X^r r-i >< Ancient Classics for English Readers EDITED BY THE REV. W. LUCAS COLLINS, M.A. The Volumes published of this Series contain HOMER : THE ILIAD, BY THE EDITOR. HOMER : THE ODYSSEY, BY THE SAME. HERODOTUS, BY GEORGE C. SWAYNE, M.A. CAESAR, BY ANTHONY TROLLOPE. VIRGIL, BY THE EDITOR. HORACE, BY THEODORE MARTIN. AESCHYLUS, BY REGINALD S. COPLESTON, M.A. XENOPHON, BY SIR ALEX. GRANT, BART., LL.D. CICERO, BY THE EDITOR. -SOPHOCLES, BY CLIFTON W. COLLINS, M.A. PLINY, BY A. CHURCH, M.A., AND W. J. BRODRIBB, M.A. EURIPIDES, BY WILLIAM BODHAM DONNE. JUVENAL, BY EDWARD WALFORD, M.A. ARISTOPHANES, BY THE EDITOR. HESIOD AND THEOGNIS, BY JAMES DAVIES, M.A. PLAUTUS AND TERENCE, BY THE EDITOR. TACITUS, BY WILLIAM BODHAM DONNE. LUCIAN, BY THE EDITOR. PLATO, BY CLIFTON W. COLLINS. THE GREEK ANTHOLOGY, BY LORD NEAVES. SUPPLEMENTARY SERIES. The Volumes now published contain 1. LIVY, BY THE REV. W. LUCAS COLLINS, M.A. 2. OVID, BY THE REV. A. CHURCH, M.A. 3. CATULLUS, TIBULLUS, & PROPERTIUS, BY THE REV. JAMES DAVIES, M.A. 4. DEMOSTHENES, BY THE REV. W. J. BRODRIBB, M.A. Other Volumes are in preparation. ANCIENT CLASSICS FOR ENGLISH READERS EDITED BY THE EEV. W. LUCAS COLLINS, M.A. AESCHYLUS BY REGINALD S. COPLESTON, B.A. SOPHOCLES BY CLIFTON W. COLLINS, M.A. WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS EDINBURGH AND LONDON The subjects in this Series may be had separately, in cloth, price as. 6d. ; or two volumes bound in one, in leather back and' marbled sides and edges, arranged as follows : THE ILIAD AND ODYSSEY. HERODOTUS. XENOPHON. EURIPIDES. ARISTOPHANES. PLATO. LUCIAN. AESCHYLUS. SOPHOCLES. HESIOD AND THEOGNIS. ANTHOLOGY. VIRGIL. HORACE. JUVENAL. PLAUTUS AND TERENCE. CESAR. TACITUS. CICERO. PLINY. vESCHYLUS BY REGINALD S. COPLESTON, M.A. FELLOW AND LECTURER OF ST JOHN'S COLLEGE, OXFORD WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS EDINBURGH AND LONDON 1870. REPRINT, iSj? CONTENTS. PAGE CHAP. I. THE FEAST OF BACCHUS, .... 1 ii II. THE SOLDIER-POET, 21 ii III. PKOMETHEUS BOUND, . 33 ii IV. THE SUPPLIANTS ; OR, THE CHILDREN OF IO, 63 ii V. THE PERSIANS, ...... 82 n VI. THE SEVEN CHIEFS AGAINST THEBES, . . 104 n VII. THE STORY OF ORESTES, . . . .128 1. AGAMEMNON. 2. CHOEPHORI, OR LIBATION-BEARERS. 3. EUMENIDES. NOTE, No discussion of the numerous points under dispute as to the structure of the theatre, the arrangement of the plays, and the dresses of the actors, has been admitted into this volume ; but in each case that view which appeared most probable and most intelligible has been adopted without any expression of uncertainty, and occasionally even the writer's own conjectures have ^been introduced. But, in truth, the greatest uncer- tainty prevails on all such points. The writer desires here to express his thanks to Miss Swamvick and to Professor Plumptre for the courtesy with which they have granted permission to use their translations. To Professor Plumptre's Introduction, Chapter II. is greatly indebted ; nor is there any part in which his admirable book has not been of service. ^SCHYLUS. CHAPTEE I. THE FEAST OP BACCHUS. IN order rightly to understand the drama of the Greeks, and especially their tragedy, we must rid our- selves, as far as possible,, of those associations which now cling in England round the names of " play " and "theatre." For our modern plays are so unlike a Greek tragedy, and the position which they occupy is so entirely different from that of the Athenian theatre, that the few points which both have in common are more likely to impede than assist us. The Athenian theatre was a national institution; no private speculation, but the pride and glory of a great people; somewhat like, in this respect, to the cele- brated theatres of some of the small German states, such as those of Dresden or Mannheim. It was also a religious institution; not merely a scene of national amusement, but at the same time a solemn ceremony in honour of the god Bacchus. The performances took place only at rare intervals, when the festivals of that A. c. voL vii. A 2 AESCHYLUS. divinity came round, and so were invested with a dig- nity which cannot attach to our modern theatres, open as these are every day in the year or in the season. And as a consequence of the rarity of the representa- tions, each play was, as a rule, enacted only once. All these facts that the theatre was national, and religious, and rarely open combined to make the audience on each occasion very numerous. It was a point of national pride, of religious duty, and of com- mon prudence on the part of every citizen, not to miss the two great dramatic festivals of the year when their season came. Accordingly, we hear that thirty thousand people used to be present together; and we may infer from this, as well as from other indis- putable evidence, the vast size of the theatre itself. The performance took place in the day-time, and lasted nearly all day, for several plays were pre- sented in succession ; and the theatre was open to the sky and to the fields, so that when a man looked away from the solemn half -mysterious representation of the legendary glories of his country, his eye would fall on the city itself, with its temples and its har- bours, or on the rocky cliffs of Salamis and the sunny islands of the Mgean. Finally, the performance was musical, and so more like an opera than an ordinary play, though we shall see that even this resemblance is little more than superficial. From these few facts it will probably be clear that we shall do best if we entirely discard our modern notions of a theatre, and start quite afresh in our at- tempt to understand what a Greek play was like. THE FEAST OF BACCHUS. 3 "We must carry our thoughts back to the boyhood of the world. That expression does not only mean that in years the world once was young and now is older, nor only that once men lived of necessity simple lives, not knowing many sciences, and possessing no steam-engines or telegraphs ; it means much more than these that the tone of mind, the buoyancy, the thoughtlessness, which now are found only in boy- hood, were then common, in a great measure, to all periods of life. This is a matter infinitely more im- portant than any outward simplicity of life and man- ners. Let us see a little more closely what it means. The chief source of seriousness in later times is reli- gion. A series of religions, of speculations about the meaning of life, the future to be expected after death, the system of punishments and rewards, these have gradually sobered the nations of the civilised world. Secondly, the extension of civilisation itself has made each generation more busy than the last, and has deepened the sense of constant responsibility involved in transactions of commerce, in legal and official rela- tions, and so contributed to take away the thoughtless ease and gaiety which existed in the boyhood of the world. To a Greek, in the early days, there were two serious occupations war, and commerce or piracy; but both were rather opportunities for enterprise than subjects for anxiety. Eeligion, to a Greek, consisted in an intense love of all that is beautiful, and a firm belief that every stream and tree and cloud was tenanted by a god. All that for us is mere senseless imagery was for him a reality. In the sound of a 4 AESCHYLUS. stream lie really believed that he heard the sighing or the laughter of a nymph how should the stream move and speak if it were not so possessed? The clouds gathered and the lightning flashed, not of themselves, or in obedience to laws of nature of those mysterious powers the Greek had never heard but simply be- cause some person moved the clouds and hurled the lightning ; and this was Zeus, or Jove. Living thus with no anxieties ; surrounded by the constant presence of deities who showed themselves to him through every form of natural beauty ; reared on sunny hills amid the olive and the vine, and look- ing out always on bright bays and islands of the eastern sea ; trained in every exercise of health ; beau- tiful in face and person as the gods he believed in, every Greek was in his measure an Apollo, always young in spirit, and cheerful and strong. The epochs of his simple life were the seasons of seed-time and harvest, of pruning and vintage; and they were marked by rustic ceremonies in honour of the gods of fruit and flowers and corn and wine. Of all these seasons, those connected with the grape were naturally the merriest and most famous. When the rich clusters were carried home, all the country-side would gather round a rustic altar of Bacchus, at the foot of the warm hills on which the vines grew so richly, and there they danced, and sang, and played games, simple indeed, but marked by the grace and beauty which seems inseparable from the nature of a Greek. This Bacchus whom they worshipped was not, as he is to us, a statue, or a picture, or a name, but a THE FEAST OF BACCHUS. 5 real merry boy with a crown of ivy-leaves and a strange power of inspiring wild thoughts in the human breast. His laughing eyes had often peeped through the thick coverts of vines at the village maidens, and stories were told how once he had leapt from his tiger-chariot to win the love of Ariadne. When spring came round, and the last year's wine was opened, there was another festival, even more joyous, and merriment became boisterous as the power ef the god made itself felt ; and these spring festivals grew to be the chief ones of the year. Many rude games arose, in which the young men contended for a goat,* the victim sacrificed, or for a cup or tripod. One of the sports was to dance upon the slippery changing surface of a skin of wine, and he who kept his footing best carried off the skin of wine for his prize. Another was to sing extemporised songs in honour of the god ; and when, in any district, a poetical spirit sprang up, this became a leading feat- ure of the contests. Some particular village, we may suppose, would get famous for the hymns sung yearly at its spring festival, and become the centre of a dis- trict : the villagers made themselves a name, and went about to sing at neighbouring feasts ; then matches were made up between different companies of singers, or individual poets contended together ; and the thing grew until there were organised bands of twelve or more, who danced round the altar of Bacchus singing their hymns in his praise, and ballads describing his birth, and his loves, and his exploits. The first systematis- * The memory of this custom is probably still preserved in the name of " Tragedy," which means " the goat-song." 6 AESCHYLUS. ing of this form of entertainment is connected with, the name of one Arion of Corinth. In his hands the dithyrambic dance and song (such was the name) became an orderly and solemn ceremony, and as such was kept up for many years in different parts of Greece. The number of the chorus was raised to fifty, and set music and words were composed for it. But it was in Attica, the land of the drama, that the first great addi- tion was made to the simplicity of this chorus. Thes- pis, an inhabitant of one of the country districts, in- troduced into the pauses of the choric song a rude dialogue, maintained probably at first by himself on the one hand, and the leader of the singers on the other. This may have been sometimes comic, not much more dignified than the repartees with which our clowns fill up the pauses in a circus \ sometimes it consisted of questions and answers concerning some story or exploit of Bacchus or Hercules at any rate, it soon grew to more. The actor, for so we must now begin to call him, would narrate, not without explana- tory gesture and action, some mythical story, while the chorus would sing from time to time songs in contin- uation of his tale, or in comment upon it ; songs of triumph when a victory was described, of mourning when the action was sad, and at all times of moral and pious reflection upon the dealings of the gods with men. Such was the earliest form of the Attic tragedy, and much as it was afterwards developed, it never entirely lost this form. To the one actor of Thespis another was soon added, so that there was now a complete THE FEAST OF BACCHUS, 7 dialogue independent of the chorus ; hut to anything like the modern system, of many parts, each supported by a separate actor, the Greek tragedy never attained. Three is the largest number of actors employed in any of the plays of ^Eschylus; so that, although each took more than one part in succession, there could never be more than three speaking characters upon the stage at once, except when, as was often the case, the chorus took part in the action. The chorus of Thespis had danced upon a raised platform, in the midst of which stood the altar of the god ; the introduction of a second actor made an in- crease of space and means of entrance and exit neces- sary, and thus the platform grew into the stage. In course of time a separate place was made for the chorus, and called the orchestra, or dancing stage, while the stage proper was left for the actors, and for the chorus when it assumed an actor's part. Further, as there were now two actors exhibiting a story by means of dialogue, each naturally presented a different hero or deity ; to make this assumption of character more effective, masks were introduced, and before long great perfection was arrived at in their construction. From the very first, as we have seen, these choric songs were produced at annual contests during the spring festival of the god of wine ; and the same custom was continued when the dialogue had been added to the chorus, and the now developed dramas were presented in succession to compete for an annual prize. Having its origin in the country villages of Attica, this form of poetic contest found its centre in Athens, and the 8 ^SCHTLUS. two spring festivals there became distinguished among the chief solemnities of Greece. When Athens began to take the lead among Grecian states, as she did after the Persian war, while her art and literature, though still only in embryo, were preparing to rise to that eminence which soon afterwards they attained, all that was most solemn in religion, most enthusiastic in national feeling, most beautiful in art, found its ex- pression in the rival dramas which twice in every spring were presented, one after another, in the great theatre of Bacchus to contend for the tragic prize. Foremost among the poets for many years was ^Eschy- lus ; but there must have been many others who rivalled and sometimes defeated him, and these contributed their share towards the advances which were made in his time by the art. We, to whom a theatre means something so utterly different, can hardly fancy the enthusiasm with which the Athenian citizen, on the great religious day, went into the assembly of his coun- trymen to see the land's most gifted sons, in grand words decked out with every aid of art and dance and music, rival one another in celebrating the great deeds of gods and kings and heroes, the founders and patrons of the Grecian race. Let us endeavour as far as we may to realise the scene. At the time of such a festival Athens was crowded. The city always contained a large number of resident foreigners, who lived there for commerce or security, and enjoyed a special legal protection. Then there were a great many passing merchants and sailors, and strangers impelled by one motive or another to visit THE FEAST OF BACCHUS. 9 the state which was fast becoming the leader of Greece, and many no doubt were brought together by the feast itself. There were the country people of Attica, come in, as it were, from the suburbs ; and lastly, there were the regular inhabitants themselves. A busy, energetic people these were, living half their time at sea or in foreign cities; full of all a sailor's vivacity and vigour and enterprise, yet without the sailor's ignor- ance and rudeness their hardihood tempered by the culture which was fast gaining ground, and which this festival did much to foster. We have lively descrip- tions given us of the hurry and the bustle and the clamour in the docks and marts of this most stirring city; and now all was at its height. The city itself was only just beginning to be beautified with the temples and groves and statues which were afterwards its glory ; but at present, while the heroes of Marathon were still in its streets, it needed no better decoration, and the rough walls and narrow roads spoke still of the haste with which they were built up, after the Athenians had so nobly left their homes to destruc- tion to fight at Salamis for the liberty of Greece. Never has there been a city of which its people might be more justly proud, whether they looked to its past or to its future, than Athens in the days of ^schylus. But all are tending, early in the day, to the great theatre of Bacchus, under the Acropolis. This sacred citadel stands high above the rest of the city, crowned even now with temples of the gods, and especially of Minerva, the patron goddess. Its south side is a steep precipice of rock, from which the ground slopes 10 AESCHYLUS. gradually down. Here is the theatre.* The part occupied by the audience is semicircular, and consists of seats rising like steps one above the other, and cut in the solid rock. This vast semicircle is filled already with the mass of citizens, men and women, except in the lower ranges of seats, which are reserved for the magistrates and senators. In the centre a small area is left, on which is a raised platform with the altar of Bacchus upon it; across the front, from end to end of the semicircle, runs a high wall which closes the theatre, and in front of this wall is the stage. The stage is long and narrow ; it runs, that is, across nearly the whole front, but is only deep enough for four or five men to walk abreast and steps lead down from it into the central area or orchestra ; while, parallel to the stage, but on the lower level, run long passages to right and left, by which the chorus may enter or leave the theatre. As, then, we take our seat among the noisy crowd, we see before us, down on the floor of the house, as we should call it, the altar on its raised platform in the orchestra, and beyond it, fronting us, a high columned wall, fashioned perhaps like a temple, with great fold- ing doors in the middle, opening upon the stage. "We are going to stay here all day and see piece after piece, and join in approving the verdict of the judges when, * Some readers may remember the representation of the "Antigone" of Sophocles in London some years ago. The Greek stage and its accessories were all carefully reproduced, and the result is described in the 'Times' of January 3, 1845. The same performance, as afterwards repeated in Edinburgh, forms the subject of one of De Quincey's most instructive papers. THE FEAST OF BACCHUS. 11 at the end, they award the prize to the play which has been best written, best put on the stage, best acted, sung, and danced, richest in free and patriotic senti- ments or hits at the defeated Persians, and most illus- trative of the glory of the city. The sun shines full in the faces of the expectant multitude, but a Greek is not fastidious about weather ; besides, there is a pleasant breeze blowing over us from the sea. And the time is passed in dis- cussion of the probable character of the different plays, and the chances of the competitors. These are not, as we might have expected, the poets whose plays are to be presented, but the rich men who put the several plays upon the stage. A poet is not usually a rich man, and could not of course afford to hire, as he must, a chorus and actors, and get dresses and scenery arranged; left to himself, he could no more bring out his piece than the ordinary composer could bring out an opera. So the plan in Athens was this. The rich men in each tribe were required to contribute out of their wealth to the benefit and amusement of their fellow-citizens. When ships were wanted, the burden of supplying them was laid on the wealthier citizens, to each of whom, or to several clubbed together, the duty of providing a ship was assigned. Similarly, when the festivals were to be supplied with plays, the office of putting a piece on the stage of furnishing a chorus, as it was called devolved upon some one very rich citizen, or upon several of moderate wealth who bore the expense between them. The play to be thus pro- vided for was assigned by the magistrates out of those 12 AESCHYLUS. which, the rival poets had sent in. The furnisher of the chorus then collected men who could sing and dance to "be trained for the chorus, chose the two or the three actors among whom the parts should he dis- tributed, had scenes painted and dresses hired, and provided whatever else was needed for the due per- formance of the piece. It was a point of honour to do the whole as liberally and artistically as possible ; and an ambitious man would gain popularity by introduc- ing new stage-machinery, new effects in the music, or new inventions for making the gestures of the actors visible and their voices audible throughout the im- mense building. For it will seem most wonderful, if we consider the case, that any actor could make him- self heard by thirty thousand people in the open air ; still more that his voice, so elevated as to penetrate through all that multitude, should be able to preserve distinct the various tones of grief or joy, of submission or command. To meet this difficulty the Greeks con- trived masks, which enclosed, it seems, the whole head, and were fitted with acoustic arrangements such as are unknown to us, by which the power of the human voice was wonderfully increased. In the same way, in order that the persons of the actors might not appear diminutive from the great distance at which most of the spectators saw them, they were made taller by very thick-soled boots, and broader by the judicious arrangement of their dresses ; while the mask, no doubt, rendered the appearance of the head propor- tionate to this enlarged stature. There were, too, in the building of the wall which formed the back of the THE FEAST OF BACCHUS. 13 stage, acoustic principles observed, by which those who spoke from the interior as from within a house or a room might be heard more distinctly. And improve- ments in these matters were made from time to time by those to whom the equipment of plays was as- signed. So when the names of such and such men are mentioned as probable competitors, it is these furnishers of the chorus who are meant, though the success of any one of them would no doubt be con- sidered the more probable if he had ^Eschylus or Sophocles for his poet. On such matters the crowd are now exchanging rumours. Cimon, they say, is rich and liberal, and his play will be put on the stage with every advantage of art and machinery that money can procure, and he has a piece written by a favourite poet ; but then Lysias has secured the best dancers, and the great actor is retained by Xenocles. " But after all," says some one, "not much depends upon the actor; he is little more than a mouthpiece; any one who can strike a good attitude and walk with dignity, and who has good lungs, will make an excellent Agamemnon." Some one has heard that the ghost of Clytemnestra is actually to appear and talk ; another beats that piece of news by the information that the whole band of the Furies is to be brought upon the stage. With such conversation the time is beguiled till the first play be- gins ; conversation for which topics were never want- ing, since the entertainment provided for each festival was quite new, or rather there was always a series of entertainments to be expected, so that the interest of 14 AESCHYLUS. many " first nights," as it were, was concentrated in a single morning. But now the contest is to begin. The magistrates and generals have arrived and taken their places in the lowest tier, the senators in the benches just above them ; and many have been the remarks made on each as he came in, for in this small city every distinguished man is well known, by sight at least, to all his fellow- citizens. At length the curtain is removed, and the scene in which the action is laid is disclosed to view. Perhaps it is the outside of a temple, whose columned front the wall itself of the theatre may adequately represent ; or often it is the front of a royal palace, with the statues of the three great gods standing be- fore the gates ; or it is a lonely island, where a hero is to suffer, deserted by his fellow-chiefs; or a wild moun- tain scene, on whose craggy cliffs Prometheus is to expiate his unlawful kindness to mankind. At the sides are painted views of the country surrounding each scene of action ; the neighbouring city, if there be one, is seen upon the left, and on the right are fields or open sea. And all this is executed with consum- mate skill, and knowledge of perspective, such as even modern scene-painters hardly, perhaps, surpass. In such a scene the two actors appear. Their dress soon makes it clear what characters they represent,* and the first few sentences explain to us sufficiently the posi- * The dress, however, of the actors was in great measure conventional, following closely that of worshippers in the rites of Bacchus. It was generally gay and bright in colour, and admitted but little distinction between men and women. THE FEAST OF BACCHUS. 15 tion of affairs. They use no elaborate gestures, and make no attempt to express feeling by changes of countenance such efforts would be useless in so large a place, even if the face were not hidden by the mask they stand generally still in solemn dignified atti- tudes, so as to look very much like coloured statues or figures in a bas-relief; and they utter the sonorous verse in a kind of recitative, yet so distinctly that the words may be accurately heard by all the audience, who would instantly perceive and notice any slip in accent or pronunciation. After perhaps a quarter of an hour, or generally less, the actors, or one of them, retire to set on foot the main action of the piece : then the chorus, if they have not already entered, appear in solemn procession, and take their station in the orchestra to sing. There are usually twelve of them, all dressed alike as old men, or maidens, or soldiers, or as the case may be, and they enter generally three abreast, and form and wheel with the stately regu- larity of a regiment. They move in time to music, marching or dancing, and sing as they advance a solemn hymn, which dimly prophesies the events that are to come, pointing out their connection with the past, and showing how all the history is ordered by the providence or vengeance of the gods. They are marshalled under a leader who walks in their midst ; and if they engage, as sometimes they do, in dialogue with the actor, this leader is their spokesman. As they group themselves round the altar, they still sing their grand mysterious chant, and there from time to time they execute various complicated dances, illustra- 16 JESCHYLUS. tive of the emotions which their words express. And here a word must be said of this expressive dance. It seems to be an art entirely lost so entirely that we now cannot well guess what difference of steps or figures would represent even the most marked differ- ence of feelings ; but to the Greeks such variation was most certainly represented. And thus much may be noticed in explanation. The Greeks, in accordance with the general simplicity and natural frankness of their manners, were in the habit of giving much more unreserved expression to their feelings by gesture than is thought among ourselves consistent with dig- nity or culture ; so we may suppose that their eyes be- came more accustomed to such outward indications than ours are, and their taste was not offended by ges- tures which to us would seem forced and ridiculous. Further, we must consider the facility with which a conventional system of expressing passion by the dance might become generally recognised, until movements, which originally were only conventionally significant, might appear spontaneous to an eye habituated to their use. Lastly, the notion, so difficult to get rid of, that in dancing there is something trivial and undig- nified, must be as far as possible discarded; for, to the Athenian, the dances of the chorus were probably among the most impressive, even the most awful, spec- tacles which ever met his eyes ; and if to us dancing seems fit only for merriment and trifling, the cause lies not in our advance in culture, but in our having lost an art or a sensibility. The relation of the chorus to the rest of a Greek THE FEAST OF BACCHUS. 17 play may be well learned from Milton's imitation of an Attic tragedy in the " Samson Agonistes ;" and as corresponding in many respects to the choral ode, we might instance Gray's " Bard." In a tragedy whose subject was the death of Edward II., that impassioned and mysterious ode in which the punishment of the royal line is dimly prophesied would form a good opening chorus. The ode comes to an end, and then, with successive periods of dialogue interspersed with more choric odes, the play goes on, till the catastrophe, generally a mournful one, has been effected. Then follow com- ments upon it from actor and from chorus, and all ends, it may be, with a grand procession, during which the chorus sums up the moral of the whole. In all this there is not much acting, not much that is really what we call dramatic : we have rather a series of tableaux, majestic, colossal, statuesque ; dialogues or soliloquies intentionally stilted, in order that a certain distance and mystery may attach to them ; while, giv- ing tone to it all, and relieving the monotony of the long quiet speeches by comments such as a sensible spectator might be supposed to make, we have the stately dance and chant of the chorus. One play would probably seldom occupy more than an hour and a half; but often three plays were con- nected together in one grand whole called a trilogy, somewhat as the several parts of Shakespeare's his- torical plays are connected ; and these were followed by a comic piece by the same poet, which might relieve the seriousness of so much tragedy. Each competitor, A. c. voL vii. B 18 AESCHYLUS. therefore, produced in these cases not one play, but a series of four, and several competitors followed one another throughout the day. "Wearisome, dry, un- impassioned, all this may seem to us ; but we must remember that to the Greek it meant religious service, literary culture, and the celebration of the national greatness. As he sat in the theatre, the gods of his country looked down approvingly from the Acropolis above, and his fellow-citizens, whom he loved with intense patriotism, were all about him. He might say of the assembly, what an old poet had said of the lonians gathered for festival at Delos, that you would think them blessed with endless youth, so glorious they were and so blooming ; and as the rocks under which he sat re-echoed to the applause of that great assembly, he must indeed have felt the thrill of sym- pathetic enthusiasm which Plato describes as pro- duced by such occasions. One word about the mental condition of a people whose masses could take pleasure in such an entertain- ment. That their culture must in some degree have exceeded our own is evident from a comparison of the plays in which we and they respectively delight. The majority of Englishmen, even among the so-called educated, do not care to see Shakespeare's tragedies ; the effort of attention is too great, the beauties too subtle, the plot too simple. Now Shakespeare's plays stand to the Greek drama much as a picture does to a statue. And a picture most men can enjoy, but very few can really appreciate a statue. Shakespeare, then, is too severe for us, and ^Eschylus is much more THE FEAST OF BACCHUS. 19 severe than Shakespeare ; yet the ordinary Athenian citizen could enjoy ^Eschylus at the first hearing, and those of the next generation knew his plays almost by heart, and could appreciate the most distant allusion to them. In what lies the reason of their superiority ? For that it is in some sense a superiority we cannot but feel. To have lost any power of enjoyment is in some sense a fall ; and to have lost the power of en- joying what is simple, to want more piquancy, more excitement, is a fall somewhat like losing the innocence of childhood. The multiplication of our interests has made the ordinary course of life so exciting, that we want something still more violent for our amusements. This is one cause. The other lies in the leisure which the ordinary Athenian possessed, and the literature with which he was imbued. There were so many slaves in Attica, that the free population was but a small minority, and it is with the freemen only that we have to deal. These formed, therefore, virtually an aristocracy, freed, to a great extent, from servile work, so that they were provided with abundant lei- sure. But from their word for leisure our word " school" is derived, for their unoccupied time was all a time of learning. The great sculptors were already beginning to adorn Athens with the masterpieces which have not since been equalled, and in every man's mouth, as the national literature, were the noble poems of Homer. Against such means of forming a simple and natural taste there were no newspapers, or novels, or waxworks to be set ; happily for the Athenians, their books and models were few and good. 20 AESCHYLUS. Our taste has been spoilt by the multiplication of bad books, bad pictures, and bad statues. To recover the correctness of taste which is natural to a healthy and happy man, we must study from the Greek models, and imbibe insensibly the harmony and grace by which they are distinguished. ^Eschylus, it is true, does not present the most finished example of tragic art; his works are rather sublime than polished; but they possess a very high degree of beauty and modera- tion, and are executed on so large a scale that they may bear to dispense with finish. If all Greek art is typified by the statue, those statues which correspond to the plays of ^Eschylus are colossal. And to gain even a slight knowledge of his poetry is to enrich the mind with a store of beauty which cannot fail to be a joy for ever. CHAPTER II. THE SOLDIER-POET. To us ^Eschylus is a poet, and a poet he has been to all ages since his own ; "but to himself he was a soldier, so that when he was to write an epitaph for himself, the one fact which he wished inscribed upon his tomb was this that the long-haired Persians knew how he could fight. To the men of his own age he was both soldier and poet, and from their stand-point we must try to regard him. ^Eschylus was born about the year 525 B. c. at Eleusis, near Athens, a village celebrated for the secret rites of Demeter there performed, those Eleu- sinian mysteries which are among the most remarkable institutions that the world has seen. The great goddess of Eleusis, Demeter, or Mother Earth, was one of the most august of the divinities of Greece. She represented the earth in its power and its kind- liness; in the conception formed of her, the earth's venerable age and greatness, and the mysterious in- fluence by which she quickens seed and nourishes life, were combined with the genial fertility and rich 22 AESCHYLUS. healthy fruitfulness of the soil ; and so was made up the notion of a goddess, awful from her power, but a kind mother still to men. Eleusis was one of the chief seats of her worship, and thence originated a sort of sacred freemasonry, which was widely spread among the different tribes of Greece. For there were certain secret doctrines which only the initiated might learn, and rites at which only the initiated might assist ; and these rites and doctrines, whatever they were, were no formal or trifling thing, but furnished a creed and an interest which raised the initiated, in some degree, to a higher level than his fellow-men. We have no means of guessing what it was that was taught in them. It has been supposed that some vestiges of the true faith, ideas of the unity of God and the im- mortality of the soul, were kept alive and handed down by these mysteries : however that may be, they were regarded as peculiarly holy, and the place on which the shadow of their solemnity fell could not fail to suggest grand thoughts to a powerful and imagin- ative mind. It can hardly be merely fanciful to ascribe, in some degree at least, to this influence the delight which ^Eschylus shows, throughout his extant works, in all that is mysterious and awful, as well as his pre- ference for the more dimly known and ancient of the gods. A boyhood passed in longing to know the meaning of the crowds that constantly were coming to his native village, and of the long processions which sometimes passed through its fields ; in wondering at the awestruck look of the men who came out from the sacred place, or in guessing the import of the dim THE SOLDIER-POET. 23 allusions which he heard from time to time ; a "boy- hood so passed must surely give a solemnity and earnestness to the whole nature of the man. And certainly ^Eschylus, if we may believe his biographers, was from an early age haunted by solemn imaginations, and by a consciousness of the presence of the gods. It is said that he told this story of himself. Once, when quite a child, he was left in a vineyard to guard or watch the grapes, and, tired with the sim, he lay down and slept ; and he saw coming through the rows of vines the flushed face of Bacchus, merry, yet terrible; and Bacchus bade him give himself henceforth to the tragic art. On this anecdote we cannot place much reliance it sounds like a later fabrication; but we may well believe that a " fine frenzy " was early seen in the eyes of ^Eschylus, and that his character was early marked by a fiery earnestness and pride. He was born of noble family, and in after-years, when he saw changes passing over the society of Athens, by which the prestige of nobility was lowered, and new men were helped to rise to the highest offices in the state, his pride of birth showed itself in a spirit of haughty reserve and stern conservatism. But in this contempt for the rising citizens of his day there was at least one great truth implied ; a truth, that is, very needful for the time in which he lived. Love of moderation and due proportion, and a hatred of the vulgarity of excess this, the characteristic principle of Greek art in all its branches, was beginning to make itself felt and consciously accepted ; and this is the very principle which new men, in every age, are 24 ^SCHYLUS. most apt to violate. And ^schylus, as a leader in the development of the artistic spirit, could not but be rightly indignant at the arrogance of newly -gotten wealth. To him, as to all true Greeks, such arro- gance was a sin against the gods. A man exulting in his great prosperity, and presuming on it, was a sight at which the gods were angry : they would impel such a man to violent deeds, and make his pride the instru- ment of his destruction. The moderate wealth and well-founded dignity of an ancient family had all charms for ^Eschylus ; he loved all that was vener- able, and hated arrogance above all crimes. Of this influence of his noble birth we shall find frequent indications. But an Athenian citizen, though he might plume himself in private on his birth, would not think of disdaining to mingle on equal terms with the mass of his fellow-citizens in the field and the assembly. In many a stern battle ^Eschylus fought as readily as any ; and his hardihood was not, as with some of our own well-born soldiers, a virtue rarely shown, called out by the occasion, and contrasting strangely with the almost effeminate indolence and luxury of ordinary days. Something of this character appeared afterwards in Alcibiades, but we may be very sure there was none of it in ^Eschylus. He, like all the Greeks of his day, was hardy and warlike always ; more warlike than most, almost fierce perhaps he was ; and though he could turn to elegant pursuits, though he was a cour- tier and a poet as well as a soldier, yet this was not to be noticed in him as an exceptional combination. For THE SOLDIER-POET. 25 an Athenian was expected to "be a man of many powers, and not, "because he excelled in one thing, therefore to fail in every other: rather, to "be excellent was with them to excel in all things to which a free and cultivated man might turn his hand. This point it is which makes ^Eschylus, as soldier-poet, so re- markable an object for our consideration. Haste and pressure of business make division of labour necessary among ourselves, and each man must cultivate a specialty; so that if a man should appear vrho was well qualified for all posts, we should not believe in him; and more than that, we should not find him out. So soon as he showed excellence in one matter, he would be ticketed with that and tied down to it : any attempts in any other subject would be regarded as graceful by-works, but not as likely to lead to high success. Now in Athens there was not so much pressure, there was not so much tyranny of public opinion, and the state was smaller. Yet, even in that small state, it is matter for our admiration that excellence should have succeeded so uniformly as it did in attracting attention and reward, ^schylus, though holding no high command, was selected, with his two brothers, for the prize of pre- eminent bravery at Marathon, and his brother again won the highest honour in the battle of Salamis. Posterity may well admire the judgment of his con- temporaries. No doubt all the Athenians fought well at those two battles, and it must have been hard to assign pre-eminence to any ; but we, looking at the writings and history of ^schylus, can be sure that 26 AESCHYLUS. there was that strength and majestic energy about him, which must have made him do acts worthy of such distinction. And to be distinguished at Mara- thon was something worth living for. Civilisation, art, and culture, against barbarism, wealth, and num- bers ; freedom against despotism ; Europe against Asia, no less a strife than this was decided that day. The Greeks came to the encounter with the anxiety of men who were trying a new weapon against an enemy of new powers. They were unused to the vast num- bers and imposing equipment of the Persians, and the power of freedom and culture had hardly yet been tried. It would have been impious to distrust such weapons and such a cause, but still it was an anxious crisis. And when it ended in the utter rout of Darius and his innumerable hosts, the triumph was propor- tionate to that anxiety. Greece was greater that day than any country has ever been since, and on that day ^Eschylus was among the greatest of Greece. And ten years afterward there came a day, less critical, indeed, but even more splendid, when "ships by thousands lay " off Salamis, and the Athenians led the Greeks to the fullest victory. The Athenians then had sacrificed their homes and the temples of their gods to fight for fellow-countrymen who were ungrateful and remiss ; the virtue of one Athenian and the genius of another had made the victory possible ; and on this proudest day that Athens ever saw the brother of ^Eschylus was named as having borne himself the best, and the poet himself was doubtless not far be- hind. THE SOLDIER-POET. 27 During the interval between these two "battles our poet had produced many plays, and several times won the prize ; and a few years after the battle of Salamis he wrote the " Persians," a tragedy founded on that event, and representing the tragical end of Xerxes as brought on him by his overweening confidence and pride. In some other plays as well as in this in " The Seven against Thebes," for instance, and the "Eumen- ides " ^Eschylus treated political subjects directly or indirectly, and inculcated a conservative policy which should not seek through violence the aggrandisement of the state, nor carelessly change her venerable insti- tutions. But in Athens at that time all was progress. ^Eschylus had neither the taste nor the opinions which would tend to make a man popular there. Discour- aged perhaps* by the changes effected in the constitu- tion, piqued at the success of younger men, and, in particular, of Sophocles, and annoyed by a charge of sacrilege which he was supposed to have incurred by disclosing on the stage some details of the Eleusinian mysteries, he left Athens in his old age, never to return. He retired to the court of Hiero in Syracuse, where he had before been a frequent guest, and there, in the midst of a literary circle, with Pindar, Simonides, and Epicharmus, he passed the remainder of his life. Several plays he wrote during his stay there, and these were probably produced at Athens by the care of his friends. It is likely that his greatest work, the Story of Orestes, was among them. He died at Gela, in Sicily, in the sixty-ninth year of his age. The in- 28 JESCHYLVS. habitants of Gela gave him a splendid funeral, and inscribed his own epitaph upon his tomb : " This tomb the dust of JLschylus doth hide, Euphorion's son, and fruitful Gela's pride : How tried his valour Marathon may tell, And long-haired Medes who know it all too well." * Not much is known of his life; indeed the few facts mentioned here form the greater part of what we are told, but even these are at least enough to show in what great times he lived, and how wide was the range of his gigantic powers. The character which we should be led by his works and his life to attri- bute to him is supported by the contemporary testi- mony of Aristophanes, who caricatures him, but with marked respect, in his comedy of " The Frogs." He is represented there as proud and intolerant, but brave, noble, and dignified ; given to big words and long pompous compounds, but not at all as frothy or empty of sound sense; as a sturdy representative of the genuine spirit of tragedy and of all that was best in the old Athenian temper; one of those "hearts of oak who had fought at Marathon," and, like the rest of these, a little slow to follow the times, but made of a solid stuff of which there was too little remaining. Two things then, in particular, are to be noticed in .rffEschylus by the modern reader. First, the " many- sidedness" of which we have already spoken, by which he was a soldier-poet ; and, secondly, the prominent part * Translated by Professor Plumptre, to whom this chapter is very largely indebted throughout THE SOLDIER-POUT. 29 which he played in a very stirring epoch of the world's history. By this prominence he was qualified, on the one hand, to represent his countrymen ; on the other, to speak to the common sympathies of mankind. As a genuine Athenian citizen, mixed up in the battles and politics of his city, engaged in providing for Athenian taste, and to no small degree in guiding it, he cannot fail to express most truthfully the significant features of the Athenian mind. And since Athens was in a sense the world represented the future civilisation against Persia, and was the chief scene of its growth a citizen of Athens was a citizen of the world, and his character was not only not provincial, but not even transitory. Hence it is that, speaking from the Athenian stage, .ZEschylus can address men of all ages. Hence it is that his views of life, as well as the passions he represents, have interest for us still ; and the pagan creed with which they are connected does not seem to impair their value. "What, then, was his view of life, or did he take any consistent view of life at all ? It is possible, perhaps, that men should go through life, as some savages in- deed probably do, without any attempt at explanation of the events that occur to them, regarding each as a separate fact, and not comparing them together. This, however, is only possible where there is not only no history, but not even any continuous memory of the past ; and a nation like the Athenian, which had en- joyed for centuries a noble literature, could not be in any such case as this. To them the freewill of man and his responsibility, and such questions as these, had 30 AESCHYLUS. long been suggesting themselves. Was their view of the answer to these questions a cheerful one or the reverse ? All that is bright and sunny, all that savours, as it were, of out-of-doors, seems to belong to the Greek, and cheerfulness, or even thoughtlessness, seems to characterise his temper. He loved light and sought it. Yet even out of this very search comes sadness, for there is not light enough in the world for man's needs.* The inquirer is baffled at every turn, and from that very brightness of his outward life which makes him love light and seek it, he is only led the more to find in the inner meaning of things darkness and mystery, to think the dealings of heaven inscrutable, and to believe in dreadful deities of dim and unknown, even of cruel, powers. So while on the one hand the Greek believed in gods of daylight, as it were, clad with sunny youth like Apollo, or fair like Venus, or wise and kind like Minerva ; on the other hand there were Erinnys and Nemesis and the Furies, who pursued the proud or the impious, and Ate, who clung to a man or to a family in punishment of some half-forgotten crime, and led them into an infatuation under which they should incur new guilt and new vengeance. Hence a dark cloud hung over history : it was but the gloomy record of men raised to success and wealth, then waxing insolent and forgetting to give the gods their due, then by the angry gods abandoned to a reprobate hardihood, in which they began a course of crime whose consequences clung to them and their descend- ants, till some one holier than the rest, by a long * See Raskin's Oxford Lectures on Art, Lect. vii. THE SOLDIER-POET. 31 course of expiation, should win the pardon of heaven, and free his family from the curse. Over each step of this dismal round a deity presided. To the prosperous man came the goddess Insolence, and if he admitted her to his hearth, she led him into sin. Often Ate, who clung to him for some ancestral fault, would send Persuasion to him, to make him open his doors to Inso- lence. Then he would kill or wrong a man, a "brother perhaps, or a father, and the righteous indignation of the spectators of his crime would be embodied in or ex- pressed by Nemesis and the stern Erinnys, and these would never cease to cry for vengeance on him, until the Furies seized the hapless victim, and dragged him to destruction. But when the curse at length is to be removed, then the bright gods come upon the scene : Apollo is the cleanser and the advocate; wise Minerva dictates the decision which sets the suppliant free. So strong was the light and shadow in the Greek creed. ^Eschylus is prone, perhaps, to dwell in the shadow, but his masterpiece, the " Story of Orestes," exhibits both in a beautiful and consistent whole. Over these two worlds, as it were, one supreme ruler was dimly apprehended. Through all his mention of numerous deities there is ever in .ZEschylus a con- stant reference to one God, by whose will all the principles which govern the life of man have been eternally decreed. Sometimes he is identified with Jove,* but oftener he is vaguely thought of as an un- known God, in whom men may still trust that all is ultimately right. * Or, as the Greeks call him, Zeus. 32 AESCHYLUS. We have spoken of two distinct classes of gods ; the gloomy deities which belong to the sphere of con- science and moral responsibility, and the cheerful gods of the natural world. This distinction is a just one, but it must not be confounded with another. Accord- ing to the old mythologies, before Jove became king of heaven, and all the young gods, Apollo and the rest, took their places by his side, the throne of Olympus had been filled by an older race of deities Cronus, and Oceanus, and Prometheus, and the Titans who had been exiled at the fall of their dynasty, or bound in prisons and tortures. About these there was something venerable from their age, and something mysterious from the slightness of the knowledge pos- sessed about them. They were therefore favourite subjects with ^Eschylus, as we shall see in his " Pro- metheus." But their darkness and mystery was of a different kind from that of Ate and Erinnys. What, then, in this strange medley is true and per- manent 1 The brightness of the natural world this is our first and greatest lesson from the Greeks ; the deep, dreadful responsibility of man ; the possibility of restoration from sin to purity ; the overruling pro- vidence of a supreme Creator. We shall enjoy ^Eschy- lus more if we trace these truths in his poems, and we shall learn how much was good in the pagan creeds, instead of only being disgusted by their falsehood. CHAPTEE III. PROMETHEUS BOUND. THE " Prometheus Bound " is probably not the earliest even of the few remaining plays of ^Eschylus ; and yet, for many reasons, it is the fittest of the seven * to begin with, for it is the easiest, the most typical, and the most interesting. It is, in several respects, as simple as it could be. The interest is undivided, for the one hero is present throughout, and the other persons who appear from time to time are all introduced directly for the sake of their connection with him. The unity which all plays, and indeed all works of art, ought to possess, is generally attained, if at all, by less simple means. The main thread is often lost sight of for a time, and our interest is temporarily engaged in some side-plot, which is only afterwards and indirectly seen to bear upon the main issue ; so that the poet's skill is shown in enlisting our sympathies in the separate aims of a number of persons, and yet making all those aims * jEschylus is said to have written seventy or even a hundred plays, but we have only seven extant. A. c. vol. vii. c 34 AESCHYLUS. subservient, in one way or another, to the chief action of the piece. But in the " Prometheus " unity is directly secured by having only one person of predominant influence. There is not much elaborate art, certainly, in this course, nor is a result so attained ever quite as striking as that of the more complicated process, when that is used with great power and is completely suc- cessful; but such success is rare indeed. It is too often the case that the surrounding interests, instead of contributing their several currents to the main stream, are only so many drains detracting from it. And so it is that few plays of those written with most elaborate art produce anything like the imposing sense of unity which we gain from the " Prometheus." In its plot, too, this play is exceedingly simple. If we consider the series of steps by which the catas- trophe is brought about in a modern play, the great number of events which take place between the rising of the curtain and its fall, how many people pass through vicissitudes of hope and despair, are married and killed, what a long time often elapses, long enough even for changes to appear in the character of the persons ; if we consider this complexity, and then turn to the plot of the " Prometheus," we shall feel that we are dealing with quite a different kind of com- position. Prometheus is nailed to a rock, and refuses even under this torture to yield to the will of Jove. That is all. Other persons come and speak to him, urge or command him to relent, or threaten him with the result, but only to be repelled in turn. The attitude PROMETHEUS BOUND. 35 of the hero never alters, the issue is never doubtful. This naturally seems to us only a scene out of a longer play and such, in a sense, it is. It is probably the second part in one of those series of three plays, or trilogies, of which we have one complete specimen in the " Story of Orestes." The first of the three would have exhibited the crime of Prometheus, his stealing the divine fire for men ; then came the Prometheus Bound, his punishment ; and lastly, Prometheus Freed, his restoration. There were, in that case, three com- plete pictures, together making one story. We have only one picture left, and it is perhaps the simplest, and certainly the most affecting, of the three. Another respect in which the play is simple is its scene. From the nature of the story, this remains unchanged throughout, until it is lost in the final convulsion. Now, to have the attention concentrated on one per- son, in one set of circumstances, in one place, would of course be most tedious, unless the play were short. And it is, like most of our author's plays, much shorter than even the average of Greek tragedies. It is little more than a tableau vivant, exhibiting the punishment and fortitude of Prometheus ; a signal in- stance of that character by which the Attic tragedy is especially distinguished from the modern, of statuesque and colossal simplicity. It is a single statue, not even a group : it is less complicated than the Laocoon : though evidently one of a series, it is complete in itself. There remains the most important reason why this 36 jESCHYLUS. play is a good one to begin with. it is much, the most universally interesting of the surviving dramas of ^3Eschylus. There is very little in it that is exclu- sively Greek or Athenian ; no allusions, or very few, to historical events or national institutions, so that it is as suitable almost to one place and time as to another. The spectacle of a god suffering for the sake of men, so wonderful a prophecy as it is of the great fact of Christianity, has, for most minds, a strong fascination. Goethe, Shelley, and many others, have tried their hands upon the subject not, it is true, following the plain story of ^Eschylus, but each adapting the mate- rials to his own creed. Goethe's work is only a frag- ment. The " Prometheus Unbound" of Shelley, though it is a poem in many points painful and in many fan- tastic, yet has many passages which illustrate ^Eschy- lus with remarkable clearness. But one thing must always prevent any modern adaptation of the situation from being complete, if it is to avoid being blasphem- ous. In the Greek play Prometheus represents the cause of man against Zeus, and openly rebels against him. Now, so long as the supreme god is represented as wicked or unjust, such an attitude can be an object of sympathy; but to those who believe in the true God, a rebel against Him cannot be regarded as a friend to men, or be an object of anything but hatred. Hence it is that the nearest parallel to Prometheus which modern literature affords is Satan himself in " Paradise Lost." As a spectacle of indomitable will, not succumbing under torture, and raising to the last a voice of defiance to heaven, Satan is the very coun- PROMETHEUS BOUND. 37 terpart of Prometheus ; but all that wins our sympathy for Prometheus, his goodness, and gentleness, and love of men is of course wanting in the character of Satan. Shelley has made his adaptation more complete, and it scarcely escapes the charge of blasphemy. The race of men are represented, in the person of his Prometheus, as always baffled in all desires and aims at good by the tyranny of some cruel power. In Byron's " Cain," this attitude is still more openly assumed, but the per- son of Cain is not represented as entirely deserving of our sympathy. However, these instances show how favourite a theme this, of mankind suffering in the person of one, has been with later poets. But we will turn to a pleasanter comparison, and see mankind suffering, not in antagonism but in conscious submission to the will of God. In the oldest of all poems, it may be, in the Book of Job, the same great spectacle of heroic endurance is set before us, and there too the hero represents humanity. Prometheus, after his long suffering, is restored .to happiness ; humanity suffers and is restored in his person. So it is, in a much higher sense, with Job. Not only in his physical sufferings and restoration, but in the deeper agony of the moral problem which overpowers him, and the higher elevation of the future to which he looks, Job represents all mankind. In him are an- swered the angry questions which Shelley and Byron ask. " What means," say they, " this constant baf- fling of man's best efforts, this universal presence of pain and sin, this obscurity in the ways of God?" These are the questions of humanity in its sufferings, 38 AESCHYLUS. and in Job is found the answer. As he was restored, mankind will be freed from this pain ; as he learned the explanation of God's ways, so will mankind be taught. The resurrection will come, and the latter end of the human race will be blessed abundantly; for, in a higher sense than Job could know of, its " Redeemer liveth, and will stand at the latter day upon the earth." So Prometheus is the Job of the heathen their pro- phecy of Christ ; and this gives this drama an interest which no other can possess. There is one other point which must be mentioned about this play, before we proceed to its actual de- scription. It does not so much give us excitement or instruction, as imprint on our minds a figure. This is somewhat the case with "Hamlet;" it is the case with 'Don Quixote.' "We rise from the perusal of such a work enriched with a constant companion : a strongly-marked character, almost a well-defined form, is stored up within our minds. So is it with the " Prometheus." Just as those who have been among the Alps may carry about with them the vivid pre- sence of some solitary height which stands up alone and defiant in the face of heaven, its rough sides beaten by a thousand storms, and the great mountains sinking at its feet, so those who have studied the " Prometheus " have always in their mind that exhibi- tion of unapproachable greatness and indomitable will. Now who was this Prometheus ? He was one of the Titans of whom we spoke in the last chapter, of the older race of gods who reigned in Olympus before Jove PROMETHEUS BOUND. 39 and his dynasty came to the throne of heaven. Jove was supposed to have obtained his position by con- spiracy against his father Saturn an impiety in some sort justifiable, because Saturn had dispossessed his father Uranus by means not less outrageous. It is a curious question, "What could have led the Greeks to rest the claims of their gods on such foundations? but we cannot enter upon it here. Jove was aided, of course, in his enterprise, by the gods who, when he had succeeded, found places by his side; and Prome- theus, at the first, was one of these. He had always been a pitying friend to the human race, and his mother Themis, or Right, had encouraged him in the hope that the reign of Jove would be beneficial to mankind. His name, Prometheus, means "forethought," and in his love of men is implied the lesson that fore- thought is the source of all human happiness. Hoping, then, to confer a blessing on mankind, he had helped to raise Zeus to power, at the expense of the old gods, and the Titans, his kindred; but he was disappointed at the result. Zeus entirely neglected mankind, or even sought to depress them more and more, till he should have put an end to the race altogether. To remedy their sad state, Prometheus carried down from heaven by stealth some sparks of fire concealed in a stalk of fennel, that men might learn to forge tools and instru- ments, and so arts and wealth might arise upon the earth. But to use this element of fire had been the special pre- rogative of the gods, and they would not have an inferior race strengthened by it ; fearing, perhaps, lest, so equipped, mankind might aspire to supplant them 40 MSCHYLUS. in the empire of heaven. So their wrath was great against Prometheus, and he was regarded as the foe of the gods and the friend of the upstart tribes of men, and Zeus condemned him to be bound upon a peak of Mount Caucasus, there to linger out the long years of eternity; and all the other gods, who enjoyed their prerogatives only through his aid, joined in rejoicing over his fall. Only a few who, like himself, were victims of the tyranny of the new Ruler, were found to sympathise with his troubles. Supplied with this knowledge, which nearly every citizen of Athens possessed, we may now take our places in the theatre under the Acropolis, and watch the play. When the great curtain has been removed which hung over the back wall of the stage, the wild scene in which all is to take place is opened to our view. Barren craggy cliffs rise up in front and on one side, while on the other we can see down a great precipice, over lower hills and slopes, marked with the course of mountain streams, to the sunny rippling sea. This spot is a peak of Caucasus, and before we can duly estimate the scene, we must just remember what it meant to an Athenian. To us, mountains are beauti- ful and picturesque. We see them only in our holidays, and have not to cross them in hardship and famine ; but a Greek had no friendly feeling for them. A mountain was to him only a hard cruel place, barren and ugly.* And besides the horror that attached to mountain scenes in general, we must remember that * See, on the Classical Landscape, Ruskin, Modern Painters, voL iii. PROMETHEUS BOUND. 41 Caucasus was the very type of all that was most re- mote, barbarous, inhospitable. It was a place to which no civilised man could ever bear to go ; and the vivid representation of its crags must have struck hor- ror into the minds of the spectators, and prepared them for what was to come. The hero is led upon the scene. He is of more than human stature, and his mask represents a face of un- usual dignity; while the calm resignation with which he walks to the scene of his torture contrasts strongly with the violence of those who are dragging him thither. These are two beings of superhuman strength and savage face, to whom Zeus has intrusted the exe- cution of his decree. Their names are Strength and Force, but though their persons are two their office is the same, and one only speaks for both. With them comes the lame god Vulcan, the god of fire, for it is his office to forge the chains and bolts, and to bind the victim. Though it is his own special prerogative which Prometheus has injured, yet Vulcan is reluctant to bind a brother god, and to consign so noble a being to such a wretched fate. He walks somewhat behind the others, his heavy tramp echoing across the theatre. When they reach the middle of the stage, Strength begins to urge Vulcan to the execution of his task. "We are come," he says, "to this desert spot of Scythia : bind the crafty trickster fast, as the Father bade thee, in adamantine bonds, that he may learn henceforth to submit to the will of Zeus, and cease from his philanthropy." Vulcan acknowledges the duty, and confesses that he durst not disobey the Fa- 42 AESCHYLUS. ther ; "but he cannot refrain from expressing Ms sym- pathy for Prometheus. " Against my will," he says, " I fetter thee against thy will with bonds Of bronze that none can loose, to this lone height, Where thou shalt know nor voice nor face of man, But scorching in the hot blaze of the sun Shalt lose thy skin's fair beauty. Thou shalt long For starry-mantled night to hide day's sheen, For sun to melt the rime of early dawn ; And evermore the weight of present ill Shall wear thee down. Unborn as yet is he Who shall release thee : this the fate thou gain'st As due reward for thy philanthropy. For thou, a god not fearing power of gods, In thy transgression gav'st their power to men ; And therefore on this rock of little ease Thou still shalt keep thy watch, nor lying down, Nor knowing sleep, nor ever bending knee ; And many groans and wailings pitiless Thy lips shall utter ; for the mind of Zeus Keinains inexorable. Who holds a power But newly gained, is ever stern of mood." * Strength despises this pitifulness, and suggests that Vulcan ought to hate one who had injured him so especially ; and when the fire-god pleads the force of kindred and friendship, hints that no course is so pain- ful as to encounter the wrath of Zeus. Vulcan bit- terly regrets that his possession of the art of working in metals should have brought on him, instead of any other, so distasteful a task. This leads to a remark * The translations throughout this play are by Professor Plumptre. PROMETHEUS BOUND. 43 from Strength which, though not so intended, is quite in the spirit of that indignation against the tyranny of Zeus which runs through the whole play. "Every lot," he says, " has some trouble in it, except the throne of heaven : none is free but Zeus." Yulcan proceeds reluctantly to his task ; and now the spectators are horrified by the actual sight of the impaling and en- chaining of Prometheus ; and the sound of the iron hammer rings through the theatre. Strength mean- time urges on the work : " In thine hands take him. Then with all thy might Strike with thine hammer ; nail him to the rocks. Vul. The work goes on, I ween, and not in vain. Str. Strike harder, rivet, give no whit of ease : A wondrous knack has he to find resource Even where all might seem to baffle him. Vul. Lo this his arm is fixed inextricably. Str. Now rivet thou this other fast Now drive the stern jaw of the adamant wedge Eight through his chest with all the strength thou hast. Vul. Ah me, Prometheus, for thy woes I groan ! Str. Again, thou'rt loath, and for the foes of Zeus Thou groanest : take good heed to it, lest thou Ere long with cause thyself commiserate." Yulcan begs to be spared these constant exhortations, and is moved angrily to say that the cruel words of Strength are only what might be expected from his savage face. Strength answers, " Choose thou the melting mood ; but chide not me For my self-will and wrath and ruthlessness." 44 AESCHYLUS. And now the work is done ; but Strength cannot re- sist the temptation to stay behind and insult over his victim : " Here then wax proud, and stealing what belongs To the gods, to mortals give it. What can they Avail to rescue thee from these thy woes ? Falsely the gods have thee Prometheus called, The god of Forethought : forethought dost thou need To free thyself from this rare handiwork." Then the torturers depart, and Prometheus is left alone. The ring of the hammer and the sound of Vulcan's heavy tread have ceased, and for a few moments there is an oppressive silence. While his executioners were at hand, he has not uttered even a groan ; but now that they are gone, his grief breaks out, and he appeals to the only companions that are in sight, the sun, and earth, and rivers, and distant sea. Few scenes are more striking than that of the solitary sufferer in a noble cause, left now to face alone the long years of misery that await him, with no sympathising ear to hear his lamentations. And no translation can do justice to the majestic lines in which his appeal is expressed : " Thou firmament of God, and swift- winged winds, Ye springs of rivers, and of ocean- waves, Thou smile innumerous! * Mother of us all, Earth, and Sun's all-seeing eye, behold, 1 pray, what I, a god, from gods endure. Behold in what foul case I for ten thousand years * The reader will be reminded of Keble's fine adaptation of the figure "The many -twinkling smile of ocean." PROMETHEUS BOUND. 45 Shall struggle in my woe, In these unseemly chains. Such doom the new-made Monarch of the Blest Hath now devised for me. Woe, woe ! the present and th' oncoming pang I wail, as I search out The place and hour when end of all these ills Shall dawn on me at last. What say I ? All too clearly I foresee The things that come, and nought of pain shall be By me unlooked for ; but I needs must bear My destiny as best I may, knowing well The might resistless of Necessity." " This," he cries, " is all my reward for my goodness to mankind." Suddenly he stops and listens. " What sound," he cries, " what fragrance is this that floats up to me ? Is some one come to enjoy the spectacle of my woes 3 " " Ah me ! what rustling sounds Hear I of birds not far ? With the light whirr of wings The air re-echoeth : All that draws near to me is cause of fear." The preceding words had not been more remarkable for dignity than these are for their airy lightness, and for the sudden startled tone which they express. We seem in reading them to see, almost as clearly as the spectators saw upon the stage, the chorus of Ocean- nymphs who now enter, floating in the air, and hover- ing near the place where Prometheus is bound. Their leader tells him that they are come in friendship, to 46 AESCHYLUS. show their sympathy, borne by the breeze from their father Ocean's halls, overcoming their maiden modesty in their eagerness to condole with him. They are as indignant as Prometheus is at the tyranny of the new rulers of heaven, and, with the enthusiasm of their sex, are even more open in expressing their indignation ; and when Prometheus feels as the bitterest pang the exulta- tion which he knows his sufferings cause to the other gods, and cries that to be buried in the depths of Tar- tarus, out of sight, though bound in darkness for ever, would be better than their mockery, the Chorus scarcely can believe, they say, that any god but the relentless Zeus could rejoice at such a sight. " He," they say, "will grow more and more tyrannous, till some one overthrows his power at last" " Such a time," says the Titan, endowed as he is with a god's prophetic power, " will come, and Zeus himself will then need my help, for I only know how the plot will be laid, and how he can escape it." " I know that Zeus is hard, And keeps the right supremely to himself ; But then, I know, he'll be Full pliant in his will When he is thus crushed down. Then calming down his mood Of hard and bitter wrath, He'll hasten unto me, As I to him shall haste, For friendship and for peace." On this the Ocean-nymphs beg to hear the story of his offence, and, painful as it is to go over the sad PROMETHEUS BOUND. 47 tale again, Prometheus consents to tell it. He tells how war arose in heaven, how he had helped Zeus to the throne, and joined him in the overthrow of his own brother Titans. The ingratitude of Zeus suggests a remark which was welcome to Athenian ears a re- mark in disparagement of despotism, " For somehow this disease in sovereignty Inheres, of never trusting to one's friends." For when Zeus set his kingdom in order he entirely neglected the wellbeing of mankind, and even designed utterly to obliterate the race. "And I only," says Prometheus, " dared to cross his will, and my present plight is the result." After a few words of sincere sympathy from the Chorus, Prometheus goes on to describe the steps by which he had improved the con- dition of mortals. Especially he gave them blind hopes, to keep them from dwelling on their fate, and Fire, the mother of all arts. This is his only sin ; for this is laid on him a punishment which can have no end except by the will of Zeus. The Chorus would urge him to leave off regrets and seek some remedy for his trouble ; but he tells them that the consequences of his act were all well known to him, and that he did it all advisedly. He begs them to descend from their airy place and listen to the rest of his story. So they quickly alight upon the stage, form into rank, and walk down to the orchestra, chanting as they go the words, " Not to unwilling hearers hast thou uttered, Prometheus, thy request. 48 AESCHYLUS. And now with nimble foot abandoning My swiftly-rushing car, And the pure sether, path of birds of heaven, I will draw near this rough and rocky land, For much do I desire To hear the tale, full measure, of thy woes." No sooner have these taken their places in the orchestra than another floating car appears, drawn by a winged gryphon; and in it is borne Oceanus, the father of the nymphs who form the Chorus. He is bound to Prometheus by ties of kindred as well as by respect for his character, and he has come a long jour- ney from the river which bears his name, the mighty river which encircles the earth to offer his assistance. He professes earnest friendship, and his professions are sincere ; but he is too confident in his advice, and has too little tolerance for what he thinks the folly of Prometheus, to be a much better comforter than the friends of Job. Like them, he reminds the sufferer that it is all his own fault ; that the same overbearing pride which he now expresses brought on him origin- ally the wrath of Zeus, and that even now Zeus may hear his words and lay on him far heavier tortures. Prometheus is inclined to suspect the friendship of his visitor, and bids him not endanger himself in his be- half, but take his own advice and keep clear of the wrath of Zeus. Oceanus persists in his offer of help, confident that he can persuade the king of heaven to relax his anger, but still mingles reproaches with his advice, and Prometheus sarcastically rejects it. "Take," he says, PROMETHEUS BOUND. 49 1 pray, no trouble for me : all in vain Thy trouble, nothing helping, e'en if thou Shouldst care to take this trouble. Nay, be still ; Keep out of harm's way : sufferer though I be I would not therefore wish to give my woes A wider range o'er others. No, not so : For lo ! my mind is wearied with the grief Of that my kinsman Atlas, who doth stand In the far west, supporting on his shoulders The pillars of the earth and heaven, a burden His arms but ill can hold : I pity too The giant dweller of Kilikian caves, Dread portent, with his hundred hands, subdued By force, the mighty Typhon, who arose 'Gainst all the gods, with sharp and dreadful jaws Hissing out slaughter, and from out his eyes There flashed the terrible brightness as of one Who would make havoc of the might of Zeus. But the unsleeping dart of Zeus came on him, Down-swooping thunderbolt that breathes out flame, Which from his lofty boastings startled him, For he i' the heart was struck, to ashes burnt, His strength all thunder-shattered ; and he lies A helpless, powerless carcass, near the strait Of the great sea, fast pressed beneath the roots Of ancient Etna, where on the highest peak Hephsestos sits and smites his iron red-hot, From whence hereafter streams of fire shall burst,* Devouring with fierce jaws the golden plains Of fruitful fair Sikelia. Such the wrath That Typhon shall belch forth with bursts of storm, Hot, breathing fire, and unapproachable, * The words point probably to an eruption, then fresh in men's memories, which had happened B.C. 476. (P.) A. o. voL vii. D 50 AESCHYLUS. Though burnt and charred by thunderbolts of Zeus. Not inexperienced art thou, nor dost need My teaching : save thyself, as thou know'st how ; And I will drink my fortune to the dregs, Till from his wrath the mind of Zeus shall rest." Warned by such examples, and finding it impos- sible to persuade Prometheus, the Ocean-god retires. His four-footed bird is eager, he says, to be in his stall at home, and he sets forth gladly on his return through the blue path of ether. Prometheus is alone again with the Chorus, who now express their sympathy in a beautiful ode. Tears for his lot, they say, are flowing down their tender cheeks tears of grief and of indignation at the tyranny of Zeus. All the neighbouring regions mourn for the fall of the stately power of ancient days ; the dwellers in holy Asia, and the bold Amazons upon the Colchian coasts, and the savage Scythians, and the warlike natives of the Caucasus, all mourn in universal sym- pathy. Then they speak again of the like fate of Atlas, ever groaning under the burden of the world, with whom all nature laments, as with Prometheus. " And lo ! the ocean-billows murmur loud In one accord with him ; The sea-depths groan, and Hades' swarthy pit Ke-echoeth with the sound, And fountains of the rivers, flowing clear, Wail the sad tale of woe." When the soft sweet accents of this graceful song have died away, there is silence for a space, while we PROMETHEUS BOUND. 51 wait anxiously for the next words of the hero. It is not pride, he says, that keeps him silent, but indigna- tion. He had himself set these young gods on their thrones ; that is his bitterest pain that, and the cruelty shown to men, for whom he had laboured so much. His efforts in behalf of mortals he then describes in a speech as noble for its poetry as it is remarkable for its philosophy. " These woes of men," he begins, " List ye to these, how them, before as babes, I roused to reason, gave them power to think ; And this I say, not finding fault with men, But showing my good-will in all I gave. But first, though seeing they did not perceive, And hearing heard not rightly. But, like forms Of phantom-dreams, throughout their life's whole length They muddled all at random ; did not know Houses of brick that catch the sunlight's warmth, Nor yet the work of carpentry. They dwelt In hollowed holes like swarms of tiny ants In sunless depths of caverns ; and they had No certain sign of winter, nor of spring Flower-laden, nor of summer with her fruits. But without counsel fared their whole life long, Until I showed the risings of the stars, And settings hard to recognise. And I Found Number for them, chief of all the arts, Groupings of letters, Memory, handmaid true And mother of the Muses. And I first Bound in the yoke wild steeds, submissive made Or to the collar or men's limbs, that so They might in men's place bear his greatest toils ; And horses, trained to love the rein, I yoked To chariots, glory of wealth's pride of state ; 52 ^SCHTLUS. Nor was it any one but I that found Sea-crossing, canvas-winged cars of ships : Such rare designs inventing (wretched me !) For mortal men, I yet have no resource By which to free myself from this my woe." He had taught them, too, the arts of healing and of prophecy, and showed them many ways of augury; disclosed to them the earth's stores of metal, and taught them their use ; in short, he says, from Fore- thought came all arts to mortals. This speech has been closely imitated by Shelley, who has amplified it with many beautiful thoughts ; but it has lost in the change its stern simplicity, and gained instead a wonderful richness and voluptuous splendour. Still it explains our author so well that it will not be out of place to subjoin the greaterpart of it : " Prometheus saw, and waked the legioned hopes Which sleep within folded Elysian flowers, Nepenthe, Moly, Amaranth, fadeless blooms, That they might hide with thin and rainbow wings The shape of Death ; and Love he sent to bind The disunited tendrils of that vine Which bears the wine of life, the human heart ; And he tamed fire, which, like some beast of prey, Most terrible but lovely, played beneath The frown of man ; and tortured to his will Iron and gold, the slaves and signs of power, And gems and poisons, and all subtlest forms Hidden beneath the mountains and the waves. He gave man speech, and speech created thought, Which is the measure of the universe ; And Science struck the thrones of earth and heaven, PROMETHEUS BOUND. 53 "Which shook, but fell not ; and the harmonious mind Poured itself forth in all-prophetic song ; And music lifted up the listening spirit Until it walked, exempt from mortal care, Godlike, o'er the clear billows of sweet sound ; And human hands first mimicked, and then mocked With moulded limbs more lovely than its own The human form, till marble grew divine, And mothers, gazing, drank the love men see Reflected in their race, behold and perish. He told the hidden power of herbs and springs, And Disease drank and slept. Death grew like sleep. He taught the implicated orbits woven Of the wide-wandering stars, and how the sun Changes his lair, and by what secret spell The pale moon is transformed, when her broad eye Gazes not on the interlunar sea. He taught to rule, as life directs the limbs, The tempest- winged chariots of the ocean, And the Celt knew the Indian. Cities then Were built, and through their snow-like columns flowed The warm winds, and the azure aether shone, And the blue sea and shadowy hills were seen. Such, the alleviations of his state, Prometheus gave to man, for which he hangs Withering in destined pain." Shelley : " Prometheus Unbound." A remarkable dialogue ensues, in which Prometheus intimates that over Zeus himself the inevitable laws of necessity have power, but that in what way they will cross his path may not yet be told, for on the keeping of this secret depends the ultimate liberation of Prometheus himself. 54 AESCHYLUS. Iii the beautiful little ode which follows an ode which Mr Plumptre has translated admirably the Chorus express a pious fear of the power of Zeus, and dread of the effects of such boldness in speech as Prometheus has displayed. Too great, too hopeless was his endeavour on behalf of men, and grievous is its consequence; an end so different from that happy day on which, as the Ocean-nymphs sadly remem- ber, he led as a bride to his halls their own sister Hesione. Their gentle sympathy has reached its ten- derest point, and the soft music, which has held those thirty thousand Athenians enthralled, dies quietly away. And now a new person comes upon the scene ; one who, like Prometheus, is a sufferer under the wrath of heaven, the maiden lo. She wears the form of a heifer, though her face is still a woman's, and in this shape she is driven up and down the world, by the jealousy of Juno, because her beauty, by no fault of hers, had attracted the love of the sovereign of Olym- pus. Behind her follows a spectral form, the ghost of Argus the many-eyed, who still, though dead, drives her before him through the earth, while a gadfly, with its constant stings, adds to her restlessness. She comes upon the scene lamenting her lot, and calling upon Zeus for an answer to her prayers. Prometheus re- cognises her at once. " Surely," he says, " Surely I hear the maid by gadfly driven, Daughter of Inachos, who warmed the heart Of Zeus with love, and now through Here's hate Is tried, perforce, with wanderings over-long." PROMETHEUS BOUND. 55 In answer to her surprised inquiries, the hero tells her his name and the cause of his sufferings ; and she asks him, as a prophet, what the end of her own wander- ings will be. He would at first conceal from her knowledge which could only give her pain, hut he yields at last to her request ; yet before he proceeds to the prophecy, lo herself, at the request of the Chorus, narrates the history of her past life. When a girl in her father's home, she was visited by frequent dreams which told her of the love of Zeus. Her father Inachus, on hearing of those portents, consulted many times the oracles of Delphi and Dodona, and at last was told to drive her from his doors. Reluctantly he did so ; and straightway she became a horned heifer, and the gadfly came to madden her, and the giant herdsman Argus with his innumerable eyes to watch her, and even his death, by the hand of Apollo, failed to free her from his constant pursuit. And so she is driven from land to land. The Chorus bewail her in- credible griefs, but Prometheus tells them that the worst is still to hear. She must yet go through the land of the nomad Scythians, and round the Black Sea's coast, to the dwellings of the Chalybes, the inhospitable race who work in iron ; and thence, across the starry peaks of Caucasus to the country of the Amazons, and on through many wild regions, to the Bosporus, whose name, meaning Ox-ford, will be derived from her journey. And this is only the beginning of her troubles. Her sufferings are grievous indeed, but death will bring an end to them; for Prometheus there is no respite " till Zeus be hurled out from his 56 AESCHYLUS. sovereignty." The mention of this possible release occasions a dialogue in which the connection of lo's fate with that of Prometheus is gradually disclosed : " To. What ! shall Zeus e'er be hurled from his estate ? Prom. 'T would give thee joy I trow to see that falL lo. How should it not, when Zeus so foully wrongs me ? Prom. That this is so thou now may'st hear from me. lo. Who then shall strip him of his sovereign power ? Prom. Himself shall do it by his own rash plans. lo. But how ? tell this, unless it bringeth harm. Prom. He shall wed one for whom one day he'll grieve. lo. Heaven-born or mortal ? tell, if tell thou may'st. Prom. Why ask'st thou who ? I may not tell thee that. lo. Shall his bride hurl him from his throne of might 1 Prom. Yea ; she shall bear child mightier than his sire. lo. Has he no way to turn aside that doom ? Prom. No, none, unless I from my bonds be loosed. lo. Who then shall loose thee 'gainst the will of Zeus ? Prom. It must be one of thy posterity. lo. What ! shall a child of mine free thee from ills ? Prom. Yea, the third generation after ten." Thus mysteriously is it foretold how Hercules, the thirteenth from lo, should be the means of Prometheus's freedom. Prometheus goes on, at the earnest request of lo herself and of the Chorus, to tell the rest of her wanderings and the manner of his own release. Through many strange countries she is to pass, and see many monsters the three Graise, with the shapes of swans, and only one eye and one tooth between them ; the three Gorgons, their sisters ; the one-eyed Arimaspians who dwell by the ford of Pluto ; and at last, passing the Ethiopians, she is to come to the land of PROMETHEUS BOUND. 57 the Nile. There her descendants will found a colony. At this point Prometheus bitterly says : " If any of this is not clear, ask, and I will repeat it ; I have far more leisure than I like." To confirm his prophecy he tells her what her past wanderings have been; how she visited Dodona, and how she gave a name to the Ionian Sea. Then, passing on to the prophecy of his own re- lease, he tells her that in Canopus, at the mouth of the Kile, a child Epaphus shall be born to her ; from him in the fifth generation shall spring those fifty maidens who, in flight from wedlock with their fifty cousins, are to seek the land of Argos, and there each bride slay her husband, except one, who shall " prefer to be known as weak rather than murderous," and shall save her hus- band alive. From them will spring Hercules, whose arrows will slay the eagle which devours Prometheus, and set him free. So much and no more he will tell. Immediately his prophecies about lo begin to accom- plish themselves. The frenzy which the gadfly's bite inspires seizes on her afresh, and in a wild agony she rushes forth to renew her wanderings through the earth. The music of the Chorus is now heard again, and dancing slowly and sadly round the altar, they chant their reflections on the fate of lo ; deprecating for themselves any ill-matched love, such as lo received from Zeus ; praising the propitious and temperate union of equals, and condemning this is quite ^Eschylean any desire on the part of the working man for wedlock with the rich or the high-born. Such are the thoughts which lo's suffering suggests to these maidens ; above all, they dread any collision with the will of Zeus. 58 AESCHYLUS. All that has passed the yielding of Vulcan, the caution of Oceanus, the misery of lo has contributed to increase in our minds the estimate of the irresistible power of Zeus, and so prepare us to admire the more the heroic resistance of Prometheus. A stronger trial of his determination is still to come. In tremendous words he foretells the certain fall of Zeus ; he defies his thunders, and thinks rather how a stronger weapon than the thunder will some day be found ; more violently still he asserts his certain ruin, and even now exults in its anticipation. His words have been heard in heaven. Mercury, the messenger of the gods, ap- proaches, and bears a solemn message to the haughty Titan. The father of heaven commands that Prome- theus should disclose all the details of the danger which his words have threatened. At once, and with- out hesitation, the answer must be given. And the answer is this : " Stately of utterance, full of haiightiness Thy speech, as fits a messenger of gods. Ye yet are young in your new rule, and think To dwell in painless towers. Have I not Seen those two rulers driven forth from thence ? And now the third, who reigneth, shall I see In basest quickest fall. Seem I to thee To shrink and quail before these new-made gods ? Far, very far from that am I. But thou, Track once again the path by which thou earnest ; Thou shalt learn nought of what thou askest me." Mercury threatens the extremest fury of heaven's wrath, and would persuade Prometheus not, by his PROMETHEUS BOUND. 59 stubbornness, to incur such tortures. Taunting him with his youth and his menial service as messenger of Zeus, Prometheus openly defies the king of heaven : " Let then the blazing levin-flash be hurled ; With white-winged snowstorm and with earth-born thunders Let him disturb and trouble all that is ; Nought of these things shall force me to declare Whose hand shall drive him from his sovereignty." "Warning the stubborn hero of the storm and earth- quake which presently will crush and bury him, and of the eagle who will then be sent to feed constantly upon his living flesh, Mercury departs, assuring him that of this suffering there will be no end, until some god shall be willing to suffer for him and go for his sake to Hades and gloomy Tartarus. This was done, according to the legend, by Cheiron; a strange fore- shadowing, as Mr Plumptre says, of the mystery of the Atonement. But of this restoration we see nothing in this play; the rest is all darkness, and terror, and storm, through which the grand figure of Prometheus stands out with a majesty which has certainly not been surpassed in poetry. The heroism of the Ocean- nymphs, who will not leave him in this terrible hour, is only what the neighbourhood of his own heroism re- quired. In ordinary levels of daring their conduct would be very noble ; here it attracts only a passing thought of pity : great tragic characters always carry others down in their fall. But the whole of this final passage is so inimitably sublime, even in a translation, that we cannot say another word which might mar its effect : 60 &SCH7LUS. " Prom. To me who knew it all He hath this message borne ; And that a foe from foes Should suffer is not strange. Therefore on me be hurled The sharp-edged wreath of fire ; And let heaven's vault be stirred With thunder and the blasts Of fiercest winds ; and earth From its foundations strong, E'en to its deepest roots, Let storm-winds make to rock ; And let them heap the waves Of ocean's rugged surge Up to the regions high, Where move the stars of heaven ; And to dark Tartaros Let him my carcass hurl, With mighty blasts of force ; Yet me he shall not slay. Merc. Such words and thoughts from one Brain-stricken we may hear. What space divides his state From frenzy ? what repose Hath he from maddened rage ? But ye who pitying stand And share his bitter griefs, Quickly from hence depart, Lest the relentless roar Of thunder stun your souL Chorus. With other words attempt To counsel and persuade, And I will hear ; for now Thou hast this word thrust in That we may never hear. PROMETHEUS BOUND. 61 How dost thou bid me train My soul to Baseness vile 1 With him I will endure Whatever is decreed. Traitors I've learnt to hate ; Nor is there any plague That more than this I loathe. Merc. Nay, then, remember ye What now I say, nor blame Your fortune ; never say That Zeus has cast you down With evil not foreseen. Not so ; ye cast yourselves : For now with open eyes, Not taken unawares, In Ate's endless net Ye shall entangled be By folly of your own. [.4 pause, and then flashes of lightning and peals of thunder. Prom. Yea, now in very deed, No more in word alone, The earth shakes to and fro, And the loud thunder's voice Bellows hard by, and blaze The flashing levin fires ; And tempests whirl the dust, And gusts of all wild winds On one another leap In wild conflicting blasts, And sky with sea is blent : Such is the storm from Zeus That comes as working fear, In utter chaos whirled In terrors manifest. 62 ^SCHYLUS. O mother venerable ! O JEther ! rolling round The common light of all, See ye what wrongs I bear ? " During all this the storm and the thunder have been increasing, till at last the earth is opened, and Prometheus, with the rock to which he is chained, sinks into the abyss. Our first feeling is one of indignation against Zeus, but it is not altogether the right feeling. His triumph is, after all, in accordance with the great moral laws by which, according to ^Eschylus, the world is gov- erned. "We, with our better morality, cannot help sympathising with Prometheus more than perhaps the poet did: we love him for his love of men, and admire his courage and high spirit. But this is partly because we do not believe in Zeus. ^Eschylus called that high spirit arrogance ; and arrogance or excess, wherever it is found, must always appear a crime to the Greek and the artist. When a good man is mur- dered in the midst of excessive prosperity, we must tremble, but we cannot complain; and the divine justice will assert itself in taking vengeance on his murderer. So we must feel here rather awe than indignation, and be confident in the ultimate resto- ration of Prometheus, and his reconciliation with the lord of heaven. Such, at least, is the ^Eschylean esti- mate of the hero's fate ; and probably, if we could see it worked out in the preceding and following plays, which have unhappily been lost, we should find it not so altogether alien from our own. CHAPTEE IV. THE SUPPLIANTS j OB, THE CHILDREN OF IO. THIS play takes its name, as many do, from the per- sons who form its chorus. In this case these are the principal characters in the drama ; they are the " Sup- pliants " whose supplication is the subject of the piece. We have seen in the " Prometheus " the unhappy lo wandering through the world, and we have heard there the prophecy of the end which was to be set to her troubles; how she should come at last to Egypt, and there bear a son, Epaphus "the Touch-born" be- gotten by the touch of Zeus, whose descendants should form a colony at Canopus. In the fourth generation arose Belus, king of this race of exiles, and to him were born two sons, Danaus and ^Egyptus. Danaus had fifty daughters, and his brother had fifty sons ; and these desired to take their cousins for their wives. The maidens, horrified at the proposal, but unable, even with their aged father's help, to resist the deter- mination of fifty men, took flight, with Danaus him- self to lead them, to Argos, the cradle of their race, the home of lo. Argos was the chief city of the 64 ^SCHYLUS. Pelasgians who then dwelt in Greece, and from their king Pelasgus the maidens sought protection. Their prayer and its success constitute the simple plot of the drama. The legend may possibly strike us as absurd, and in particular the obvious improbability of the numbers of the cousins may seem to indicate a childish credulity in those who could receive it. It is something like the story of St Ursula and her eleven thousand com- panions, whose bones are still shown at Cologne ; one of the most improbable of medieval legends, and the ofispring of a time when there was neither power nor inclination to distinguish between what was proved and what was incapable of proof. But the Danaids are not to be classed with the martyrs of Cologne, nor the keen, travelled Athenian with the credulous me- dieval. Rather the obvious improbability in the Greek story is entirely in' keeping with the spirit of Attic tragedy, which did not, as modern dramas do, aim at imitating the actual life of men, at being pro- bable or like the truth, but set forth an ideal picture of a life apart from and above the real, whose impres- siveness was due in great measure to its being far re- moved from reality.* In a colossal statue, to repeat the old comparison, it is right to represent hair and dress only conventionally, to make the locks of hair and the folds of dress all large and regular regularity giving grandeur, and literal truth not being here de- sirable ; so, in the tragedy before us, the large and * See, on this subject, De Quincey's admirable essays on the Greek tragedy. THE SUPPLIANTS; OR, THE CHILDREN OF 10. 65 equal numbers of the cousins contribute to the solem- nity and greatness of the whole, while the improba- bility increases that separation 'from the actual world, by which an event, in itself not heroic, is raised to the level of the ideal.* This consideration is necessary to a due appreciation of the poetical value of the plot, and is not at all invalidated by the fact that ^Eschylus only used the story as he found it. Had it been other than it was, he would probably have modified it; but if it had been other, it would not have been Greek. The story of lo was well fitted to interest an Athenian audience for two reasons : because it gave opportunity for the romance of geography in general, and because it was connected with Egypt. The naval enterprise . of the Athenians had of late been greatly developed, and they were becoming by this time acquainted with many distant countries ; and an interest in geography was spread even among those who had stayed at home ; while yet knowledge had not advanced far enough to remove the halo which the dimness of distance throws around strange lands, or to destroy the notion that far- off countries contained wonders and monsters innu- merable. Something similar was the case in England in the great times of discovery, when the Plymouth sailor told the boy Raleigh endless stories of the Great Cham and Prester John, or the wondrous wealth of El Dorado. But of all wonderful lands of monsters, * This consideration, however, will not excuse the monstrous fable of St Ursula, in which the numbers are so exaggerated as far to pass the boundary which separates the sublime from the ridiculous. A. c. vol. vii. B 66 AESCHYLUS. the most wonderful was Egypt. There was no good or strange thing which was not supposed by the Athenians of that day to have come from Egypt. The gods of Greece, the letters, the philosophy, all inven- tions and all history, were popularly derived from the country of the miraculous Mle ; and to explore Egypt was the great object of the traveller's ambition. Among the experiences pf Herodotus his Egyptian researches occupy a prominent place ; and any story which the priests chose to tell him about their animals or their gods, or their endless genealogies, was eagerly accepted. In the light of this fact we see why ^s- chylus dwelt so much in the " Prometheus " on the wanderings of lo, and traced her finally to Egypt ; and we are ready to appreciate the interest with which a chorus of Egyptian girls, in the dress and character of their country, would be received on the Athenian stage. Of these there were of course fifty, as the story required ; but as the usual number of the chorus was twelve, we must imagine twelve only of the Danaids as singing and dancing, while the rest remained silent, and probably were disposed in a group behind the actual chorus.* With the entrance of these fifty Danaids the play begins. Slowly they march, with audible tramp, to the sound of their own chanting, appealing as they go to Zeus, the god of suppliants, for the protection which he especially owes them as the founder of their race. They describe in few words the causes of their flight, * If this was part of a trilogy, the choruses of all four plays perhaps appeared here, as at the end of the " Eumenides." THE SUPPLIANTS; OR, THE CHILDREN OF 10. 67 and pray that their pursuers may be overwhelmed in the sea, and never reach the shores of Argos. And now they have reached the orchestra, and dividing into ranks and companies, they range themselves about the altar, there to sing, no longer to the music of a march, but in more varied strains, their prayers and lamenta- tions. Just as Prometheus compares his sufferings with those of Atlas and Typhon, so these maidens compare themselves to Tereus' bride, the piteous nightingale: " As she, driven back from wonted haunts and streams, Mourns with a strange new plaint, And takes her son's death as the theme of song, How he at her hand died, Meeting with evil wrath uninotheiiy ; E'en so do I, to wailing all o'ergiven, In plaintive music of Ionian mood, Vex the soft cheek on Neilos' banks that bloomed, And heart that bursts in tears, And pluck the flower of lamentations loud." In their appeals to Zeus, here and throughout the play, the suppliants assert the sublimest truths about the one supreme God. The mystery that shrouds His ways and the certainty of His justice are their favourite themes: " For dark and shadowed o'er The pathways of the counsels of His heart, And difficult to see. And from high towering hopes He hurleth down To utter doom the heir of mortal birth : 68 AESCHYLUS. Yet sets He in array No forces violent ; AH that God works is effortless and calm : Seated on loftiest throne, Thence, though we know not how, He works His perfect will." There is much in these songs of the Chorus that reminds us of the Hebrew* poetry. They exhibit the same intermingling of general statements about the ways of God and the nature of man with particular applications to the immediate occasion, while their form closely resembles the "parallel" structure of the Jewish writings. The Chorus is divided into two bands, which answer one another in strophe and anti- strophe. One band sings a stanza, and then rests while the other, in a corresponding stanza, utters a somewhat similar sentiment, repeating sometimes the same words, and always using the same metre, music, and measure of the dance. And in the " Suppliants" these points are particularly noticeable, for the chorus predominates here more than in any other of our poet's dramas. Hence it has been thought to be one of his earliest, written when the dialogue had not yet acquired its full prominence on the stage ; and even if other evidence makes this doubtful, yet certainly we have in this play a return to the alder style. But the long choric song comes to an end ; and now Danaus, who has hitherto been waiting in suppliant posture at the foot of the statues of the gods which stand upon the stage, addresses his daughters, and calls them to come and take a position near him, within the THE SUPPLIANTS; OR, THE CHILDREN OF 10. 69 place of sanctuary. For a host, he says, is approach- ing ; and whether their coming be friendly or hostile, it is well to await it under the immediate protection of the gods. He warns them, too, how to hear them- selves towards the strangers; to tell their tale simply and modestly; " And be not prompt to speak Nor full of words ; the race that dwelleth here Of this is very jealous : and be mindful Much to concede ; a fugitive thou art, A stranger and in want, and 'tis not meet That those in low estate high words should speak." Then they all ascend to the stage, and group them- selves there under the statues which decorate the temple front. The scene is a striking one. Their limbs are dark, and their robes and veils are chiefly white, though varied with rich embroidery of gold and purple, and in their hands they bear branches of myrtle wreathed about with festoons of white wool, the well-known badge of the suppliant ; and as the sun- shine streams in upon them, with contrast of bright light and deep shadow, the whole group stands out in intense relief of black and white, with a strange and fascinating distinctness. At their father's bidding they offer prayers to each of the great gods in turn, those " gods of contest " who presided over the great games of Greece, to Zeus, Apollo, Neptune or Poseidon, and to Hermes or Mercury, the herald and guide. These prayers are scarcely completed when the king Pelasgus, with his chariot and his train, comes on the scene. " Whence," he asks, " is this strange company, 70 AESCHYLUS. whose dress proves them of no Grecian race ? How has a band of helpless women, without guide or herald, ventured to our shores ?" In return the maidens ask to whom they speak, whether to a citizen, a herald, or a prince. Pelasgus unfolds his name, and boasts the greatness of his kingdom ; and tells how it gained its name of the Apian land from Apis, a physician-prophet of old, who had cleared the region of the dragons and monsters by which it had been infested. Finally he asks them to tell their story, and to tell it shortly. That they are of Argive ancestry he will not at first believe, for they resemble more, he says, the Egyptians or the Cyprians, or Indians who ride on camels, or the hateful Amazons ; but in the course of a series of short leading questions and suggestive answers their true connection with Argos is explained. On hearing the causes of the maidens' flight, the king is reluctant to incur, as he must by protecting them, the dangers of a war with .ZEgyptus and his sons ; while, on the other hand, he fears the anger of the gods if he should neglect the sacred claim of the suppliants. And so he trembles when he sees the branches and the woollen fillets with which the shrines are decked. But religion is to prevail over fear. The two bands of the Chorus sing each in turn an appeal to his piety and generosity, and after each the king replies. At first he only expresses his hope that no evil may come upon his land through their request ; then he reminds them that it is for the whole state, not for himself alone, to answer them ; soon he acknowledges that he cannot willingly consent to THE SUPPLIANTS; OR, THE CHILDREN OF 20. 71 reject them. The appeal is continued. The king urges objections. " What if the suitors have some legal claim upon them ? What if his people condemn his clemency, and say that he prefers the interest of foreigners to that of his own subjects ?" But it grad- ually becomes evident that his inclination is to yield, so terrible is the risk of provoking the suppliants' god. Loss of wealth may be repaired by Zeus the giver ; malicious words, if the people were offended, a soft answer might appease ; but if he should incur, for himself and his people, any stain from the blood of sup- pliants abandoned, and those suppliants, too, a kindred race, that pollution many sacrifices could scarcely expiate. One more argument remains, a threat so horrible that it is only dimly and gradually unfolded. If Pelasgus refuses their request, the desperate maidens will destroy themselves at the very shrines of the gods, will hang themselves by their girdles to the statues, and so lay the whole land under an intolerable pollution. Pelasgus resists no longer. " Lo then !" he says " Lo then ! in many ways sore troubles come. A host of evils rushes like a flood ; A sea of woe none traverse, bottomless, This have I entered ; haven is there none, For if I fail to do this work for you, Thou tellest of defilement unsurpassed ; And if for thee against ^Egyptos' sons, Thy kindred, I before my city's walls In conflict stand, how can there fail to be A bitter loss, to stain the earth with blood Of man for woman's sake ? And yet I needs 72 AESCHYLUS. Must fear the wrath of Zeus, the suppliant's god ; That dread is mightiest with the sons of men. Thou then, aged father of these maidens, Taking forthwith these branches in thine arms, Lay them on other altars of the gods Our country worships, that the citizens May all behold this token of thy coming ; And about me let no rash speech be dropped, For 'tis a people prompt to blame their rulers. And then perchance some one, beholding them And pitying, may wax wrathful 'gainst the outrage Of that male troop, and with more kindly will The people look on you ; for evermore All men wish well unto the weaker side." Danaus expresses the thanks of his daughters, and goes forth, attended by an escort given him by the king, to seek the other altars and appear as a public suppliant before the: citizens. Meanwhile the Chorus are bidden to leave the shrine, and await in a neigh- bouring glade their father's return. Being thus re- moved from the consecrated spot, in which they were safe at least for the time, they begin to mistrust the goodwill of the king, and think themselves betrayed; but he reassures them thus : " Nay, no long time thy sire will leave thee lorn ; And I, all people of the land convening, Will the great mass persuade to kindly words ; And I will teach thy father what to say. Wherefore remain, and ask our country's gods, With suppliant prayers, to grant thy soul's desire ; And I will go in furtherance of thy wish : Sweet Suasion follow us, and Fortune good." THE SUPPLIANTS; OR, THE CHILDREN OF 10. 73 The opening of their new supplication is striking. They appeal to Zeus by his old love for lo, their mother : Strophe. 11 King of kings, and blest Above all blessed ones, And power most mighty of the mightiest ! O Zeus, of high estate ! Hear thou and grant our prayer ! Drive thou far off the wantonness of men, The pride thou hatest sore, And in the pool of darkling purple hue Plunge thou the woe that conies in swarthy barque." Antistrophe. " Look on the women's cause ; Recall the ancient tale Of one whom thou didst love in time of old, The mother of our race : Remember it, O thou Who didst on lo lay thy mystic touch. We boast that we are come Of consecrated land the habitants, And from this land by lineage high descended." There follows a description of lo's life and wander- ings, with the same fulness of geographical learning which we have noticed before, and the same revelling in euphonious and romantic names. The origin of the Egyptian settlement is told again ; and the ode ends with another solemn acknowledgment of the greatness of Zeus, such as might almost come from the Book of Psalms itself : 74 AESCHYLUS. Strophe. " Which of the gods could I -with right invoke As doing juster deeds ? He is our father, author of our life, The king whose right hand worketh all his will, Our line's great author, in his counsels deep Eecording things of old, Directing all his plans, the great work-master Zeus." Antistrophe. " For not as subject sitting 'neath the sway Of strength above his own, Reigns he subordinate to mightier powers ; Nor does he pay his homage from below While one sits throned in majesty above ; Act is for him as speech, To hasten what his teeming mind resolves." And now Danaus returns to say that the people have decided, and his eager hearers learn with, joy that the decree is entirely in their favour. In full assembly, the air rustling with the eager raising of their hands the sound which the Athenians knew so well in their own popular assemblies all have unani- mously assented to the reception of the strangers. Full rights and protection are accorded them, and any citizen who should refuse them his assistance, in case of any assault from their enemies, is declared degraded and outlawed. " All this," says Danaus, " the Pelasgians have decreed; but it all comes from Zeus/' With pious gratitude the successful suppliants chant, " Come, then, come, let us speak for Argives Prayers that are good for good deeds done ; THE SUPPLIANTS; OR, THE CHILDREN OF 10. 75 Zeus, who o'er all strangers watches, May he see with his praise and favour The praise that comes from the lips of strangers, And guide in all to a faultless issue." The prayer that follows must have been, as a poeti- cal and musical masterpiece, the most interesting portion of the play. "We can well imagine, remem- bering the prayers in some of the most beautiful modern operas, what a hush of admiration must have come over the great theatre when its solemn stanzas were chanted. And if, as some suppose, the play had a political character, and was intended to promote goodwill towards Argos, and advocate an alliance with that city, a double interest must have attached to this chorus. " Never may war," such is the burden of the strain, " reap his sad crop in these fields of the merciful and pious ; nor ever pestilence nor civil strife strew them with native blood : but let old piety ever dwell here, and the favour of heaven make the earth fruitful with corn and herds ; and may songs of joy rise ever here from holy lips." Strophe.' u And may the rule in which the people share Keep the State's functions as in perfect peace, E'en that which sways the crowd, Which sways the commonwealth By counsels wise and good ; And to the strangers and the sojourners May they grant rights that rest on compacts sure, Ere war is roused to arms So that no trouble come ! " 76 AESCHYLUS. Antistrophe. "And the great gods who o'er this country watch, May they adore them in the land they guard, With rites of sacrifice And troops with laurel-boughs, As did our sires of old ! For thus to honour those who gave us life, This stands as one of three great laws * on high, Written as fixed and firm, The laws of right revered." "When these prayers are ended their father warns them that he has serious tidings to announce, and begs them not to fear. From his high position he can see the ship which brings their pursuers ; and as he speaks it becomes more and more clearly visible, till the sails are furled, and the vessel approaches the shore with oars alone. Danaus encourages his daugh- ters to be confident in the protection promised them, and to be sure that the vengeance of heaven will fol- low their persecutors. In short broken strains the Chorus express their fears and their abhorrence of the sons of ^gyptus, who regard not the gods of sanctu- ary, and may have recourse to violence before Pelasgus has had time to succour his suppliants. " There is yet time enough," the father replies, "to rouse the Argives : to anchor in a harbourless country and to get ashore is not the work of a moment, especially when night, as now, is drawing on ; and we must not * The " three great laws" were those ascribed to Triptolemus : To honour parents, to worship the gods with the fruits of the earth, to hurt neither man nor beast." THE SUPPLIANTS; OR, THE CHILDREN OF 10. 77 distrust the gods, to whom we have appealed." And so he goes away to arouse the city, and the Chorus are left alone. Fain would they find a hiding-place, but there is none. Fain would they be like the smoke that rises up into the clouds of Zeus and vanishes, or like the dust that passes out of sight. Any form of death were welcome, rather than this hateful marriage. "Ah!" they say, " Ah ! might I find a place in yon high vault Where the rain-clouds are passing into snow, Or lonely precipice, AVhose summit none can see, Kock where the vulture haunts, Witness for me of my abysmal fall, Before the marriage that will pierce my heart Becomes my dreaded doom." And the answering band replies : " I shrink not from the thought of being the prey Of dogs and birds that haunt the country round, For death shall make me free From ills all lamentable ; Yea, let death rather come Than the worse doom of hated marriage-bed. What other refuge now remains for me, That marriage to avert ? " And still they appeal to God, "whose eyes look upon the thing that is equal," without whom nothing comes to the children of men. Their appeal is inter- rupted by the arrival of a herald who comes on behalf of the sons of JEgyptus, to command the Danaids to 78 AESCHYLUS. embark immediately in their ship with them. The complaints and prayers of the Chorus are now mingled with the haughty orders of the herald. They refuse ; he threatens force ; they cry, and call upon the gods, and imprecate bitter curses upon their ravishers, but all in vain ; the herald seizes their leader to drag her by her hair towards the ship. At this point the king with his train appears, and indignantly demands an account of this outrage. The herald protests that he is only asserting a legal claim, and is prepared to justify it by war. The king replies, that if he can persuade the maidens to accompany him, he may take them, but that no constraint shall be put upon them. " Here," he says, " the nail is fixed." The decree is unchangeable, and the herald is peremptorily dismissed. " The Greeks," says the king, " will be more than a match for the Nile ; wine and bread are better than barley-beer and byblus-fruit, the food of the Egyptians." Then, turning to the maidens, he offers them safe dwellings in the city whether they prefer to live among others in the public palaces, or to dwell apart with their attendants; and they refer the choice to their father, who is now returned with a force of soldiers. His answer is wise and fatherly, but a little reminds us of the somewhat tedious wisdom of Pol- onius. " Men are apt," he says, " to find fault in foreigners, and young girls especially must beware of the least breath of scandal ; the safer course must be theirs, to dwell apart in maidenly modesty." And now all the action of the play is ended, and nothing remains but the final ode. Divided into two THE SUPPLIANTS; OR, THE CHILDREN OF 10. 79 bands, the Danaids sing good wishes for their new country. No longer is the Nile to claim their praise, " Nay, but the rivers here, that pour calm streams through our country, Parents of many a son, making glad the soil of our mea- dows, With wide flood rolling on in full and abounding riches." Then they are somewhat divided in their words : the one band can only repeat its fears of their hateful pur- suers, and finds all love and marriage henceforth odious ; while the other half of the Chorus is anxious rather not to disparage the divinity of the Cyprian goddess, and looks forward yet to happy wedlock. Yet both unite in speaking well of Aphrodite : Semichorus A. " Not that our kindly strain does slight to Cypris immortal, For she, together with Hera, as nearest to Zeus is mighty, A goddess of subtle thoughts she is honoured in mysteries solemn." Semichorus B. 11 Yea, as associates too with that their mother beloved Are fair Desire and Suasion, whose pleading no man can gainsay ; Yea, to sweet Concord too Aphrodite's power is intrusted, And the whispering paths of the Loves." And so, with good hopes for the issue of the trial which yet remains finally to decide their case, the play concludes. This trial probably formed the sub- ject of a succeeding piece. 80 JtSCHYLUS. The motive which predominates in this play is one with which moderns, at least in civilised countries, are not familiar. The claim which any fugitive was sup- posed to possess on the protection of those to whom he might address himself, naturally ceases to be ac- knowledged when the improvement and extension of law guarantee safety to all who deserve it, and take out of the hands of private individuals the punishment of those who do not. A suppliant in England nowa- days would be at once referred to the law to be pro- tected from wrong or punished for fault. But when law could not do these things, but left the inflicting of punishment in great measure to the offended person, or, in the case of murder, to the relatives of the dead, it was obviously the interest of every man, as well as his duty, to accord to others that protection which he might some day need for himself. Especially in the case of accidental or justifiable homicide the protection of private men was necessary to the slayer, and took the place occupied among the Jews by their cities of refuge. And when the case was such as could be tried at law, it was only by private protection that the accused was preserved from his accuser until the mat- ter could be legally decided. It is clear, then, that in such times the acknowledgment of the suppliant's claim was necessary to society. Being so, it was invested with a religious sanction. The temples of the gods were the natural refuges, since in so holy a spot a man could not be killed without defilement ; and hence the gods themselves were believed to befriend the sup- pliant. And then to fulfil this special function a TEE SUPPLIANTS; OR, THE CHILDREN OF 10. 81 special person or a special form of the supreme God was believed to exist, and "Zeus of Supplication" was added to the list of deities. In just the same way " Zeus of Hospitality " enforced the duty, then so im- portant, of receiving those who, in the absence of inns, could find no other resting-place. And how tre- mendous was the authority of these deities the play before us shows. But both these duties lose their relative importance as civilisation advances. They were losing it even when ^Eschylus wrote ; and here, as well as elsewhere, we may see him lingering affectionately about the traces of past times and creeds, and investing with picturesque solemnity ruins which he could not restore. A. c. vol. vii. CHAPTEE V. THE PERSIANS. " THE PERSIANS" was not produced until six or seven years after the events which it celebrates; and this was perhaps an advantage. For no great event can easily be regarded as an entire whole until some time after its occurrence. Details are at first too prominent ; personal or local interests have not yet sunk down into their proper relative importance : it is not fully seen, until later, what was the true beginning and source of the main action, nor when it can be rightly said to have ended in short, the spectator is too close to the object to see it as a whole, and to grasp the principle of its structure. Now it is the very essence of all tragedy that it should present a great action as a whole in its greatness, not in its complexity ; and in Greek tragedy, through its shortness and simplicity, this character is especially marked. Further, we have seen that the Greek dramatist contemplates an action as part of a course of divine providence ; sets it, that is, in its true light as a moral result, and traces through- out it the retributive agency of heaven. Clearly this THE PERSIANS. 83 function cannot be adequately fulfilled until time enough has elapsed to distinguish permanent effects from those which were transient, and to enable the observer, freed from the obstructions of temporary pas- sion, to award praise and blame with justice. With these considerations before us, we may say that ^Eschylus could not have produced his drama of " The Persians " earlier, without losing something of unity and certainty, and something of that distance, or half-unreality, which constitutes the characteristic charm of the Athenian tragedy. Knowing how essential this distance from common life this " removedness " of the scene and action is, we shall rather wonder that the poets did not entirely avoid subjects taken from recent history, and confine themselves to " Presenting Thebes and Pelops' line, Or the tale of Troy divine." And in fact the cases in which they did leave the my- thological cycle were exceptional, and perhaps not often successful ; though the pre-eminent importance of the Persian war made success possible here. An early contemporary of ^Eschylus, Phrynichus, had many years before made a great mistake by his inju- dicious choice of such a subject one connected with this very Persian war itself. The war originated, as the reader will remember, in the feuds between the Persians and the Ionian colonies in Asia Minor, of which Miletus was chief. These cities had attempted to throw off the yoke of the Persians, who had long 84 AESCHYLUS. assailed their liberties, and in the failure of their attempt Miletus was destroyed. The Athenians, as lonians themselves, were kinsmen and close allies of these Asiatic Greeks ; and the fall of their leading city was a heavy blow to Athens, especially as she had made the. Ionian cause her own by that enterprise of almost incredible courage, in which her troops burnt the royal city of Sardis, and so brought upon Greece the two gigantic invasions which were repelled at Marathon and Salamis. It was the fall of Miletus which Phrynichus 1 chose for his subject, and so far as its importance went, it was a truly tragic theme; but it came home too closely to the feelings of the Athenians they could not bear to see the sufferings of their friends so vividly re- presented, the sympathy exacted was too painful, the drama too like reality; so they fined Phrynichus a large sum for breaking the rules of his art, and giving pain to his audience. Not unnaturally, when the fall of Miletus had been amply revenged, Phrynichus hastened to atone for his error by representing the triumph. He produced a drama founded on the Persian war, two years after Salamis ; as soon, that is, as it could be< safely said that Persia was finally defeated. "We may, not doubt that on this latter occasion the Athenian audience forgot the violation of an unwritten canon of art, in their exultation at the picture of their successes ; but we may be sure, at the same time, that Phrynichus was unable to give to his play the same heroic and ideal greatness which we find in that of ^Eschylus. We have said that the paramount importance of the Persian war made it .a fit subject for tragedy, and we THE PERSIANS. 85 need not here enlarge upon the causes and signs of that importance ; we will point now to another fact by which its case differed from most other events of con- temporary history. This fact is the comparative igno- rance of the manners and character of the Persians which still prevailed among the Greeks. The enor-r mous size of their armies, their boundless wealth and luxury, their barbarous tongues and dark faces, these, exaggerated to still greater proportions in the popular imagination, produced an impression of dim and in- definite greatness, not unlike that in which the mist of time veiled the heroes of mythology. How fully, aware the poet was of this is amply shown by his manner of dealing with the subject. He has kept as far as possible from familiar names and places; his hero is not the victorious Greek, but the defeated Persian king; the scene is not the battle-field, not Marathon, or Thermopylae, or Salamis, but the palace of Xerxes, far away in the wonder-land of the east ; and all is treated from the Persian side. Instead of the triumph of Israel, he gives us the fears and sorrows of the mother of Sisera and her attendant ladies. Very much, then, is gained by this treatment. Not only is Xerxes greater in his fall than even Miltiades in his triumph, as a despot, if great at all, is greater than one leader among many can be in a free people^ but the familiar event is set in a new light, as a Persian calamity instead of a Greek success, arid in a light even more flattering . to the national pride of Athens. We have spoken at length on this point, lest it 86 AESCHYLUS. should be thought that uEschylus makes Xerxes his hero simply because tragedy requires a calamity. A sad ending is not essential to tragedy; greatness and " removedness " are. But we must hasten to inquire at what point in the series of events the action of the play begins, and what was the knowledge of the preceding history with which the Athenian spectator was prepared. It was in the year 500 B.C., eight-and-twenty years ago, that the Ionian cities rebelled against Darius, and nearly six years later that Miletus was sacked and the revolt suppressed. The next year the Athenians had come to the assistance of their kinsmen in Asia ; had accom- plished a two months' march from the sea to Sardis, and insulted the Great King almost in his own house. Darius had no sooner put down the rebels in Ionia than he remembered the insolent strangers who had ventured to burn his palace; and in the year 490 B.C. he sent over the great armament under Mardonius which was to bring the Athenians in chains to Persia. Till of late their very name was unknown to him. He is said to have asked contemptuously where Athens was ; a question which, in the play before us, is put into the mouth of his wife Atossa. But the unknown little state proved too strong for Mardonius, and Marathon destroyed the hopes of that expedition. This was in 490 B.C., or about eighteen years ago. Darius bequeathed to his son Xerxes the task of subjugating Greece, and after several years spent in preparations, the young king set forth to lead against these few despised tribes the flower of all the nations THE PERSIANS. 87 which owned his rule. The incredible numbers which the historians assign to his forces are well known; at the lowest calculation they far exceeded the greatest hosts of modern times. But wealth, when it has given birth to pride, always brings ruin on its possessor. Overweening confidence is, in the Greek creed, an insult to the gods, and cannot fail to call down their wrath. Such was the fate of Xerxes. Checked at Thermopylae, routed at Salamis, driven home in confusion to his own shores, followed thither by losses and defeat, the Great King became a spectacle to all men of the vanity of greatness when it is not guarded by moderation. Now for five years at least the Persian power has lain pros- trate at the feet of Greece, and men have had time to learn the lesson which her misfortunes teach. Such are perhaps the reflections which pass through the Athenian's mind when he hears it announced that the next play is to be " The Persians." The curtain rises* on a splendid scene of Eastern magnificence. It is Susa, the Persian capital, the abode of fabulous wealth, though now so humbled. The Chorus enter with the usual stately march, and with more than the usual gorgeousness of dress. They are the state councillors of the Great King, who, under the queen-mother Atossa, guard the dominions of their absent master. As they advance towards the orchestra they sing, in their processional hymn, a strain of anxiety and sad foreboding. No messengers have * Or, more strictly speaking, "falls." The curtain was re- moved by winding it round a roller placed below not, as in our theatres, above. 88 JESCHYLUS. come from the host of late; the -land is empty, all are gone to the war; and a gloomy desolation, not un- mixed with apprehension, makes wives and parents " Count the slow days, And tremble at the long protracted time." The chant contains a catalogue of nobles who are gone ; a list of sounding names, diversified with pic- turesque circumstances, reminding us of the roll of the fallen angels in Milton, or the lists of dead warriors in Homer : " Amistres, Artaphernes, and the might Of great Astaspes ; Megabazes bold . . . Artembares, that in his fiery horse Delights : Masistres ; and Imoeus bold, Bending with manly strength his stubborn bow ; Pharandaces, and Sosthenes that drives With military pomp his rapid steeds." From sacred Nile and Memphis ; Lycians, the sons of luxury; foresters from far inland; troops from Euphrates and golden Babylon; Mysians who wield the javelin ; Mardon from Tmolus, and Tharybis and Arcteus all are gone forth to battle, and Persia is desolate and sad. Some have found in this opening a burlesque of Persian names intended to amuse the Athenians : we may rather regard it as showing, what we have seen before, how ^Eschylus shares with Homer and Milton and Scott that power over names, which is one of the surest signs, says Mr Palgrave, of high poetic talent. When the Chorus have reached the orchestra, their THE PERSIANS. 89 song begins with a description of the grand departure of the army, and the proud position of Xerxes, himself the most beautiful in person of all that magnificent host. Strophe. " Already o'er the adverse strand In arms the monarch's martial squadrons spread ; The threat'ning ruin shakes the land, And each tall city bows its towered head. Bark bound to bark, their wondrous way They bridge across the indignant sea ; The narrow Hellespont's vexed waves disdain, His proud neck taught to bear the chain. Now has the peopled Asia's warlike lord, By land, by sea, with foot, with horse Resistless in his rapid course, O'er all their realms his warring thousands poured ; Now his intrepid chiefs surveys, And glitt'ring like a god his radiant state displays." Antistrophe. " Fierce as the dragon scaled in gold Through the deep files he darts his glowing eye : And pleased their order to behold, His joyous standard blazing to the sky, Rolls onward his Assyrian car, Directs the thunder of the war, Bids the winged arrows' iron storm advance Against the slow and cumbrous lance. What shall withstand the torrent of his sway, When dreadful o'er the yielding shores The impetuous tide of battle roars, And sweeps the weak opposing mounds away ? So Persia with resistless might Rolls her unnumbered hosts of heroes to the fight." 90 AESCHYLUS. Very pleasing to the Athenian is the irony which he traces here ; the contrast between the hope and the event. Those clouds of arrows only kept the sun from the eyes of the Greeks, while the " slow and cumbrous lance" was active enough to scatter all those " unnumbered hosts of heroes." Still intenser is the irony in the stanzas that follow " What mor- tal," they sing, " can withstand misfortune and the vengeance of the sky? Flattering at first, she falls with crushing power upon her victim : and so " mark here the irony " shall Persia fall upon her foes." But there is ground for fear too. While all are away in Greece, any invader might find in Persia an easy prey. Then how would her homes be filled with mourning ; with maidens rushing in despair about her streets, lamenting for the guardians of her towers; with wives deploring the long absence of their loves ! So the song ends with the very same strain of lamenta- tion for a supposed calamity as will soon be raised for a real one; when the youth, for whom the maidens weep, will be known to be absent for ever, and the matron's couch for ever desolate. When this chorus, one of the finest in all ^Eschylus, is concluded, Atossa, the queen-mother, " the mother of the Persians' god," comes upon the scene, and is greeted by the elders with the utmost reverence. She comes to seek their advice. Unquiet thoughts have for some time disturbed her, and dreams of ominous import have visited her, but especially in the night that is just past. " Methought," she says, THE PERSIANS. 91 " Two women stood before mine eyes Gorgeously vested, one in Persian robes Adorned, the other in the Doric garb. With more than mortal majesty they moved, Of peerless beauty ; sisters too they seemed, Though distant each from each they chanced to dwell, In Greece the one, on the barbaric coast The other. 'Twixt them soon dissension rose : My son then hasted to compose their strife, Soothed them to fair accord, beneath his car Yokes them, and reins their harnessed necks. The one Exulting in her rich array, with pride Arching her stately neck, obeyed the reins ; The other with indignant fury spurned The car, and dashed it piecemeal, rent the reins And tore the yoke asunder : down my son Fell from the seat, and instant at his side His father stands, Darius, at his fall Impressed with pity : him when Xerxes saw, Glowing with grief and shame he rends his robes. This was the dreadful vision of the night." Disturbed "by such a dream, the queen had gone to sacrifice to the gods, but there a new omen had pre- sented itself an eagle defeated by a hawk, and flying for sanctuary to the altar of the Sun. She cannot but interpret these things as portending some misfortune to her son, and she feels that on his success in war his prestige at home, and perhaps his throne, depends. By the advice of the elders, she promises to seek assistance from the gods, and in particular to pray for help to the shade of her dead husband Darius. Meanwhile she asks the old question that had so irritated Athenian pride " Where, in what clime, the towers of Athens rise ?" 92 jESCHYL US. " Chorus. Far in the west," where sets the imperial sun. Atossa. Send they embattled numbers to the field ? Chor. A force that to the Medes hath wrought much woe. Atos. Haye they sufficient treasures in their houses ? Chor. Their rich earth yields a copious fount of silver.* Atos. From the strong bow wing they the barbed - shaft ? Chor. They grasp the stout spear, and the massy shield. Atos. What monarch reigns, whose power commands their ranks ? Chor. Slaves to no lord, they own no kingly power. Atos. How can they then resist the invading foe ? Chor. As to spread havoc through the numerous host' That round Darius formed their glitt'ring files. Atos. Thy words strike deep, and wound the parent's breast, Whose sons are marched to such a dangerous field." In this way the queen gains some notion of her son's danger, while, by the way, the Greek spear is again contrasted with the Persian arrow, and the Athenian freedom with the despotic rule of Xerxes. Atossa is made to wonder that a free people can resist nations who are driven into battle with whips and goads, in order that the Athenian may be led to reflect that he owes his independence to his free constitution. But forebodings are now to be converted into actual lamentation. A messenger arrives with cries of "Woe to Persia ! " and briefly tells his tale " The whole bar- baric host has fallen." 1 * The silver mines of Laurium, in the south of Attica. THE PERSIANS. 9S " In heaps the unhappy dead lie on the strand Of Salamis, and all the neighbouring shores." Under the first crushing force of this announcement Atossa is silent. The Chorus are loud in their cries, "but the queen speaks no word; and when at last she finds a voice, she dares not utter the question that is nearest to her heart, but asks, "Who is not fallen ? "What leader must we wail ? What sceptred chief Dying hath left his troops without a lord ? " , . _ , The messenger answers her meaning, " Xerxes himself lives, and beholds the light." Then conies a list of the fallen ; a list as long as, and even more beautiful than, that which the Chorus gave of the chiefs in their hour of pride. It is doubtless imitated from Homer, and has some of those touches of pathos in which Virgil delights on a similar oc- casion. " Amestris, and Amphistreus there Grasps his war-wearied spear ; there prostrate lies The illustrious Arimardus, long his loss Shall Sardis weep : the Mysian Sisames, And Tharybis that o'er the burdened deep Led five times fifty vessels ; Lerna gave The hero birth, and manly grace adorned His pleasing form, but low in death he lies, Unhappy in his fate." ' ; ' . "'. . '; . Our sympathy is roused for the hero of Lerna, just as in the ^Eneid for Ehipeus, or Panthus, t- 94 ^SCHYLUS. " Then Bhipeus followed in th' unequal fight, Just of his word, observant of the right, Heaven thought not so." Virg., Mn. i. 426. (Pitt) Having mentioned a long list of the dead yet only a few out of so many the messenger goes on to describe the circumstances of the defeat. And here we are to have, from an eyewitness, a detailed account of the fight at Salamis. The poet had best be accurate and impartial, for half his audience were present there, and any error will be promptly noticed. " In numbers, the barbaric fleet "Was far superior : in ten squadrons, each Of thirty ships, Greece ploughed the deep ; of these One held a distant station. Xerxes led A thousand ships ; their number well I know ; Two hundred more and seven, that swept the seas With speediest sail : this was their full amount. And in the engagement seemed we not secure Of victory ? But unequal Fortune sunk Our scale in fight, discomfiting our hosts." And even Atossa is constrained to say; " The gods preserve the city of Minerva : " and the messenger replies ; " The walls of Athens are impregnable, Their firmest bulwarks her heroic sons !" How the Athenian audience must have cheered ! The description which follows gives us a more vivid picture of an ancient sea-fight than is anywhere else to be found. It is the work of a soldier who understood the tactics displayed, as well as of a poet whose eyes THE PERSIANS. 95 were open to the outward aspect of the scene. It ex- plains to us why there was so little distinction in those times between the soldier and the sailor. The same men who fought on land at Marathon fought on the sea at Salamis, and their naval warfare consisted mainly in hand-to-hand fighting after the ships had grappled one another ; the chief aim, besides this, being to dis- able the enemy's ship by a blow from the armed prow, either crashing in its sides, or passing over and break- ing its oars. The messenger narrates how, by a stratagem of the Greeks, which we know from Herodotus was due to Thernistocles, the Persians had been induced to sur- round the Greek fleet, in the belief that they meditated flight by night. Every passage by which a Greek ship could escape was carefully secured, but the Greeks did not stir. But when the day with its white steeds spread in its beauty over the earth, " At once from every Greek with glad acclaim Burst forth, the song of war, whose lofty notes The echo of the island rocks returned, Spreading dismay through Persia's hosts thus fallen From their high hopes : no flight this solemn strain Portended, but deliberate valour bent On daring battle ; whilst the trumpet's sound Bandied the flames of war." With oars dashing up the waves, the Greeks advance to the attack, their right wing leading, and on every side the voice of exhortation is heard. "Forward, Greeks, for your homes and the temples of your gods, and for your father's tombs : all are at stake to-day !" 96 AESCHYLUS. A Greek ship is the first to strike, and crushes in by the force of its charge the sculptured prow of a Phoeni- cian : then the engagement rages along the whole line. " The deep array Of Persia at the first sustained the encounter ; But their thronged numbers, in the narrow seas Confined, want room for action ; and, deprived Of mutual aid, beaks clash with beaks, and each Breaks all the other's oars : with skill disposed The Grecian navy circled them around With fierce assault." The sea is hidden with ships floating keel upwards, and with wrecks and corpses. The shores are covered with the dead. The Persians take to flight, and the Greeks pursue, spearing and striking their drowning foes, " as men spear a shoal of tunnies," with spars and broken oars; and over the wide sea wailing is heard and lamentation, until night falls upon the scene of destruction. Worse even than this remains. For on a little island close to Salamis, a rugged island such as Pan delights in, Xerxes had set the flower of his nobility, that they might cut down the Greeks who would seek shelter there, or help any Persians in distress ; and all these, the bravest of his hosts, were cut to pieces before the monarch's eyes. "Bitter fruit," Atossa cries, " My son hath tasted from his purposed vengeance On Athens famed for arms ; the fatal field Of Marathon, red with barbaric blood, Sufficed not ; that defeat he thought to avenge, And pulled this hideous ruin on his head." THE PERSIANS. 97 Already the sufferers are attributing their troubles to the wanton rashness of Xerxes, and we shall see that this feeling is more and more clearly expressed as the play goes on, so that Darius, with whom the whole expedition originated, is regarded as having been com- paratively cautious and sparing of his people. This is not a true view of the history. Xerxes was rather indolent and reluctant, and required much pressure before he would carry out his father's plans. Whether ^Eschylus was himself in error on this point, or wished to represent the Persians as forgetting the true state of the case in their distress, we cannot tell : at any rate, it is necessary to the poem that the author of the calamity should suffer by it, so that it was natural to exaggerate the rashness of Xerxes, and to contrast with it the supposed moderation of his father. But there are more calamities still to tell. In their disordered flight some died of thirst and famine ; some perished in the attempt to cross the frozen Strymon, the great river of Thrace, where " such as owned no god till now, awe-struck, with many a prayer, adored the earth and sky." A few "dragged on their toilsome march, and reached their native soil," few indeed out of so many. " My visions," says the unhappy queen, " were too true; it is too late for sacrifices now to change the past, yet I will offer libations to the dead and prayers to the gods, in case there may yet be some better thing in store." Then she departs, begging the Chorus to receive her son with words of comfort. A. o. voL vii. o 08 ^SCHYLUS. Sad and majestic music now swells up the crowded theatre, and echoes on the steep rocks of the Acro- polis. The Persian councillors begin that chorus of lamentation which was portended by their opening chorus of anxiety. Strophe. " Awful sovereign of the skies, When now o'er Persia's numerous host Thou bad'st the storm with ruin rise, All her proud vaunts of glory lost, Ecbatana's imperial head By thee was wrapped in sorrow's dark'ning shade ; Through Susa's palaces with wide lament, By their soft hands their veils all rent, The copious tear the virgins pour, That trickles their bare bosoms o'er. From her sweet couch upstarts the widowed bride, Her lord's loved image rushing on her soul, Throws the rich ornaments of youth aside, And gives her griefs to flow without control; Her griefs not causeless ; for the mighty slain Our melting tears demand, and sorrow-softened strain." Antistroplie. " Now her wailings wide despair Pours these exhausted regions o'er ; Xerxes, ill-fated, led the war ; Xerxes, ill-fated, leads no more : Xerxes sent forth the unwise command, The crowded ships unpeopled all the land ; That land o'er which Darius held his reign, Courting the arts of peace, in vain, O'er all his grateful realms adored, The stately Susa's gentle lord. THE PERSIANS. 99 Black o'er the waves his burdened vessels sweep, For Greece elate the warlike squadrons fly : Now crushed, and whelmed beneath the indignant deep, The shattered wrecks and lifeless heroes lie ; Whilst from, the arms of Greece escaped, with toil The unsheltered monarch roams o'er Thracia's dreary soH." And they lament for power overthrown, so many nobles and rulers lost, not without implying that the power of Xerxes himself is shaken, and "his regal greatness is no more." Atossa returns : this time she comes without her queenly train, and "bears the offerings which are to call Darius from the dead. The list of them is grace- ful and pathetic. "We may notice here again how ^Eschylus shares with other great poets the power of moving us by these simple things ; they are like Per- dita's flowers, or the offerings "to deck the laureate hearse where Lycid lies." " Delicious milk that foams White from the sacred heifer ; liquid honey, Extract of flowers ; and from its virgin fount The running crystal : this pure draught, that flowed From the ancient vine, of power to bathe the spirits In joy ; the yellow olive's fragrant fruit, That glories in its leaves' unfading verdure ; With flowers of various hues, earth's fairest offspring, Enwreathed." The Chorus join to hers their prayers to Darius, and entreat the powers that rule the dead, and earth, and heaven, to send up his ghost into the light, that 100 AESCHYLUS. he may show the future, and the remedy, if there be any. They praise the dead monarch, who "wasted not his subjects' blood," and with repeated cries call him from the tomb. Darius comes. The ghost rises from the ground before his tomb, like the ghost in " Hamlet," in " That fair and warlike form In which the majesty of buried Persia Did sometimes march ; " and, anxiously startled, asks what troubles are troubling the state. Like the Danish king, Darius, for all his greatness, speaks with awe and reverence of the realms from which he comes : the gods there are stern, and will not easily allow the dead to return ; his time is short ; the " fearful summons " will soon call him back. He hears the full story of the calamity, and attributes all to the arrogance and rashness of his son, who had dared to chain the sacred Hellespont and divine Bos- porus, and "to rise above the gods and Neptune's might." " Those who urged him on," says the ghost, " to this mad enterprise, have done a deed of ruin such as never yet was done to Persia, and have wasted the grand fabric which so many illustrious kings had raised. Greece must be attacked no more ; the very- earth fights for her, destroying your troops by famine and disease. The remnant who survive shall not re- turn. In their wanton insolence they have overthrown temples and statues of the gods, and now heaven's anger is upon them. On Platsea's fields they shall lie in heaps, to teach mortals humility." THE PERSIANS. 101 A tender passage follows, in which the father bids his wife show all gentleness to her offending son. It is not unlike the tenderness with which the ghost in " Hamlet " ends his revelations, bidding the son be gentle to his mother : " With gentlest courtesy- Soothe his affliction ; for his duteous ear, I know, will listen to thy voice alone. Now to the realms of darkness I descend." Again the Chorus chant the glories of Darius's reign, and sadly contrast them with the present ruin, while the queen goes away to put on her most gorgeous robes, according to the ghost's command, and meet her son. " E'en the proud towns, that reared Sublime along the Ionian coast their towers, Where wealth her treasures pours, Peopled from Greece, his prudent reign revered. With such unconquered might His hardy warriors shook the embattled field, Heroes that Persia yields, And those from distant lands that took their way, And wedged in close array Beneath his glittering banners claimed the fight. But now these glories are no more : Farewell the big war's plumed pride, The gods have crushed this trophied power ; Sunk are our vanquished arms beneath the indignant tide." As this chorus ends, Xerxes, in rent robes and with disfigured face, comes lamenting upon the scene, tor- tured with the thought of his lost heroes, and wishing 102 AESCHYLUS. that he had died with them. The rest of the play is but one long wail. "I have no voice," the Chorus says, " No swelling harmony, No descant, save these notes of woe, Harsh and repulsive to the sullen sigh, Rude strains that unmelodious flow, To welcome thy return." They ask after all the chiefs, after Phamaces and Dotamas, " Psammis in mailed cuirass dressed, And Susiscanes' glitt'ring crest." And in every gloomy pause Xerxes replies that they are dead drowned, or killed in the shock of battle. The climax of disaster and disgrace is reached in the condition of the king himself. " Clio. Is all thy glory lost ? Xer. Seest thou these poor remains of my rent robes ? Cho. I see, I see. Xer. And this ill-furnished quiver ? Cho. Wherefore preserved ? Xer. To store my treasured arrows. Cho. Few, very few. Xer. And few my friendly aids." And the irony of the whole, and its bearing on Athe- nian prowess, is summed up : " Cho. I thought these Grecians shrank appalled at arms. Xer. No ; they are bold and daring." THE PERSIANS. 103 And so, with reiterated lamentations, the spectacle concludes. With the Athenians, whose glory it exhibited so prominently, this play was naturally a favourite ; but it appealed also to a far wider audience. The Persian War had been the means of bringing all Greeks to- gether in union against the common foe ; and accord- ingly, a play like this could not but be welcomed as an expression of the new national enthusiasm. This explains the fact that it was among those chosen by Hiero, tyrant of Syracuse, while ^Eschylus was his guest, to be repeated before the Greeks of Sicily ; and this also justifies the poet in leaving for once the old national heroes, Hercules and Agamemnon, to celebrate the event which, for the first time since the Trojan war, was for all Greece a common triumph. CHAPTEK VI. THE SEVEN CHIEFS AGAINST THEBES. THE story of Thebes and its sieges was one of the most favourite themes of the Greek poets from the earliest times. The many old chronicles in verse which re- corded different parts of the history formed a continu- ous series, second only in popularity to that Trojan series of which the ' Iliad ' was the centre. In the uncritical language of the early Greeks, all these were attributed to Homer, and to a few other names for they are little more ; so that when we are told that .