of the spring the hopes and spirits of the Americans were revived and invigorated to meet the dangers of the approaching cam- paign. Such were the efforts of Washington during the momentous period which the British general passed in pleasurable quarters. Summer being commenced, Howe proposed to begin the operations of the present campaign, according to the same mode in which he termi- nated the last, and to send out detachments, while with the main army he continued in his present residence. Upon the Hudson river, about fifty miles from New York, on the western shore, is a place called Peek's Hill, which served as a port to Courtland Manor, and were stores ar»d provisions were received for the American army : to distress the enemy, general Howe thought it adviseable to attempt the seizure of this jwrt before the main army took the field. Accordingly he detached colonel Bird with five hundred men upon this service. On the approach of the British corps, the Americans, after setting fire to the barracks and store- houses, evacuated the fort : by the conflagration, the king's troops were prevented from seizing the expected provision and ammunition, but they effected the chief purpose of their expedition by curtailing the resources • Washington's official Letters, vol. ii. p. SI. f Kanisay, the American historian, informs us, tiiat Iiis covuitrymen were aston- ished at tlie inaction of the British during so critical a period, vol. ii. p 2. 430 HISTORY OF THE Chap. XIX.— 1777. [Howe evacuates Jersey. Expedition to Pliiladelphia] of the enemy. Another detachment of two thousand men was sent, un- der general Tryon and sir WilHam Erskine, to Danbury, in the confines of Connecticut, where they destroyed a large quantity of stores : fatigued by their march, they were attacked by the enemy, but repulsed the as- sailants, tliough with the loss of two hundred of their own troops. Lord Cornwallid also sur[)rised and defeated a body of colonists near Bruns- wick. The Americans, on the other hand,^ destroyed a considerable quantity of our provision near Sag Harbour in Long Island. General Stevens with two thousand provincials attempted to surprise the forty- second regiment cantoned at Piscataway, amounting to less than a thou- sand men ; but after a furious engagement, the gallant Highlanders, under their able commander colonel Stirling, completely routed the ene- my. While this desultory warfare was carried on by detachments, the commander in chief remained quiet at New York another month. His alleged reason for beginning the campaign so late was, that there was no green forage on the ground:* there was plenty of corn and hay, which persons conversant in the management of horses affirmed to be prefera- ble food for them when employed in active service, but the general pro- fessed a different opinion. On the 12th of June, the general with thirty thousand men marched towards Courtland Manor, where the enemy were posted to the number of eight thousand. The position of Washington appeared to the British commander so strong, that, notwithstanding his great superiority both in numbers and discipline, he deemed it inexpedient to venture an attack ; after in vain trying to bring the American general to battle, he, on the 19 til of June, pretended to make a precipitate retreat. The Americans left their fastnesses to pursue the enemy ; Howe marched his army back, and sent lord Cornwallis to secure the passes, so that the provincials be- ing hemmed in might be compelled to fight. On the 26th, his lordship met the advanced body of the enemy, attacked them with great fury, and soon put them to route. Washington, finding that he had been deceived by a feint, immediately returned to his hilly station, and occupied the passes before lord Cornwallis could arrive. Not having succeeded in this stratagem, general Howe somewhat hastily concluded that it would be useless to attempt any other expedient for bringing the enemy to bat- tle ; he therefore resolved to abandon the Jerseys, and crossed with his army to Statcn Island. The general himself in a plan of o[)erations sent to lord George Germaine, had declared his intention of penetrating to Philadelphia, through Jersey : the minister had approved and strongly enjoined him in all his movements to have in view co-operation with the northern army. Certain military critics allowed, that if he had continued in the Jerseys, by intercepting Washington's convoys he might have compelled him cither to fight, or with his army to perish by famine ; that the short and direct road to Philadelphia was through the Jerseys, and that with thirty tiiousand veterans he could have easily forced his way through eight thoiisand so lately levied. Notwithstanding these con- siderations, the weight of which it required little sagacity to perceive, he determined on undertaking an expedition round the coast ; nautical gen- tlemen represented to him, that at this season of the year the winds weic very contrary ; the admonitions were unavailing, he persisted in his re- • Stedman, vol. i. p. 287. 17?r.— Chap. XIX. UEIGN OF GEOHGE III. 43J [Dieposition of the British forces. New rifle invented by Fcrgusson.] solution. Leaving a considerable body of troops under general Clinton to guard New York, he embarked the rest of the army on the 5th of July, but by some unaccountable delay did not sail till the 23d. Having ar- rived at the capes of the Delaware, he learned (hat the enemy had blocked up the river, he therefore proceeded to the Chesapeake Bay, and sailed up the Elk, but did not come to land till the 24th of August. Thus, from the beginning of November the commander in chief, with thirty thousand of the bravest and best disciphned troops, opposed by less than ten thousand undisciplined recruits, had not advanced one step nearer the object of his appointment. He was in autumn, by a circuitous and difficult route, proceeding to a city, which in the foregoing winter was ready to yield, if he ha.d advanced by a short and then unguarded road ; but Philadelphia was to be captured by the hardships of a winter cam- paign, and not by luxurious indulgence. On landing the army, sir William Howe pubhshed a proclamation, offering pardon and protection to all who should surrender themselves to the British army, and assuring the inhabitants that the soldiers should observe strict order and discipline on their march. General Washington informed that the army was arrived in Pennsylvania, crossed the Dela- ware with his army on the 11th of September. The British troops ad- vanced to Brandywine, a river which running from the west, falls into the Delaware below Philadelphia. On the left bank, next to the city, the Americans posted themselves, and erected batteries at Chadsford, where they presumed the royal army would attempt to pass : Under co- ver of their batteries a body of them also occupied the right bank. Ge- neral Howe detached lord Cornwallis with two battalions of British grenadiers, as many of light troops, two battalions of Hessian grena- diers, two British brigades, and part of the seventy-first regiment, to cross the river farther up, and thus gain the enemy's rear. At the same time, general Knyphausen, with another division, marched to Chadsford, against the provincials who were placed there ; in this service the Ger- man experienced very important assistance from a corps of riflemen, commanded by major Patrick Fergusson. The dexterity of the provin- cials as marksmen had been frequently quoted, and held out as an object of terror to the British troops. Fergusson, a man ofgenius, which was exercised in professional attainments, invented a Hew species of rifle, that combined unprecedented quickness of repetition with certainty of effect, and security to the soldiers. The invention being not only ap- proved, but highly admired, its author was appointed to form and train a corps for the purpose of practice ; but an opportunity did not offer of calling their skill into action, until the period at which we are now arriv- ed. Fergusson, with his corps, supported by Weiiiyss's American ran- gers, was appointed to cover the front of Khyphausen's troops, and scoured the ground so effectually that there was not a shot fired by the Americans to annoy the column in its march.* So secured, Knyphausen • The merritorious conrluct of Fergusson, was acknowledged by the whole army, and publicly attested by order of the commander in chief. Fergusson, in a private letter of which Dr. Adam Fergusson has transmitted me a copy, mentions a very curioiss incident, from whicli it appears that the life of the American general was in imminent danger. While Fergusson lay with a part of his riflemen on a skirt of a wood in front of general Knyp!)auscn's divi- sion, the circumstance happened, of which the letter in question gives the fol- 132 HISTORY OF THEfw Chap. XIX.— 1777- [Battle of Brandy wine. Defeat of general Wayne.] was enabled to advance without interruption, attacked the enemy, obliged them (though protected by their batteries) to cross the river, made good the passage of liis own division, and opened the way to the rest of the army. Meanwhile lord Cornwallis crossed behind the enemy's rear ; and general ^Vashington, informed of this movement, sent general Sulli- van witli a considerable force to oppose the British detachment. The Americans seized the heights which rose from the banks ; having his rear and right flank covered by woods, and his left by the river. The Brili^il commander began the attack by four o'clock in the afternoon ; the provincials, after a very obstinate resistance, werp driven into the woods ; and posting themselves on another eminence, made a second stand still more vigorous than the first : they were again dislodged, and forced to retire with the loss of a thousand killed and wounded, and four hundred taken prisoners. The main body of the British army had now crossed the river; sir William Howe turned the right of Washington's troops, Knyphausen was in front, the Brandywine on the left, and the Delaware at a small distance in the rear. Lord Cornwallis, after his victory, was able to join the general. The only way by which the pro- vincials could escape was between the Delaware and the division under the immediate command of general Howe ; it was apprehended, that if the conmiander in chief had advanced farther round the enemy's flank, lie might have enclosed the provincial force : this movement, however, was not attempted, and general Washington drew off his troops during the night to Chester, near Philadel[)hia. Even the next morning, it was alleged, that the British troops might have intercepted the Americans ; but the experiment was not tried. General Howe remained several days at Brandywine after the enemy had retired. ATashington employed this very unexpected cessation in collecting his dispersed troops, and supplying from his magazines the stores which had been lost in the bat- tle. On the 20lh of September, intelligence being received that general Wayne was concealed, with fifteen hvmdred men, in the wood on the left wing of the British army ; general Howe dispatched major-general Grey with a strong body to surprise and dislodge the provincial detachment. Proceeding with great secrecy, the royal troops executed this project so lowing; account: — "We had not lain lonp; wlien a rebel officer remarkable by a Hussar dress, passed tovvuids our army, witliiii a liiindred yards of my riglit flank, not perceivinj^ iis. He was followed by another dressed in dark green and blue, nionnteom his wise, generous, and forbearing mercy. It required no great sagacity to divine that men, who conceived them- selves fighting for their liberties, and for two years had shown a prompt- ness to face anv dau'^er on accoiuit of so valuaisle an oi'jccl, were nit to be frightened from their purpose by high sounding words. The impo- licy of this declaratory boasting was obvious, f and, in the opinion 'of im- partial men, stamped the character of its author as dehtiL'iit in souufi wisdom, and that knowledge of human nature, without which neither a general nor a statesman can expect to succeed in arduous undertakings : his denunciation tended only to excite stroi.ger resentment in tiiC colo- nists, and to inspire more vigorous exertions to defend tiiemselves from the threatened atrocities. Gates tlio American general, replied to this production in a very plain but strong manifesto, which formed a striking contrast to the pompous phraseoloiry and empty gasconades of Bur- goyne's performance. j; The Brhish general advancing on the 2d of July, reached Ticonderoga, vvhich, with another fort opposite to it, re- cently built, und(!r tiui name of Mount Independence, were immediatelv abandoned by the Americans. S Tiie general despatched commodore Lutwitch, with the naval armament, in pursuit of tlie enemy's fleet thai was conveying the provisions from the evacuated garrison to Skenesbo- rough ; overtaking them near the place of their destination, he captuieti some of their galleys, and set lire; to the rest. On the Gth of July, the advanced corps of grenadiers and liglit infan- try, under general Fraser, consisting of near twelve hundred men, came up with the enemy's rear, commanded by eoJonel Francis, composed of * Stedman, p. 550. f See Annual IJegister. + Speaking of the profTerer] mercy immediately after the threat of sending In. dian savages upon the provincials, he said, •« the tf-nder mercies of the Jnifian town hatvk we w ill not solicit." See in state papers ]777, both the manifestops. ^ Stedman and IJamsav. 438 HlSTOliY OF THE Chap. KlX.—irTT' [Dilatory movements of Burgoyne. Defeat at Bennington.] fifteen hundred of their chosen troops. Fraxcr, notwithstanding his in- feriority, attacked the provincials, who received him witJi tlie firmest intrepidity. The hattie was long doubtful, hut the arrival of general Reidesel witli the Brunswick troops detern7ined the event. The Ameri- cans, conceiving that the whole German force had arrived, retreated with the greatest precipitation. Tiiey lost two hundred killed, as tn.my taken prisoner.^, and about six hundred wounded, of whom the iireaiest num- ber died in the woods. Of the British, about one hundred and forty, in- cluding twenty officers, were killed and wounded. Colonel Hill, with the ninth refxiinent, was sent to pursue a paity of the enemy that had re- tired to Wood's Creek. Having overtaken them, the British leader per- ceived that they were much superior in numbers to his corps ; he never- theless engaged, and posted his men .so judiciously as to prevent their repeated attempts to surro^md him by their numbers. After a battle oi three hours, the provincials v.cre forced to retreat with great slaughter. Schuyler, the American general, employed a stratagem frequently used afterwards in th" course of t!ie war ; he wrote a letter to general Sullivan, intended to fall iuto the hands of Burgoyne ; which being taken and pe- rused by the British commander, so puzzled and perp!e.\od him as to retard his operations several days, before he could determme whether he was to advance or retreat. Ar last he resolved to penetrate to Hudson river, while major-general Philips should bring the stores from Ticonde- roga along lake George to Fort George, whence there was a wagoa road to Fort Edward on the Hudson. Military critics affirmed that it would have been much wiser in Burgoyne to have crossed the country from Skenesborough to lake George, embarked, and proceeded a consi- derable part of the route by water, than to have marched, by land through a wild, woody, and swampy country. Their march was frequently in- terrupted by moras.ses, impassable without bridges, of which the con- .strurtion employed a considerable time. Burgoyne alleged, that if he had returned to like George, the retrogade movement would have damp- ed the ardour of his troops : but the necessary .slowness of their progress throuf^h those wilds and intricacies was more likely to repress their |ani- matinrv. It was the 30th of July before they arrived at the river; there they were oblifjed to wait several (Jays, until their provisions, stores, and other necessaries should be embarked. Burgoync's expedition had at first struck great consternation into the minds of the Americans ; but, on finding his advances much more tardy than they expected, their spirits be^an to revive, and they made various dispositions for recruiting their strenfth : re-enforcements were sent to general Schuyler, who was post- ed at Saratoga on the Hudson, about twenty miles north from Albany. They sent Arnold to watch the motions of colonel St. Legcr, and to pre- vent his co-operation with tlie main army. 8t. Lcger was now advanced to Fort Stanwix on tiic Moiiawk river : the general saw it was necessary to co-operate with that officer, and to move rapidly forward ; but he had a very larje train of artillerv : horses and carrijiges were wanting, pro- vi.sions also were nearly exiiausted. Having learned that the Americans had deposited a great quantity of stores at Benniniiton, about twenty-four miles east from Hudson river, Burgoyne resolved to attempt the seizure of this masazine : and despatched colonel Baurn, a German officer, on that service, with six hundred troops, including dragoons. It was re- presented to the general, that the proposed enterprise would require no 1777.— Cuxr. XIX. REIGN OF GEORGE ili 43CJ [Siege of Fort Stanwix raised.] loss than three thousand men ; and that Cermans, from the slowness of their movement, were by no means so tit for surpri.sing the enemy as the Britisli ; that they were, besides, totally unacquainted w ith the country and the language, so that they could receive no information even from friends of the royal cause. The general, however, persisted in his reso- lution : the habitual slowness of Gern)an movements, added to the bad- ness of the roads and the want of carriages, rendered Eaum's advance so tedious, that the enemy were informed of his approach, and prepared lor his reception. When he arrived at Bennington, he found the enemy so Strong, that, with the small body intrusted to him, it would have been madness to attempt an attack. He accordingly fortified himself, and sent a message to the genend, that the scheme would be impracticable with- out a re-enforcement. Colonel Breyman was sent to his assistance, with five hundred Germans, who advanced with their usual tardiness.* Mean- while Starke, an American general, who was on his way with a thousand men from New-llafrpshire and Massachusetts to join the provincial army under Schuyler, hcarnig of Bauin's expedition to Bennington, turn- ed aside to second the eflbrts of Warner, who commanded the provin- cials at that place. On the 16th of August, the Americans surrounded Baum, who, though he made a gallant resistance, was overpowered by numbers,! himself mortally woundtd, and his troops put to the route. Elated with their victory, the provincials marched to attack Breyman, who ignorant of Bauni's defeat, was advancing to his assistance. Brey- man had just met some fugitives fiom Baum's detachment, when the Americans, before he had time to order a retreat, fell upon his troops : he made a very valiant defence, but was at last compelled to retire. The loss of the royalists in both battles amounted to six hundred men : this first material check which the king's troops suffered, is imputed to the employment of Germans on a service requiring rapid expedition, and to the smallness of their number. Colonel St. Leger invested Fort Stanwix, a small fort, defended by- seven hundred men. On the 3d of August, being informed that a thou- sand provincials were marching to its relief, the British leader despatched sir John Johnson, with a party of regulars and a great number of sav- ages, to lie in ambueh in the woods : the stratagem succeeded, the pro- vincials were unexpectedly attacked on all sides by the fire of the British troops, and the tomahawks of the Indians. Having made a very brave resistance, after losing half their number, the remainder were enabled to retreat with some degree of order. Meanwhile the besieged, being ap- prised that the artillery of their assailants was too light to make any im- pression on the fort, and being well supplied with provisions, rejected every overture to induce them to surrender. A man belonging to the fort, pretending to be a deserter, came to the British camp, and told St. Leger that Arnold was advancing with two thousand men, and ten pieces of cannon, to protect the fort, and that general Burgoyne's army had been cut to pieces. This account made little impression on the colonel, but produced an immediate effect on the savages, of whom a large party instantly left the camp, and the rest threatened to follow if the British • So foclishly attached were they to forms of discipline, that in marchinj: through thickets they stopped ten times in an hour, to flrer- ^hfir ran'-i. See Sted. noan, vol. i. p. 332. t Stedman, p. 333 t-io lusTOiiv OF THE ijuAj'. XIX— irrr [Cmelty of the savages rouses the Americans to more active resistance.] commander woulJ not begin to retieat. St. Leger was compelled to abandon liis enterprise, and to retieat precipilatcly with the loss of his artillery and stores. The failure of this undertaking so soon after the «lofeat at IJenuingtou, damped the spirits of the royal army, and elated the Americans. Tiio conduct of their savage auxiliaries was extremely prejudicial to the British interest. The admonitions of Burgoyne had lilile m )re elfect on these nuirderous tribes, tluin if lectures on humanity iiad been addressed to the tigers of Hindostan ; and, indeed, the expec- tations of mildness were as reasonahic from habitual butcliery as from instinctive ferocity ; the barbiritics of the Indians, like those of their tour-footed brethren, were totally mdiscriniinatc ; loyalists and revolters, if they came into the power of the savages, experienced the same fate. An instance of cruelty which happened about this time was peculiarly alTli'-ting: Mr. Jones, an oflicer in the British service, had paid his addresses to the daughter of an American loyalist, a young lady in the bloom of youthful beauty : she listened to his suit and consented to be- come his bride. Anxious tor her safety, he otiered to reward with a bar- rel of ruin any person wlio should escort her from her father's liouse to a place where he was himself to meet her, and that very doy receive her hand. Two Indians undertook the task, and liad conducted her near the appointed spot, when a dispute arose between them, which should pre- sent the lady to her lover. Both were eager for the reward, and the one to prevent the other from receiving it, murdered the blooming innocent maiden; and the youth, instead of his beloved bride found a mangled corpse. This and other instances of atrocity inflamed the American people: the cruelties of the Indians, and the cause in which they were engaged, were associated together, and presented in one view 10 the alarmod inhabitants. They, whose interest it was to draw ibrth the mditia in support of American independence, strongly ex- pressed their execrations of the army which submitted to accept of Indian aid, and they loudly condemned that government which could call such auxiliaries into a civil contest, as were calculated not to sub- due, but to exterminate a people whom they atfected to reclaim as subjects. Their cruel mode of warfare, by putting to death, as well the helpless infant and defenceless female, as the resisting armed man, ex- cited an universal spirit of resistance. In conjunction with other circum- stances, it impressed on the minds of the inhabitants a general conviction, that a vigorous determined opposition was the only alternative for the pre- servation of their property, their children, and their wives. Could they have indulged Ih", hope of security and protection while they remained peaceably at their homes, they would have Ibund many excuses for de- clining to assume the profession of soldiers; but when they contrasted the dangers of a manly resistance with those of a passive inaction, they chose the former as the least of two unavoidable evils. All the feeble aid which the royal army received from their Indian auxiliaries was infi- nitely overbalanced by the odium it brought on their cause, and by that iletermined sj)irit of opposition which the dread of savage cruelties ex- cited.* In the command of the American army a change took place which proved fatal to the royal interests; genera! Gates was appointed viommruider in chief of the northern forces. The British commandej • liamsay, vol. ii. p. 38 1777.— CuAP. XIX. RKIGN OF GEOJIGE IIT. 441 [Battle of Stillwater. Retreat of JJurgoyne.] having by great industry collected about thirty days provisions, and con- structed a bridge of boats, on the 14tli of September crossed the river, and occupied the heights of Saratoga, about thirty miles fronti Albany. Thence the army set forward in a southern course; but the march was obstructed by the difficulties of the road which the rains had almost ren- dered impassable, and retarded by a great train of artillery, which required frequent construction of bridges. On the 19th of September they arrived at Stillwater, where'the enemy were encamped ; the right wing was com- manded by general Burgoync, and covered by general Fraser, with the grenadiers and light infantry ; the left by general Philips and Reidesel. The enemy attempted to turn the right wuig of the king's troops, and at- tacked them in the river; Fraser with his brigade holding the extreme position on that side, perceived their design, and prevented its execution. Changing their situation, they attacked the British line in front of the right division : the battle began at three o'clock in the afternoon, and continued till after sunset. The right wing only of our army was com- pletely engaged : the twentieth, twenty-first, and sixty-second regiments bore the brunt of the battle with the most intrepid firmness and enter- prising courage ; they were very hardly pressed, when major-general Philips found means to send artillery through a thick wood, which sup- ported and aided their efforts. The twenty-fourth regiment, with the grenadiers and light infantry, also came forward to assist their fellow- soldiers. The Americans fought with no less coolness, valour, and skill: at last, they left the British army in possession of the field: the loss on each side amounted to about six hundred men. Though our troops remained masters of the scene of action, yet the battle of Still- water was by no means favourable to their ultimate success: they were far advanced in an enemy's country; their numbers were diminishing, without the means of re-enforcement; their provisions were sufficient only for a temporary supply ; the army of the enemy was daily increasing, and as it grew in force, it became the abler to prevent our troops from successful foraging. The savages showed an inclination to leave the Bri- tish, from the time the hopes of plunder were disappointed; and it was ap- prehended they would become enemies, as well as deserters: a few days after, the Indians actually left the British camp. Burgoyne had advanced in conformity to the minister's plan, in expectation of assistance from generals Clinton and Howe. The expected aid had failed ; and without it, the project was no longer practicable. Before him was an enemy already strong and collecting new strength, in a country abounding with difficulties: the only means of saving himself and his troops therefore from destruction appeared to be a retreat. Generals Gates and Arnold, well informed of Burgoyne's embarrassment, projected his interception. For that purpose they sent an expedition under colonel Brown, who, from his activity and knowledge of the country, turned the British rear, arrived at lake George, and surprised and took boats that were convey- ing provisions to our troops, Burgoyne began his retreat towards Sara- toga: his difficulties were accumulating; his army did not exceed five thousand men: their stores were almost exhausted; and a fresh supply being cut off, he was obliged to restrict his soldiers to a reduced allow- ance. The enemy had augmented their forces, and nearly surrounded him on all sides; it was necessary to dislodge them before it would be possible to return to the lakes. To eficct this purpose, on the 7th Vol. VII.— 56 442 ' ' IIISTOUY OF THE CuAr. XIX.— 1777 [Battle of Saratoga. Distressed state of the British army.] of Oclober he headed fifteen hundred men himself, accompanied by generals Reidesel, Philips, and Fraser. This body had arrived within half a mile of the enemy's intrenchments, when a furious attack was made by the Americans on the left wing and centre of the royal army. Major Auckland, commanding the grenadiers, sustained their first onset with great resolution; but their numbers soon enabled the enemy to ex- tend their attack along the whole line. The right had not yet been en- gaged ; but the enemy moving round to prevent a retreat, the light infan- try and twenty-fourth regiment instantly formed to defeat their purpose. Meanwhile the left wing, nearly overpowered bv numbers, attempted to retire, and was on the point of being overwhelmed, when the corps sent to the assistance of the right division, rapidly changing their movement, endeavoured to secure the left from impending destruction, by which timely aid they at last made good their retreat to the camp. The right was also compelled to retire, witli the loss of many men and several pieces of cannon, and the Americans attempted to force the intrench- ments; on that side the engagement was a long time doubtful, but Ar- nold being wounded, the provincials were repulsed. On the left wing of the camp, the American attack was more successful : they carried, sword in hand, the lines which were defended by colonel Ikeyman and the German troops, and also took the baggage, stores, and artillery. In this battle, among the slain were colonel Breyman and general Fraser: and a considerable number of officers were killed or wounded on both sides. During the night, the general, aware that in his present position the ene- my would in the morning renew the battle with almost certain success, changed his position with his whole army, and occupied a very strong post. Convinced that nothing less than a decisively successful action could extricate him from his difficulties, the next day, from his advan- tageous ground, he ollered the enemy battle. The provincials, however, were projecting measures much safer to themselves, and no less danger- ous to their adversaries. They advanced strong bodies of troops be- yond Burgoyne's right, with a view to enclose his army. Burgoyne, perceiving this operation, resolved to hasten his retreat to Saratoga, and accordingly, during that night, began his march. He did not reach Sara- toga till the 10th; there he found the passes before him secured by the enemy, the shores of the river lined with troops, and the whole naviga- tion entirely in their power. He attempted to retreat to Fort George, to make a rapid march along the western bank of the river, and cross by the ford at Fort St. FdvwTrd's, but received intelligence that both the fort and road were beset by/ the enemy. The condition of the British army waa now most deplorah'lc : worn down by incessant exertion and obstinate contest, disappointed of expected aid, in their distress deserted by their auxiliaries, compelled to abandon their object without any prospect of a safe retreat, witli their numbers reduced from eight thousand to three thousand five hundred, their provision exhausted, surrounded by an army four times their nurnher, nnd exposed to continual cannonade, fast lessen- ing their before impaired force.* This dismal situation they bore with the constancy of British soldiers; they eagerly wished for a battle to ex- tricate themselves, or die in the attempt; but this alternative the enemy would not aflbrd. • Sledman, Andrews, and llanisay. I 1777.— Chap. XIX. KEIGN OF GEOUGE III, 443 [Surrender of Burgoyne. State of Ireland.] On the 13th of October, Biirgoyne, seeing every hope of relief vanish- ed, look an exact account of provisions, and found there was subsistence only for five days. He called a council of war, and that he might obtain the sense of the army as generally as possible, with the higher officers were included the captains. The result was an unanimous determina- tion to open a treaty with general Gates. That very night, at nine o'clock, a messenger was despatched to the enemy's camp, and the next morning was appointed for commencing the negotiation. The British army, equally incapable of subsisting in its present situation, or making its way to a better, lay entirely at the mercy of the enemy. The terms proffered in those circumstances were very moderate; besides the arti- cles that related to the maintenance and accommodation of the army on its wav to Boston, the principal conditions were, that the troops should be allowed to march out of the camp with all the honours of war, to a fixed place where they were to deposit their arms, and to sail from Bos- ton to Europe, on a promise not to serve again in America during the present war; the baggage was not to be searched or molested, but pri- vate property was to be held sacred: all persons of whatever country were to be included in the capitulation, and the Canadians to be returned to their own country, subject to the conditions of the convention. On this melancholy occasion, general Gates conducted himself with the greatest humanity and generosity, and not only treated the wounded with the most feeling care and kindness, but was so considerately benevolent, that when the British were laying down their arms, he would suffer none of his soldiers to be present at so mortifying an operation. Such was the conclusion of Burgoync's expedition, from which the most important advantages had been predicted by ministers and their supporters. So untoward an issue in the usual course of human opinions produced charges of erroneous judgment, ill digested plans, inadequate preparations, and unskilful conduct. The train of artillery, it was said, that Burgoyne carried with him, was superfluous, and retarded move^ ments, the success of which depended on a rapidity that should have given the enemy no time to collect an opposing force. Neither horses nor carriages were provided until the army was ready to take the field; and this circumstance detaining the forces too long at Fort Edward, was ultimately one cause of the disaster at Bennington, the prelude of greater misfortunes. After the failure at Bennington and Fort Stanwix, it w^as urged that Burgoyne ought to have abandoned the project of penetrating to Albany, and by no means to have crossed the Hudson: he should have secured himself at Fort Edward, where, according to the co-ope- ration which he received from the south, he might have either advanced, or retreated to Canada. These censures of Burgoyne, if just, rest en- tirely on his judgment and skill, and thus ultimately fall upon the dis- cernment of^ the ministers from whom he received his appointment. There was no charge of neglecting obvious opportunities, remitting per- sonal efforts, relaxing military discipline, or sacrificing professional duty to pleasurable indulcence. If the failure of an expedition proceeded from want of skill in the commander in chief, the obvious question is, why was a person employed, who, neither by any particular act, nor his general character, had discovered sufficient military abilities for con- ducting so important an undertaking? While the political counsels of England produced war with her colo- 444 HISTOUY OF THE Chap. XIX.— 1777. [Question concerning mtmey bills. Ministerial policy towards Ireland.] nies, and military operations proved either inefi'icient or destructive, the state of Ireland was by no means tranquil. The octennial act, as a co- temporary historian observes, was no longer an object of exultation than while it was recent.* The greater expenses attending elections were severely felt ; the constant residence of the lord-lieutenant, which now first became a part of his duty, gave offence to many, who found their power and inthience diminished, and a strong opposition was speedily formed, (rovernment proposed a very considerable addition to the mili- tary establishment, and, through the inlliience of the lord-lieutenant, a bill to that effect, after violent contests, was passed into a law : but the opposition was powerful ; their arguments making a deep impression on the people, increased the discontents ; and the exertions of the anti- ministerial party soon proved successful in the parliament itself. From the settlement of Ireland by king William, money bills had ori- ginated in the privy-council, by whom they were proposed to the com- mons. Agreeably to this usage, in November 17G9, ministers framed a bill for a supply, and having introduced it into the house, their opponents reprobated the proposition as trenching on the rights of the national re- presentatives. The court party quoted precedent, while their adversa- ries asserted the principles of the constitution : the popular champions prev^ailed, and the bill was rejected. To demonstrate that they were actuated by a regard for their rights, and not by parsimony, the commons granted an aid much Greater than had been required ; instead of a supply for three months which ministers had proposed, they provided a propor- tionable amount for two years. The liberality of the grant did not, in the opinion of the viceroy, compensate tlie deviation from the customary mode. Regarding precedent as law, in a speech to the houses he con- tended that the procedure had violated the just rights of the crown, and protested against the claim of the commons to the origination of money bills ; but finding that the delegates of the people were not to be swayed by his asseverations contrary to their own judgment and will, Townshend prorogued parliament. The j)ri»rogation of the national council soon after the commencement of its deliberations, and on account of an assertion of constitutional right, rapidly and widely augmented dissatisfaction. The popular lead- ers employed the recess in increasing their strength, concerting plans, and consolidating efforts. Unity of character exhibited internal evi- dence, sullicicnt to evince that the same heads and hearts which admin- istered the affairs of liritain, directed the government of Ireland : in the counsels of rulers were to be seen the general causes which, in other operations, we have boon contemplating; — weakness of conduct exem- plified in fluctuating and inconsistent measures, and a desultory alterna- tion of |)recipitate violence and concdiatory attempt. Actuated by resent- ment, the counscllriis of the king dc^prived of their offices two of the most powerful favourites of the people, lord Shannon and Mr. Ponson- by, and thereby drove them to the anti-ministerial side. During the whole year 1770, the parliament did not meet, and the public dissatis- faction continued to ferment. I'^arly in the following year, government essayed a conciliatory experiment: parliament was assembled, and ad- dressed by the viceroy in a mild and soothing speech. Measures, he • See Adolphus, vol. i. p. 409. 1777.— Chap. X[X. UEIGN OF GEOUGE III. 445 [Violence against government. Ascendency of opposition in parliament.] said, wero adopted and carried into execution for promoting the manu- factures and trade of the kinene(l had Scotland retained a sepaiate lejjislaliirc ; because most of the nieinber.s of that parliaaieni, from vanity, pride, and arnl)ilion, wiiuM have opposed a measure uliicli rednccil them from Ijciujj petty princes on their own estates, to an equal submissiion to liic I'iws with tlieir vabbais and even poorc:il tenants. 1777.— Chap. XIX. KEIGN OF GL'.ORGR III. 44?) [Effort* for improving the state of the people.] proprietors, however, among the valiics of the Grampians exercised a liberal and wise policy in the allotment of their farms, by letting such quantities of land as to admit the full employment of the tenant's skill, and tjranting leases which stimulated his industry. The benefi- cial effects which accrued to such jvulicious landlords, influenced others, and the prospect of agricultural improvement in those dis- tricts was favourable. A succession of cold seasons some years be- fore, had damped the spirit of agricultural improvement ; but these terminated in 1773,* and were followed by fruitful seasons. In more remote and barren parts of the highlands, during the yeai's of scarcity, extreme indigence prevailed, and the evils were dreadfully aggrava- ted by subordinate oppression. Though dissolved by law, the feudal system here continued in fact, without the patriarchal sentiments -which had rendered the chieftain and his retainers one large family. The proprietors having assigned their lands in large allotments to tack.i7nen, who, both in situation and conduct, bore a striking resem- blance to the middle-men who are so oppressive to the Irish peasantry, great emigrations took place. For improving the state of the people, the only effectual means of repressing this spirit, attempts were made to stimulate the inhabitants of the coasts to seek from the ocean those riches, which the coldness of the climate and the barrenness of the soil denied to their industrious efforts. Various projects were formed for promoting the fisheries, but hitherto with very partial success. The influence of the union began to extend even to the remote high- lands: gentlemen in the army or other professions became conversant ■with English sentiments and principles, learned a respect for the rights and happiness of their fellow men, and perceived that by en- couraging activity and enterprise among their tenants, they would eventually render them more productive. But this spirit was not yet become general ; many of the lower proprietors, as well as of the higher class, whose range of observation, thought, and sentiment was narrowed within the circle of their domains, preferred lordly supre- macy over humble dependants, to all the benefits accruing to a land- lord from an independent cultivator of his lands on the terms of fair reciprocity between man and man. Light and civilization required to • Here I think it will not be foreign to our purpose to mention a theory which was formed by the peasants of Alhol, a district of Perthshire, concerninsj the se- vere years, the natural cause of iheir continuance and termination, as it illustrates the cliaracter and notions of our Icllow-subjects in an extensive and populous dis- trict. Acute and intelligent, with their time not fidiy occupied by rural business, the highlanders are much addicted to sjieculation, especially on physical sul>jects, which make a forcible impression on their senses and observation. The cold sea- sons that had sterilized their fields were naturally the chief topics of their dis- course. Desirous of ascertaining the cause, in the want of facts, like much deeper philosophers, they had recourse to conjecture. The favourite hypothesis was, that Scotland had revolved within the influence of a frozen star, and would become colder and colder as long as this attraction lasted. In the year 17"4, the kin.g'a astronomer, Mr. Maskelyne, came to that country, with the view of making obser- vations from one of the highest mountains; Shichallion vvas accordingly chosen. The theorists apprehended his object was to melt the frozen star: the season proved at first extremely rainy, which they imputed to the dissolution of the frost, but it afterwards became warm and genial', which they attributed to the complete success of the experiment. Such was their belief at the time, and long after, as I myself know ; and I have heard that among the old it continues to this day. Vol. VII.— 57 450 HISTOUY OF THE Cuai-. XIX.— 17rr. [Ecclesinstical disputes agitate Scotland.] be much more perfectly difTused, before the energies of tlie high- laiulcrs were employed to the degree of advantage of which their combined talents, resolution, and enterprise are susceptible. Tlie lower ranks in Scotland have a greater proportion of know- ledge, than corresponding classes in many other countries. One great branch of the smdy even of peasants and mechanics, (strange to say !) is metaphysical divinity. The equalizing spirit of prcsbyierianism, in matters of faith pays much less regard to human authority, than is be- stowed by the votaries of hierarchical establishments; and nothing is more common than to find a day labourci' contending with the parson of the parish concerning interpretations of scripture and jjoints of or- thodoxy. Connected with this anxious care for the doctrines of the church, is a no less vigilant watchfulness for her government. While England was so much occupied by Wilkes and the colonies, Scotland, without being regardless of these, was chiefly agitated by questions concerning the source of clerical appoiiumenis. The law of the land established patronage, either of the crown, public bodies, or indivi- duals : a great body in the church, headed by Robertson, supported the continuance of the law as it stood ; a smaller but considerable bo- dy in the church, supported by numerous votaries among the people, desired an abolition of the law of patronage ; and until that should be effected, such a modification in its execution as would eventually amount to popular election.* After the re-establishment of the law of patronage in 1712, the clergy found the people extremely averse to the revived mode, which they considered as a remnant of episcopacy, and even of popery ; and many of their own body entertained a similar opinion. It was a maxim in prcsbyterian government, from John Knox downwards, that a presentee, although perfectly well qualified, and unexceptionable in life and doctrine, was nevertheless inadmissi- ble to his clerical office, till the concurrence of the people who were to be under his ministry, had l)een regularly ascertained. The form of expressing tliis coricurrence was by the subscription of a paper termed a cally and many of the clergy would refuse the lawful pre- sentee, unless he had in his favour this expression of parochial appro- bation; thus the mode intended and ordained by the law of the land was transgressed, and the people were gratified by a violation of the statute. During the first years cf the present reign this subject was very strongly debated under two views, judicial process in the pre- sent circumstances, and the expediency of application for a total re- peal of the law. On the first question wliich came before almost every meeting of the general assembly in some case of appeal, the support- ers of calls argued from the maxims of presbyterianism and repeated practice, which ilicy endeavoured to establish as usage and common law; and from the general spirit of liberty. The advocates of patron- age aigued fiom the express statute, which every judge is bound to follow, whatever may be his own private or individual maxims or opinions; and contended that practice never can be pleaded in opposi- tion to positive law. A great majority of the people, as might be na- turally expected, adhered to those clergy who proposed to allow such • See Dr. Hill's paper on tl)is subject, as quoted by Mr. Stewart in his Life of Robertson, p. 159, &c., which exhibits a very masterly view of this question, but in more detail than it would suit the purposes of this history to transcribe. 1777.— CaAP. XIX. KEIGN OF GEOUGK III. 451 [Literature. Character and writing-s of Hume] weipjht to popular suffrage, and the clerical opponents of patronage were, as a body, the chief favourites of the multitude. Among them there were many individuals of respectable talents, and some of trans- cendent abilities ;* but tiie great mass of clerical erudition, and the brightest luminaries of literary genius, were on the side of existing law. Against particular exercises, as well as the general principle of patronage, an outcry was raised, which disturbed Scotland much longer than the Middlesex election agitated England. In 1766, the leaders of the popular party proposed an application to the legislature for the abolition of patronage ; but after a very able debate, their mo- tion was rejected. From that time no regular attempt was made to change the law, although on every judicial question within its opera- tion it continued to be reprobated by the votaries of popular election, Scotland, during this period, was peculiarly distinguished for literary effort. In the preceding yearf died David Hume, whose writings must occupy such an important share in a history of the learning of the eigh- teenth century. As a profound and comprehensive philosopher, Hume had few equals. The powers of his understanding were extraordinary in natural acuteness and strength, and sharpened and invigorated by as- siduous exercise ; his knowledge was extensive, accurate and multifari- ous ; his faculty of communication was proportioned to his talents and acquisitions ; his language is plain, easy, varying with the subject, fre- quently elegant, and always strong, without any apparent efibrt. Such intellectual abilities, however, even though accompanied by integrity and benevolence, were not uniformly directed to the real benefit of mankind. With valuable good that accrued from this sage, there was mixed an alloy of evil. His enmity to the religion of his country, was pernicious in proportion to the ingenuity of his sophistry, and the extent of bis fame. His Treatise upon Human JVature, from false principles, by a sub- tle system of inferences, endeavoured to establish conclusions contra- dictory to common sense, and rarely has greater genius been exerted in discovering important and beneficial truths, than are here exercised to impress extravagant absurdities : seldom has mind more powerfully dis- played its energies than in trying to disprove its own existence. J Wild and visionary as the system is, yet there are many observations of the highest value : and the author's mode, together with his example, stimu- lated readers to a degree of intellectual exercise which strengthened their understandings ; the examination of false or erroneous subtlety eventually facilitated the attainment of truth. The publication of these notions was moreover of signal service to the science of pneumatology, in the answers which they called forth. Of these the most distinguished were Beattie's Essay upon Truth ; which in a popular, animated, and impressive manner, expatiated on the wild theories that Hume support- ed ; and Reid's Inquiry into the Human Mind on the Principles of Com- mon Sense. By rousing the investigating powers of this very profound philosopher, Mr. Hume has been the means of enlarging man's know- ledge of his own faculties. The infidelity of Hume, mischievous as it • Such as Drs. Ersklne.and Webster ; but, beyond all, Dr. Dick. See Stewr- art's Life of Robertson, t August, 1776. t See Hume's theory of ideas and impressions, Treatise of Human JVature. 452 IIlSTOItY OF THE Cuap. XIX.— 1777. [Excellence of liis English history.] is in itself, has incited the friends of religion to add new muniments to the Christian faith. The Essay on Miracles, and the Natural History of Religion, produced from the ability and learning both of Scotland* and Englandf answers which constitute valuable additions to rational theology ; and thus the aberrations of genius, corrected by sound reason- ing and wisdom, serve to promote the cause of truth. The impression, however, of the Humean infidelity was by no means efiaced : so re- nowned an author gave a currency to his opinions which they long re- tained, and at the period before us they were extremely prevalent among youthful men of letters. I'he moral .system of the philosopher, though far less objectionable than his religion, is not without its defects ; pro- buhlv less in the intention of the author, than the interpretation which his principles may admit. Identifying virtue with utility, and not exactly marking the boundaries of that utility which he denominates virtuous, he has misled inferior;}; theorists into very absurd and pernicious conclu- sions. His scheme, implicitly and indiscriminately adopted, tends to render indefinite expediency, private interest, and state policy, the springs of human conduct, instead of conscience and religion ; but though this treatise cannot be admitted, at least by the votaries of revealed or even natural theology, as a just and salutary system of morals, the illustra- tions and incidental remarks contain a portion of wisdom, which, apart from his other works, would be sutiicient to evince the profound ability of the author. The politics of Hume are differently estimated accord- ing to the previous opinions which their examiners have formed. One observation is obvious, that though he verges to the notions of the tories concerning government, he inculcates his doctrines on a very difterent principle. Far from having recourse to divme rigiit, he only carries his moral doctrine of expediency to affairs of state ; and infers, that in the usual course of conduct, it is safer for the individual and society to ac- quiesce in partial abuses than to attempt correction by force, and this is the whole extent of Hume's toryism ; so that, according to him, com- pliance or refusal comes to be a mere question of prudence in the exist- ing case.§ Writings contrary to the observation and experience of mankind are rarely lasting. The metaphysical paradoxes of this extraordinary man are not the foundation of his permanent fame ; the work which conse- crates Hurne to immortality is that monument of his genius, which leav- ing speculative subtlety, descends to be the vehicle of practical wisdom. His history is probably the first composition of that important species which is to be found in ancient or modern times ; not less penetrating and profuund than Tacitus and Thucydides, he has chosen a subject that admitted of greater extent and variety than either of these illustrious writers; he has exhil)ited man as progressively advancing from barba- rism and ignorance to civilization and knowledge ; and in all these silua- ti'^ns, employments, and exertions, which develop his intellectual and moral character; the narrative is interesting and deeply engages the reader ; the materials are arranged with the clearness of a mind thatsur- • Dr. C.impbell. f Dr. Hurd. i See Godv.i'i's Political .liistice, pasidm. % Hence Dr. Johpson calls Hunie a tcry by accident, and not from principle. See Doswell. 1777.— CuAP. XIX. REIGN OF GF.OllGE HI 453 [Robertson. Gibbon, Political economy. Eloquence.] veyed every part and the whole of its subject; the civil, ecclesiastical, political, and literary features of the times are exactly and strongly de- lineated ; throughout this grand production, we perceive the critic of com- bined taste and science, the philosopher, the politician, the successful investigator and exhibitor of active man. Every friend to Christianity must regret that there is, in such an estimable work, a considerable por- tion of matter which is really inimical to religion, though professedly in- tended to expose to ridicule, contempt, and censure, some of the su- perstitions that assumed its liame ; but the sceptical impressions that render such strictures dangerous, are only temporary ; whereas the be- nefit of the illustrious lessons of wisdom will endure as long as the lan- guage that conveys them is knov/n, and as judgment exists to appreciate excellence. With the Corypheus of Scottisli literature many others were nearly cotemporary. Having founded his fame in the former reign, Ko- bertson, in the present, raised a splendid superstructure ; the historian of Charles V. traced the connexion between ancient and modern man, in the old world ; then winging his flight to the new, he exhibited the spectacle of savage life in a more just and striking form than is elsewhere to be found. On nations in the cradle of society he bestowed a patient investigation and able deduction in exhibiting the wants and character of their infant state; by unity of design, skilful selection, and masterly exe- cution, he presented an exact, glowing, and interesting picture ; he be- stowed on his story and characters almost dramatic animation ; while the impressive description of the poet did not preclude the truth of the his- torian, or the reflection of the philosopher. In his inquiries into the bodily constitution of tlie Americans ; the qualities of their minds ; their domestic, civil, and. political state and institutions ; their arts, their re- ligion, their manners, and their customs ; he, instead of imputing their character and condition to physical nature, with vigorous sense, and sound philosophy, ascribes them to moral and political causes. The success of Hume and of Robertson stimulated historical adventure in the southern part of the kingdom, and contributed to rouse a writer fitted for transmitting to posterity the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. The first volumes excited a curiosity and expectation which it required historical powers of the highest kind to gratify in the subsequent eflxirts. These illustrious writers chose some specific, though grand portion of story, as the subject of their exhibition of human nature. Ferguson pre- sented man under a more general view ; The Essaij on civil Society traced the species through all the varieties, progression, and declension of the social state ; from the first perceptions of sense to the general con- clusions of science; the earliest operations of sentiment and reason to the heights of moral and political knowledge ; and following barbarity through various stages, conducted it to refinement ; until politeness de- generated into enervation, and effeminate vice destroyed what manly vir- tue had acquired. Smith unfolded the philosophy of political economy, and promulgated the rules and conduct by which individuals and nations might arrive at opulence, and the various species of productive industry might be exerted with .the greatest success. Blair gave to the public the tirst volume of sermons which decorated christian morality w ith all the charms of refined taste and polished composition, and by persuasive eloquence impressed beneficial truth. Home introduced the tragic muse 454 HISTORY OF THE Chap. XIX.— 17rr. [Encourag-ement of genius.] into the Scottish woods, rendered the banks of the Carron as interesting as the shores of the Adriatic, and engaged the lieart for sir Malcolm's Matilda as if she had been Priiili's Belvidera. These were among the most distinguished efTorts in philosophy, history, and poetry, by which Scotland aspired at literary fame, not utiworthy of the partner with whom she was now happily united ; whose liberal munificence springing from the energy of freedom, affords to every species of beneficial talents the strongest motives for exertion and display. mr^Cair. XX. KKIGN OF GEOKGE 111. 455 CHAPTER XX. Conduct of France and Spain. — Changing sentiments of the French — Meeting of parliament. — King's speecii declares the necessity of continuing tlie war. — Debates on the address. — Inquiries into tlie state of the nation. — Lord Chatham takes an active part in parhament. — Renewal of the law for detaining suspected persons. — Mr. Fox's grand plan of inquiry into the state of the nation — allow ed under modifications — News arrives of Uurgoyne's fate. — Different conduct of lord North and lord George Germaine. — Operations of ministers during the re- cess — Vohnitary contributions for levying new regiments. — Propriety of these discussed in parliament. — Mr. Fox's inquiry into the state of the nation. — Mr. Burke's motion respecting the employment of Indians. — Lord North's plan of negotiation witii the colonies. — Commissioners appointed. — Hostile intimation from France. — Mr. Fox's proposed inquiry thereon into the state of tlie navy. — His inquiry into the plan and preparations of the Canada expedition. — Schism in opposition, on the question of American independence. — Discussion on the subject in the house of peers — Last efforts of lord Chatham. — His illness, death, and character. — Tributes of respect and gratitude paid to his memory by par- liament. — Application to parliament in favour of Ireland. — Consideration post- poned. — Repeal of king William's act respecting Roman catholics. — Supplies. — Ways and means, and taxes. — Motion for an inquiry respecting expenditure — rejected. — Dignified speech of his majesty at the close of the nation. While Britain was engaged in so momentous a contest, her Eu- ropean neighbours anxiously watched operations and events. France and Spain opened their ports to American ships so early as 1776, and treated the colonists in every respect as an independent people. The laws for prohibiting commerce between Britain and her opponents, ultimately punished only Britain herself: precluded from trade with the parent state, the provincials supplied the deficiency from the markets of our rivals. Not contented with reaping the benefit of the new traffic, the great Bourbon kingdoms abetted the revolters in their hostilities ; their privateers were openly received, and their prizes publicly sold, in the French and Spanish ports. The French furnished the provincials with artillery and all kinds of warlike stores ; their en- gineers and officers carried skill and discipline to the American ar- mies. Two principles prompted our potent neighbours to assist the revolted colonies; the ancient spirit of rivalry determined the court, and the modern sentiments of liberty instigated the people. The lite- rary efforts in the reign of Louis XIV, had been chiefly employed on works of fancy and taste, or of physical research, but now began to take a different direction, and to investigate theological and political philosophy. It required little penetration to perceive, that both the ecclesiastical and civil establishments of France were extremely de- fective ; that they nourished superstition instead of true religion, and sought the gratification of the court instead of the welfare of the peo- ple. Having discovered these iinperfections, many now ran into the contrary extreme : Voltaire, D'Alembert, Helvetius, and, above all, Rousseau, gave the tone to fashionable literature : great numbers of 45G HISTORY OF THE Chap. XX.— 1777. [American mission to France. Franklin.] the nobilily and gentry became deists and republicans; and as the friends of a commonwealth, they were easily induced to favour the revolters from a monarchical government. Mild, gentle, and indo- lent, if left to himself, the king would have been little inclined to hos- tilities : but those who iiad the greatest influence with him were of a very different character : his queen, Marie Antoinette of Austria, hav- ing the enterprising spirit of her mother, was desirous of promoting the glory and power of the crown to which she was afliiinced, and humbling its rival. Tlie duke de Choiseul, always an enemy to the enterprising rival of France, eagerly promoted the cause of the Ame- ricans against England. Sartine, the naval minister, hoped that a war with England, when so nuich of her strength was employed against her late subjects, would attain his favourite object, the exaltation of the French, and the depression of the British navy. These disposi- tions were promoted by the American ambassadors ; first, partially by Messrs. Silas Dean and Arthur Lee, and afterwards more effectually and completely by the illustrious Franklin. Having reached the high- est distinctions as a natural philosopher, this sage eclipsed the glory of his physical theories by iiis political practice ; patriotically devoted to his native country, he was warmly attached to the British interest, while he considered it as compatible with the welfare of America. He had sojourned many years in the metropolis, and from his extraordi- nary talents was connected with able men of all ranks : he strenuously deprecated the measures of government, and uniformly foretold that the consequences would be fatal. Finding the proceedings of admi- nistration daily more hostile to the colonies, and that no petitions ■would be received or regarded, he withdi^fe* to assist his native land, preparing for war, which he now deemed un'i^idable. He encouraged her efforts, increased her resources, and presided in arranging her plans and forming her government. Having employed his inventive genius and profound wisdom in providing the means of internal secu- rity to his country, he next undertook to procure her the most useful foreign assistance. Arrived at Paris, Franklin was courted by all ranks as the philosoi)her, the politician, the enemy of England, and the friend of liberty. He succeeded in determining the court of France to a war apparently pregnant with discomfiture and distress to Britain, but destined eventually to recoil on the aggressor. The state of France was at this time favourable to financial resources : in 1776, M. Neckar being placed at the head of the treasury, by his skill and industry so much reduced the national expenditure, and im- proved the revenue, that the king saw himself in a condition to en- counter England without subjecting his people to new taxes. Great warlike preparations were carried on during the year 1777; but, as the prophetic wisdom of Chatham had foretold, France continued to abstain from actual hostility, until the event of the contest with the co- lonies should be ascertained. Thoroughly informed of the mighty force which Britain was employing in America, from her experience of British valour and conduct she could not reasonably anticipate the ineffectual result of partial success, or the decisive completion of dis- aster. The hopes of England, she knew from the late campaign, had been extremely sanguine ; but they had in no quarter been fulfilled, and in one had entirely been blasted. 1777.— Chkv. XX. REIGN OF GKORGli III. 457 [Parliament. Speech oftlie king. Debates on the address, j The calamity of Saratoga finally decided the counsels of France; the momeni of humiliation and debasement was chosen by tiie court of Versailles to f^ive a fatal blow to the formidable power of her rival. Spain was no less favourable to the cause of the Amercans : but ha- rassed and I'atigucd by her wars with the baibai'ians of Alrica, though as prone to hostilities with England as the elder branch of the liour- bons, she was not equally prepared for immediate commencement. Parliament met the 20lh of November; at that time intelligence had not been received of the disastrous fate of Burgoync's expedition; and the progressive advantages of general Howe, with the force under his command, justified the expectation of much more signal and im- portant successes, than those that were actually attained, when the general, instead of pursuing Washington, closed the campaign in the dissipation of Philadelpliia. His majesty's speech spoke hope and con- fidence. Having afforded his servtmts the means of victory, the king concluded that they would be employed with effect.* The powers (he said) committed by parliament to the crown had been faithfully ex- erted ; and he trusted, that the conduct and courage of the officers, with the si)irit and intrepidity of the soldiers, would be attended with important success. Persuaded that both houses would see the neces- sity of preparing for such further operations as the contingencies of the war and the obstinacy of the rebels might render expedient, his majesty was for that purpose pursuing the proper measures for keep- ing the land forces complete to their present establishments ; if he should have occasion to increase them, a reliance was placed on the zeal and public spirit of parliaunent to enable him to make the requi- site augmentation. Although repeated assurances were received of the pacific disposition of foreign powers, yet, as the armaments in the ports of France and Spain were continued, he judged it advistible to make a considerable ad>lition to our naval force ; it being equally the determined resolution of the king not to disturb the peace of Europe, and to be a faithful guardian of the honour of his crown, and the rights of his people. He informed the commons, that the various ser- vices which had been mentioned would uiuivoidubly require large sup- plies ; and assured them that nothing could relieve his mind from the concern which it felt for the burthens imposed on his subjects, but a conviction that they were absolutely necessary fi>r their honour and safety. His majesty was resolved to pursue the measured in which they were now engaged for the re-establishment of constitu- tional subordination, and still hoped that the deluded nmltitude would return to their duty. The restoration of peace, oider, and confidence^ to his American colonies, he would consider as the greatest happiness of his life, and the chief gloi^y of his reign. The addresses, as usual, echoed the speech ; and their supporters not only jusiified the mea- sures of government, but expatiated on the btnijinal cons'-guenccf! which they had produced, and on the flourishing state of public af- fairs. The opponents of ministers prop.jsed an amendment, request- ing his majesty to adopt some measures to accommodate the differ- ences with America: and recommending a cessation of all hostilities, in order to efi'cctuaie so desirdble a purpose. We were now, they said, in a much worse situation than when we began the war ; fifty • See state papers, 17T7, Vol. VII.— 58 458 HISTORY or the cuap. xx.-irr? [Renewal of the law for detaining suspected persons ] thousand land forces, a hundred ships of war, and thirty millions of increased debt, had not advanced tlie attainnicnt of our object. Minis- ters had asserted that we were flighting ./"/r a rcvcnu-, and thus had deluded the country gentlemen and others into an approval of their system : was the accumulation of mortgaj^es the means of meliorating income ?* The ministerial assertions concerning tlie prosperity of the nation were totally unfounded in truth. The loss of our American trade was in itself such a diminution of opulence and strength, as must have severely and visibly affocted the greatest and wealthiest state that ever existed; but w!\en to tiiis was added the consequent ruin brought on our West India islands, the annihilation of our Medi- terranean. African, and Levant commerce, with the failure of our fish- eries, arising from the same cause, could our circumstances be justly said to be flourishing ? The depreciation of landed estates, the rise of interest, the fall of slocks, and the multiplicity of bankruptcies, were barometers which plainly indicated the commerciid and political fall of British jirosperity. Were these the documents from which minis- ters could evince the truth of their position? If such already were the consequences of the contest with our coi(;nies only, what were wc to expect when the house of Bouibon contributed its combmed strength and resources? Let parliament reflect on the situation to which they had brought the country by their support of ministerial counsels, and change a system so often demonstrated to be perni- cious, but of which the mischiefs had far exceeded the predictions of warning wisdom. The carl of Chatham took a very activo^ share in adducing and supporting these arguments : and whereas ministers in- sisted that both the honour and interest of Great Britain required perseverance, he denied that it was truly honourable to persist in a hopeless undertakmg, or advantageous to seek an impracticable ob- ject by destructive means. Such was the reasoning by which the ce- lebrated orators and statesmen! of opposition simplified and exhibited the state of the country and the conduct of administration, in order to show that, to recover our former gieatness, it was necessary to aban- don those measures by whicii our distresses had been incurred. They ■were, however, unavailing; the proposed amendments were rejected, and the addresses carried by considerable majorities, thougli not so orreai as those which had voted with the minister at the commence- iTient of the war. In the house of commons especially, the country gentlemen began to perceive, that the promises of American revenue to relieve them from their burthens, were so far from l)eing realized, that the imposts were rapidly accumulating: they indeed did not vote agiiinst ministry, but were very cold in their svipport. One of the first acts of the session was a renewal of the law for de- taining suspected persons. In discussing this proposition, the oppo- nents of adminiitration contended, that, as its principle was uncon- stitutional, so its operation had been found to be useless : in fact, no occasion had occurred for carrying it into eff'ect. Ministers ar- gued, that its cause, the American rebellion, still continued, and thereby rendered its renewal necessary ; it had been originally in- tended less to punish, than to prevent treason. The circumstance • Sec parliamentary debates, 1777. t See speeches of Fox, Burke, and Chatham, with others in the debate 17r7.--CiiAr. XX. REIGN OF GEOUGE 117, 439 [Motion of Mr. Fox for an inquiry into the state of the nation] from which opposition endeavoured to demonstrate its uselessncss, really arose from its preventive efficacy : disaffected men were by the feat s of tliis law restrained from actinij accordintj to their disposi- tions, hy abetting and cherishing revolt. The law was renewed. From the debate with which the session commenced to the Christmas re- cess, the great object of opposition was inquiry into the state of the nation. After several incidental and prelusive debates, the conduct of this momentous question was undertaken by the comprehensive ge- nius of Mr. Fox. The penetrating and expansive understanding of this extraordinary man conceived and proposed a plan adequate to the magnitude of the object. " It was useless (he said) to waste time in vain declamation ; let us establish general facts by an accurate induc- tion of particulars. The great que->tion concerning the propriety of perseverance in the American war, depends on the experience which Ave already possess, and a calculation of the means which remain to the nation for the attainment of this favourite object." The principal premises of his projected investigation he reduced to the following general heads: 1st, the expensesof the war, and the resources which the nation possessed to raise the supplies necessary for its continu- ance ; 2dly, the loss of men from that vvai' : 3dly, the situation of trade, both with respect to America and the foreign markets : 4thly, the pre- sent condition of the war, the hopes that might be rightly entertained from its continuance, the conduct and measures of the present admi- nistration, the means of obtaining a lasting peace, and our present state with regard to foreign powers ; 5thly, what progress the com- missioners hud made, in conseqticnce of the powers with which they were entrusted for the purpose of bringing about a peace between Great Britain and her colonies. These inquiries would include a great variety of questions, and would demand the production of a multiplicity of documents. If, he said, on fully exploring our situa- tion, it should appear dangerous and disgraceful, and to have arisen from the misconduct of ministers, a new set must be necessarily ap- pointed ; but if, on the other hand, the state of the country be flourish- ing and glorious, as its advantages and splendour are confessedly owing K) the present ministers, they must be supported. By inquiry only can it be ascertained wliat our condition is, and how far their conduct has been wise or foolish. The more complete the communication of documents may be, the more thoroughly can we estimate the merit or demerit of ministers. If they are conscious that their measures are right, they will court discussion : if they are aware they are wrong, they will either oppose a scrutiny, or endeavour to defeat its purpose by garbled or imperfect information. Lord North easily perceived, that such strong reasoning could not be dii-ectly contioverted ; and that, on the other hand, the admission of the proposition in its full ex- tent would be neither expedient nor agreeable to administration ; he therefore endeavoured to please both parties. He professed to sup- port Mr. Fox's motion, it would, he said, afford ministers an oppor- tunity of justifying their conduct, and proving the nation to be in a flourishing state : he wished, however, to reserve to himself the right of withholding such papers from the house, as it might be inconve- nient, dangerous, or prejudicial to government, to expose. Mr. Fox readily perceived the object and latitude of this discretionary excep- tion, and soon put the real intentions of ministry to the test. A m\lU 460 lllSroliV Ul- Tllt, Chap. XX.— l???". [Surrender of Burgoyne announced to pariiament.] tiplicity ot" papers being at his instance produced, he proposed that they should be referred to a committee of tlie whole house, which should sit two months after that day, on tlie 2d of February, to afford time for the production of the required papers, lists, and accounts. These propositions beintij carried, he moved for an address to his ma- jesty, for copies of all the papers relative to steps taken in conformity to the prohibitory act of 1776, for i^ranling peace to those who should submit to the king's authority. 'I'he minister saw that the object of this motion was to prove that the prohibitory act had estranged the co- lonies, as opposition had predicted, instead of conciliating them, as ministers had prophesied. He therefore vehemently opposed the mo- lion, as tending to produce discoveries which would be unwise and prejudicial to the country. Without proving this assertion, he re- peated it with such a variety of illustration, as by many mennbers was received ior proof; and the papers were withheld. In the house of peers, however, very much to the surprise of both parties in the com- mons, on a similar motion, the required papers were ordered, without a debate. From this grant of the ministerial lords, of what was refus- ed by their colleagues in the other house, opposition conceived the grounds of their opinions strengthened, respecting the want of con- cert among the members of administration. But the arrival of intelligence from America soon presented the state of the nation in a more dismal light, than the sagacity of a F'ox, a Burke, or a Chatham, had anticipated. On the 3d of December, despatches were received at the secretary of state's office, announcing the fate of the northern army. Uncertain rumours being spread in the course of the morning, as soon as parliament met the secretary was questioned respecting the intelligence. Rising up slowly from his seat, l>e, in a low voice and sorrowful accent, acknowledged that ge- neral Burgoyne and his army were prisoners of war. For a considera- ble time after the fatal tidings were delivered, a dead silence over- spread the house ; shame, consternation, and dismay, from the de- clared issue of their boasted armaments, did not more closely enchain the tongues of the promoters of the war, than astonishment and grief at so signal a calamity overwhelmed the thoughts, feelings, and utT- terance of their opponents. The stillness, however, of amazement and grief at length gave way to the loudness of lament and the fury of indignation. All the charges and censures that ever had been or could be adduced, were repeated and accumulated against the aulhors of a war so unjust in principle, and so inexpedient in policy ; against conductors so deficient in wisdom of plan, vigour of execution, and skilful and effectual application of the multifarious resources allowed them by the misplaced confidence of parliament, and the credulity of the country. As ministers, it was said, they displayed gross igno- rance, despicable incapacity, and infatuated obstinacy, in all and every part of their measures. After having, by a long and uniform series of mismanagement and folly, brought their country from exaltation to distre:ss, they crowned the mischief of their system by a most dreadful disaster. This ruinous expedition flowed entirely from the same source as the whole of their pernicious system ; confidence in false reports and gross exaggeration, which could not once, much less re- peatedly and even constantly, have imposed upon understandings in fhe smallest degree discriminating, unless they had been blinded by 1777.— CUAP.XX. REIGN OF GEORGE II» 46 J [Different conduct of lords Nortli and Germaine.J their wishes. The secretary had projected the northern expedition in his closet. Sitting in Westminster, he ventured to direct, not only the !:^enerul operations, but the particular movements of an army tra- versing the deserts of America: there were rumours that the inhabi- tants of Albany would co-operate with the British army, and ministers had formed their Canadian plan, aceording to their usual practice, on implicit faith in idle reports. A junction, it had been said, was de- signed between the armies of generals Burgoyne and Howe. To ef- fect this purpose by sea would have been easy, but by land would have occupied a whole campaign : before the armies could have joined, the season for united exertions must have been past. General Howe, in- stead of co-operating with Burgoyne, was ordered to betake himself to thQ south ; and Burgoyne and his brave soldiers being commanded to advance into the wilds of the enemy's country, had fallen a sacrifice to the ill-advised directions of ministers. Lord North, in the mildness of his disposition, acknowledged mis- carriage, but deprecated blame; his intention had been to promote the honour and interest of his country; he had counselled and acted according to the best of his judgment ; he had always been the adviser and promoter of peace, and would gladly relinquish his office, if his resignation woukl facilitate its honourable attainment. He had been forced into a situation of the highest responsibility by the circumstan- ces of the times and obedience to his sovereign, and had not accepted the appointment from choice. He had found American affairs in a state which he by no means approved ; from the dispositions of the Americans, he saw the difficulty, danger, and unproductiveness of tax- ation, and had therefore proposed and carried a clause of repeal ; in his subsequent measures, he had been driven by the force of circum- stances, inste&d of being led by his own deliberate approbation. This gentle reply, which was belter calculated to disarm resentment than to confute argument, diminished the asperity of invective, without weakening the efforts of reasoning. Whatever his motives or wishes might be, (said his censurers,) the measures actually proposed by him, and adopted through his ministerial influence with such obsti- nacy of perseverance, notwithstanding the repeated and uniform warnings that he had received, had in four years brought enormous debt, flagrant disgrace, and direful calamity on his country. If, there- fore, his intentions were so pure and faultless as he represented, he incurred a charge of incapacity, which ought immediately to deprive him of his siiuation. Lord George Germaine was not so explicit as his colleague : he merely requested the house should suspend its judgment, until the facts were properly examined. He also insinuated that the conduct of the minister and general should undergo a scrutiny, before a just and accurate opinion could be formed. This observation being con- strued to imply censure against the absent general, revived the flame of rage which the mildness of lord North had cooled; and produced acrimonious violence, witii personal retrospections, totally irrelevant to any business before the house. £ail Chatham frequently attended in parliament this session, which was destined to be his last : he moved, on the 5th of December, that copies of all the orders issued to Burgoyne relative to the northern expedition, should be laid before the house. After pouring out his 4G2 HISTORY OF THE Chap. XX.-17rr [Counsels of ministers during tlie recess] eloquence against the pernicious system, blundeis, and miscarriages of ministry, the spirit of delusion, he s;tid, had gone forth ; the minis- ters had imposed on the people, parliament hud been induced to sanction the imposition, and false lights had been held out to the country gentlemen; by a promised diminution of tax, they had been seduced to the support of a most destructive war ; but the visionary phantom, which had been thus conjured up for the basest deception, was now about to vanish, and the conduct of ministers ought to be piobed. llis lordship's motion, eloquently and foicibly as it was sup- ported, was carried in the negative. On the lOih of b';cember, Mr. Wilkes proposed a repeal of the obnoxious laws. Opposition gave him little support ; it was now, they conceived, too late to expect concili- ation from such a tardy concession, and measures must be adopted more seasonable in the existing circumstances. On the 1 lib oT De- cember, an iidjouinmcnt to the 20ili of January was moved and car- ried, contrary to the strenuous remonstrances of opposition, wlio, in a situation of such emergency, were extremely inimical to so early and long a recess : and ministers employed this interval in forming and arranging incasures adapted to the present reverse of fortune. The loss of the northern army appeared to have entirely counteract- ed the schemes of administration for subjugating America. The ad- vantages obtained under general Howe were far from being decisive ; he had taken towns, but had not conquered the enemy's troops. No additional force', could be expected from the German princes, and it would be with diiricully that their corps in our service would be re- cruited to their full complement. The bad success which had already attended our clforls, was very inimical to the increase, or even sepa- ration, of our armies fiom our own country. These actual difBculties were enhanced by expected dangers ; the conduct of the house of Bourbon was so openly, and, indeed, so glaringly adverse to Britain, that war apjjeared probable, 4f not certain. In such circumstances, many, not ii/nnical to ministers, conceived, that perseverance in our attempts would be infatuated obstinacy, instead of magnanimous fiim- ness, and expected that they would desist from such a hopeless enter- prise; but these expectations were totally disappointed; it was re- solved to persist in the system of compulsion. Lord Noith was de- sirous of olTerin;..; some terms of conciliation ; but he agreed with his Golleagues, that if these did not produce the intenrled effect, it was incumbent on Britain to persist in her plans of force. . And if this de- termination be not altogether consonant to political wisdom, it was perfectly conformable to the general series of ministerial conduct. From a review of the measures and proceedings lor the last four years, it is evident that they had not considered the great subject of their thoughts and policy so comprehensively and acutely, as to ex- amine, compare, and estimate the value of the object, with the trou- ble, expense, and danger of the means, but narrowed their thoughts to the probability of success. Continuing this imperfect and partial mode of appreciatixjn, liiey still entertained hopes that they might ul- timately prevail. The force which they had furnished was, they al- leged, sufficient for the object, if it had been properly employed. Much more effectual advances might have been made by an army so powerful, and so well supplied, against such an inferior enemy. By wise and judicious eflbrts, the British army, if properly recruited and 1777.— Chap. XX, KEIGN OF GEOUGE III. 453 [Voluntary levies of new regiments.] repaired, must be victoiious ; but, although the necessity of raisint^- a cotisiderab^c body of new troops was, on this ground of policy, suf- ficiently evident, the means were not so obvious. Tiie late misfoilune, and the little apparent room for hope, which now remained, of better- ing our condition by force, allowed no encouragement for an applica- tion to parliament ; the ministers, therefore, had recourse to the per- sons and classes who had shown the greatest eagerness in the prose- cution of the American war, and professed to afford them an oppor- tunity of testifying their peculiar attachment and loyalty to the crown. They proposed, tiiat individuals and corporations should raise regi- ments, and being allowed the bounty money given by government in the time of peace, should defray the recruiting expenses beyond tiiat sum ; in return for which, the contracting parties should have the ap- pointment of the officers, who, it was not doubted, would willingly undertake to levy a number proportioned to their respective commis- sions ; such a quota of men would make up the requisite supply. In the former war, Mr. Pitt had experienced many important advantages from Scotch highlanders. Actuated by a mistaken zeal, these cou- rageous, hardy, and enterprising mountaineers had twice struck ter- ror into the bravest British veterans, and the most populous parts of England; but had shown, in Flanders, Germany, and America, that, when properly instructed and guided, they could fight as well for their king and country, as, when misinformed and misled, they had fought against our constitutional law and government. Part of the present plan was, to bring great bodies of highlanders into his ma- jesty's service. Of a migratory and adventurous disposition, and, in those days of unimproved agriculture, possessing scanty means of livelihood, those ntien were much more inclined to the military pro- fession, than people in richer countries, and of stationary habits. Be- sides, there had been a succession of cold and withering seasons, which had greatly diminished their usual resources from pasturage. Distress combined with courage and the spirit of adventure to dis- pose them to be soldiers. In addition to these motives, another prin- ciple was addressed ; the attachment of the peasantry to the chief- tains, so prevalent in all feudal countries; and whicli, in the higli- lands, combined patriarchal with seignorial relations. Tiie noblemen, and other chiefs of the greatest power and influence, undertook to raise regiments. From the north, the Mackenzies brought two thou- sand, and the Gordons one ; from the northwest and the isles, the Macdonalds brought one thousand; from tiie west, the duke of Ar- gyle two thousand ; from the southwest, the duke of Hamilton one thousand; and from the southern frontiers of the highlands, the duke of Athol one thousand. To this powcrfid suppoit from the lunded proprietors, commercial wealth added its ellbrts: the city of Edin- burgh raised a regiment equally numcious and w£ll appointed as the others : nor was Glasgow, though she had suffered very much from the American contest, behind her eastern neighbour. In England, Manchester and Liverpool preceded other mercantile towns, in per- forming the same service. But, in order to render the efibrts t>f mo- nied opulence generally employed and extensively beneficial, it was ardently wished, though not so sanguinely hoped, that London would lake the lead ; the city and corporation were not, indeed, so violently inimical to the court, as they had been some years before ; of the 464 mSTOKV OP THE Chap. XX.— 1778. [Discu^ion of the voluntary levies in parliament.] popular leaders, sonic were dead, and others had, from various causes, lost much of their former influence. The {general sentiiiient was not so completely changed as to give ministers a majority in the munici- pal councils of the metropolis : sir James Esdaile, the lord mayor, Avas friendly to administration ; but his authority was not sufficiently great to clctcrininc the livery ; and his motion for corporate efforts to recruit his majesty's forces was negatived. A private association, however, was formed, to collect the contributions of individuals, and considerable sums were raised. The same mode was adopted at Bris- tol, with proportionate effect. In various parts of England similar at- tempts were made, but with trifling success : the great source of con- tribution, confidence in the ministers that were to dispose of the pro- duct, appeared to be most frequently wanting. The troops levied in this manner amounted to about fifteen thousand men, ten thousand of whom were raised in Scotland. When parliament assembled after the recess, the contributions by individuals or bodies, for repairing the exhausted army, were repre- sented by opposition as illegal and unconstitutional; illegal, because men and money had been raised without consent of parliament; un- constitutional, because such levies were indefinite as to number, and might be employed to deprive the country of its liberties. The law lords, and commoners connected with administration, argued, tliat the king, by his prerogative, was empowered to levy men, and to raise un army. When the new levies were reported to parliament, it was the duty of that body, if they approved of the measure, to provide for their subsistence : if otherwise, to refuse a supply, which in effect would disband the troops. The money raised was offered by indivi- duals and bodies, who had a right to present their own money to the king as well as to any other person. Voluntary contributions of either Mien or money, or both, had been frequently offered in times of emer- gency; as for instance, in the rebellion of 1745, and the beginning of the seven years war, which were highly approved by men most dis- tinguished for attachment to the constitution ; in the former of these eras, by the lord-chancellor Hardv/icke ; and the latter, by Mr. se- cretary Pit,t. That the offers of individuals, in times of national dif- ficulty, to contribute their utmost efforts, either by men or money, to the oarication of their country, were not laudable, and ought not to be received, opposition leaders were too able to affirm: without dis- cussing the general principle, they endeavoured to prove, that the cases were totally different ; and that the only means of relief from our present calan)iiies was, to abandon coercive measures, and with- draw our troops from America. But, if the augmentation was at all necessary, it should have been effected by filling up the old regiments to their full compleinent ; which would be both more conducive to military discipline,' by attaching new recruits to veterans; and more economical, by saving immediately the pay, and ultimately the half- pay of the officers. 'I'he mode now adopted, raised many gentlemen of no experience, to appointments fit only for veteran officers. The distribution of military trust bore much more the appearance of mi- uisteiidl jobs to increase their patronage, than the policy of statesmen to strengthen the national force. These objections being canvassed by the supporters of administration, the question was proposed for 1778.~Chap. XX. RBIGN OF GEORGK HI. 465 (Speech of Mr. Fox on the expediency of terminating the war.] granting the sums that were required for the new troops, and carried in the anirmative. The time appointed for inquiring into the state of the nation now drawing near, various motions were made for the presentment of pa- pers; especially the in^structions given to the generals in America; the correspondence that had passed between the commanders respect- ively ; and also for accounts of the troops, artillery, and stores, wliich were in the various parts of America in the beginning of 1774, or sent thither since that time. The papers required, were cither not pro- duced at all, or so imperfectly, as to withhold in a great degree the desired information. From the materials, however, incomplete as they were, Mr. Fox attempted to establish one great proposition: not only the expediency, but the absolute necessity, of bringing the American war to the speediest possible conclusion ; and of restoring harmony, upon a broad and equitable foundation, between the mother country and her colonies. He comprehended and exhibited in one view, the whole series of ministerial counsels ; the detail of means, and the par- ticulars and amount of the result ; ministers, he argued, and the ma- jority in parliament, had prefened coercive to conciliatory measures; in consequence of that preference, Britain had gone to wai' with America; that war had lasted a certain uumber of years, had been prosecuted with a specified force by sea and land, attended with a stated expense of money and lives, and our utmost efforts in three years had not produced any material advantage. The army of Britain, in the course of hoMtiliiies, had been much more numerous and strong, and the army of tiie enemy less num«ious ar.d weaker, than they were at present: it was nearly impossible to place our troops in America on the same relative footing to the forces of the colonies, with these which had already failed ; and, after the repeated and continued fail- ure of a very great force, we could not, consistently with probability and common sense, succeed witli a much smaller. He enumerated the details of expense incurred by the war, stated the resources of the country, and denied that the nation could support* the continu- ance, much less the increase of expense, which perseverance in coercion wotjld demand : repeating, in detail, the various politi- cal measures of government, from the Boston port bill downwards, he contended, that they had so much alienated the minds of the Ame- ricans, that a much greater army would have been necessary to reduce them to submission than Britain had sent, or could send. Ministers had not assisted force by policy : negotiatif)ns, it is true, had been tried, but the obnoxious laws, rejection of petitions, and the very overtures themselves, had rendered them unavailing. From this chain, of positions he inferred, that it would be impossible to reduce America by ariTis; and our situation respecting France made it necessary to employ a strong force for the security of our own country, and ot our garrisons in Eiirope. He moved, therefore, that the committee should • An impnrtial reader may probably disapprove of Mr. Fox's circumscription of the possible resources of his couiury: as. In the fii-st place, erroneous in pomt of fact, since they were soon found equal to much greater expenditure ; and, se- condly, not proper to be publicly declared. Disagreement ot opinion, however, concernini? the general extent, is perfectly compatible with the most exact coin- cidence ot ju.igment, concerning the impolicy of employing any part ot them m an attempt to subjugate America, after the disaster at Saratoga. Vol. VII.— 59 456 Hlsr(JRY OV the enny tax upon tea. The speech •with which his lordship introduced his plan, and the propositions themselves, were heard with profound attention, but without marks of approbation from any party, class, or individual in the house. The minister declared, that his present sentiments were those which he had always cntertnined, and an accurate and minute examiner of his conduct and character could discover, that the change Ijere supposed was perfectly conformable to the unifoim tenor of his indecision and fluctuation. But the greater iniinijcr of his hearers had attended to acts, rather than to the mind and circumstances in which they originated, and though surprised at his plan, wondered much more at the declarations by which it was prefaced. He had been considered by parliament, aixl represented to the nation, as the person the most tenacious of those rights which he was now willing to resign, and the most averse from that submission which he now pro- posed to offer. The minister received the earliest support from those who had most vigorously conjbated his preceding measures, but ex- pressed their feats that the coiu essions were too late, and that thty had waited till l-i-ance had probaljly completed a treaty with the Ame- rican provinces; they would, however, voic for any scheme that tend- ed to retonetliatioM. The principal bill underwent various animad- versions fro'o the usual suppo.ters of the minister. After i.cveral ma- terial corrections and modifications, it passed in both houses without 1778.— CHir. XX. IIEIGN OF GEORGE Ul- 469 [Hostile intimations from France.] a division. After its amendments being expressed, the new bill was as follows : " An act for removing all doubts and appiehensions con- cerning laxalioii by tlie parliament of Great Britain, in any of the co- lonies, provinces, and plantations in North America and the West In- dies; and for repealing so much of an act made in the sevfenth year of the reign of his present majesty, as imposes a duty on tea imported fiom Great IJritain into any colony or plantation in America, or re- lates thereto." The second bill, wliich was a corollary from the first, passed with little opposition. The commissioners were, the com- mander in chief, lord Howe, the earl of Carlisle, William Eden, esq. and governor Johnstone. The able and learned Adam Fergusson was secretary to the mission. In the beginning of March, tlie duke of Grafton informed the peers that lie had leceived well attested intelligence, that a treaty was con- cluded and actually signed between France and Ameiica ; and demand- ed from ministers, either an acknowledgment, or denial, of this im- portant act Loid Weymouth, secretary of state for the southern de- partment, protested that he had licard no accomit of such alliance l)e- Ing foimcd,or even intended : Init within a week after this declaration,* a message was delivered to each house !)y the respective ministers, to the following efi'ect : ''His majesty having been informed, by order of the French king, that a treaty of amity and commerce has been signed between the court of France and certain persons employed by his ma- jesty's revolted subjects in North America, has judged it necessary to direct, that a copy of the avowal delivered by the French ambassa- dor to lord viscount Weymouth be laid before parliament : and at the same time to acquaint them, that his majesty has thought proper, in consequence of th.is oifensive communication on the part of France, lo send orders to his minister to withdraw from that court :' his ma- jesty is persuaded, that the justice and good faith of his conduct to-. wards foreign powers^and the sincerity of his wishes to preserve the tranquillity of Europe, will be acknowledged by all the wo: Id ; and his majesty trusts thai he shall not stand responsible for the disturb- ance of tranquillity, if he should find himself called upon to resent so unprovoked and so unjust an aggression on the honour of his crown, and the essential interests of his kingdom, contiary to the most solemn assurances, subveisive of the law of nations, and injurious to the rights of every sovereign power in Europe. His majesty, relying with the firmest confidence on the zealous and afi'ectionitie support of his faith- ful people, is determined to be prepared to exei't all vhe force and resoirces of his kingdoms, which he trusts will be found adequate to repel every insult and attack; ^wul to maintain and uphold the power and reputation of his country.." The niiniste.r moved an address to the throne, which, besides conforming to the principal positions of the messLigc, declared liie strongest indignation and icbentinenl at the unjust and urprovoked conduct of. France, arising from tliat restless and dangerous spiric of ambition and agij:rand)zcment whic'u had so often mvaded the rights and thre-Uuned the liberties of F.urope. It concluded witii the strongest assarauces of the most zealous assistance and support, and declared the firmest confidence that the whole na- tion wc'tld contribute every possiole exertion for the honor and digni- ty of thfc^r.n.i, and iht just rignis and esscnlial interests of these iingdon, . 470 HISTORY OF THE Chap. XX.— I7r8. [Proposition for the removal of ministers.] In the hoiisc of commons an amendment was proposed, that his majesty ihoukl remove from his councils those ministers, in whom, from expeilL-nce of the |icrnicious effects of their past measures, his people could i)luce no confidence in the present momentous situation of public aff"airs. TJie chief arguments for the amendment were, that it would l)c extremely foolish, and no less dangerous, to confide the management of the most arduous war in whicli Britain had ever en- gaged, to ministers whose comluct had been a series of ignorance, rashness, and weakness, and had already brought the country, from a high pitcii of power and glor), to its present humiliation and distress; who, having found the kingdom in peace, by tlieir counsels and mea- sures had changed that stale of happiness and prosperity into all the liorrors and mischicf>j of an unnatural, cruel, and destructive civil war : and whose ignorance and obstinacy, disdaining all warning, had plunged this nation into all its present danger and calamity.* There could not be a more glaring or criminal instance of minis- terial uegligeiKe and imbecility, than that, in times of peace, they could not discover the desii^ns and transactions of France, until they were openly avowed. Ministers had shown themselves totally unfit for managing our affairs; therefore they ought not to be trusted with the conduct of greater and more difficult situations. The enemy pre- sumed on the notorious weakness and instability which had long cha- racterized the British counsels. They knev/, that if the ministers had been pensioners of France they could not have promoted the interests of that country more effectually, than tliey had actually done. It would be useless to offer any support to his majesty, without inform-- ing him at the same time of the incapacity of those to whom he had in- trusted the management of public affairs. After such repeated in- stances of folly, neglect, and incapacity, the nation could repose no confidence in bis present ministers ; and their removal alone could realize any offers of support, and revive the drooping spirit of the people. That single measure would strike more terror into the ene- mies of this country, than all the warlike preparations which we were capable of making under the present notorious imbecility of our coun- cils and conduct. Against these arguments the minister and his friends did not offer lefutalions equally strong; but they contented themselves witli asserting their conduct to have been unblamable, and the best which the state of affairs could possibly admit; and re- peated tlieir asseverations, of the flourishing state of the country, and its ability to defend itself, and inflict punishment on our enemies for their unprovoked attack. The course of the debate brought forward the f|uestion of American independence, and manifested that diversity of opinion on the subject between certain members of opposition which had before begun to discover itself, and eventually rendered them distinct and even oppobiie parties. By a part of opposition, the immediate tickuowlcdgmeni of the independence of America was con- sidered not only as the wisest, but the only measure which could ex- tricate us from the present evils, without still greater losses, and with any probable prospect of deriving future advantage from our colonies. This was the opinion held by the duke of Richmond, the marquis of Rockingham, Messrs. Burke, Fox, and other members of that parly ; * Parliamentary reports mS— Chap XX. IJKIGN OF GKORdK III. 47I [Proposed inquiries of Mr Fox into the state of the navy, etc.] but the earls Chatham, Temple, and Shelburne, and lord Camden, Messrs. Duiinin}^ and liurre, with some other members of both houses, were totally averse from the independence of America. Such a con- cciion they considered as the greatest of all political and national evil^, and as including the utter degradation and final ruin of Britain. The other division of opposition admitted the evils to be great, but not equal to those which must be incurred in endt-HVouriuvg to prevent its completion, and thought that no effort for that purpose would be ultimately successful. After the hostile declaration of France, the inquiry into the state of the nation was principally directed to the condition of the navy. On the I itii of March, Mr. Fox having taken a view of our naval force in the various harbours of this country and the different stations abroad, as the result of the whole proposed a motion, importing that the pub- lic had paid, in the last eight years, for the ordinaries and cxtraordi- naries of the navy, though the greater part of that period was free from hostilities, about double the sum to which the estimates for the same service atnounted in the eight years commencing with 175 5 and end- ing with 1762, which included the whole of the late war; uiid that, notwithstanding the immeri^e increase of cost, the present naval force of Great Britain and Ireland was inadequate to the very dangerous crisis of public affairs. Ministers neither endeavoured to confute the assertions, nor to overturn the arguments, of their formidable adversa- ry : the force which ihcy could not combat, they endeavoured to elude ; the motion, they said, was impolitic, as it tended to expose to the ene- my the sta'e and disposition of our maritime strength ; and by this oornmon objection, they prevailed on parliament to stifle inquiry. The g^ cat statesman of opposition having failed in his endeavour to investigate the futuie efficiency of our fleet?*, was not deterred from prosecuting his inquirie?,, which he now turned to the past direction and conduct of our ar.nies, and on the 19th of March he proposed to the committee the consideration of the Canada expedition. He under- took to demonstrate that the plan wusimpolitic, unwise, and incapable «f producing any good effect ; that the provision made for it was in- adequate to the o!)ject, anrl that general Burgoyne had acted agreea- bly to the tenor of his instructions : if he established these three posi- tions, (he said,) he would deduce from them a motion concerning the conduct of lord George Gerniaine. The ministers opposed the in- quiry chieflv for the same reason that they had resisted a former at- tempt of a smilar tendency, the absence of one of the parlies ; they, however, entered more into the actual merits of the plan than on the pre eding occasion, and endeavoured to prove that the northern ex- pediiion was, in tue first place, a wise and necessary measure ; that it was copublc of s\iccess, and the design evidently practicable; and that the noble s-ci ecary, in whose department it lay, had omitted nothing which couid be done by an attentive minister to insure its success. Although ;hey did not fully enter upon this justification, yet they brought forward that which they appeared to consider as their princi- pal ground of defence. The question being at length called for, the first resolution was rejected by the majority of 164 to 44. Mr. Fox, enraged and indignant at the event of this division, not only declared fhat he would not propose another motion ; but, talung the resolution. 472 iirsTOHv ok iiip: cuap. xx— irrs [Schism of opposition on the question of American independence.] of censure out of his pocket, tore it into pieces, and immediately quitted the house. The duke of Riclnnond early in this session moved and procured a grand committee to incjuire into the state of the nation ; and havint^ been very active in forwarding its investigations, on the 7tli of April he look a general view of the progress and result It had nf)t pro- duced, in every ca«»*, he said, the desired information, but the effects on the whole had been important and beneficial; they had ascertained the state of the army and navy, aJul the vast expenditure which ac- crued from the American vvar. Ministers, it was true, luid used their utmost tflbrts to prevent parliament from being informed: but, in op- posing the resolutions as unbcasonable, ihcy' had fully admitted the facts on the allegation of which they were grounded. They were far from pretending that the asserted clcnciei\cies of the army and navy weie unfounded ; they objected not to the truth of the statement, but to the policy of the pu!)licaiion. Viewing the state of the I'csources made known through the exertions of the committee, he proposed to finish the inquiry by an address to the throne, which should exhibit an abstract of the inlbrmation obtained, the resolutions proposed, and the general inferences which sprung from the whole. Fi'Ut'.dcd upon these bases, the projected address repiesenled to his majes'.y tuk sta rF of his dominions ; arid expressed the indig- nation of the house against the conduct of ministers, by whicii it was caused In this calamitous, though he trusted not desperate, situation of public affairs, they reposed their ultiujale hope in his majesty's paternal goodness. It reminded the king of the constitutional princi- ples, whence issued the revolution, and the accession of his illustrious Ijousc ; and the great and increasing prosperity of the country while its government adhered to these principles. It recalled to his majes- ty's recollection the prospekous and glorious state is which HE FOUND THESE REAL.MS ; Contrasted the condition of that time with the firrhciir. d an-efif-., and declared a confidence that tlic wisdom and goodness of the sovereign would put an end to that system under which so fatal a reverse had taken place. This was the sub- stance of the duke of Richmond's address, interspersed through which was poignant asperity against his majesty's court and admini- stration. While proposing remedies for the alleged evils, he insisted that the only sure means of extrication' from a war with the colonies, was the recognition of their unqualified independence. This was a proposition, to which not only lord North, but the most firmly and violently and ardent supporter of coercive measures was not more inimical than tlie illustrious champion of conciliation, the earl of Chatham. His lordship had that season frequently attended the house of peers, leas from the relaxation of distemper than from the calls of duty, which the increasing calamities of his country made him consi- der as every day more imperious. In a bodily state fitted only for the stillness and quiet of a bed of sickness, he encountered the active warfare of the senate, hoping his counsels might at length be admit- ted by those who were experiencing such evils from former rejection and intractability, and that, in his old age, he might contribute to re- store part of the prosperity, greatness, and glory, which he had ac- quired for his country in the vigour of his life, and which left her when he ceased to guide her affairs. His exertions, in the former part 1778.— CaA». XX. KLIGN OF GEOUGE III, 473 [Last efforts of lord Chatham.] of the session, so much beyond his bodily strength, had increased hii distemper; but, informed of the business that was to be agita'.ed, and aware of the doctrines which woukl be Ijrought forward, he thought it incumbent on himself to render it manifest to the world, that though he agreed with the marquis of Rockingham and his adherents in re- probating the system of mini.slry, he totally diflcred from them on the question of American independence. He accordingly betook himself to the senate, of which, for near half a century, he had been the brightest luminary. Having arrived in the house, he refreshed him- self in the lord-chancellor's room, until he learned that business was about to begin. The infirm statesman was led into the house of peers, attended by his son-in-law, lord Mahon, and resting on the arm of his second son, Mr. William Pitt. He was richly dressed in a superb suit of black velvet, with a full wig, and covered up lo the knees ia flannel. He was pale and emaciated, but the darting quickness, force, ard animation of his eyes, and the expression of his whole counte- nance, showed that his mind retainetl its primeval perspicacity, bril- liancy and strength. The lords stood up, and made a lane for him to pass through to the bench of the earls, and with the gracefulness of deportment for which he was so eminently distinguished, he bowed to them as he proceeded. Having taken his seat, he listened with iha most profound attention to the speech of the duke of Richmond. When his grace had finished, lord Chatham rose : he lamented that, at so important a crisis, his bodily infirmities had interfered so often with his regular attendance on his duty in parliament. " I have this day (said he) made an effort beyond the powers of my constitution, to come down to the house, perhaps the last lime I shall enter its walls, to express my indignation against the proposition of yielding the so- vereignty of America. My lord, I rejoice that the grave has not closed upon me, that I am still alive to lift up my voice against the dismemberment of this ancient and noble monarchy. Pressed down as I am by the load of infirmity, I am little able to assist my country .jn this most perilous conjuncture ; but, my lords, while I have sense and memory, I never will consent to tarnish the lustre of this nation by an ignominious surrender of its rights and fairest possessions. Shall a people so lately the terror of the world, now fall prostrate be- fore the house of Bourbon ? It is impossible. I am not, I confess, well informed of the resources of this kingdom; but I trust it has still sufficient to maintain its just rights, though I know them not; and any stale, my lords, is better than despair. Let us at least make one effort; and, if we must fall, let us fall like men." The duke of Richmond declared his grief and horror at the dis- memberment of the empire to be as great as that of any man in the house or nation, but how was it to be avoided ? he himself was totally ignorant of the means of resisting with success the combination of America with France and Spain. He did not know how to preserve the dependence of America. If any person could prevent such an evil, lord Chatham was the man; but what were the means that great statesman would propose ? Lord Chatham, agitated by this appeal, made an eager efiort at its conclusion to rise; but before he could utter a word, pressing his hand lo his heart, he fell down in a convul- sive fit. The duke of Cumberland and lord Temple, who were near- est him, caught him in their arms. The house was immediately in Vol. YIL— 60 474 TIISTOTiY or THF. Cuap. XX.— 1778 i_tlis death and character.] commotion, strangers were ordered to depart, and the house was ad- journed. Lord Chatham being- carried into an adjoining apartment, medical assistance soon arrived. Recovering in some degree, he was conveyed in a litter to his villa at Hayes in Kent, and there he lingered till the 1 1th of May, when he breathed his last, in the seventieth year of his age. Thus died William Pitt, earl of Chatham ; his death being hastened by his efibrts to save his country, whose interest and glory it had been the business of his life to promote. Many as arc the examples of un- common abiliiy which l^nglish history presents, she has none to re- cord more brilliant, more forcible, or more beneficial to the times in which it operated. Surpassing other senators in glowing, energetic, and commanding eloquence, he still farther exceeded them in politi- cal wisdom; astonishing parliament as an orator, he astonished the nation and all mankind as a statesman. Rarely have been united in the same person, such powers of thought, speech, and action. Grasping the principles, circumstances, and relations to be considered and dis- cussed, he instantaneously perceived the arguments to be adduced in deliberation, or the means to be employed in conduct. Sagacious to discover, rapid and powerful to invent and combine, luminous and strong to explain and impress, he was decisive and prompt in execu- tion. He not only discerned and chose effectual means, but applied them at the instant of time which was most favourable to their efBca- cy. Thoroughly master of the human character, he perfectly compre- hended the general and peculiar talents, and qualities of all, with whom either accident, inclination, or duty induced him to converse. Hence he selected the fittest instruments for executing, in the manifold de- partments of public service, his wise, bold, and sublime plans. Not his intellectual powers only, but the estimation resulting from these, in union wiih his moral conduct, gave to Mr. Pitt an authority far transcending that of other ministers : inaccessible to avarice, unse- uuced by pleasure and luxury, the abstinence of his dispositions, and the temperance of his habits, confirmed that confidence which his wisdom and magnanimity created : destined for the army, he did not receive an academic education. The ground-work of erudition was indeed laid in classical knowledge;* but the superstructure was left to himself. His studies were ethics, poetry, eloquence, history, and politics ; especially the history and politics of his country. Thus he was, in a great measure, self taught. His genius, though extraordi- nary in force and fertilily, and enriched with ample materials, not be- ing disciplined in proportion to its capacity and knowledge, did not habitually exert itself in close deduction ;t but, for grandeur of con- • At Eton, where he was the cotemporary and friend of Lyttelton and Fielding. f Reasoning does not merely depend upon power, but on power confirmed and facilitated by habit. Evciy able m:in is not necessarily a habitual logician : nor is every age and counti-y whicii exliibits works ofgreat ability, necessarily eminent for ratiocinative ellorls. In the reign of George the second, close argument was not the principal characteristic of our senatorial oratory ; brilliant and powerful images to charm the fancy, pathetic descriptions and exhibitions to impress the feelings, aided by graceful elocution and delivery to strike the senses, were much more prominent in the most approved models, than an unbroken chain of antece- dents and consequents merely conducting truth to the understanding. Thus the state of the senate encouraged that mode of eloquence which the early studies and purauiti of Mr. Pitt tended to bestow. 1778— Chaj-. XX. liKIGN OF GKOKGE III. 475 [Flourishing state of Britain under his administration.] ception and comprehensiveness of views, force of reasoning, depth of conclusion, and sat^acity of piediction ; strength and sublimity of imagery, and apposileness of allusion ; for pathetic in every kind and variety ; for wielding at will the judgment, fancies, and passions of his hearers, William Pill stood unrivalled. But his wisdom, magna- nimity, and energy, arc most clearly beheld in their effects. At the beginning of the seven years war, the nation, perceiving their country neglected by ministers, her arms discomfited and inglorious, and her spirits drooping and desponding, called on Mr. Pitt for relief. Unsup- ported by court interest, obnoxious to the confederacy which had long prevailed; his genius overpowered intrigue. He came to the highest office, when none else by holding it could save the state. Having risen exclusively by ability himself, his chief object was to bring every kind of ability into action' which could be beneficial to the country. Dis- daining to govern by parties, he absorbed them all into his own vor- tex. From torpidity, weakness, defeat, disgrace, and dejection, he changed the condition of the nation to ardour, strength, victory, glory, and triumph. Nor did Britain by her affection, gratitude, and admi- ration, or Europe by her. astonishment, bear stronger testimonies of his exalted merit, than France by her hatred and terror for the name of Pitt. As Britain flourished while this statesman conducted her councils, from the time his direction ceased, her decline commenced ; but, as he had caused her elevation by his own wisdom and vigour, he endeavoured to prevent her downfall through the rashness, folly, and ■weakness of others. From the rise of this innovating system of colo- nial policy, he perceived its tendency ; and foresaw and foretold its effects. He tried to avert the evil, but his attempts were vain : a feeble body, a constitution debilitated by intense application, and labouring under grievous malady, obstructed his regular attendance in parlia- ■ment, to deprecate pernicious measures ; but, when he did appear, his speeches deserved record as the emphatic dictates of prophesying ■wisdom. Nature arrayed transcendency of genius, and grandeur of soul, in pleasing and striking colours, and bestowed on this favourite son an animated and expressive countenance, a tall and graceful figure, with a dignified mien and deportment. This statesman possessed ambition in common with other great minds that are engaged in active life. If, however, he loved power, it was neither to enrich himself nor his friends, but to aggrandize his country, and humble her enemies. A more appropriate feature in his character, was contempt tor tame mediocrity. He perhaps too much disdained that dexterity and address, which, though easily attained, and no indication of superior talents, often smooths the road for the execution of wise and beneficial plans ; such a man must have seen the inferiority of his colleagues ; but it was not necessary to his po- litical purposes to make them feel that inferiority. His unbending resolution is an object of regret to patriots, as it produced his resig- nation, when his services were so essential to his country. In the va- rious relations of private life, lord Chatham was amiable and estima- ble. He married a lady, whose talents and character rendered her •worthy of such a husband ; whose conversation solaced his mind in the hours of infirmity and pain, and whose views coincided, and efforts CO operated, with his own, in the tuition of their several children. Few and trivial were the blemishes, which merely showed thaft this 476 HISTORY OF THE Chap. XX.— 177«. [Tribute to his nieniory. Ai)plication in favour of Iieiand.] extraordinary man was not exempted from the imperfections of hu- manity ; bvit the historian who desires to narrate the triuli, must en- deavour to hand down to posterity William Pitt, earl of Chatham, as one of the cliicf t^iorics of Eni^land. When the intelligence of lord Chatham's death arrived, the house of commons bcinsj sitting, colonel Barre, in a concise but just eulogi- um, expressed the obligation of the country to the deceased states- man, and moved an address to his majesty, for directions that his re- mains should be interred at the public expense : the motion received general approbation. A monument was also proposed, and unani- mously resolved to be erected in Westminster abbey. The following day it was stated to the house, that the illustrious ol)ject of their ve- neration, highly as he had benefited the nation, had been by no means equally attentive to his own private fortune ; and that, notwithstanding his opportunities, he had left his family destitute of all suitable pro- vision. An address was proposed and voted to his majesty, by which an annuity of 4000/. per annum was settled for ever on those heirs of the late earl of Chatiiam to whom the earldom might descend, and 20,000/. were granted for the payment of his debts. Towards the close of this session, application was made to parlia- ment in favour of Ireland, to relieve thut country from sundry re- straints respecting their manufactures and trade : these restrictions injured Ireland, it was alleged, without serving Britain. From the facts presented by lord Nugent, who introduced the business, and other collateral evidence, it appeared that the trade of Ireland had suf- fered severely during the war ; that the exportation of Irish manufac- tures, was in a great measure suspended ; that thence numbers of the people were deprived of their stated employments, and rendered des- titute of the means of subsistence. The decay of the trade was still more severely felt, in consequence of very heavy additions which had been recently made to the civil establishment by the increase of pen- sions and other burthensome appointments : the relief solicited was to take off some of the many incumbrances which oppressed both the export and import traflic of that kingdom. In order to favour the vooUen manufactory of England, the Iiish had been hindered from manufacturing their own wool : the consequence was, that Irish wool vas smuggled over into France, to the great detriment of British ma- nufacturers, as with such materials France would soon be able to rival England. Bills were intioduced to revive tiie trade and manufac- tures of Ireland, wiiiiout injuring this country. The relief proposed in the house of commons was, first, that the Irish might be permitted to export directly to tiie British plantations or settlements all mer- chandise which should be the produce of that kingdom or of Great Britain, wool and woollen manuiactures only excepted ; as also foreign certificate goods legally imported: 2dly, that a direct importation should be allowed to all commodities being the produce of the British plantations, lol acco only excepted : 3dly, that the direct exportation of glass manufactured in Ireland should be permitted to all places ex- cept Oreat Britain: 4lhly, thut in the importation of cotton yarn the manufacture of Ireland should be allowed, duty free, in Great Bri- tain : as also, 5lhly, the in)portalion of sailcloth and cordage. Bills founded on these propositions encountered a strong opposition. The projected change alarmed the merchants of Bristol and Liverpool, J778.— Cbap. XX. REIGN OF GEORGE IH. 477 [Repeal of king William's act respecting the Catholics.] and also the manufacturers of Lancashire and the county of Nottinp;. ham, who strenuously opposed the admission of Ireiaiul to a partici- pation of the rights of British subjects; and a j^cneral alarm was spread through most of the trading and manufacturing parts of the kingdom. They considered the admittance of Ireland to any share of British trade, as not only destructive of their property, but being equally subversive of their rights. They were as liiiie disposed to consent that the people of Ii eland should cultivate their own manu- factures, and dispose of their native commodities at the proper foreign markets, as they were to admit them to any limited degree of partici- pation. After much discussion, in which the supporters of the bill had the advantage, it was agreed by both parties to defer the final ad- justment until the next session of parliament. The opposers gave way to partial enlargements with regard to Irish trade, from which its supporters hoped that, by allowing them another session before its final determination, they might become well disposed to promote some of the propositions. Sir Philip Jennings Clerk introduced a bill for restraining contract- ors with government from a scat in parliament, unless the contract should be made at a public bidding. The arguments on both sides were obvious: by the proposers of the law it was alleged, that con- tracts were often granted, on the most advantageous terms, for pur- poses of corruption : by its impugners, that it would be very unjust to deprive an individual of his privileges as a British subject, because he had engaged to furnish at a stipulated price articles wanted for the public service. Members of parliament, who were debarred from this source of mercantile profit, if disposed to traffic in corruption, could easily accomplish their desire clandestinely through agents : the bill was rejected by a majority of only two, the numbers being against it 115, for it 1 1.3. On the 14th of IMay, near the close of the session, sir George Sa- ville proposed a bill for the repeal of certain penalties and disabili- ties, that were established by an act of the tenth of William III. for preventing the farther growth of popery. The legal and poliucal ability of Mr. Dunning was chiefly employed in explaining the evils now proposed to be removed. By the act in question, popish priests or Jesuits, found to officiate in the service of the Romish church, in- curred the penalties of felony if foreigners, and of high treason if na- tives ; the successions of popish heirs educated abroad were forfeited, and their estates descended to the next proiestant heir : a son, or other nearest protestant relation might take possession of the estate of a father or other next kinsman of the popish persuasion, during the life of the real proprietor ; papists were prevented from acquiring any legal pro- perty by fiurc/iase, a term which in law included every mode of ac- quiring property, but descent; and thus the various sources of ac- quisition were shut up from lloe Roman catholics. The mildness of government had softened the rigour of, the law ; but it was to be re- membered, that popish priests constantly lay at the mercy of the bas- est of mankind, common informers. On the evidence of any of these wretches, the magisterial and judicial powers were necessitated to en- force all the shameful penalties of the act. Others of these punish- ments held out powerful temptations to horrible and flagitious crimes. They seemed fitted to poison the sources of domestic felicity, to 478 HISTORY OF THE Cuap. XX.— 1778. [Supplies and taxes. Motion respecting expenditure.] dissolve civil, moral, and religious oljligations and duties, and to loos- en all the bonds of society. Besides the intolerant and oppressive prin- ciple of the act, it appeared from the history of its enactment,* that it was a measure of party intrigue more than of general policy. Even if there then existed reasons which justified severity, they were no longer in force. The Roman catholics had conducted themselves with unquestionable propiicty during the present reign, and had that very session presented a petition, expressive of their loyalty and at- tachment to the king and government, and their resolution, at the risk of their lives and fortunes, to defend their king and country against the apprehended invasion of the French and all their enemies. The ministerial party was extremely well inclined to show favour to such meritorious subjects ; and, though aware of their general unpopulari- ty, they did notthemselves choose to hazard a proposition which would most probably excite alarm among the protestants ; they very gladly adopted therefore the measure when brought forward by opposition, and the bill passed both houses without a division. The supplies for this year were sixty thousand seamen, with a consi- derable augmentation of land forces. The ways and means were a loan of si.K millions at three per cent, with an annuity of two pounds ten shil- lings for a certain number of years, or for life ; the sum of 480,000/. was raised by a lottery, and two millions by exchequer bills. The new taxes were, an additional duty of eight guineas per ton imposed on all French wines, and four guineas on all other wines, six-pence in the pound on houses valued from five to fifty pounds a year, and one shilling on all above fifty pounds. The house tax bill was strongly opposed, as unjust, partial, and oppressive; from the higli value of the houses in London, it was asserted that nine-tenths of the burthen would be borne by the metro- polis. It was answered, that the value of houses arose chiefly from their situation, which rendered them pleasant, convenient, or profitable to their occupiers, and that the advantages much more than compensa- ted the expense even with this addition: that, in other commercial places, rents rose in proportion to their lucrative situation, and that other parts of the kingdom would contribute a much greater share of the tax than had been asserted: the houses in every town or village as well as in London, would pay in' proportion to the benefit arising from the situation. Beside the specific sums granted by parliament, an application was made for a vote of credit. This requisition occasioned a very warm de- bate : opposition contended, that the incapacity of administration was so glaring, and thoir conduct so very absurd and ruinous, that it would be extremely imprudent to trust to their discretion. Ministers defended their own measures, and insisted that a vote of credit was both usual and ne- cessary in such circumstances, and that, though the assertions of oppo- sition. Improved, would demonstrate them unfit for their offices, yet, until the allegations were esfahlished on better groimds than declamatory in- vective, the present counsellors, having the confidence of parliament, remained In their off^cea; and tlie public service therefore required, they should be furnished with the means of discharging their duties. The minority appeared not to have meant any ol)jection to the vote of credit, since, notwithstanding the eloquence exerted on the subject, they suf- fered it to pass without a division. * fece Burnet's History o his own limes. 1778.— Chap. XX. UEIGN OF GEOKGE III. 479 [Prorogation of parliament. Dignified speech of the king.] Tlie charge of boundless expenditure was a frequent theme of animad- version during tlie session, and a committee was proposed for inspecting the pubHc accounts ; but the motion was controverted by the supporters of administration, who declared, that the prudence and economy of ministers were so very great and satisfactory, that all examination of ac- counts would be superfluous. If undue profits in some particular in- stances had been obtained by contractors, the treasury would oblige them to refund such sums, as soon as the ne^cessary inquiry should be made. The inspection might be productive of great mischief, by disseminating ill-founded jealousies and suspicions among the people. Although this reasoning, that it was unnecessary to investigate the management of pe- cuniary stewards, because they themselves and their connexions asserted that they were prudent and economical, may not convince an impartial reader, yet it convinced the majority in the house of commons, and the desired inquiry was prevented. On the 3d of June, parliament was prorogued. His majesty in his speech on this occasion, after returning thanks to parliament for their wise deliberations and vigorous efforts, expressed himself respecting the interference of France, with a dignity and magnanimity worthy of the first personage in the first nation of the universe. He spoke the me- rited resentment of conscious justice, supported by conscious power. " My desire (said our king) to preserve the tranquillity of Europe, has been uniform and sincere ; I reflect with great satisfaction, that I have made the faith of treaties, and the law of nations, the rule of my conduct; and that it has been my constant care to give no just cause of offence to any foreign power; let that power, by whom this tranquillity shall be dis- turbed, answer to their subjects, and to the world, for all the fatal con- sequences of war: the vigour and firmness of my parliament, have ena- bled me to be prepared for such events and emergencies as may happen; and I trust that the experienced valour and discipline of my fleets and armies, and the loyal and united ardour of the nation, armed and anima- ted in the defence of every thing that is dear to them, will be able, under the protection of Divine Providence, to defeat all the enterprises which the enemies of my crown may presume to undertake, and convince them how dangerous it is to provoke the spirit and strength of Great Britain." 480 HISTORY OF THB t'liir. XXI.-irr3. CHAP. XXI. Campaiii^n opens in America- — Operations by detachments from p^eneral Howe's army. — Howe resji^ns the command — ft'Stival in honour of him, under the name of -Nliscliienza — departs for Europe — and is succeeded by sir Henry Clinton. — Arrival of commissioners from Britain. — The Americans refuse to treat, unless as an independent nation. — Evacuation of I'hiladelphia — and march through the Jerseys, — Battle of Freehold court-house — the Britisii army is successful — and arrives at New-York. — D'Estaing- arrives witii a French fleet — maritime operations. — Attempts upon Hliode Island. — Partial and detached expeditions. — D'Estaing' departs for the West-Indies. — Farther proceedings of the commis- sioners — issue a proclamation without effect — return to England. — Congress pui)lish a counter manifesto. — Hostilities in Europe. — Admiral Keppel takes the command ol'the channel fleet — Capture of the l.icorne Fiencii fiigate — of the Pallas. — Keppel returns to Portsmoutii for a re-enforcement — sails in pursuit of the enemy — descries the French fleet ofl'Ushant. — Battle of the27ih of July indecisive. — The French fleet retires during the night. — Apprehensive of a lee shore, Keppel forbears pursuit — Captures by frigates and privateers. — Balance greatly favourable to England. — Depredations by Paul Jones — plunders the scat of lord Selkirk. — Crimination and recrimination by Keppel and Palliser — are respectively tried and acquitted. From political proceedingjs we now return to military transactions. The hostile armies at Philadelphia and Valley Forge passed the severity of the winter within a few miles of each other, in great tranquillity. Spring arrived, and the commander in chief continued to repose himself at Philadelphia ; he, however, sent out several occasional detachments, which displayed British intrepidity and skill in desultory operations, without any material result. In the heginning of March, colonel Maw- hood was sent with the 27th and 46th regiments, and the New-Jersey volunteers, to make a descent on the coast of Jersey, to procure forage, and assist the royalists, who were severely oppressed by Livingston, the American governor. Various creeks communicate with the Delaware on the Jersey side; over the Allewas, one of these, there were three bridges; Thompson's farthest up, St. Quinton's in the middle, and Han- cock's next the river. At the two last the provincials determined to make a .stand. Mawhood having pretended to retreat, enticed the Ame- ricans to cross St. Quinton's bridge, and fall into an ambuscade which he had previously formed; the enemy being surrounded, most of them were either killed, taken prisoners, or drowned. Major Simcoe, being employed to attack the party posted at Hancock's bridge, crossed the creek in boats by night with a party of soldiers; assailed, surprised, and dispersed the Americans; and secured a passage for the whole British detachment: colonel Mawhood having completed his forage, returned to Philadelphia. In the beginning of May, an American brigade, com- manded by general Lacy of the Pennsylvania militia, being posted at the Crooked-billet, on one of the chief roads between the country and Phila- delphia, obstructed the approaches of farmers with provisions for the city. 1778,— Chap. XXI. REIGN OF GEORGE 111. 43 j [Resignation of general Howe.] That enterprising and intelligent officer, major Sinicoe, having perceived this position and discovered its object, proposed to march round with the queen's rangers, so as to gain the rear of the enemy, while another party should lie in ambuscade to intercept their retreat to Washington's army. The scheiTie being approved, colonel Abercrombie was appointed to command the ambuscade, and to lie in wait till he should hear the firing of Simcoe's corps. On the 30th of May, major Simcoe set oft' with his detachment by the projected route, and afterwards Abercrombie departed with about four hundred light infantry, a large party of light dragoons, and horses, for the sake of greater expedition, to mount his foot soldiers. The co\oi^e\ could not reach the place of his destination at the appointed time during the night; eager, however, to support major Simcoe, he sent forward his cavalry and light infantry. The commander of the advanced corps having proceeded as far as Lacy's out|)ost, was seen and fired at by the enemy's sentinel, but did not retire. The American commander concluding a stronger force to be at hand, immediately filed up the coun- try, and, by abandoning his baggage, escaped the pursuit. The British troops having dislodged the||)rovincials, returned with the captured bag- gage to Philadelphia; and, l»y the success of this excursion, greatly facili- tated the conveyance of provisions to the British army. An expedition being sent under majors Maitland and Simcoe, destroyed a great number of American vessels, that had escaped the preceding campaign at the capture of the forts on the Delaware. These desultory enterprises proved that British courage and conduct by land and water were equal to the efforts of former titnes, however little they conduced to the pro- motion of British interest. For several months, sir William Howe had resolved to resign his command, and intimated his intention to lord George Germaine. His alleged ground for desiring to be recalled was, that he had not received tiie necessary confidence and support from administration. Ministers expressed the utmost surprise at his complaint, the grounds of which they affirmed were fully confuted by the written authority with which he was intrusted, and the force with which he was furnished. The requested permission, however, was granted, and the general accordingly prepared to depart for Europe. The easy and agreeable manners and indulgent conduct of general Howe, had gained the aflection of many of his otficers. Those viewing his exploits and services through the partial medium of attachment, attri- buted to them a merit and efficacy greater tlian that which has been al- lowed them by the rigorous scrutiny of impartial judgment. As a testi- mony of the high estimation in which they held their general, some of his officers gave in honour of him, M-hen about to resign his command, a festival, which they denominated a Mischienza. The exhibition, indeed, was of a miscellaneous nature, and partook partly of the nature of Ro- man spectacles on the return of victorious generals to their grateful country; the general marched through the army between two triumphal arches. His train of attendants, however, seven silken knights of the blended rose, seven silken knights of the burning mountain, and fourteen damsels representing the paragons of knight errantry, called before the imagination the fabulous glory of chivalrous ages. A tilt and tourna- ment, or mock represeatcdion of warlike uc.hieveme7ils, made a part of the entertainment. On the top of each triumphal arch was placed a figure Vol. VH.— 61 432 mSTOR\ oi- IHK f'HAP. \XI.— 1778. [Arrival oVilic British commissioners. Answer of congress]" of Fame, oniamenle^* On the IStls of Jutie, the army pas.scd the" Delaware, and the same day encamped on the" Jersey shore. The country through which they had to march, was strong, and intersected by defiles ; lest these being occupied should obstru'ct his progress, sir Henry Clinlon thought it ne- cessary to carry along with him a large supply of provisions, which, to- gether with the baggage, greatly retarded the progress of the army. The excessive heat of the weather, the closeness of the roads through the woods, the constant labour of constructing or repairing bridges in a coun- try abounding in creeks, brooks, and marshes, \yere all severely felt by • See Mr. President Henry Lawrence's Answer to the British coramissionerB, dated June 17tli, 1*78, in the collection of state papers for that year. 484 HISTORY OF THE Chap. XXI.—irrS. [Battle of Monmouth. Arrival of the French fleet.] the British forces. Washington, having discovered the design of Clin- ton, detached general Maxwell to obstruct a retreat, until he himself should cross the American army. For several days the provincials were not able materially to interrupt the British army ; our light troops ex- pelled them from the defiles, and the only obstructions arose from the bridges being destroyed. The army now came to a place where the road was divided into t we branches : that to the left was the shortest, but the river Rariton intqjvencd ; the passage of which, in the face of an enemy superior in number, might be botii difficult and dangerous ; more especially as intelligence was received, that Gates was advancing from the nortli, to form a junction with Washington near that river. Sir Hen- ry Clinton accordingly took the most circuitous route, nearer to the coast. Having proceeded some miles, he encamped on the 27th on a high ground in the neighborhood of Freehold court-hoiise. Washington had before kept to the left, and being now re-enforced, posted himself within a few miles of the British rear. Clinton having sent forward the baggage un- der Knyphausen with the first division of the army, he himself with the last waited the approach of the enemy, and on the 2Sth of June was in- formed that large bodies of tlie provincials were marching on both his flanks, while a considerable division followed hinjself. Suspecting that the object of the Americans on his flanks was to overtake Knyphausen, who was now retarded by defiles, he determined to attack the provincials who hovered on Ids rear, that they might recall their detac hments from annoying Knyphausen. Though he was by this time, in prosecution of his march, descended into a plain, and the enemy had occupied the emi- nence which he had just left, he attacked them, compelled them to fly, and would have destroyed the whole front division, had not Washington, by occupying a defile with his main body, repressed the pursuit. The light troops who had been sent forward to attack Knyphausen, were re- pulsed by tliat general, and recalled, to join and support the main army. The loss of the British that day, in killed, wounded and missing, amount- ed to throe hundred and fifty eight; that of the Americans, to three hundred and^sixty-one. Little as was the difi'erence in point of numbers, it appears, from hi.«5 subsequent conduct, that general Washington thought himself worsted, as he did not alterwards attempt to disturb the ]>ritish retreat, but marched away to the left towards the North river. The circumstances of the engagement productul a quarrel between Lee and V\'ashington. According to Washington, Lee, who commanded the advanced corps, had disobeyed orders, in not attacking the enemy when they were on the plain, and he on the doii. (ieneral Sullivan (hereupon began hisretreat, and departed ID {lie night of the 28th of August several hours before the British per- ceived tliev were gone. Sii- Robert Pigot, the English commander, fol- lowed on the 2'.Mh, attacked the rear division, and gained an advantage; but not 80 decisive as to prevent the Americans froni continuing their route. Sir Henry Clinton, who was hastening by sea to relieve Rhode 1778— (JiiAP. XXI. KKIGN OF GEOUGE III. 487 [ ['artial expeditions. D' Estaing sails for the West Indies.] Island, arrived one day too late to intercept tlie retreatin<«; Americans, Allhougli the detention of sir Henry Clinton probably saved Sullivan's corps from dostructioii/yetthe luiscaniage of the first enterprise, wliich thoy had undertaken in concert \vith France, not only disapjjolnted, but offended the Americans; and though the oflicers and gentlemen endeavoured to dissemble every appearance of displeasure, the common- all v, less restrained by delicacy and policy, gave loose to their feelings. Indeed, scarcelv two nations could be found in the civili/,ed world, whose manners could be so reciprocally repulsive, as the sanctinumioiis austeritv of the New-Englanders, and the gay levity and dissipated libertinism of Frenchmen. Between the seamen of both countries, out- rages and riots took place, that were like to have been attended with very serious conseciuences; the leading men of Boston, however, exert- ed themselves suc.cessfully to ajjpease the tumults, and to give satisfac- tion to their new allies. General Clinton having returned towards New- York, concerted several expeditions for destroying privatceis. Major- general (Tiey being deUiched to Bu/./.ard-bay in New-England, landed on the banks of the Acushimet river, and executed his enterprise with such rapidity, that in less than one day he burned and destroyed all the ships in the river, amo\inting to more than seventy sail. The next day jfroceedingro Martha's Vineyard, a fertile and rich island, he destroyed several vessels, and carrying oft" a valuable booty in provisions, returned to New-York. Lord Cornwallis soon afterwaids undertook the direc- tion of an expedition to Little Egg-harbour, on the coast of Jersey, which was also a general receptacle for privateers : one division of the detach- ment surprised and surrounded an American regiment of light horse, during the night, at Old Tapan on the North river; the greater num- ber were killed, or taken prisoners. Captain Patrick Fergusson under- took to contluct the enterprise to Little Egg-harbour, and by combined valour, activity, and skill, surprised an American legion under count Pulaski. The success of this enterprise depending on celerity of execu- tion, a great carnage unavoidably took place. The Americans poured out virulent invectives against what they termed tlie cruelty of the Bri- tish; but it does not appear that any act was committed inconsistent with the la\v& of war. This was the last action of any importance per- formed by the British during this campaign in N.orth America. The ■weather was that year extremely tempestuous on the American ocean; admiral Byron's fleet had, been dispersed and separated by a storm on its passage from Europe. . After being refitted at New-York, he again Avent to sea with a view to block up the French fleet in Boston-bay: but a second tempest drove him from that station. The count D'Estaing, taking the opportunity of the British admiral's absence, sailed to the West Indies. While these operations were carrying on by land and sea, the com- missioner* continued in America, determined to leave nothing undone that might effect their purpose. Although hopeless of success from the first answer of the congress,_they thought it necessary to reply; desir- ing an explanation of the sense in which the term independence was to be understood, and copies of -the treaties with foreign powers, wliich had been referred to by the congress. Respecting the second preliminary, they declared the proposed removrd of the troops inadmissible, as a force must necessarily be kept for defence against the commdn enemy, and for the protection of the loyalists. To this second letter of the com- missioners no answer was given. 488 HISTORY OF THB Chap. XXI.— 17r8. [Further proceedings of the commissioners.] Governor Johnstone bein;^ individual! j acquainted with several ecn- tlcmou ot" chaiactor and influence, tried to obtain a personal intei^view, in hopes ol" convincing; tlieni that it was the interest of the colonies to renew their amity with the mother country; for that purpose he re- (juested admission to several jjentlemen, but a decided negative was re- turned; he also wrote letters to ditVerent individuals, paragraphs of which were construed into an attempt to corrupt the integrity of the leaders. One of these is addressed to general Reed, and the following is the par- agraph tha. underwent the interpretation. After an eloquent descrip- tion of the evils tlowing from the existing dissensions, and the blessings of reconciliatiim, the writer proceeds: "Tlie man who can be instru- mental in bringing us all to act once more in harmony, and unite to- gether the various powers which this contest has drawn forth, wUl deserve more from the king and people, from patriotism, hr.manity, friendship, and all tlie tender tics tliat are attected by tlie quarrel, than were ever yet bestowed on human kind." On the 16th of June in a private letter to Robert Morris, esq. formerly his friend, he says, " I believe the men who have conducted the afFaiis of America are in- capable of being influenced by improper motives; but in all such trans- actions there is risk, and I think that whoever ventures sh(mld be se- cured; at the same time that honour and emolument shall naturally follow the fortune of those who have steered the vessel in the stornj, and brought her safely to port. I think that Wasliington and the president have a right to every favour that grateful nations can bestow, if they could once more unite our interests, and spare the miseries and devastations of war. '' , The congress published the letters above mentioned by governor Johnstone, and attemped to construe them into an endeavour to bribe. The letters themselves express no such intention;* they merely hold out a j)rospect of honour and reward for meritorious conduct. The congress, that tliey might inflame the passions of the people, issued a declaration that it was incompatible with the honour of congress to hold any farther communication with governor Johnstone. The British commissioners, finding it was in vain to hope for the accomplishment of this great object, now confined their application to subordinate purposes. One of these was concerning the captured armv of general IJurgoyne. By one of the articles of capitulation it was stipulated, that the surrendering army should be at liberty to transport itself to Great Britain, on condition of not serving again in America during the war. Boston, the place from wliich it was to embark, was diilicult of access to transports at that season of the year, which was- the middle of winter; general Burgoyne applied for leave to march the troops to Rliode Islann, that they ini'dit there embark. This retjuest the congiess not only refused, which was merely the denial of a solicited favour, but they declared a resolution of violating a solemn comj)act;. they resolved to prohibit the embarkation of the Saratoga troops from any port whatsoever, until a distinct and explicit ratification of the convention of Saratoga should be properly noticed by the court of Great Britain to congress; ancj entered upon • Mr. Rclsham alleges, that Mr. Johnstone employed a Mrs. Fergusson, as tJie agent in his propgscd corruption. As he adduces no proofs to support liisasser- tion, although he sayt ihf fact waM clcarlij mca-lained, an impartial historian cannot admit the charge on no very vague an evidence. J778.— Ciup. XXr. REIGN OF GEOltGE III. 4g9 [They issue a proclamation and return to England.] their jouriKils a resolution to tliat effect. This resolution was evident- ly a breach of the convention, as the now desired ratification was no part of that trea^. The commissioners, in a letter dated t! e 7th of August, remonstrated araiust the detention of the troops, contrary to tlic faith of treaties. Witliout answering this remonstrance, they enttiuxl into a charge against governor Johnstone, with whom thej declared they could hold no communication. Governor Johnstone, to remove tlie pre- tended bar to intercourse, withdrew himself from the commission; and, in the public act by wlurh he testified this determination, he very severely repreliended the conduct of the congress, and exposed the sliallow pre- text by which they endeavoured to cover their own breach of faith. These assertions respecting him, indeed, were never proved; and if they had been established, their authentication could not have justified the con- duct of the Americans . even if Mr. Johnstone had attempted to bribe, the endeavour would not have justified a breach of contract with others not concerned in that endeavour. Governor Johnstone set off for Eu- rope, leaving an able vindication of his conduct, in a letter addressed to his friend doctor Adam Fergusson. Meanwhile the remaining com- missioners attempted by new arguments to show the congress the real views of France, and how little advantage they could reasonably expect from this connexion: tliey also sent again their former remonstrance, without the signature of governor Johnstone; and offered to ratify, in the king's name, all the conditions of the Saratoga convention, though such ratification w^as no part of its tenns; but the congress persevered in the breach of faith. The troops which had surrendered at Saratoga, having trusted to a convention stipulating their free return to Gi eat Britain, Avere detained in captivity by the American congress violating a contract. The commissioners sent no more letters to the corngress: but published, on the 3d of October, a manifesto and proclamation, addressed to the members of the congress, and the members of the geneial assemblies or conventions of the several colonies. In this paper, they recapitulated the steps which they had taken for executing the objects of their commission; they enumerated their repeated endeavours to restore tranquillity and happiness to America; and stated the extent and beneficial tendency of the terms which they were empowered to offer: notwithstanding the'ob- structions they had encountered, they still declared their readiness to proceed in the execution of the powers contained in their commission, and to treat not only with deputies from all the colonies conjunctly, but with any provincial assembly or convention individually, at any time within the space of forty days from the date of their manifesto; next addressing tliemselves to all persons, ecclesiastical, military, civil, or private, and suggesting to the consideration of each of these classes, such motives as might be supposed to have the greatest iufluence, they adjured them not to let pass so favourable ah opportunity of securing tlieir liberties, future prosperity, and happiness, upon a permanent foun- dation: lastly, they appealed to the Americans collectively, in the fol- lowing terms: " It will now become the colonies in general to call to mind their own solemn appeals to heaven in th«f beginning of this con- test, that they took arms only for the redress of grievances; and that it was their wish, as well as their interest, to remain for ever connected with Great Britain. We again ask them, w^hether all their giievances, real or supposed, have not been amply and fully redressed.'' and. we in Vol. VII.— 62 490 HISTORY OF THE Cuap. XXI— 1778. [Admiral Keppel takes command of the channel fleet.] sist that the otTers we have made, leave nothing to banished, in point of either itnmediate liberty or permanent security.'' The manifesto ob- served, that the policy as well as the benevolence of Great Britain checked the extremes of war, when they tended to distress a people who were still considered as our fellow-suhjects, and to desolate a country which was shortly to become again a source of mutual advantage. But when that country professed the unnatural design, not only of estranging her interests from ours, but of mortgaging herself and her resources to our enemies, the whole contest was cliannnd, find the question was, how far Great Britain may, by every means in her power, destroy or render useless a connexion contrived for her ruin, and for the aggrandizement of her enemy ? Under such circumstances, the laws of self-preservation must direct the conduct of Great Britain, to render the accession of the American colonies as little beneficial as possible to P'rance. The com- missioners having remained until the forty days were expired, and not finding the proclamation likely to produce any conciliatory effect, set sail for Europe. Tbe congress soon after published a counter manifesto, in which they affected to consider the proclamation of the commissioners as denouncing new schemes of vengeance and desolation, and declared their resolution to retaliate with the utmost severity. Hostilities in Europe were entirely maritime, and confined to the sea near the northwest coast of France. The French government, as soon as it liad resolved on war, employed the most assiduous and vigorous preparations to equip a fleet sufficient to cope with England. In order to distract the attention of Great Britain, they pretended to threaten an invasion; and brought large bodies of troops to their northern coast. The British government ordered the militia to be embodied, and con- siderable numbers of soldiers to march to the vicinity of the coast ; they directed camps to be formed at AVinchester, Salisbury, and St. Edmonds- bury, Warley common, and Coxheath; but they trusted the protection of the country chiefly to the fleet. From the first appearance of probable hostilities between Great Britain and France so early as November 1776, lord Sandwich had cast his eyes on admiral Keppel as the most proper person to be intrusted with the important station. This gentleman had distinguished himself at the Havannah, being then second in command, and was highly esteemed and beloved in the navy. Having conversed with Mr. Keppel, lord Sand- wich found that, if the circumstances of the country required his efforts, his services would not be wanting: the admiral was indeed politif;ally connected with opposition; but when war with France was become una- voidable, he, in consequence of his disposition before signified, was of- fered an appointment which he accepted. In the beginning of June, a fleet of twenty ships of the line was ready for service. ^V'ith these un- der his commani, the admiral set sail on the l.'Jth of that month, to pro- tect our conunerc*;, defend our coasts, and watch the motions of the enemy. The powers reposed in the admiral, were discretionary and un- hmited. Sir Robert Harland and sir Hugh Palliser, two gentlemen high in his estimation and ii. the opinion of the public, were respectively ap- pomted second and third in command. At this time war had not been declared, nor were reprisals ordered. The fleet proceeded to the bay of Biscay. On the 17th of June, two French frigates were seen reconnoitring the ir78.— Chap. XXf. KKIGN OF GEORGK III. 491 [Capture of several P'rench frigates.] British fleet; one of them, the Licorne of 32 guns, being overtaken by some of our ships, for some hours sailed with them; but nianifobting an intention of departure, a shot was tired over her, when, to tlie astonish- ment of our fleet, she poured a broadside into the America, one of our ships of the line, and immediately struck her colours. To render this procedure the more extraordinary, lord Longford, captain of the Ameri«^a, and the French commander, were from their respective ships engaged in amicable conversation. Longford, instead of sinking the French fri- gate for her wanton attack, with cool magnanimity sent her imder the stem of the Victory. The other ship, the Belle Poule, a large fri^^atc, was closely pursued by the Arethusa of 32 guns, but not overtaken till at a great distance from the fleet. Captain Marshal, tl.e British command- er, informed the French captain, that he had orders from the admiral to conduct him to the fleet; but the Frenchman peremptorily refused to comply. Marshal fired across the ship; the answer was a broadside: a desperate engagement ensued; the Arethusa sufllered much in her rigging, the Belle Poule in her hull, and great numbers were killed. The Frenchman perceiving the other so much damaged as to be unable to pursue, embraced the opportunity of retiring to the coast. This ad- vantage, gained over superior numbers and weight of metal in the first conflict, much delighted the British sailors, and was reckonf^d ominous of future success. The next morning, the Pallas, another French frigate of 32 guns, approaching to reconnoitre the fleet, was pursued and taken, and with the Licorne sent into Plymouth. The French exclaimed against the detention of the two frigates, and pretended to assert that Britain was the aggressor, although France had before began hostilities, by abetting the Americans in their revolt from their mother country. Al- though admiral Keppel seized two French frigates for improper conduct in the commanders, he abstained from their merchantmen, as letters of reprisal had not issued. This forbearance in our naval commander may perhaps have been right; but, as the hostile conduct of France justified hostilities from England, the more effectually they had been begun, the greater would be the prospect of ultimate success. The capture of their trading vessels, as in the commencemet of the former war, would have distressed the enemy, by depriving them both of sailors and riches. Ad- miral Keppel being informed that the French fleet lying in Brest water amounted to thirty-two ships of the line, repaired to St Helen's for a re- enforcement. The return of the Admiral occasioned *'ery great astonish- ment and consternation, not without a mixture (/dissatisfaction; but ministers lost no time in augmenting! his armament; lord Sandwich in- stantly setoff for Portsmouth, and in a fortnight, ten ships of the line were added to Keppel's fleet. In the middle of July he set sail at the head of thirty British ships of the line, one of them the Victory, of the first rate, six of 90 guns, and the rest of the third rate. The fleet was formed into three divisions, the van commanded by sir Robert Harland, the rear by sir Hugh Palliser, and the centre by the admiral himself. Reprisals having been now issued, the French fleet had left Brest har- bour on the 8th of July, commanded by count D'Orvilliers, and wae cruising oflT the ceast of Bretagne. On the 23d of July, in the afternoon, the fleets descried each other; the British ships being dispersed, a signal was thrown out for forming the line, but night came on before the ships • See Gibbon's letter to lord SheffieW, JtJy 1778. 49xJ HISTORY OF TflE Chap. XXI.~1778. ['Indecisive engajremeiit ofTUshant ] were properly stationed. The following morning, the wind being wester^ ly, it was discovered that the French had gained the wcathcr-gage; D'Orvilliers, however, though superior in number, still avoided battle. The British admiral, chasing to M'indward the three tbllowing days, en- deavoured to bring on a battle, but in vain. On the 27th, a sudden squall came on, so very thick as to conceal the two fleets from the view of each other. When the weather became clear, it was found that the French fleet had fallen considerably to leeward, and was near the van of the British. Instantly admiral Keppel gave the signal for forming the line; an engagement began, as the fleets were passing each other in con- trary directions. At this time the Victory, and the other ships of the centre division were nearest to the enemy. Sir Robert Ilarland being to windward, was ready for immediate service; while sir Hugh Palliser was considerably to leeward with the rear, and out of the line. The French, who were now to leeward, had made an alteration in their movements, which seemed to indicate an intention of cutting oft' the rear division. The adniiral, professing to entertain this apprehension, left the station in which the battle began, and sailed to leeward,* untd he was opposite to the enemy's van; while sir Robert Harland, by his orders-, covered the rear. Keppel kept a signal constantly flying for Palliser to join the line, bat that commander did not arrive. The admiral repeated the signal to sir Hugh Palliser to como to his station : but, before the order was obey- ed, darkness prevented the renewal of the contest. The French admiral ranged hiis fleet so as to appear determined to fight the next morning; but in tlie night they quitted their station, leaving three frigates with lights at proper intervals, to appear to the British the leading ships of their three divisions. The next morning the French fleet was at so great a distance, that the admiral did not think it expedient to renew the pursuit; it would, he alleged, lie impossible to overtake them, and his own ships would be exposed to danger from a lee shore: he therefore desisted from the attempt, and returned to Plymouth. Though this battle by no means answered the expectation!? that British experience of nautical valour and skill naturally and reasonably formed, from a conflict between thirty of our ships of the line, and thirty-two of the French, it eflfected one very important purpose; the French fleet be- ing obliged to go to port to refit, several British fleets of merchantmen from the P2ast and West Indies and the Mediterranean arrived in safety. Impartial examiners very easily perceived that tiiere was a want of con- cert in the disposition of the fleet on the day of battle. Admiral Keppel, in his letter to the admiralty, expressed himself, in general terms, satis- fied with the conduct of oflTicerg and men ; it, however, soon appeared that he was much dissatisfied with the procedure of Palliser. Both the French and English fleets went again to sea in the month of August, but did not again meet during this campaign. Considerable captures were made by frigates and privateers on both sides, but the balance of prizes was greatly in favour of Britain. Two Liverpool pri- vateers took a French homeward bound East Indiarnan, estinmted at '320,000/.; and captain Dawson of the Mentor took another, valued at 240,000/. • This evoliuion was afterwards the foundation of one of the principal charges • > t . Imiral Keppel; it being represent.ed as wearing the nppearance of ' us bringing disgrace on the British flag. ir78.— Chap. XXI. REIGN OF CEOHGE IIL 493 [Depredations of Paul Jones. Mutual criminations of Kcppcl and Palliscr.] The American privateers, trusting to the alhance with France, came this year to the coast of Europe, and committed various depredations. The most darinir commander of these ships was the noted adveiUurei Paul Jones. This person had been gardener to tlie earl of Selkiik, at a seat near Kirkudbright on the southwest coast of Scotland. Leaving his employment abruptly, on account of soine umbrage which he had con- ceived against the family, he had betaken himself to sea, and by profes- sional skill, together with intrepid boldness, arrived at the appointment which he then held. Jones, directing his etibrts against t!ie coasts with which he was best acquainted, landed at Whitehaven in Cumberland, and set fire to a ship in the harbour, with the intention of burning the town, but was driven away by the exertions of the inhabitants. From thence he proceeded over Solwuy Frith to the seat of lord Selkirk, and pillaged the house of all the plate, jewels, and other valuable effects ; but though he greatly alarmed the lady and family (his lordship being in London,) no violence was offered to any individual. Admirals Keppel and Palliser had each numerous partisans ; the differ- ence between them, therefore, spi-ead itself tlnough their fleet, the navy. and kingdom. Keppel's supporters alleged, that if Palliser had obeyed the signal, the action must have been general, and the consequence a complete victory to Britain. Palliscr's friends asserted, that the admiral lost the moment of victory, when, instead of bearing forward on the enemy with his full force, he moved to leeward, lost the afternoon by that movement, and thus allowed the enemy to escape. To this princi- pal imputation of Mr. Palliser against Mr. Keppel, severai other charges were added, that he had formed his line negligently ; that he had not made proper disposiitions for covering the rear division ; that he might have renewed the battle on that afternoon; that the next morning the French fleet was not at so great a distance as to render pursuit unavail- ing ; and that, in short, the admiral had not done his duty. Whether Mr. Palliser's censure on Mr. Keppel was right or wrong, its ground was his conduct on the 27th and 28th of July, 1778. Atlter that time, the vice-admiral again went to sea- under the admiral; deli- vered him a letter, testifying his majesty's approbation of his conduct ; corresponded with him in terms of friendship, and in his letters expressed a very high opinion of his superior disinterestedness and zeal for the service.* This conduct, however, of Mr. Palliser relates only to his sincerity and consistencr, but is totally irrelative to the truth orTalse* hood of the charges. After the fleet returned to harbour for the winter, admiral Keppel was severely censured by ministerial publications, and admiral Palliser by writings favourable to opposition. In a newspaper of the latter c'ass, an anonymous letter was inserted, strongly repre- hending sfr Hugh PaUiser. The vice-admiral, having read this produc- tion, applied to Keppel to justify his conduct, and required him for that purpose to sign a statement, which not only would have exculpated Pal- liser, but criminated himself. The admiral having refused to comply, Palliser published in one of the inorning papers a long and particular detail of the action of the 27th of July, together with an introductory let- ter signed with his name. The performance teemed with censure against the conduct of the commander in chief. After indignant remarks and o See proceedings of the court-martial on admiral Keppel. 494 HISTORY OF THE Chap, XXI.— 1778 [They are respectively tried and acquitted.] severe recrimination from Keppcl, and reciprocal repetition of invective, the trials of both were ordered. Admiral Kep[)cl was first tried . the charge consisted of five articles, detailing the objects already narrated. After it had continued from the 7th of JaniKiry 1779, until the 11th of February, the court not only ac- quitted the admiral, but declared the charges false, slanderous, and ma- licious. Wlieu the news of the sentence reached London, very general illuminations, instist fleet, and giving France a decided superiority in the channel. The evacuation of Piiiladelphia was alpo, they asserted, a measure of wise policy, tVom the accession of France to the war; New- York was much more centrical, nearer to the coast, and fitter for sending re-enforce- ments to the West Intiia islands, or wherever they might be wanted. Opposition admitted the propriety of evacuating Philadelphia, but con- tended that the reasons in which it was founded, demonstrated the folly of the whole systenr. The army in America was reduced to this alter- native, cither by retaining its acquisitions to divide and debilitate its own streneth, or else to stand exposed to disgrace and mortification, and by retracing its steps, to show the inutility of all its labours. No man could expect to conquer a continent by possessing a single town ; therefore, while the nation persisted in carrying on an offensive war in America, whether our army advanced, retreated, or stood still, the efTect would be thesame, a fruitless, expensive, and cruel, because unnecessary, war. The amendment was rejected by a great majority. Patriotism and wis- dom miglit before have dictated opposition to the ministerial measures respecting America, while there were hopes that by combating the plans of government they migiit produce a conciliatory change : now, how- ever, the colonists were avowed enemies, and were engaged in a hostile coofcderacy against Britain ; and there was no alternative but victory or submission. If ministry might be justly charged with having brought us, by their ignorance and want of political abilities, into so bloody and ex- pensive a war, opposition did not employ the most efficacious means for procuring a safe and honourable peace. Perpetual invectives against administration were far from tending to depress the enemy, or strengthen the couotry. Common sense could never consider a regular and uniform system of obstruction to his majesty's councils, as the most effectual mode of promoting the success of his arms. The chief object of opposition during this session, was to censure the conduct of the war, and to impute all real or alleged miscarriages to the incapacity and infatuation of ministers. On the 4th of December, a mo- tion was mad*; for an address to bis majesty concerning the late manifesto of the commissioners, to declare the displeasure of parliament at certain pa^3ages of the proclamation, as totally unauthorized by the act of the legislature for appointing these commissioners, and in themselves utterly inconsistent with the humanity and generous courage which at all times distiniruished the British nation, subversive of the maxims which have been established among christian and civilized communities, derogatory from the dignity of the crown of this realm, and tending to debase the 1778.— CnAP. XXri. UEIGN OF CKOKOE Ifr. . ^ijj [Reply of ministers. Proposed iiujuiry by general Howe] spirit and to subvert the discipline of his majesty's armies. The f-jp- porters of the motion interpreted the paj;sage» in question in neatly the same manner as (lie Americans professed to have done, and considertj them as replete with denunciations of the most savage barbarity. On this assumption their arguments proceeded, and speakers expatiated on the wickedness and madness of the new kind of warfare, which converted British soldiers hito butchers, assassins, and incendiaries, and proposed for the model of civilized Britons the practices of Indian savages. Con- trary, they alleged, as the threatened mode of carrying on war was to humanity, it was no less inimijal to sound policy, as the colonists could retaliate on tiie coasts of Engla'.id, Scotland, and Ireland ; and Viirious parts of his majesty's dominions must, by their exposed situation, sutler the most dreadful cruelties from retaliation : on these grounds, they proposed to request that it should be disavowed by his majesty. To this deduction of consequences, ministers replied, by denying the .principle; the proclamation, they contended, denounced no new species of war, no kind of hostilities dissimilar to those which have been usually carried on between belligerent nations in every part of the civilized world. In the former part of the American war, JJritain Imd considered the colonists not as enemies, but as subjects partly rebellious from disposi- tion, but chiefly misled by mischievous counsel : it had therefoie been their wish to instruct and persuade, as well as to compel : but now the provincials had thrown themselves into the arms of French enemies, and were henceforth to be treated like anyotlhir foes, so as most speedi- ly and eflectually to annoy and weaken the hostile cause. This was the amount of the reprehended portion of the manifesto, such was the inten- tion of its framers, such the meanirig w hich its expressions plainly and explicitly conveyed. They could not therefore consent to address his majesty, that he migiil disavow intimations which instead of censure, de- served the highest approbatioii. After a very hard contest between the censurers and supporters of this act of the commissioners, an occurrence took place, which appeared to give the tormer a considern'ule advantage. Governor Johnstone speaking on the subject, exhibited the irritation of violent passion, much more tlian the sound vigorous reasoning by which his eloquence was generally distinguislied ; he declared the manifesto to have meant a desolating war, and justirted it in that view as not only riglit but necessary. Opposition contended, that this avowal by one who had *" been a commissioner, proved tiieir assertion. Ministers, however, ad- hered to their rejection of the intcroretation. In discussing tiiis ques- tion, general Howe, after reprobating the alfcged plan of war, deviated from the question, to introduce a charge against the secretary, concern ing his conduct to the generals who commanded in America. To the mal-administration of Germaine, Howe imj»uted his own request to re- sign his employment, and strongly urged the instituiion of a parliamenta- ry inquiry, in order that the conduct both of the commanders and mini.sters should be fully examined, justice done on all sides, and the nation ac- quainted with the true cause ofthat failure of success which it had hitherto experienced. The secretary, after expressing his astonishment at4.he accusation, smd vindicating his conduct, declared, that he certainly should not object to an inquiry when regulaily proposed, as he was conlldent it must terminate to his honour. Rcturnhig from irrelevant topics to the subject ut issue, the house was called for a vote, and the motion was Vol. VJI.— 63 498 • HISTORY OF THK Chap. XXI1.~1778. • ^ [Appeal to the bishops.] ^ ncgntivcd by a majority of two hundred and nine to two hundred and twriity-two. When the proclaination was dijjcussed in the house of peers, an ap- peal was made to the bench of bishops, to exert that charity, humanity, and abhorrence of hlnod and crueUy wliich were the leading tenets and distingiiishiniT cliaractcristics of Christianity, upon a subject which not only came dinHllv "itliin their cognisance, but in which they seemed bound by thei;- clmrarUM- to exert the peculiar and most exalted princi- ples, of their M>Iip;ioii. in preventing the wanton butchery and destruction of mankind. '\ heir interference was required to prevent tiie destruction . and spare the hood, not only of men and christians, but of Englishmen and proiej^tan'-:, like themselves; to crush in the outset an abominable system of warfare, which in its progress and consequences would bring desolation and ruin on their own flocks. The legal powers v.ith which thev had been invested bv the constitution for such pious purposes, would be found, in the present instance, fnllv equal to the dutv and emergency. They were the moderators, ordained Ijy the wisdom of the constitution, to check the rage, restrain the passions, and control the violence of tem- poral men. Their simple votes upon this occasion v/ould at once fully express their detestation of the inhuman .-vsfem ; and. joined with those of the secular lords who held the same principles, would cure its effects. The bishops were very far from contesting that it was incumbent on them to exert their abilities and influence for moderating t!ie passions of men, and preventing the vvanton effusion of christian blood ; but, as tho lords in opposition had not proved that efforts against revolted subjects, who were leagued with inveterate enemies, were wanton, and they thought the annoyance of stich foes necessary for self-defence, they did not consider themselves as justified in censuring the manifesto * Censure of ministry had constituted a considerable pait of the proceed- ings of opposition in the former years of our dispute with the colonies'; but the reprehension had been combined with wise hgislative proposi- tions for removing the evils of which they complained. During the present session, reproach of administration constituted nearly the sole conduct hv which thev professed to discharce their duty, as senators de- liberating for the good of their country. Every commander, ^\hose suc- cess had not answered the expectations fornied from *the means with which he was supplied, imputed his miscarriages to industry; and, as soon as he made that imputation, was supported by opposition with an '" eagernesj! that greatly outstripped th'' evidence. On the 2Sth of Decem- ber, a debate arose in the house of. commons, on a proposed vote of seventy thousand seamf-n for the service of the ensuing year. During the discus.sion, it was ohverved by opposition, that as very different repre- sentations had been given of tho naval proceedings of admiral Keppel's fleet on the 27lh and 28th of July, an inquiry ought to be instituted for ascertainini' xhr truth. F^reliminary to s\ich investigation, it was propos- ed, that as both oflicers, being members of the house, were then present, • Mr. lU'UliHm, imirornily df-^irons nf tlirnwiiip; out indirect or direct charges Sfrainit our ecclesiastical e.staSlisliment, in mentinnin}^' a protest Iha' was entered on this occ:tsion. says, " it i.s paliifnl to remarlc, tliat llie name of unc bishop only, the venerable .'^lilpie.y of St. Asaph, is to be found in the lonf,' and illustrioub train of sijfnaturcs affixed to this memorable protest." Tliis censure of our prelates, Mr. Bclihani supports by no proof; it rests entirely upon his own authority. 1778 —Chap. XXrr. HKICN' Of" (iEORHE !If. ' * 499 [Dispute between Keppel and I'alliser introduced into parliament.] one or both of Ihem .sliould aflord some sati.sfaclion on the suhjoct. Admiral K(ippol, having risen in comphancc with this request, made a speech, of which, thoii<>li some putH were sufficiently intelhgihle, there were others by no means explicit, and of which the exact import could not well be apprehended from tlie expressions themselves, though the tendency and intent might be gathcM'cd from various circumstances. He affirmed, that on the occasion in question, he had done his utmost against the enemy; the glory of the British iTag had not been tarnished in his hands, and were he again in the same situation, he should act in the .same manner ; but the old<^st and most experienced naval otlicers would dis- cover soiiiething in every engagement with which they were before unac- quainted, and he acknowledged, that day had presented to him something new. He impeached no man (he said) of a neglect of duty, because he was satisfied the olliccr who had been alluded to had manifested no want of courage, which was the quality most essential to a British seaman.* All his direct complaints or animadversions were limited to an anonymous letter imputed to that gentleman, and another letter avowed and signed by him, and both published in a newspaper. In the subsequent part of his speech, complaining of the abuse to which he had been exposed in diurnal publications, lie said he did not charge ministers with being the authors or promoters of the invectives against him ; they, on the contra- ry, seemed to be his friends, and caressed and smiled upon him : or if any ministers were capable of vilifying and secretly aspersing him, and endeavouring to cut his throat behind his back, he didnot think ihey were then near Itim* Sir Hugh Palliser charged the admiral with dark and indirect insinuations, called on him to state his charges, justified his own conduct, and expressed his wish for a public inquiry ; the institution and result of which I have already narrated, as far as concerned the two ad- mirals. Opposition in parliament condemned the admiralty for granting a eourt-martial at the instance of Palliser. They should (they said) have acted as moderators upon this occasion, given passion time to cool, and interposed their influence in healing the differences between two brave and valual)le officers, at a time when their services were so much wanted ; instead of which they blew up the flame by precipitately receiving a rash, hasty, and passionate accusation ; and therebyikdrawing on the fatal dis- sensions in the naval service, and the numerous evils to the public, which they had themselves declared must be inevitable consequences of such a . trial. The commissioners of the admiralty strenuously insisted their con- •stitution to be such, that in all matters of accusation they were obliged '■.- * The reaj('ct of this session continued to l-.e the discussion of executorial conduct. xVdmiral Pigot, brotlicr of lord Pigol, late govern- or of Madras, exhibited an historical detail of the object of his late bro- ther's appointment, his conduct, the tiv^atment wliich he experienced from the company's servants resistinir his execution of the orders of their masters, his sutrcrings, and <-onscquent dealli. .\ftcr calling witnesses to establish his proceedings, he moved arv address to his majesty, pray- ing that he would be graciously pleased to give directions to his attorney general to prosecute George Stratton, Henry Brooke, Charles Floyer, and George Mackay, esquires, for ordering the governor and command- er in chief, George lord Pigot, to he arrested and confined under a milita- ry Torce ; they being returned to England, and now within the jurisdic- tion of his majesty's courts of Westminster-hall. Mr. Stratton being a member of parliauu^nt, and present at this very time, entered into a de- fence and vindication of his own conduct and tliat of his colleagues, in which he imputed their proceedings to a necessity arising from the vio- lent and arbitrary acts of lord Pigot ; but his arguments made so little im- pression on the house, that the resolutions were immediately adopted Nvilhont one dissenling voice. The prosecution took place; each was sentenced to pay a fine of 1000/. a very inconsiderable sum to men of immense fortunes, and which could hardly operate as a punishment. Mr. Fox, on the 19th of April, moved an address to the throne for the dismissal of lorrl Sandwish from his majesty's service, for misconduct in office. The alleged grounds were tlie same collectively whicii had be- fore separately been rejected by the house ; Mr. Fox, however, with his u.sual ingenuity, endeavoured to show that the case was different, between a motion for censure and for removal : the former were judicial inquiries, the present wa.s a deliberative question of expediency. A motion for censure required, in point of justice, a specification and certainty of the offences imputed ; a motion for dismissal from employment ought to be adopted, if it was probable that the business of the employer would he better performed by another. The whole of the subject proposed might be proved in a few short questions and answers. Was lord Sandwich equal to the performance of his official duties, with safety and honour to thenation? Has he hitherto done so ? What reason is there for supposing that he who has failed in his past duties, .shall act more ably for the fu- 1779.— Chap. XXII. KEIGN OF GEORGK HI. 503 [Inquiry into Uie conduct ol" General Howe, ttc] ture? The majority of members did not admit 3Ir. Fox to have estab- lished the alleged unfitness of lord Sandwich, and therefore voted against his removal. Much censure had been thrown out against general Howe, especially in writings alleged to be patronized by ministers; and it was conhdently and vehemently asserted, that, if liis conduct had been wise and vigorous, he might have repeatedly terminated the war. Both the Howes strong- ly urged an inquiry, as tiie sure means of vindicating their character. ]iord North replied, that as government had advanced no charge against the noble brothers, no vindication was necessary, and that ministers had no share in tiie invectives; but though he did not approve of an inquiry, he would not oppose its institution, and readily agreed to the production of the papers which were wanted for carrying it into effect. In these was included the whole correspondence between the ministers and command- ers in America, from Howe's arrival at Boston in 1775, to his departure from Philadelphia in 1778 ; also the accounts, returns, and other docu- ments, tending to show the state of the army at different periods ; the real movements and operations, as well as the different plans of action, which had been proposed, discussed, or concerted by the ministers and generals. Ministers apprehending that their own counsels, and not the conduct of the commanders, was the real object of the scrutiny, proposed that the examination of witnesses should be confined to military subjects; and on the 6tli of May, lord Cornwallis, major-general Grey, sir Andrew Snape Hammond, major Montresor, chief engineer, and sir George Os- borne, were examined. The result of their evidence was, that the force sent to America was at no time equal to the subjugation of the colonies ; that the difficulty chiefly arose from the almost unanimous hostility of the people to the British government, and the natural obstructions of the country, so abounding in woods, rivers, hills, and defiles. Their evi- dence descending to accounts of particular actions, from which the chief censure of the general had arisen, tended to justify his conduct. Gene- ral Howe himself endeavoured to prove, that he had uniformly stated to the American minister the utter impossibility of reducing America with- out a much greater force ; that he had accompanied his proposed plan for the campaign of 1777, with a requisition of a re-enforcement of twenty thousand men, or at the least fifteen thousand, as indispensably necessa- ry ; that the minister had uniformly supposed the number of loyalists to be much greater than it really was ; trusting to their co-operation, he could not be convinced that so great a re-enforcement \\as wanted, and therefore had not sent a fifth part of the number. Concerning the north- ern expedition, no concert had been proposed between him and the gene- ral of that army, nor did he hear any support was expected from him, un- til a letter from the secretary, which reached him in the Cht ^£peake, ex- pressed a hope that he might be able to co-operate with Burgoyne. Mi- nisters perceiving that the evidence adduced was not only intended, but directed to the crimination of themselves, much more than an inquiry in- to the conduct of the general, proposed to call witnesses on the other side. The chief evidences were major-general Robertson, deputy-go- vernor of New-York, and INIr. Joseph Galloway, an American lawyer, who, after having been a member of the first congress, joined the British army. The testimony of Mr. Robertson rather expressed general disap- probation of sir William Howe's conduct, than advanced particular char- 504 HISTORY OF THE Chap. XXII.— 177y. [AbandonmeMt of llie inquiry ] ges : Mr. Giilloway's accusations, specific and direct, included the va- rious topics of military error or iniscoiuluct which had been so repeatedly alleged against tlie general, lint, without questioning tlie veracity of Mr. Galloway, his competency may be doubted : he was chiefly stating, not facts, but opinions, of which the sid)ject was a detailed series of niiu- tary operations : and i\e being no military man, the less authority was due to his judgment. ]\Ir. Galloway made one very extraordinary asser- tion, that tour fifths of the Americans were zealously attached to the Brir; tish government; if the jironortion of loyalists had been really so great, they could have easily overpowered the revolters, without tlie assit^tance of one British soldier : so exaggerated an account, msinifesting at least glaringly inaccurate observation, very nnich weakened the credibility of his assertions. Sir \V illiam Howe requested leave to call witnesses to controvert Mr. Galloway's asseverations : rnuiisters objected to this mode, as productive of too much delay; he was, however, allowfcd to cross-examine this witness. A d;iy being fixed for that purpose, and sir AN illiam not having attended at the appcjinted hour, the committee was suddenly dissolved, and the question at issue was left undecided. Op- position had eaiierly demanded and prosecuted an inquiry, while the tes- timony in exculpating the commander tended to criminate ministry; but when the evidence took a diiibrent turn, their ardour manifestly subsided. jiespecting general Howe, the principal witnesses in his favour were much more com[)etent than the principal witnesses against him : lord ( 'ornwallis and general Grey, military men, spoke concerning actions in which they were themselves engaged ; Mr. Galloway, not a military man, spoke from hearsay. It must, however, be observed, that in inquiries concerning irliai ml(>lil hare been done, testimony is necessarily inference, not the result of recollection and veracity, but also of opinion and conjec- ture. The judgment of the wisest men, concerning subjects in which they are |)eculiarly skilled, may be warped l>y their afrectif)ns. Many other professional men, having considered in detail the force and opportu- nities of general Howe, drew a totally dillerent conclusion. Whatever estimate the impartial reader may have formed of thcrnerit of general Howe's exertions, he must immediately perceive, that the inquiries proved ministers to have contiiuK d in that .state of" misinforma- tion and ignorance respecting the sentiments of the Americahs, in wiiich their fatal plans and measurers originated ; and also, that they did not send to America the force which the general retiuired.* Ministers, by patronizing Mr. Galloway, and other accusers of the late commander, demonstrated themselves disposed In promote aiiopinion of his culpa- bility. If they conceived the late conunander not to have discharged his duly, ministers, in not ordering a court-martial to estaiilish the imputed misconduct, neglected their duties to their king and country; if they thonirht him innocent, it was mean and illiberal in them to favour and pcu'^ion his revilers rj" if he was guilty, they acted weakly and timidly in • Our immortal war minister, sccrftary I'ilt, tificr lie pl.iniicd an expcdi'ioti, and sciecterl an <)ffii;er tocioiuliicl it, iniiiieles of tVeedom and toleration.* Doctor Robertson, with some able coadjutors uf his own order, deprecated the agitation which tended so much to excite the alarm and discontent of the people, and demon- strated the absurdity of anticipating the intention of legislature, by pe- titioning parliament aiiainst a bill not actually proposed. The motion was negatived through the influence of those able and enlightened men, though it produced the eflect which their sagacity had apprehended. The populace was soon taught to conceive, that the successful opposition sprang from a predilection for the popish doctrines, and burned with zeal against antichrist. To oppose popery, associations were formed by the lower classes in Glasgow, Edinburgh, and other towns, under the insti- gation and conduct of fanatical and turbulent demagogues ; and the populace rose to tumult and riot in various places. At Edinburgh and Glasgow the enthusiastic spirit fermented to an alarming degree ; mobs set fire to popish chapels, and the dwelling houses of the catholics ; and many zealots of higher ranks and better opportunities of knowledge, were absurd enough to approve of these outrages, on the ground that it was proper for the people, spiritedly to manifest their haired of popery. The sufferers applied to Mr. Burke to present a petition to parliament, pray- ing for a compensation on account of the losses which they had sustained. In promoting this application, Mr. Burke and his friends very strongly attacked the supineness of government, to which they imputed the mad violence of the populace ; but they adduced no proof that ministers had been negligent, or that the disturbances had arisen from causes over which they had any control. Although this session lasted from November to July, and produced more political debate than any during the former part of the contest ; yet, long as it continued, and busy as it was, its acts are of very little legis- lative importance. The affairs of Ireland were again submitted to the consideration of the house, and various proposals were made for afford- ing relief and as.-istance to the commercial interest of the sister kingdom ; but no regular plan was formed respecting the nature or extent of the aid which was to be expected and offered. The discussion was in a consi- derable degree confined to barren generalities. Several propositions were at length offered, but their practical consideration was deferred to the following session. On the 17th of June, the ministers brought a message to parliament concerning a hostile manifesto that was presented by the Spanish am- bassador. To introduce this properly to the reader, it is necessary to revert to the king of Spain's cliaracter and disposition, together with the circumstances of the times. Though nothing could be more contrary to the solid interests of his kingdom than hostilities with Great Britain, yet Charles III. a monarch of weak understanding, narrow views, and the childish irritahiiify of feeble minds, had, as we have seen, from a fancied insult, cheri.slied against England an enmity which a real injury could not have justified when so adverse to the commercial and political be- nefit of his country. He was farther inflamed by that spirit of rivalry, which, in confined and uncornprehensive understandings, values com- • The author, wlio was preucnt, reniembTs, tlint Mr. Duiidas, to justify his pysition>i, read tlie account of tlie law IVom Ruriiftt.'s ITistorv of his own Times. 1779.—CHi.r. XXir. REIGN OF GliOKGE 111, ^qj [Spanish manifesto, liill respecting the militia.] parativc superiority above positive good, lie was more anxious to im- pede the prosperity of England, than to advance the prospcrit)! of Spain. In these causes chiefly originated the actual war and intended hostilities which this history has already recorded. When the present quarrel broke out between France and England, Spain, not yet prepared for the con- test, professed a determination to observe a strict neutrality. She had offered her services as a mediator between the belligerent powers, and proposed to mix the separate claims of France and Spain into one view and treaty. On tills principle, so strongly and justly reprobated by Mr. Pitt, in the former war, a negotiation was opened. France now pro- posed an armistice, and a congress to be held at Bladrid, whither the colonists should be permitted to send commissioners, and meanwhile bo treated as an independent power. Both courts well knew that these terms were totally inadmissible, on the avowed principles of the court of London ; the offer was therefore nugatory and insulting. Spain now openly avowed her hostile purposes, and on the 16lh of June delivered a inanifesto to the British secretary for foreign affairs. The manifesto in its object was nearly the same with those which had been often presented by the courts of Versailles and Madrid ; it consisted of charges, without proof, of hostilities committed by England ; and praise, contrary to proof, of the moderation and justice of France and Spain. It contained general allegations, of Spanish territories invaded, and Spanish subjects murdered by English, without any specification of the time and place in which the alleged atrocities were committed, or any evidence that they had ever been perpetrated. It stated demands of satisfaction, but ad- duced no evidence that complaints had over before been made, or that any injuries existed ; it was merely a tissue of assertion without proof; and which neither then, nor ever afterwards, received the slightest sup- port from documents or any other evidence.* As she, by her hostile manifesto, avowing her junction with the enemies and revolted subjects of Great Britain, committed an act of open and flagrant hostility, and brought no proof of any previous hostility on the part of England, Spain WAS EVIDENTLY THE AGGRESSOR, j When the manifesto was laid before parliament, opposition at first pro- fessed to join in a resolution to support the war against the house of Bourbon ; but, as they descended' to detail, their eloquence was as usual directed to the crimination of ministers, much more than the security of their country. Lord North proposed to double the militia ; he, however, professedly made his proposition as a subject of discussion and modifica- tion. Three opinions were prevalent on this question ; one recommend- ed the adoption of the project as it was originally framed : the second preferred a mixed scheme, which, with a small augmentation of the mi- • See Spanisli manifesto in state papers of 1779. f I lierein differ from Mr. Belsliam, who asserts that Britain was tlie a.a^gressor ; but as this writer brings no poonf of the truth of his assertion, and Spain, by lier commencement of hostilities, brouglit siicli proof against the assertion, I mns , instead of relying on the authority, rest upon tiie evidence, that not my couiUry but its enemies began the war. I confess, tliat, though, as an liistorian, I liold myself bound to narrate the truth, whether favourable or unfavoural)le to Hritain, as a Briton I feel more pleasure in recording its jii.stice, than I shoukl derive from being under the necessity of exhibiting its injustice ; and that I have a satis- faction in being convinced these islands did not provoke the confederacy of the great, continental powers. 308 HISTORY OF THK CiiAr. XXII.— 1779. [Supplies. Prorogation of parilament.] litia, proposed to levy distinct voliinteor corps ; and tlie third objected to any increase of the militia, and would trii.st to the spirit and patriotism of the nobility and cenlrv in raising forces accordmaf to the olTens which had been already made, and to the ctrorLs of the people, who would unques- tionably come forward to defend their kinjj and country. The bill re- ceived such ^reat alterations in the house of lord.s, as totally to change its original nature, and in that state it passed into a law. The supplies granted for 1779, amounted to seventy thousand sea- men, and thirty thousand three hundred and forty six soldiers, besides the army in America and the West Indies, which, including foreign- ers, consisted of about forty thousand. The services of the year were then estimated to require 15,072,054/. The land tax and duties upon malt furnished their proportions: seven millions were raised by an- nuities ; and a lottery, consisting of 49,000 tickets, was distributed among the subscribers, in the pioportion of seven tickets, at 10/. each ticket, for every thousand pounds subscribed.* Lord North said he wanted to have borrowed eight millions, but could procure no more than seven. The whole amount of the money raised by a lottery, was to be distributed into prizes.f The sinking fund furnished 2,071,854/. Exchequer bills to the amount of 3,400,000/. were voted; and other less considerable articles of revenue con)pleted the ways and means. A vole of credit for a million, was afterwards passed ; and the whole navy debt was left undischarged. The terms on which the loan was filled, were, besides the doviceur of lottery tickets, three per cent. /ut annum, and an anntiity of SI. 1 5.9. for the term of twenty-nine years, for every 100'. The annual interest payable on the money borrowed amounted to 472,500/; to raise whicli, an additional duty of five per cent, was laid on the full produce of Uie excise, (beer, ale, soap, can- dles, and hides excepted,) which was estimated at V82,109/. ; a tax on post horses of one penny a mile, 164,250/. ; and an additional duty of five per cent, on cambric, 36,000/. Various strictures were made on the profusion of public money, and motions of inquiry and censure ■were repeatedly proposed, and respectively negatived, by ministerial majorities. Tlic session was closed on the 3d of July, by a speech in which the king expressed his cordial thanks for the exertions' of par- liament for the public welfare in tlie various departments of national service. lie rejoiced that the courage and constancy of his ])eople rose with the difficulties which they had to encounter; and doubted not, that their efforts would finally prevail against their multiplied enemies. • History of Drltaiii during lord North's .Vdiiiinistration, p. 355. j Iliid. 1779 —CnAF. XXIII. KEIGN OF GEORGE 111. 5Q9 CHAP. XXIIl. Hostilities in tlie West Indies, — Superior force of the French. — British, notwith- standing', capture St. Lucie. — Byron sails northwards to escort the mercantile fleet — in his absence D'listaing captures Dominica, St. Vincent's, and Grena- da.— Engagement between the French fleet and Hyron's indecisive.— North America — Expedition to Georgia under colonel Campbell — who reduces the province. — Alaitland's battle with Lincoln — impetuous courage of Eraser's high- landers. — U'Estaing, with a large force, arriving in Georgia, invests Savannah. — Memorable defence of that town by the British — the siege is raised.— Clinton continues a war of detachments. — Gallant exploits of the British troops, without any important result — Europe. — Perilous situation of Britain.— Combined fleet parade in the channel. — English fleet, in imitation of Drake, endeavours to draw their armada to the narrow seas. — Enemy retreat. — France threatens an inva- sion. — Loyal and patriotic spirit and efl'orts of all parlies to resist the enemy. — Voluntary contributions. — British fleet keeps the seas, and protects our trade. — Investment of Gibraltar. The first waflike operations of 1779 were in the West Indies: hostilities, indeed, liad commenced there in 1778, but so late in the season, that, not to break the unity of the narrative, I include them in the account of the present year. A considerable force had been stationed in the French West In- dies, under the marquis de Bouille, who, by a sudden attack, made himself master of the island of Dominica. The success of this enter- prise caused a general alarm through the British islands; the defence of which was then intrusted to two ships of the line, under admiral Barrington. A re-enforcement, however, consisting of three ships of the line, three of fifty guns, and three frigates, joined the admiral in the trtonth of December, having on board general Grant, with a large body of land forces. The British armament, with this accession, sailed for St., Lucie, and arrived there on the thirteenth of December. D'Estaing now reached Martinique, and being joined by transports with nine thousand troops on board, conceived the hopes of crushing the small fleet which Barrington commanded, and reducing most of the windward British islands, before admiral Byron could come to their assistance : he threatened Barbadoes, St. Vincent's, Grenada, and Tobago; but learning the unexpected attack that was made upon St. Lucie, he was for the time obliged to derange his plans, and con- fine himself to defence. On the 17th of December he landed at St. Lucie: the following day, he assailed the British forces ; and, though much superior in number, after an obstinate contest, was defeated and obliged to abandon the island, which soon after surrendered to the British arms. On the 6th of January, Byron's Hcet arriving at St. Lu- cie, rendered our forces superior to the French ; whereupon D'Es- taing now acted on the defensive, and for five months kept himself in harbour within the bay of Fort Royal. Both fleets received re-enforce- ments during the winter ; the English were joined by a squadron of ships under commodore Pvowlcy, and the French by an armament headed by count de Grasse. 510 HISTORY OF THE Chap. XXlII.~irr9. [Capture of Grenada, etc. by the French. North America.] Admiral Byron, on the 6th of June, left St. Lucie, to conduct the merchant ships which were appointed to assemble at St. Christo- pher's previously to their departure for England. In the absence of the British fleet, D'Estaing commenced offensive operations : a force, consisting of four thousand and fifty men, under the command of che- valier de Trolong du Romain, sailed from Martinique for St. Vin- cent's, where they arrived on the 12th of June ; they immediately ef- fected a landing, and opened a communication with the Caribbs. The original inhabitants of the island, who considered the British settlers as intruders on their possessions, were ready to join the French. The garrison consisted of three hundred and fifty effective men, be- sides those who were confined by sickness ; with such a handful of men, conceiving defence impracticable, lieutenant-colonel Ethering- ton, the commander of the forces, and Mr. Valentine Morris, the go- vernor of the island, surrendered St. Vincent's on the same terms Avhich had been granted to Dominica. Re-enforced by La Motte Pi- quette, who arrived with troops and naval stores from Europe, D'Es- taing sailed against Grenada, having twenty-six ships of the line, and near ten thousand land forces. The fate of the island was inevitable ; but the resolute defence made by lord Macartney, the governor, long protected the settlement, imtil a hill that commanded the fort being forced, the Britisli leader proposed to capitulate ; but the French ge- neral having proposed terms unusually hard, the fort and island were necessitated to surrender at discretion. The appearance of the Eng- lish fleet, consisting of twenty-one ships of the line, though too late to save Grenada, interposed seasonably for the preservation of Tobago, the only possession wliich remained to England of the islands which were ceded to her at the peace of Paris. A partial engagement fol- lowed, in which admiral Harrington, in the Prince of Wales, with the captains Sawyer and Gardner, in the Boyne and Sultan, sustained the whole weight of ihc French van. The action was indecisive; many of our ships suR'ered considerable damage, especially in their rig- ging ; and admiral Barrington received a slight wound. The rapidly successive loss of our three valuable islands, had greatly alarmed our remaining West India possessions : but the approach of the hurri- canes, added to the loss of men in the last action, repressed any fur- ther attempts of D'Eslaing during that season ; and he soon after sailed for North America. The contrivers of a project, which notwithstanding the failure of expected success, they still deem practical^lc, must rest their hopes of ultimate attainment on a variation of means. Repeated discomfit- ure did not convince British ministers that the colonies were not to be subdued ; still our counsellors conceived they might be reduced through a change of plans, wiiich should be carried into execution by more skilful and vigorous ettbris. Alteration of sciiemes was one of the chief characteristics of the belligerent policy of government du- ring the contest with America, which, in a great measure, was a war of experiments. The northern provinces had been the first scenes of hostilities, and afterwards the middle states ; but the southern colonies, with little interruption, had been exempted from invasion. Overthrow in the north, and incfliciency in the middle, government now hoped would be compensated by victory in the south ; thither it was resolved to di- 1779.— Chap. XXIIl. REIGN OF GEOUGE III. 511 [State of the soullicrn provinces. Kxpedition to Georgia.] rect our efforts, and during the remainder of the conflict, Georgia, the Carolinas, and Virginia, were the principal theatres of active en- terprise. Since, indeed, it was resolved to persevere in the attempted reduc- tion, there were strong reasons for carrying our arms to the southern provinces : these colonies produced the commodities which were most wanted, and most valuable in the European markets. France took off an immense quantity of their staple products, and the quiet and security which they had hitherto enjoyed, admitted so vigorous a cultivation, that their export trade seemed little otherwise affected by the war, than what it suffered from the British cruisers. Thus, in ef- fect, the continental credit in Europe was principally upheld by the southern colonies; and they became the medium through which they received those supplies, that were not only indispensably necessary to the support of the war, but even to the conducting of the common bu- siness and affairs of life.* Besides, it was believed that, in the pro- vinces in question, a much greater proportion of the inhabitants was well affected to the British government, than upon trial had been found among their northern countrymen ; and ministers, in spite of experience, received those rumours as authentic information. It was therefore resolved to make an essay in the south, and to begin with Georgia. This province, though in itself neither great nor powerful, possessed considerable importance as a granary to the invaders, and a road to farther progress. It was extremely fruitful in rice, and thus could supply provisions to the royalists when at such a distance from their principal magazines ; and being contiguous to East Florida, a loyal colony, where general Prevost was stationed with a body of troops, if recovered, would prove a key to the Carolinas. These rea- sons determined the British to undertake an expedition to Georgia ; and towards the close of the preceding year, the undertaking was ■ commenced by a detachment from the main army. The land force destined to execute this project, consisted of the se- venty-first regiment, two battalions of Hessians, and four of North and South Carolina loyalists, with a body of artillery, amounting in all to three thousand five hundred men, under the command of lieutenant- colonel Campbell. Major-general Prevost was ordered to join the ex- pedition from East Florida, and take the command of the whole ; but 80 ably did Campbell form his plans of attack, and so well was he sup- ported by the spirit and bravery of his little army, and the cordial and zealous co-operation of commodore Parker and the naval forces, that the reduction of the province was completed before the arrival of Prevost. Having left New-York in November, 1778, the British commander arrived, on the 23d of December, at the mouth of the Savannah river, upon which Savannah, the capital of Georgia, is situated, about fifteen miles from the sea. Near the metropolis, but farther down the river. How, the American general, was stationed with several regiments, for the double purpose of opposing the landing of the British, and pro- tecting the town. Not fearing these adversaries, Campbell, on the 29th, disembarked his troops, in the face of the provincial musketry and artillery. The first that reached the land was captain Cameron, • See Annual Register, 1779, p. 29. 512 IllSTOUY OF THE Cuap. XXlII.-17r9. [Defeat of the Americans. Progress of the British army.] with the light infantry of Fraser's highlanders ; the Americans re- ceived them with a general volley, by which the captain and a few others were killed. The native courage of the highlanders, by the death of tlieir commander stimulated to revenge, hurried on with a force which numbers in vain endeavoured to oppose, and drove the Americans to the woods. Campbell, pursuing the dismayed foes, over- took them at a post near Savannah, which was so strong as to induce How to risk an engagement. His right was covered by a thick woody swamp, and the houses of a plantation filled with riflemen ; his left reached the rice marshes upon the river ; tlic town and fort of Savan- nah protected the rear; the artillery was disposed advantageously on both sides, and a trench of one hundred yards wide, together with a marshy rivulet, guarded the front. The colonists being somewhat more accessible on the left than in any other situation, there they ex- pected the brunt of the British attack, and thither directed their chief attention and vigilance. The sagacity of Campbell discovered their opinions and views ; and farther to encourage their belief, made a feint to send troops in that direction. Meanwhile having discovered a private path on the right of the enemy, he despatched sir James Baird, with the light troops, to turn the enemy's rear : conducted by a negro through the secret track, liaird accomplished his object and assailed the Americans. Campbell finding that the stratagem had suc- ceeded, now bore on the enemy in front. Thus surrounded, the pro- vincials were completely defeated and routed, with the loss of four hundred men, while only seven of the British fell. This victory de- cided the fate of Savannah, which yielded without farther struggle ; all Lower Georgia followed its example ; and a great majority of the inhabitants not only abstained from resistance, but even took the oath of allegiance. The next care of Campbell was to form regulations for the tranquillity and government of the province ; which duty he ef- fected with great policy and ability.* He now resolved to prosecute his success by an expedition into Upper Georgia, where many were said to be well disposed towards the IBritish government, and only to wait for the support of the king's troops, that they might with safety declare their attachment. The march of Campbell, therefore, into the inland country had a double object; to establish a communication with the loyalists, and to reduce the remaining part of Georgia. Au- gusta, the second town of the province, lies upon liie southern l)ank of the river Savannah, and is distant from the sea-coast about one hun- dred and fifty miles. The previous arrangements necessary for march- ing through such an extent of country, in many places thinly, and in some not at all inhabited, were so well adjusted by lieutenant-colonel Campbell, that he met with few interruptions, except such as arose from the water courses in his way, the bridges over which were in most places destroyed. Upon his approach to Augusta, a body of pro- vincials, under the command of brigadier-general Williamson, quitted the to.wn, and retreated across the river.f From Augusta, Campbell despatched lieutenant colonel Hamilton towards the frontiers of Caro- lina, to encourage the loyalists by assurances of protection. Alarmed by tiie rapid advances of the royal troops, the provincials made dispositions for arresting their progress. General Lincoln, com- • See Stcdman, vol. ii. p. 79. ] Stcdman, vol. ii. p. 106. 1779.— CnAP. XXIII. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 513 [Repulse of general Lincoln. Bravery of the Highlanders.] iTiander of the Americans in the south, soon arrived on the northern bank with a great and increasing force. Campbell, not fiiuling Au- eusia tenio made an attempt on Povvles hook, a British post on the Jer- sey shore, opposite to New-York: Lee an American major, had learned that a party from the garrison had gone up the country to forage. Ad- vancing at night v/ith three hundred men to the gate, he was mistaken by the sentinel for the officer who commanded the foraging party, and being by that means suffered to pass witli his detachment, seized two redoubts. IMajor Sutherland, commander of the post, being alarmed, called together sixty Hessians, whose vigorous onset compelled the pro- vincials to retire, with about forty prisoners: their retreat was by military men reckoned f^xtremely precipitate. General Clinton, informed of the arrival of D'Esiaing in Georgia, and apprehending a descent upon Now-York, withflrew his troops from Rhode Island and other detached posts: and concentrating his forces, acted on the defensive for the rest of the campaign. Such, in this cam- paign, were the exploits of Clinton's forces, whose efforts and achieve- ments bore fresh testimony to British valour, but produced no important results. Through all our exertions, no progress was made towards the attainment of the object. A war of devastation was carried on between the Amcricat's and In- dians: in whir-h. though the former were mo.-t frequently superior, they by no m'-ans subjugated their enemies. The Spaniards this year conquered West Florida, and entirely expel- led the British from the Mississippi trade. To compensate this loss, commodore Lutlerel and cat)t:iin Dahymple captured Fort Omna, wherein they found two register ships, estimated at 640,000/. with about a fifth more in other plunder. France made a successful expedition to the coast of .\frifa, with a strong squadron dfstined afterwards to re- enforce D'Kstaing in the West Indies. The British forts, settlements, and factories, at Senegal, on the Gambia, and other parts of the coast, beintr totally incapable of resisting, each were successively taken. From distant r< gions we now return to Europe, wherein the combined force of the house of Bourbon was exerted to overpower Great Britaio on her own element, but was exerted in vain. • See Stedman, vol. il. p. 143. 1779.— HiiAP. XXni. HETGN OF GEORGE IH. 517 [Pt iiloiis situation of Great Britain. Combined fleet in the channel.] Unwise as Spain manifested herself, in peeking a contest with Eng- land, >i)v. had dexterously timed lun avowal ofliostile intentions: she had su.ptMtd(il her declaration until tlic arrival of her annual treasures from h'.M- (Ujmmions in America, and until she was ahle to join the French fleet in l'iUro|)e. On the 12th of June, the armament of France sailed from Urest towards the coast of Spain; on the IGth, the Spanish minister had, as we have seen, delivered the manifesto; and, on the 24tli of the sarii" month, the Spanish fleet joined the French. The situ,iti.)M of England at this time appeared peculiarly peri]ou.s. She had formerly coped with the iiouse of IJourhon, but had not been obliged to encounter its utidivided strength. Her continental allies, by employing a coui-iderable part of the land eflorts of our enemies, had prevented their principal exertions from being directed to maritime ope- rations. It had been often objected to her statesmen, that they too am- bitiously courted foreign confederacies; her ministers were now censured for their total avoidance of continental connexions. She had now to stand alone against the liourhon force, joined to her own revolted sub- jects ; and vvhile a great part of her power was employed against her an- cient colonies, a naval armament in nndtitude of men, number, and size of ships, unprecedented in maritime history, prepared to bear down upon the r«miainder. J^oreign nations, seeing her in such circumstances, considered her ruin as fast approaching : but the event soon showed, that however unvvij^e it may be in Britnin entirely to renounce alliances with European neighbours, vet in herself, in the resources of her own industry, aiiility, and spirit, she possesses the means of repelling every attempt of her enemies; gigantic as were the efforts they did not avail. Before the comnicncement of tlie chief naval o|)erations, a squadron of French made an attempt upon the island of Jersey. This attack, though easily repulsed, produced important consequences. Admiral Arbuthnot, on the 2d of May, was proceeding down the channel with a re-enforcement of troops, and a large supply of provisions and stores, to join ;-'ir Henry Chnton, when he received intelligence that the French were in Jersey; and, leaving his convoy at Torbay, he with his squadron hastened to the relief of the i-sland. This laudable movement, though executed as rapidly as possible, besides being the cause of considerable delay in his own voyage, interfered with our plan for the naval campaign in Europe. It being apprehended, that as "the season was advancing, the Brest fleet miglit be out, and attempt to intercept so valuable a con- voy, ten ships of the line, under admiral Darby, were despatched Irom the channel fleet to conduct Arbuthnot beyond all probable danger. Our principal armament, which had been intended to block up the French in Brest harbour, to prevent its junction with the Spaniards, was deemed inadequate to the service, until it should be rejoined by Darby. During this interval, the two fleets of our enemies were enabled to meet: when united, they amounted to more than sixty ships of the line, with nearly an equal number of frigates; and soon after their junction, this formida- ble armada steered towards the British coasts. Su'Charles Hardy, with thirty-eight sail of the line and a smaller proportion of frigates, was cruising in the chops of the channel, when the combined fleet passed him considerably to the eastward, about the middle of August, and proceeded as far as Plymouth. The enemy in their way took the Ardent, a ship of the line that was saihng to join the British admiral. They made no at- 51S HISTORY OF THE Chap. XXHI.— 1779. [Threatened invasion by the French. Patriotism of all parties.] tempt to land, but continued in sight of Plymouth several days. After bavins: paraded there to the great alarm of the people, a strong easterly gale drove them out to the ocean: they ranged about the lands-end, Scilly islands, and adjacent parts, till the end of the month. On the .31st of AugU;;t, sir Charlts Hardy entered the channel in sight of the combined fleet, which made no attempt to oppose his passage. The British admi- ral, like his renowned predecessor Drake in similar circumstances, en- deavoured to entice ttie enemy into the narrow seas, where they could not have .sufficiently expanded their force : but perhaps dreading the fate of the former armada, when it presumed to brave England on her own element, they retired. Tl;e enemy accompanied this ostentatious exhi- bition of their fleet, with tlireats of an invasion by a powerful army. The northern provinces of France were every where in motion; forces were inarched down to the coasts of Normandy and Brittany ; the ports in the bay and in the channel were crowded with shipping; and the general and principal officers were named by the king to command and act in a grand intended expedition. Tiie British government, with suitable vigilance and af;tivity, prepared to defeat the expected attack. Numerous cruisers were .stationed in the channel, to watch the enemy's motions; the militia were embodied ; they and the regular troops marched to our southern coasts, and cattle, horses, and whatever else could be conveniently mov- ed, were, !iy a proclamation, driven into the interior country. The prospect of such danger roused the national spirit ; party disputes were by the bulk of the people for a lime forgotten; they no longer inquired whether North or Fo.x would make the ablest minister, but agreed in thinkin;^ t!iat Britain, an independent and free state, was happier, than she could be as the dependent province of an arbitrary monarchy. These thoughts, and the consequent sentiments, animated every loyal and patriotic heart. Public bodies and private individuals made voluntary contribufioiis to raise men for the defence of their king and country. But our cxb-rlions were not confined to defence: while this mighty arma- ment hovered over our coasts, a squadron of ships, under commodore Johnstone, alarni'-d the opposite shores of France ; our cruisers and privateers annoyed the trade of our enemies ; our own rich mercan- tile ttvxts from the East and West Indies came safe into harbour, while the Bourbo'i armament was at sea. The combined host returned to Brest harbour, wliere the bad state of their ships and sickness of their crews, confined them to port for the rest of the campaign. Thus the approach of this immense equipment, and the threatened invasion, prov- ed mere empty bravadoes. Sir Chailes Haidy continued till the begin- ni'igof NovembfT, to cruise with his fleet. In spite of her combined ene- mies, Britannia still ruled the waves. Thp only commercial fleet that was in any danger, owed its peril to a private adventurer. Paul Jones, in the end of .July, sailed with a sciuadron, consisting of a forty gun ship, a frigatii of thirty-six and another of thirty-two guns, a brig of twelve guns, und a cutter, from port li'Orient, to intercept our homeward bound fleet from the Baltic. The.se merchantmen were under the convoy of the Se- rapi-^, of fortv-f')ur guns, captain Picr.«on, and the Countess of Scarbo- rough of twenty guns, captain Percy. On the twenty-third of Sep- tember, captain Pierson having discovered the enemy off* Scarborough made signal to the convoy to run ashore as soon as possible ; and •when near enough to perceive the superior force of the enemy, sum- irrP— Chap. XXIII. REIGN OF GEOUGE III. 5] 9 [Capture of the Serapis. Investment of Gibraltar.] moned the otiicr fiigate to his side. Jones, trustinj; to the numbers of his men and guns, offered battle ; being within musket shot, he attack- ed the Serapis, and attempted to board her, but was repulsed. Caplnia Pierson, after galUintly maintaining the contest for a hjng time against the two largest ships of the enemy, at length seeing no hopes of success, in mercy to his men struck his colours. Percy with his twenty gun ship, made a no less valiant defence against Jones's fiigate of thirty-two, but was compelled to strike. The loss of the British in killed and wounded was great; but that of the enemy much greater. Jones's own ship was so greatly damaged, that she sunk two days afterwards. In this engage- ment, two of the king's ships were lost ; but their resistance saved the whole convoy, which escaped into different harbours. One of the principal objects of Spain was Gibraltar ; accordingly pre- parations were early made for proceeding against that fortress. Aware of the natural strength of the place, of the number and valour of its de- fenders, lately re-enforced with troops, and supplied with ammunition and stores, the Spaniards saw that a siege would be impracticable, and that the only means of reduction was blockade : they therefore, in July, invested it by sea and land, but made no impression during the first cam- paign. 520 HISTORY OF THE Cuap. \XIV.—1779. CHAP. XXIV. Character of a statesman. — (ieneral view of lord North's administration.— Ardu- ous struggle in which Britain was engaged.— Her resources grow from !-.er calls.--. Her eftbrls rise with her difficulties- -Meeting of Darliument.— The king's speech. --Extraordinary amendment proposed to the address.— "Views of opposition.-— Plan of systematic attack on ministers, under three general iieads —to be respectively carried on under the conduct of Messrs. Burke, F"x, and Dunning.— State of Ireland— Alarming associations. --Lord North's plan for af- fording them satisfaction —Bills passed for that purpose.- -Motions in the house of peers by the duke of Hiclimond and earl Shelburne respecting the profusion of public money. — Petitions by Yoiksliire and London-- Mr. Burke undenukes the cause of public economy.— Celebrated bill of reform.— Motions rcspecmg the increasing influence of the crown— -Increasing spirit of popular association: -"Incident which damped that spirit— Protestant society — extends fror.i Scot- land to England. — Lord George Gordon becomes an enthusiast against popery — president of the protestant society, — Petition to parliament for a repeal of the tolerant law — supported by an immense multitude that surround the par- liament house- — Firm and manly conduct of the legislature— Dreadful riots in London.— Numerous conflagrations— tremendous aspect of the burning metro- polis--prisons broken open--bank tlireatened— attempt to cut the pipes of the new river-'-military re-enforcements airive— at length prove victorious- -in- surrection crushe2G lllSTOKY OF THE Cuap. XXIV.— 1780. [Petitions from Yorksliire and London.] and corrupt steward;;, were increasiii'.: ours beyond all precedents of his- tory, and all possibility of longer endurance.* From these grounds in- terring that either economy or ruin was the alternative, he proposed to commence the reform « ith the reduction of the civil h.-^t. and moved an address to his majesty, praying !um to set the example ; representing, that from relieving the tniseries of a distressed people, his crown would derive a lustre supt^rior tn any whi^h could arise from external splen- dour ; and that even after the requested curtailment, sufficic nt means would be let't for every rational anrl beneficial purpose of regal magni- licence. 3Iinisterial peers admitted that there had been some want of fVuiiality during the pre- ent adinini-tration ; but whatever system of eco- nomy might be adopted, it should not begin witii the crown, the splen- dour of which should be maintained, as including all the dignity and honour of the empire. It would be inconsistent and unjust in parliament to withdraw from the king that which had been unanimously giai/.ed. Lord Thurlow, with his mascidine force of understanding, and acuteness of professional habits, encountered the motion more closely than any of the other peers. The proposition was founded on the alleged distresses of the people ; the fact had not been establislied, it rested merely on his grace's assertion ; if the miseries did exist, and did arise trom public pro- digality, the department in which it prevailed ought to be specified, and the alleged extravagance proved, that the remedy might be applied to the actual evil ; \>ere the cure to be an application of the civil list, the motion proposing merely a reduction, without specifying its extent, was vague and nugatory ; it was impossible to understand its exact import ; the house could not vote for an indefinite requisition. These arguments prevailed, and the m.otion wa.s rejected by a majority of seventy-seven to thirty-six. Proceeding on the same general principle, the earl of Shel- burne proposed to inquire into the extraordinaries of the army ; he took an historical view of the sums expended under that head, of the armies supported, victories and advantages obtained, from the beginning of king William's war to the peace of Paris, and demonstrated that the sums charged in the accounts of 1779, were one million more upon that article than in any year of our former wars. After a detail illustrating minis- terial prodigality, he moved a resolution, that the alarming addition an- nually made under the head of extraordinaries, required immediate check and control ; but the motion was negatived by a considerable majority. The issue of these propositions for reducing the national expenditure, caused very great discontents in various parts of England. The enor- mous expense of our establishments, from the war, and from waste, be- gan to be severely felt in the nation, and awakened the attention of the metropolis, and the diirerent counties. Yorkshire and London, the chief districts of landed and monicd property, took the lead in expressing alarm, pf titioned parliament, and were followed by other corporations. The petition olthe county of Vork, comprehensive in its object, explicit in its avowals, strong through temperate in its language, constitutional in its principles, exact and circumstantial in its detail, was the model on which other applications were formed. The nation, it set forth, had tor several years been engaged in a very expensive and unfortunate war. • See parliamentary debates for 1780, duke of Richmond's motion for econo- mical reform. 1780.— Chap. XXIV. liETGN OF GEORGE III. 527 [Mr Burke's plan of economical reform.] Many of our valuable colonies had declared tliemselves independent, and formed a strict confederacy with our most inveterate enemies; the con- sequence of these combined misfortunes was a large addition to the na- tional del)t, a heavy accumulation of taxes, viith a rapid decline of the trade, manufactures, and land rents of the kingdom. Alarmed at the diminished resources and growing burthens of the country, and convinced that rigid frugality was now necessary for the salvation of the state, they observed with grief, that many individuals evijoyed .sinecure places with exorbitant emoluments, and pensions unmerited by public service. They conceived the true end of every legitimate government to be the welfare of the community, and that the British constitution, which seeks the public good, peculiarly intrusts the national purse to the house of com- mons ; and represented, that until effectual measures were taken to re- dress these grievances, by suppressing useless donatives, and preventing unnecessary and extravagant largesses, the grant of any additional sum of money, beyond the produce of the present taxes, would be injurious to the rights and property of the people, and derogatory from the honour and dignity of parliament. This petition was introduced by sir George Saville, the disinterested and patriotic member of that great, industrious, and opulent county. With much good sense, plain and perspicuous reasoning, he supported the representation, and urged the necessity of giving it a favourable atienlion. Ministers did not object to the propriety of receiving this address ; but, by postponing the consideration of its complaints, they eventually defeated its purpose. These discussions concerning public expenditure were preludes to the celebrated plan of economical reform which was introduced this session by Mr. Edmund Burke. Before the recess, this philosophical orator de- livered a speech in which he exhibited the action and re-acublic economy, Mr. Dunning was actively employed in attempting to remedy :itions of a most inllanmiatory nature, which were speedily adopted as resolutions by tlio society. On Monday the 29t'i of May, a meetiui: wis held at coacii-makers' hall, to consider the mode of pre-entins to the house of commons a petition against popery. In a most furious speech, lord George endeavoured to persuade his hearers of the rapid and alarming progress of the Romish doctrines; de- clared that the only wav to obstruct their progress was by approaching parliauicnt witli a (irm and resolute tone, and demonstrating to iheir re- presentatives that they were determined to preserve their reliffious free- dom with their lives. He would himself run all hazards with the people, when their conscience and their country called them t'orth : he was not a lukewarm man : if they meant to spend their time in mock debate and idle opposition, they must choose another leader. A speech so perfectly coineiilent w it!i the pa-;sions and prepossessions of its hearers, was re- ceived witli the loudest applause. Tlie president moved a resolution, that the whole protestant association should, on the following Friday, meet in St. George's T^ields, at ten o'clock, and thence proceed to the house of commons. They were to advance in four divisions, the pro- testants of the^ city of London occupying the right wing, were to file off to London-bridge, and to march through the city; those of Southwark in the centre, were to take the route of Clackfriars ; the. left wing belong- ing to Westminster wheeling to the left, were to cross Westminster-bridge, followed by the pre.sbyterians from Scotland, who were to cover the rear. The friends of (he reformed religion were to ascertain their attachment to the faith by blue cockades, bearing the inscription JVo papery. These resolutions and dispositions might have alarmed men, who considered the powerful operation of religious fury, and the dreadful effects which it has so often produced ; but ministers appeared to apprehend no dan- ger, and actually, in the intervening days, adopted no measures for pre- venting tumult. On Friday, the second of June, at the hour appointed, about fifty thousand persons met in the fiolds, and llience proceeded in the pre- scribed order to the house of commons ; hdviui^ ariived at the avenues to both houses of parliament, they insulted many of the members who were procecdintj; to discharc^e their senatorial duly. Lord George re- peatedly came from the place whicli he held as a senator, and ha- ran^^ued the populace, exhorting them to persevere in urging their application, so as to threaten the violation of a senator's privilege. Several members expostulated with him on the outrages which his conduct was likely to protluce.* Tiie petition being presented, was, pensities : A'u/fu merrtrix ilin/iliciiil, prater Uabyhnicam — Except the harlot of Ba- bylon, he iguH n friend to the -ivholc tist'frhorjcl. • Lord (ieor^je still exhorted the mob to persist, anrl many feared that the ban- ditti would break into the house; whereupon a gallant veteran, belonging to as noble a family as lord George himself, and a member of parliament, piuiing his hand upon his swoid, said, " Lord (Jeorge, if one man of your lawless followers enter our house, I shall consider rebellion as begini, and plunge my sword into you 23 its leader and prnmo'.er." This resolute speecli restrained the violence of 1780.— Chap. XXIV. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 533 [Dreadful riots in London. Numerous conflagrations] after very little debute, rejected by a majority of one hundred and ninety-two to six. In the evenint^, a mob burned the Romibh chapels belonging to the Sardinian and Bavarian ambassadors. On Saturday, the riots partly subsided. Sunday, the zealots again assembled to dis- turb the tranquillity of their fellow- subjects, to violate law, order, and justice. Directing their outrages against Moorfields, where there were many catholics, they destroyed dwelling-houses and chapels. On Monday, the rioters again assembled, and were joined by a mul- titude of those profligate and disorderly wretches, whom folly and vice, in the luxuries of a large and opulent city, impel to supply by depredation the want of industry and virtue. Lawless atrocity being now united to religious frenzy, produced more extensive and perni- cious operations. They burnt the houses of prolestants as well as catholics, and added plunder to conflagration. A proclamation was issued, offering a reward of 500/. for the discovery of the incendiaries, who, the first evening of the tumults, had set fire to the chapels of the ambassadors. Persons charged with this crime were sent to New- gate, escorted by a party of guards ; and the soldiers were insulted and abused by the insurgents for performing their duty. On Tues- day, all the troops in town were distributed to assist the civil powers in protecting the lives and properties of their fellow-subjects, against the frantic outrages of temporary insanity, joined to the skilful and dexterous wickedness of habitual depravity. But the precautions of ministers had been neither proportionate to the danger, nor adopted at the season when the first appearance of tumult called for vigilance and vigour. The military force was on that day inadequate to its pur- poses, robbery and destruction rapidly increased. After burning many private houses, the insurgents proceeded to Newgate, set that building on fire, and by releasing the prisoners, acquired a re-enforcement of three hundred ruffians, eager to promote, and ready to execute, their projects of desperate villany. Instigated and assisted by this new band they directed their attempts against the magistrates who were most active in apprehending felons and repressing crimes, and with peculiar exultation they destroyed the house and effects of sir John Fielding. Resolved to attack justice in every department, they pro- ceeded from her operative instrument to her supreme and wisest in- terpreter, and most vigilant guardian. Hastening to Bloomsbury-' square, they attacked the house of the illustrious Mansfield, plundered and destroyed the valuable furniture, the constituents of accommoda- tion and ornament; pictures, staiues, and sculpture, the monuments of the attic elegance and taste which decorated genius and philosophy : but they effected a more momentous and irreparable mischief; pro- ceeding to the library, they destroyed not only the books, but the ma- nuscripts. The efforts of the highest talents, directed to the most important objects, with complete and comprehensive knowledge of the science of jurisprudence, the laws of this country, the details of cases varying so greatly in the manifold and complicated engagements of Gordon, and is supposed to have contributed powerfully to save the house from such audacious intrusion. • • Of this fact I was informed many years ago, by a gentleman who was present ; and often have heard it repeated by others. The officer was generalJames Mur- ray, uncle to the duke of Athol. 534 HISTORY OF THE Chaf. XXIV.— 1780. [Suppression of the insurrection.] social, civil, and commercial life, in a great, powerful, and free peo- ple ; the judicial and lep^islalive wisdom of sixty years fell a sacrifice to the ruffian violence of an hour. When the yell of savage fury was heard approachnig, lord Mansfield and his lady escaped by a postern, sought and found an asylum from royal hospitality.* On Wednesday, proceeding to Holborn, they set fire to two houses belonging to Mr. Langdale, an eminent distiller, which contained immense quantities of spirituous liquors : here the conflagration was terrible. Different gangs now undertook and eflecled tlie demolition of the several pri- sons. All trade was at a stand, houses and shops were shut, dread and consternation oveispread the whole city. Wednesday evening, when drawing to a close, presented a scene tlie most tremendous and dis- mal, apparently portending the speedy downfall of the British metro- polis, and llie overthrow of the British government. At the same in- stant were s.een flames ascending and rolling in clouds from the king's bench and fleet prisons, new brideweli, the toll gates on Blackfriar's- bridgc, houses in every quarter of the town, and especially the com- bustion of distilled spirits in Holborn. The approaching niglit was expected to bring destruction and desolation, and thirty fires were now seen blazing at one time in diff"erent quarters of the city ; men and women were running from place to place, trying to secure their most valued cilccts, and to deposit in safety their helpless children. Now was heaid the fell roar of savage ferocity, now the reports of musketry, endeavouring by the last resource of necessity, to repress rebellious fury, but hitherto with little effect ; and every thing ap- peared to menace uiiivcisal anarchy and devastation. Attempts were made on the repositories of national treasure. A banditti of rioters made an effort to break into the pay office, while the main body di- rected their attempt against the bank, and a powerful detachment was sent off" to co-operate with the incendiaries, by cutting the pipes of the new river. But now the career of infatuation and anarchy was destined to have an end. The ministers were certainly too tardy in collecting the armed force of the country, and thus suffered the insurgents to incur hein- ous guilt, and perpetrate irremediable and immense mischief. The chief municipal magistrate, overwhelmed with the same terror that had seized the rest of the inhabitants, brought no active or efiicient civil force to assist the militai-y. Though ministers were tardy, yet they were at length by necessity roused to vigour and energy. They assembled the militia and regulars in sufiicient time to preserve the capital from conflagration, and the kingdom from ruin. Until Wednes- day evening the insurgents had been paramount, and the soldiers un- able to oppose their outrages ; but they were now assembled in such numbers, and inspirited with such resolution, as effectually to resist, and afterwards to overpower the depredators and anarchists. The three preceding days and nights had been to the incendiaries seasons of unresisted victory : this was a night of contest. The troops at length prevailed. The numbers killed in this conflict were consider- • They passed the two following days at liuckiiigham-lioiise ; where the sage, after so recent a view of the dreadful effects of unrestrained passion and trium- phant vice, entertained his queen with reciting from the instructive inculcations, elegant composition, and impressive eloquence of Blair, the charms of wisdom, and the happiness of virtue. I irao.— Chap. XXIV. J IlEIGX OF GEORGE ML 535 [Loud complaints against the lord-mayor.] able : many indeed died of inebriation, especially at the distillery of tlie unlorliinate Mr. Langdale, from whose vessels the liquor ran down the middle of the street, was taken up by pail-fuls, and held to the mouths of the deluded multitude. The soldiers had been so suc- cessful durinfj the night, and received such re-enforcements, that on Thursday the inhabitants began to recover from their consternation. The riots, however, being by no means quelled, the shops continued universally shut, and no business was transacted but at the bank. During this day, the soldiers were so active, that the insurgents were dispersed, and did not attempt to rally at night; the following day London appeared restored to order and tranquillity, lord George Gor- don being apprehended by a warrant from the secretary'of state, and committed to the Tower. Thus ended the tumult of 1780. In retracing this tremendous insurrection, this horrible carnage and devastation, through the several causes, more or less proximate, to the ultimate ; from military execution to rebellious outrage ; English pro- testant association, springing from Scottish association ; we find that the series originated in the well meant, but misguided zeal of a few Scottish clergymen, who, contrary to the advice of the ablest and wisest men of their order, agitated the subject in the general assembly, and thereby ex- cited a ferment through the people. So cautiously ought men to inves- tigate and appreciate objects, and to consider consequences before they set in motion such a formidable engine as popular enthusiasm. Issuing from impassionecl fanaticism, this insurrection began, most fortunately for the country, without any concerted plan. Had the bank and the public offices been the first objects of tumultuous fury, instead of the houses of individuals, the chapels and the prisons, there can be little doubt that they would have succeeded in their attempt. To the lord-mayor, government and many others imputed the progress of the riots to such a pitch of atro- city. Very strong and pointed representations from the secretary of state urged him to use every legal exertion. These not having produced the desired effect, were necessarily repeated in the form of remonstrances. It was alleged, on the other hand, in defence of the magistrate, that the provision of military force in the environs of London was so little adequate to the exigency of the case, as to render every eflort of civil power una- vailing. To this defence it was replied, that the inefficiency of the civil power could not be certainly pronounced, as it was not actually tried ; I, and that since the soldiers by themselves prevented the utter destruction of the capital, until the arrival of sufficient troops from the country, if they had been assisted by the municipal force, they might have much sooner repressed the insurgents, and prevented a great part of the mis- chief. P'^'either duty nor policy, it was said, can justify the commander of a considerable force, in the moment of threatened ruin to his country, to withhold his efforts, on a supposition that they may not ultimately pre- vail. Both wisdom and patriotism dictate resistance, as the only means of success against the invaders of our law, liberty, and property. The effects produced by the riots on the public mind, are not undeserv- ing of historical notice. Before this period, an English mob was gene- rally considered as a test of the public opinion, an effusion of popular en- ergy ; military interference was reckoned dangerous, if not altogether un- constitutional. This seemed to be the opinion of the duke of Newcastle, when he kept a mob in pay, ready trained and disciplined, to support the 536 HISTORY OF THE Chap. XXIV.— 1780. [Parliament resumes its functions.] recent accession of the liouse of Hanover, and to suppress tory tumults ; a mode of conduct which had a more succej^sful, or at least a more po- pular effect, than recourse to miHtary force. But this conduct of the mob of 1780, destroyed the credit and consequence of such a body ; and the disturbance has been, upon th.e whole, deemed fortunate for the internal peace of the country, as it has taught government to oppose the smallest beginnings of riot or popular commotion. On the 6th day of June, durmg the insurrection, above two hundred members of tlie house of commons had the courage to attend their duty, in spite of the banditti that occupied every avenue to the senate. They forced their \vay through the mob, and having taken their places in the* house, unanimously passed spirited resolutions, becoming the dignity of legi.slators who disdained to succumb to lawless outrace. The hrst was an assertion of their own privileges ; the second, a motion for a commit- tee to inquire into the late and present outrages, and for the discovery of their authors, promoters, and abettors ; the third, for a prosecution by the attorney-general ; and the fourth, an address to his majesty, for the reimbursement of the foreign ministers, to the amount of the damages which they had sustained by the rioters. They afterwards met on the 8th, but judged it expedient to adjourn to the 19th, that order might be completely restored ; and the house of lords adjourned to the same day. At their ne.xt meeting, his majesty was pleased to come to parliament, in order to exhibit to the legislature a general view of the measures which had been employed during the recent suspension of regular government. " The outrages," said the king, "committed by the hands of desperate and abandoned men in various parts of this metropolis, having broke forth with violence into acts of felony and treason, had so far overborne all ci- vil authority, and threatened so directly the immediate subversion of all legal power, the destruction of all property, and the confusion of every order in the state, that I found myself obliged, by every tie of duty and affection to my people, to suppress in every part those rebellious insurrec- tions, and to provide for the public safety by the most effectual and im- mediate application of the force intrusted to me by parliament. Though I trust it is not necessary, yet I think it right at tliis time (o renew toyou my solemn assurances, that I have no other object but to make the laws of the realm, and the principles of our excellent constitution in church and slate, the rule and measure of my conduct ; and I shall ever consider it as the first duty of my station, and the chief glory of my reign, to main- tain and preserve the established religion of my kingdoms, and, as far in me lies, to secure and perpetuate the rights and liberties of ray people." All parties agreed in applauding their sovereign's spectli, and in voting a loyal address; though some members censured the tardiness with which ministers had prepared for the defence of the metropolis. The following day, a committee of the whole house considered the several petitions, praying for a repeal of the late bill, which had been made the occasion of so much mischief. No repeal was proposed u])on those petitions ; no evil had actually happened from the relaxation of the single penal Jaw Avhich had been mitigated, and the consequences apprehended from it were considered as improbable and visionary. The protectant associa- tion still continuing to urge parliament to attend to their application, a bill was brought in by way of compromise, to prevent Roman catholics from teaching protestanls; a measure which was supposed to be both J 780— Chap. XXIV. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 537 [Supplies. Dissolution of parliament.] conciliatory and innoxious, as very few of that religion were teachers. The bill having passed the commons, was carried to the house oflords : several peers, considering it a great indignity to parliament, and to that house particularly, to pass a bill which carried all the appearance of being forced upon them by outrage and tlireat, opposed its enactment. At length, others being impressed with the same idea, it was set aside by the usual expedient of fixing its farther consideration on a day after the time when they knew parliament was to be prTogued. . The supplies for the service of the year 178v amounted to 21,196,4967. The number of seamen employed was eighty- five thousand, including marines, and ihirty-tive thousand British troops, including invalids, be- sides the forces abroad. No more tlian a million and a half of the navy debt was discharged. The extraordinary expenses of the army amount- ed to 2,418,805/. The new taxes, which had been levied the two pre- ceding years to pay the interest upon the nioni-y borrowed, were found to be very inadequate to their object; recourse was therefore had to the sinking fund to make good this failure. To provide for these expenses, in addition to the usual resources of land and tnalt, exchequer bills were renewed to the fame amount as the former year. The sinking fund was to provide two millions and a half, twelve millions were borrowed upon annuities, and 480,000/. raised by a lottery. The annuity bore four per cent, interest, and a farther annuity of 1/. 16s. Sd. for every 100/. for the term of eight years, the subscribers to be entitled to four lottery tickets for every thousand pounds subscribed, on payment often pounds for each ticket. The additional duties were, on malt, low wines, spirits, brandy, and rum, wines of Portugal and France, and legacies ; on tea, coffee, and chocolate ; and on advertisements in newspapers. All these taxes were levied from luxuries, or benefits enjoyed by the persons taxed : but duties on coals and on salt enhanced tiie price of necessaries, and bore heavy on the poor, whom every wise financier endeavours to preas light- ly. A vote of credit also for a million was passed, in addition to these supplies. At the conclusion of the session, his majesty, after having con- sidered in his speech the war supplies and other usual topics, spoke in the following terms, at once generally descriptive of the duties of sena- tors when retired to the sphere of their respective influence, and appro- priate to the present time and situation : " My lords and gentlemen, let me earnestly recommend to you, to assist me by your influence and au- thority in your several counties, as you have by your unanimous support in parliament, in guarding the peace of the kingdom from future disturb- ances, and watching over the preservation of the public safety. Make my people sensible of the happiness they enjoy, and the distinguished ad- vantages they derive from our excellent constitution in church AND STATE. Warn them of the hazard of innovation, point out to them the fatal consequences of such commotion as have lately been excited, and let it be your care to impress on their minds this important truth — that rebellious insurrections, to resist, or to reform the laws, must end cither in the destruction of the persons who make the attempt, or in sub- version of our free and happy constitution." Thus ended, on the 8th of July, a very long and important session : ami two months after the pro- rogation, parliament was dissolved. Vot. VII.--68 53t HISTORY OF THE LBaf. XXV.-178f>. CHAPTER XXV. War with the French in India — siege and capture of Pondicherry — confederac/ against the British interest — war with the Mahrattas — is concluded by the treaty at Poonah. — Hyder Ally instigates and forms a combination of native power against British India. — Warren Hastings — lofty genius — grand scheme for dissolving the confederacy — preparations of Hyder A^iy to invade the Car- natic. — Europe — Admiral Rodney — vindicates the naval glory of England by » signal victory over the Spanish fleet — important effeds of this battle — relieves Gibraltar — Spanish and French fleets do not attempt a junction — Capture of the outward bound merchantmen — admiralty severely blamed — America. — Expedi- tion against Charleston by sir Henry Clinton — strength of that place, natural and artificial — siege — reduction — the province of South Carolina yields to the British arms. — Leaving the government of Carolina to lord Cornwaiiis, Clinton returns to New-York. — Wise administration of his lordship — obliged to take the field against general Oatca — battle of Camden — lord Rawdon — victory of the king's troops. — Achievements of Tarleton — of major Fergnsson: that able and gallant officer surprised and overpowered by numbers — death and character. — Affairs at New-York— defection of general Arnold — character, enterprise, and fate of major Andre.— West Indies—Rodney arrives— his skill draws the enemy to battle— established mode of forming the naval line — Rodney adopts a new plan of attack by breakiso the knemy's LiNE"-some captains misconceiving his in- tention, disconcert the execution--the event tlicrefore indecisive— partial con- flicts, but the enemy, thouf»h murh 5erior in number, will not venture a close f)ght.-"The enemy are disappointed in their chief objects of the campaign 1780. When Britain and France quarrel, the contests of these two boldest, most enterprising, and ablest of modern nations, afffct the remotest re- gions of the earth. Disputes springing on the neighbouring coasts of the channel, tinge the distant Ganges with blood ; and the pacihc feebleness of eastern Asia mourns the warlike energy of western Europe. The English Ea^it India company, with a perspicacity sharpened by private interest, had r^rly penetrated into the hostile intenlioas of France, and saw that the semblance of peace could not long be preserved, and that no intermediate state, however coloured or disguiaed, could be kept long free from all the consequences of war; they were aware that, long before any account of their proceedings in the East could be received in Eu- rope, these consequences would take such effect as to afibrd a sufficient cover and sanction to their measures. Before the commencement of the former war, the French h'J clandestinely conveyed so great an army to the islarids of Mauritius and Bourbon, as to endanger the destruction of the British interest in India. Such a force might soon again be formed in tho.sah of the Decan : after the Mahrattas and Mysore, the chief native powers in the hither Peninsula, a negotiation was also opened between France, and both Mysore and the Mahrattas. Informed of all these circumstances, and from situation and conduct in- ferring design, Hastings entertained no doubt that a confederacy was pro- jected against British India ; though its specific object might not be hitherto defined, nor its extent ascertained, he had most probat)le grounds for concluding that a hostile combination was formed against those inte- rests, with the advancement of which he principally was intrusted. He conceived it his duty to employ anticipatory measures, and began with a scheme worthy of his towering genius. As the Mahratta nation wcuid be the most formidable member of the hostile league, he conceived the project of wresting the government of that country from the hands that now held it, and bestowing it on a sovereign, dependent on himself. 542 UJSTORY OF THE Cuap. XXV.--1780. [Victory over the Spanish fleet off Cape Si. Vincent.] The deposed Ram Rajah being dead without heirs, one of the pretenders to the Mahratta throne was Moodajee Boosla the rajah of Berar, a con- siderable principahty in the eastern part of the Mahratta empire, and near the British territories. This prince was on amicable terms with the pre- sidency of Calcutta, and at variance with the Nizam and Hyder Ally, its apprehended enemies ; he had a great army, unimpaired by war. Ra- ganaut was promised the place of prime minister, when the rajah should be elevated to the throne; and having a considerable number of parti- sans in his country, was esteemed an important auxiliary. Meanwhile the presidency of Bombay having proposed conditions to the Mahrattas which they would not admit, declared that the treaty of Poonah was violated, and no longer binding on the company. An expedition being undertaken from Bombay, proved unsuccessful by the treachery of Ra- ganaut, and a treaty was concluded at Wargaum between the presidency of Bombay and the Mahrattas. Meanwhile preparations were making for elevating the rajah of Berar to the throne ; but at last this prince him- self refused to have any concern in the undertaking, and was gained over by Hyder Ally to take a part in the confederacy against the English. In 1779, a formal league was concluded between the four chief native pow- ers against England ; and to this the inferior princes soon afterwards ac- ceded. From Delhi to cape Comorin, from the Indus to the coast of Coromandel, all except Arcot, was hostile to the English name. The first object of attack was the Carnatic, which expedition Hyder Ally un- dertook to conduct ; but, as military operations did not begin till the lat- ter end of the year 1780, not to break the unity of that portion of his- tory, I must reserve the narrative of those transactions until I can carry them to a more advanced period. The naval campaign of 1780 opened honourably and advantageously for Britain. Gibraltar having been closely blockaded by the Spaniards, t India company, who were 4aking in wines at Madeira : but it was replied, that the ac- commo laiion of the merchants was not a sufficient reason for touching at that i-iand, with such danger of interception ; that a course so near the enemy's coast was not necessary in order to steer to Madeira : and that if so easterly a track had been unavoidable, the convoy of sucii an immense property ought, instead of a single man of war and three fri- gates, to have been tlie whole channel fleet. Admiral Darby havmg been detained by contrary winds at Torbay, put to sea about the middle of Septemher, and steered to the coast of Spain. Count de Guichen was ordered with a squadron to re-enforce the fleet in the Wt^st Indies, but finding his ships in a very indifferent condition, and being informed that the English fleet had sailed, he resolved for safety to join the combined armament otf Cadiz. The Fre ich fleet, commanded by D'Estaing, be- ing thus re-enforced, consisted of thirty-six sail of the line, which under- took to conduct the West India convoy to the ports of France. Don liOuis de Cordova, the Spanish admiral, acrompanied the French as far as Cape Finisterre. After their separation from the Spaniards, the French fleet descried admiral Darby, on the 7th of November, with twenty-two ships of the line, and two ships of fifty guns. D'Estaing, notwithstanding the great superiority of his numbers, being incumbered by the convoy, and aware of the bad condition of his ships, did not choose to hazard an engagement. Darby, on t!ie other hand, observing the vast superiority of number on the side of the enemy, did not think it ex- pedient to venture a battle. Mini>ters conceived that in the relative cir- cumstances the most decisive advantages must have ensued, and with- out imputing any blame to the admiral, expressed their reLtretthat he had not attacked the enemy. Darby, in the end of November, returned into port. The campaign both in America and the West Indies was much more active and important than in Europe. In the former year, the arrival of D'Estaing with the French force on the American coast had turned the attention of sir Henry Clifton chiefly to defence ; but the defeat and de- parture of that enemy, with the i)rilliant achievements and important suc- cesses of British detachments, encouraged him to hope for proportionate advantage from a comprehensive scheme of offensive operations to be carried on by his main army. He accordingly, in the close of 1779, made dispositions for invading South Carolina and besieging Charleston: with this view, leaving general Knyphausen to command at New-York, he, on the 26th of December, sailed from Sandy-hook, escorted by ad- 1780.— Chap. XXV. UEIGN OF GEORGE III. 545 [Expedition against Charleston- Strength of that place.] miral Arbuthnot, and directed his course to Savannah ; where, from the stormy season, he did not arrive until the end of January. The ship.s being considerably damaged, he deferred his expedition for about twelve days, that they miglit be refitted. Charleston, the capital of South Carolina, is situated between the ri- vers Ashley and Cooper to the north and south ; with a harbour formed by the coiiilux of those streams, and an inlet of the sea to the east : com- municating to the west with the main land by an isthmus between the two rivers called Charleston Neck, by which only the town can be approach- ed by land. To these natural constituents of security, art and skill were not wanting. The fortifications had been considerably strengthened in 1776, to oppose sir Peter Parker : but chiefly on the side ne.xt the sea, whence the attacks had been directed. The Americans beinji now in- formed of the movements and force of the British arms, and aware that the town would be attempted on the side of the land, comprehended that quarter in their scheme of defence. They constructed a chain of re- doubts, lines, and batteries, extending from Ashley to Cooper river, up- on which were mounted upwards of eighty pieces of cannon and mortars. In front of the lines a canal had been dug, which was filled with water, and from the dam at both ends a swamp oozed to each river, forming natural impediments where the artificial terminated. Behind these were two rows of abattis, some other obstructions, and immediately in front of the works a double picketed ditch. The fortifications on the right and left were not only strong, but advanced so far beyond the range of the in- termediate lines, as to enfilade the canal almost from one end to the other. In the centre there was a hornwork of masonry, which being closed during the siege, became a citadel. Such were the defences of Charleston, on the only side on which it could be approached by land ; and towards the water, numerous batte- ries covered with artillery forbade the approach of ships. But besides the security which Charleston derived from its numerous batteries, it was still more effectually protected by the bar or sand bank at the mouth of the inlet from the sea .This bar, impassable by the larger ships of war, rendered the entry of others difficult and dangerous : and just within it, a five fathom hole, of a sufficient depth of water, furnished a convenient station for a squadron to command the bar, and further obstruct the be- siegers. This station was occupied by the American commodore Whip- ple, with a squadron of nine sail under his command, the largest carrying forty-four and the smallest sixteen guns. After the perils and difficulties of the bar were surmounted, before a fleet could reach Charleston, Fort Moultrie upon Sullivan's Island was to be passed, the fire from which had, on a former occasion, proved so destructive to a British squadron; and since that period, the works had been considerably strengthened and enlarged. General Lincoln trusting to those defences, and at the same time expecting large re-enforcements from the other colonies, shut him- self up in Charleston at the earnest request of the inhabitants; and with the force under his command, amounting to seven thousand men of all denominations under arms, resolved to defend it to the last extremity. On the 11th of February the fleet sailed, and took possession without op- position of the islands of St. John and of James to the southward of Charleston harbour, ^^hilc the army advanced across the country to the bank of A.shley river. ]>eing at groat pains to fortify posts, and preserve Vol. VII.— 69 54G HISrOltY OF THE Chap. XXV.— 1780. [Siege ami rediiclion of Cliarleston ] his communication Avitli the sea, CHnton did not attempt to pass the Ash- ley until the :i9tli ot' ^[.-irch. This operation, in itself very difiicult, was effected with expc(htion and snccess, through the skill and activity of captain Keith l^lphinslone, who conducted the passajje of the troops with distinsiiished address and abilits'. Having disenibarUed on the northern shore of Ashley, the army the tbllowing day encamped in front of the American line ; and on the 1st 6f A[)ril, began to break ground before Charleston, at the distance of eight hiuidred yards from the provincial works. Meanwhile the Britisli lleet approached the bar, in order to second the operations of the army. For this pjirpose admiral Arbuthnot shifted his llag from the Europa of the line, to the Roebuck of forty-four guns, which, with the Renown and Ramillies,were lightened of their guns, provisions, and water ; the lighter iVigates being capable of passing the bar without such preparation. Yet so difficult was the task in any state, that they lay in that situation, exposed on an open coast in the winter season, to the danger of the seas and to the insults of the enemy, for above a fortniglit before a proper opportunity offered : the bar was, how- ever, passed on the 20th of Marc!), without loss. The American conmiodore retired to Charleston ; the British ships etnbraced the first opportunity for passing Fort Moultrie on Sullivan's Isl- and, and notwithstanding a severe and impetuous fire, made good the way. Still the Americans hail preserved the command of the Cooper river. General Clinton having now ascertained the co-operation of the fleet, and completed his first parallel, before he opened his batteries sent a summons to the American general to surrender. Lincoln, trusting to the strength of the place, and to the supplies and re-enforcements, which he might still receive by the Cooper, refused to yield ; and to render the entrance of that river impracticable, ordered a chain of vessels to be sunk across its mouth. On the 9th of April, the British batteries opened, with visible effect. Meanwhile a force was detached 'under lord Corn- wallis, in order to possess the other side of the Cooper river; and his lordship, assisted by the enterprising activity of colonels Webster and Tarleton, and major Fergusson, soon cut off all communication between tlie garrison of Charleston and any part of the country. Completely in- vested, the Americans offered conditions of capitulation; Which being much too favourable for the present state, were instantly rejected by tlie British commander. IMajor Moncricff, who had gained so much honour in the defence of Savannah, acquired no less applause from the very su- perior and masterly manner in which he conducted the oftensive opera- tions of the siege. The second parallel was completed on the 19th of April, and the third on the 6th of May. The last of these had been push- ed so near to the provincial works, as to be close to the canal ; and the canal, for a considf.-rable part of its extent, was quickly drained of its wa- ter. On the same day, colonel Tarleton attacked and defeated another body of cavalry, whicii the (mcmy had with infinite difiicnity collected to- gether. The admiral, who had constantly pressed and annoyed the ene- my, received information which induced him to attack Fort Moultrie on Sullivan's Island : he thcTofore despatched captain Hudson of the navy, with two hundred seamen and marines, to attack the fort by land, while he with the ships should batter it by water ; but before the battery was opened, the garrison surrendered, .\fter this advantage, general Clin- ton, wishing to preserve Charleston from the dreadful effects of a cap- irSO.— Chip. XXV. UEIGN OF GEORGE III. 547 [Sanguine expectations of Clinton. He returns to New-York] ture by storm, again urged the American general by capitulation to avert destruction : but the provincials not being sufficiently humbled hy tlieir misfortunes, still refused to comply. The hostilities were recommenced : the batteries on the third parallel were then opened, and so great a supe- riority of fire obtained, that the besiegers were enabled to gain the coun- terscarps of the outwork which flanked the canal : this they likewise passed, and then pushed on their works directly towards the ditch. Ge- neral Lincoln and the inhabitants, seeing that iartlier resistance would be ineffectual, offered to surrender. The British commanders were not dis- posed to press to unconditional submission, an enemy whom they wished to conciliate by clemency ; they therefore granted now the same condi- tions which they had before offered, and the capitulation was accordingly signed. The garrison was allowed some of the honours of war, but nei- ther to uncase their colours, nor beat a British march on their drums. The continental troops and seamen were to keep their baggage, and re- main prisoners of war until they were exchanged. The militia were permitted to return to their respective houses, as prisoners on parole ; and while they adhered to their engagement, were not to be molested by the British troops : and the citizens were allovv-ed the same terms as the militia. The loss of the royalists at the siege of Charleston amounted to seventy-six killed, and one hundred and eighty-nine wounded. Of the garrison, the number of the killed and wounded was smaller. The pri- soners were, the deputy-governor and the council of the province, seven general officers, a commodore, ten continental regiments, but much re- duced, three battalions of artillery, with town and country militia, amount- ing to more than five thousand men ; to whom must be added about one thousand American and French seamen, and near four hundred pieces of ordnance, with a considerable quantity of stores. The commander in chief bestowed th6 highest encomiums on the officers and privates in the various departments of service. The officers most particularly specified were, earl Cornvvallis, major-generals Leslie, Hayne, and Kospotch, and brigadier-general Patterson ; lieutenant-colonels Webster and Tarleton, major Fergusson, and major Moncrieft'of the engineers in the land ser- vice ; and captain Keitli Elphinstone in the navy. In the sanguine hopes that spring from unusual success, sir Henry Clinton considered the reduction of Charleston as the completion of the conquest of South Carolina, and a prelude to the speedy recovery of the southern colonies, lie expected, indeed, that the provincials themselves would now effectually co-operate in the re-establishment of their former connexion with the mother country. Great numbers flocked to Charles- ton from all parts of Carolina, to pay their court to the conquerors, and offer their services in support of his majesty's government. The general, with exulting joy, transmitted to the American minister these professions, and attributed to the aft'ection of loyalty, vvhatpenctration might have dis- covered, and experience soon ascertained to be, in most instances, the dissimulation of policy, or the extorted homage of fear. Confident that his projects could be accomplished by a part of his army, he left a divi- sion for that purpose under lord Cornwallis, and returned with the rest to New-York. Betbre Clinton's departure, Cornwallis had been employ- ed to drive out of the province a body of continental troops under colonel Burford, who arriving too late to throw succours into Charleston, had posted himself on the northern banksj of the Santce. Here being joined 548 HISTORY OF THE Cuap. XXV.— 1780. [Wise administration of lord Cornwallis. Battle of Camden.] by those of the American cavalry who had survived their last defeat by Tarleton, he made a show of opposition to the British interest, and en- deavoured to keep alive the expiring hopes of the provincials. On the ISth of May, earl Cornwallis began the pursuit, and on the 1st of June he overtook the enemy, and gained a complete victory. Of the Ameri- cans one hundred and thirteen were killed, and two hundred and three taken prisoners, of whom one hundred and fifty were wounded : Burford made his escape on liorscback. The American force being entirely driven from South Carolina, his lordship directed his attention to the internal administration of the pro- vince ; while he was also making dispositions for marching into North Carolina, as soon as the heat should be abated, and the harvest being iinished should enable him to form magazines for subsisting his troops. He established a board of polioe for the administration of justice, until the state of the province should admit of the regular re-establishment of its former civil government. He made commercial arrangements for permitting the inhabitants to export the produce of their country, enrolled the militia for assisting in defending the colony, and brought the country to a state of tranquillity and order ; but these pleasing appearances had no long duration. Of the persons attached to the American cause, who since the capture of Charleston had submitted to the British government, either by taking the oath of allegiance, or obtaining a parole, some were influenced by the ruinous appearance of American aiihirs, the despair of ultimate success, and a wish to save the remains of their property that had escaped the ravages and devastations of war ; and others were deter- mined by the fear of punislunent. The congress and Washington well acquainted with the fallacy of the loyal professions, and with the real dis- positions of a great majority in South Carolina, resolved to send a detach- ment of tiie grand army to their assistance. The exertions of Virginia and North Carolina greatly increased the dcstmed Ibrce ; and general Gates with a considerable army advanced to the southern provinces. Informed that the American general was marching towards Camden, lord Conwallis was compelled to leave the civil arrangements, in which he had been so meritoriously and beneficially engaged, and to resume mili- tary operations. On the 10th of August he set out, with fifteen hundred regular troops and five hundred militia ; on his march he was mformed that Gates with near six thousand men had already entered the province. On the 15th, the armies came in sight of each other at Camden : both generals ordered their troops to halt and form : but it being very late in the evening, they did not engage till the next morning. Lord Cornwallis was posted on ground partii-ularly advantageous to inferior numbers; a swamp on each side secured his army from being flanked, and narrowed the ground in front, so as to render the whole nndtitude of the enemy un- able to act. At the dawn of the 16th, he made his last disposition for bat- tle. His front line was drawn up in two divisions, of which the right was commanded by colonel Webster, and the left was headed by lord Kawdon.* A second line was formed lor a reserve, and in the rear Ihe • This younp nobleman, tlie eldest son of t lie carl of Moira, wlio possessed the advatitapes of liigh l>irtli and ain[)le fortune, acc()ni[)lislinieiits to grace ihe court, abilities to inform the cabinet, to convince and deliglu the senate, with taste and learning to charm and instruct the polished and literary circles of the metropolis. 1780.--CUAP. XXV. KEIGN OF GEOltGE !ir. 549 [Defeat of general Sumpter.] cavalry were disposed, being ready either to charge or pursue, as circum- stances might require. The artillery was divided between the two lines, to second and support their respective efforts : the Americans formed their troops also into two lines. The opposite armies being thus marshal- led, colonel Webster and lord Ravvdon began the charge with such im- petuosity as quickly to throw the provincial line into confusion ; rallying, however, they made a very gallant resistance, and the second British line advancing, the enemy were entirely broken, and the cavalry completed their route. The judgment of the general in planning, his promptitude in executing, and his coolness and self-possession during the whole of the engage- ment, were the themes of universal admiration and applause. The vic- tory was decisive ; the broken and scattered enemy were pursued as far as Hanging Rock, about twenty miles from the field of battle ; all their artillery, amounting to seven or eight brass field pieces, with two thou- sand stand of arms, and their military waggons, were taken ; about nine hundred were killed, and a thousand captured ; the general baron de Kail, second in command, was mortally wounded and made prisoner. Lord Cornwallis had no sooner overthrown the enemy, than he prepared to render his success as beneficial as possible to the cause. Sumpter, an American general, had annoyed the royalists by cutting off" or captur- ing detached parties, and intercepting convoys. The British command- er, with great prudence, resolved, before he pursued his victory by march- ing into North Carolina, to rid the southern province of this troublesome enemy ; he accordingly, on the very evening of the battle of Camden, gave directions to that gallant and enterprising officer colonel Tarleton, to attempt the interception of Sumpter. The American commander, as soon as he heard of the late ot his countrymen, retreated with great de- spatch, and having proceeded so far as to appreliend no dai;ger of being overtaken, he halted to refresh his fatigued troops. Tarleton having re- ceived his general's orders, executed them with the utmost quickness : on the 10th of August he came up with the Americans, and before they had time to assemble, entered their camp, and cut them off" from their arms and artillery. Being thus surprised the provincials were all killed, taken, or dispersed, and the whole of their stores, ammunition, baggage, artillery, and one thousand stand of arms, fell into the hands of the con- querors. The discomiiture of general Gates's army, and the defeat and dis- persion of Sumpter's corps so soon after, crushed the provincial force in the south ; lord Cornwallis now waited only for supplies from Charleston, before he proceeded to North Carolina. Until provisions for the army arrived, he resumed the consideration of civil affairs. Finding that many of the Americans, after swearing allegiance to the British government, on the approach of Gales had revolted, he thought it prudent and necessary to restrain perfidy, and prevent fu- ture defection, by wholesome severity towards the most active and forward in treachery and violation of their oaths, ThQ estates of all who after having professed obedience to Great Britain had joined the or to enjoy the calm recesses of rural life; when his coiintr\ 's cause was at stake, sacrificed ease, however elegant, refined, or rationally employed, to the geneions love of glory, and the imperious duties of patriotism ] cojubined genius and hero- ism soon raised him to high command. 550 IlISTOUY OF THE Chai'. XXV.— 1780. [Account of major Fergusson.] enemy, were sequestered ; but in this confiscation, separating their innocent families iVom the traitorous delinquents, he allowed from the property a liberal proportion for the maintenance of their wives and children. Instant death was denounced against those who, after having taken protections from the British government, should be found in arms for the Americans. On the eighth of September, his lordship marched towards North Carolina, and as he passed through the most populous and hostile parts of the province, he sent colonel Tarleton and major Fergusson to scour the country to his right and left. Hav- ing arrived at Charlotteburgh, and judging that place from its inter- mediate position between Camden and Salisbury, a favourable situa- tion for farther advances, he prepared to establish a post. While he was making the proper dispositions for this purpose, the commanders of his detachments were proceeding in their respective expeditions. Of these the most signal in its efforts, though fatal in its event, was the last enterprise of the gallant and meritorious Fergusson. This gentleman had already displayed that combination of intrepid heroism, inventive genius, and sound judgment, which constitute the valiant soldier and the able commander. The son of an eminent Scot- tish judge,* and nephew of a nobleman f of great literary talents, he sought fame by a diH'erent direction of equally vigorous and brilliant powers. In early youth he entered the army, and while a subaltei-n of eighteen, in the German war, was distinguislied by a courage as cool as it was determined, his principal object being to become bene- ficial by professional skill and effort. The interval of peace he em- ployed, by improving himself in military knowledge and science. When the disputes between Britain and her colonies were verging to a civil war, the boasted skill of the Americans in the use of the rifle was exhibited as an object of terror to the British troops. These ru- mours operated on the genius of Fergusson, and his invention pro- duced a new species of the rifle, which he could load at the breech without using the rammer, or turning the muzzle away from the enemy, and with such quickness of repetition as to fire seven times in a minute. The riflemen might, meanwhile, be prostrate on the ground, and protected from the shot of the enemy by tiie smallest eminence, either natural or artificial. Fergusson displayed his con- trivance to the satisfaction of lord Townshend, master of the ordnance, and other military men. When the war commenced, his regiment not being ordered for warlike service, he was extremely anxious to be actively em]doycd for his king and country, tie was accordingly introduced to the commander-in-chief, and appointed to command a corps drafted from regular regiments, and to discipline them for the practice of his new invention. At the battle of lirandywine he pre- sented the first specimen of the use of his iiflcmen,j and obtained great praise for his skill and successful efforts. In the following year, he was employed in several of the detached expeditions, which, unim- portant as thev proved in result, yet, as we have seen, called forth a • .Tamf-s FtTjjusson of I'iifoiir, lord of session and justiciary. I I'alrick .Murray, lord I'",libank, deemed by Itobcrlson, Fergusson, Hume, and cotemporary sages, in g»nius and erudition equal to the authors of the Scottish Augubtan age 4 ^ee accouni of the battle nt Brandy wine, this volume, chap. x\x. 17S0.— Chap. XXV. UEIGN OF (;EOrvGF, III. 55 ^ [Expedition against the provincials] great degree of British valour and ability ; and partictilarly distin- guished himself in the incursive war on the North river, in 1779. Fergusson being engaged in the expedition to Charleston, was of very- signal importance to the besieging army, and is mentioned with great praises by sir Henry Clinton.* After the reduction of that place, when Cornwallis was attempting by justice and mildness to restore harmony between the province and the mother country, he called for the assistance of Fergusson. To the valour, enterprise, and invention which were so important in Avar, Fergusson was known to add the benignant dispositions and conciliating manners which generate good will and cement fiiendship in situations of peace. Among the propo- sitions of Cornwallis for the security and tranquillity of the recovered colony, one scheme was to arm the well-afiected for their own de- fence. Fergusson, now a lieutenant-colonel in America, was intrusted with the charge of marshalling the militia throughout a wide extent of country. Under his direction and conduct a militia at once nume- rous and select, was enrolled and disciplined. One of the great tests of clearness and vigour of understanding, is ready classification, either of things or men, according to the qualities which they possess and the purposes that they are filled or intended to answer. Fergus- son exercised his genius in devising a summary of the ordinary tac- tics and manual exercises, for the use of the militia: he. had them divided in every district into two classes ; one, of the young men, the single and unmarried, who should be ready to join the king's troops to repel any enemy that infested the province ; another, of the aged and heads of families, who should be ready to unite in defending their own town, ships, habitations, and farms. In this progress among them, he soon gained their confidence, by the attention which he paid to the interests of the well-affected, and even by his humanity to the families of those who were in arms against him. " We came not," he said, " to make war on women and children ;" and gave them mo- ney to relieve their distresses. The movements of the Americans having compelled Cornwallis to proceed with great caution in his northern expedition, the genius and rapid efforts of Fergusson were required for protecting and facilitating the march of the army, and a plan of collateral operations was devised for that purpose. In the ex- ecution of their schemes, he had advanced as far as Ninety-six, about two hundred miles from Charleston ; and with his usual vigour and success was acting against different bodies of the colonists that still disputed the possession of the country, when intelligence arrived from colonel Brown, commander of the king's forces in Upper Georgia, that a corps of rebels under colonel Clarke had made an attempt upon Augusta, and being repulsed, was retreating by the back settlements of Carolina. To this information colonel Brown added, that he him- self meant to hang on the rear of the enemy, and that if Fergusson would cut across his route, he might be intercepted, and his party dis- persed. This service seemed to be perfectly consistent with the pur- pose of his expedition, and did not give time to wait for fresh orders from lord Cornwallis; Fergusson yielded to his usual ardour, and pushed with his detachment, composed of a few regulars and militia, into Tryon county. In the mean time numerous bodies of back set- • See this volume, p. 547. 552 rilSTOlJY OF the Chap. XXV.— 1780. [Defeat of Fergiisson. Retreat of lord Cornwallis.] tiers west of the Allerjhany mountains wore in arms, some of them in- tending to seize upon the presents intended for the Creek and Chero- kee Indians, which they understood were but slightly guarded at Au- gusta; others had assembled upon the alarm of enemies likely to visit them from South Carolina. These meeting with colonel Clarke, se- cured his retreat, and made it expedient for Brown to desist from his pursuit and return to his station at Augusta ; while Fergusson having no intelligence of Brown's retreat, still continued the march, which was undertaken at his jcquest. As he was continuing his route, a nu- merous, fierce, and unexpected enemy suddenly sprung up in the woods and wilds. The inhabitants of tiie Alleghany mountains assem- bled without noise or warning, under the conduct of six or seven of their militia colonels, to the num.ber of sixteen hundred daring, well- mounted, and excellent horsemen. Discovering these enemies as he crossed King's Mountain, Fergusson took the best position for re- ceiving them that the ground would permit. But his men, neither covered by horse nor artillery, and being likewise dismayed and asto- nished at finding themselves so unexpectedly surrounded and attack- ed on every side by the cavalry of the mountains, were not capable of withstanding the impetuosity of their charge. Already a hundred and fifty of his soldiers were killed upon the spot, and a greater number was wounded. Sill, however, the unconquerable spirit of this gallant ofiicer refused to surrender. He repulsed a succession of attacks from every quarter, until he received a mortal wound. By the fall of ma- jor Fergusson, his men were entirely disheartened : animated by his brave example, they had hitherto preserved their courage under all disadvantages. In the resources of his fertile genius they deservedly placed the utmost confidence, and with him perished every hope of success. Under such circumstances, the second in command, judging all farther resistance to be vain, ofi'cred to surrender, and sued for quarter. From the ability and exertions of colonel Fergusson, very great advantages had been expected ; and had he not been surprised and cut off, there is no doubt that every expectation would have been fully gratified. By his unfortunate fall, and the slaughter, captivity, or dis- persion of his whole corps, the plan of the expedition into North Ca- rolina was entirely deranged. The western frontiers of South Carolina were now exposed to the incursions of the mountaineers, and it be- came necessary for lord Cornwallis to fall back for their protection, and wait for a re-enforcement before he could proceed farther upon his expedition. On the 14th of October he began his march to South Carolina: his lordship and his army rnet with very great difficulties and hardships; their provisions were so nearly exhausted that the soldiers were limited as to (j'lantity, with hardly any means of cook- ing ;• the country was overflowed with incessant rains, they had no tents, and could rarely find a dry hpot to kindle a fire ; but the sol- diers bore their hardships without repining, as they knew their officers and p^enerals fared no better than themselves. His lordship himself was taken ill ; but nevertheless preserved his vigour of mind, and ar- rived on the 29th of October with his army at Wymesborough, to wait for fresh re-enforcements from sir Henry Clinton. Meanwhile • Siedman, vol ii. p. 229. irSO— Cbap. XXV. 16EIGN OF GEOKGK fll 553 [State of affairs at New- York.] the mountaineers had dispersed, but the northeast part of the province ■was infested by the depredations of an enterprising partisan of the name of Marion. i In the northern part of America, operations and events were of much less importance than in the south. Tlie force left for the secu- rity of New-York, appeared adequate to the defence of that city at the departure of Clinton ; but the extraordinary rigour of the winter soon after exposed the Briiibh garrison to an unforeseen danger. One of the chief causes of the safety of New-York was its insulated situation, which gave full effect to our naval superiority. The uncommon in- tenseness of the frost during the winter of 1779-80, deprived it of this protection. By the middle of January, the North river Was so com- pletely covered with thick ice, that the largest army, with the heaviest artillery and baggage, might have passed on it with ease. In other quarters, towards the country, New-York was no less accessible, whilst its communication with the sea was entirely cut off. In this perilous situation, the veteran general Knyphaiisen took such precau- tionai y measures as prudence dictated ; the seamen were landed from the ships and transports, and formed into companies; the inhabitants ■were embodied, officered, and took their routine of duty with the re- gular garrison. They were deprived of those supplies which a com- munication by water would have afforded, and in particular suffered so severely for want of fuel, that it became necessary to break up some old transports, and to pull down siome uninhabited wooden houses, to supply their present necessities. Fortunately for the Bri- tish garrison, Washington's aimy was in no condition to profit by the accessibility of New-York ; it had been greatly weakened by detach- ments that were sent to the relief of Charleston, was in extreme want of provisions, and other necessaries, and from that cause seized with the spirit of discontent almost rising to mutiny. No attempt was made on the British garrison, except to straiten its quarters, and to inter- cept convoys. In February, major Matthews having defeated a party of Americans posted at Kingsbridge to interrupt the communication of the garrison with the country, opened the way for more liberal supplies. The spring advanced, and, thawing the ice, restored New- York to its insular situation; and the British commander, exempted from the necessity of attending to defence, made dispositions for of- fensive measures. Informed of the prevalence of a mutinous spirit in the American army, and imputing to disaflection what really arose froTTfi distress, on that supposition hoping for the co-operation of the Americans, he attempted to establish the royal standard in the Jer- seys : but he soon found that the American soldiers, though they re- pined at their difficulties, persevered in their inveteracy ; and finding that, opposed by the provincials, his troops could obtain no footing in that country, he recalled them to New-York. Such was the state of affairs when general Clinton returned from Charleston, on the 23d of June. General Washington, expecting the speedy arrival of a French armament, confined his operations to desultory and detached excur- sions. On the loih of July, the expected re-enforcement reached Rhode-Island : it consisted of seven ships of the line, some frigates, and a great number of transports, having on board six thousand troops. The fleet was commanded by De Ternay, and the troops by Rochambeau : in order to prevent discussions of rank in command, Vol. VII.— 70 554 IIISTOllY OF TflK Chap^ XXV.— 178U. [Defection of general Arnold.] and to obviate every difficulty that might arise tVom the junction of the French troops with the American army, a commission was sent to general Washington, appointing him a lieutenant-general of France, and commander of the forces now sent. So powerful a re-enforce- ment revived the drooping spirits of the Atnericans, and invigorated the exertions to recruit their own army. The French squadron being superior to that of Arbuihnot, the British commander thought it pru- dent to act on the defensive ; but six ships of tlie line arriving from England, they prepared for an expedition to Rhode-Island, in order to act offensively against the French. Meanwhile Washiaglon having his army strongly re-cnforced, hastened across the North river, and approached Kingsbridge. So unexpected a movemont obliged sir Henry Clinton to abandon the expedition against Rhode- Island, and return with the troops for the protection of New York, leaving admi- ral Arbuthnot to block up the French fleet at sea. Washington ex- pected the count de Guichen with a fleet of twenty ships of the line from the W^est Indies, and entertained sanguine hopes that the whole combined force would overpower Clinton and Arbuthnot, and wrest New-York from the hands of the British : to concert measures for this design, he left his army, and repaired to the French commanders at Rhode Island. While Washington was absent for this purpose, a scheme was formed for delivering to sir Henry Clinton the strong post of West Point in the highlands upon the North river, the possession of which would have nearly cut oif all communication between the northern and middle colonies. The author of this project was the celebrated gene- ral Arnold. This officer, after the campaign in the Jerseys, had been appointed commander of the American garrison that occupied Phila- delphia : there he had lived so luxuriously and splendidly, as to dis- gust the quakers, who were the principal inhabitants of that city, and to displease the congress, by a conduct so totally inconsistent with the austerity of republicans beset with danger ; he lived also so profusely as far to outgo his stated income. To supply his deficiencies he took shares in privateers, and embarked in other speculations ; but his va- rious projects proved uiisuccessfid. He made considerable claims on the public, but when his accounts were examined by commissioners, a great part of his demand was refused. He appealed to the congress, which gave judgment that the inspectors of his claims had allowed him too much. Seeing the embarrassment of his affairs, his creditors became extremely importunate. Such a situation galled the proud and irritable temper of Arnold; who, giving vent to his resenttnent, and recapitulating his services, complained in strong and indignant terms of the ingratitude of congress Provoked at the freedom and severity of his expostulation, that body appointed a court-martial, to examine into his conduct as commander of Philadelphia. He was sen- tenced to a general reprehension, and also a reprimand from Washing- ton, whom he deemed his personal enemy. From this time Arnold ap- pears to have formed a design of betraying the interests which he pro- fessed to support, and joining the Britisli ; but to have suspended the execution until an opportunity should offer, of materially injuring the cause which he was about to desert, and serving the pov/er he was about to join. The interval of Washington's absence appeared to him '4 favourable opportuijity for delivering an important post to Clinton. 1780— Chap. XXV. UEIGN OF GKORGE lU. 555 [Character and enterprise of major Andre.] He accordingly opened a correspondence with the British general; and us fie required a confidential agent to be sent, major Andre, aid- de-camp to sir Henry Clinton, and adjutant-general of the British ar- my, undertook to confer with him, and bring tlie negotiation to a con- clusion. Tills was a gentleman of very great merit, and rising fast to a high character in the army. Though open and honourable, yet sensible that, in war, stratagem is no less necessary than military prowess, he could find nothing in the employment assigned him which was incon- sistent with the character of a gallant soldier. Perceiving that very momentous advantage might result to his country from the success of the scheme, he was by loyalty and patriotism stimulated to undertake its execution. Able and ingenious, he was conscious th.it he was well iiticd to promote its success. The Vulture sloop of war had been sta- tioned so near general Arnold's post, as to facilitate private commu- nication without exciting suspicion. On the 21st of September, An- dre went on board the sloop, and vms at night conveyed in a boat to the beach without the liiies, wht-ie he met with general Arnold. Day- light approaching before the business was finally adjusted, Andre was told that it would be necessary' to conduct him to a safe place, where he should lie concealed during the day, and return at night on board the sloop. The retreat to which he was brought, was against his inten- tions, and without his knowledge, witliin the American lines. Here Arnold delivered to him various p-.'.pers concerning the state of the forces, and other matters, for the information of Clinton, to show that general the most expe<;Utious and effectual means of getting the Ame- rican army into his power. The outlines of the project were, that Ar- nold should make such a disposition of the wing of the army under his command, as would enable sir Henry Clinton completely to sur- prise their strong posts and batteries, jnd throw the troops /<> entirely into his hands, that they must inevitably either lay down tN^f arms, or be cut to pieces. Besides the immediate possession of "^^'^^ strong holds, and the cutting off so great a part of the ene-'y '^ °est lorce without loss or difficulty, the consequences would h;^® reached much farther, for the remainder of Washington's army w'"!'^ ^^^^^ have been laid open in such a manner to the joint exertior^f ^'^^. ^''*^^^" forces by land and water, that nothing less than slaU5^^^''> dispersion, and final ruin, could have been the result. Wit' respect to the Ameri- cans, such a stroke, it was conceived, could'^o'^ 1^^*^^ ^®^" recovered : independent of the loss of artillery, magazines, Mid stores, a destruc- tion of their whole disciplined force, anc'of mcst if not all of their best officers, must have been immediatel' f'ltal. While Andre was with Arnold, the Vulture had shifted he- position, m consequence of an attack from some artillery on shoe, ayd was gone down nearer to New York; thence it being im'^acti^ble for Andre to return m the same way that he had come, ^e wa» obliged to proceed by land. In- volved in such circumstances wititout any fault of his own, necessity compelled him to emplo- deception for his extrication. Hitherto he had worn his regiment's ; now dressing himself in a plain suit, he received a passport. ''"^er tfte name of John Anderson, by which he, on horseback, ps'sed the outposts. Conceiving himself in perfect safety, he was tvell advanced on his return, when three militia men meeting him ^n the road, suddenly seized the bridle, and interrogated him whence he came. Confused at so unexpected an encounter, be 556 Jiisrouv uv riiB chxp.xxv. ithj. [Trial and execution of Andre.] • answered /r07« beLKv: he itnmejlialely recollected his mistake, but too late ; the suspicions of his intcrroi^ators were roused, and they insist- ed on searchin;^ him. He offered liis purse and watch, and promised very liigh rewards if they would sutler him to depart : but all was un- availing. The generous Andre, now regardless of his own fate, had no anxiety but to save Arnold from the certain destruction that await- ed him when the contents of the papers should l>e niatie known to the Americans. This object he effected by a dexterous, stratagem • pro- ducing his passport from that general, he desired that he might be informed of his seizure, and liiai he himself should be detained in cus- tody until Arnold's orders wcie known. The captors complying with this request, a message was sent to Arnold, which, announcing the detention of John Anderson, induced him, as Andre desired and ex- pected, to seek safety by flight. He escaped, got on board the Vul- ture, and repaired to New-York. Andre being informed. that Arnold was out of reach of the Americans, avowed himself under his proper name and character. Washington having now remrned, Andre wrote to him, detailing the circumstances of the case. Disregarding ever)-- danger, his only concern was to prove that he had conducted himselt as became a man of honour, and had no intention to be within the American lines, nor to act as a spy ; that he was merely the agent of a nego»iation, in which neither he nor his employer liad. piactised treachery, or done any thing inconsistent with the laws of war. He had gone upon public business under a flag of truce, dressed in his uniform, to confer with the commander of that post ; and had, with- out Kis knowledge,been brought within the Anierican lines. His sub- sequeij; disguise had been the result of necessity, not of choice. Washington appointed a board of general oflicers to take cognizance of the cast; a^^ before these gentlemen Andre made an explanation, similar in substance to that which his letter to Washington had con- tained, but mt,-h more copious in detail. His enemies heard with ad- miration a defeiog^ which with a magnanimous indifference to life, admitted the fact,v^,jt with a generous regard to reputation, vindicated the rnotives. The Vmerican board, however, confining themselves to the literal and simpkf^ct of his being in disguise within the Ameri- can lines, instead of taKpg into consideration all the concomitant cir- cumstances, doomed the^allant Andre to suffer death as a spy. The only evidence of the fact\,as Andre's own admission : not only hu- manity, but justice requirei^ that his own evidence, if allowed such weight against him, should ar,o be allowed in his favour; and that his declaration of pure intcuions night to be considered, as well as his acknowledgment of an act tontra^ to the laws of war. At New York, all ranks, from a sentinel t^ the vommander-in-chief, felt the most poignant concern at the situauon oi .he unfortunate captive, whom they respected and admired as an offictr., and loved and esteemed as a man. Sir Henry Clinton emplo>ed eve^y effort to save so valuable a life : he opened a correspondence with N'^ashington by means of a flag of truce, and urged every motive which -justice, policy, and hu- manity could suggest, to induce a remission of t.e sentence. Finding his letters ineffectual, he sent out genera\ Robertson with a flag, to confer upon the subject with any oflicers that shoulobe appointed by general Washington. An interview took place betwetn general Ro- bertson and general Greene, who had been president cf the court- irSO.— C«u-. XXV. RE1GN*0F (.t'.OKGE III. 55* [ West Indies. Arrival of Rodney. Naval operations.] martial : but all efToris to save the vinfortunate Andre were unavail- ing. Andre finding iiis doom unavoidal)lc, wrote a most pathetic let- ter, praying that he might not die the deuth of a cotninon malefactor, but by a mode more befitting a soldier. I\,ven this small boon was re- fused to a generous enemy, by the inexoral^lc ris^our of stern repub- licanism. On the 22d of October, the ill-fated hero met his death, with a comi)osure, serenity, and fortitude, worthy of conscious inno- cence sufl'ering unmerited punishment. Thus fell ttie gallant Andre, losing his life forJoyalty and patriotically endeavouring to serve hi.s king and country, if ciiminality is to be esti- mated by intention, he was put to death without any proofs of guilty de- sign, and with the strongest presumptions of innocence. Such relentless, inhuman rigour could answer no purpose of policy, as it certainly neither enhanced tlie character, nor promoted the interest, of the Americans ; it was evidently the ed'ect of revenge, and of revenge foiled in its princi- pal object. Andre suffered for the defection of Arnold. Had that gene- ral been caught, and undergone the punishment due to treachery, the impartial reader would not perhaps have blamed the sentence, and might iiave considered that as justice to a traitorous iViend, which he must re- probate as cruelty to a fair and generous foe.* The death of Andre, which Washington could have easily prevented, will certainl)'^ in future ages be regarded as a dark spot in the bright cha- racter of the American general. Arnold published a declaration of his motives for leaving the service of America, consisting chiefly of invectives against his late associates, which, v/hether true or false, had, coining I'rom him, the less weight, that the character of the Americans, now the object of his reprobation, was identically the same as before, when the object of his panegyric. Winter now approaching, and the count de Gui- chen not having arrived from the West Indies, both parties, after con- cluding an agreement for the exchange of prisoners, retired into cpiarters. For the prevention of Guichen's arrival in North America, we are to find the causes in the transactions of the West Indies. Sir George Rodney having, as we have seen, left Gibraltar in Febru- ary, and sailed for the West Indies, had arrived at St. Lucia, and taken the command of tUr) fleet upon the leeward island station by thelatter end of March. Just previous to his arrival, M. de Guichen, with twenty-five ships of the line, and eight frigates, all full of troops, had paraded for se- veral days before that island, with a view either of surprising or of over- whelming the British force by their great superiority. The good dispo- sition of the troops made by general Vaughan and of the ships by rear- admiral Parker, however, trustrated their design. Sir George Rodney, with twenty ships of the line, and the Centurion of fifty guns, followed the French fleet into Martinique, and offered them battle ; but the ene- my, notwithstanding the superiority of their numbers, would not venture to engage. To entice the enemy to leave the harbour, the British ad- nriiral retired to Gross Islet Bay in St Lucia, leaving swift sailing frigates K) watch their -motions, and convey to him intelligence. On the 16th of April, Guichen sailed with his fleet; the following day Rodney came in sight of the enemy late in the evening, and found them disposed to avoid an engagement. He watched them with such vigilance as to prevent * Stctlman, vol. li. p. 2-55. 558 HISTORY OF triF: Cuaf. xxv.~i7t;o# [New plan of attack by breaking the enemy's line.] their escape. The next morning, the French admiral made very master- Jy dispositions for avoiding an cngairement : this the British command- er counteracted with equal nautical skill and professional ability, which at last rendered a battle unavoidable. In forming the line of battle, the long establis'licd mode was, when fleets were nearly equal in number, to oppose ship to ship, by which means superior force and seamanship pievni'.ed, without any extraordina- ry efforts of naval ability or conduct, Rodney possessed not only that professional experience, guided by which brave men fight in the way in which brave men have fouglit before, but a comprehensive genius, which could adopt measures to existing cases, and leave precedent when novel- ty tended more effectually to secure the object. The enemy being con- siderably superior in number, he proposed not t(t attack the whole at once, but with all his force to bear down on a part of theirs, so tiiat by mastering one division, he might easily overpower the rest.* For that purpose he directed his van to attack the hindmost ships of the enemy's centre, and the remainder of his fleet the rear. He also made a gene- ral signal to his ships to lie close to the enemy, and take example by the admiral. His fleet being in the proper position for engaging the enemy, according to the plan which he had arranged, he made the signal for eve- ry ship to attack her opposite in the enemy's line. The commander of liis vantnost ship, a gentleman thoroughly experienced in the precedent- ed mode of tactics, misconceived the admiral's meaning, and supposed his orders to be to steer towards the vanmost ship of the enemy. This misapprehension communicating itself to the succeeding ships, tended to disconcert the masterly design of the admiral. His orders were not ful- ly regarded in another particular : he had given, and had been obliged to repeat his signal for lying close to theeneiny. Several ships of his fleet kept at so great a distance, as not to second and support the admiral. The admiral's own ship, however, and some others, did very great exe- cution ; but the deviation from his orders, both as to plan and nearness, prevented a decisive issue to an engagement, for, and in which the com- mander had used every efi'ort of design and execution which could lead to victory. The French fleet was beaten from the scene of ac ion : Rodney pur- sued them as soon as the crippled state of the ships that had engaged ac- cording to his orders, and the arrival of others in their proper position, permitted. Such despatch was used to repair the damaged ships, that on the 20th they again descried the enemy, but not in sufficient time to prevent them from taking refuge under Gaudaloupe. In the beginning of May, the French fleet again sailed ; and on the 10th, it was seen by the British a ^qv,- leagues to windward. The enemy having the advan- tage of the wind, were able either to hazard or to avoid an engagement at pleasure, but chose the latter alternative. Rodney endeavoured to • The examiner of the naval tactics which Rodney introduced, and which he liimself in tl)e last war, anil others in the present, have practised wit!) such terri- ble effect and glorious success, will see that it proceeded on the same principle that regulated the military tactics formed and exercised by the illustrious Frede- rick : and wliich produced the systems and movements of the Macedonian Philip, and his preceptor Epaminondas. The battle of Leuctra was gained by the master- ly skill of tlte Theban hero directing iiis whole force on apart of the enemy's with such disposition and compactness as to break their line. See description of the battle of Leuctra, GiUies's History of Greece, vol. iii. p. 368 1780.— Chap. XXV. IIKIGN OF GliOliGE III. ^j*^ [French disappointed in the chief objects of the campaign.] gain the Ice-gage, but was not able to succeed. By feigning flight, on the 15th, he had ahnost drawn the enemy to battle; but after a partial cannonade bet'veen tlie extreme ships of the respective fleets, the ene- my retired without a general battle. On tlie lyth, admiral Rodney en- deavoured to turn the fleet of the enemy •, and from his movements both parties became so entangled as to lender a conflict unavoidable between the British van and t!ie enemy'.s rear. The enemy having suflered con- siderable loss, bore away to Martinique. Eodney repaired to Carlisle Bay in Barbadoes, to refit his shattered ships. In these conflicts the P -ench evinced themselves considerably improved in naval warfare, and our ships were much damaged in the repeated encounters ; but the very object of their improved attack manifested conscious inferiority. Their chief purpose was to aim at our rigging, and thereby avoid close fight, WHICH UNIFORM EXPERIENCE HAS TAUGHT EVERY OPPONENT OF THE EN- GLISH NAVY TO SHUN, IF THEY WOULD AVOID DESTRUCTION. Spain SCUt a considerable naval force to join her ally in the West Indies ; and thus recruited, the Bourbon fleet amounted to thirty-six ships of the line, a force that apparently must be able to overwhelm tlie British West Indies; but this ostensible accession of strength proved eventual weakness : the Spanish troops were too much crovvcled on board their transports : that circumstance co-operating with the length of the voyage, the change ol climate and diet, and above all, their peculiar laziness and want of clean- liness, the whole of those combined causes generated a mortal and con- tagious distemper, which first infecting their own seamen, at length spread, though not entirely with so fatal an effect, through the French fleet and land forces. The pestilential disease still continuing, prevent- ed the French from profiting by their fleet. The Spanish admiral pro- ceeded to the westward, and, having parted with the French at St. Do- mingo, went on to the Havannah. Besides the infectious disorder, there appeared to be a want of concert between the armaments of the two al- lies, which very greatly obstructed their schemes for annoying Britain. Part of the French plan of operations had been, after the expected reduc- tion of the British power in the West Indies by the combined forces, that their fleet should proceed to New- York, and in conjunction with the Americans and the French ships and army, who were tiiere be- fore, should capture New-York, and drive the British from Ameri- ca. But after the first of these projects had failed, Guichen con- sidering his former disappointments, the present state of his army, of his ships and men, found the expedition utterly impracticable, and proceeded directly to Europe. Rodney, aware of the original design, and on the departure of Guichen conceiving that he was bound for New-York, sail- ed himself for the same place, where he thought his assistance would be so much wanted ; but finding his services not necessary in that quarter, he returned in the close of the year to St. Lucia. Besides the opera- tions between the fleets of llie belligerent pov.'ers during this campaign, various conflicts took i>iace among single ships, both in Jairope and the West Indies, which did signal honour to the courage and .-^kil! of botli parties, but in the result of every action manifested the superiority of Bri- tain upon her own element. 5G0 HISTORY OF THE Chap. XXVI.—irSO. CHAP. XXVI. Proceedings against llie rioters. — Lord Loughbormiph's c'.iarge to ilie ijrand ju- ry — dirtcrtnce of opinion on il>e construction of Edward lll.'s treason statute — lej^al autliorities not aUogciher conformable to statutory definition — literal and free interpreters of siatutes — lord Loujhboroupli fellows high authorities. — No grounds for tlie cliarge of rig<>rous seventy ai^aist the rioters. — Political effects of the riots. — General election — contest for Westminster. — Mr. Fox is chosen on tlie lOih of October, which thenceforward is conseorated to anniver- sary celebration. — Continental affairs — the character of Joseph opens — he as- pires at the possession of Bavaria — is opposed by Frederick. — Hostilities be- lueen Frussiaand Austria — are terminated by the peace of Te.schen — Continen- tal powers are jealous of Drilish commercial and naval greatness, — Conduct of Kussia — armed neutralitj — real objects of. — State and interest of Holland. — Holland favours the revolted colonies — remonstrances of Britain. — Discovery of a treat}- between tlu- Dutch and the Americans — rupture with Holland — the Dutch are the aggressors. — Meetii.g of parliament — clioice of a speaker— King's speech — Mr. Fox's phin of attack against ministers — he begins with charges against lonl Sandwich — his motion concerning the appointment of sir Hugh Falliser. — Mr. Burke resumes his plan of economical reform. — Beginnings of lord Chatham's second son, Mr. William Pitt. — The celebrated comic poet, Sheridan, turns his extraordinary talents to politics. — India afl'airs are exten- sively considered in parliament — two committees of inquiry are appointed — one has for its chairman Mr. Henry Dundas. — Questions for future deliberation jcspecting India, proposed by lord North. — Petitions from counties for redress of grievances. — Dift'erent opinions of Messrs. Fox and Burke c)n the marriage law. — Supplies. — Extravagant teims of the noted loan of twelve millions. — Lord Noith, incorrupt himself, permits wasteful corruption in others — ineffica- cy, in arduous situations, of talents and benevolent dispositions, without firm- ness of resolution.— Session rises. Two internal subjects principally attracted the public attention during the reccs.s of 1780 ; the trial of the rioters and the general election. Per- .sons accused of tumults committed within the county of Middlesex and the city of London, were arraigned at Hicks's hall ; and bills being fotmd for felony, either in robbery or arson, they were tried at the Old Bailey. The judge had not thought it necessary, in addressing the grand jury, to be peculiarly minute in explaining the law applicable to crimes which came no frequently under their consideration ; and though well adapted to his view of the subject, the charge delivered no doctrines that particu- larly deserve historical record. Eighty-five persons being indicted, for- ty-three were acquitted, and forty-two capitally convicted ; but of the con- demned, twelve obtained mercy.* For trying persons alleged to have committed outrages in the county of Surrey, a .sp»;cial comniis.sion was appointed to sit at St. Margaret's Hill in the IJorough : and ibe lirst nominee was Alexander Wedderburn, who was recently promoted to l)c lord chief justice of the common pleas, and called to the house of peers by the title of lord Loughborough. The persons here presented were accused of treason, and the judge delivered to the grand jury a charge, which the magnitude of the crime imputed. •See Anniial Register, 1780 ; Appendix to Chronicle, p. 271—277. irSO.— Chap. XXVI. ItEIGN OF Gr.ORGE 111. 5(31 [DtfTerence of opinion respecting Edward 1 1 1. 's treason Blatutc] the doctrines promulgated, the high character of the speaker, and the splendid oratory of this exertion, combined in very strongly imj)ressing on the public attention. The learned reader must know that a very material difference subsists between the law of treason as it is expressed by the statute of Edward III. on the one hand, and on the other interpreted by lawyers and judges.* The two chief species contained in the celebrated law of Edward are, to compass or intend the king's death, or to levy war against his person and government. But lawyers, partly desirous of paying court to the sove- reign, and partly convinced that such narrow limitations of legal definition may often screen enormous guilt, had introduced a greater latitude. They observed, that if a man should enter into a conspiracy for rebellion, fix a correspondence with foreign powers for that purpose, or even plot the overthrow of the existing constitution, if he was detected, and no re- bellion or insurrection ensued, by the letter of this statute, he could not be convicted of treason. To prevent this inconvenience they had com- monly laid their indictment for intending the death of the king, and had produced the intention of rebellion as a proof of the other intention, and thus confounded the two species of treason, which the statute had accu- rately distinguished ;| whereas the law had made only one kind o{ inicn- tional treason, a purpose to put the king to death ; the lawyers had made two, a design to levy war or rebel. It was frequently alleged, that by such an interpretation, lawyers and judges assuming to themselves a legisla- tive authority, which is not vested in them by the constitution of their country, exercised it in extending penal law, and rendering designs capi- tal that were not legally criminal. The object of this constructive inter- pretation was no doubt so far laudable ; in estimating criminality, they proposed to take into the account moral depravity and political mischief, and to provide against new devices of flagitious ingenuity ; but on the other hand, the admission of such constructions might be abused to the most oppressive and tyrannical purposes. t There were always in Rome,§ and have been and are in England, two classes of interpreters of law, the literal and the free ; or, in the language of professional men, the argu- ers from law and from equity. || Persons early instructed in the civil law have more frequently belonged to the latter class than the former. This was the case with lord Loughborough, who has, on all great questions, shown himself a liberal ratherthan a literal interpreter. He in this charge proceeded according to the practice of lawyers, and opinions of judges ; and on this sanction he supported the constructive doctrine, instead of the precise definition, of legislature. Arguing on the authorilij of For- tescue, sir Matthew Hale, and other luminaries of judicial history, he stated, that every insurrection which, in the judgment of the law, is ia- • See Blackstone, vol. iv. p. 74 — 93. f Most of these observations are either extracted from, op suggested by Hume'i? account of the trial of lord Kiissel. t The danger of departure from established law, to punish even the most atro- cious culprits, is perhups no where more ably exiiibited, than in Cxsar's speech on the discovery of Catiline's conspiracy, as presented by Saliust. § See Gibbon's account of the Sabinians and Proculeians, in his view of the .Ths- tinian code. Vol. vi. (1 In tiie parting view of the illustrious Mansfield, I endeavour to state the .se- parate and comparative iidvantages and disadvantages of these two modes of in- terpretation. Vol.. VII.- 71 562 HISTORY OF THE (jiiap. XXVI.— 178o' [Political cflVcis of the riots. General cleclion.] tnnded amin-t the person of the king, be it to dethrone* or imprison him, or to ( .m to alter Ihs measures of government, or to remove evil counsLiiors from aliout him, amounts to levying war within the sta- tute, whether attended with the pomp and circumstances of open war or not; and every conspiracy to levy war for these purposes, though not treason within the clause of levying war, is yet an overt act within the other clause of comjiassing the king's death. Some lawyers contended, that it was not consistent with legal propriety, to rest opinions on the au- thority of the judges, when they contravened an express statute ; and that the substitution of a judge's opinion for the enactment of a legisla- tive asseinbly, was changing judges into lawgivers. Tlic judge did not escape witliout censure for the doctrines which his address contained ; and persons who hastily examined his conduct, deem- ed him severe and sanguinary ; but for that blame just grounds are not to be found either in his charge or proceedings. Whether it be constitu- tionally riiiht that treason is to be ascertained by judicial interpretation, it is historically true that such has been the mode usually adopted by the most reputed judges on criminal trials : lord Loughborough therefore merely applied the rules and followed the example of his eminent prede- cessors. As the insurrection had been very atrocious, severe punish- ment was a requisite sacrifice to justice, order and tranquillity ; but so far was the judge from the superfluous rigour which was imputed to him, that he recommended to mercy such of the guilty as had extenuating cir- cumstances in their favour. It may be farther observed, that whether the construction of the judge concerning the guilt of a conspiracy to levy war were or were not just, no one was condemned who had not been found guilty of actual insurrection and rebellion against the king and go- vernment. His constructive treason therefore produced no effects to the accused, which would not have arisen from the most rigid interpretation. Forty-three were tried, of whom twenty-six were found guilty and the rest acquitted.! The riots, wliich V(-cre llms effectually suppressed, really strengthen- ed administration : the scenes of enormity which were exhibited in the metropolis struck men with horror, and by a natural, though an errone- ous effect, inspired a general dread of popular meetings, however legal or peaceable. These dispositions reached to the country meetings, pe- titions, and associations, and consequently to all applications for redress of grievance, and schemes for a reform in parliament. The capture of Charleston, of which the news arrived soon after the riots, tended to erase the memory of past disappointm.ents in the war, and to revive the sanguine hopes of the speedy subjugation of the colo- nies. The victory of Rodney, which had opened the naval campaign, .(■(• AntiiKil I,V:.'i-irr, 17B0, p. 28.-)--.2R7 1780— CiiAi'. XXVI. KEIGN OF GKOIU.K IIL f,53 [Aflairs olllic continent. Views of llic emperor] it was likely to have a prosperous issue ; and tiie influence and authority of the crown were more spread, and better fixed than they had been for several years. In this slate of thin^s^ and disposition of the people, mi- nisters conceived the season peculiarly favourable to a new election. The parliament had already sitlen six years, and if it continued to the seventh, at the expiration of that time circumstances might be by no means so auspicious. Having resolved on the measure, they gave no intimation of their intention, until they thought it ripe for execution; hut their plan being matured, on the 1st of September a proclamation was is- sued for dissolving the p.irliament. Besides the prevalence of a spirit so favorable to the ministerial party, there was another circumstance which tended to promote their success in the new election : various members of opposition, tired with long disappointment, began to consi- der their efforts useless, and determined to decline being candidates for aijain sitting in the Ie"islaturc. From these different causes, the elec- tion of 1780 afforded much fewer disputes than any which had taken place from the beginning of the reign. Among the most warmly con- tested was the city of Westminster, fur v/hich two candidates contended, lord Lincoln and Mr. Fox, and the great champion of opposition was elected by a numerous majority on the 10th of October, a day ever since deemed worthy of anniversary celebration by those politicians who identify the conduct of the orator with the principles of the British constitutioii, and consecrated to remembrance as an epoch in the history of modern whiggism triumphant. The new parliament was summoned to meet on the 31st of October ; but before our narrative follows its deliberations, it must exhibit a short view of foreign interests and affairs, which relating to Britain, very early occupied its attention and deliberation. Thou'di Britain, durin"- the American war, had less connexion with continental powers than at any other period of this last century, yet her contest with her colonies was a subject of the most interesting concern to the neighbouring nations. During a great part of the war, tranquillity prevailing in the nortliern and eastern states of Europe, allowed them an almost undivided attention to the contest between Britain and Ameri- ca. The only interruption of the peace of Germany and Russia arose from a dispute about the electorate of Bavaria. The king of Prussia had in a tew years improved his share of the Polish spoils to the highest ad- vantage, and greatly meliorated the condition of recent as well as here- ditary subjects : indeed, though his warmest admirers must admit that his ambition often violated justice in acquiring dominions, his severest enemies must allow, that he rendered his acquisitions more beneficial, and their inhabitants happier, than he found them when they became sub- jects to his government. The emperor Josepli was equally ambitious, but much inferior in wisdom of plan, or in steadiness of execution. On the death of the elector of Bavaria, this prince attempted to revive obso- lete claims to the reversion of his dominions; and in the beginningof 1778, actually marched troops towards Munich, and dispossessed the elect- or i)alatine, the real heir, of the whole of that territory. Frederick justly considered this step as a violation of the Germanic constitution, and de- termined without delay to resist such an encroachment. lie knew that notwithstanding his alliance with Austria, cemented by the recent affiance of the royal families, France would regard with jealousy such an acces- sion to the emperor's power ; but engaged in schemes of maritime ag- 554 UlSTOUY OF THE Chap. XXVI —1780. [Peace of Tesclien. Continental powers jealous of Great Britain.] gtaiidizement, would not employ any effectual efforts. He himself there- fore saw that the protection of Bavaria must rest chiefly on his policy and power ; and before he would interrupt the improvement of his kingdom by drawing the sword, he tried negotiation, opened a correspondence with the emperor, and professed a disposition to listen to his claims, to learn their extent and validity, and to admit them if they should prove well toundcd. The Austrian pretensions were so very weak, that even the ability of Kaunitz could not render them plausible, or prevent easy refutation. The empress (pioen, cvidi-ntly convinced that her son's de- mands were ill founded, and that assertion would he impolitic, was paci- fically disposed, but her son was resolved to maintain them by force, and encouraged in his obstinacy by his ministers, who chose to worship the rising sun. Frederick engaged the empress Catharine to second his op- position to the aspiring views of Joseph, and convinced her that it M'as the interest of tlie Russians to hinder the emperor, who was only enti- tled to be the first prince in Germany, from governing that great empire with despotic authority. Finding that the Austrian prince had collected large l)odie3 of troops from Italy, Flanders, and Hungary, in Bohemia, he drew a no less formidable force to his own frontiers. Joseph, in a letter, endeavoured to justify his claims by arguments ; but soon finding, in the answer of I'rederick, that he had to contend with a logician very superior to himself, he was mortified, and sent an angry reply, expressing his disposition to take a lesson from Frederick in the art of war.* To this effusion of galled pride, the hero sent a wise, temperate, and firm answer;! and finding hostilities unavoidable, with his usual ability he formed a comprehensive scheme to annoy his antagonist in various quarters ; with his usual rapidity he commenced his operations, and established a deci- sive superiority over the arms of Joseph. Catharine meanwhile, with a view to obtain infiuence in the empire by espousing its cause, sent a con- siderable body of troops to join Frederick. Maria Theresa strongly urged her son to peace ; but Iiaving conceived the hopes of rekindling tlie war between Turkey and Russia, and thus having himself only to contend with Prussia, he would listen to no proposals. At last, however, in spring 1779, learning that Russia had entirely composed her differen- ces with Turkey, and was preparing a great army to co-operate with Fre- derick, he became accessible to pacific propositions. A congress was held at Teschcn : Frederick, equally triumphant in the cabinet as in the field, wltliout ostentatiously dictating, actually framed the terms. Joseph acknowledged the right of the elector palatine as heir to the sovereignty of Bavaria, renounced his claims, and virtually confessed that, he had been disturbing the peace of Germany without tenable grounds. Commer- cial advantages in the last century transcended not only the experience, but even the imagination of former times, and rendered the formation and extension of mercantile establishments, and a marine force, one of the primary objects of policy with European nations : a natural, though not a wise concomitant of the desire of such a source of benefit, is jea- lousy of a state that possesses it in a superior degree. I'^nvying the pre- eminence of Britain, maritime potentates anxiously beheld the progress of a quarrel by which they conceived her naval superiority must be cou- • (iillies's Frederick, p. 476. t Frederick's manifeslu, slate pajicrs, July 7, 1775 1780 —Cuii'. XXVI. UEIGN OF GEORGE lU. 555 [Conduct of Russia. Armed neutrality.] siderably impaired. The most powerful of these states formed the vain hope of dispossessing Britain of her supremacy, and with that view, by unjjrovoked aggression, involved us in war. The other naval states did not openly combine with the house of Bourbon, but secretly favoured both those nations, and the colonies revolted from Britain. Deeply in- debted to this country for maritime support and accommodation during her war with Turkey, Russia had been among the first to act hostilely herself, and encouraged others to enmity. By the received law of nations in modern Europe, when a war broke out between any of the powers, on the one hand neutral states were not to be in- terrupted in their general trade with the belligerent parties, but on the other hand were to convey to neither, naval or military stores. Russia, Den- mark, Sweden, and Holland, entered into an association for promoting a scheme which altered the public law concerning the right of neutral states to convey warlike stores. This was the treaty concluded at Copenhagen on the 19th of July, 17S0, under the name of the armed neutrality.* The professed object of this combination was to protect, by an armed force, every species of neutral trade. The treaty set out with declaring, that the contracting parties entertained the most cordial amity for the several belligerent powers, and professed the strictest impartiality. It declared, they would carry on no contraband trade : but narrowed this definition into literal interpretation, and designedly omitted the spirit and object. They founded the asserted privilege of carrying what commodities they chose to the warring powers, not upon the existing law op nations, but upon natural right: neutral ships were not to be searched without a material and well grounded cause, of which the contracting parties were to be the sole judges. The associated powers engaged to protect neu- tral trade, and reciprocally, severally, and jointly, to maintain a force for that purpose. They declared, that an injury done to any one of them as a neutral trader, should be accounted an injury done to all; and that, both jointly and severally, unless it was redressed, they should issue orders for reprisals. The association was to continue during the war, and should notify to the belligerent powers the existence of the treaty, its objects, and their resolutions to employ force for its support. Every person acquainted with the maritime force and situation of the several nations, clearly perceived that this plan, ostensibly impartial, was really meant to injure Britain. As the principal articles of warlike, especially naval stores, came from Norway and the Baltic, England, from her local situation, had the means of intercepting such commodities much more than her southern enemies ; she had also a superior maritime force ; a much greater proportion of naval stores could be carried into Britain in her ships, than to Spain, or even to France, in their ships : the con- veyance of stores, therefore, in neutral bottoms, was a greater advantage to her enemies than to Britain; they would reap the beneficial fruits from the neutral association, while Britain would lose in the same proportion that her enemies gained. The contracting parties could not but see that this compact was injurious to Britain, therefore their intentions must have been inimical. Britain considered this convention as a proof of unfriendly dispositions and designs in all the parlies; but a variety of other causes combined to * See state papers, July 1780. 56G IllSTOUY OF THC Cuap. XXVI.— 1780. [State and interest of Holland.] aggravate her displeasure towards the United Provinces. That the reader mav have a complete view of the dispute between Great Britain and Holland, it is necessary to consider, not only recent, but distant portions of history, as the pro.ximute causes of quarrel originated in very remote circumstances. From the first establishment of the Dutch common- wealth, two parties existed which alternately predominated. The one consisted of the adherents of the princes of Orange, the first champions and successful vindicators of their rights and liberties; the other, of those who either by birth inherited, or by fortune or merit acquired, rank and influence. Gratitude for recent delivery was about to confer on William I. prince of Orange, a limited hereditary sovereignty, when as- sassination prevented the design from being accomplished.! Maurice, his son and sviccessor in the stadtholdership, being then a boy, could not profit by the occasion while it lasted, and notwithstanding the splendour of his subsequent exploits, the services which he performed, and the prosperity and glory to which he raised the republic, was never able to recover the opportunity. He and his successors naturally looked back with regret to that sovereignty which they had almost obtained, and endeavoured to enlarge to the utmost extent their official powers as stadtholders. The principal citizens, on the other hand, who had grown up along with the fortune of the state, not only opposed their designs, but endeavoured to limit their power, which they considered as becoming dangerous to public lil)erty, and inimical to the principles of the consti- tution. The bitterness of suc!i a contest soon effaced from the minds of the nobles all llie signal benefits which had been conferred on the state by the successive heroes of the Orange family. Great generals seemed no longer necessary in a season of peace and prosperity: nor did it follow, because it had hitherto so proved, that every prince of Orange was to be an illustrious captain; therefore the aristocratic party proposed the total abolition of the office of stadtholder, and the distribu- tion of its various powers among their own leaders. Such was the ori- gin and foundation of that republican faction which is distinguished in the history of Holland, and which, under various denominations, subsist- ed from the days of prince Maurice and Barneveldt to modern times. It was the constant and obvious policy of France to maintain her influence in the councils of Holland, and at the same time, to restrain and weaken, as much as possible, the power and political activity of the republic. The princes of the house of Orange were generally inimical to the views of France, and linked by blood and alliance with Britain. This state of affairs occasioned a permanent enmity between France and the house of Orange, and , naturally produced an intimate connexion between that monarch and the aristocratic party. France diligently c\dfivated her in- fluence with the anti-stadtholderian faction of Holland. William HI. suc- ceeded to the stultliolderate when he was only a child; and during his minority, the noiiles, under the name of the Louvestein party, became cxtremcdy powerful, and being headed by the celebrated de Wit, were at)le totally to abolish the office: the violent irruption of Louis XIV. into Holland, however, prompted the states to raise to power the party and individual most inimical to France, and most able to repress the un- ju.'jtifiable ambition of that a.'^piring neighbour. The delivery of his ' Sec Wutson'b History of I'liillp H. 1780.— CoAr. XXVI ItEIGN OF GEORGE IIT. 557 [She f\\vours the revolted colonies.] eoimlry by Willifim IIT. ; thft very liigli cliaiaclcr and great influence of that prince, which was increased by his power from the time he became king of England ; the resentment of the Dutch against the French; and ihi'ir alarm from the ambitious politics of Louis; repressed the party which derived its chief support from Gallic pohcy. On the death of William III. the stadtiioldcrate became extinct, the states not choosing to renew it in favour of that part of his family which had succeeded to the title of Orange as well as to the principal part of his inheritance. Union, however, of views and interests with England, in repelling the ambition of the French, and opposing the succession of a Bourbon prince to the throne of Spain, rendered the states-general no less inimical to Louis, and friendly to England and the emperor, than they had been when William governed both countries: and the ability and address of Marlborough procured such personal influence with the states-general, that the French party was not able to defeat the measures of the grand 'alliance. Towards the end of queen Ann's reign, the Dutch were closely connected with the anti-gallican party in England; but during the peace, which lasted for so many years after the treaty of Utrecht, the French party in Holland appears to have gained ground. The co- operation of the Dutch with Britain and the house of Austria in the war which commenced in 1740, was very inefficient ; and to the influence of the partisans of France may, in a great degree, be ascribed that failure of Dutch exertion, which prevented the extraordinary efforts of the Bri- tish troops from being victorious at Fontenoy. The same want of cor- diality in tlie cause was obvious in other actions, particularly in the bat- tle of Laffelt. In consequence of their victories, the French penetrated into Dutch Flanders, and prepared to descend on the island of Zealand. Perceiving the danger which impended from the progress of the French, the Dutch determined to have recourse to a measure that had formerly saved them from ruin, and to declare the prince of Orange stadtholder. In the year 174S, the office was .renewed in full plenitude of power in favour of the late prince of Orange, with the additional security of being rendered hereditary not only in the male, but the female lines of his 'family. This settlement appeared to cut off entirely the views of the adverse faction; but though depressed, or at least withheld from any means of political exertion, they were still potent and numerous, and only waited for a favourable opportunity which should operate as a sig- nal for union and exertion. The prince of Orange dying in 1751, and leaving his son, the present prince, a child of three years old, the long minority much weakened the influence of the stadtholderian party, and the Gallican faction became powerful. At the commencement of the seven years war, Britain claimed six thousand men, who had been pro- mised as auxiliaries by a defensive treaty; but the Dutch refused to com- ply, and became the carriers of contraband goods with impunity, until Mr. Pitt was raised to the head of aflJairs. They even privately co-ope- rated with our French enemies, while a French party openly avowed its enmity to thit? country. The French interest having rapidly advanced during the non-age, continued to bo very powerful even during the ad- ministration, of the present prince, and used every artifice to inflame the jealousy of the Dutch against the great naval power, and particularly the increase of commerce, which Britain had attained. SiK^h was the state of parties and sentiments in Holland, wiien war 568 HISTOUY OF THE Chai-. XXVI.-irSO. [Discovery of a treaty between the Dutch and Americans] broke out between this country and her colonies. From the beginning of tlie contest the Dutch had secretly favoured America, but became more open in assistance as the fortune of England began to decline, and as her enemies multiplied. Holland protected American ships when laden with plunder taken from British merchants, and even suffered a provincial pirate to take refuge in the Texel; in the East and West In- dies she assisted our enemies, and in America our revolted subjects. In Europe, contrary both to the general law of nations and to specific trea- ties, she conveyed warlike stores to our enemies. Holland had sent an armed force to prevent our ships from acting, according to the law of na- tions, and the spirit and letter of particular treaties, in searching ships which should be suspected of carrying warlike stores. Her admiral, count Bylund, fired upon British ships that were sent to examine her vessels in the manner prescribed by the treaty of 1674; and various amicable representations and remonstrances were made by Great Bri- tain* to the states-general, but without effect. Great Britain, when pressed by so many enemies, demanded the succours which were stipu- lated by different treaties, and especially that of 1716, "{" but obtained no satisfactory answer. All these circumstances, combined with her acces- sion to the armed neutrality, not only indicated, but manifested, in the republic, a disposition hostile to her natural ally and most liberal bene- factor. An incident now happened, which discovered to what extent the en- mity of this pretended friend was carried: Mr. Henry Laurens, late pre- sident of the American congress, had been appointed ambassador to Holland, and was captured in a Philadelphia ship in the beginning of September on the banks of Newfoundland by a British frigate. The package which contained his papers had been thrown overboard, but its bulk preventing it from suddenly sinking, it was saved by the boldness and dexterity of a British seaman, and most of the papers recovered from the effects of the water. Mr. Laurens being brought to England, was committed on a charge of high treason. When interrogated, he made no answer to any question of importance, but his papers were suf- ficiently explicit. A treaty of amity and commerce between America and Holland appeared to have been in agitation for more than two years, and Mr. Laurens was to bring the same to a conclusion. The negotia- tors on the side of Holland, were M. Van Burkel, pensionary and coun- sellor to the city of Amsterdam, (an officer of great weight and power,) with other members of the registry, assisted by some great commercial houses of that city. Sir Joseph Yorke, the British ambassador at the Hague, was immediately instructed how to proceed: he accordingly ex- postulated in strong memorials to the states-general, and represented to them the clandestine correspondence which Amsterdam had long been carrying on with rebels against a sovereign to whom the republic was joined in the strictest ties of friendship. He therefore demanded, in the name of the king his masler, not only a formal disavowal of so irregular a conduct, but insi.-ted on speedy satisfaction adequate to the offence, and the punishment of the pensionary Van Burkel and his accomplices, • See tlic correspondence between British ministers, the ambassador sir Joseph Yorke, and the Dutch ; state papers, 1780. t See Chalmers' Collection of Treaties. irSO.— Chap. XXVI. UEIGN OF UEOHGE HI. 569 [Rupture with Holland. Parliament. Speech of the king.] 88 disturbers of the public, and violators of the rights of nations. To this remonstrance an immediate answer not having been given, its sub- stance was repeated in still stronger terms, accompanied by the following intimation: " His majesty, by the complaint.s made through his ambassa- dor, has placed the punishment and the reparation in the hands of your high mightinesses; and it will not be until the last extremity, that is to say, in case of a denial of justice, or of silence, which must be interpreted as a refusal, that tl.e king will take them upon hin)self."* Here one na- tion complained to another of an injury received from subjects of that other, and demanded public disavowal and punishment of the aggressors. It rested with the other nation, either to disavow the act and punish the actors, or by refusing satisfaction justify what had been done. The latter alternative the states-general chose; they did not answer the me- morial, and thus compelled the British sovereign to seek by force that redress which peaceable application could not obtain. Sir Joseph Yorke received orders to withdraw from the Hague; and that step was followed before the close of the year, by a declaration of hostilities against Hol- land. Manifestoes followed from both parties; but, on considering tho whole circumstances of the case, an impartial reader can entertain no doubt that the Dutch were the aggressors. On the 31st of October parliament met, and before they proceeded to business, ministers proposed a new speaker. Sir Fletcher Norton had frequently thwarted and censured administration and given umbrage to the court party; but he excited the greatest di.spleasure in 1777, when, on presenting bills for paying the civil list debts, he made a speech en- larging on the munificence of the commons, and recommending econo- my in the management of their gift. Ministers considering such an adviser as by no means proper for being speaker of the house, embrar. d the earliest possible opportunity of dismissing him from that office. With this view they praised the firmness, prudence, and diligence, with which he had discharged his laborious duties, but lamented that his ardent zeal and indefatigable efforts had very much impaired his constitution: actu- ated by a grateful regard to the ease and health of so valuable a member, the house, according to ministers, ought to relieve him from so trouble- some an employment, and substitute a more able-bodied man to preside over the commons. They therefore recommended Mr. Cornwall, as a gentleman in every other respect qualified for the speaker's chair, and also possessing sufficient corporeal vigour. Opposition expressed the greatest contempt for the ridiculous farce that ministers were acting, and imputed the proposed dismissal to ministerial resentment on account of sir Fletcher's upright conduct. On a division, the nomination of Mr. Cornwall was carried by a majority of 203 to 134. His majesty's speech, after expressing confidence in the loyal and patriotic dispositions and wishes of his. people, described the mighty ef- forts of France and Spain to support the American rebellion, and destroy the commerce and reduce the power of Britain ; the glorious efforts and brilliant successes of the British arms by sea and land, which had frus- trated the designs, and disappointed the expectations of our enemies ; and his confidence, that continuance in these exertions would bring the • See state papers from Nov. 18, to Dec. 29, irSO, relative to a rupture with Holland. Vol. VII.— 72 570 HISTORY OF THE Chap. XXVI.— 1780. [Charges brought by Mr. Fox agahist lord Sandwich.] war to a happy conclusion. After the repetition of reiterated arguments against the origin and conduct of tlie American war, opposition descend- ed to the events of the last campaign, and insisted that, though the vic- tories were most splendidly honourable to the British forces, they did not, in the result, advance the ministerial object of conquering America. They had often predicted, that certain successful operations would ter- minate the war ; but as often as the predictions were made, they were falsified. British soldiers and sailors fought valiantly in the year 1780, as they had always fought ; they had gained battles and taken towns, but to what purpose ? Could any man say, that the conquest of America was less distant, than when we bad driven our colonics to revolt ? Mr. Fox resuming his usual function of accusing ministers, gave no- tice that he should after the holidays move, first, for the dismissal of the earl of Sandwich; and then for bringing him to condign punishment: that he should found the motions on two different causes ; for advising his majesty to promote sir Hugh Pailiser to the government of Green- wich Hospital; and tor the sbamcfid neglect of the navy. Sir Hugh Pailiser had not taken his seat as member for Huntingdon, when Mr. Fox intimated his intention of censuring his recent appointment ; but be- ing informed of this intimation, he speedily repaired to the house, in or- der personally to support his own cause. The 4th of December being the day appointed to take the navy estimates into consideration, it was presumed that Mr. Fox would embrace the opportunity of attacking the conduct and late appointment of Pailiser ; that gentleman therefore re- solved to appear in vindication of his character. Mr. Fox commenced his attack : sir Hugh Pailiser (he said) had been convicted of a false and malicious accusation against his superior officer, and on charges ex- hibited against himself barely acquitted by a court martial ; nevertheless, he was promoted to a post of distinction and profit, which had hereto- fore been held by men of the first naval merit, and was intended as a re- treat and a reward to those who had essentially served their country. This appointment, he considered as the highest insult that could be of- fered to the navy, and the greatest stigma that could be affixed to the ser- vice. He did not blame the person who accepted that place, but the first lord of the admiralty, whose conduct in it ought to be the subject of their inquiry. Lord North answered Mr. Fox, and displayed one of his chief parliamentary excellences, ability and readiness of reply. The ap- pointment of sir Hugh Pailiser (he said) was not the act of the first lord of the admiralty alone, but of the other ministers also. Mr. Fox's prin- cipal objection to the nomination was, that the court-martial upon admi- ral Kcppel had imputed unworthy motives to his accuser. Therein that tribunal had exceeded its jurisdiction ; the court did not sit on admiral Pailiser, but on admiral Keppel. They had not heard Pailiser in his own defence, but prt.nounced an injurious opinion, without establishing its grounds. The second objection of Mr. Fox was, that sir Hugh Pai- liser had been barely acquitted ; but his interpretation was confuted by the sentence itself, and especially the following words, ""^i'lie court hav- ing taken the whole of the evidence into consideration, both on the part of the prosecution as well as in fiivour of the prisoner, were of opinion, that the conduct of sir Hugh Pailiser was so far from being reprehensi- ble on the 27th anrl 28th of July, that in many parts it appeared exempla- ry and highly meritorious." Exemplary conduct meant such as was a 1781.— Chap. XXVI. KEIGN OF GEOllGE HI. 571 [Mr. Burke resiimes his plan of economical refoi m. Mr. Pitt.] proper example for other officers to follow, and a fit object for imitation. According to tlii.s natural and true construction of the .sentence, the mi- nister contended that sir Hugh Palliser was undoubtedly an object of re- quital ; and after his conduct had been declared highly meritorious and exemplary, administration Mould have been criminally culpable if they had neglected to cive a suitable reward. On the 6th of Deceniber the rece.ss took place, and parliament did not again meet until the 25th of January. Papers respecting the rupture with Holland were laid before the houses. Ministers entered into a detailed vindication of their pro- ceedings, to prove that the Dutch had violated both general neutrality and particular treaties ; they contended, that as we had applied in vain for redress, hostilities were therefore unavoidable. Opposition members, with their usual ingenuity, endeavoured to demonstrate our enemy to be in the right, and the Pjriti.sh government to be in the wrong ; and for that purpose they contrasted the present system respecting continental con- nexions, with the policy of former ])eriods since the revolution. Minis- ters replied, that their object was the same as the purposes of William and Anne, to humble the house of Bourbon ; but that the Dutch had, contrary to wisdom and their own interest, changed their measures, and, misled by a factious party, assisted their natural enemies against their natural friends. In answer to fanciful analogies, taken from remote and dissimilar periods of history, and theories built upon these, they referred to the existing case, as proved by authentic documents, to evince that Holland was the aggressor, and by refusing satisfaction, had forced Bri- tain to go to war. On the 1st of February, Mr. Fox, in pursuance of his notice, moved, that the appointment of sir Hugh Palliser to be governor of Greenwich- hospital, after he had been (Icclared by a court-niartial guilty of having preferred a malicious and ill-founded accusation against his command- ing officer, -was a measure totally subversive of the discipline, and de- rogatory to the honour of the navy. He exhibited the whole detail of the proceedings by or concerning admirals Keppel and Palliser, with all their consequences, real and supposed, in one view, in order to support by his former arguments the present motion. Ministers having replied by repeating their former reasonings, offered an amendment destructive of the original proposition, and carried it in the affirmative by a majo- rity of two hundred and fourteen to one hundred and forty-nine. While Mr. Fox was thus eagerly employed in attacking ministry, Mr. Burke again attempted to introduce his plan for financial reform; and from the new parliament professed to expect a support which he had not experienced from the former. The bill itself not being chang- ed since the former year, and the genius of Mr. Burke ha^ing then brouglit forward every important argument that could be adduced, the substance of his reasoning on the present occasion was necessarily simi- lar to his arguments in the preceding session: the bill was thrown out at the second reading, by a majority much smaller than for a long time had usually voted in favour of ministry. The debate previous to this division, is remarkable for a circumstance distinct from the intrinsic merits of the <|uestion: it called forward, for the first time in parliament, the genius of Mr. William Pitt, second son of the illustrious earl of Chatham. At the general election, this youth, in the twenty second year of his age, entered parliament while the expectations of all ranks and parties were aroused in his favour. 572 HISTORY OF THR Cba». XXVI.— 1781. [Mr. Slieridan turns hii attention to politics. India afTairs.] It was publiclv known that his illustrious father had conceived the high- est opinion of his talents and acquirements. Lord Chatham had himself inspected the education of his children: and though immersed in public business, under the pressure of ace and bodily infirmity, with anxious delight had tutored, formed, and directed the opening understanding of such a promising son; In every stage of his education, young Pitt impressed all tliose who knew him witli admiration of his talents and ac- quirements. As he ad^an(•od in years, lie had progressively risen in estimation and was chieily eminent for masculine strength and com- pass of intellectual powers, rapidly mastering the various depart- ments of knowledije and science, studying as a scholar, compre- hending''and sicneraiizing as a philosopher^ bold and original in con- ception, profound in research, indefatigable in application, he had a firmness of temper, which steadily pursued what he perceived to be right, and adhered to his own plans of conduct, undisturbed by the ridicule of frivolity, and unreduced by theallurements of vice. At the university, he was deemed far superior to ordinary men. and as one destined to transcend his coutemporaries as much in the highest deli- berative and executive de|)artments of public life, as he then surpassed them in the erudition and science of academic retirement. Some of his friends at Cambi idge proposed that he should stand candidate for re- pre.senting the university in parliament, but declining this honour unless unanimously oftered, he was returned for Poole. In the speech which he now delivered, Mr. Pitt fully justified the anticipations of the public and was considered from that time as an important accession to parlia- mentary ability. Although the young orator voted and spoke on the side of oppDsition, he did not connect himself with any of its members as a partv, but, like his renowned father, he trusted entirely to himself, without seeking eminence through the collective influence of a coinbi- nation. The same session brought another splendid addition to parlia- mentary genius: Mr. Sheridan, after far surpassing all contemporary writers, and indeed all of the eighteenth century, in comic poetry, first exhibited in the senate that strong, brilliant, and versatile genius, which had acquired the dramatic palm merely because its possessor had chosen that species of intellectual exercise. Sir Philip Jennings Gierke, notwithstanding his repeated defeats, resumed his design of excludins: contractors from a seat in the house. A bill which he brought in f< r that purpose, was thrown out by a majori- ty of one hundred and twenty to one hundred; and a bill proposed by iClr. Crewe, to restrain revenue officers from voting at elections for members of parliament, met with a similar fate. India affairs now came before the house: petitions were presented from the natives of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa, complaining that the su- preme court of judicature established by the act of 1773, had greatlv ex- ceeded its powers; that it extended its jurisdiction to persons whom it was not the intention of the king and parliament to subject to its de- crees; that it had taken cognizance of matters both originally and pen- ding the suit, the exclusive determination of which the petitioners hum- bly conceived it to have been the intention of the king and parliament to leave to other courts; that the judges considered the criminal law of England as in force and binding upon the natives of Bengal, though utterly repugnant to the laws and customs by which they had formerly been governed. Petitions were presented to parliament by three class- 1781.— Chap. XXVr. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 573 [Petitions from the counties for the redress of grievances.] 63, who were affected by wlmt they conceived to be an unwarranted assumption of jurisdiction; first, by the governor-general and council; secondly, by the agents of the British subjects; and thirdly, by the East India company. A select committee was, at the instance of gen. Smith, appointed to consider India aftars, and the proposer was nominated chairman. To this committee the petitions were referred : the investi- gation of their grounds produced a variety of information, which after- wards extended the objects of the intjuiry to deliberative and executive acts, as well as judicative, and eventually laid the foundation of a very celebrated prosecution. All parties appeared to agree, that in the im- perfect state of their knowledge of facts, it was proper to proceed with great caution and delicacy, yet on a summary review, the cliief mem- bers of both sides appeared to think, that there were among the compa- ny's servants counteracting interests that very materially injured the value of India possessions. The select committee having been appoint- ed in February, had already presented a long report, when intelligence arrived of such a state of atVairs in the Carnatic, as induced tlie minis- ter to propose a secret committee, for the purpose of inquiring into the general management of the state of affairs in India, including the farther investigation of the subjects suggested by the petitions. After some objections from opposition to the secrecy, the motion was can-ied, a committee was chosen from both sides of the house, and Mr. Henry Dundas appointed chairman. In consequence of the report of the secret committee, a bill was proposed by general Smith, for a new regulation of the supreme judicature in India, which, after some partial changes was passed into a law. The minister submitted various propositions to the house respecting Indian atiairs, but rather as subjects of discussion than as measures for adoption. Of these the most important were. Whether it would be proper to throw the trade to India opei^ to grant a monopoly to an- other company; or to bestow a new charter on the present company, and reserve to the public a great share of their profits.^ Whether k would be proper for the crown to take the territorial possessions and revenues entirely into its own hands, or to leave them to the man- agement of a mercantile company.!^ These topics underwent a variety of discussion, but without producing any efficient resolution during the present session. As themes, however, of reflection and argument, they turned the attention of members to the contemplation of Indian attairs, and prepared them for understanding the nature and tendency of such plans as should be afterwards proposed. Lord North introduced a temporary and short bill, continuing the company's monopoly for a limited time, until a more permanent and comprehensive plan should be formed. By this bill the company was to pay four hundred and two thousand pounds to government, as a share of its past profits, and also an annual sun\ in future. In the house of lords the duke of Bolton proposed an inquiry relative to the capture of the East and West India convoy, in the course of which much censure was passed on the general conduct of the navy; but his grace at length withdrew his motion. Although the riots had damped the spirit of association, yet some of the counties continued to associate for the purpose of procuring a redress of grievances, and ap- pointed delegates to give support and efficacy to their acts. These, as acting for their constituents, having assembled, prepared a petition to the house of commons, stating the alleged grievances, and the desired 574 HISTORY OF THK Chap. XXVI.—irSl. [Different opinions of Messrs. Fox and Burke on the marriage law.] redress. There were many who, admitting the existence of them, and the necessity of a remedy, yet totally disapproved of such a convention. The petition was therefore subscribed by three several delegates, in their individual and not their collective capacities. When presented however to parliamonl, the ])owers that had been assumed by delegates were the chief subjects of animadversion by the opposcrs of the petition which was rejected by a majority of two hundred and twelve, to one hundred and thirty-five. The house of commons on this occasion show- ed a jealous vigilance of an encroachment on the established constitution, by discountenancing a representative system which was formed by de- tadu'd individuals, and unknown to the laws of the land. Near tlie close of the session an inconvenience that had arisen from the marriage act ITol, produced the correction of a clause in that law. It had been enacted, that no marriage could be valid unless it was so- lemnised in church or other place wherein t!ie celebration of nuptials was lawful before the act. Apau])er, who had been married in a cha- pel erected after that period, being sent with a lar^je family to the parish wherein he conceived himself entitled to a settlement as a married man, was refused, on the ground that, not having complied with the terms of the statute, he was not a married man. An application was made to the court of king's bench : and the judges, though they lamented the hardness of the case, yet, in confoi-mity to the statute, were under the necessity of justifying the recusants, 'i'hrough the ignorance or inadvertency of the parties anil the clergymen, many marriages were in the same predica- ment, and great numbers of innocent children, without any immoral conduct or intention on the part of their parents, were bastardi/.ed. liord Beauchamp proposed an act of retrospec^e operation, legalizing such marriages, and legitimating their issue. So humane and equitable a bill was unanimously and speedily passed. The consideration of this particular clause led many tatake a view of the marriage act in general; and among others Mr. (Miarlps fox, who, employing the arguments that had been used in opposition to the bill in 1751, and especially with dis- tinguished ability by his father, proposed a total repeal of the law, and brought in a bill for that purpose: but it was rejected without a divi- sion. Mr. Fox on the occasion viewed the subject in a light rather democratical, considering the inclination of the contracting parties as the sole, criterion of proper marriages. His friend Mr. IJurke ex- pressed a ditVerent opinion, and contended, that during the non-age of parties, the sanction of parents or other nearest relations was requisite m that act, the most important of their lives, as well as in others of less comparative moment. The marriage act (he said) justly hit the medium between close and misciiievous restraint, and the foiiner laxity which had been the cause of such disorders, and so many just complaints. Concerning: the control to which natural liberty should be subjected for the sake ol general cx|jediency, these two illustrious friends manifested, on tliis incidental occasion, a diversity of opinion, which was not much regarded at the time, but from subsef[uent proceedings and events has Vjeen carefully noted by examiners of the series and system of their re- spective principles and conduct. The pecuniary transactions of this year were subjects of the sever- estanimadversiun. The supplies were gi-anted without oppositirni, though not without re|)roach of ministers, for the uselessness, through their mis- conduct, of the most lavish grants. Ninety -one thousand seamen were voted, and, including foreign troops, about eighty thousand landmen. 1781.— Chap, XXVI. UKIGN OF GEORGE 111. 575 [Extravagant terms for the noted loan of twelve millions.] The whole amount required for the public service was 2!2,458,337/. To provide so large a sum, besides the ordinary means, with the assist- ance of contributions from the bank and East India company, twelve millions were raised by a loan. Tlie subscribers to this loan, for every hundred pounds contributed, obtained one hundred and fifty in annu- ities, after the rate of three per cent, per annum, and an additioiud twenty-five pounds in an annuity at four per cent, per annum; which rate of interest was to be continued until the annuity should be redeem- ed. 480,000/. were raised by a lottery, the tickets in which were dis- tributed among the subscribers in the proportion of four tickets for every thousand pounds subscribed. By comparing the terms of this loan with the price of the several funds on which it was negotiated, it was immediately seen that subscribers had a gain of more than ten per cent, besides the current interest, and in fact the omnium bore an imme- diate premium of ten per cent. The bestowal of such very advanta- geous terms on the subscribers, to the loan underwent a severe scru- tiny. Mr. Fox inveighed .against it, as, in the first place, a much less favourable bargain than might have been obtained. The minister had been ottered money to the amount of thirty-eight millions, at five per cent, without any premium, and had chosen to borrow it at sixteen per cent, for the first year, making near six per cent, for ever,* and imposing an unnecessary annuity on this country, of near one hun- dred thousand pounds. Mr. Fox contended, in very forcible reason- ing, that such was not the conduct of a competent and faithful steward; that the minister must either have been grossly ignorant, criminally neg- ligent, or wilfully treacherous to his country. He could not be so igno- rant as to suppose it was better to pay six per cent, than five; neither could it be imputed to negligence, because the subscribers were the minister's own particular friends. His favourite contractor, Mr. At- kinson, for one, had the disposal of three millions three hundred thou- sand, the immediate profit of which was three hundred and thirty thou- sand pounds. The other shares were also distributed among the mi- nister's adherents. Mr. Fox proposed that the lists of both subscribers and proposers should be laid before the house. Lord North by no means • Average price of three per cents. was 58 1-2, therefore 150 was Four per cents, at 72 1-2, 25 is Lottery tickets at 121 10s. four for lOOOi. is 50/. for 1001. The current interest was for each hundred pounds, 41. 10s. in the three per cents, 10/. in the four, and 15/. on the lottery tickets ; so that tlie minister paid a pre- mium of near eleven per cent, for borrowing at more than legal interest. Interest of loan .--..3 50 Interest of premium 10 9 /. s. d. 87 15 18 2 6 5 00 110 17 6 15 15s. 9(1. beyond legal interest on each 100/. 100/. 15s. 9d. 12,000,000/. 94,500/. Thus an annuity of 94,5001. is forever paid by this country more than was neces- sary for the same sum of money, if lord North had made the best terms he could for the good of hia country. 576 HISTOUY OF THE Clip. XXVI.— 1781. [Wasteful expenditure of the public money. Session rises.] consented to the application of this test; cautiously avoiding a detail- ed answer to Mr. Fox he in general declared that he had made the best bargain he could, but opposed all inquiry into its circumstances. Hurt- ful, Mr. Fox observed, as the financial waste was to the pecuniary inte- rest of tlie country, it was still more injurious to political, by feeding corruption already so enormous. Mr. Fox so completely discussed this subject, that tlu)uu;h afterwards frequently debated both by the com- mons and the peers, no new facts or arguments were adduced. The impartial iiistorian cannot justify the public steward for so pro- digal a waste of the public money; but must exhibit the twelve millions loan of 1781 as very inconsistent with the character of an able and up- right minister. On the other hand, however, he will not hastily impute- such donatives to personal corruption. The individual integrity of lord North has never been impeached; his bitterest political enemies never alleged that there was any defalcation of national treasure for his own use;* but what his own rectitude prevented in himself, his inattention suffered in others. With great talents, and manifold acquirements, of an acute understanding, and benevolent disposition, the minister pos- sessed a constitutional indolence, which when mingled with good na- ture, often allows to friends and connexions much more indulgence than the stern austerity of rigid morality would permit; and in gratifying the wishes, or promoting the interest of tlie objects of its attach- ment, frequently transcends the bounds of duty. From this source probably arose the largesses of a minister, than whom no one did more to serve his friends. At the same time, a considerable portion of his donatives must be imputed to political considerations, to the desire of extending his influence, and fortifying himself against the formidable host by which he was assailed. On the 18th of July, the session was closed with a speech from the throne, in which the king thanked his parliament for their exertions du- ring so long and important a session. He expressed his satisfaction that, in the midst of tlic difficulties of so complicated and extensive a war, the ancient spirit of the British nation was not diminished. He ap- proved highly of the consideration that had been bestowed on the affairs of India, and trusted the business would be resumed and completed at their next meeting. "Peace (he concluded) is the earnest wish^of my heart, but I have too firm a reliance on the spirit and resources of the na- tion, and the powerful assistance of my parliament, and the protection of a just and all ruling Providence, to accept any terms and conditions, than such as may consist with the honour and dignity of my crown, and the permanent interest and security of my people." • Personal enmity, the amiable character of this minister has, I believe, never provoked. 178L—Ciiir. XXVII. UEIGN OF GEOUGE IIT. 577 CHAP. XXVII. East Indies — Hytler Ally invades the Carnatic — oolonel Baillie defeats him, but Is drawn into an ambuscade, overpowered by numbers, and destroyed. — Kapid prop^ress of Hyder. — Consternation at Madras — alarm reaches Cidcntta. — Sir Evre Coote sent to coinmand in the Carnatic — comparativelv sm:dl army. — plan of operations for 1781. — Successive victories over Hyder. — Coote restores the Mritish affairs in the Carnatic. — Admiral Hughes destroys Hyder's sh-pping on the Malabar coast — reduces Dutch settlements. — Europe — Plans of the house of Bourbon when re-enforced by the Dutch. — French invade the island of Jersey — are at first successful, but finally repelled — Block.ade of Gibr dtar — British fleet supplies the garrison with provisions — Spaniards resolve to attempt its red'icti(m by storm — immense preparations for this purpose. — General El- liot. — Grand scheme for totally discomfiting' the enemy — bold, masterly, and complete disposition — Sally of November 2rth — entirely destroys the enemy's preparations. — Darby endeavrxirs to bring the enemy's fleet to battle, but in vain — The combined fleet of forty-nine ships of tlie line sails to the channel — British fleet of thirty ships keeps the sea. — The hostile armada, notwithstand- ing its superiority, will not venture an attack — retires to harbour. — British trade protected. — Admiral Kempenfeldt intercepts a French convoy. — War with Holland — Action oflT the Dogger-bank. — Commodore Johnstone's expe- dition to the Cape of Good Hope — though not entirely successful, captures several valuable prizes. — West Indies. — Tremendous luirricane in the Leeward Islands — in Jamaica — humane endeavours to alleviate the distresses — Campaign opens. — Reduction of St. Eu«tatius — Holland experiences the folly of going to war with Britain — De Grasse arrives in the West [ndies with a greater fleet than the British. — Admiral Hood, detached by Rodney, offers battle lo the French — they will not venture a close engagement, but keep a running fight. — • A French armament invades Tobago — small garrison there — character and gal- lant defence of governor Fergusson — his judicious and kind treatment of his negroes — their gratitude, fidelity, and valour— overpowered by numbers, yields by an honourable capitulation. — Rodney endeavours to meet de Grasse, who avoids an encounter. — Spaniards reduce West Florida — Last efforts of Britain for the recovery of North America — general misinformation and false conclu- sions of ministers — magnify every transient success — sanguine hopes from the reduction of Carolina delusive. — Object and plan of the campaign 1781 — Lord Cornwallis begins his march. — Expedition of light troops — defeat of the enter- prising and brave Tarleton — disadvantage to the British from this disaster. — Battle of Guilford — Cornwallis successful, but with considerable loss. — Opera- tions of lord Rawdon in Carolina — enterprise, skill, and genius of that com- mander, but by great superiority of numbers is cut oflT from communication with Cornwallis — returns to Britain — is succeeded by colonel Stewart, who is obliged to act on the defensive. — Cornwallis enters Virginia — reaches Williams- burgh — opposed by an American and French force — establishes himself at Glou- cester, in expectation of co-operation from general Clinton. — French and Ame- rican army near New- York. — Washington projects to march against Cornwallis, without being followed by Clinton — dexterous stratagem by which he over- reaches the British commander — with his army joins the forces in Virginia. — Cornwallis surrounded — expecting succours from Clinton resolves to defend himself to tl e last — skilful and gallant defence — a French fleet blocks up the river — our brave general still holds out — the garrison fast diminishes — a gene- ral assault prepared — finding himself totally unable to resist, lord Cornwallis at length surrenders. We left Hyder Ally preparing to enter the Carnatic : for this purpose he had collected a mighty armv. The force on the Madras establish- VoT. VII.— 73 578 HISTORY OF THE Chaf. XXVIF.— 17S!. [Defeat of colonel Baillie by Tippoo Saib.] ment amounted to about thirty thousand men, but was dispersed at great distances, either in quarters, garrison, or upon various detached services ; part was employed on the Malabar coast, and a very vahiable detach- ment was in the Guntoor circar, under the conduct of colonel Baillie. The presidency of Madras was not suffciently impressed with a sense of the nature and extent of Hyder's designs, and l)y no means employed prudent precautions to secure passes, and fortify posts, to prevent his inroads. Hyder having made his way through the Ghauts, on the 22d of July 1780, advanced without opposition into the level country, with desolation and terror, while his son, Tippoo Saib, was sent to the north- ern circars. Ilyder Ally besieged the city of Arcot, which its nal)ob de- fended in such a manner as to excite groat suspicion of his fidelity. Tippoo Saib advanced with a great body of cavalry upon the northern circars, whilst at the opposite extremity difievcnt parties of the enemy were approaching to Madras and the borders of Tinivelly country. Sir Hector Monro, the British general, formed the design of compelling Hyder to raise the siege, and himself effecting a junction with Baillie'* detachment, wiiich was marching to the south. Ilyder on the approach of Monro's army raised the siege, but occupied such a position as inter- cepted the communication between colonel Baillie and the main army. Baillie, meanwhile, with a force consisting of above two hundred Euro- peans and eighteen hundred Sepoys, encountered Tippoo Saib at the head of thirty thousand horse and eight thousand foot, at a place called Perimbaucum,* where he made masterly dispositions to withstand the prodigious superiority of number. After a very severe action the British gained a complete victory, but for want of cavalry were unable to pre= serve their baggage. Baillie found that from the intervention of Hyder's army he could not make good a junction with general Monro, and at the same time, that it would be impossible long to retain his present post for want of provisions. He sent intelligence of his situation to sir Hector ; and colonel Fletcher was despatched to his assistance, who, after nar- rowly escaping being betrayed by his guides, effected a junction with Baillie. Their detachments now prepared to force their way to the Bri- tish army. Hyder pretended a resolution not to oppose them, and to change his position, but really formed an ambuscade round the road by which they were to pass ; while a body of his cavalry by various move- ments, diverted the attention of the English camp. On the 10th of Sep- tember, Baillie's corps advanced into the toils, and were soon surrounded by forty thousand men, besides a corps of European artillery. Notwith- standing this surprise, the English leader made a masterly disposition and gallant resistance. The Mysore troops were giving way in the greatest consternation, and victory appeared to be in the hands of the British, when a fatal accident reversed the fortune of the day; the tum- brils which contained the ammunition suddenly blew up with two dread- ful explosions in the centre of the British lines ; one whole face of their column was entirely laid open, and their artillery overturned and de- stroyed. The destruction of men was great, but the total loss of am- munition was still more dreadful to the survivors. Tippoo Saib instantly • See Memoirs of the War in Asia, from 1780 to 1784, by Dr. William Thorn- son.* • See life of Dr. VT. T. in Philips' Public Characten for 1103. 1781— Chap. XX VII. KKK.N OF GEOHGK Ilf. 579 [Sir Eyre Coote sent to command in the Carnatic] seized the moment of advantaore, and attacked the broken column with his cavahy ; he was soon followed hy the French corps, the first line of unfantry, and entirely overpowered the sepoy.s in the British service, who, after displaying the most intrepid vuiuur, were cut to pieces. Baillie himself being dangerously wounded, rallied his handful of f'ritons, formed a square, and his soldiers, without ammunition fighting with their bayo- nets, repulsed the Asiatic host, until exhausted rather than conquered they fell, and were trampled by horses and elephants. Among the killed was the brave colonel Fletcher; colonel Bailhe, and about two hundred Europeans, were taken prisoners, and exposed to every insult and cruelty that the ingenuity of barburians could inflict, while nothing could exceed their sufferings but the mtigRanitnous and indignant fortitude with which they were borne.* This disaster threw the presidency into great con- sternation and terror ; they considered the Carnatic on the eve of being lost, and Madras itsell' in the greatest danger. Hyder soon resumed the siege of Arcot, took it by assault on the third of November, and, three days after, the citadel, though capable of a much longer defence if the nabob had been resolutely faithful. The successes of Hyder caused alarm even at Calcutta : the supreme council placed little reliance on the efforts of the Madras presidency, but having resolved to assist that set- tlement, and wishing to be a'-.sured of the proper application of their aid, they passed a resolution, entreating sir Erye Coote, a member of their own body and commander in chief of the forces in India, to take the command of the army in the Carnatic. The governor-general exerted himself to re-enforce the army destined to act against Hyder, and to provide money for paying and supplying the troops. It was concerted that general Coote should sail immediately for Madras, while admiral Hughes should direct his operations against the ports and shipping of Hyder on the Malabar coast. Sir Eyre Coote arrived at Madras at the close of the year 1780, where he found affairs in a more dismal situation than he had conceived : Hyder Ally had taken every measure which could occur to the most experienced general,! to distress the British, and to render himself formidable. His military conduct was supported by a degree of political address unequalled by any prince or leader that had yet appeared in Hindostan : his army was now augmented to more than a hundred thousand men, while the force of general Coote did not ex- ceed seven thousand. On the conduct of the general, invigorating and directing this small band, depended the fate of the Carnatic, and proba- bly of all British India. Encouraged by his victories, Hyder had besieged the fortresses of Vel- lore, Wandewash, Permacoil, and Chingleput. Having called a council of war, composed of sir Hector Monro, lord Macleod, and general Stu. art, the conunander in chief consulted them whether it would be better to relieve these garrisons, or proceed immediately against the enemy's army. The former alternative was unanimously adopted, and in a few weeks the British general obliged Hyder to raise all the sieges, re-en- forced and supplied the garrisons. The French inhabitants of Pondi- • See narrative of the sufferings of the officers and men, Thomson's War in Asia, passim. t This is the substance of Coote's first letter from Madras t9 the India direc> tory. 580 IIISTOllY OF THE Chap. XXVII.— 1781 [Operations of the British army.] cherry, notwithstanding the generous treatment which they had received from the EngUsh, behaved with the mo.st ungrateful pertidy ; they ad- mitted a garrison in the interests of Hyder, and collected a large store of provisions, evidently intended to support a fleet and army which were expected from the Mauritius ; but Coote effectually crushed this nefa- rious project, by taking away their arms, destroying the boats, and re- moving the provisions. These operations, though attended with success, so exhausted the army of Coote, originally small, as to render an immediate attack upon the army of Mysore extremely imprudent, unless it should prove abso- lutely necessary. Hyder, on the other hand, finding his soldiers dis- couraged by the late victories of their adversaries, did not deem it expe- dient to compel the British to an engagement ; and during several months no conflicts of any importance took place between the armies. Hyder at length being strongly re-enforced, made preparations for the siege ot Tritchinopoly. Sir Eyre Coote proposed to march with the army to Porto Novo, as well that he might frustrate the design of the enemy, as to repress his depredation on the side of Tanjore and the southern pro- vinces. The British army was small, and very indifferently provided for the field, but the situation of affairs admitted but of one alternative, either southern India must be abandoned, or an effort must be made for its pre- servation ; and this was one of the cases which have often occurred in British history, in which the most adventurous boldness was the wisest policy. Impelled by these considerations, the British general, with a small but valiant band, on the 16th of June set out in quest of the Mysorean myriads, and arrived at Porto Novo ; thence he made an attempt on the fortress of Chillumbrum, but was obliged to retire ; nevertheless, he re- solved to persist in endeavouring to bring the enemy to battle, to which their commander was now much less indisposed than in the earlier part of the campaign. Hyder was so powerfully re-enforced, that confident in his strength, and elated with the repulse of the English, he resolved to hazard an engagement, rather than relinquish his design on Tritchino- poly and the adjacent provinces. Determined to fight, he advanced to meet the English army, and chose a very advantageous position within a short distance of Coote. One of the great difficulties of the English army was the impossibility of obtaining intelligence respecting the force and situation of the enemy. Clouds of Hyder's cavalry hovered round our camp, and overspread the country on all sides, farther than the eye could reach ; therefore it was not only impracticable to send out a re- connoitring party, but even a single scout could not escape detection. Several men were despatched for intelligence, but none returned ; and the British commander could procure no farther knowledge of the num- ber and disposition of the enemy, than the short view from his own ad- vanced posts admitted. Thus compelled to proceed in the dark, Coote .'.ould form no previous plan of action, but was obliged to trust entirely w> hi.s invention, which must instantaneously devise plans and expedients, accordinji to the discoveries which he should make concerning the My- Horeans. Such are perhaps the most trymg circumstances in which a general can he placed ; they demand not merely courage, nor even the habitual ski!) of professional experience framing customary plans for com- mon situations ; extrication and .success were to depend on genius, which 1781.— Chap XXVII. EEIGN OF GEOTfGE III, 581 [Battle of Porto Novo. Successive victories of the British.] must form and adapt its combinations to a new case, with a correspon- dent self-posses.sion of faculties, and promptitude of execution. These qualities the fate of the C.irnatic required in the commander to whom it was intrusted, and they were found in sir Eyre Coote. On the 1st of July, at five in the morning, the Britisli drums beat to arms; at seven, the troops, consisting of seventeen hundred Europeans, and three thousand five hundred sepoys, marched out of the oamp in two lines ; the first being commanded by sir Hector Monro, and the second by general Stuart. This body of five thousand two hundred, with a pro- portionable quantity of artillery, advanced to meet an enemy of seventy thousand, with a powerful train, directed by European ofllicers. On the right was the sea; and on the left, numerous bodies of the enemy's ca- valry as before precluded intelligence and observation. After an hour's march, our troops entered a plain, skirted by an eminence, on which the army of Ilyder was posted, being flanked on both sides by strong bat- teries of artillery, and vigorously and skilfully fortified in front. The Engli.sh general, from this position, saw that the success of his handful depended on the first impression ; the design which he thence formed was to direct his efforts against a part, and cause a confusion which might extend to the rest of the army. With this view he narrowed his front, so arranged his men as to be nearly covered from the cannon of the ene- my, and assailed their left wing diagonally ; this prompt and happy move- ment decided the fortune of the day ; attacked in such an unexpected manner, the Mysoreans were thrown into disorder. Ilyder dexterously and speedily changed his front, in order to encounter the Engli.-h with his whole force, and attempted at once to separate the British lines, and to surround them both. His dispositions for these purposes were mas- terly ; but the repective efforts of Monro and Stuart, with the superin- tending conduct of Coote, proved invincible. The Mysoreans fought vaHantly, but the British continuing to pursue the advantage which their first attack had produced, after an obstinate contest of seven hours, put the enemy completely to the route, and obtained a decisive victory. The battle of Porto Novo will ever be accounted an important epoch in the history of British India : it broke the spell which the defeat of colonel Baillie had formed, destroyed the awe that was attached to the name of Hyder Ally, and by its effects, both on the relative power and authority of the belligerent parties, may be considered as the salvation of India.* " So little," says the historian of the war in Asia, " can human sagacity penetrate into the maze of future events, that the repulse at Chillum- brum, which seemed pregnant with danger, by encouraging Hyder to venture an engagement, changed the whole face of our affairs in the Carnatic." Coote being soon re-enforced by a body of troops from Bengal, re- duced Passore, a place of considerable importance, and well stored with provisions. Meanwhile Hyder, being joined by his son Tippoo with a fresh supply of troops, hazarded a second battle ; but on the 27th of August, after displaying his usual skill and uitrepidity, he was again de- feated. Undismayed by these losses, he ventured a third engagement on the 27th of September, in which IJritish prowess continued trium- phant. He even afterwards manifested a wish for a fresh trial, but found • See Thomson's War in Asia, p. 255 — 266. 582 HISTORY OF THE Chap. XXVU.— 1781. [Reduction of Negapatam. Europe. French invade Jersey.] bis troops so disheartened as not to second his desire. He was now compelled to retreat into the interior conntry, to abandon the advantages of the former year, and to leave the English possessions in undoubted 5ecurity. Such was the change eftected by the ability and conduct of sir Eyre Coote in 17S1.* Meanwhile sir Edward Hughes by his naval efforts powerfully co-ope- rated in annoying the enemies of England ; he destroyed Hyder's ship- ping in his own ports, and thereby blasted in the bud his hopes of be- coming a maritiiDC power. Informed of the war with Holland, he immediately attacked the Dutch settlement of Negapatam, which was defended by five hundred Europeans, seven hundred Malays, four thou- ."sand five hundred sepoys, and two thousand three hundred of Hyder's troops. Admiral Hughes was in this expedition assisted by a land force under sir Hector Monro : their joint efforts reduced this place in three weeks, acquired a very considerable booty, and compelled Hyder to eva- cuate Tanjore. About the same time, the British factory in the island of Sumatra, with the assistance of captain Clements and a small squa- dron of ships, subdued all the Dutch settlements on the west coasts of the island. In Europe, the Bourbon princes, re-enforced by the Dutch, formed a comprehensive plan of operations ; they proposed to subdue Jersey, to attack our naval armaments on our own coast, to invade Minorca, and accomplish the reduction of Gibraltar. In January, the baron de RuUe- court invaded the island of Jersey, and leaving a small garrison a Grouvillc. marched to St. Helier. Having besieged the avenues of the town, he surprised the guard in the dark, and possessed the market place without noise ; and at the break of day, the inhabitants were asto- nished to find themselves in the hands of the enemy. Major Corbet, deputy-governor, with the magistrates and principal inhabitants, being brought prisoners to the court-house, the French commander wrote terms of capitulation, by which the island was to be surrendered to France, the troops to lay down their arms, and to be conveyed to England. The lieutenant-governor represented, that no act could have the smallest vali- dity in his present situation, and that the officers and troops were too well informed of their duty to pay any regard to his acts while a prisoner ; but his remonstrance was unavailing, Rullecourt was peremptory in his de- mand, and Corbet, under the impression of the moment, too precipi- tately signed the capitulation. | The French commander summoned Klizaheth castle to surrender on the prescribed terms ; but this fortress was preserved by the conduct and fortitude of captains Aylward and Mul- 'laster, who having retired thither at the first alarm, prepared against a sudden attack, rejected the summons with great spirit, and peremptorily refu.sed to pay the smallest regard to the capitulation, or to any orders which should bo issued by the lieutenant-governor in his present circum- stances. Meanwhile the alarm extended, and the nearest troops rushed with the utmost expedition towards the point of danger, and immediately formed on an eminence near the town, under the conduct of major Pier- Fon of the ninetv-fifth regiment. Rullecourt required the British com- mander i-nmediately to yield; the gallant officer replied, that if the French leader and troops did not within twenty minutes lay down their • Annual Register, 1781. -f Ibid. irSl.— Chap. XXVir. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 583 [Blockade of Gibraltar.] arms and surrender themselves prisoners of war, he should attack tiiem tlie instant that period was expired. Pierson made a very masterly dis- position of his forces, and when the specified time was elapsed, began the conflict with such a imion of impetuosity and skill as soon gained a decisive victory. The French general being mortally wounded, the next in command seeing the hopelessness of their sit>iation, requested the lieutenant-governor to resume his authority, and to accept of their sur- render as prisoners of war. The satisfaction arising from this victory was greatly diminished by the fall of the hero to whom it was owing ; fighting at the head of conquering troops, the gallant Pierson was killed in the twenty-fifth year of his age. The redoubt at Grouville was im- mediately attacked and retaken, and the whole of the French invading party was either killed or taken prisoners : thus ended the second attempt of France on the island of Jersey. The blockade of Gibraltar continued, and notwithstanding the supply of provisions which had been brought by admiral Rodney in the preced- ing year, the garrison began to feel the distresses of restricted food : so early as October 1780, the governor had been obliged to deduct a quar- ter of a pound from each man's daily allowance of bread, and to confine the consumption of meat to a pound and a half a week, which, from be- ing so long kept, was now scarcely eatable. The inhabitants were re- duced to still greater difficulties ; after the supply which the English fleet had brought, and even earlier, not a single vessel ari-ived with provisions or necessaries, either from the neighbouring shores of Bar- bary, or any of the more distant coasts of Africa ; so that, with every other misfortune, they were at once cut off from that great and long esta- blished source of a cheap and plentiful market, and reduced to depend en- tirely for relief on the casual arrival of a few small Minorcan vessels, whose cargoes were insufficient, and prices immoderate.* To this distressing situation both the soldiers and inhabitants sui)mitted, not only without murmur, but with universal cheerfulness. In such circumstances, the interest and honour of Britain required, that one of the first measures of the campaign should be the relief of Gibraltar ; and early in spring, a great fleet under the conduct of the admirals Darby, Digby, and sir .T. Lockhart Ross, was fitted out for this service. The French and Spaniards boasted that they would defeat the execution of this de- • The following account, copied*from the Annual Register of 1782, and with the usual accuracy of that valuable performance, clearly illustrates the distressed state of the garrison : — " Of the most common and indispensable necessaries of life; bad ship biscuit, full of worms, was sold at a shilling a pound ; flour and beef, in not much better condition, at the same price ; old dried pease at a third more ; the worst salt, half dh-t, the sweepings of ship's bottoms and store-houses, at eight-pence ; old Irish salt butter at half a crown ; the worst sort of brown su- gar brought the same price ; and English farthing candles were sold at six-pence a piece. "But fresh provisions bore still more exorbitant prices, even when the arrival of vessels from the Mediterranean opened a market : turkeys sold at three pounds twelve shillings a piece ; sucking pigs at two guineas; ducks at half a guinea; and small hens sold at nine shillings a piece. A guinea was refused for a calf's pluck ; and one pound seven shillings asked for an ox's head. To heighten every distress, the firing was so nearly exhausted as scarcely to afford a sufficiency for the most indispensalile culinary purposes ; so that all the linen of the town and garrison was washed in cold water and worn without ironing. This want was se- verely felt in the wee season, which, notwithstanding the general warmth of the climate, is exceedingly cold at Gibraltar," 584 HISTOKY OF THE Chap. XXVII.— 1781. [Bombardment of Gibraltar.] sign ; thereby conceiving a vain hope of deterring Britain from the attempt Tlie English fleet consisted of twenty-eight sail of the line- A French arnianicnl of twenty six ships was ready at Brest, while thirty Spanish ships were parading in llie bay of Cadiz. France was much more intent on her own designs of overpowering the British in America and the West Indies, and co-operating with the native pow- ers of the East, than en .iecmding the project of Spain against Gib- raltar ; instead of seeking a junction with the fleet of her allies, she sent her principal naval force, inulcr count de Grasse, to the western ■world, and a strong squadron under Suffrein to the eastern. The Bri- tish fleet left St. Helen's on the 13lh of March, and were obliged to delay some days on the coast of Ireland, waiting for victuallers from Cork. It had also uiuler its convoy the East and West Itulia fleets : having condui led these nverchantnieii beyond the reach of the enemy's fleets, admiral Darby steered for Gibraltar with his naval force, and ninety-seven victuallers. On the 12lh of April he arrived off Cadiz, where he saw the Spanish fleet lying at anchor, and evidently disposed to afi'ord him no opposition. The British admiral having sent forward the convoy under cover of a few men of war and frigates, cruised with his fleet off the straits, in hopes of enticing the enemy to hazard an engagement ; but the Spanish armament remained in its former station. A vexatious, though not formidable enemy greatly annoyed the British fleet : during the siege, several gun-boats, constructed at Algeziras on tiie western side of Gibraltar bay, by night crossed and fired on the town and garrison. When the convoy was in the bay, about twenty of these boats sailed, imder the benefit of a calm, every morning from AiLjeziias, and with a fixed and steady aim regularly cannonaded and bombarded our ships ; but as soon as the wind at its stated hour began to spring up, they immediately fled, and were pur- sued in vain. These efTorts were merely troublesome, without eflect- ing any material damage to the shipping, and the garrison was com- pletely supplied. Enraged at this disappointment of her expectations to redtace Gibraltar by blockade, Spain redoubled her exertions for compassing her object by force. She raised the most stupendous works, and placed on them the mosi formidable artillery that had ever been employed in a siege : a hutulred and seventy pieces of cannon, and eighty mortars, poured their fire upon Elliot's brave garrison. This dreadful cannonade and bombardment was continued night and day for many months withotit intermission. Nothing, it was said, and may well be conceived, could be more terribly sublime than the view and report of this scene to those who observed them from the neigh- bouring hills of Barbary and Spain, during the night, especially in the begiiming, when the cannonade of the enemy being returned with still superior power by general Elliot, the whole rock seemed to vomit out fire, and all distinction of parts were lost in flame and smoke. While the fleet continued in the bay, general Elliot retorted the ene- my's attack with a prodigious shower of fire ; but as it was a standing maxim with that experienced and wise commander, never to waste his ammunition, and as the great and evidently increasing difficulty of supply rendered this caution still more essentially necessary, he soon retrenched in that respect, and seemed to behold unconcerned the fury and violence of the enemy. It was calculated, that during three v.ecki the Spaniards expended fifty tons of powder each day : after 1781.— Crap. XXVU. IIEIGN OF GEOHGE III. 585 [Sortie of the British and destruction of tlie Spanish batteries ] that lime, however, they relaxed their efforts, and were more sparing in the consumption of ammunition. The impression made on the gar- rison by these exertions was very disproportionate to the labour and expense of the enemy. The whole loss, from the 12th of Apiil to the end of June, amounted to only one commissioned officer and fifty-two private men killed, and to seven officers and two hundred and fifiy- three privates wounded. The damat^e of the works was too triflings to give any concern to the defenders, but the duty and fatigue were extremely great. The town suffered dieiulfol damage: the inliabitants consisted of various nations and religions ; the English amounted only to five hundred, the Roman catholics to near two thousand, and the Jews were little short of nine hundred. Those who escaped de- struction from tiie cannonade and bombardment, embraced every op- l)oriunity of leaving so dangerous a situation, and removed either to England or to the neighbouring countries. However the Spaniards found they might destroy the lives and effects of individuals, they could not advance their object by all their operosc labour, and there- fore towards the close of the summer suspended their efforts. General Elliot, meanwhile, appeared to employ himself in strength- ening his defences, while he was really meditating a terrible blow on the camp of the enemy. Having seen that the preparations of the Spaniards were arrived at the highest possilile perfection, he con- ceived a project of frustrating all their mighty efforts, by attacking, storming, and destroying their works. He employed the greatest part of autumn in making the most complete arrangements for executing the whole and every part of this grand design. His object was to at- tack the fortifications on every side at the same instant : to effect this purpose, he distributed his various forces where the several parts could respectively be most efficient, and in such relative positions as rendered co-operation most easy, expeditious, and impressive. To fertility of invention, the genius of Elliot united a comprehensiveness of mind, which grasped objects in all their bearings and relations, cool and vigorous judgment, and nice discrimination ; with the great- est exactness he adjusted his plan in all departments, and made pro- visions for every probable contingency. The time he fixed for his en- terprise was a night during the darkness of winter. On the 27th of November, at three in the morning, the British force marched in the following order : the troops were divided into three columns ; the centre was commanded by the Hanoverian lieutenant- colonel Dachen- hausen, the column on the light by lieutenant colonel Hugo of the same corps, and the body on the left by lieutenant-colonel Trig of the 12th regiment; the reserve was led by major Maxwell of the 73d ; a party of seamen, in two divisions, was conducted by the lieutenants Campbell and Muckle of the Brilliant and Porcupine royal frigates; and the whole body was headed by brigadier-general Ross. In each column there wa.^ an advanced corps, a body of pioneers, a party of artillery-men carrying combustibles, a sustaining corps, and a reserve in the rear. With such silence did they march, that the enemy had not the smallest suspicion of their approach, until an universal attack conveyed the tremendous intimation. The ardour of our troops was every where irresistible : the Spaniards, astonished, confounded, and dismayed, fled with the utmost precipitation, and abandoned those im- mense works of so much labour, time, and expense. The whole efforts Vol. Vn— 74 586 HISTORY OF THE Chap. XXVII.— 1781. [Tlie combinefl fleet sails to the channel.] of Spanish power and skill for two years, the chief object of their pride and exultation, were in two hours destroyed by British genius directing British intrepidity, ardour, and skill. The most wonderful exertions were made by the pionccis unci ariillery-men, who spread their fire with such astonishing rapidity, that in half an hour two mor- tar batteries often thirteen inch nioitars, the batteries of heavy can- non, wiih all the lines of approach, communication, and traverse, were in flames, ifnd everything subject to the action of fire was finally re- duced lo ashes. The mortars and cannon were spiked, and their beds, carriages, and platforms destroyed. The magazines blew up one al- ter another in the course of the confiagraiion. Before day-break the British force, having completely executed their grand project, re- turned to the garriison. Admiral Darby having in vain endeavoured to draw the Spanish fleet to an engagement, after relieving Gibraltar, returned to protect the channel. Meanwhile monsieur de G'-Uchen, understanding that the British fleet no longer intervened between l»rest and Cadiz, sailed with eighteen ships of the line to join the Spanish fleet, and to sup- port it in the invasion of Minorca ; which, next to Gibraltar, was the principal European <)bj( ct of Spanish ambition. They set sail for Ca- diz in the end of July, having ten thousand land forces on board ; pro- ceeding with these to the Mediterranean, they left them at Minorca, and, returning to the Atlantic, directed their course to the English channel, with forty-nine ships of the line. Their reasons for taking this direction were various: they proposed to prevent succours from being sent to Minorca, and to intercept our homeward-bound fleets, which were expected at this time to return, and a large outward- bound convoy on the eve of sailing from Cork. So little had we fore- seen or suspected their design, that the combined fleets had formed a line from Ushant to the Scilly islands, to bar the entrance into the channel, before it was known in England that they were arrived in the ocean. Admiral Darby, then in the channel, had almost fallen in with the enemy, with only twenty ships of the line, when the accidental meeting of a neutral vessel informed him of their situation and force. The Biitish admiral returned lo Torbay to wait for re-enforcements, and instructions from the admiralty. His fleet was soon joined by so many ships as to amount to thirty sail of the line: he now received orders to put to sea for the protection of the homeward-bound mer- chantmen ; but, as the enemy was so much superior, to avoid a close and decisive engagement, unless absolutely necessary for the preser- vation of the convoy. Meanwhile the French admiral proposed to at- tack the British fleet in its station at Torbay, but was overruled by his Spanish colleague. That commander represented the state both of the ships and men, of whom, ^specially the Spaniards, great num- bers were sick, as depriving them really of that superiority which they possessed in appearance. They therefore directed their atten- tion entirely to the interception of British merchandise. But very stormy weather obliged them to return, in the beginning of Septem- ber, to Brest, where the French going into port, tlie Spaniards pro- ceeded to their own coasts. Darby, after conducting the expected merchantmen into harbour, returned himself to Plymouth in No- vember. The French refitted their fleet with the utmost expedition. Not- V 1781.— Chap. XXVII. UEIGN OF (iKOUGE III. 5g7 [Admiral Kempenfeldt intercepts a French convoy. War with Holland ] withstanding^ the lateness of the season, they proposed to re-enforce count de Grassc with both troops and sliips of war in tiie west, and to support him with stores; to rc-eiiforce and supply SulTrein in the east: and to rejoin the Spanish fleet, that they might prevent Eng- land from relieving Minorca. The several squadrons and convoys ■were ordered to sail together as far as their course lay in the same direction. The British admiralty heard of this preparation and its objects, but without being accurately informed of its force, which amounted to nineteen ships of the line. They dcspatclied admiral Kempenfeldt with twelve ships of the line, one fifty gun ship, and four frigates, to intercept the French squadron and convoy. The British admiral descried the enemy on the 12th of December, when the fleet and convoy were dispersed by a hard gale of wind, and the latter considerably behind. He endeavoured to avail himself of this situation, by first cutting off the convoy, and afterwards fighting the fleet. For the intended service, admiral Kempenfeldt's number of frigates was much too small ; notwithstanding this deficiency, how- ever, twenty transports and storeships were captured, containing ele- ven hundred land forces, seven hundred seamen, a great quantity of ordnance, arms, warlike stores, camp equipage, clothing, and provi- sions ; many sliips were also dispersed. The French admiral, mean- while, endeavoured to collect his fleet, and form a line, but night came on before he could accomplish his purpose. Kempenfeldt, still ignorant of the force of the enemy, made preparations for fighting the next morning. At day-light, perceiving them to leeward, he formed his line ; but, on a nearer approach, discovering their strength, he thought it prudent to decline an engagement. The enemy did not appear so confident in their superior numbers as to urge the British to battle: both fleets therefore parted, as if by mutual consent. Va- luable as was the capture acliieved by Kempenfeldt, yet great dissa- tisfaction was excited in England against the admiralty, for not fur- nishing that gallant commander wiili a force which might have seized the convoy, and vanquished the French fleet : there were ships, they said, lying idle in harbour, which ought to have been employed in this service. The war with Holland required in Europe a considerable diversion of our naval foice. Tlic Dutch were lurtunateiy very little prepared for hostilities, and extremely deficient in seamen and naval stores, in which they had heretofore so greatly abounded. The objects arising from war with them were, by cutting off their sources of naval sup- ply from the north, to prevent the restoration of their marine, to de- stroy their immense commerce from those quarters, to protect our own, and to prevent their intercourse with our enemies in southern Europe. For these purposes a fleet was stationed in the North Seas, under admiral Hyde Parker. In tlie beginning of June, the Dutch endeavoured to prepare such a fleet as should protect their own Bal- tic trade, and intercept ours. On the 19th of July, admiral Zouiman sailed from the Texel, with eight ships of the line, ten very large fri- gates, and five sloops. Admiral Parker was now on his return from Elsineur, with a convoy under his protection ; his squadron consisted of six ships of the line, of which two were in very bad condition, and several frigates. Early on the fifth of August, the fleets came in sight of each other 58S IMS roRY or the chap. xxvii.— irsi. [Action off tlie Dogger Uank. Expedilion to the cape of Good Hope.] off the Dogger Bank ; Parker perceiving the strength of the enemy, ordered his convoy to nuke the best of their way, and sent his fri- gates for their protection : the Dutch admiral having used the same precaution, prepared for battle, and both parlies appeared eager for a close engagement. They advanced to meet each other in gloomy silence, without firing a gun until they were within pistol shot. The Dutch were superior both in number of ships and weight of metal; but the British admiral, notwithstanding this inferiority, made the bat- tle a trial of force, rather than of skill. Indeed, both parties were so extremely eager to display national valour, as to supersede all dex- terity of manoeuvre. For three hours and forty minutes did they fight without intermission, ranged abreast of each other ; the conflict was extremely bloody ; of the English five hundred were killed or wound- ed, but the Dutch lost upwards of eleven hundred men. Though the enemy long kept the sea with astonishing firmness and intrepidity, yet the English were evidently superior; one of ihe best ships of the Dutch was sunk, and two more so much damaged as to be for ever unfit for service. Though the British ships were greaily shattered, yet none of them were hurt beyond the possibility of reparation The Dutch convoy was scattered, and compelled to return home instead of pursuing its course. The voyage to the Baltic was of necessity aban- doned, all means of procuring naval stores were cut off, and the im- mense carrying trade between the northern and southern nations of Europe, which, along with their fisheries, had been the great source of the Dutch power and wealth, was for this year annihilated. Though the result of the engagement, on the whole, proved favourable to England, and the valour displayed in the action was highly and gene- rally approved, yet the admiralty was severely blamed for not fur- nishing admiral Parker with a sufficient force. There were as many ships idle, either at Chatham or in the Downs, as, if they had joined Parker, would have enabled him to bring ilie Dutch fleet and convoy into England. The admiral himself, appears to have been by no means satisfied with the support which he had received; he resigned his command, and on that occasion did not conceal his sentiments.* Commodore Johnstone was appointed to command a squadron des- tined to annoy the Dutch in another quarter, by attacking the cape of Good Hope, a settlement extremely valuable to the United Provin- ces ; thence he was to proceed to the Spanish settlement of Buenos Ayres, in the Rio do la Plata of South America, where a dangerous insurrection had given great alarm to the court of Madrid. The Dutch, conscious of their inability to defend the cape, applied for as- sistance to Trance. The court of Versailles being also deeply inter- ested in preventing Britain from obtaining so important a possess- ion, ordered monsieur de Sufi'rein, in his way to India, to watch the motions of the British sc[uadron. Commodore Johnstone's naval force consisted of a seventy-lour, a sixty-four, and three fifty gun ships, be- sides several frigates, a bomb-vessel, a fire-ship, and some sloops of war. The land force was composed of three new regiments, of a thousand men each : several outward bound East Indiamen and store ordnance vessels went out with this convoy; and the whole fleet, in- cluding transports and armed ships, amounted to more than forty sail. • Sec Annual Register, 1781. irSl— Chap. XXVII. KEIGN OF TEOHGE lH. 589 [West Indies. Tremendous hurricane in the Leeward Islands.] With these commodore Johnstone stopped at Cape de Verd Islands, for water and fresh provisions : for collecting these supplies, a great part of the crews, apprehending no enemy to be near, were dispersed on shore. The French squadron, which consisted of five ships of the line, with a body of land farces, being informed of the situation of the British, expected to take them by surpiise. On the 16th of April, Suffrein leaving his convoy at a distance, attacked the British squa- dron in Port Praya, in the island of St. Jago. He advanced as if to cer- tain victory, but was soon taught his mistake: the Biilish force, though surprised, was so far from being intimidated, that they not only rallied, but entirely beat off the enemy, with great loss of men, and damage to the shipping. Suffrein, disappointed in this attempt, made the best of his way to the cape, where, by his junction with the Dutch garrison, he knew he should be able to defend it against John- stone's armament. The British commodore, finding on his arrival, that success would be impracticable, forbore the attempt. Soon after, meeting with five richly laden homeward-bound Dutch East India- men, he took four, and burnt the other: when, perceiving that he could not compass the original purpose of his expedition, he returned to England with his prizes. The West Indies, after being the theatre of the hostilities which have been recently narrated, experienced a most terrible enemy in the warring elements. This was a hurricane, far exceeding in tre- mendous horror and dreadful destruction, the usual convulsions of the torrid rone. On the 10th of October, 1780, this engine of devastation com- menced its fell movements in the island of Barbadoes. Thunder and lightning, whirlwinds, earthquakes, torrents of rain, fire, air, earth, and water, appeared to vie with each other in rapidity of desolation. The first night, Bridgetown, the capital of the island, was levelled with the ground. Other towns, as well as villages and single houses, shared the same fate: plantations were destroyed, the produce of the earth was torn up, animals perished, and numbers of human beings fell either victims to the fury of the elements, or to the downfall of buildings.* The fear of a pestilence, from the multitude of dead bo- dies in so putrifying a climate, compelled the survivors instanta- neously to bury the dead, without allowing to relations and friends the melancholy pleasure of a distinguishing attention to the objects of their affection. The negroes by rapine and violence added to the ge- neral calamity, and as they were much more numerous than the whites, might have utterly ruined the island, had not general Vaugh- an, with a considerable body of troops, been stationed upon it, and awed those barbarians to quietness and obedience. The prisons being involved in the common destruction, the late tenants of those man- sions, who had been confined for violating the laws, joined in the out- rages ; but the prisoners of war, especially a party of Spaniards, acted with the greatest humanity and honour, in assisting the distressed in- habitants, and preserving public order. The islands of St. Lucia, Gre- • nada, St. Vincent's and Dominica, were also desolated. The French islands in the same quarter of the West Indies, especially Martinique * Annual Register, 1781. 590 niSTOKY OF THE chif. XXVII.— irsi. [Capture of St- Eustatius.] and Guadaloupe, suffered no less than the English • But a still more direful hurricane, on the 3d of October, wreaked its vengeance on Jamaica, and especially on the districts of Westmoreland and Hano- ver, two of the most fertile spots in the island. The inhabitants of Sa- vannah la Mar, a considerable trading town in that quarter, were be- holding with astonishment such a swell of the sea as had never before been seen, when, on a sudden, the waters of the deep bursting through all bounds, overwhelmed the town, and swept man, beast, and habita- tion in one torrent of destruction. What the waters did not reach in the higher vicinity, combined tempest and earthquake finished. Be- sides present desolation, this dreadful scourge, by covering the most fertile tracts with sand and other barren substances, sterilized the ground, and rendered it unsusceptible of future culture. The loss of property was estimated at upwards of a million sterling in two pa- rishes in Jamaica. Their neighbours endeavoured to alleviale tlie miseries of the sufferers ; but their principal and most effectual re- lief they derived from the mother country, in the generous benefac- tions of individuals, and the liberal munificence of the legislature. Admiral Rodney was fortunately at New- York at this terrible sea- son, and returned at the close of the year to the West Indies. Having concerted his plan of operation with general Vaughan, he, together with that commander, undertook an expedition for the recovery of St. Vincent's, in the expectation of finding its fortifications disman- tled, and its garrison impaired by the recent hurricane. Having how- ever reconnoitred, and finding both the works and garrison in such force as to require more time for reduction than its comparative va- lue justified, he therefore desisted from the attempt. No sooner had Britain been compelled to go to war with Holland, than ministers, with a meritorious policy, projected to strike a blow, which should prove fatal to the commercial resources of her ungrateful enemy. The Dutch island of St. Eustatius, though itself a barren rock, had long been the seat of an immense and lucrative commerce : it was a gene- ral market and magazine to all nations ; its largest gains were, du- ring the seasons of war, among its neigiibours, as it then derived fi'om its neutrality unbounded freedom of trade. The properly on a settle- ment so circumstanced was known to be extremely great ; to the ac- quisition of such valuable spoils, therefore, government directed iis views, and sent instructions to the commanders to make an attempt on the opulent repository. As the place was naturally strong, with the assistance of the French, it might have been rendered able to with- stand an attack. Our commanders, to anticipate re-enforcements, and at the same lime deceive the enemy, first pretended a design of as- sailing Mariinico; but suddenly appearing before the island of St. Eustatius, they surrounded it with a g"eat force. The admiral and ge- neral summoned the governor to surrender, with which demand that • It is remarkable, that in the same month some parts of the country in the vicini'v of London experienced a toinailo very unusual in this northern chniale. The storm burst on Hammersmith, Itoehampton, Uichmond, Kingston, and tlie environs. At Hammersmith it blew down a considerable part of tiie churcii, tliough very strongly built, and both there and at other places damaged a num- ber of houses. The same day a mucli more violent tempest raged on the coast of Normandy. See Chronicle m the Annual llegister, 1780, and Gentleman's Ma- gamnt for October in the same year. 1781.- Chap. XXVII. REIGN OF GEORGE 111. 591 [De Grasse arrives in the AVest Indies. Naval engagements.] officer very prudently complied, and recommended the town and in- habitants to* the known clemency of the British conquerors. The wealth found in this place was estimated, on a moderate calculation, at three millions sterling. Soon after, a convoy of Dutch merchant- iju n, richly laden, were captured by three of Rodney's ships, and the ]>: /.es estimated at about six hundred thousand pounds sterling. About this time, some enterprising adventurers from Bristol, with a squadron of privateers, sailed to Surinam, and under the guns of the Dutch forts, brought away every valuable ship from the settlements of Demarara and Issequibo. Thus Holland, in the destruction of her commerce, was taught the folly of provoking to hostilities the most powerful tnaritime state of the universe.* The court of Versailles formed the same project this campaign, wliich had been defeated in the preceding, to overpower the English force in the West Indies, and afterwards to compel Britain to relin- quish North America. There wore already eight ships of the line at St. Domingo and Mariinico, with a considerable body of land forces. On the 2 2d of March, count de Grasse, with twenty sail of the line, one of fifty-four guns, and six thousand land forces, sailed for the West Indies, with an immense convoy, amounting to two hundred and fifty ships, and arrived off Martinico. In the end of April, sir George Rodney having detached three of his ships to escort the St. Eustalius booty to Britain under commodore Holham, had only twen- ty one ships of the line, while De Grasse, being re-enforced from Martinico, had twenty-four. Rodney himself remaining with general Vaughan at St. Eustatius, sent sir Samuel Hood towards Martinico, in order to intercept de Grasse's fleet and convoy. On the 28th of April, admiral Hood was informed by his advanced cruisers, that the enemy was approaching in the channel between St. Lucia and Mar- tinico. The next morning he descried the fleet before the convoy; and though he had only eighteen ships of the line to twenty four, and the enemy had the wind in their favour, the British commander de- termined to hazard an engagement. With great skill and dexterity he endeavoured to gain the wind, and come to close buttle. De Grasse, however, would not venture a decisive action, and from his windward position being enabled to preserve the distance which he chose, be- gan to cannonade so far from the British ships as to admit of little ex- ecution on either side. During the first conflict, the British van, however, and the foremost ships of the centre, after repeated endea- vours, at last succeeded in approaching nearer to the enemy, and having received a very heavy fire, were considerably damaged in their masts, hulls, and rigging, before the rest of our ships came up to their assistance. Finding his wounded ships in a very shattered condition, admiral Hood thought it prudent during the night to sail for Antigua. The marquis de Bouille attempted, in the absence of our fleet, to reduce St. Lucia on the 10th of May ; but by the vigor- ous resistance of the garrison, he was compelled to relinquish the • British merchants being proprietors of some parts of the property captured in the Dutch settlements, considerable disputes arose between them and tlie ad- miral on this subject. It is remarkable, tliat in one of the letters written on this occasion, liodney prophesied that' Demarara would in a few years very fi«r sur- pass in value the expectations which were then entertained. This prediction, though then thought improbable, has been since amply verified. 592 HISTOHY OF THE Chap. XXVII —1781. [Expedition of the French against Tobago ] design. Admiral Rodney now found it necessary, instead of spending more time at St. Eustatius, to employ his whole force against the French armament ; he therefore immediately sailed to Antigua, and, as soon as the ships were repaired, proceeded towards Barbadoes. On the very day that sir George Rodney, with the fleets from An- tigua, arrived at Barbadoes, a small French squadron, with a consider- able body of land forces, under the conduct of M. de Blanchelande, late governor of St. Vincent's, appeared off the island of Tobago. On the 23d of May, the (l;iy on which the enemy appeared, Mr. George Ferguhson, the goveinor, sent the intelligence to Rodney, which the admiral received on the 26th. The naval commander ima- gined the force of the eneniy much less considerable than it was, and on that supposition destined six sail of tiie line and some frigates, un- der admiial Drake, with aliout six hundred land forces, for its relief. That officer having anived on the 30th off Tobago, descried between him and llie land the enemy's fleet, consisting of twenty-four sail of tiic line. Finding it impossible to attempt a landing, he retired, and sent the commander in chief intelligence of the posture of affairs. Meanwhile, about three thousand French troops landed on the island. The defenders, including a few soldiers and the colonial militia, amounted only to lour hundred and twenty seven whites ; but they found most faithful and intrepid auxiliaries in their blacks. Governor Fergusson* hin»ielf was distinguished for his trea'ment of negroes, the joint result of judgment and humanity, by which he secured the obedience, while he conciliated the affection, and established the fide- lity of his labourers. His precept and example influencin"' other planters, rendered the condition of the blacks much more comforta- ble than in most of the other settlements, and attached to their mas- ters, hearts very susceptible of kind impressions. The island, how- ever, not being far advanced in cultivation, the number of negroes fit to bear arms was but small. The gallant Fergusson made a skilful and vigoious defence against an enemy four times the number of his brave band. Trusting that his message would bring effectual suc- cour, he occupied a strong post, and for seven days prevented the enemy from making progress. The marquis de Bouille, commander of the invaders, found all attempts to dislodge his opponents vain ; wherefore, to reduce them to submission, he began to destroy their plantations. The islanders, seeing the approaching devastation of their properly, were awed lo' concessions, which the fear of personal danger could not extort, and at last agreed to capitulate. The firm- ness of the governor restraining them from precipitate offers, pro- cured honourable and advantageous terms. Admiral Rodney did not escape censure for not having adopted more effectual measures for the relief of Tobago ; and it was asserted with some reason, that the French, without a great superiority of naval force had in this cam- paign acquired a most important advantage in the West Indies. From the capture of Tobago in the beginning of June, to the begin- ning of August, dc Grasse continued in the West Indies, without be- ing encountered by Rodney ; and in July sailed to St. Domingo, where, after being re-enforced by five ships of the line, he escorted • Brother to tb? colonel, who livrci anil died so honourably. — See this history, chap XXV. 1781.— CuAP. XXVII. UEIGN OF GEOUGE III. 593 [The Spaniards reduce West Floriila. Last cfTorts for the lecovery of America.] the rich niercanlile convoy, with a fleet amounting to twcnly-ciglit ships of the line. He conducted the convoy northwards until they were out of danger, and proceeded himself to the second object of his expedition. Rodney, conceiving that his health required an im- mediate return to his native country, escorted tiie West India convoy home, and sent the greater part of his fleet, under sir Samuel Hood, to watch the motions of de Grasse. While these operations were carrying on between the French and British among the eastern settlements of the West Indies, the Spa- niards were not inactive in the western. Elated with their successful attack against the British settlements on the Mississippi, they had ex- tended their views to West Florida. In the year 1780, they had cap- lured the fort of Bobille, on the confines of Florida; and in 1781, preparing a considerable armament from the Havannah, they resolved to besiege Pensacola. The enemy, on their first departure, were dis- persed by a hurricane, but soon refitting, again set sail with eight thousand land forces, and fifteen ships of the line. On the 9th of March they arrived at Pensacola. Mr. Chester, governor of the pro- vince, and general Campbell, governor of the town, with a garrison not exceeding three thousand men, including inhabitants, made the most skilful dispositions for the defence of the place. The enemy were near two months employed against Pensacola, before they were prepared for a general assault; and though they must ultimately, from the vast superiority of their numbers, have prevailed, yet the courage and activity of the garrison would have withstood their eftorts much longer, had not their principal redoubt been accidentally blown up by the falling of a bomb at the door of the magazine, which set fire to the powder. The garrison now finding that farther defence was hope- less, next morning agreed to capitulate, being the 9th of May, ex- actly two months after the siege commenced ; and thus the province of West Florida became a possession of Spain. The history now comes to the last exertions of Britain for the re- covery of North America — eff'orts glorious to the valour of her cham- pions, but terminating in events melancholy to the national interests. Ministry had uniformly been remarkable, during the American war, for misapprehending situations and events, over-rating partial advan- tages, and conceiving them to be general and decisive. The reduc- tion of Charleston, and compulsory submission of South Carolina, they considered as certain indications of her future success, and of the de- sire of the colonists to return to their connexion with the parent country. They received the exaggerations of deserters from Ame- rica as authentic testimony, and gave to the effusions of disap- pointed pride and resentment, a belief due only to the impartial narratives of truth. The defection of Arnold elevated their hopes of recovering the colonies ; they considered his manifesto describ- ing both the weakness and discontent of the American army, as unquestionable evidence.* Proceeding on such superficial views, • The following extract from a letter written hy a respectable field officer ot the guards, dated New-York, August the 24th, 17«1, illustrates the opinion whiclx was entertained by impartial ohserveis on the spot, concerning tlie information and conduct of ministry, and with prophetic sagacity predicts the event : — " V\'e1l, here I am once ir.orc, wrapt up in military nonsense ; for wh.it but non- sense must be the science of dedroying mankind^ when tailors and shoemakers Vol. VH.— 75 594 HISTORY OF THE Ciar. XXVII.—irSl [Object and plan of tlie campaign of 1781.] and feeble reasoning, tliey formed tlieir expectations and plans. It was apprehended that general Clinton, from the supposed weakness and start up Ji^enerals, and dare to oppose us repularly bred practitioners : however, •' ex nihilo nihil fit," and these self created heroes have tbe less merit, as we have learnt to bear and forbear, and even turn the left cheek where the right has been smitten. " Now, my good friend, I lament that it is not in my power to send you much consolation from here. Tiie strans^e and unaccountable infatuation tliat attends O'lr sagacious ministers at home, (who seem to embrace every phantom, merely that they may be deceived,) will indubitably assist others on this side of the At- lantic in brinijing this rebellion to a most dishonourable conclusion. To enter in- to a particular detail of all our follies, &c. &c. would take up a volume; but I should wish to give you some idea of our present situation at New-York. — When I left Kngland it was confidently asserted by those who ought to have known bet- ter, ' that the rebel army was scarce existing ; tiiat the people in general were in a state of the utmost misery and despondency, their finances totally exhausted, without credit, without trade, or the means of procuring the common necessaries of life ; and, at the same time, general inclination to submit to the mercy of Great Britain.' This was the language of the 1st of last April : I own that was a day on which it is usual for the unwary passenger to be held up to ridicule by much greater fools than himself. " Witli respect to the rebels : at no period of time since the commencement of this infamous rebellion, have the Americans fitted out so many large ships as with- in these eight months : their success (thanks to our navy) has answered their most sanguine expectations. Their trade from Philadelpliia to the Havannah and the West Indies has been very great, although it is in the pSwer of two frigates to secure the entrance into the river Delaware. Tbe success of the Spaniards at Pensacola was entirely owing to the constant supplies of flour they received from the rebels, without which they could not have subsisted their army. With respect to the misery of the jjeople, I leave you to judge how great it must be, when beef and mutton sell at the rate of two-pence a pound in the .Terseys, while we in New- York pay two shillings : other things in proportion. The depreciation of their paper money is now so far from being a loss to them, that it is a very great advan- tage, as, by the constant circulation of many hundred thousand hard dollars, which they have at length received, their paper currency will be annihilated, so that they are now beginning on a new bank. As to the despondency of the people, believe it not ; for the spirit of rebellion never breathed with more rancour than it does .it this moment in America. Perhaps the great successes of our forces to the southward have convinced you by this time, that the Carohnians and Virgini- ans are still unconcpiered. "The French and rebel army, united under Washington, consists of near twelve thousand men, exclusive of militia, who are now called upon to join with the greatest force they can collect, in the most sacred promise of plunder of this city. The French fleet from the West Indies is expected in a very short time with a re-enforceraent, and then we are to expect to be attacked here. As to the Bri- tish army in these lines, small as it is, it is equal, beyond a doubt, to the annihila- tion of the monsicurs and rebels under the great general Washington, if they would risk a battle, which we have no reason to suppose they would not do, as they continue to insult us so unpunished. The conduct of this war has been, and continues to be, most shameful and unpardonable ; and neither justice nor com- mon sense is permitted to have the smallest weight in the counsels of our great men. — Public faith, once deemed inviolable, is daily sacrificed, and not the small- est attention is paid to any thing but plunder. 'I he expenditure of public money 18 notoiioMsly committed to the most mean and dishonest of men. There is not a paltry clerk in one of our departments, who cannot in the space of a twelvemonth afford to kec[) his town and country house, carriage, he. &c. and realize thousands. Facts must speak for themselves, and I hope they will be required. It is impos- sible, in short, to suppose affairs can go as they should do, when merit is discou- raged, infamy rewarded, and the name of an honest man a sufficient bar to his ad- vancement. I am heartily sick of it all ; 1 wish to return in peace and quietness to Old England. " I say nothing of myself, but that I am, thank God, in good health, determined to do my duly \n all situations, to the best of my abilities; and let what happen, ne- vei to ttpi a convention with rebetn. 17^1.— Vaxr.XUVn. REIGN OF GEOIMJE III. 595 [Expedition of lord Cornwallis. Defeat of Tarlcton.] disafTection of Washington's army, would not only be able to afford that body full employment in the vicinity of New-York, but also to co-operate powerfully with the southern force, overpower the Americans who were still refractory, and enable the well affected (according to the ministerial hypothesis so often disproved by fact, the majority) to declare their sen- timents, and assert their loyalty. On this theory the plan of the cam- paign was constructed : its principal and prominent object was, that lord CornwaHis should pervade the interjacent provinces, join Arnold, and in Virginia attack the marquis de la Fayette, an active partisan of the re- publicans ; while sir Henry Clinton should in the north oppose general Washington, and count Rochambeau, commander of the French troops. Early in the year 1781, lord Cornwallis taking the field, advanced to the frontiers of Carolina. Tarleton having been ordered to scour the coun- try to the left, pursued Morgan the American partisan ; that officer re- tired to the Broad River, intending to cross it with his troops ; but he found that from a sudden thaw the waters were so high as to render it impassable, unless with great danger : being so situated aud closely pressed by Tarleton, he resolved to hazard a battle. On the 18th of January, at eight in the morning, Tarleton came in sight of the enemy; they were drawn up on the edge of an open wood without defences, and though their numbers might have been somewhat superior to his own, the quality of his troops was so different as not to admit a doubt of suc- cess, which was still farther confirmed by his great strength of cavalry, so that every thing seemed to indicate a complete victory. His first line consisted of the seventh regiment, the foot and light infantry of his le- gion ; the second of the first battalion of the seventy-first, while troops of cavalry flanked each line. Morgan placed seven hundred militia in one line on the edge of the wood ; the second consisted of regular troops, on which he had much dependence : these he disposed out of sight in the wood. The British troops soon broke the enemy's line, and concluding the victory to be gained, were pursuing the fugitives, when, on a sudden, the second line of the enemy, which opened to the right and left to en- tice the pursuers, poured in a close and deadly fire on both sides. The ground was in an instant covered v/ith the killed and wounded ; and those brave troops, who had been so long inured to conquest, by this severe and unexpected check, were throvv'n into irremediable disorder, and a total defeat was the immediate consequence ; the loss in killed, wounded, and prisoners, exceeded four hundred men. Tarleton used every effort that ingenuity could devise to rally his men, and repulse the American horse, but his abilities and courage could not recover the fallen fortune of the day. The loss of Tarleton's corps, so soon after the disaster at King's Mountain, was severely felt by lord Cornwallis, to whom, on such a service, and in such a country, light troops were of the highest impor- tance. The American general, Greene, who had been appointed to watch the motions of lord CornwaUis, was stationed with a considerable force in North Carolina. The British general proposed to cut off the enemy's communication with Virginia, and at the same time to strengthen South Carolina, so that it might not be endangered in his absence : for this purpose he left a considerable body of forces at Charleston, under lord Rawdon. Lord Cornwallis first made an attempt to intercept Mor- gan, which the dexterity of that partisan eluded. The British army with much difficulty passed the Catawba, and being informed that general 59G HISTORY OF THE Chap. XXVH.— 1781 [Battles of Guildford and Camden.] Greene was posted at Guildford, lord Cornwallis marched towards that place. Greene's force consisted of about six tliousand men, while the British did not exceed two thousand ; therefore the American general determined to hazard a battle. The enemy were drawn up in the field, with a wood on the right, and other woods both in front and rear ; con- sequently the safest point of attack was on the loft wing. At the same time the general was obliged to act with great caution, lest he should fall into an ambuscade from the woods, as Tarleton had done in a simi- lar situation. Major-general Leslie commanded the rigiit wing, colonel Webster the left, Tarleton the cavalry, and his lordsliip bimself the cen- tre. A party of light infantry was stationed in the woods to act as occa- sion might require. The enemy's first line was soon broken ; the se- cond made a very vigorotis and gallant resistance, but were at length beaten back to the tliird line which was stationed in the woods : there the battle became necessarily irregular; the Americans being more ac- customed to such a scene of combat, appeared for a short time likely to prevail ; but the grenadiers of the seventy-first regiment, having by a rapid movement passed over a deep ravine, charged with such impetuo- sity as to break the enemy's line : the confusion termmated in a total route. The loss on the side of the British amounted to five hundred men killed and wounded ; among tho«e who died of wounds was colonel Webster, an officer very highly esteemed by the general* and the whole army for courage, military skill, and ability. The loss of the Americans was considerably greater, but when compared with their immediate re- sources, perhaps less in proportion than the loss of the conquerors. From Guildford the British army marched through a wild, inliospitable, and hostile country, and after encountering the severest hardships, ar- rived on the 7th of April at Wilmington in Virginia. Arnold, meanwhile, made an incursion into the northern parts of Virginia, and plundered the coast. Being soon re-enforced by general Phillips, they made great havoc among the encsny, and were not without hopes of effecting a junc- tion with lord C!ornwallis. General Greiine after his defeat at Guildford, spent some time in col- lecting re-cnfofcements, which having arrived, he marclied to South Carolina, to cut off the communication between lords Cornwallis and Rawdon. The British force in South Carolina was so small, that their situation was extremely precarious : and their provisions were so much reduced, that their noble general was compelled to decline the proftcred assistance of a body of loyalists, from absolute inability to aliurd them maintenance. Lord Rawdon was posted at Camden when Greene arrived : his lordship learned that considerable re-enforcements were ex- pected by the American army ; small as his own force was, our general formed a resolution at once bold and wise, to attack the enemy, nume- rous as they were, before they should be still more powerfully recruited. The Americans were encamped at two miles distance on the brow of a rocky steep,! known l;y the name of Ilobkirk IJill, flanked on the left by a deep swamp, and less fortified on that side, because there they ap- • Lord Cornwallis announced the dc.atli of tliis valiant oPicer to liis father, the late Dr. Webster of lidiiil>inf;h, in a IcUcr, wliicli was publislicd in the news- papers, and univei-sallj admired. j Sec Andrews, vol. iv. ; .SteJman, vol. ii. ; and llanisay. 1781— Chap. XXYII. REIGN OF GKOIIGE III. 597 [Siege of Ninety-six — raised by lord llawdon.] prehended no danger. Superior genius here acted on the same princi- ple which in this history we have repeatedly seen successful, but espe- cially in seeking and seizing the heights of Al)raham.* The commander attempted the most difficult approach, from the well founded presumption that there defence would be the least vigilant. At ten in the morning of the 25th of April, the British troops marched to the enemy round this swamp undiscovered, and entered a wood bordering upon the enemy's left wing. Hence they rushed with such rapid impetuosity as to throw that division of the enemy into an instant confusion, which communicated to the main body. The Americans, however, far superior in number, were enabled to rally, and make a resolute stand : their artillery arriving .at this moment, afforded them powerful support, and greatly annoyed the British force. The provincials extended their front to such a length, that lord Rawdon apprehended the intention of surrounding his troops. At this instant he conceived one of those happy designs which the emer- gencies of war call forth from combined heroism and ability ; he ordered his columns to form one line. Thin as this rank was, they charged the enemy with such fury, as proved totally irresistible, routed them, and obtained a complete victory. Whether we 'consider the design or ex- ecution, no action occurred during the war which displayed in a greater degree the united talents, valour, and ready invention, which constitute the soldier and the general : but little availed military excellence, when seconded by political weakness ; the re-enforcements intended by minis- ters to join lord Rawdon, were not sent in proper time. By the late conflict his small band was reduced to eight hundred men, while the Americans, though defeated, were fast recruiting; our valiant comman- der was thus arrested in the career of victory, and obliged to act on the defensive until fresh troops should arrive. At length, part of the ex- pected re-enforcement arrived at Charleston, and the British general marched downwards to effect a junction. In his absence, Greene in- vested the strong post of Ninety-six, and at the same time sent a de- tachment to besiege Augusta in Georgia. Apprehensive that lord Raw- don would speedily return, Greene attempted to take the fort by assault, but the garrison made so vigorous a defence that the Americans were compelled to retire. The day after their retreat the British general ar- rived : he soon learned that Augusta was taken, and that the besiege-rs had rejoined the army of Greene. The force of the Americans was now so powerful, that great numbers of the provincials, who had professed obedience to Britain, threw oil' the mask, and avowed hostility. Finding every thing around him full of danger and enmity, the general perceived the necessity of abandoning Ninety-six, that he might converge his force for the defence of the lower province, and especially the capital. On his march, he heard that a detachment of Americans was posted at Con- garee creek, and immediately hastened to that spot.' The enemy, by breaking down a bridge, endeavoured to impede the progress of the British ; but Rawdon advanced with surprising quickness, a party of his troops waded through the river, drove the enemy from the bank, and cleared a passage for the rest of the army. liOrd Rawdon made repeated attempts to bring Greene to battle ; but, taught by experience, the wary American skilfully and successfully avoided an encounter. * See this volume, cbap. i. • t^ <' . j t Si^S HISTORY OF THE Chap. XXVU.— 1781. [Cornwallis enters Virginia. Proceedings of Washington.] Notwithstanding the enterprise, skill, and genius, so conspicuously displayed by the brave young Rawdon, Greene on the whole succeeded so far as to recover the greater part of Georgia, and the two Carolinas; and had also entirely cut off communication between the British commanders in South Carolina and Virginia. Lord Rawdon having soon after return- ed to England, the command in South Carclina devolved on colonel Stewart. Greene having both re-enforoed his army in numbers, and improved them in discipline, resolved to attack the British forces. On the 8th of September, he put his design in execution, and attacked colo- nel Stewart at the J^utaws. Great numbers were killed on both sides, without any decisive event ; the result, however, was on the whole fa- vourable to the enemy, and the British tliencefoi'ward confined their operations to the vicinity of Charleston. Cornwallis meanwhile entered Virginia, and made considerable pro- gress near its southern coast. On the 25th of May, he joined the body that had been commanded by general Phillips ; and in the latter end of June, reached Williamsburgh. His lordship considered it of the highest consequence to command a post on a navigable river, as thus maritime a.:i5istance might co-operate with his land forces. He accordingly es- tablished himself at Gloucester and at Yorktown, on the opposite banks of York river. Tne marquis de la Fayette, together with the American general Wayne, were stationed with a powerful body of troops to watch the motions of lord Cornwallis, and without hazarding an engagement, to restrain their operations. • Having fortified this position, and taken a general view of the situation of affairs, he formed an opinion that a much greater force than that which he possessed would be necessary for redu- cing Virginia, and effecting the object of the campaign. He conceived that there could be no hopes of ultimate and decisive success, without very active co-operation on the part of the commander in chief. Sir Henry Clinton appears not to have coincided in the judgment of the other general : instead of re-enforcing the army in Virginia, he turn- ed his attention solely to the defence of New- York, against which he ap- prehended an attack from the combined armies. To confirm him in this apprehension, the genius of Wasliington devised a stratagem which easi- ly imposed on the very moderate sagacity with which the British com- mander in chief was gifted. (General Clinton had intercepted many of the American letters in the course of his command, and published them in the New-York papers. Washington now wrote letters to various offi- cers, declaring that the only effectual mode of saving Virginia was by at- tacking New- Vork m conjunction with the French troops ; which, he as" serted, would be s(jon attempted ; for he was, much alarmed at the suc- cess of a general, whom from experience he knew to be so fertile in resources, so vigorous in decision, and so prompt and expeditious in im- proving every advantage. These were (according to the writer's inten- tion) also intercepted, and completely imposed on the British commander in chief To conlinuo fhe d(;ception, the two commanders, accompa- nied by the principal officers of both armies, and attended by the engi- neers, reconnoitred the island of New- York closely on both sides from the opposite shore ; and to render appearances the more serious, took plaas of all the works under the fire of their batteries. The arrival of de Grasse was daily expected by the combined generals, and they resolv- ed to proceed by forced marches to Virginia, not doubting that the mass 1781.— Cakv. XXVII. KEIGN OF GEOHGE III. 599 [Siege of yorktown. Surrender of the British army.] of land ainl sea forces which would then he united, would overwhelm lord Cornwallis, when unassisted hy the commander in chief. On the 19th of August they set out, and Clinton considered their departure as only a feint to cover '.heir designs on New-York : they proceeded to Vir- ffinia, and joined the army of la Fayette. De Grasse having arrived at ihu same time, blocked up York river with liis ships, while his land for- ces effected a junction with the Americans. Intelligence had been de- spatched by sii" George Rodney to admiral Graves, that the French fleet was destined for the Chesapeake, and that sir Samuel Hood was on his way to the same place, in expectation of meeting with admiral Graves and the New-York squadron. The despatches havingbeen unfortunate- ly captured, did not reach the admiral. Sir Samuel Hood having arriv- ed off the Chesapeake on the 25th of August, three days before, and be- ing disappointed in his hopes of finding Graves there, proceeded to New York, which he reached on the 28lh, and three days after the united squadrons sailed for the Chesapeake, and arrived the fifth of September, with nineteen ships of the line, when they discovered the French fleet at anchor there, amounting to twenty-four ships of the line. A partial en- gagement took place, in which several British sliips were considerably damao'cd, but without any decisive event on either side. The hostile ar- maments kept five successive days in sight of each other, but stormy weather having much increased the damage of the British f^eet, they re- turned to New-York to refit. Meanwhile Barras, who had succeeded Terney in commanding the French naval force on the North American station, joined de Grasse ; and thus the gallant army under the brave Cornwallis was enclosed and surrounded by an immense naval force, and an army of twenty-one thousand men, whilst his own corps did not ex- ceed six thousand. Not conceiving it possible that sir Henry Clinton would be so completely outwitted, lord Cornwallis expected speedy suc- cours, and made dispositions for a vigorous defence until they should ar- rive" ; meanwhile he found it necessary to contract his posts, and concen- trate his defences; and the enemy immediately occupied those positions which the British general had abandoned. The trenches were opened by both armies in the night between the 6th and 7th of October ; the batteries were covered with little less than one hundred pieces of heavy ordnance, and their attacks were carried on with formidable energy. In a few days most of the British guns were silenced, and the defence rendered hopeless. An express, however, having arrived from N. York, and informed the com- mander that he might rely on immediate succours, the general persever- ed in resistance. Two redoubts on the left of the British greatly imped- ed the progress of the siege. The second parallel of the enemy being now finished, they resolved to open their batteries on these works on the fourteenth of October. The British forces employed every effort to de- fend the fortifications, but were overborne by the immense superiority of number. The noble commander saw that it would be impossible to with- stand a general assault, for which the enemy was now prepared. Find- ing no succours likely to arrive, and himself surrounded on every side, he conceived a design of forcing his way through a part of the enemy, and making his escape, but found it would be impracticable. Thus hemmed in by a very superior army, through no rashness of his own, but in the skilful and vigorous execution of his part of a concerted plan, this brave leader had no alternative but the sacrifice of his gallant army without an- 500 HISTORY OF THE Chap. XXVII.— 1781. [Movements of sir Henry Clinton.] swcring any purpose, or a surrender. On the latter step he at last re- solved, and on the 19lh of October yielded by an honourable capitula- tion. At last sir Henry Clinton set out from New- York to attempt the re- lief of lord Cornwallis, two months after the departure of Washington and Rochambeau had left him at liberty to proceed to the assistance of the distressed army. He brought with him seven thousand land forces, ■with a fleet, which was now re-enforced by admiral Digby, consisting of twenty-five ships of the line. Having arrived oft^thc late scene of hosti- lities, tliey found that all was over, and that succours so tardily accorded were equivalent to desertion. The French fleet, though still superior to the British, having accomplished their purpose, cautiously avoided any conflict ; and the British commanders having no longer any inducement to remain upon that station, returned to New- York. Such was the fate of the gallant southern army and its valiant com- mander, from whose antecedent and recent successes sanguine hopes were entertained that the most valuable of the colonies would be recov- ered, and that the cause of Britain would ultimately prevail. In his la- borious marches through the wild and intricate tracts, his lordship receiv- ed the fullest and most experimental assurances that the people who were asserted by ministry or their adherents to be friendly, were generally hos- tile ; that every attempt to recover America through the Americans themselves, was chimerical, as much as every idea of reducing it by force. The plan he saw had been concerted upon false principles, and he him- self had fatally learned tliat though he and his heroic band had done their utmost, there was almost an equal deficiency of support and co-operation for its execution. The surrender at Yorktown was the concluding scene of oflensive war with America. All the profuse expenditure of British wealth, all the mighty efibrts of British power, all the splendid achieve- ments of British valour, directed and guided by British talents and skill, proved without ctVect ; the momentous exertions of a war so wasteful of blood and treasure were for ever lost. • irSJ.— Cu.u'. XXVJII. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 601 CHAP. XXVIII. Dissatisfaction a^^ain prevails in Britain — enhanced by the news from Virginia. — Out of parliament, a majority becomes inimical to the American war and to ministers. — Meeting of parliament — the king's speech — opposition inveigh with increased energy against ministers — dexterous defence by lord North — preliminary motions against ministers before the recess — manifest difference among opposition on American independence. — General plan of attack against administration now formed and matured — the various parts assigned, while Fox animates the whole. — P'ox's proposed inquiry into the management of the navy — negatived by a small majority. — Conway's motion for an address to the king to conclude the American war — carried by a majority of nineteen. — Mi- nisters still hold their places. — Lord John Cavendish's niotion for the removal (pf ministers — the minister skilfidly addresses himself to difl'erent sentiments •and opinions — carries a motion for an adjournment — a coalition attempted in vain — the motion repeated by lord Surry .^ — Administration resigns. — Character of the North administration. — The duke of Uichmond's strictures on the execu- tion of colonel Malnes — acknowledges he had been misinformed, and makes a satisfactory explanation. — Strictures on tlje promotiotj of lord George Ger- maine to the peerage. — New admlnisiration. — The marquis of Rockingham first lord of the treasury — Mr. Fox and lord Shelburne secretaries of state. — Avow- ed plan of ministers — Adjustment with Ireland. — Independence of the Irish parliament acknowledged. — Mr. Grattan's address. — Satisfaction of the Irish nation. — Supplies. — Parts of Mr. Burke's scheme adopted. — Conduct of Mr. William Pitt — connects himself with no party — reckons a chief advantage in our constitution the equipoise of the orders — projects a reform in parliament — proposes a committee to inqtiire into the state of representation — proposition not considered as a party question. — The younger members the votaries of re- form — the older are for adhering to the existing constitution. — Arguments for and against—the sup|)orters of reform outvoted — Overtures of Mr. Fox for peace with the Dutch.— -Premature endeavours to pacify America — Death of the marquis of Rockingham. — lord Shelburne made prime minister — em'aged at this appointment, Mr. Fox resigns — Mr. AViUiam Pitt chancellor of the ex- chequer. — Mr. Fox gives a general accoimt of the reasons of his resignation — India affairs. — Reports of the committees represent the general system of go- vernment to be erroneous and hurtful, and state gri)ss abuses to have been com- mitted by the company's cliltf servants. — Warren Hastings implicated in the censure. — Exertions of .Mr. Dundas — Bill of pains and penalties against gover- nor RumboM and his coadjutors. — Session rises. During the recess of parliament 1781, dissatisfaction had begun again to prevail, from incident.s and events already mentioned, and esp^e- cially from repeated instances of alleged misconduct in the ministerial direction of the navy. That source of dissatisliiction being opened, speedily caused others to issue : tlie immense expenditure, the profuse loans, the enortnous increase of taxes, the little avail of all our exertions, presented themselves to the view, and the public were very differently disposed towards ministers, on the approach of the second session of parliament, from vvhtit they had been at thehegrnning of the first. Both dejected and di^;satisfied, their gloom and displeasure were dreadfully aggravated by the melancholy news from Virginia. .Judging of ministry under the immediate impression of this calamitous event, they hastily im- puted our misfortunes to a series of folly, obstinacy, and misconduct. Many who had strenuously recommended perseverance in coercion, now Vol. Yll.— 76 002 HISTORY OF THE Chat. XXVIII.— 1781. [Parliament. Charges against ministers.] reprobated that system which they had most loudly applauded : a ma- jority out of parliament became inimical to the American war and the present ministers : such was the disposition becoming prevalent, when parliament met on the 27lh of November. His majesty's speech, somewhat exceeding the usual length in copi- ousness of detail, imputed the continuance of the war to the restless am- bition of his enemies. lie should not discharge the trust committed to the sovereign of a free people, or requite the constant and zealous at- tachment of his subjects to his person, family, and government, if to his own desire of peace or to their temporary ease and relief, he sacri- ficed their essential rights and permanent interests. Having mentioned the favourable affairs in the East I tidies, he recommended farther inqui- ries into the condition of the dominions and revenues of that country. His majesty stated to the house without palliation or diminution, the un- fortunate event of the campaign in Virginia, but adduced it as a ground for a firm confidence in parliament, and more vigorous, animated, and united exertions. The consef|iicnt adtlrcss excited a very interesting de- bate, in which opposition sketched the principal topics of the chargfes which they adduced against ministers in the course of the session, and of the counsels which tlicy proposed to be substituted. Their arguments were directed to prove the original folly of the American war ; the mad- ness of perseverance in so hopeless a contest ; the incapacity, negli- gence, and mismanagement of the first lord of the admiralty ; the igno- rance, weakness, and incompetence of administration in their various departments, as well as general system ; and the necessity of changing both men and measures. Lord North defended himself and his col- leagues, both as to particular counsels and the series of policy, with a dexterity and ingenuity that, if it did not convince impartial readers or hearers, at least impressed them with a high opinion of the speaker's ability. On the 4th of December, ]\Ir. Binlce proposed an inquiry into the con- duct of the captors of St. Eustatius ; a confiscation of efl'ects, he al- leged, there took place contrary to national justice and to national policy. To prove his first head, he entered into a very learned and able discus- sion of the extent of powers acquired by conquerors over an enemy sur- rendering at discretion ; and for this purpose quoted the authority of the most celebrated writers on the law of nations, traced the history of these laws, and their actual state, as elucidated by the concurrent practice of all civilized societies. The f(>elings of mankind had even exceeded the theories of jurisprudence in n)itigating the calamities o,f war; hence he inferred the necessity, in the pre.'>cnt improved state of that code, of interpreting tlie maxims of law, even in the most mild and favourable sense. He therefore contended, that from the moment of submission, the vanquished parties were entitled to th.e security of subjects. Having laid down this proposition, he proceurke's mo- lion was negatived. On the 12th of December, the day appointed for considering the army supplies, a motion was brought forward by sir James Lowther concerning the American war, apparently intended to sound the dispositions of the house, and preparatory to more pointed pro- positions. It was pro])osed to declare, that the war in North America had been hitherto irietfectual to tlie purposes for which it was tuidertaken ; and that perseverance in it wouhl be unavailing, and also injiuious to the country, by weakening her power to resist her ancient and confederated enemies. On this subject, so often discussed in such a variety of forms, there could be little novelty of arguinent. But opposition, in the divi- sion, ascertained the point which they were most anxious to establish : the minority, amounting to one hundred and seventy-nine to two hundred and twenty, showed that ministers were losing ground. In the course of the discussions which American affairs underwent before the recess, the dilTerQnce between lord Slielburne's connexions and the Rockingham party, concerning the independence, became more manifest than on any former occasion. Great contests also prevailed in the cabinet, respec- ing the plan of policy to be adopted in the present emergency. Some of the ministers proposed the total evacuation of America, and the direction of our whole force against the house of Bourbon : but the majority still cast a longing lingering look after the object which they had pinsued for so many years. The most sanguine saw now, that all hopes of reducing the whole of the colonies were for ever vanished, but they still fondly fancied that they might preserve a part ; and it was the^refore determined, that a considerable force should be left at New- York. During the recess the opponents of ministry were employed in forming and maturing a plan of general attack against administration. The chief conduct was intrusted to Mr. Fox ; and the various parts assigned to other senatois, were to be directed and supported by this illustrious leader, so admirably fitted for the warfare which he now undertook. In- deed, though it would be difficult to determine in what mode such tran- scendent powers coui.D be most effectually exerted ; it is certain, as an historical fact, that the force and splendour of Mr. Fox's genius have been most frequently displayed, not in legislative invention or plans of executory policy, but in reprehcnsive eloquence ; not in devising sys- tems and measures for the wise and beneficial government of the country; but in contending that others have planned and acted unwisely and inju- riously. On the 23d of January, the day after the Christmas adjo\irn- ment expired, Mr. Fox moved an iiiquiry into the causes of the want of success of his majesty's naval forces daring the war, and more particu- larly in the year 1781. For this purpose, he proposed a committee ; which being agreed to by ministers, he, a fortnight after, on the 7(h of February, discussed tiie sul>)ect. He traced the naval history fVom the beginning of the war, and exhibited a summary of the alleged miscar- riages of the successive years. In surveying the events of 1780, he, with peculiar energy, exposed the infatuation which sent captain Moutray, ()04 HISTORY OF THE Chap. XXVm.— 1782. [Molion requesting the king to ternninate the American war.] with the East and West India fleets, so near the enemy's coasts. Hav- infi reached 17S1, he stated five distinct charges of misconduct in the naval department: Ist, De Grasse was sulFered to depart for the West Indies, witlioiit any effort to intercept his fleet. He had sailed from Brest on the 22<1 of March, with twenty-five ships of the line ; Darby was at sea on the 13th, but instead of being sutlered to pursue the ene- my, he had been sent out of the way to Ireland. The second charge was, the loss of the St. Eustatius convoy, which had been captured on its way home ; this might have been ea<;ily saved by sending a squadron at the time they were expected. The third was a letter sent to the mayor of Bristol from the admiralty, in answer to one.from that gentleman, re- questing information concerning the comliined fleet ; the admiralty had misinformed and misled tiie IJristol merchants, by intimating that the hostile ar(nament was not in the channel, when tiiey knew that it was there, and had thereby endangered the trading ships of that city. The fourth charge was on the force sent to cope with the Dutch : and the fifth, the inadccpinle ilcet sent out with admiral Kempcnfeldt. The ge- neral defence adduced by lord Mulgrave, in favour of earl Sandwich, was, that he had acted according to information, moral probability, and the existing circumstances. ]Mr. Fox made a motion, founded on his five charges, that it is the opinion of this committee, that there has been gross mismanagement in the administration of the naval affairs of Great Britain during the course of the year 1781. The question being called for, Mr. Fox's motion was negatived by a majority of only two hundred and five to one hundred and eighty-three. P^ncouraged by the progressive declension of ministerial majorities, .on the 22d of February, opposition, in a motion made by generalC/onway, propoacd to address the king, to put an end to the American war. After both sides had repeated argu- ments so often employed, the country gentlemen now leaving ministers, Conway's motion was negatived by a majority of only one, being oiie hundred and ninety-four to one hundred and ninety-three ; and opposition cherished hopes of speedy success. Fully confident of victory, Conway, on the 27th of February, proposed the same motion under a different form. The usual arguments being repeated, opposition carried their motion by a majority of two hundred and thirty-tour to two hurtdred and fifteen ; and tluis, after a contest of eight years, Mr. Fox and his party succeeded in their attempt to procure a vole from the house, for request- ins the kinii to conclude tiie American war. The following motion was accordingly carried :^-" Resolved, Tebru- ary 27th, in the house of commons, that an hu|nble addj-essbe presented to his mtijtjstv, most humbly to represent to his majesty, that the farther, prosecution of offensive war on the continent of North 7\merica, for the purpose of reducing the revolterl colonies to obedience by force, will be the means of weakening the efforts of this c6untry against her European enemies; tends, under the present circumstances, dangerously to increase the mutual enmity, so fatal to the interests both of (ireat Britain and America; and by preventing a happy reconciliation with that country, to frustrate the earnrist desire, graciously expressed by his majesty, to restore the blessings of public tranquillily." To this address his majesty returned the following answer : " Gentlemen of the house of commons, There are no objects nearer to my heart, than the ease, happiness, and prosperity of my people. You may be assured, that, in pursuance to 1782— Chap. XXVIII. UEIGN OF GEOIUiK 111. 005 [Motion for the removal of ministers. Defence of lord North.] your advice, I shall take such measures as shall appear to me to be most couducive to the restoration of harmony hetweon Great liritain and the revolted colonies, so essential to the prosperity pf hoth ; and that my etibrts shall he directed in the most efTectual manner against our Eu- ropean enemies^ till such peace can be obtained as shall consist with the interests arid permanent welfare of my kingdom." Ministers had often declared that they would hold their places no longer than a parliainent>jry majority should sanction their system and measures : it was therefore expected that a resignation tvould immedi- ately ens\je. Lord North and his colleagues, however, continued to hold their places, because they said it did not appear, by any vote or re- solution, that parliament had witlidrawn its confidence from the present administration : confiding in its increasiugstrength, the 0[)posite party resolved to bring this question to immediate issue. Accordingly lord John Cavendish, on the 8th of March, proposed .resolutions to the fol- lowing eHect ; that, from 1775, the nation had expended ui)wards of one hundred millions in a fruitless war: during which we had lost thirteen colonies, many of our valuable West India and other islands ; that the rest were in imminent danger ; that we were now engaged in an expen- .sive war with America, France, Spain, and Holland, without a single ally ; that the chief cause of these accumulated n)isfortunes was the uni- ted incapacity and misco^iduct of administration. T-he three first of these . resolutions coufd not hut be admitted as matters of fact : respecting the fourth, which was an inferenre from the others, Mr. Fox contended, that a long uniform series of calamity and disgrace was a sufficient proof of misconduct : and farther, that weakness and folly distinctly marked each separate measure of every minister, as they collectively pervaded the whole system of administration. Lord North argued, that it was un- fair from misfortune 4;o infer misconduct; but that even if misconduct existed, it might be in the execution instead of the plans. The minister, however, was aware, tliat a direct and pointed answer to the charges could be of little avail; therefore, with his usual dexterous ingenuity he shifted his ground. To draw the attention of the house from the con- duct of ministers, the question at issue, he called on them to consider if the present counsellors should be removed, who, probably, would be their successors. His lordship well-knew that there were independent mem- bers in the house, who, though they disapproved lately of administration, were by no means desirous of being governed by a whig combination. By far the greater number of opposition members either originally were, or had become partisans of that connexion. He was aware, that not only the Rockragham system of ruling the nation by a confederacy, but also various opinions cind measures were by no means consonant to the senti- ments of all who now voted on their side. Was the house (he said) pre- pared to new model the constitution, to alter the duration of parliaments, and the rights of elections 1 Vv'ould it consent to a violation of the nation- al faitli with the crown, by adopting a celebrated bill of reform in the civil list expenditure] Would it vote the independence of America 1 on ' which subject he understood there was as great difference between the two branches of opposition, as between opposition and ministers. Mr. Dundas eminently distinguished himself, and with his usual strength of explicit and direct argument urged the house, before they voted foe re- moving the present mmisters and throwing the government into the hands f^OG IIISTOKY OF THK Chap. XXVIII.— 1782. [Resignation of ministers. Character of the North administration ] of their opponents!, to have it thoroughly ascertained and accurately de- fined, what the objects ol' these opponents were ;. what system they pro- posed to adopt, and what measures they intended to pursue. These con- siderations had so much influence, that the supporters of ministers pre- vailes. T!ie garrison, after having with the greatest pa- tience and fortitude withstood the host of their enemies, became every day weaker both in number and fortifications ; and at last finding all their •efforts hopeless, agreed toa capitulation which was concluded on honour- able terms. The French ffeet being joined by two ships, admiral Hood, now, that the preservation of the island was no longer in view, resolved not to hazard an engagement until a re-enforcemcnt which was daily ex- pected should arrive from England, he therefore quitted his present situa- tion, and retired towards Antigua. The islands of Nevis and Montser- rat followed the fortune of St. Christopher's : so that of all our former valuable possessions in the West Indies, Jamaica, Barbadoes, and Anti- gua, now only remained, and affairs wore a very inauspicious aspect to the British interests. Jamaica the great object of Spanish ambition, was now proposed to be attacked by tlie count de Grasse, who was to be joined by a Spanish fleet and army for that purpose. The Spaniards had stationed at llispaniola and Cuba, about twenty-six ships of the line and a considerable body of soldiers : the fleet, when combined, would amount to sixty ships of the line, the troops to about twenty thousand ; and a great naval and military re-cnforcenient was daily expected under admi- ral Guichen. The land force of Britain, in Jamaica, consisted of si.x battalions of regulars, amounting to two thousand four hundred men, and the militia about double that number. From the British fleet, so outnuml)ered, they could have expected little assistance. The goodness of the troops, the zeal and bravery of the inhabitants, together with the natural strength of the country, might have long withstood so mighty a host, and perhaps, ultimately, with the assistance of the climate so pe- culiarly fatal to Spanish indolence, repelled the invaders : but the con- flict would have been arduous, and a great part of the valuable property nuist have been destroyed during its operations ; the well grounded ap- prehension therefore of such an attempt was extremely alarming to the islanders themselves, and to all interested in the fate of so estimable a possession. While alTairs were in this situation, and the hopes and fears of the contending parlies so anxiously aroused, intelligence arrived that Guichen's ffi^et and convoy, after their encoimter with admiral Kempen- feldt, had been shattered by successive tempests ; and unable to proceed on their voyage, returned to France, and two ships of the line only wore strong enc)ugli to join de Grasse. On the 19th of February, sir George Rodney with twelve ships of the line arrived from England at Barbadoes, and a few days after joining sir Samuel Hood, took command of the whole fleet before the end of the month ; being re-enforced by two n)ore ships of the line from England, the British fleet consisted of thirty-six ships of the line. Having receiv- ed information that a second convoy had sailed from Brest, in order to compensate to a certain degree the failure of the former, and was convey- ing provisions, naval and military stores, he tried to intercept it before it reached de Grasse ; but the French convoy found means to elude the 1782.— Chap. XXnC. REIGN OF GKORGR III. f^^j [De Grasse sails from Martinico. Pursuit by the British.] danger, and to join the admiral on the 20th of March, in Fort Royal, where he was repairing his ships with a view of sailing as soon as possi- ble to the westward : admiral Rodney stationed himself ofi' St. Lucia to watch his motions. It was the object of the f^onch admiral to avoid fighting, until he should join the Spaniards at Hispaniola ; the British commander proposed to prevent the intended junction, and to bring the ^ French to a decisive battle. The fate of the British West Indies depend- ed on the success or miscarriage of the admiral's design ; if the two hos- tile fleets joined, our naval force would no longer be able to preserve our islands from ruin. If Rodney could bring de Grasse to fight, the form- er having thirty-six ships of the line, the latter thirty-four, but balancing our superiority of number by size, weight of metal, and a greater multi- tude of menj the fleets would be very near an equality of physical force; consequently there could be little doubt that the ability, skill, and prow- ess of England would be triumphant. De Grasse was stationed at Mar- tinico ; admiral Rodney at Gros Islet bay in St. Lucia, and his fleet rea- dy to sail, the van was commanded by admiral Drake, the rear by sir Samuel Hood, and the centre by Rodney himself. Frigates were dis- posed near the French fleet to give the English admiral intelligence if they sailed. .Accordingly, on the 8th of April, news arrived that de Grasse had weighed anchor, and in a very short time the same day Rod- ney began to follow his course. De Grasse, in order to avoid the Bri- tish fleet, instead of s^iiling directly westward to Hispaniola, chose a northern and circuitous course along the coast of Gaudaloupe. Had he proceeded in the direct track which was to leeward, he thought he could not avoid being overtaken by the English, but by coasting between the islands, as the French were much better acquainted with these channels, he expected to baffle their pursuit. The British signals, however, were repeated with such quickness and exactness through the intervening sta- tions, that the fleet sailed within five hours of the French, and came in siglit of them that very same night near Dominica. De Grasse, think- ing that a distant and running fight would be unavoidable, formed his line for that purpose. Early next morning when sir George Rodney v.'as making dispositions for battle, he found himself becalmed. A breeze however reached the van between eight and nine in the morning, with- out extending to the centre and rear. The first division of the British fleet being thus separated from the rest, count de Gras.'^e willingly engag- ed, hoping by his whole fleet to cut ofl'the advanced part of ours. Not- withstanding the superiority of the enemy, sir Samuel Hood made so bold a stand as to sustain all their efforts, though not without his ships suffering material damage. At length Rodney himself being able to come up with part of the centre division, the battle became less unequal. De Grasse, who from the command of the wind could either fight closely or distantly, drew off" his fleet, and before the rest of the British anived, was entirely out of reach of battle. The next day admiral Rodney was oblig- ed to employ in refitting the damaged ships, and transposing the van and rear, as those who had not been in the late action w«^re the fittest for be- ginning a nev/ conflict. On the 11th, the enemy's fleet weathered Gua- daloupe, and got to such a distance that they were barely perceivable. About noon that day two of the enemy's ships were seen so much astein of the rest of the fleet, that the British had no doubt of cutting them ofiz a signal for general chase was thrown out. The pursuit was sovigoroiw Vol. VIL— 78 ^jg HISTORY OF THE Chap. XXIX.— 1782. [Battle off Guadaloupc, and victory of the Iiritish.] that tliey would have been undoubtedly captured had not the whole French fleet returned for their protection. This movement gave the British commanders inlinitely more delight, than they would have deriv- ed from the possession of the two ships. They perceived that the ene- my could not avoid a close engagement, and during the night the line was formed in a most masterly disposition. The enemy, sensible that they must now fight, were also arranged with great skill. The scene of ac- tion was a basin of water lying between the islands of Guadaloupe, Do- minica, the Saints, and Marigalante ; and bounded both to windward and leeward by dangerous shores. On the 12th of April, at seven in the morning, the hostile fleets met upon opposite tacks. The signal for close fighting was thrown out and punctually observed, the line was formed at only a cable's length dis- tance, our ships as they came up ranged slowly and closely along the enemy's line, and under their lee, where they gave and received a tre- mendous fire. Admiral Drake, who now commanded the van, began the battle with the greatest gallantry : received, and with the most efficacious energy returned the shot of the whole French line. His leading ship the Marlborough, commanded by captain Penny, was peculiarly distinguish- ed, received and returned at the nearest distance the first broadside of twenty-three French ships of war, and had the fortune only to have three men killed, and sixteen wounded. As the ships were so near, every ball took effect, and the French ships being very full of men, great num- bers were slain. The French made a most gallant resistance, which they were enabled to do the more eflectually as the British rear was long prevented by a calm from taking any active share in the battle. They had fought five hours, before the British, though evidently the more forci- ble, had gained any decisive advantage ; when between twelve and one o'clock, Rodney, with fo>ir ships, bore athwart the enemy, and broke their line; being admirably supported by his division, he doubled upon them, separated their force, and threw them into irrecoverable disorder. As soon as he had eircclod this movement, he threw out a signal for the van to tack ; admiral Drake instantly complying, by this means got to windward of the enemy, and completed the general confusion. The French van bore to loeward in an attempt to restore their broken line, but C(juld not succeed. Meanwhile sir Samuel Hood had reached the scene of battle with part of his division, and contributed to crush the enemy. Even after ;ill order and connected system was entirely de- stroyed on the part of the French, their slii[).s singly and severally fought with the most inflexible courage. Do Grasse himself, in the Ville de Paris, after the route became general, rnnde a most obstinate resistance, but at last struck to sir Sanuiel Hood. The Hector, the Glorieux, the Caisar, of 74 guns, the Ardetit of 64, were also captured ; the Diadem was sunk ; three thousand of the enemy were killed or drowned, and six thousand were wounded, and about two thousand taken prisoners : most of their ships that escaped being taken or sunk, were so damaged as to be unfit for service. The loss on the side of the English was about a thousand killed and wounded ; among the slain was captain Blair, who eminently distinguished himself on that glorious day, and also had ac- f)uired great renown the yc.'ir before, in the Dolphin man of war. Among the wounded was lord Robert Manners, brother to the duke of Rutland ; this brave young nobleman, though not twcnfy-scvcn years of age, had 1782.— Chap. XXIX. liEIGN OF GEORGE III. ^|9 [Principle of naval warfare illustrated. Summary of Rodney's exploits.] acquired distinguished glory in the Resolution, a seventy- four gun ship, during a series of brilliant actions, which he crowned in the last conflict. His wound proved mortal, and deprived the country of his virtues a few weeks after the victory. Naval critics in reviewing the operations which terminated in so bril- liant a victory to Britain, have adduced, or at least confirmed general principles of the liighest importance to the service. In the first place, they observed it illustrated the wise policy of a commander of British ships and British sailors being adventurously bold. If admiral Rodney, when he found the rear division becalmed, had endeavoured to avoid bat- tle, the enemy might have escaped ; it also showed, that in close fight Bri- tish ships and seamen possess a very great superiority, and that the increase of their advantage in proportion to their closeness, renders it generally expedient for British commanders to break the enemy's line. The consequences of this victory were important and extensive, thirty- six chests of money, destined to pay the army and fleet in the West In- dies, were -found in the Ville de Paris.* The day after the battle admiral Rodney endeavoured to pursue the remains of the JFrench fleet, but was becalmed for three days at Guada- loupe. Sir Samuel Hood, having been but a short time in the fight, was fitter for pursuit than the other ships, the admiral therefore despatched that commander in hopes of overtaking or intercepting the remains of the enemy. On the 19th of April he captured two ships of the line in the Mona Passage, between Porto Rico and Hispaniola. Admiral Rodney proceeded witli the disabled ships and prizes to Jamaica, was rejoined by sir Samuel Hood off" Cape Tiberoon in St. Domingo ; and in the end of April having arrived at the place of his destination, was received by the grateful islanders as their glorious dehverer. Rodney indeed had been the most brilliant promoter of naval glory, the effectual supporter of naval power, and beneficial protector of commerce and wealth to this country, of any personage whose actions reflected a lustre on the annals of the American war ; in two years and a quarter he had struck a severe blow against each of our three European enemiei^. In his victory over the Spaniards, he broke that naval force which some months before ostenta- tiously paraded on our coasts ; reducing the Dutch, he deprived them of the chief sinew of war ; by the discomfiture of the French he completely overthrew all the mighty projects of the Bourbons for exalting themselves by ruining our plantations and marine force. He showed himself a gal- lant and skilful .sailor and an able commander, that could direct all the excellence of British ships and British seamen. Such a commander supplied with a force equal to the enemy, was successful, and always must be successful. This victory not only secured our West India possessions, but in a great degree ended the West India war, as no operations of any importance were afterwards undertaken in that part of the world. Soon after sir George Rodney had so essentially served his king and country, intelligence arrived that the new administration had resolved he should • This ship liad a hundred and ten p^uns, and no Jess than thirteen hundred men, including soldiers, on board. She bad been a present to Louis XV. from the oily of Paris, during tlic low state of the French navy resulting fiom the last war in which that prince had been engaged with England. She had cost one hun- dred and seventy -six thousand pounds before slie was fitted for sea, and was the only first rate man of war that had ever been captured. (J20 HISTORY OF THE Cukr. XXIX.— 1782- [America. East Indies. Schemes of Mr. Hastings.] serve no longer, and had appointed admiral Pigot to take the command in his stead. Whatever that gentleman's talents might be, his situation had never aflorded him opportunities of such exertion or display as to demonstrate the policy of the minister, who, to avail himself of Mr. Pigot's professional elibrts, superseded admiral Rodney. Our gallant veteran relinquished a command in which he had now left so little un- done, and returned home to enjoy the gratitude of his king and country, and the honours which had been conferred by his sovereign. The victo- rious admiral was called to the house of lords, because he had made the best of a force intrusted to his command, by conquering the enemy and discomfiting their designs. Sir Samuel Hood also, who next to admiral llodney ha^ so eminently distinguished himself, was promoted to the well earned honour of an Irish peerage. Blessrs. Drake and Affleck for their respective services were created baronets. In North America, .sir Henry Clinton having resigned the command, was succeeded by sir Guy Carleton, but no military transactions of any importance took place in this campaign. - The resolutions, agai/ist the American war, and the negotiations for peace, although they did not in- duce the provincials to a separate trpaty, yet in a great measure sus- pended ho^^tilities. The armies. Indeed, were nearly equ;il in strength, Carleton had no motive to attack the enemy for the sake of lulvancing in a country into which all progress was now renounced, and Washington had no inducement to assail a force which was still very formidable. The Spaniards finding all their hopes of important conquest in the West In- dies disappointed, employed their armaments in less considerable enter- prises. The governor of Cuba, with five thousand men, made an attack on the Bahama islands, which being defended by about two hundred only, capitulated. The French, with the remainder of their beaten fleet, con- certed a predatory expedition against the property of the Hudson's Bay company, and acquired a considerable booty. On the other hand, the English made a successful excursion to the Musquito shore, and captur- ed fort Ddlin, with a great number of Spanish troops. In Africa, the Dutch were dispossessed of most of their settlements, except the Cape of Good Hope ; but they were still able to retain this important key to India. While in the Carnatic those warlike preparations were carrying on which are narrated among the transactions of 1780 and 1781, the gover- nor-general was not inactive in Bengal. Aware of the dispositions of the native powers to join in the confederacy against British India, it was an important part of his duty to counteract their designs. He had also the task of providing resources and means of defence agiinst both treacher- ous friends and professpd enemies. The expenses of the present war, in which all the English presidencies were so deeply, and one at least dangerously involved, rose to such a height, that even the finances of Lennal proved unequal to their supply. It was therefore necessary, not only to be very strict in e:tacting the revenue, but either to create new source.", or to relinquit-h the defence of our possessions in India. The governor-general anxiously desirous of securing such valuable interests, appeared to tliink that the preservation of British India might justify measures that nothing but political necessity could sanction. The Indian landholders are called zemindars, and the chief zemindars are called rajahs. The great estai— • appeared to have held of the mogul, as lord 1783.— Chap. XXIX. REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 521 [Cheyt Sing. View of his relation to the company. Demands of Mr. Hastings.] paramount of the soil : the inferior zemindars to have held of the rajahs. A doubt was alleged, whether the tenure of the zemindars was stable on the performance of certain conditions, or dependent on the discretion of the superior in the various degrees, from the lowest tenant to the empe- ror. The former mode would unquestionably be the most consonant to the ideas of freeborn Britons, but the latter was no less agreeable to the analogy of Mahomcdan despotism. Whatever power the emperor him- self possessed over the lands or effects of the zemindars, he delegated to the collectors of revenues, and consequently had transferred to the India company over the provinces of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa, by the treaty concluded in 17P4. The extent and hmits of the jurisdiction which by this treaty the company acquired over either the lands or effects of the inhabitants, were to be defined not by any reference to British rules of property, but by the usage and laws of India. Lord Clive, at the treaty of Illahabad, had guaranteed to Buhvart Sing, the zemindary of Be- nares, subject to the payment of the former revenue to the nabob of Oude. The guarantee did not extend to the rajah's family, and on the death of Boiwart Sing, in 1770, it appeared that the zemindary of Benares was not hereditary, as Cheyt Sing, the late rajah's son, paid to the nabob a fine of two hundred and fifty thousand pounds, with an increase of rent of three hundred thousand pounds, in order to be admitted to his father's tenements.* The nal)ob afterwards endeavoured to extort one hundred and twenty-five thousand pounds more from his vassal, which thovigh prevented -by the interference of Mr. Hastings, affcnded a presuni[)tive proof of the discretionary tenure by which the zemindary was held. In 1775, under Sujah Dowla, the nabob of Oude, the sovereignty of Benares was transferred to the company, and thus Cheyt Sing became vassal to that body on precisely the same tenure as he had before been to the nabob of Oude. Mr. Hastings, soon after this agreement, authorised his resident to assure Cheyt Sing of the compa- ny's approbation of his conduct, and on that account that he should be allowed to occupy the zemindary on the same conditions as before, and at the same time recommended him to raise a body of two thousand horse. Mr. Hastings, from the analogy of Indian tenures, considered Cheyt Sing as a tenant at will, with a general promise of holding his lands during good behaviour, and thought himself the steward of the proprietor, enti- tled to interpret the goodness of the tenant's conduct, by the fidelity and gratitude which he should manifest towards the proprietors, from whose bounty he was allowed to retain his lands. | The requisite exertions might be greater or less according to circumstances ; it was evident that the terms on which he held Benares were extremely advantageous, and as obviously Mr. Hastings appeared to conceive that his tenure was good conduct and attachment to the company. His di.spositions, the state of affairs soon put to the test: intelligence being received of the war with France, and a variety of circumstances having intimated the de- sign of a native confederacy, it was determined by the governor-general and council, in the month of July 177S, that the rajah Cheyt Sing should be required to contribute an extraordinary subsidy of five lacks of rupees towards the expenses which this nev/ exigency would impose on govern- * Annual Register, 1783, chap. i. f This may be gathered from his defence, and the writings of his friends. 622 HISTORY OF THE Cuap. XXIX.— 1782: [Evasions of Ihe rajah. Mr. Hastings resolves to enforce compliance.] ment during the current year. The rajah paid this advanced rent with great unwillingness ; the next year he testified much stronger reluctance, although the increase of hostilities rendered supplies still more indispen- sably necessary ; and though known to be extremely rich, pretended to be in the most distressing poverty. Mr. Hastings found him so slow in his payments, tiiat he sent two battalions of sepoys to Benares to be paid and subsisted by the rajah, until he made good the required sum. The third year he made still stronger professions of poverty, and the subsidy was procured with greater dilhculty. In 1781, when the designs of the confederacy had not only unfolded themselves, but in the Carnatic were carried into successful execution, the same additional subsidy was de- manded, and also the two thousand horse which he had been desired to keep in readiness when protection was promised him by the company on his first having become their vassal. It is to be observed, that the whole amount of the extraordinary subsidy imposed, from so urgent a necessity, on this tributary, was only one fifth of his yearly rent ; that he was ex- tremely rich, and'could well afford the addition, which was much less than his former superior, or any other native chief acting upon the discretion- ary principles of Asiatic governments, would have exacted. Even after paying the demand he was not in a worse, but in a better situation as the tenant of the company, than that in which he would have been as the tenant of Oude, or any other oriental state. The rajah baffled the de- mands by repeated evasions, and at this time (the beginning of 1781,) when the possessions of the company were in the greatest danger, and her want of assistance both in men and money most urgent, Cheyt Sing much more manifestly displayed his reluctance to contribute aid than in preceding years.* All the countries adjoining the rajah's territories were either openly or secretly engaged in the combination ; from that circum- stance, together with the rajah's unwillingness to support the cause of the company, the governor- general suspected Cheyt Sing to be connected with the hostile confederacy. Various accounts, both from English re- sidents at Benares and the neighbouring countries, confirmed the suspi- cion. Mr. Hastings now being extremely straitened from want of money for paying the company's troops and other services, and farther desirous of exploring the intentions and designs both of the rajah and others who professed amity, resolved to make a progress into the upper country. Impressed with an opinion of the rajah's culpability, the governor-gene- ral had privately resolved that, if on examination he found him really hos- tile, the punishment of treacherous designs to injure the company should be such a fine as would relieve their present exiirencies. Accordingly he proceeded to Benares : the rajah met him on the frontiers, expressed )iis complete submission, made protestations of the most zealous fidelity and attachmrrit to the company, and declared that his zemindary and all his possessions were the gift of the company, and at their command. Mr. Hastings little moved with these general professions of friendship, after arriving at I'onares, made specific charges of infidelity and disaffec- tion to the English government, from which he held his zemindary ; of internal tyranny and oppression, contrary to the tenure of his vassalage ; and of evasion resf»ecting the payment of subsidies. The rajah denied these charges, and endeavoured to refute them, but not to the governor's • See Annual Register, 1783, c i.; and Thomson's War in Asia. 1782.— Chap. XXIX. IfElGN OF GEOIJGE III. (323 [Flight of the rnjah. Proceedings against the begums.] sali.sfaction : to make him more compliant, ho put Cheyt Sing under an arrest. The inhabitants of Benares rushed in great numbers upon a small party of two companies which guarded Sing's person, cut them to pieces, and rescued the rajah. The governor himself was in considera- ble danger, having but a small body of attendants in the midst of a hostile multitude. Finding the disorderly spirit of the people he sent for troops from different quarters to come to Benares, the rajah fled to a distant place of refuge, from thence he sent a suppliant letter, to which Mr. Hastings made no answer. A war broke out in Benares ; the governor soon subdued that country, and took possession of the treasures of the rajah. Immense sums were found in his treasury, which proved that his excuses of poverty were totally unfounded. Cheyt Sing published a ma- nifesto addressed to other rajahs, in which he attempted to justify him- self, and stir up his neighbours against the British name, and immediately afterwards retired into banishment. Mr. Hastings considerinji this insurrection at Benares as a rebellion, deemed it part of the great combination against British India. It appear- ed to him that Cheyt Sing had been warmly supported by the neighbour- ing province of Oude, especially in the countries that were governed by the begums, or dowager princesses, who according to the customs of In- dia had, for the support of their widowhood, the investiture of certain de- mesnes ai.d treasures under the name of jaghires. The begums of Oude were the mother and grandmother of the reigning prince. The nabob came down to Chunar, with tlw. professed intention of paying his respects to the governor-general, acconspanied with a considerable number of troops : Mr. Hastings by no means approved of this visit, he had no oc- casion for the nabob for quelling the commotions in Benares, and was not without suspicions of the treachery so incidental to the feeble and timid characters of oriental despotism; not, however, choosing to commu- nicate to the nabob his distrust, he expressed his acknowledgements for his kind attention, and at Chunar they met. Mr. Hastings being well in- formed of the proceedings of the begums, consulted with sir Elijah Im- pey, whether, they being in actual rebellion, the nabob might not confis- cate their property ; sir Elijah answered in the affirmative. Fortified with this authority, Mr. Hastings appeared to entertain no doiibt of the legality of the principle ; but it was necessary to the purposes of equity and justice to examine the fact : in this investigation he requested the as- sistance of the judge, who undertook to collect testimonies, and the re- sult was, that the begums had abetted the rebellion of Cheyt Sing. Hav- ing ascertained this fact to his satisfaction, and also that they were hos- tile to the government of the nabob himself, he entered into a treaty with that prince; one article of which was, that as great distress had arisen to the nabob's government, from the military power and dominion assumed by the begums, he should be permitted to resume such of their lands as he might deem to be necessary. As the nabob acknowledged a great debt to the company, the proceeds of the confiscation were to be applied to liquidate that demand, and consequently to increase the pecuniary re- sources of the company when supplies were so much wanted. The na- bob having returned to Oude, and not having immediately proceeded to the forfeiture stipulated in the treaty, was strongly urged not only to seize a part but the whole of the effects as confiscated in consequence of the rebellion : that prince at last enforced the act, and dispossessed the be- 624 IIISTOKY OF THE Chap. XXIX.— 1782. [Peace with the Mahratta prince. Operations of the French.] gums of all their treasures.* Such was the procedure of Hastings re- specting Cheyt Sing and the begums, which the narrator considers, with its ostensible rea.>ons, as part of the series of British afVairs in India that it is his duty to relate, though he conceives it unnecessary to canvass all the assertions and attempted arguments, all the replies and attempted refutations, that arose from tliis subject. Leaving the moral rectitude and judicial legality of Mr. Hastings's conduct with the appropriate tribu- nal by which it has been already discussed, the history proceeds to the political etfects of the e.xpedition. It afforded the company the means of paying their troops, increasing their resources, and redoubling their exer- tions against the combined enemies. It prevented the native powers from effectually joining the confederacy, and served also to detach one important sovereign, Moodejee Sindia, the Mahratta prince, from the alliance. A peace was concluded, in October 17S1, between him and Mr. Hastings ;* so that, on the whole, the measures of Mr. Hastings, at this time very essentiallv served the British cause. The French, we have seen, had formed expectations of ruining the British interests through themselves and the confederacies which they instigated in the eastern as well as the western world ; and with that view sent a squadron with a powerful body of forces, under monsieur Suflfrein, to India. Sailing from the Cape of Good Hope, Suffrein joined monsieur de Orves at the island of Mauritius : the French commander, with a fleet often ships of the line, one fifty gun ship, several large fri- gates, and a multitude of transports and store vessels, having on board a numerous body of land forces, sailed in .Janunry, 1782, for tlie coa.st of Coromandel : M, de Orves dying on the passage, the sole command of the fleet devolved on M. de SulFrein. A British convoy, under general Meadows, was proceeding with troops for India, and two ships of the line and t\k-o fifties ; the Hannibal, one of tlie latter, was taken by tlie enemy; but the rest of the fleet reached Madras, the place of their destination. On the 31st of January, sir Edward Hughes was obliged to sail from Trincomale for Madras, to procure a supply of stores and provisions, and refit his ships. At his arrival on the 8th of February, he was informed by lord Macartney, the new governor, that a French armament amount- ing to thirty sail had been seen on the coast, and was supposed not to be above twenty leagues to the northward. Admiral Hughes had only si.x ships of the line, with the crews in a very indifferent condition, when he was the following day re-enforced by the two ships of the line and one of fifty guns, which were just arrived from England. Sir Eyre Coote with great alacrity and expedition assisted him in manning his ships from the land forces ; and having now his stores and provisions on board, on the l.jth of February he sasv the French fleet bearing directly to Madras, with ten sail of the line, two fifties, andl^six frigates. Suffrein had ex- pected to find only six English ships of the line, and hastened, in all the vivacity of French fancy, hoping to overpower the English fleet and thereby co-operate so eflbctually with Hyder Ally as to reduce Madras ; and by a little farther extension of the imagination, anticipated the speedy ruin of British India. The pleasing reverie of Suffrein met with a disa- greeable interruption in the view of nine ships of war prepared to ob- • Annual Rejjistpr, 1783, chap. i. f Ibid, and 'rhumsuii'ii War in Asia. 17«S.— Chap. XXIX. UEIGN OF GEOUGE fll. 525 [Naval engagements—consequences favourable to the British] struct his progress : on this discovery ho immediately stopped, and soon after drew oft" his fleet to the southward.* Admiral Hughes immediate- ly followed, and the next day descried the French ships of war to the eastward : while t!ie convoy escorted by frigates was steering south to- wards Pondicherry, the British admiral threw out a signal for chase, with the double view of capturing the convoy and inducing the French admiral to return to attempt tlicir relief. In the course of the pursuit the British ships retook five English prizes with their crews and cargoes, and cap- tured a sixth, that proved to be a very important advantage : she was a large French transport of thirteen hundred tons, containing a considera- ble train of artillery and a groat quantity of gunpowder and other military stores for H3'der Ally, with three hundred soldiers on board. Mean- while the French fleet endeavouring to assist the convoy, obliged the British admiral to recall the chasers; and having ordered (he prizes to be sent to Negapatan-,, he prepared to form the line of battle. On the 17th of February, early in the morning, the admiral threw out the signal for forming in a compact order, so as to prevent the enemy from profit- ing by tluir superiority ; but the weather was extremely unfiivourable to the collection of his ships. The enemy perceiving the British squadron, notwithstanding every effort of both commander and ofiicers, to be still dispersed, attacked the rear, while the rest were by a calm prevented from takmg a share in the action. The British ships that were engaged were much shattered and in danger of being entirely wrecked, when a favourable wind rising, enabled the others to bear down on the enemy with force and effect,' but darkness intervening prevented the battle: and during the night the French fleet sailed away to the north-east. In this uneqwdl contest, though the event was not decisive, two English captains were killed ; Stevens of the Superb, and Reynolds of the Exeter ; and these two ships were so much damaged, that Hughes found it necessary to proceed to Trincomale for repairs. There he expected to meet a con- voy with troops and stores from England, which he intended to escort to Madras : he however found only part of the convoy ; but was joined by two seventy-four gun ships. Having refitted his squadron, he coast- ed southwards, and, on the 8th of Apiil. saw the French fleet to the north-east, but at a considerable distance : in three days he arrived ofi' the coast of Ceylon. The enemy meanwhile having gained the wind, and knowing the bay to be extremely rocky, resolved to. attack the Bri- tish under the disadvantage of a lee-shore and a very dangerous road ; and on the 12th of April forming their line with superior numbers, favour- abl-; wind, and situation, they prepared for the onset. 1 he Enghsli admiral under these disadvantages arrayed his fleet ; the battle began about noon ; both sides fought with great fury ; and the French finding, notwithstanding their multiplied advantages, they could make no impres- sion on the British, drew off their ships. Although these actions were not decisive, yet they proved very beneficial to the Bn;ish. Hyder Al- ly had entered the Carnaticin full reliance that the naval force of France would crush the English, that thereby he should capture Madras, depose the nabob of Arcot, and place his son Tippoo in his stead. Expecting the promised and destined squadron, he had with the prospects of 1788 consoled himself for the disappointments of 1781 ; but on finding the • Annual Register, 1783, Vot. VII.— 79 626 IIIbn)KY OF IIIK Chap, XXIX.--lf8i. [Campaign against ITydcr Ally. His defeat and death.] French with so great a superiority of numbers repeatedly retiring, he be- gan to be convinced of tlic vast superiority of British prowess, and to despair of accoinphsliiiig his favourite objects. Tlic otlier Indian pow- ers received tlie same impression in a greater degree, aiid became less disposed to hostilities, which they now apprehended would be ultimately unavaihng. Sir Eyre Coote's plan of the campaign was to divert Hyder's force, into detached operations, while he himself pressing on him with t: e main army, should oblige him to evacuate the Carnatic. Major Abing- don at the begmning of the year arrived in Tilliciierry, then blockaded by a considerable part of Hyder's troops ; by a bold and well conducted sallv, he entirely defeated the Mysorean, and compelled him to raise the blockade and retreat from the coast. Another British ijctachmont was stationed to protect Tanjore, to repress the designs of Hyder Ally and the French on that side of Pondicherry, and toco-operate l>6ni the south with the main army. This body, consisting of two thousand foot and two hundred and tiity horse, commanded by colonel Braithwaite, was posted on the river Coleroon ; and in consequence of the recent defeat of Hyder's troops at Tillicherry, was not apprehensive that the enemy ■would approach the sea-coast. Tippoo Saib understanding the securit} of the English detachment, formed a plan for surprising and surrounding the corps, with about four hundred French and twenty thousand native troops. He was but too successful, and though the British force made, the most skilful and gallant resistance, tliey were overpowered by num- bers. The humanity of the French commander saved the remains of the British troops from being massacred by Tippoo's barbarians ; but those who survived the defeat were obliged to undergo the miseries of a long and cruel imprisonment. By this disaster the southern parts of the Car- natic were exposed, and the arrival of a considerable body of French troops from the Mauritius made the state of the Englisli more critical. These forces, joined by a numerous body from Mysore, besieged Cud- dalore, and soon compelled it to capitulate; while Ilyder Ally watched the motions of sir Eyre Coote. After this capture they made an attempt upon Vandiwash. Sir Eyre Coote marched to its relief, both to protect an important post, and in the hopes that Hyder Ally, trusting to the effi- cacy of his European auxiliaries, would hazard a battle ; the Mysorean, however, cautiously avoided an engagement, and relinquishing Vandi- wash, retired backwards two days march, and posted himself in a very strong situation at a place called Redhill. General Coote pursued him thither, attacked him on the 2d of June, defeated him, put his troops to the route, killed great numbers, and would have gained a much more de- cisive victory had he possessed cavalry to pursue the fugitives. The battle of the 2d of June obliged the enemy to retire far into the interior country, and completed the discomllture of Hyder's designs. This as- piring adventurer, with a comprehensiveness of genius, a firmness, and magnanimity of mind, not unworthy of the highest European capacity and heroism, had projected to become master of the Indian empire ; and for that purpose, to make tools of the French and native powers, in a con- federacy for expelling the English, the great obstacles to the accomplish- ment of the lofty projects of his ambition. In the scenes of his personal en- terprise, he and his European auxiliaries were counteracted and baffled by British prowess directed by the skill and abilities of a Hughes and a f ir82.— (;i(Ai'. XXIX. ItHIGN OF r.KOUGE Ul.»*. .' t527 [Dissolution of the Indian confederacy. Operations of sir Edward Hughes.] Coote, while in the more distant regions of hi.s political operations, he had to contend with the penetrating sagacity, profound and powerful ge- nius, of a lla.st«|||s. }ie was already apprized of the successful etlorts of the governor-general in impairing the confederacy, by reducing disaf- fected allies, and persuading opposing states to a separate peace. He was apprehensive that the same energetic character would finish the enmity of their powers, and that the force of Bengal, Madras, and Bombay, might ultimately be exerted against Mysore alone. These disappointments of past hopes and fears of future evils preyed on the mind of Hyder Ally, aflected his healtli, and spread a languor over his subsequent measures and actions : he withdrew to his capital, where some months after he died. The constitution of sir Eyre Coote was so greatly affected by the iatigues which he had underoone, that he was unable to keep the field any longer ; he thereioro retired to Madras, leaving the command to major-general Stuart. The enemy cautiously abstaining from battle, and the British commander not being able to compel an engagement, no event of much importance happened by land during the rest of the cam- paign. The French fleet having refitted in the island of Ceylon, return- ed to the coast of C'oromandel ; and understanding that a re-enforce- ment was daily expected to join the Engli.sh squadron, sailed to Negapa- tam before the supplies should arrive. Hughes, immediately on descry- ing the foe, formed his line of battle : the contest began ; the .enemy were thrown into disorder ; several of their ships were greatly disabled, and they expected a complete defeat, when an unfavourable wind pre- vented the British from reaping the fruits of the victory, or retarding the retreat of the French. During the battle, a French ship of the line struck her colours, but afterwards, in defiance of the established laws of war and of nations, when the British ship trusted to the surrender of her antagonist, fired into her ; and the unfavourable wind unfortunately kept the British captain from punishing the infamous treachery. Suffrein re- tired to Cuddalore to refit : fresh troops having arrived from France, with two more ships of the line, he with his fleet and land forces sailed to Trincomale, which they took by surprise. Both sir Eyre Coote and sir Edward Hughes were very anxious for the preservation of this import- ant possession, and the admiral immediately sailed to its relief. A fourth naval action took place, in which the English, though still inferior in iorce, after a very hard fought battle, again compelled the enemy to re- treat with great loss of men, and their ships very much disabled. This was the last conflict between the two fleets in the campaign of 1782. In northern India, Mr. Hastings was successfully engaged in detach- ing powers from the hostile combination. Having by colonel Muir con- cluded a peace with Moodajee Sindia, he procured the mediation of that chieftain to negotiate a treaty with the Mahrattas, which was concluded by Mr. Anderson as envoy of the governor-general and council. The Mah- rattas engaged to sufi'er no Europeans but the English to establish facto- ries on their coasts ; to have no intercourse with any others, except the Portuguese anciently settled in those countries, and to join in compelling the prince of Mysore to restore whatever possessions he had wrested from the English or their aUies. Sir Edward Hughes having returned to Madras, was exposed to great danger from a hurricane : fortunately his fleet escaped without loss, but much damage was suffered by mercantile ships. The larger part of the t 528 * ** ^iSTORY OF THR Chap. XXIX.— 1782, [Expedition against Mysore. Death of sir Eyre Coote.] crop office beitiir destroyed, produced a famine which cut off great num- bers of the natives; but tlie vigilant attention of the governor-general and the council of Calcutta tended powerfully to allev||te the calamity. There beinj; no naval dock on the coast of Coromandel, sir Edward Hughes sailed round to Bombay, to be thoroughly repaired : there he was joined i)y the long expected .squadron under sir Richard Bickerton. The councils of Calcutta and Bombay now freed from the Mahratta war, directed their views to Tippoo Saib, and proposed to make a powerful di- version on the iMalahar coast. To enable tlie government of Bombay to carry on the war with vigour and eflect, the supreme council sent, them fifteen lacks of rupees from the treasury of Calcutta, which was now by the policv of Mr. Hastings well supplied ; and, instead of wanting money for that settlement itself, was able to assist the other presidencies. In the close of 1782, colonel Humbcrslown, with a considerable body of troops, was despatched to the Malabar coast; and after having made proi^ress in the maritime parts, ventured to penetrate into the interior country, where he was repulsed wiiii loss, closely pursued, and involved in a very dangerous situation Tippoo Saib informed that the British commander was so far advanced, hastened after him, but Humberstown by forced marches reached Paniary, where colonel Macleod was just arrived from Madras with a body of troops. Tippoo Saib immediately followed, and invested the town, of which Macleod. as elder officer, look the command: the bravery of the British com- pelled Tippoo to raise the siege, and he returned with great expedi- tion to the Carnatic. General Matthews having been sent from Bom- bay to the relief of colonel Humberstown, received on his way intel- ligence of Tippoo Saib's discomfiture and retreat. Encouraged by this information, he attacked the city of Onore, the capital ol' Bednorc (called also Canara ;) be took it by storm, nor was he able to prevent the outrages incidental to tliat mode of captvire. Matthews pcneiraled into ihat country, took other towns and fortresses by assault, and though the detail of his operations be not accurately known, yet it would ap- pear from the general outlines communicaied to the public, that very unnecessary, and consequently very unjustifiable cruelties wei'e com- mitted. About this time died sir Eyre Coote, who had rendered such very important services to the British interests in India. Having found the company's fortune at Madras at the lowest ebb in 1 78 I, he, with a very inferior force, that year effectually checked tlie progress of the Indian conqueror; and in the next entirely overthrew his pro- jects. He, indeed, seconded by sir Edward Hughes, may be consider- ed as the immediate military saviour of the Carnatic, in co-operation with Mr. Hastings, the political saviour of India. Sir Edward Hughes arrived at Madras with his fleet in April, 1783, and on the 2d of May set sail in (jucst of the enemy. His strength was considerably weakened by sickness; they, however, sought an action with the enemy, who gave them battle on the 20th of June, in which the French, having the advantage of the wind, pre- vented a close engagement. Sir Edward Hughes returned for sup- plies and provisions to Madras: but before he was ready to sail again, intelligence arrived from Europe which stopped his intended operations. Tippoo Sultan* having surprised, and by superior numbers ovcr- • He assumed the title of SulUn on the death of his father. See Annual Regis ter, 1783. 1782.— Chap. XXIX. , UEIGN OF GEORGE 111, 520 [Europe. Siege and capture of Minorca ] powered Matthews's band, and retaken some of the towns which that {general had captured, turned the siege of the rest into a blockade. General Stuart, now commander in the Carnatic, made it liis chief object to expel the French, Avho were re enforced by a fresh body of soldiers under the marquis de Bussy, and assisted by a detachment of Tippoo's troops After he had evacuated Mysore himself with his main army, he sent colonels Long and Fullerton to inv-idc the south- ern parts of Tippoo's dominions ; and these commanders overran the whole Coimbatour country. The French were strongly fortified at Cuddalore ; this town Stuart determined to besiege; and having spent the month of May in making preparations, he marched in the begin- ning of June. On the 7th, seconded admirably by all his officers and soldiers, and natives, lie carried the outworks of the enemy ; some days after, repulsed a very vigorous and well-conducted sally, and made such approaches as were likely to ensure success, when orders from Europe put a stop to hostilities. The first scene of warlike operations in Europe in the year 178 3, was Minorca. The Spaniards had made very great preparations to re- cover this ancient possession : thither were sent sixteen thousand land forces, with a train of artillery, consisting of one hundred and nine pieces of the heaviest cannon, and thirty-six great mortars. Tlic English garrison amounted to only two thousand six hundred and ninety-two men ; and the whole force of Britain was so appropriated to various services, that no addition could be spared for the relief of Minorca. The fortress was in some respects very strong, but its works were so numerous and extensive, as to require at least six thousand men for effeciual defence, so that the present number was totally inadequate. Notwithstanding the vast advantage possessed by the enemy, their king endeavoured to increase it by instigating treachery ; a bribe was offered to the govei'nor, general Mui ray : the gallant veteran treated the attempt with tlie generous indignuiion of a man of integrity and honour, solicited to become a villain. The enemy finding their insidious proffers rejected with merited scorn, proceeded to invest St. Philip's. In August, 1781, they had cut off all communication between the fort and the country; and though there was no want of other provisions, they were debaired from sup- plies of vegetables. This privation was the more severely felt, as tliey were obliged to live on salted meats: the scurvy soon began to rage, and was accompanied by a putrid fever, which carried off great num- bers of the garrison, while others were daily falling by the cannonade of the enemy. Notwithstanding these multiplied evils, the defenders displayed the utmost valour and constancy, and made several success- ful sallies. Though by their artillery they daily impaired the numbers of the British, the enemy employed five nionihs in constructing theii works. In the beginning of February, the garrison was so much re- duced by sickness, that there were only six hundred and sixty men left who were in a degree fit for duty ; and of ihese all but one hun- dred were so far tainted with the scurvy, that the physicians and sur- geons declared they could hold oiit only a very few days before they must be sent to the hospital: they likewise affirmed, that longer per- severance in defence must prove the inevitable destruction of the re- mains of that brave garrison. There was, they said, no possible re- medy for the sick, nor means even of keeping the greater part of them 630 HISTORY OF THE Chap. XXIX— irs; [French convo) intercepted. Efibrts of captain Jervis.] much long^er alive but by a speedy relief of wholesome air, aided by an abundant supply of vegetables. It was also apprehended that the enemy, knowiiiij the weakness of the garrison, would now, that their works were finished, attempt to carry it by assault. From all these considerations, the governor thought it necessary to capitulate, and obtained ihe most honourable terms. Meanwhile preparations were making on both sides for the naval campaign. The armaments which France, Spain, and Holland had equipped to act against Great Britain on the European seas, contained seventy ships of the line. As our force for the home service was very inferior to the fleets of the enemy if united, the object of the first iniporlance was to prevent their junction, and weaken them by sepa- rate attacks : the second was lo protect our numerous convoys, with- out departing so far as to leave our coasts unguarded ; and the third, to relieve Gibraltar. On the 13th of April, admiral Barrington, with twelve ships of the line and several frigates, sailed towards the bay of Biscay. On the 20th, he descried a fleet, that proved to be a convoy destined for the East Indies, to supply the loss incurred by the dis- persion and capture of the former transports. They had sailed from Brest only the day before, escorted by the Protecteur and Pegase of seventy-four guns, the Actionaire of sixty-four, and a frigate. The British admiral having made a signal for general chase, captain Jer- vis of the Foudroyant of seventy four guns, so far outstripped the rest during the night, that in the morning he was out of sight of the fleet. The French commander ordering the convoy to disperse, and the Pro- tecteur having a large sum of money on board, it was agreed that the other two ships sliould keep the enemy employed, while she made the best of her way. In a short time captain Jervis overtook the Pe- gase, both ships were fresh from the harbour, and were nearly equal in force. A very fierce action ensued, in which, notwithstanding the most valiant efforts of the enemy, British seamanship and discipline so completely prevailed, as that near a hundred of the French were killed, and a much greater number wounded; though not one Briton was killed, and but very few wounded : after a conflict of an hour, the French ship surrendered. The Pegase being extremely disabled, cap- tain Maitlanc! of the Queen took her in charge, while the Foudroyant proceeded in the chase. Captain Maitland having taken three hun- dred of the prisoners out of the Pegase, sent lieutenant Bissct with a " party on board to guard the rest, and take direction of the prize. Im- mediately after, a French ship of war appeared, which he understood to be the Protecteur : he ordered the lieutenant, with a cutter that was in company, to conduct the Pegase into an English port, while he himself, incumbered as he was with prisoners, pursued the enemy. A chase of fourteen hours brought him up with the Frenchman, when, after the first broadside, she, to his great suiprise, struck her colours, and proved to be the Actionaire, having on board two hundred and fifty seamen, and five hundred and fifty soldiers. The other pursuers were also successful, and took twelve ships of the convoy, having on board about a thousand soldiers. After this very successful cruise, extremely boisterous weather obliged the admiral to return to port, where he arrived in the end of the month. Captain Jervis was im- mediately after made a knight of the bath, an honour destined to be prelusive to a more splendid mark of his sovereign's favour, earned ^irS2.— CiiAr. XXIX. RETGN OF GEOUr.E III. (j31 [The combined fleets enter the channel. Loss of the Royal George.] by the exertion of the same heroic qualities on a much wider field. Intelligence being received that the Dutch fleet was prcpariiic;; to come out of the Texel, lord Howe sailed with twelve sliips of the line to the coast of Holland, either to interceptor confine the enemy; but finding they weie not disposed to venture to the North Seas, and that the combined fleets of France and Spain had set sail, he returned to join admiral Kempcnfcldt at Portsmouth. In the bcs^inning of June, Guichen, who had been some months stationed at Cadiz, and don Louis dc Coidova, sailed with twenty-five ships of the line, and in their progress northward were joined by about twenty more. Willi this mighty force, steering to the channel, they intercepted part of a Xewioundland convoy; but the most valuable portion, together with the escorting ships of war, escaped. The enemy being now in the mouth of the channel, great apprehensions were entertained concern- ing a homeward-bound fleet of merchantmen from Jamaica, protected by only three ships of the line, under sir Peter Parker. Lord Howe sailed in the beginning of July, accompanied by the admirals Barring- ton, sir John Lockhart Ross, and Kempenfcldt. This fleet amounted to no more than twenty-two sail of the line : therefore the object was to receive the Jamaica fleet, and bafllc tiie attempts of the enemy, without being forced to an engagement with so very superior an ar- mament. The abilities and professional skill of this great man, so well seconded, very dexterously and completely accomplished these purposes. The combined fleets neither intercepted our trade, nor could eflect a junction with the Dutch: and, finding they could de- rive no advantage from continuing in the channel, retired from our coasts. The British fleet having returned to Portsmouth, an acci- dental calamity befell one of our ships, involving in it circumstances that caused a deep concern throughout the nation. While other ships were receiving some necessary repairs, the Royal George, of one hundred guns, was found to require a slight species of careen, which can be executed by laying a vessel, in a certain degree, on her side, without the trouble and delay of taking her into dock. On the 29th of August this business was undertaken ; the ship was crowded with people from the shore, especially about three hundred women, be- sides about nine hundred of the crew. The carpenters had moved the ship a kreake more on her side than was intended ; when, about ten o'clock in the morning, a sudden squall arising, threw her fatally up- on her side, and her gun-ports being open, and the motion of the cannon increasing the violence of the shock, she was almost instantly filled with water, and went to the bottom. The admiral, with a con- siderable number of his ofiicers, and about nine hundred of the crew and visitors, perished at this melancholy moment. The Royal George was the largest and strongest ship in the British navy ; had been the seat of command under most of our distinguished admirals, especially lord Hawke, in his celebrated battle with Conflans. Admiral Kemp- enfeldt* was very eminent for professional science, knowledge, and judgment, and deemed unrivalled in the art of manoeuvring; being besides amiable and estimable as a man, he was universally lamented. Having protected our coasts and our trade, and prevented the junc- • He was son to colonel Kempenfeldt, exhibited by the Spectator under the name of captain Sentry. h32 HISTORY OF THE Chap. XXIX.— 178^ [Renewed operations against Gibraltar.] tion of the Bourbon fleets with the Dutch, Biitaio now directed her naval attention to tlie relief of Gibraltar. From the surrender of Mi- norca, the king of Spain hoped ilic key of the Mediterranean v. ould be the next acquisition. The duke de Criilon, a French nobleman, who had commanded at Mniorca, undertook the supreme conduct of the siege : he was assisted by a great nuniber of the best officers of both countries, and particularly by the most skilful engineers and ar- tillerists of his own. An immense increase of land and sea forces was brought both from France and Spain, to aid the troops already before Gibraltar ; and many of the nobility from both countries came to serve as volunteers. The two princes of the blood-royal of France, one of them the king's own brother, the count d'Arlois, sought glory by combating the brave British garrison, and its illustrious commander. In the spirit of loyalty which was then diffused through the French soldiers, the presence of their princes excited an enthusiastic desire of distinguishing themselves before so adored witnesses : the same spirit pervaded the Spaniards, and both became impatient for action. The besiegers had prepared new and extraordinary machines ; bat- tering ships which, though of an astonishing bulk, could go through all their evolutions with the ease and dexterity of frigates. Twelve hundred pieces of heavy ordnance were to play from land and sea, besides a large floating battery, and five bomb ketches. The land and naval troops by whicli these operations were to be carried on, amount- ed to forty thousand men, besides the combined fleet of fifty ships of the line, that was to cover and support the attack. While disposi- tions were making for so tremendous an assault, the besiegers amused themselves with calculations of the exact time in which Gib- raltar would be taken ; some said the garrison would hold out twelve hours after the onset commenced ; others less sanguine, thought it would last .sixteen ; and some, though very few, allowed even twenty-four for the completion of the conquest.* Elliot, without precisely knowing what the inventions of the enemy were, had a general idea tliat their dispositions were both mighty and extraordinary, and with comprehensive wisdom and magnanimity pre- pared again.st evory species of attack. Perceiving their works on the land side to be nearly completed, he determined to try how far a vigorous cannonade and bombardment with red-hot balls, carcasses, and shells, might operate to their destruction. On the 8th of September, at seven » in the morning, he commenced a firing so powerful, and so admirably directed, as to commit considerable devastation on the enemy's works. Enraged at this lo.is, the besiegers hurried on their grand attack. On the 13th of September, this tremendous operation commenced both by sea and land ; the various parts being very skilfully adjusted, their batteries appeared to have prodigious efl^ect; their battering ships especially, so formidable for odence, during several hours seemed exquisitely adapted for defence, and invulnerable to the red-hot balls that were pouring from the garrison. The execution of these terrible instruments, though not inslantaneou.s, was nevertheless efllactual : about two o'clock, the admi^ ral's ship was seen to issue smoke, at night she was in flames, and seve- ral others on fire ; soon afterwards the conflagration was general over the battering ships, and the sole endeavours of the enemy were exerted • Annual Register, 1782, p. 232. 1782.— Chap. XXIX. KEIGN OF GKORGE III. ^^33 [Attempted blockade. The fleet is relieved by lord Howe.] in saving the men. Tlie small naval force employed in the garrison of Gibraltar, was commanded by captain Curtis ; that brave officer and his sailors had, in the preceding attacks from the garrison, performed very difficult and important services by laud ; now an opportunity occurred for exerting themselves on their own element. During the confusion and distress of the eneiny hurrying from the burning battering ships, captain Curtis, with twelve gun-boats, flanked their line, raked them on one side, whilst the garrison was destroying them from another. The Spanish boats durst no longer attempt to assist the battering ships ; and, when daylight appeared, the assailants who had been stationed on those were seen perishing in the flames, or, endeavouring to escape, overwhelmed by the opposite element. The British now seeing that they had com- pletely destroyed those formidable batteries, with characteristic humani- ty, endeavoured to rescue the remainder- of their defenders ; and captain Curtis and his gallant band, through great danger to themselves, saved the lives of about four hundred. Such was the signal and complete de- fensive victory obtained by a comparatively small handful of heroes, over the combined efforts and united powers by sea and land, of two great, warlike, and potent nations, who, sparing no expense nor exertion of art for the attainment of a favourite object, exceeded all former examples as well in the magnitude as the formidable nature of their preparations. The enemy being so totally disappointed in their sanguine expectations of .taking this fortress by assault, now rested their sole hopes on the re- sumption of blockade, by preventing lord Howe from bringing the ex- pected ammunition and provisions. They professed ardently to wish for the arrival of the British fleet, and assured themselves of compensating their direful disasters by brilliant victory. On the 9th of October a vio- lent storm dispersed the combined armament, and exposed them to im- minent danger. Lord Howe having been retarded by contrary winds, did not arrive at the straits until the 11th of October; during the night a considerable part of the fleet having missed the bay of Gibraltar, entered the Mediterranean, and the next day the admiral followed to assemble the scattered ships, having left the' Buffalo of sixty guns to cojlect the store-ships as they arrived in the bay, and also the Panther d/tHe same force in the straits. On the 13th, the combined fleet passed the straits with about forty-seven ships of the line, three of their men of war having been disabled by the tempest, and discovered lord Howe with thirty-two ships of the line off the coast of Grenada ; next morning, however, they were out of sight. The British admiral now sailing westward, sent his convoy safe into Gibraltar ; it contained a re-enforceinent of troops, with plentiful supplies of ammunition and provisions of every sort for the garrison. The enemy did not make their appearance until after this great object of the expedition was completely effected. On the 19th of Octo- ber, when lord Howe, being joined by the Buffalo and Panther, was, with thirty-four ships, entering into the gut of Gibraltar, he descried the ene- my sailing from the northeast towards the straits, with the wind blowing fair from the Mediterranean. He thought it would be extremely impru- dent, with so mferior a force, to hazard an engagement in a dangerous road, well known to the enemy, but not to his fleet; he therefore pro- ceeded to the open ocean. On the 21st of October, he descried the ene- my following him at about five leagues to windward, and immediately Vol. VII.— 80 034 HISTORY OF Tlin CuAP. XXlX.— 1783 [Pacific disposition of the belligerent powers.] formed a line of battle. The enemy havinf]f the wind in their favour, had their choice both of the time of action and tiie di.-^tancc from which they should engage. At sunset the combined fleets began a cannonade, which the British returned with such effect as to produce considerable damage, and to throw their antagonists into evident contusion. The French and Spanish admirals drew off their ships about ten at night ; and in the morn- ing they were seen at a great distance, sailing away in the direction of Cadiz. Several considerations prevented lord Howe from pursuing the enemy ; he iiad effected the principal purpose of his command in relieving Gibraltar; he had been ordered to despatch eight of his ships, after the relief of the garrison, to the West Indies : the force of the enemy was so superior as to render the issue of a battle extremely doubtful ; and even if he should succeed, he was to expect his ships to be so much damaged as to disable them from proceeding tcr the other destined services. Lord Howe was too wise to light merely for the sake of battle, and to incur certain danger without any definite object. He therefore proceeded to England, where, after having on his way detached part of his fleet to the West In- dies, he arrived in safety with the rest. Thus in the protection of her coasts and trade, preventing the junction of the Dutch vyith the Bourbon fleets, and the relief of Gibraltar, Britain effected the three great objects of the campaign 1782 in Europe. In the East and West Indies the schemes of our enemies had, as we have seen, proved equally abortive. A confederacy extending from the north sea to the Mediterranean, con- taining the three greatest naval states, and almost all the maritime force r)f continental Europe, found their mighty efforts against the navy of England recoil on themselves. The various contending parties at length began to see, that whatever partial advantages might be gained, the contest in which they were en- gaged tended to the general injury of all the belligerent powers. France had succeeded in separating the American colonies from Britain; but had been foiled in her principal purpose of obtaining naval and commercial supremacy. Her operations had been carried on at an enormous ex- pense, which not only annihilated all the recent savings of her reforming economist, but infinitely exceeded her revenue, and overwhelmed her with new debt. The war which caused euch unprecedented expenditure, had been far from producing any advantage likely to secure an eventual equivalent : her expectations of compensating present embarrassment, were becoming daily more hopeless. The confederacy in India was crumbling to pieces, and British superiority was again manifest : all her sanguine projects against the West Indies had fallen under the victorious arms of Rodney ; and America, impoverished by her long and arduous struggle, was more likely to drain than to supply the treasure of her al- lies. Spain had engaged in the war as the tool of French ambition, which artfully playing on the weakness, personal prejudices, and vanity of the prince, dazzled him by splendid promises of Gibraltar and Jamaica, and thereby blinded him to his real interests, to which nothing could be more contrary than cither the ei;couragement of revolt in American colonies, or hoh-tilities with England. All her mighty and costly preparations against Gibraltar had Hillcn under Elliot's red-hot balls. From Rodney her schemes against Jamaica received a decisive defeat, her hopes of naval and commercial aggrandizement through the depression of England had irR2.— CnAP. XXIX. REIGN OF GEOUGE III. 535 [Preliminary articles signed. Acknowledgment of American independence.] perished, her ships had been captured and her fleets overthrown. In four years, all her extraordinary exertions, all her waste of'blood and treasure had conquered a defenceless province,* and captured a hospital. "f Ame- rica had succeeded in the contest, and attained the objects lor which she fought; but she prevailed by efforts which drained her resources, by la- bours that required a respite as soon as it could be procured consistently with her public engagements. During her short warfare, Plolland, in the loss of her settlements, the seizure of her treasures, and the destruction of her trade, learned how dangerous it is for a state derivinjr its subsist- ence from commerce, to provoke to war a neighbour that rules the ocean. Britain for the last five years had been engaged in a war to defend her maritime sovereignty ; great as had been her collateral losses, she had on the wliole maintained that grand object ; but her defence, though ma- nifesting her energy, had drained her resources : her expenditure was enormous, her debts and taxes had far exceeded the anticipation of even her most desponding politicians ; trade was interrupted, difficulties and distress poignant and alarming ; incretising demands appeared to por- tend the derangement of her finances, and the downfall of her credit. From all these circumstances it was the interest of each party separately, and all jointly, to conciliate peace. The determination lately avowed by 'England to acknowledge the in- dependence of America, removed the most ostensive obstacle to an ac- commodation, as the discomfiture of their designs dispelled the real ob- jections of our European enemies. The empress of Russia and emperor of Germany, finding a pacificatory disposition in the belligerent powers, and that circumstances now admitted of its being carried into effect, of- fered themselves, and were accepted as mediators. Soon after lord Shel- burne became prime minister, the Briti.^h government had sent Mr. Wil- liam Windham Grenville, brother to the earl of Temple, to Paris, to pave the way for opening a negotiation in the proper form. These prelimina- ries being settled, Mr. Fitzherbert, env^oy at Brussels, was appointed plenipotentiary to negotiate and conclude a peace with the ministers of France, Spain, and Holland. He accordingly proceeded to Paris in the beginning of November; Mr. Oswald, a merchant, was likewise de- spatched to the French metropolis as commissioner from his Britannic majesty, for treating of peace with John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, John Jay, and Henry Laurens, four of the commissioners nominated for the same purpose on tlie part of the United States of America. On the 30th of November, provisionary articles were signed as the grounds of future peace : by this treaty, the freedom, sovereignty, and independence of the thirteen United States was individually, by name, and in the fullest and most express terms, acknowledged, and every claim to their govern- ment, property, and territorial rights for ever relinquished by the crown of Britain. To prevent all future disputes about boundaries, several lines were drawn, which it is unnecessary to follow with geographical minute- ness ; it is sufficient to say that Britain retained Canada and Nova Sco- tia ; and acknowledged all the territory southwards to Georgia inclusive, westward to the Ohio and Mississippi, and eastwards to the Atlantic Ocean to be independent :. to the United States, so defined, she granted • West Florida, f Minorca. 536 HISTORY OF THE Chap. XXIX.— 1783. [Treaties between Britain and the respective powers.] ail unlimited right of fishery on the banks of Newfoundland, in the gulf of St. Lawrence, and all other places where both nations had heretofore been accustomed to fish. American creditors were to recover fair debts in sterling money : congress engaged to recommend to the legislatures to restore all estates, rights, and properties, belonging to real British subjects, wliich had been confiscated ; also of other loyalists who had not borne arms against the United States, and to treat with mildness all descriptions of loyalists. Congress I'arther engaged, that after the con- clusion of the treaty, there should be no future confiscations, or prosecu- tions for having joined the British. By the treaty with France, England extended the privilege of the French to fish on the banks of Newfoundland, and likewise ceded the islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon in full right to France, and cbnse- quently without any restriction in point of fortification. In the West In- dies, England restored to France the island of St. Lucia ; and ceded and guaranteed to her the island of Tobago. On the other hand France re- stored to Britain, the island of Grenada, and the Grenadines, with St. Vincent's, Don)inica, St. Christophers, Nevis, and Montserrat. In Af- rica, England ceded to France the river of Senegal, with the forts and dependencies ; and also the island of Goree. France guaranteed to England the river Gambia, and Fort St. James. In India, England re- stored her acquisitions during the war ; in return for which France, hav- ing made no conquest, could not give an equivalent in that country, and none was required in any other. In Europe, England agreed to the ab- rogation and suppression of all the articles relative to Dunkirk, from the treaty of peace concluded at Utrecht, in 1713, inclusively to the present time. By the treaty with Spain, Great Britain ceded not only Minorca and West Florida, but also East Florida; and Spain on her part restored to Britain the Bahama Islands. The preliminaries between Britain and Hol- land were not immediately signed, but until these should be adjusted a suspension of arms was established. It was afterwards agreed that, with regard to the honours of tlie flag, the same custom should be respectively followed as was practised before the war ; the captured ships from each nation should be restored ; and there should be a general restoration of all places taken, except ^icgapatam, which was to continue in possession of bis Britannic majesty, until the Dutch should ofier an equivalent. The Dutch engaged not to obstruct the navigation of British subjects on the eastern seas ; and whereas disputes had arisen between the African companies of the respective nations, it was agreed these should be re- ferred to commis.^ioners. The preliminaries between Britain, Franco, and America, were signed on or bf'forf' the 21st of January, 1783 ; and as an armistice, soon after followed by a treaty of peace, was at the same time established between Britain and Holland, wc may from this time consider the war as finished. Thus ended the American war ; in which all the nations that contend- ed, however potent their exertions, or brilliant their several successes, yet were very great sufferers by the events. The American colonies, in- deed, so fiir succeeded in their object, as to render themselves an inde- pendent and separate community. The real advantage to accrue from this dismemberment wa.-= problematical and contingent ; to depend upon 1783.— Chap. XXIX. KEIGN OF GEORGE III. 537 [General view of this arduous contest.] not only physical and moral causes, of which the operation and efTect might be doubtful, but on a variety of circumstances and incidents which could not possibly be foreseen. One fact they could experimentally as- certain : their revolutionary eflbrts had impoverished, devastated, and un- peopled the country. This was a notorious and glaring evil, present, seen, and felt, the good was doubtful, and hitherto to be found only in anticipating imagination. Waving the question of abstract right, and con- sidering only expediency, concerning the resistance of the Americana situated as they liad been relatively to the mother country ; policy and prudence could justify their repugnance to the acts of the British govern- ment, only on the supposition that these tended to change their former happy situation, and to deprive them of their rights as freemen, and Bri- tish subjects. In this case, refusal to comply would not be a measure of choice, but to generous and magnanimous minds a dictate of necessity. There not only might be, but were many who conceived the Americans driven to hostilities at first, yet censured the unaccommodating spirit which refused the proffers of returning amity ; and lamented the separa- tion between children of the same origin. Britain was a greater loser by this contest than by any in which she had ever been engaged : thirteen provinces, before the unhappy dij:pute, rapidly increasing not only their own prosperity, but the individual and national wealth, the defensive and ofiensive force of the parent state, were severed from it for ever. Through her quarrel with America, Britain had been involved in a com- plication of the most expensive and formidable wars ; and a few years, nearly doubling her burthens, almost equalled the cost of a century. So far were these enormous sums from being expended in the reasonable hope of future indemnification, that they were a sacrifice of a great part of the public capital to preserve the existence of the British nation. Heretofore Britain had fought for victory, now she contended for bare life ; but all her dangers, difficulties, and distresses from the European confederacy had their origin in the contest with the American colonies ; and here im- partial history, without either impugning or supporting the alleged right of the Americans to tax themselves, justifying or condemning the policy of the principle and mode of asserting that right, must exhibit one gene- ral series of facts, tending to impeach the wisdom of British counsels ; eve^'ij coercive measure, from the stamp act doxvnivards, prodvced a directly contrary effect to that which its abettors sought and proposed. The only soothing and conciliatory schemes adopted before the rupture, the plans of the marquis of Rockingham and lord North, in 1766 and 1770, in a great degree removed the evils which projects of imperious exaction had generated through most of the colonies 5 theyrestored the harmony which imperious dictation had disturbed ; and the repeal of imposts reproduced that revenue which attempted taxation destroyed. Thus experience the most recent afforded strong reasons to conclude, that, to preserve the attachment of America, and profit by her industry, prosperity, and riches, the imposition of taxes must be laid aside. Strong, and general, and uni- form, as the colonial expression of repugnance to taxation had been, and was, the British ministers conceived a notion that it was confined to the influence of a few factious demagogues :* such reports, indeed, they re- • See this volume, passim. 038 HISTORY OF THE Chap. XXIX.— 1783. [Impartial estimate of ministerial policy.] ceived from their own partial and interested adherents ; on these they acted III tlie face of the plainest evidence of imiver.sal anssociation; which to ahhnrrence of British taxation sacrificed every predilection of taste and habit for British commodities; and manifested individual, corporate, and confederate reprobation, both in word and deed, of pecuniary contribution without their own consent. Ministers still thought that the majority of the colonies was favourable to British impost. And here it must be ad- mitted, that the abettors of the project as a scheme of beneficial policy, with the means of being thoroughly informed, were really ignorant of the state of the case concerning which they professed to reason and to plan. Oriirinalin"' in misapprehension, their conclusions were false, and their measures unwise and pernicious. The most partial admirers of lord North's administration would find it impossible to prove, or even plausi- bly to contend, that liis schemes respecting America were founded in ade- quate knowledge, just dediiclion, or wise policy. But his enemies on the other hand must allow, though the propositions might be his, the en- actment belonged to the whole legislature. The same imperfect informa- tion that marked the senatorial motions of rninisters affected also their ex- ecutorial plans and directions. In addition to their favourite theory of the general attachment of the Americans to British supremacy, they adopted another hypothesis, that the colonists were cowards. On this speculation they formed their military arrangements, and to repress hos- tile resistance sent a very inadequate force. Their tardy projects of par- tial conciliation, and retained coercion, encouraged colonial confidence, without removing disaffection and resentment. When war was inevitable, or at least could be avoided but by such concessions only as they deemed it incompatible with honour and duty to grant, its management became the object of consideration. Here the censure bestowed upon mi«istry so lavishly, after the first cam- paign, admits considerable modifications. The ariiiiies sent, and gen- erals employed, aflbrdecj a moral probability of success. Sir William Howe was a man of high military character; nor was it possible for government to select an officer from whom all ranks and parties could entertain more sanguine expectations. The troops in number, kind, and strength, were such as any statesman, reasoning froni general prin- ciples and experience, compared with the hostile force, inight very fairly infer to be adequate to the purpose. If the event of Howe's command proved very different, the detailed narrative must have shown that it arose from causes not all cliargeable on ministers. TJie sub- stitution of Burgoyne m the place of Carleton was a preference which had no foundation'in their respective military characters. Whatever Burg'iviie's talents might be, Carleton's opportunities of exertion, es- pecially in that country, had been greater, and were crowned with suc- cess. The disasters of Burgoyne may certailily be charged, in a con- siderable de^rrec, to the American minister, whether the failure was in the plan or the execution. Indeed the design of penetrating into Al- bany appeared to arise from a very general source of miscarriage in all the Brilisli schemes respecting America, — unfounded hopes of loyal co- operation. On the return of hir William Howe, the appointment of sir Henry Clinton was a measure that appeared fair and reasonable ac- cording to the usual course of military promotion. His character as an officer was unobjectionable, and he had been second in command. 1783.— Chap. XXIX. KEIGN OF GEORGE III. 539 [The great resources of Britain manifested by the war.] He was brave, perfectly acquainted with the details of tactical evolu- tion, and the routine of military duty. How far he had genius ade- quate to the great and comprehensive schemes, rapid invention, and en- ergetic operation, re([uisite in a commander in chief on a momentous service, may be fairly questioned. He certainly, on a very important occasion,* manifested a want of that sagacity which, penetrating the design of an antagonist, can anticipate and. disconcert his plans, and baffle his efforts. Though prescription might point to Clinton as a suc- cessor to Howe, reason would have conferred the command upon lord Cornwallis. When war commenced with the house of Bourbon, the primary object of Britain was her navy. The conduct of tiiis depart- ment, though branded by opposition with every reproachful epithet, whether considered in particular detail, or general result, appears not to deserve such unqualified censure. The great and broad fact is, the house of Bourbon directed their chief efturts to naval operations, and were joined both by recent subjects and former allies of Britain; yet all this confederated force could obtain/'no superiority over the na- vy of England. The fleet first furnished against France, equal in num- ber, and consequently, according to the estimate of uniform experience, a match for the enemy, and the comma^ader employed high in profes- sional reputation, afforded well grounded expectations of success. The disappointment which ensued could not be imputed to the want of a suf- ficiently powerful force. The escape of the French armament proba- ly brought on the Spanish, and afterwards the Dutch war; and though in some particular instances trade might have been better protected, and certain warlike operations might have been more seasonably con- ducted, yet in general the commanders employed, and the armaments equipped, were adequate to the purposes of defence and protection, which against such a host of foes, was nearly the whole that could be expected. ■ In the conduct of the war, neither military or naval plans, onera- tions, or results, were so deserving of blame or regret, as the enormous profusion of the public money. Tf indeed we compare the expense, not with result of operations, but with the true measure, the means requir- ed and exerted, the end sought ar.d attained, we iind the excess of pub- lic money expended beyond public service done, to have been so enor- mous, as to afford probable grounds of suspecting, that the minister employed corrupt donative to purchase that parliamentary influence which he could not command by his abilities. Great however as were the burthens entailed upon Britain by the American war, the efforts which she exhibited when urged by necessity, manifested the extent and depth of her resources, the ability, skill, and valour of her national defenders, and the force of her national character. The American war, in its origin, was unwise: in its conduct of a very mixed character; in its progress, frequently disastrous; in its result, "^injurious, but not dis- honourable. Tlie struggles to ward off calamity, the exertions to de- fend independence, manifested qualities, which, under wise direction and more invigorating energy, were fitted and destined not only to re- store the national power and splendour, but to extend it far beyond the most glorious experience. • See this volume, p. 598. 540 IIISTOUY OF THE Cuap. XXIX.— 1783. [Consequences proximate and eventual to both parties.] Holland, misled bv a French faction to provoke war with a view of increasing her commerce, far from succeeding in her object, was depriv- ed both of her actual trade, and a great portion of its former gains. When, according to her mercantile character, she struck a balance, she found the whole war account to be loss. Spain, in the midst ofsilverand gold, poor, because void of industry, with every natural advantage of situation, soil, and climate, and the adventitious profits from her colonial possessions, being in that condi- tion of dependence on her inventive and energetic neighboui-, which indolence, listlessness, and inaction, in nations as well as individuals, must yield to ingenuity, activity, and enterprise; was by the war loaded with debts, to her overwhelming, because she had not in her character and spirit the means of extrication. But the most momentous evils of the American war have been ex- perienced by France. That great and powerful nation has ever been a suftercr by wars with England: whatever special causes may have at different periods embroiled tlie two mightiest states of modern history, in tlie union of resources and character^ the general principle on the side of the French has been maritime and commercial competition. In every one of these wars she has been disappointed, her existing navy and commerce impaired, and her naval and commercial resources di- minished; the exertions intended^to injure Britain failed: whereas, equal efforts of that ability and energy which she possesses in so eminent a degree, if employed in tlie peaceable improvement of her various resour- ces, without wasteful expenditure, would have produced the commerce and opulence which she in vain sought by burthensome and ruinous wars. "When at peace witli England, she has flourished; when attempting by war to achieve maritime superiority, she was discomfited, and not only expended the treasure of past peacef^ul industry, but anticipated future gains. Experience miirlit have taught her, that the attempt to be the first in naval power could never be successful. Reflection might have convinced her, that without maritime supremacy, she from her situation and character, might possess such an extent of commerce as would fully employ that department of national industry, and a sufficient na- val force to protect it against the whole world, if she did not interfere with England. If she were susceptible of instruction from the lessons of experience, never could the hopelessness of seeking naval supremacy be more strongly impressed on her than by the American war. Never had Britain fought with so many disadvantages and impediments, yet she had retained the empire of the sea. The history, both of Spain and her own country, mi;^ht have taught France the certain loss accruing to the maritime states from a contest with Englatid. Provoking the na- val efforts of this kinjidom, Philip wasted much of that strength which had descended to his dominions from Charles V. and left his success- ors an easy prey to the efforts of France, who was then at peace with England, and exerted her forces where she was prepollent. Louis XIV. had rendered himself dictator of Europe, until he ventured a naval contest with England. La Hogue avenged Rocroi and the Downs: the victories of Conde and Turenne j)aved the way to Louis for governing the christian world by his armie:-;, if his fleets had avoided an encounter with Russel. As a naval war had always been injurious to France, her extraordinary efforts in that which was just ended, exhausted her trea- 1783— Chap. XXIX. REIGN OF GEOUGE III. (J4j [American war accelerates the fall of the French monarchy.] sury, and deranged her finances much more than was immediately aus- fiected; but fiscal embarrassments, great as they were, proved eveutual- y only instrumental to much more formidable evils which accrued to France from the part that she acted in the American war. The prin- ciples which intercourse with American republicanism nourished were much more mischievous to the French monarchy, than all the expenses and losses which slie had incurred, and, co-operating with doctrines before industriously spread, had a powerful efficacy in overturning the established constitution. The fall of the French monarchy, aristocra- cy, and hierarchy, if not caused, was rapidly accelerated by the Ame- rican war. Vol. Vn.— 81 4342 U'ldrOUY Ol Tlli'. Lhap. XXX.— 1783 CHAP. XXX. Aiiniiiiistraiioti of lonl Slielburne — deficient in strength — State ol political pai ties. — Meeting of parliament. — Uniisuul lenj^th and paiticulaiity of his majesty's speech. — Mr. Fox details the reasons of his own resignation. — His party and lord North's concur in censuring ministers— their attacks indicate a concert of counsels— both reprobate the peace.--- Ministers defend tiie peace as necessary in tile exhausted state of our navy, army, and finances-.-and the terms the best that could be attained.— Famous coalition of lord North and Mr. Fox. —The coa- lition considered relatively to its leaders.— Vote of censure passed against mi- nisters.— Great clamour against the coalition. — Ministers resign. — Ministerial interregnum— -The coalition come into office.— Duke of Portland first lord of the treasury. — Lord North and Mr. Fox secretaries of state.— Revival of com- merce with America.— Mr. AVilliam Pitt proposes a specific plan of parliamen- tary rcfofm. — Motion of the duke of Richmond respecting the great seal— com ba'ed by lord Loughborough Minute economical regulations.— George, prince of Wales-- abilities and opening character— a separate establishment appointed for his highness —India aflairs— committee continues its investigations. --From the mass of evidence Mr, Dundas exhibits a comprehensive statement of the- situation of aftairs, and of executorial conduct— proposes a bill for the regula- tion of British India— for the present po.stpones his plan. — Indian affairs first di.'iplayed the force and extent of Mr. Dundas's talents-which were before but partially known and comprehended.— Supplies. — New taxes.-Internal state of Oritatn at the peace. — Continental occurrences. From tlie reslf^hation of Mr. Fox ami the adlierents of the marquis of Rockinjjhain, the classes which, though (lifterinjj; in certain opinions, hati coincided in opposition to lord North's ministrj, were now con- ceived to have become inimical parties. Lord Slielburne, the prime minister, was a man of considerable political knowledge, and parti- cularly distinguished for his minute and detailed acquaintance with fo- reign affairs. He was, however, more noted for extent and exactness of intelligence, than for the formation of able and beneficial plans from the result He was, therefore, perhaps, less fitted for the supreme manage- ment in so trying and critical a situation, than for some secondary department, in wnich, from his abundant stores, he might have supplied materials for the operation of more energetic and less experienced geni- us. In that view had he continued a member of the cabinet of which Mr. Fox was really the head, there is little doubt JJritain would have possesse«l a ministry that, whatever its character might have been in oth- er respects, at least would not have failed in efficacy. Lord Shelburne had attached liimself to the illustrious Chatham, and after his decease was considered as the leader of his friends and connexions, but did not greatly increase the number by his own personal influence. Far from overbearing party by genius like Chatham, he was not, like many other ministers, propped up by a confederacy. Lord Camden, lord Temple, and Mr. Dunning (now lord Ashburton,) Joined rather thaa folhjwed Shelburne; lord I'liurlow and Mr. Dundas took the same side, but to support government, more than from any approbation of its pre- sent chief minister. Mr. Dundas indeed had taken a grand and com- rej.—cuAP. XXX. ueign or gkouge m. ^^^^ [State of political parlies. Parliament.] prehensive view both of the country and political characterBj reduced to distress by the timidity and weakness of mature years, Britain he conceived must seek restoiatjon from youthful wisdom. He very early supposed Mr. Pitt to be the man who must save his country as prime minister: Mi-. Pitt himself was officially joined witli lord Shelburne, but appears to have attended to the duties of his own department without catering into any party projects and intrigues. Neither the number of those who supj)orted the minister, nor the motives by which some of them were actuated, alPjrdcd a ])robability of permanency to lord iShel- burne's administi-ation. There were two other parties,*both powei'ful and well compacted. The benevolent disposition and social qualities, the brilliant wit, pleasing humour, and engaging manners of lord North, had co-operated with political motives in attaching great numbers to his person and interests. No man had exerted himself more uniformly and effectually to serve his friends, and though not from all, he from many experienced that gratitude which was so pleasing to his benignant and affectionate heart. His party no longer possessed the masculine force of Thurlow, tlie close, pou'crful, and direct efforts of Dundas; nevertheless in lords Stormont and Carlisle, lord Loughborough and lord Mansfield, Messrs. Courtney, Anstruther, Adam, and Eden, and lord North himself, besides many others of respectable talents, he re- tained a formidable host of political stiength. A less numerous, but still stronger and better compacted body, was that which the philosophic genius of Burke guided and instructed, the rapid and powerful enei-gy of Fox invigorated and led: here shone deliberative and judicial elo- quence in their most brilliant lustre: here even Messrs. Erskine and Sheridan acted only second parts. There was besides this constella- tion of talent, the weight and interest of the whig aristocracy. Lord Shelburne'was conscious that, withoutsomeacccssionof political strength, he would be incapable of retaining his situation, and despaired of a re- union with those from whom he had so lately separated; he therefore made overtures to tlie party which he had uniformly opposed. Mr. Pitt candidly bestowed a just tribute of praise on lord North, but de- clared his determination never to be a member of a ministry in which that statesman should bear a part. It may indeed be fairly inferred from the conduct of Mr. Pitt, that he thought it wiser to stand upon political talents and character, than to seek the props of coalitions and combinations. The intrinsic strength of lord Shelburne, however, was not so great as to preclude the necessity of extrinsic aid ; the application therefore in him was commensurate in prudence with the desire of con- tinuance in office, but it proved unavailing. Various reports were now spread concerning the intentions of both the respective parties and indi- vidual members, and all eyes were turned to the approaching meeting of parliament, wherein it was expected that the several objects and designs would be unfolded. On the 5th of December, 1782, his majesty opened the session in a speech of very groat length, and comprehending an unusual extent, va- riety, and particularity of political disquisition. The introduction stated, that since the close of the last session, his majesty had been constantly employed in the care and attention which the important and critical con- juncture of affairs required ; he had put an end to the prosecution of offen- sive war in America, and had entered into provisional articles for declar- ing the colonies independent. " In thus (his majesty said) admitting 644 HISTOUY OF THE Chap. XXX.— 1783. [Mr. Fox details the reasons of his late resignation.] their separation from tlie crown of these kingdoms, I have sacrificed every consideration of my own to the wishes and opinion of my people. I mnke it my humble and earnest prayer to Ahnighty God, that Great Britain may not feel the evils which might result from so great a dis- memberment of the empire, and that America may be free from those calamities which hiavc formerly proved, in tiic mother coimtry, how es- sential monarcijy is to the enjoyment of constitutional liberty." lie went over the principal operations of the campaign, and bestowed the merited praise on the defence of Gibraltar, and other glorious and beneficial efforts. He mentioned the advanced state of the negotiations for peace, at the same time the necessity of being prepared, lest from any unfore- seen cause they might be frustrated. To the house of commons he par- ticularised a variety of economical regulations in the expenditure of the army and the civil list, and other reductions : and recommended to par- liament an attention to the price of corn, that year unusually high. He extolled the liberality with which the rights and commerce of Ireland had been established, and advised a revision of our whole trading system upon the same comprehensive principles ; and, lastly, urged some fun- damental regulations of our Asiatic territories. Though no opposition was made to the address in either house, yet severe animadversions were passed upon the speech in both. The recognition of American indepen- dence was censured upon two very opposite grounds. By the supporters of lord North it was severely condemned as having done much more than was necessary ; and by I\Ir. Fox's party, as not having done enough. Lord Stormont reprobated an unqualified surrender of the whole, without obtaining a truce, or even a cessation of hostilities, as the price of so lavish a concession. In the most abject and unfortunate reign that Spain ever knew (that of Philip III.) the negotiators of that prince retained ten out of seventeen of the revolted provinces, and detached the rest from their alliance with France ; yet by Britain the whole had been ("onceded, without any attempt to procure more favourable terms. Mr. Fox cen- sured ministers for having made the independence of America condition- ally to depend on a conclusion of a peace with France, instead of being absolute. A dispute on this subject, he informed the house, was one of the reasons which had compelled him to resign iiis late office. It had been uniformly his opinion, that the unconditional recognition of inde- pendence was the interest of Britain, bec^^iuse such an acknowledgment would dispose America to end the war as speedily as possible, and would tend essentially to accelerate a general peace. Finding himself outvoted in the cabinet on this question, he had thought it his duty to quit his si- tuation. Mr. Fox's explanation of his reasons for retiring from office were by no means satisfactory to the ptiblic ; it was not considered as the part of a patriot to withdraw himself from the service of his country, merely because a measure proposed by him was not adopted ; it was con- ceived that his extraordinary abilities, employed in the cabinet, might have rendered essential service to his country, whelluT the recognition of American independence were conditional or absolute. The real mo- tives of his conduct were very generally con.^trued to be dissatisfaction with the appointment of lord Shelburne to that office which he wished to be held by a distinguished member of the whig party. Until the recess, the attention of both houses was chiefly employed in motions for the production of papers respecting the negotiation, which 1783.— Chap. X5fX, REIGN OF GKOUGE III. ^',45 [Concurs with lord North in reprobating the peace. Defence of ministers.] were negatived on the ground of being premature until the treaty should be brought to a close. Parliament mot after the Christmas holidays, on the 21st of January, 1783 : the preliminary arliclfs of peace between Great Britain and France havinjj been siiined at Versailles, were laid before legislature on the 27th of January, and the 17th of February was appointed for taking tliem into consideration. Lord North and Mr. Fox had both very frequently censured administration: their animadversions had arisen from profess- edly different principles : there had been no appearance of concert eithei in their attacks upon ministers or any otlier measures. The discussion of the peace manifested a systematic regularity of proce,dure, a selection of parts in the debate, and a concurrence of principles of reasoning and of particular arguments, which were too striking to be the result of acci- dent, and obviously intimating a concert between two parties so long to- tally inimical to each other. Mr. Thomas Pitt moved an address to his majesty, expressing a high approbation of the peace. Lord John Ca- vendish, as speaker for the whig party, proposed an amendment, vvliich should contain no opinion on the merit of the peace, but declare their resolution to bestow on it that serious and full atti:!nlion which the impor- tance of the subject deserved; but pledge themselves, whatever conclu- sion tlioy migl)t draw from the investigation of the terms, that they should invariably adhere to the articles which his majesty had stipulated. Lord North moved a second amendment, expressive of the regard due from the nation to the loyalists who had suffered so much in supporting the cause of Great Britain. The ministerial speakers defended the peace; first, as necessary in the circumstances of the country ; and, secondly, as favourable in point of terms. Our finances, our navy, and our army, they contended, were in so deplorable a state as to render the continu- ance of the war ruinous. To maintain this position respecting pecuni- ary resources, they entered into a detailed account of incumbrances and expenditure. The national debt, funded and unfunded, amounted to up- wards of two hundred and lifty miliions. The annual interest, together with the necessary expense of a peace establishment, was fully equal to all the revenue which the people, groaning already under the load of taxes, could afford. Our navy, so far from being adequate to the pur- poses of offensive competition with the combined fleets of Europe, was scarcely sufficient for effectual defence. Our fleet did not exceed a hun- dred sail of the line, while the armaments of France, Spain, and Hol- land, amounted to a hundred and seventy sail of the line. By continu- ing merely defensive war we could gain nothino. and consequently could not expect by another campaign to obtain a better peace. The army v/a? still more inferior to the armies of our enemies, and totally inadequate ti^ farther contest. These general positions they illustrated by a detailed account of our force in various parts of the world. Our most Iniiiiant successes had been merely defensive, and only enabled us to retard the progress of the enemy. Frt'm this view of total inability to engage in another campaign with a prospect of briniiing it to a more favourable con- clusion, it was argued, that peace, on any terms, would break the pow- erful confederacy, and give us time to recruit our wasted strength; and therefore was preferable to a continuance of the war. But it was further contended, that the conditions of the peace were advantageous. One of the chief objections to the treaty was the participation allowed the French 646 HISTORY OF THE Chap. XXX— irSo [Famous coalition of lord North and Mr. Fox ] in the Newfoundland fishery ; but this, called by opposition a cession, was by ministers argued to be only the definition and limitation of a right which always had been exercised by France, and formerly, from being mdetinite, was the source of perpetual contention. The space to which France was now limited, was very inconsiderable both in extent and pro- ductiveness in comparison of the coast which Britain possessed. The islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon, ceded to France, were only a resti- tution of what had belonged to her before the preceding war; and so far were these places from admitting fortilications that could annoy our fishery in a future war, the most skilful en^finecrs had certified, that neither island would admit the construction of a fortress which could stand the attack of the smallest of our frigates. Durinir the detail of the vari- ous cessions in the West, Africa, and the East Indies, they endeavoured to prove that they were really of little importance. The articles of the treaty of Utrecht, respecting Dunkirk, had never been enforced, and were not now designed to be executed : their abrogation therefore could not be detrimental to England. France desired their suppression as a point of honour : and by compliance we gratified the other party, with- out incurring any loss our.«?elves. East and West Florida and Minorca, which were now yielded to Spain, had already cost this country much more than they brought, and were besides balanced by the restitution of the Bahama islands and Providence. The article most strongly censured was, the terms procured for the loyalists. In answer to those, it was said, that congress was invested with no power over the property of the seve- ral states : a recommendation to the provincial assemblies was all which their constitutional authority permitted them to undertake ; but whatever weight could be justly allowed to any of the objections against the con- cessions, the supporters of the peace contended, that either severally or jointly, they were of no moment when balanced with the evils of conti- nuing the war. Having endeavoured to defend the peace, both on the grounds of general expediency and particular conditions, they next pro- ceeded to the motives of their opponents ; they asserted, that an union of professed tories and professed vvhigs, who for so many years had been abusing and reviling each other, must arise from some different reason I ban mutual agreement of political opinion. The following was the ac- count which they gave of this unexpected confederation : lord North's party had long experienced the advantages of office, but at the same time jiad been exposed to the forcible attacks of Mr. Fox, and the whig con- federacy of which he had become a member ; they now sought to regain the benefits without suffering the annoyance ; Mr. Fox and his coadju- tors conceived that their favourite plan of governing by a combination was more certainly practicable by extending its objects ; and both parties found it expedient to sacrifice all animosity and professed reprobation to reciprocal interest; the peace was merely a pretext for joining the par- tics, in order to force their way into administration. The event so far justified this interpretation, that the new confederacy outvoted ministers, and the amcndtUL-nts were carried in the house of commons by a consi- derable majority. When this coalition was reported abroad, it was first received with a mixture of doubt and astonishment. Many of the sanguine admirers of Mr. Fox, who had been accustomed to receive his orations, not merely as effusions of genius, but as oracles of truth, conceived lord North to 1783.— Chap. XXX. UEFGN OF GEORGE III. 647 [Considered relatively to its leaders and objects.] be as bad, as malignant, and diabolical, as Mr. Fox, in the rapidity of invention, prompted by passion, and borne away by fancy, chose to re- present his antagonist. These could not at first believe that iio associ- ated with a man whom he taught them to consider as a weak and wicked minister ; but when they found that a coalition had taken place, they turned against the late object of their idolatry, a resentment proportioned to their recent adoration. Discerning and impartial men, estimating the merits of a coalition in sn<-h circumstances, laid little stress on the violent expressions which, in the paroxysms of impassioned eloquence, Mr. Fox had employed ; but they examined the history of his planned ant! deliberative proceedings. The principal points of ditFerence between lord North and Mr. Fox were not speculative opmions, but practical con- duct. He had for a series of years declared the measures and policy of lord North to be such as to demonstrate incapacity, corruptions profliga- cy, and every quality in a njinister that was ruinous to the country over which he presided. He had not confined himself to imputation of folly and weakness, but had alleged the highest criminality. With lord North, whom in 1782, he had declared deserving of death for the wickedness of his administration, Mr. Fox, in 1783, declared himself ready to co- ftperate in administration. If Mr. Fox represented lord North as the weakest and blackest of men, believing him to be otherwise, what con- fidence was to be reposed in any of his future declarations? If he be- Ibre believed him to be so bad as he represented, what had happened in that short time to change his opinion 1 What had lord North done when out of office to approve himself to Mr. Fox fit for being minister, when, in office, declared by him to be fit only for the block 1 These were ques- tions which impartial men naturally asked, in order to determine how far it was proper to receive the professions of Mr. Fox. Equal blame wa5 by no means attached to lord North ; he had never declared any opinion against the political talents or character of Blr. Fox. There was, there- fore, no inconsistency in coalescing with him as a statesman, provided the objects to be sought, and the means to be employed by that combi- nation, were meritorious ; and these soon appeared, though not in their full extent. A very short time manifested the intention of the coalition to be, through their paramount influence in the house of commons, to dictate to his majesty the choice of ministers, which is left by the consti- tution of the country to his own discretion. This purpose was much more incompatible with the long professed principles of lord North, than v/ith the recent principles and doctrines of Mr. Fox. Indeed, lord North and Mr. Fox, able as they vvere by nature, and conversant from expe- rience and situation in the politics of the country, appeared to have con- sidered the constitution partially rather than completely. They could neither be said to bo supporters of the whole system, nor of the balances on which its perfection depends. Lord North was a partisan of the mo- narchical, and Mr. Fox of the popular, department. The former, how- ever, now joined with the latter in extending the power of the commons, by reducing the power of the crown. Thus a coalition with lord North, FOR ANY PURPOSE TO BE EFFECTED BY POLITICAL ABILITIES AND IN- TEGRITY, was totally inconsistent with the very often repeated professions of Mr. Fox. This specific object of the coalition was no less incompa- tible with the uniformly declared principles of lord North. Mr. Fox could not, consistently, coalesce witb lord North as a statesman ; lord 04S HISTORY OF THE (Juap. XXX.— 1785 [(.iraiid views of Mr. Fox on public credit. Vote oF censure on ministers.] t North could not, consistently, coalesce with any man to reduce the kingly prero2;ative. Having rejected the motion for approvinjj the peace, the coalition party next proceeded to a positive censure. On tlie 21st of February, it was moved, that the conces.sions granted hy the peace to the enemies of Bri- tain, were greater than either the actn.il situation of their respective pos- sessions, or their comparative strength, entitled them to receive. In support of this proposi'ion tliey followed the order of their adversaries, and endeavoured to prove by detailed accounts, that the finances, the army, and navy, were not in the reduced state alleged by ministers ; that the cessions were much more important than they pretended ; and also, that they might have been prevented. In speaking on our financial situation, Mr. Fox, with great force and effect, exposed the absurdity of economi.^ts supposing specific limits to our national credit. " Specula- live politicians (he said) have in all limes been fond of circumscribing the bounds of public credit, and drawing a line beyond which they ima- gine it cannot be stretched ; but repeated experience has shown, that such ideas are, for the most part, imaginary and chimerical. National credit is relative to the result of private and public ability and industry. It is impossible, therefore, to fix tiie line beyond which it cannot extend, without, at the same time, marking the bounds of that abilityand industry." The navy Mr. Fox declared to be in a flourishing state, and to have been competent in the late campaign to every purpose of offence and defence. It was, however, the same that had been ecjuipped under lord Sandwich : and for the ruinous state of which this orator had attacked the first lord of the admiralty, the year before, with such bitter severity. His general arguments against the present ministry proceeded on an assumption, that our resoMrces were in a flourishing state : we certainly were neither richer nor stronger within the last ten months ; his reasoning, therefore, con- tained a virtual admission, that his charges against the former ministry of having utterly ruined the country, were totally unfounded. Mr. Fox displayed skilful dexterity in his defence of the coalition : he kept aloof I'roni trie principles and objects of the present combination, and exerted his eloquence in impressiuir a general position, that union between indi- viduals and parties formerly inimical, was ©ften meritorious ; and that such junctions frequently had been effected in this country, to the very great advantage oi'the nation. Impartial observers saw that the obvious truth of this general assertion proved nothing respecting the merit or de- naerit of this particidar coalition. The question beinc called for, the mo- tion for censuring ministry was carried in the aflirmative, by a majority of two hundred and twenty-four to two hundred and eight. In the house of lords a similar proposition was negatived. In consequence of the censure of the commons, lord Shelburne resign- ad his office. The clianccllor of the exchequer declared publicly in the house that he only hold his place until a successor should be appointed. During the whole month of March there was a ministerial interregnum: the reasons which the one side alleged for this delay were the mutual jealousy that still subsisted between the coalesced parties, and the diffi- culties which they found in adjusting their several pretensions ; others asserted that the court wished to retain the abilities of the lord-chan- cellor, and that Mr. Fox's party insisted on the exclusion of that illus- trious character. The adherents of the coalition professed to think that 1783.— Chap. XXX. liEIGN OF GEOUGE IIF. (349 [Ministerial interregnum. The coalition come into office.] the sovereign was endeavouring to use his own prerogative, by forming a ministry without regard to the newly estabhshed connexion. During this time the kingdom was without any responsible government ; with the finances neglected, the military establishments unreduced, and the negotiations with foreign powers, whicli the critical conjuncture of affairs rendered peculiaily important, entirely at a stand. During this interval, various inquiries were made in the liousc concerning pensions which had been recently granted. On discussing the particulars, however, the coa- lition members found that no plausible objections could be maintained to the several grants of the late lYiinisters, Mr. Coke, member from Nor- folk, gave notice that he meant in the course of the following week to move an address to his majesty to urge the formation of a new ministry. The king ordered the duke of Portland and lord North to lay before him a sketch of their proposed arrangements ; but nothing conclusive having been determined, Mr. Coke, on the 24th, made the promised motion, in the discussion of which there was a considerable degree of personal in- vective. The opposite party, comprehending several independent coun- try gentlemen, attacked the coalition. One gentleman proposed to add to the address, the exclusion of all those who had been comprised in Mr. Fox's motion in the former year, declaring the incapacity of his pre- sent associates ; " that his majesty should please not to nominate or appoint any person or persons to fill up the vacant departments, who bij their mismanao^ement of public affmirs, and want of joresight and abilities^ ivhen they xcere in office, had lost (ha confidence of the people.'"* The coa- lition retorted these sarcastic attacks, by repeating the vote of censure on the late ministry ; they also revived the charges against secret advisers of the crown. To these Mr. Fox imputed the delay in forming the new administration ; and became so pointedly personal, as to call up Mr. Jen- kinson, who acknowledged that he had been in conference with the king more than once : as a privy-counsellor, he was bound to give his advice when asked ; he had done so to the best of liis judgment, but never had obtruded his counsel. The proposed address was carried ; and his ma- jesty answered, that his earnest desire was to do every thing in his power to comply with the wishes of his faithful commons. On the 31st of March, Mr. Pitt informed the house that he had that day resigned his office } but no new minister having been appointed, the coalition pro- posed fresh motions in order to hasten the completion of the arrange- ments. On the 20th of April, a new administration was announced, of which the following were the principal members : the duke of Portland was first commissioner of the treasury ; lord North, secretary of state for the home department ; Mr. Fox, secretary for the foreign ; lord John Cavendish, chancellor of the exchequer ; lord viscount Keppel, first commissioner of the admiralty ; lord viscount Stormont, president of the council ; the earl of Carlisle, privy-seal : the great seal was put into commission, the first in the nomination being lord Loughborough ; the earl of Hertford was ap- pointed chamberlain, and the earl of Dartmouth steward of the household ; lord viscount Townshend was made master-general of the ordnance ; Mr. Burke, paymaster-general ; Mr. Charles Townshend, treasurer of the • The words inserted in italics are extracted from a motion of Mr. Fox, in 1782, against lord North and colleagues. Vol. VII.— 82 650 HISTORY OF THE Chap. XXX.— 178:- [Revival of commeice with America. Mr. Pill's plan of refqjm.] navy ; Mr. Fitzpatrick, secretary of war ; Mr. "Wallace and Mr. Lee had the oflices of attorney and sohcitor-general ; and tlie earl of Northington was appointed to the lord-lieutenancy of Ireland. The first business that engaged the attention of the new ministers was to open a commerce with North America. By the prohibitory acts which had been passed during the revolt, all communication with that country, in the way of trade, was entirely precluded ; it was the prevailing opinion in parliament, that those acts were virtually repealed by the acknowledg- ment of the independence of the United Stales; nevertheless in their new character tliey became subject to other restrictions which it was ne- cessary to relax and modify. A bill for this purpose had been brought into the house of commons by the late ministry, but during the great variety of discussions which it underwent, difliculties of such a compli- cated and important nature had arisen, that it never got through the com- mittee. In the mean time, no regulations whatever having been stipu- lated by the treaty of peace, the commercial interests of the country were suffering very materially ; for not only a great number of vessels richly freighted for America, were detained in the harbour, but there was a considerable danger of having the market pre-occupied by our rivals. In this emergency, the new ministers thought it most adviseable to drop the whole bill for the present, and to pass two short laws, one to repeal all the prohibitory acts, the other to rernove the necessity of requiring manifests or other documents, and to ^dge in the king and council, for a limited time, a power to make such regulations as might be expodionf. On the 7th of May, Mr. AViiliam Pitt made a motion respecting the reform of parliamentary representation ; the mode intended last year of examining the subject by a coromittee was accounted too general, he therefore designed to bring forward specific propositions. The object of the first was to prevent bribery at elections, the second proposed to disfranchise a borough which sliould be convicted of gross corruption ; but that the minority of voters should be entitled to a vote for the county in which such boroughs should be situated ; his third proposition was, that an augmentation of tlie knights of shires, and representatives of the metropolis, should be added to the state of the representation. He left the number for future discussion, but said he should recommend one hundred. The arguments both for and against a parliamentary reform were nearly the same as in the preceding session, but tlie supporters constituted a smaller proportion : the majority against the rcfijrm were two hundred and ninety-three to one hundred and forty-nine. On the eighth of June, the duke of Richmond introduced a motion respecting the great seal being put into commission. The ap.pointnient of judges (he alleged) corntnissioncrs, v.ith large salaries and perquisites dependent on the will of the crown, tend«?d to invalidate acts for securing the inde- pendency of the judicative officers: to ensure this great object it was necessary, he contended, first, that the tenure of their offices should be certain ; secondly, that the amount of their salaries should be asceAained, and thus the temptations arising from fear of removal, or hopes of greater gain, would be prevented. IJis grace by a metaphysical disquisition on the nature of the passions, showed that hope and fear were such power- ful aflections, as often to overcome justice and rectitude : and having argued in support of his motion concerning the great seal, he proceeded to some general observations on the incompatibility of the situation of a 1783.— Chap. XXX. REIGN OF GEORGE III. (^51 [Motion respecting the great seal. Prince of Wales ] judge and a statesman, and endeavoured to support liis reasonings by the authority of writers on political government. From his arguments and authorities he inferred, that neither the lords chit f-ju.';tices, nor lords- chancellors, ought to sit in the house of peers. Lord Loughborough replied to his grace in a speech which w.is esteemed equal to any that ever was delivered, even by its author himself. The motion, he argued, proceeded on a visionary speculation, the mover had stated no actual gritnance ; but had proposed redress. The best and only test of poli- tical truth was experience; the practice had .often obtained of putting the seals into commission ; the judges had long sitten in parliament, no evil or inconvenience had been experienced in the administration of jus- tice from their voice in the legislature, and most important benefit had accrued to parliament from their legal and judicial ability and knowledge. These were strong and striking facts not to be controverted by vague observations on the nature of hope and fear ; such disquisitions belonged to the schools ; legislatures rarely or never adopted them, but contented themselves with th.e application of law to any ill habit of the mind, as it became predominant, and inconvenient to the just and rational ends of government. A theory, professing to have for its object a practical cor- rective and improvement, should show what is amiss, and point out the manner in which it is to be reformed : on these grounds the motion was rejected. During this session a bill passed both houses for removing and preventing all doubts which had arisen or might arise concerning the exclusive right of the parliament and courts of Ireland in matters of le- gislation and judicature; and for preventing any writ of error or appeal from any of his majesty's courts in the si.-ter kingdom froin being re- ceived, heard, and adjudged, in any of his majesty's tribunals in Britain. Before the judicial and legislative independence of Ireland had been re- cognised, it was usual to remove causes by a writ of error from the Irish courts to the British. An appeal of this sort was before the court of king's bench when the last settleinent was made ;. the chief-justice con- sidering it necessary to proceed with pending suits, had given a judg- ment : this procedure, though unavoidable on the part of his lordship, had excited violent clamours in Ireland. To pacify these they proposed the present bill, though really implied in the general arrangement of the forr.^er year. A variety of economical regulations took place, more nu- merous than important. The objects, indeed, were the minute depart- ments of public ofrices, such as salaries of clerks and their deputies, but no plan was proposed for diminishing the momentous departments of national expense. George, prince of Wales, had now reached the years of manhood ; and his age and dignified rank called for a separate establishment, as a measure agreeable to the uniform practice respecting the heir of the crown, while his personal character, his talents and accomplishments, rendered it additionally desirable that he should be placed in a situation in which he could more fully exhibit the elegance of his taste, the digni- fied and engaging gracefulness of his manners, the beneficent generosity of his disposition, his liberal patronage of merit, and his many other princely virtues. His highness in his early youth had attended little to party distinction, but gay and animated, intelligent, erudite, and refined, he had sought pleasure and wit, information, ability, and taste, wherever they were to be found. He was particularly captivated by the open, 052 HIS TOKY OF THE Chap. XXX.— 1783- [Indian affairs. Comprehensive statement of Mr. Dundas.] liberal, and impressive maimers, and the socinl qualities of Mr. Charles Fox, while he admired the lUKissuming gretitn^ss of his character. The habits of that gentleman were also peculiarlv attractive to youth ; he was no austere ascetic^ he was pleasurable and ^'ay ; in point of fro)ic and indulgence, at thirty, such a companion as suited the ideas ■oi' eighteen. Through Mr. Fox, his highness came to associ;)te offen uith the wit of a Hare and a Sheridan, and sometimes with the wisdom of a Burke. The party now in power was considered as most agreeable to his high- ness ; but the proposal for the establishment was received with unanimity by all. It was I'ound, on considering the royal message, that his majesty rcquirefl only a temporary aid of sixty thousand pounds for the equipment of the prince, and that he meant to settle fifty thousand a year on his liighness from the civil list. The sum desired was immediately voted, and an address of thanks presented to his majesty. , / Indian affairs continued this year to occupy the unremitting attention of the two committees ; but from the unsettled slate of government, during a considerabTc part of the session, no important measures were adopted either for redressing the grievances, or investigating the delin- quency stated in the reports, or forming systems for the future regulation of Indian alfairs. 3Ir. Dundas having in the secret conimittee, investi- gated an immense mass of evidence, oral and written, in April 1782, ex- hibited a clear and connected detail of the state and the history of India, from the establishment of the new system of 1773 ; the real interests of the company, the general laws and successive special directions trans- mitted to the company's servants for the preservation and promotion of those interests ; the actual conduct of the principal servants and their sub- ordinate agents, and the existing situation of those settlements. From these multiform, numerous, and complicated materials, the energetic and simplifying mind of Mr. Dundas educed the general principles in two great propositions. There was very gross mismanagement, which it be- came the deliberative wisdom of the legislature to correct, and also to de- vise means of improving the resources to the higliest advantage. There was likewise an appearance of misconduct and misdemeanors, which it behoved judicial in(|uiry to examine. For these purposes he proposed that a committee of the whole house should sit upon the alTairs of India. The two principal objects of inquisitorial procedure, stated by Mr. Dun- das, were sir Thomas Rumbold, governor Of Madras, and Warren Hast- ings, esq. governor-general of Bengal. Having in a variety of proposi- tions drawn the outline of Mr. Hastings's alleged conduct, he moved a severe censure on the proceedings of the governor-general, and his co- adjutor in council Mr. Hornsby ; and a declaration that it was the duty of the directors to recall them from India.* He also moved a bill of pains and penalties against sir Thomas Rumbold, on varioug charges of peculation, corruption, and disobedience of the company's orders ; viola- tion of treaties, as.sutnption of undue powers, and deterioration of the company's interest for his own private emolument, and that of his under- lings : he moreover charged that officer with having bei^towed iniquitous grants on the nabob of Arcot; by injustice and faithlessness provoked, for his own avaricious purposes, the enmity of the Nizam, and thereby en- • The director! passed a resolution for the recall, which was afterwards over turned by the court of proprietors. 1783— Ciur. XXX. ItEIGN OF GEOUGK III. (353 [His bill for the regulation of India. Abilities of Mr. Dumlas.] dangered the possessions of the company. As it was just and necessary that, before the bill should be passed, the accused should be heard in his own defence, and the subject was very extensive and intricate, by the prorogation of parliament, in .Tuly, it was necessarily postponed to the iollowing session. So much of the session of 17S3 was consumed in the debates between the parties, that it was late before sir Thomas Rum- bold occupied a great share of their attention. Mr. Dundas persevered in supporting the charges against Rumbold, and controverting his de- fence. But towards the close of the session, the committee of the house was so thinly attended, and appeared so little concerned to ascertain the merits of the case, that the prosecutor deemed farther procedure hope- less, arid agreed to a motion for postponing the consideration to a period when he knew parliament would not be sitting ; and thus virtually aban- doned the charge. In this session he proceeded to his second great ob- ject of more permanent consequence, the formation of a plan for the bet- ter management of the government in India, and brought in a bill for the purpose. The principal objects of this proposition were, to invest the governor-general with a discretionary power to act against the will of the council, whenever he should think it necessary for the public good ; to allow the subordinate governors a negative on every proposition, till the determination of the supreme council should be known ; to secure to the zemindars or landholders of Ilindostan, a permanent interest in their re- spective tenures ; to cause the debts of the rajah of Tanjore and of the nabob of Arcot to be carefully exaijiined ; to put an end to the oppres- sions of tl.'c latter, and the corrupt practices of his creditors, by securing to the rajah the full and undisturbed enjoyment of his kingdom ; lastly, tq recall governor Hastings, prevent the court of proprietors from acting in opposition to the sense of parliament, and to nominate a new governor- general. For this important office Mr. Dundas recommended the earl Cornwallis. Ministers intimated their disapprobation of some parts of this scheme, and also declared an intention of proposing a plan early in the following session ; wherefore 3Ir. Dundas did not urge his bill. The consideration of Indian affairs first afforded to Mr. Dundas an opportunity of completely exhibiting the powers and habits which com- bine to render him at once great and beneficial. During the adminis- tration of lord North, his abilities were but imperfectly known, because occasion had admitted of only partial exertion. He was distinguished as a clear, direct, and forcible reasoner; but he had not yet shown his abilities as a statesman. In the Indian inquiry, he manifested the most patient, constant, and active industry to investigate : penetrating acute- ness to discover the nature and situation of affairs ; enlarged views to comprehend their tendency ; fertile and energetic invention to devise re- gulations both for correction and improvement. Mr. Dundas, indeed,, when in opposition to ministers whose means of procuring their offices he did not approve, was far from considering invectives against adminis- tration as the chief business of a member of parliament. He planned and proposed himself, much oftener than he censured the propositions and schemes of others. The supplies of this year having been voted before the reduction of the army, were nearly the same as in the former year ; twelve millions were raised by a loan, the terms of which were severely censured by opposition., and defended by ministers on the ground of necessity. The new taxes 654 HISTORY OF THE C«ap. XXX.— 1783. [New taxes. Internal state of Britain fct the peace] were additional duties on bills of exchange, probates of_\vills, and Icfta- ries on bond.-' and law proceedings, and on sta much more remarkable for debate than enactment, was ter- minated on the 16th of July, by a speech shorter and more general than usual. The complicated discussions between the late belligerent pow- er.s had prevented the definitive terms of peace from being finally settled : but his majesty had no doubt of their speedy conclusion. The affairs of the East Indies would require their jsarly meeting in the following sea- son. Meanwhile the king recommended to them to employ their in- fluence in their respective districts in promoting a spirit of industry, regularity, and order, as the true sources of revenu3 and power to the nation. The events of Britain cither foreign or domestic, during the recess of 1783, were of little importance compared with those which the history has presented in recording the struggles of an arduous contest ; the ener- gy of war had ceased, the industry and enterprise of peace were not be- gun. The nation in the interval of action, seemed to be in a state of languor, from which it could be roused only by very strong stimulatives. Trade was stagnant, taxes compared with the supposed resources of the country, enormous ; the national debt doubled in eight years, appeared overwhelming. Depression of situation and spirits, reciprocally increas- ed each other, by action and reaction ; distre.ss encouraged desponden- cy, despondency precluded exertion and enterprise, the only efTectual means of alleviating and removing distress. Occupied chiefly by party contention, the legislature had, in the late session, devised no effectual means for the improvement of the peace: the present administration, liDWover able many of its members actually were, did not possess the confidence of the majority of the peo[)le ; and extrication from melan- choly circtunstances was not expected from their counsels. To these political causes of gloomy retrospect and forebodings, the present, though temporary, pressure of scarcity added its distresses. The crops of 1782 had been extremely deficient in all parts of these realms, and having been also unproductive on the continent, had much diminished the usual sources of importation. The wants of the poor concurring with so many other incentives to discontent produced great disturbances and riots in v.arious parts of the country. In several places, especially puritanical 1783.— Chap. XXX. KEIGN OF GKOUGE IH. 655 [Settlement of the Genevese emigrants.] districts of Scotland, enthusiasm contributed its share to the disorders. The anti-popish societies still continued to exist among the very lowest orders; in the abhorrence of the Romish church great numbers of me- chanics and manufacturing journeymen avowed their displeasure against that government by which they affirmed popery to be impiously protected. They insulted and outraged the magistracy, attacked the military, and even killed several soldiers. Their zeal becoming more eccentric and ex- travagant, they branched out into various sects, which, whatever might be the peculiar chimeras of their phrensy, concurred in disavowing alle- giance, every moral obligation and duty, if they conceived them to inter- fere with their theological notions.* One sentiment they appeared to have borrowed from the fifth monarchy men of Cromwellian celebrity, that all things are lawful iinlo the saints. A relaxation of order manifest- ed itself in a variety of crimes, especially around the metropolis. Theft and forgery were extremely frequent, robbery became more daring and atrocious, murder and barbarity, formerly so rare among English depre- dators, now abounded ; the increase of depravity was great and alarm- ing. The national and public acts of the country at thisi season, were chiefly the evacuation of America on the 3d of September ; and the prelimina- ries between Britain and the states-general were also subscribed the same day. This year a commotion in a distant state produced a considerable accession of arts and industry to his majesty's dominions ; certain altera- tions having been proposed in the constitution of the illustrious though small republic of Geneva, a great proportion of the inhabitants were so averse to the changes, that they determined to emigrate, and appointed commissioners to collect information concerning asylums wherein they might enjoy the greatest security, and be able to improve to the best ad- vantage their resources of property and character. In the beginning of 1783 these commissioners arrived in DubUn, snd were received with af- fectionate kindness by the hospitable and generous Irish. The delegates of the volunteer corps of the province of Leinster unanimously resolved, that the inhabitants of Geneva, who sought refuge from oppression and tyranny, deserved the highest commendation ; and that such of them as established themselves in that country should always receive the warmest support. The commissioners apphed to government for its sanction to the desired settlement ; and the lord-lieutenant was empowered by his majesty to signify not only his royal approbation and assurance of pro- tection and regard, and the enjoyment of such privileges as would con- tribute to their welfare and prosperity ; but to promise also pecuniary as- sistance to enable them to execute the projected emigration and estab- lishment. Their commissioners were requested Jo detail the privileges and regulations which they wished to be granted to their intended place of residence ; and were told, that after being approved by his majesty's law servants, they should be extended into a charter. It was reconmiend- ed to the commissioners to examine, with all expedition, a situation (of their new town ; and further to establi^ih in it an academy on the princi- • The reader will find in the Gentleman's Maga:rine,'ajKl otherperiodical works for the year 1783, details and documents which fully authenticate and support this general account ; especially Gentleman's Magazine, p. 249 and 340 ; London Magazine, p. 88; and Morning Chronicle, repeatedly, under the signature of a Scotch Highlander. 65G HISTORY OF THE (Jaxr. XXX.— 1783. [Earthquakes in Calabria.] pie of those of Geneva, tlirougli which the youth of all countries in Eu- rope had derived siuh important benefit. The commissioners chose the county of Wateiford as the scene of the proposed colony. Of these gen- tlemen, tiie most active was Mr. U'lvernois, since so well known in po- litical literature, by the title of sir Francis D'lvernois. While on the norlhern confines of the Alps, the dissensions of man were producing political separation ; in that delightful county, which stretches from their southern frontiers, the discord of the elements caus- ed a most tremendous natural convulsion. The portion of Italy which, from being a principal scene of Grecian colonies, was anciently known by the name of Grecia Magna ; and in modern times bears the ap- pellation of the Two Calabrias, suffered a succession of earthquakes, the longest, most dreadful and destructive to the face of the country, and to mankind, that was ever experienced in those regions. The first shock happened about noon on the 5th of February 17S3, and was of all the most fatal ; it came on suddenly, without any of the usual indications; it was about the Italian time of dinner, when the people were in their houses ; but beyond all, the motion of the earth in that shock was verti- cal, rising suddenly upwards from its foundations, and as suddenly sink- ing again. By this fatal motion the greatest buildings, villages, towns, and entire cities were instantaneously involved in one common destruc- tion ; nothing remaining to be seen but vast heaps of undistinguishable ruins, witiiout any traces of streets or houses. One of the towns and ci- ties where tlie greatest devastation took place was Casal Nuova, in which the princess Gerase Grimaldi, with more than four thousand of her sub- jects perished in the same instant. At Baguara, above three thousand of the inhabitants "were lost, Radicina and Palma counted their loss at above three thousand each : Terra Nuova at about fourteen hundred ; and Semina at stdl more. The greater mischief was in Calabria Ultra, the extreme province of Italy next to Sicily. The inhabitants of Scylla sought refuge on the celebrated rock from its vicinity to which the town was denominated ; and following the example of their prince,* descend- ed to a little harbour at the foot of the hill, where getting into boats or stretched upon the shore, they thought themselves free from danger. But in the course of the night, a stupendous wave, which is said to have been driven furiously over land, upon its return swept away the unfortu- nate prince, with two thousand four hundred and seventy-three of his subjects. The northeast angle of Sicily, including the city of Messina, were likewise in a considerable degree victims of that shock. But the greatest violence of its exertion, and its most dreadful efTects, were in the plain on the western side of the Appennines ; mountains were rent, valleys closed ; the hills that formed them being thrown from their places, and meeting their opposites in the centre, the course of rivers was neces- sarily changed, or the waters being entirely dammed up, they were turn- ed into great and increasing lakes, f • Many of the barons of the king'donn of Naples have the title of princes. -j- Tlie wlinle of the mortality, according' to the returns made to the secretary of state's ofiicf in Naples, amounted to 33,567. These returns, drawn up hi the confusion and misery that prevailed, could not be accurate ; and it was supposed by the best judges, that the real loss, including strangers, amounted at least to 40,000. These estimates only take in immediate victims to the earUiquakes; those who perished through want, diseases, anguish, and every species of subse- quent distress not being included. 1783.— Chap. XXX. UEIGN OF GEORGE lU- ^357 [Benevolence of the nrchbishop of Keggio.J The earth in all that part of Italy continued for many weeks in a con- stant state of tremor ; and several shocks with different degrees of vio- lence, were every day felt, so that the unhappy people, already worn down with calamity and grief, through the loss of their property and of their dearest relations, were still kept in a continual state of apprehension and terror. The king and government of Naples employed every pos- sible means for both affording immediate relief to the sufferers, and as- sistance towards their. recovery from the loss of their property. The archbishop of Reggio particularly distinguished himself for benevolence and charity. He disposed of his own furniture, equipages, and most productive moveables, and employed all the money he could raise to al- leviate the distresses of his flocks. Having exhausted his pecuniary resources, he still, by infusing the cordial balm of sympathy, allayed those miseries which he could not remove. This truly christian pastor is not unworthy of being ranked with the celebrated bishop of Marseilles, as one of the numberless instances of the beneficent purposes to which recently reproached hierarchs applied their possessions. Vol. Vn.— ^s (558 HISTORY OF THE Chap. XXXI.— irB3' CHAP. XXXI. Constituents and strenptli of the coalition ministry. — Combines genius, political experii'iice, and anstocratical influence. — Meetinjr of [larlianient. — His majeS' tj's spcecli — recommends to their consideration Brltisli India — commerce and revenue. — Mr. Fox's East India bill —object, to vest tlie wliole affairs ot the company in certain commissioners to be appointed by parliament, and admi nister commercial as well as territorial concerns. — Arguments for the bdl. — The company is in a state of battkruptcy, and unfit to maiiaire its own affairs. — The enormous abuses of its servants, and tiie distr<.sses of India — The bill opposed by Mr Pitt. — Arguments against tlie bill, that it is an infringement of chartered rights, without the justification of necessity — and the formation of an influence dependent on the present ministers — by Mr. Hundas — he charges Mr. Fox witli aspiring at perpetual dictatorship. — IJurke's- celebrated speech on the ex'ent and bounds of chartered nglils.— Allegations against ^Ir. Has- tings. — Petitions of the India company. — Hill passes the commons by a great majority. — Other corporate bodies petition against the violation of a charter. — Bill becomes obnoxious to the public. — IJill rejected by the lords — Causes as- signed by ministry for the rejection of the bill.— Alleged to be disagreeable to his m.ajesty. — Reported interference through earl Temple canvassed in the house of commons. — Ministers dismissed their offio-s. — Character of Mr. Fox's liast India bill — whether right or wrong, decisive and efficient —thoroughly adapted to its end, whether good or bad-^tended to secure Mr Fox's continu- ance in i)ower, however that power might be used. — General outcry against Mr. Fo.-?. — Impartial esiimate of this political scheme. — Mr 'NViHiam Piti ])rime minister, with a minority in the house of commons. — Unpojjularity of Mr Fox and the coalition parly. — .Mr Piu's Kast India bill — rejected.— Question on dic- tation to the crown by the commons in the choice of a minister — King, peers, and the public favourable to Mr. Pitt. — Attempt of independent gentlemen to eflTect an accommodation) between tlie ministerial and opposition party.— Meeting for that purpose. — Correspondence with the duke of Portland and Mr. Pitt. — Design proves abortive — IJisplay of Mr. Pitt's talents and character in resist- ing such a confederacy of genius and power. — Public estim.ation of the con- tending leaders. — The king declares his intention of taking the sense of his people. — Uissolulioii and character of this parliament. The season now approached for tlie meeting of parliament : in the last session mini«!ters had done little more than procure their appoint- ment.'^. They had propo.sf d no important schemes of policy to ascertain their collective character ; the public mipht conjectttre what they would be, hut could not yet know what they were. The coalition administra- tion, it was obvious, had many symptom.s of strength superior to that which was po-esesscd by any ministry since the cornmenccment of this reign. I( com'oiuf.d the leading members of both patties that prevailed durmg the .Vrnerican war ; united philo.-ophy and genius with official ex- perience : and to consolidate parts formerly heterogeneous into one mas.s, a great weight of aristocratic Influence was superadded. Lord North re- tained many of his numerous supporters : Mr. Fox had a less numerous, but a still more able band of friinds. The result of this union of genius, experience, rank, and [iroperty, was a majority seldom sfcen in favour of ministers from the time of the illn.strious Pitt. The friends of this mi- nistry conceived it to compri.se all that was requisite to heal the wounds and restore the prosperity of their country. Its opponents, from the cha- 1783.— Chap. XXXI. REIGN OF GEORGE III. ^559 [Meeting of parliament. Speech of the king.] racter of its principal members, and especially its actinossessions : he enter- ed into a detail of the principal instances of rapine, violence, and tyranny, which were attributed to the English ; and dwelt with superior energy and pathos on those acts of which he alleged Mr. Hastings to be guilty. No one undertook to deny, as an abstract proposition, that charters or any covenants contravening the principles of morality, and bringing mise- ry on mankind, ought to be annulled : but the allegation was denied re- specting the charter of the East India company. The bill, it was af- firmed, PROPOSED confiscation WITHOUT PROOF OF DELINQUENCY. The proprietors and directors petitioned the house that their securities and properties might not be forfeited without evidence of criminality. They desired, that before the house passed a l)ill which would act as a condem- nation, they should prove the guilt. One reason aie sincerely wished they had died before they had set foot in India. But Mr. Hastings had been able to overcome so arduous a trial, and such was the vigour of our government in Bengal ; such were the regulations for the administration of justice in the provinces, and such the economical arrangements formed by the ci- vil and military departments, that he did not believe it would be in the power of ?he folly and ignorance of the most favourite clerks Mr. Fox's directors could send out, to throw Bengal into confusion in the term that was a.ssigncd for the du- ration of his bill. See Pirliamentary debates, Dec, 1783. l^SS.— Chip. XXXI. ItKIGN OF (iEOUGE HI. (3(^5 [Ueputed interference of lord Temple.] people appeared to have ackipled a totally clillcrent opinion from the house of commons.* The motion for a second reading took place on the 15th, and the house heinw adjourned to the 17th, the question was put for the cornmitinerit, and carried aganist the minister by a majority of ninety-five to seventy-.six ; aiid thus Mr. Fox's celebrated India bill, af- ter passing (he house of commons, was rejected by the lords. The con- duct' of the peers, which in voting contrary to the house of commons con- curred with the popular voice, was represented by the ministerial party as ftrising not from conviction, but from an extvin.«ic influence... His ma- jesty, on investigating the nature, tendency, and probable consequences of the bill introduced by Mr. Fox, was understood to be inimical to its adoption. It was conceived, that the more our king reflected on the sub- ject, he was the more deeply impressed with the mischievous effects of the scheme i.'i qur-«tion; that he thought it would overturn the balance of the constitution : and that under such an impression, he very freely deli- vered his sentiments to counsellors whom he did not think members of the coalition confederacv. Among those who enjoyed the greatest de- gree of the royal confidence was earl Temple, a nobleman of considera- ble talents,' high character, and an ample fortune ; totally unconnected with any party junto, and thereby not only capable, but most probably disposed, to give the best advice. A report prevailed, that in a private conference with his majesty, this nobleman, with the candour and ho- nesty of a faithful and conscientious counsellor, had delivered his senti- ments to the king; and that they coincided with those which the illustri- ous personage himself entertained. The report farther added, that the opinion of bis majesty having been communicated to various peers, had influenced their votes. The clamom- against such advisers was revived by ministry ; and it was asserted that but for these, a majority in the lords would have forwarded the bill proportionate to that which had carried it through the house of commons. This rumour respecting the interference of the sovf^reign, was never authenticated ; it however was believed by the supporters of the hill, and deemed the means of its rejection. The reports were considered by the coalition party of so great importance, as to be the foundation of several resolutions. On the 17th of December, the coalition speakers expatiated on secret influence, which, according to their assumption,! still existed. Mr. William Baker made a motion, seconded by lord Maitland, importing, that it was now necessary to de- clare, that to mention any opinion, or pretended opinion of the king, upon any bill or other proceeding in either house of parliament, with a view to influence the votes of the members, was a high crime and misdemeanor, derogatory to the honour of the crown, a breach of the fundamental privi- leges of parliament, and subversive of the constitution of the country. Mr. Pitt argued on the impropriety of a legislative assembly proceeding on unauthenticated rumours ; that monster, public report, was daily fab- ricating a thousand absurdities and improbabilities ; and it was the great- • See a periodical paper of tiiose times, entitled the Political Herald, which was edited by the elegant pen of Godwin, but supported by the abler pen of Gilbert Stewart, and frequently invigorated by the masculine strength of William Thomson. f Authentic and impartial history must consider the assertion concerning se« cret influence, as an assumption, because the allegation was neither admitted nor proved. Vol. VII.— 84 . OCtS UISTOHY OF THE Cuap. XXXL— 1735 [Reasoning of Mr. Fox. Dismission of ministers.] est sarcasm upon every tiling serious and respectable to suffer her to in- trude on the national business, and lor the house to follow her through all her shapes and extravagancies. He was a.'^ked, how ministers were to act when circumvented, as they complained olliavinii been, by secret in- fluence, and wlien t!ie royal opinion was inimical to liieir nieasures? In his jud'jment, thi ir duty, m a .situation thus dishonourable ar.d inefficient, was nbvio is and iuiiivell to every i^<;epend- ent measure. Whenever the liberties of the people, tlie rights of private property, or the still more sacred privileges of personal safety, are vindi- cated by the house, the hopes of the public, anxious, eager, and panting for the issue, are to he whispered away, and dispersed to every wind of heaven, by tlie breath of secret iiiffuence. . A parliament thus fettered and controlled, instead of limiting, extends beyond all limit and prece- dent the prerogative of the. crown, and has no longer^ny use but to regis- ter the decrees of despotism, and the arbitrary niandates of a favouiile. Thus, according to Mr. Vox, the con:?titiition of Kngland was to become despotical, if the house of commons did wot i-eprohate a scfiet influence which rumour* only alleged to exist- A majority of one hundred and fifty-three to eighty voted for the resolution. The conduct of his majesty evidently demonstrated that he was not only extremely averse to the East India bill, but liighly displeased with its author. On the ISlh of December, at twelve at night, lie sent a mes- sage to the two secreta^ries of state, intimating that his majesty had no farther occasion for their services, ar>d directing that the seals of « ffice should be delivered lo him by the imder secretaries, as a personal inter- view would be disagreeable. Early the next morning letters of dismis- sion, signed Temple, were sent to the other niend)ers of the cabinet. Immediately the places of first lord of the treasury, and chancellor o( the • exchequer, were conferred on Mr. William Pitt; lord Temple received the seals as secretary of state ; and earl Gower was ajipointed lord-presi- dent of the council. On the 22d lord Temple resigned tlie seals of his oflficc, and they were deliverl^d to lord Sidney, a.s secretary of state for the home department ; and to the marquis of (jarmarilien for tl.e foreign. Lord Thurlow was a[ipointed higli-chaticcllor of liritain ; the duke of Rutland, lord privy-seal ; lord viscount Ilowe, first lord of the admiralty; and the duke of Kiclunond, master-general of the ordnance; Mr. Wil- liam Grenville and lord Mulgrave succeeded Mr. Buike in the f)ay-office; and Mr. Henry Dundas was appointed to the office of treasurer of the navy. • The report was, that .1 circular card, supposed to liave been written by lord Temple, had been transmitted to various peers, pui[iorting liis majesty's disap- probation of Mr. Fox's bill, as subversive of the power and dignity of the crown. 1783.— Chap. XXXr.- IIF.IGN OF GEOIIGK IIF. 667 [Charactei- of Mr. Fox's East India bill.] Thus terminated the cofilition administration, owing its downfall to Mr. Fox's East India bill. In wlialever liirlit we view this cele- brated measure, we must allow it to be tlie effort of an expanded and tow- ering oenius. Whether the object wa'^ beneficial or injurious, the means were great, comprehensive, and effif-acious. If, with its framer and sup- porters, we consider the East India company as guilty of the grossest misconduct in the adniini.>tration of tlieir ailiiir^; as having brought them- selves to a state of insolvency, and thus rendering it necessary for their principal creditor to intwrfere for his own security, and to prevent them from utterly ruining themselves, the plan was f fficient : the company could no lon30cutred in the history of Knc;land,in wliich it was not only requisite, but nefossary, for the ki'jg, in the exercise of his prero- gative, to sacrifice private prepossessions to general good : such an event lias happened and always may happen under a free constitution, of which the object is the weifar- of the community. The court doctrine at ihis time, that Mr. Fox and his adherents merited the severest reprobation, because they wished to administer the government contrary to the inclina- tion of the kmg, is bv no means obviously true. The unbiassed historian must considef- the question on the broa'd grounds of expediency. Had or had not Chirles James Fox, in his parliamentary and executorial con- duct, shown such intellectual talents, such force, energy, and decision of mind, as would have rendered him a momentous accession to the coun- sels (Jf the nation, when the r.tate of a/fairs required the exertion of the greatest abilities which it containedl Those who thought that he had manifested such talents and qualities, were by patriotic duty bound to support the continuance, or attempt the restora.tion of his power. Mr. Fox, though not thirty-five years of dge, was an old senator: for ten years his wisdom, viewing situation and conduct, had predicted events and results with an accuracy almost prophetic. His lessons as a states- man, he had received from moral and political science, thorough conver- sancy with the British constitution, government, and interests, impress- ed more forcibly on his mind by practical contemplation of the errors of systems, the insufficiency of plans, and the imbecility of execution fol- lowed, to their fatal effects. For only eleven months and a quarter, in two 'cabinets, had he been minister. With the marquis of Rockingham, he, in four months, had pacified and enfranchised the discontented and op- pressed Irish ; he had prepared for terminating a ruinous war ; and had promoted retrenchment of the expenditure, Which was so burthen- some to the nation. In the coalition ministry he had persevered in promoting economical regulations, which were so much wanted ; and had begun successfidly to move stagnant commerce. The India bill, even if admitted to be wrong in its object and principle, yet wa!s certainly grand, comprehensive, and efficient. If there was error, it arose, not from the defect of weakness, but the excess of strength. It displayed a range of survey, a fertihty and force of invention, a boldness and decision of plan, an openness and directness of execution, that stamped its author as a man of sublime genius, who fearlessly unfolded and published his conceptions. The impartial narrator, using the best of his judgment, must disapprove of the infringement of charters,* at least till proof was established that their objects had been violated, or deem the new power created greater than was either necessary for its purpose, or consistent with the balance of the constitution : but must acknowledge, that its territorial operation would have been thoroughly and immediately efficacious. The perspicuity of the whole, and every clause, manifested • I have been informed by a member of the party, tliat some very eminent senators belonging- to it, especially a gentleman who has since risen to be one of its heads, privately advised Mr. Fox to leave the commercial management to the company. If that advice had been followed, tbcjcbief ground of popular re- proach would have been prevented, and Mr. Fox might have continued to be mi- nister. 670 lUSTOKY OF THK Chap. XXXf.-irS"- [Mr. Pitt prime minister. Tenure of his office.] the extent and bounds of the delegated power, defined the mode of its ex- erci.^e, and the open responsibihiy under which the trust vvas to be dis- charged ; and in niurking the hue of dnty, showed ther unavoidable con- sequences of trarisgression ; by prechuliug the piohahihty of unpunished gudt, it tended to prevent the recurrence of oppres^^ion ; ascertaining the tenure, and securing the rights of property, it would stimulate industry, and render British India intinitely more productive to the proprietors and nation, besides ditTusing comfort and happiness to the natives, so long tiie objects of an iniquity which was disgraceful to the British name. These were the benefits which must have ohviouslv resulted from the plan of Mr. Fox. The confiscation of charters could onlv be defended on the ground of necessity, and Mr. Fox had not evinced that necessity, and was therefi.'re precipitate and blamable in proposing to proceed upon an assumption, in a case of so hij^h an itnportance both as to policy and justice. But his propositions on this part of the subjct did not necessa- rily imply unfair intentions. The influence which must have accrued to the confederacy might have been formidable to tlie constitution, but if it proved so, its dangers must have arisen from the legislators, the guardians of our polity, and to these the proposed commissioners were to be amena- ble. Th? new influence might increase ministerial majorities in parlia- ment, but great means of such an augmentation must have arisen from a?iy plan for taking the territorial possessions under the direction of the British government. His East India scheme, both in itself and in com- bination with his other acts, and the series of hi< conduct, displayed those talents and qualities, which, when joined, place the possessor in the high- est rank of statesmen, and show him fully competent to render to his coimtry the most momentous services. The plan itself is of a mixed* character, and liable to many strong objections, yet the impartial exami- ner will not easily discover, in the whole of this scheme, reasons to con- vince him that because JMr. Fox proposed this plan for fyoverning Inddttj It teas beneficial to the country to be deprived of the executorial efforts nf his transcendent abilities. The historian, unconnected with party and con- sidering merely the will and power of individuals or bodies to promote the public good, must lament what truth compels him to record, that -a per- sonage equalled by so few in extent of capacity and force of character, in fitness for benefiting the nation, during a political life of thirty-five years, should have been enjoyed as a minister by his country only once for three months and a half, and again for seven months and three quarters. The situation of the empire required the united efforts of the greatest po- litical abilities, but Britain was not destined to possess the exepulorial exertions of both her most consummate statesmen. By the dismissal of ministers the country found itself in a new situa- tion, about to be governed by an administration, which a very powerful majority in the house of commons thwarted. The new prime minister was a young man in the twenty-fifth year of his age, sunported by no family influence, or political confederacy ; having no adventitious props; rc--tirig solely on his own a!)ility ; aided by those whose admiraMon and Confidence his intellectual and moral character had secured ; without any means of extending liis influence and increasing the number of his friends, but those to bo found in his own head and heart. If talents, integrity, and conduct, could not create a general confidence and support, which might overbear a particular combination, he must fall. The splendid 1?'83.— Chap. XXXr. IIEIGN OF GEORGE HI. (37£ [Unpopularity of Mr. Fox and the coalition.] fame of the father, it is true, had spread an early lustre round the son ; but hereditary glory would have little availed against such a host, without similar virtues. Able individuals supported him, but against so compact and strong a phalanx, little would have been their weight, unless invi- gorated, directed, and led by extraordinary talents. The majority in the ho-jse of commons was very great, and there was little prospect of its being materially reduced. It was obvious that no ministry could be of long duration without the support of a house of commons : it was readily perceived, that either ministry or parliament must be dissolved. The consequences of a dissolution depended simply upon the prevailing sen- timent throughout the nation. Mr. Burke has remarked that the house of commons ought to be an express image of the opinions and feelings of the people. If in the present case such a sympathy existed between re- presentatives and constituents, dissolution could answer no purpose, as a majority friendly to, the coalitifln must be returned; hut Mr. Fox's party appeared not to entertain sanguine hopes from such an appeal. Having endeavoured to the best of my judgment to exhibit the conduct of Mr. Fox and his supporters as it really was, it is necessary, in order to show the connexion of events, to exhibit the impression which it had made on the majority of the people ; as that impression, much more than the real merits of their policy, produced their permanent exchnion from the councils of their sovereign. A comprehensive biographer, who should view the whole conduct and character of Mr. Fox, estimate excellence and defect, and strike an impartial balance, after allowing grounds of censure, must unquestionably perceive that there remained an immense surplus of subject for transcendent admiration. But perhaps there never •was an eminent man whose actions and character, viewed in partial and detached lights, could lead an observer to grosser misconception of the whole. !»oth his private and public life were of a mixed nature. The most sublime genius, the most simplifying and profound wisdom, did not preclude the indulgence of propensities, and the recurrence of acts, dia- metrically opposite to reason and sound judgment. Ardent benevolence and patriotism did not prevent the encouragement, by both precept and example, of practices and habits injurious to the individual, and, accord- ing to the extent of their influence, prejudicial to the public welfare. Just and honourable lum^elf, his amusements and relaxations promoted vices tending to render their votaries unjust and dishonourable. In every part of his conduct, Mr, Fox was extremely open ; if there was ground of blame, it must be known, as no endeavours were used for conceal- ment. His supereminent excellencies could be apprehended but very vaguely and indistinctly, unless by comparatively few ; but his faults were obvious to the most vulgar examiners. As the multitude of all ranks and denominations werejncompetent to form a judgment of such a man themselves, they took up th^ir opinions upon the report iand authority of others ; these were favoural)le or unfavourable according to the senti- ments and wishes of their authors. Where his enemies were the teach- ers of the opinions, in partial views of his conduct, they found plausible grounds of censure and obloquy. Besides the foibles of his private life, his public conduct afforded ample materials to advocates, who chose to assail his reputation. From the time that the American war, by the losses which it produced, and the burthens which it imposed, brought G72 HISTORY OF TlIK Chap. XXXI.~178o. [East India bill imperfectly understood by tlie people.] home to the experience and feelings of the peopio, became unpopular, the most ardent and powerful promoter of peace was regarded as the patriot who was to pxfrirate his counlry from impending rtiin. His po- pularity bccauio still i.igher, as ho pioriircd a voir for the discontinuance of the war, and cxpcllt-d the obnoxious ministers from the councils of (he king. Under the government of tlie whigs, tlie people expected the empire to recover its ancient splendour, and themselves their former comforts and prosperity. The reforming and improving acts of the Rockingham administration confirmed this opinion. When on the ap- pointment of lord Shelburiie, Mr. Fox m itli4rew his abilities from the councils of his country, many began to be .staggered in their conviction of his patriotism ; but when the coalition took place, the grobs and un- distinguishing multitude was satisfied, that a junction between two par- ties and two men formerly so hostile, mui^t be b.uJ and mischievous in itself. Its able opponents saw, that the mere junction was neither good nor ill, but that the justness of censure must depend on the objects and subsequent conduct of the confederacy ; yet aware, that this reasoning was too refined for the comprehension of the multitude, with great skill, dexterity, and effect, they re-echoed " the monstrovs inconsistency of the coalition;''^ and when its members came into administration, impressed great numbers of t!ie people with a belief, that a ministry so formed, must be unprincipled and worthless, however able and powerful. T)ie receipt tax drawing hourly on their pockets, though in so petty sums, teased and fretted their mindt- already sore. The East India bill, in its objectionable parts, the infringement of charters, and the forcible interference in the administration of a mcrcant'le company's affairs, was perfectly intelligible to the most common apprehensions ; shocked the ideas of a trading peo- ple, and suggested probable cases, which by obvious analogies could be brought home to their own feelings ; whereas the benefit that might ac- crue to British India and its native iniiabitants, much less attracted their attention, affected their imaginations, or interested their passions. A plain farmer, manufacturer, or tradesman, could easily conceive the hard- ship of having his affairs subjected to trustees not chosen by hinf\self, when he knew or believed himself to be solvent, and competent to the administration of his own concerns ; while (he benefit that might accrue to the inhabitants of Ilindostan were not likely to make a very deep im- pression on his mind. In Mr. Fox's East India bill, the real or probable evil.s, like the defects of his general character, were manifest, to a com- mon understanding ; but its real or probable benefit."?, like the excellencies of his general character, required comprehensive views, penetrating sa- gacity, and great abilities, to estimate and appreciate. Mr. Fox himself, and lii.s -supporters, ardent in pursuing their great scheme, though they anticipated, and, at least, with uncommon ingenuity controverted in par- liament,* the principal objections that were urged ; yet they did not suf- ficiently regard the impression made out of parliament by these objec- tions, until it was too late. Mr. Fox in this as in many other measures, attending to what was great and momentous, overlooked various particu- lars which, (hough apparently little, were really important. His enlight- ened mind valuing the literature for which he himself and many of hif • See Burke's speech on chartered rights. 1783 —Chap. XXXI. JtKlGN OF GEORGE III. CyT^ [Classes hostile to Mr. Fox. Comparison with Mr. Pitt.] supporters and coadjutors were so eminently distinguished, and aware of the importance of the press as a political engine, had secured the ablest contributors to periodical publications.* But these efforts of genius were not directed to the objects wherein assistance was chiefly wanted : they were addressed to scholars, states- men, and philosopliers, instead of the great mass of the people, among whom an alarm a;i;ainst the coalition was spreading itself so widely. The opposite party, with more dexterous skill, disseminated writings which simplified arguments or allegations to the comprehension of the multitude, and impressed their feelings:. In running the race of popu- larity, the anti-coalitionists, by skilful direction to the goal, surpassed the forcible and energetic movements of the coalitionists deviating from the course. Many of the independent landholders,! merchants, and manufacturers, partook of the alarm, and tended to increase it through the nation; that great and opulent body, the dissenters, were, with few exceptions, mimi'^al to the coalition, and (his their principal scheme. All those who were privately or domestically dependent on the king, attached to his person, and desirous of gratifying his wishes ; all who by habit, predilection, or office, were more connected with the splendour of the court than the politics of the cabinet, were inimical to a party which they conceived or knew to be disagreeable to the sovereign. But the prin- cipal source of popularity to the anti-coalition party, was the character of its juvenile leader, who was conceived equal to Mr. Fox himself in talents ; known to be much superior in moral habits ; free from the imputation of vice or of political inconsistency ; and presumed, from his character and conduct, more likely to apply with undeviating constancy to public business, and with more steady patriotism to seek the national o-ood, than a personage whose extraordinary abilities might be interrupted or perverted by his foibles and propensities, the connexions and associates which these generated. The character and habits of Mr. Pitt were much more favourable to the promotion of confidence among the monied men than those of his opponent, and in his late defence of chartered rights he was regarded as the champion of mercantile corporations, which enhanced his popularity among individual capitalists. There was a class of men distinguished by the title of the king's friends, emanating, according to the whig hypothesis, from the secret influence junto, which during so great a part of the reign had been conceived to exist, and to direct public and more ostensible politicians. To these the Rockingham party, which they considered as a hostile phalanx, was much more disagreeable than the band which, after the death of Chatham, was headed by earls Tem- ple and Shelburne. Mr. Pitt, as a member of the Temple party, was much more agreeable to these courtiers than Mr. Fox, member of the whig party. He had not joined the whig administration in 1782, and in 1783 had spoken and voted with those that were understood to occupy the greatest share of royal favour. Pleasing and engaging as Mr. Fox's manners are, yet his character is too open, and perhaps too unguarded, for the reserve and caution indispensable at courts, where a Mrs. Masham may overturn a Marlborough. Mr. Pitt resembling Fox in the highest * See the magazines and newspapers of the time, and also the Political Herald. f A treatise by sir William Pulteney, very vigorously written, was powerfully efficacious in impressing on the public a detestation of the plan, and a dread of i*s author. Vol. VIT— S5 674 HISTORY OF THE Chap. XXXI.-.1784. [Ministerial popularit)-. Proceedings of parliament.] talents for tlie groat politics of the cabinet, somewhat surpassed hiin in the secondary politics of the court. Though too indcpendt^nt and digni- fied for the habitual suppleness of a mere instrument of splendour, yet prudent as well as able, he had the address and concealment of a skilful courtier. To this statement of comparative persona! virtues, a retrospect of their fathers, allowing the just merit to the one, but attributing un- proved demerit to the other, produced, with the multitude, a groat addi- tional influence in favour of Mr. Pitt.* From all the^e causes, the tide of popularity ran so high in favour of the new n)inisters, as to render an appeal to the nation desirable to them and hurtful to their adversaries. But such a measure was not immediately practicable with safety to the country ; supplies were urgently wanted for the public service, and could not be deferred till the meeting of a new parliament. The majority iu opposition could refuse the su])plies in order to retard dissolution. The land tax hill was then pending ; the 20th of December, the day after the change of ministry, had been appointed for the third reading ; the ma- jority, however, agreed to put off its consideration. On the 22d, the house sat as a committee on the state of the nation : a resolution was moved by Mr. Erskine for an address to his majesty, to state the alarming re- ports of a speedy dissolution ; mentioning the territorial and commercial affairs of the India company as requiring their immediate attention ; and praying his majesty to suffer them to proceed on the important business recommended to them in his speech from the throne ; to hearken to the voice of his faithful commons, and not to the secret advices of persons who might have private interests of their own, separate from the true advantage of the king and liis people. His majesty's answer, delivered on the 24th of December, admitted the urgency of the subje(;t stated in their address, and pledged the royal promise, not to interrupt the house, either by prorogation or dissolution. The majority was not satisfied with this answer of the king, which appeared to them to afford no certain prospect that his majesty would long abstain from exerting the preroga- tive vested in him by the constitution. They therefore proceeded with precautions against this event : by an act or parliament, the lords of the treasury were empowered to permit, at discretion, the directors to accept bills from India: the house of commons passed a resolution to prohibit the lords of the treasury from accepting any more bills from In- dia, till the company should prove to that house that they had sufficient means for their payments, after having discharged their current demands, and tlie cebt «iuc to the public. The amount of this prohibition was, that the house of commons assumed to itself the power of suspending an act of parliament. On the 2f^th, the house adjourned to the 12th of January : during the recess, each party was emplfjyea in strengthening itself, and in forming its |)olitical measures. When parliament was as- sembled, Mr. Fox moved, that the committee on the state of the nation should be rc«^u^lr(l. After several subordinate motions, a resolution was proposed, that, in the present situation of his majesty's dominions, it was peculiarly necessary there should be an administration which had the • Tlie (wo pair of fiortraita, by Mr. Home Tooke, with the prcalcst pinij,'ency and force converpr tliis kind of arf.'iiment ; but in point of justness, resemble- t.l)e labours of an arbitrator, who rlebitinp one side witlioiit allowing,' any credit, and crediting the other without ciiarging any debit, sliould publish the result as an award exhibiting a fair balance of accounts. ir84.-CiiAr. XXXr. REIGN OF GEOltGE III. 675 [Mr. Pin's East India bill] confidence of that house and the pubHc. In this motion his majesty's name had been omilted. Mr. Dundas, in order to point out the real spirit of the resohition, as well as tiie actual state of the state ; and, that not tlie confidence of one branch, but the whole legislature was requisite to ministers ; proposed an amendment, substituting, instead of the words confidence of thu house and the public, " confidence of the crown, the parliament, and the people :" the amendment was rejected, and the original resolution was passed. Another proposition was immediately adoptod, to tl\e following purport : " that the late changes in his majesty's coimcils had been preceded by dangerous and universal reports ; that the sacred name of the king had been unconstitutionally used to atTect the deli!)erations of parliament ; and that the appointments made were ac- companied by circumstances new and extraordinary, and such as did not engage the confidence of that house." This resolution manifestly re- ferred to the report concerning earl Temple : it occasioned a very warm debate, which contained much personal invective, and repeated all the arguments for and against both parties : the resolution was carried in the afiirmative. On the 14th of January, Mr. Pitt, notwithstanding the majority in fa- vour of opposition, introduced a bill for the better government and ma- nagement of the affairs for the East India company. His scheme pro- posed the appointment of commissioners by his majesty, from the mem- bers of l)i-i privy-council, who should be authorized and empowered from time to time to check, superintend, and control, all acts, operations, and concerns, which related to the civil or military gnveinment, or revenues, of the territorial possessions. Two members of the said board should be the, chancellor of the exchequer and the secretary for the home de- partment ; the board should have access to all the papers of the com- pany ; and the court of directors should deliver to the board copies of all the proceedings of both courts of directors and proprietors : copies of all despatches received from the company's servants in India, and the in- structions seut and proposed to be sent to India, relating to the civil or military government, or revenues of the British territorial possessions. The court of directors should pay due obedience to the orders of the board, respecting civil and military government and revenue ; the board, in a limited time, were to return the copies which were received, with their approbation, or disapprobation, of the proceedings communicated : or proposing amendments if they found them unsatisfactory. The board was fully to state their reasons, and also their farther instructions, to be sent to India without delay. Should the directors conceive any of the orders of the board to be extra-official, in not relating to the civil, mili- tary, and financial government of ludia, to which the bill was limited, they should apply, by petition, to his majesty in council, concerning such injunction ; and the decision of the council thereon should be final and conclusive. The nomination of the commander in chief should be vested in his majesty, and that officer should always be second in council. The king should also have the power of removing any governor-general, pre- sident, and members ofth« councils of any British settlements in India; all vacancies in their offices should be supplied, subject to his majesty's disapprobation, that might be repeated until one was chosen whom he should approve. No order or resolution of any general court of proprie- o.ir /Jig, o - uc suurni R', [(I IjVi'M 1 \v,<\!M < f A';iuTy AA 000 426 719 1 t PLEA^i^: DO NOT REMOVE THIS BOOK CARD \ ^ X^t "BRARYq^ ■A, University Research Library b1 a 3) n ® fVJ 00 _J > c H X O 39 -J -J ': \ » i. » f »^ :v '/<, ^- '