rACK 
 
 S'NKX 
 
 
 
 606 
 
 FIUME: 
 tie Only Possible Solution 
 
 A LECTURE DELIVERED IN GLASGOW UNDER 
 
 THE AUSPICES OF THE WEST OF SCOTLAND 
 
 COMMERCIAL COLLEGE 
 
 BY 
 
 ERNESTO GRILLO, M.A., D.Litt. 
 
 1 The Italian war must not cease as long as a single foreign flag 
 waves this side of the Alps, from the mouth of the Var to Fiume." 
 
 M&zzini, 1848 
 
 "The Italian war must end only with victory in the Trentino, 
 Venezia, Trieste, and Fiume." Idem, 1856 
 
 PUBLISHED BY 
 
 THE INTERNATIONAL BOOK STORE 
 148 SAUCHIEHALL STRHET, GLASGOW 
 
 PRICE ONE SHILLING
 
 PREFACE 
 To MY BRITISH FRIENDS 
 
 As you are all lovers and admirers of Latin and Italian 
 culture and civilisation, I hope you will forgive me if 
 I address to you this small booklet, in which you will 
 find condensed the whole of the Fiumian dispute. 
 
 Being one of those who made every effort to induce 
 Italy to throw her lot in with the Allies, I feel that it 
 is my bounden duty to give a clear exposition of Italy's 
 point of view at this critical moment. 
 
 Whatever the final fate of Fiume may be, please be 
 ;i->mvd that Garibaldi's ideal 
 
 "Britain is <i i/rcat and /toircrful notion, foremost 
 in human progress, enemy to despotism, the only 
 safe refuge for flic c.rilc, friend of tlte oppressed; and 
 if ever she should he so circumstanced as to require 
 the help of an ally, cursed be the Italian who would 
 not step forward in her defence," 
 
 will ever be the ideal of the Italian Nation. 
 
 ERNESTO GRILLO. 
 GLASGOW, May, 1919. 
 
 2045143
 
 ROBERT ANDERSON, PRINTER, GLASGOW.
 
 FIUME: 
 The Only Possible Solution 
 
 LADIES AND GENTLEMEN, I am neither diplomatist nor 
 politician, and, if I come here to-night to speak about 
 politics, it is by the express desire of the Governors of 
 the West of Scotland Commercial College, who most 
 nobly have taken the initiative to inform the public of 
 what is going on, in order that " the man in the street " 
 may appeal from the badly informed community to the 
 more enlightened one. 
 
 Viewing the matter in this light, I hope you will listen 
 to me with the very same benevolence with which you 
 listened to me at the time of the Italian war against the 
 Turks, and at the beginning of the world war, when 
 I explained to you the line of conduct Italy would be 
 bound in honour to follow. Being fully aware, that what 
 I told you on those occasions was perfectly justified by the 
 threads of the events, I trust you will deem me worthy 
 of your attention while I discuss the various aspects of 
 lh is complicated problem. 
 
 History of Fiume. The City of Tarsatica was 
 founded by the Romans during the first century of the 
 Christian era. In the year 800 it was destroyed by 
 Charlemagne, and, soon after its destruction, was rebuilt 
 and renamed Fiume. 
 
 From the eleventh century to the middle of the 
 sixteenth century it became, successively, a fief of the 
 Bishops of I'odcna, of the Bishops of Pola, of the Lords 
 of ])uino, and of the Lords of Walsee. In 1530 a decree
 
 of the Emperor Ferdinand rhe First recognised tlie 
 independence of the city, so that Fiume remained an 
 autonomous commune for over two centuries. 
 
 In 1752 it came under the Government of Trieste, and, 
 in 1776, a decree of the Empress Maria Theresa annexed 
 it to the Hungarian crown as part of Croatia, but the 
 union of Fiume to Croatia caused a great revolt on the 
 part of the people, and the Queen three years after, 
 recognising the Italian character of the city, withdrew 
 her decree and annexed Fiume to Hungary as a separate 
 body. 
 
 In 1848, when the Hungarians and the Italians took 
 up arms against Austria, the Croatians, instead of 
 championing the national liberties of the rising masses, 
 became the tools of the Hapsburg tyranny, and largely 
 contributed to quench in a river of blood the aspirations 
 of both the Italian and Hungarian patriots. For these 
 services the Croats were highly rewarded by the Emperor, 
 who sanctioned the union of Fiume with the banat of 
 Croatia, but Bunjevaz, the Croatian commander of Fiuine, 
 at once acknowledged the Italian nature of the city, 
 and ordered that the use of the Italian language in the 
 schools and municipality should not be abolished. 
 
 In 1867 Fiume, at last, was separated from Croatia and 
 once again enjoyed its autonomy under the Hungarian 
 crown. On the 18th of October, 1918, three weeks before 
 the armistice, the people of Fiume, availing themselves 
 of the right of self-determination, through their unani- 
 mously elected deputy in the Hungarian Parliament 
 solemnly declared: " That the City of Fiume, Italian of 
 race, langiiage, and culture, must be reunited to its 
 Motherland." 
 
 In accordance with this declaration, the National 
 Council of the city and its territory voted the following 
 proclamation, which w r as posted on all the walls of the
 
 city, and. after the Italian victory, was communicated to 
 
 all the Powers throughout the world : 
 
 " The Italian National Council of Fiume, assembled 
 to-day in full session, declares that, by reason of 
 that right whereby all the nations have attained 
 independence and liberty, the City of Fiume, which up 
 to now was a 'separate body,' constituting an Italian 
 National Commune, also claims for itself the right of 
 self-determination. Taking its stand on this right, the 
 National Council proclaims Fiume united to its Mother- 
 land, Italy. The Italian National Council considers 
 as provisional the state of things that commenced on 
 October 29th, 1918, and it places its right under the 
 protection of America, the mother of liberty and of 
 universal democracy. And it awaits the sanction of this 
 right at the hands of the Peace Congress." 
 
 An Italian City. Fiume is an Italian city ; the 
 architecture of the houses, of the churches, and of all 
 public buildings is Italian. The streets, the museums, the 
 churches, the theatres, the banks, the cafes bear Italian 
 names. 
 
 All the mayors, the deputies, the clergy, the officials, 
 the shipowners, and the people connected with shipping 
 trade have been Italian and want to remain Italian. 
 
 From the time of its foundation up to the present they 
 have spoken no other language but Latin and Italian. 
 All the official documents which have been preserved, 
 whet her of princes, kings, and emperors, whether of 
 bishops, archbishops, dukes, archdukes, and even those 
 of the Croatian Government, are all written in Italian; 
 while, even in the reinet erie-. the tombstones and the 
 inscriptions show t hat thrOUghoul t he cent in i<-> t he Italian 
 element has always been predominant. 
 
 Indeed, the language of Dante ha- al \\a\- I n used in 
 
 the municipality, in the tribunals, in the Chamber of
 
 6 
 
 Commerce, in the literary societies, in the schools, and 
 in all daily affairs. The inhabitants of Fiume are so 
 much attached to the Italian tongue that they insist that 
 all the people living; in the immediate neighbourhood of 
 the town should learn it. An American writer justly 
 remarked about the inhabitants of the city " that the 
 books they read were Italian, the clergy preached to the 
 people in Italian, the officials addressed their con- 
 stituents in Italian, so that within the walls of the city 
 the Italian spirit and language found a congenial soil." 
 
 Population. The following figures show the real 
 state of affairs regarding the Free City of Fiume and 
 its territory. The total population numbers 46,264 
 inhabitants; of these, 31,094 live in the municipal 
 district and 15,170 in the sub-communes of Plasso, 
 Cosola, and Dreiiova. You will notice that I have left out 
 the little borough of Susack, situated further south, which 
 is inhabited chiefly by Croats, but even if Susack 
 is included, the compact Italian element would still out- 
 number all the rest of the population formed of Croats, 
 Slovenes, Serbs, Hungarians, Germans, &c., without 
 taking into consideration that the Hungarians, along with 
 the rest of the non-Slav population, prefer an Italian to a 
 Jugo-Slav Fiume. 
 
 The following tables will give all the particulars that 
 the public require in order to understand the question of 
 the mixed population : 
 
 I. POPULATION ACCORDING TO NATIONALITY. 
 
 Total. Percentage. 
 
 Italians, - 28,911 62-5 
 
 Croats, - 9,092 19-6 
 
 Slovenes, 1,674 3-6 
 
 Serbs, - 161 0-4 
 
 Hungarians, - 4,431 9-6 
 
 Germans, 1,616 3-5 
 
 Others, - ... 379 O8
 
 
 Town District. 
 
 
 
 Total. 
 
 Percentage. 
 
 Italians, - 
 
 19,684 
 
 63-4 
 
 Croats, - 
 
 5,529 
 
 17-8 
 
 Slovenes, 
 
 919 
 
 2-9 
 
 Serbs, - 
 
 128 
 
 0-4 
 
 Hungarians, 
 
 3,178 
 
 102 
 
 Germans, 
 
 1,353 
 
 4-3 
 
 Others, 
 
 303 
 
 1 
 
 
 Sub-Communes. 
 
 
 
 Total. 
 
 Percentage. 
 
 Italians, - 
 
 9,227 
 
 60-8 
 
 Croats, 
 
 3,563 
 
 23-5 
 
 Slovenes, 
 
 755 
 
 5 
 
 Serbs, 
 
 33 
 
 0-2 
 
 Hungarians, 
 
 1,253 
 
 8-3 
 
 Germans, 
 
 263 
 
 1-7 
 
 Others, - 
 
 k . .- - 76 
 
 0-5 
 
 II. POPULATION ACCORDING TO AGE AND RESIDENCE. 
 Over 20 years of age and 5 years' residence. 
 
 Total. Percentage. 
 
 Italians, - 16,597 65-0 
 
 Croats, 4,596 17-7 
 
 Slovenes, 937 3-7 
 
 Serbs, 65 0-3 
 
 Hungarians, 2,324 9-1 
 
 Germans, 844 3-4 
 
 Others, 193 0-8 
 
 III. NATIVE-BORN, OF FIUMIAX PARENTAGE, ACCORDING 
 TO NATIONALITY. 
 
 
 Town District. 
 
 
 
 Total. 
 
 Percentage. 
 
 Italians, - 
 
 9,891 
 
 90-0 
 
 Croats, 
 
 490 
 
 4-5 
 
 Slovenes, 
 
 46 
 
 0-4 
 
 Serbs, 
 
 6 
 
 0-1 
 
 Hungarians, 
 
 324 
 
 2-9 
 
 Germans, 
 
 202 
 
 1-9 
 
 Others, - 
 
 27 
 
 0-2
 
 Sub-Communes. 
 
 Total. Percentage. 
 
 Italians, - 4,303 71'0 
 
 Croats, 1,604 26-5 
 
 Slovenes, 127 2-1 
 Serbs, 
 
 Hungarians, 14 0'2 
 
 Germans, 7 0-1 
 Others, 60-1 
 
 IV. NATIVE-BORN, OP FIUMIAN PARENTAGE, 
 
 AGED OVER 24 
 
 YEARS. 
 
 
 Total. Percentage. 
 
 Italians, - * 7 
 
 8,316 85-8 
 
 Croats, 
 
 1,036 10-7 
 
 Slovenes, 
 
 62 0-7 
 
 Serbs, 
 
 4 
 
 Hungarians, ... 
 
 139 1-4 
 
 Germans, 
 
 121 1-2 
 
 Others, 
 
 14 0-2 
 
 V. NATIVE-BORN, OP NON-EIUMIAN PARENTAGE, RESIDENT 
 
 SINCE BIRTH AND AGED 
 
 OVER 20 YEARS. 
 
 
 Total. Percentage. 
 
 Italians, - V.: V - 
 
 9,612 85-5 
 
 Croats, 
 
 1,294 11-5 
 
 Slovenes, 
 
 123 1-1 
 
 Serbs, 
 
 9 0-1 
 
 Hungarians, 
 
 103 0-9 
 
 Germans, 
 
 92 0-8 
 
 Others, - - ' - 
 
 8 0-1 
 
 This census,, which was published by " Modern Italy," 
 was taken by order of the Fiumian National Council. It 
 shows that the whole population of Fiurne in November, 
 1918, consisted of 46,264 inhabitants, while the official 
 Austro-Hungarian census, taken eight years ago, gives 
 the whole population at, roughly, over 41,000, the 
 majority of whom were Italians. 
 
 It will be seen that there is a mere difference of four 
 or five thousand between the Fiumiaii and the official 
 Austro-Hungarian census. To an unprejudiced observer
 
 tin's difference, after eight years, will not appear so extra- 
 ordinary when it is considered that we are dealing with 
 u prolific southern race. Even the statistics of the dead 
 from the fifteenth to the twentieth century prove 
 the Italian character of the city; they show that 80 per 
 cent, of the dead were Italians and only 7 per cent Croats. 
 
 Significant Incidents. The mixed population and 
 the hatred which exists between the Croatians and the 
 Italians very often give rise to serious popular outbursts. 
 A very remarkable incident is related by a correspondent 
 of the Westminster Gazette, at which he was present. 
 "I remember," he says, "an extraordinary incident 
 happening in Fiume when I was staying there in 190G, 
 which brought home to me the fierce passions aroused by 
 the racial cross-currents in that city. We were sitting at 
 a restaurant facing the sea, when suddenly a crowd came 
 down the street with shouts of ' Long live Croatian 
 Fiume.' They were immediately answered by defiant 
 cries of ' Long live Italian Fiume,' and in a minute men 
 were at one another's throats, revolver shots rang out, 
 and tables and chairs were overturned. I was told that 
 Hungarians, enraged at the claim that Fiume should 
 belong to any country but Hungary, also joined in the 
 fray. I know that we hastily took refuge in an hotel." 
 
 Why Fiume was not included in the Treaty 
 of London. Much has hitherto been said about Fiume 
 having been omitted from the Treaty of London. Amidst 
 the conflicting explanations which have been brought 
 forward none of them gives the Italian side of the question . 
 Tin- tact that Italy did not insist on the annexation of 
 the city in that Treaty redounds to the credit of the Hal in n 
 statesmen. They never contfin plated <h<> complete 
 disruption of the Austrian Empire, and justly thought 
 that Austria. Hungary, and Cxcdio-Slovakia should not
 
 10 
 
 be cut off from the sea. Fiume being the only natural 
 outlet for these countries, it was fair that their claims 
 should not be overlooked, when we take into consideration 
 the fact that the Italian population of Fiume enjoyed 
 many privileges and favours under the Austro-Hungarian 
 rule. 
 
 At present, however, circumstances have completely 
 changed. There is the self-determination of Fiume to be 
 considered. Croatia is no longer part of the Austro- 
 Hungarian monarchy, but will be united to a greater 
 Serbia, enjoying not only the benefits of the ports of 
 Spalato, Ragusa, Metcovic, Cattaro, but also of the five 
 ports of Buccari, Porto Re, Novi, Segna, Carlopago, just 
 below Fiume, leaving, on the other hand, Hungary, 
 Austria, and Czecho-Slovakia without any outlet what- 
 soever to the Adriatic Sea. We cannot emphasise too 
 much the fact that the Croatian trade through Fiume 
 represents only a very small part of the entire tonnage of 
 the city, and that 93 per cent, of the whole tonnage goes to 
 or comes from Austria and Hungary. We must keep in 
 view the fact that not Croatia but Hungary built, at the 
 expense of nearly 50,000,000 crowns, the harbour, moles, 
 and warehouses; and that, if the ethnic laws were to be dis- 
 regarded, it is Austria-Hungaiy who should have the 
 benefit of the port. Under the changed conditions, would 
 the Croats and the Slovenes allow the neutralisation of 
 two strips of land in the midst of their territory in order 
 to give Austria and Hungary access to the sea? 
 
 If Fiume were to change hands and be given to any 
 other nation, it would become evident that the commerce 
 of the hinterland would be far better guaranteed under 
 Italian than under any other rule. It is worth noting 
 that the Ukrainians, the Austrians, and the Hungarians 
 themselves declared they would rather see the port ruled 
 by the Italians than by the Croats.
 
 11 
 
 Croats' Claims. The Croats base their claims to 
 the city and its surroundings on economic and commercial 
 more than on national grounds. They assert that, without 
 the port of Fiume, their new state will be unable to exist, 
 because it will find itself cut off from access to the sea. 
 
 This argument, however plausible to a superficial on- 
 looker, becomes utterly untenable, not to say ridiculous, 
 to a keener and unprejudiced observer. First, because the 
 commercial reasons which are invoked as decisive do not 
 really exist; the commerce of Croatia only represents 
 a very insignificant percentage of the commercial move- 
 ment of the port, and even the official Austrian statistics 
 show that, hitherto, the Slavs have only made very little 
 use of the port of Fiume. Secondly, because the new 
 kingdom of Croatia, Slavonia, and Serbia (Jugo-Slavia) 
 has been provided with excellent outlets and harbours 
 along the whole Adriatic coast. 
 
 Fiume not needed by the Slavs. The possession 
 of Fiume is not a vital economic necessity for the new 
 State. This statement finds its irrefutable confirmation 
 in the commercial statistics of the port. They show that 
 the great part of the trade of Fiume comes from 
 territories which are not within the political and 
 geographical agglomeration of the people who now 
 constitute Jugo-Slavia. The trade of the new State of 
 Croatia, Slavonia, and Serbia is not directed towards 
 Fiume, for the simple reason that this town is pot in 
 the centre of the country, and is not accessible without 
 great expenditure and a long railway journey. 
 
 Professor Civijic, the eminent Serb geographer and 
 politician, in a moment when party politics ;m<l passions 
 had not as much sway as they have to-day, advised 
 Serbia to turn her economic life towards the South, not 
 towards the North. " Southwards will henceforth be
 
 our motto. The bitter economic experiences we have had 
 in the -North separate us from this hated North." 
 
 If to the difficulties of the topographical conditions of 
 the port we add the racial antagonism which exists 
 among the mixed nationalities of the place, Italians, 
 Hungarians, Slavs, Germans, &c., we solve the problem 
 why the port should not be handed to the Slavs. 
 
 Commercial Statistics. During the last ten years 
 before the war the commerce of the Slavs through Fiurne 
 only amounted to 7 per cent, of the whole movement. 
 The total tonnage being 2,700,000 tons, it is clear that 
 7 per cent, represents only 189,000 tons. If we deduct 
 from these figures 160,000 tons of lumber, which is the 
 chief article exported by the Slavs, there remain less 
 than 30,000 tons of other exports. The theory then 
 that Fiume should be given to Croatia on economic 
 grounds is absurd. In 1909 the French Consul-General 
 at Fiume published in the Moniteur Officiel du Commerce 
 a report of the commercial movement of the city, in 
 which he stated " that Croatia and Slavonia have only 
 one important article of export lumber, of which only 
 a part is shipped to Fiume." It goes on to state that the 
 total tonnage brought to Fiume from Austria, Hungary, 
 Croatia, and Slavonia in 1889 amounted to only 330,679 
 tons, and that this amount, coming from three different 
 parts of the Austrian Empire, had been considerably 
 reduced in the last ten years. We may note incidentally 
 that this lumber traffic has undergone a continual decline 
 ever since, as the forests, whose products were sent to 
 Fiume, have been largely cut down. 
 
 We might be asked, what about the other forests of 
 Jugo-Slavia? Well, they do exist; but they are situated 
 further south, and their export trade can only be carried 
 on from the Dalmatian ports, some of which have a
 
 13 
 
 tonnage yearly which surpasses that of many other first- 
 class ports. 
 
 Change of Conditions. But the Jugo-Slavs say : 
 The conditions are now changed, since before the war the 
 Jugo-Slav countries, being a part of the Austro-Hungarian 
 monarchy, turned their trade towards Budapest, Vienna, 
 and Germany, while now they will not be able to trade 
 any longer with Austria and Germany, and must turn 
 towards Italy, France, Great Britain, and America. An 
 Italian writer, to whom this question was put, replied that 
 " if Budapest, Vienna, and Germany found it convenient 
 to buy from and sell to Jugo-Slav countries before the 
 war, there is no reason why they should not continue to 
 buy and sell after the war. Among Western countries 
 Italy is certainly the largest natural buyer of agricultural 
 and woodland products of Jugo-Slavia, and it is there- 
 fore to her interests to favour Jugo-Slav exports through 
 Fiunie as an Italian port." 
 
 Have the Jugo-Slavs been denied Access to 
 the Sea? The treaty concluded in 1915 by Britain, 
 France, Russia, and Italy treated the Jugo-Slavs most 
 generously. It allotted to them nearly a thousand kilo- 
 metres of the eastern coast of the Adriatic Sea, with 
 excellent ports both in the northern and southern 
 Adriatic, all connected with the Balkan hinterland. To 
 Hie norih of Fiume their new possessions on the Croatia 11 
 coast extend for at least 160 kilometres, on which are 
 the ports of Buccari, Porto Ke, Novi, Segna, Carlopago. 
 
 Hue-can, which is connected both with Fiume and with 
 the railway system of the hinterland, enjoys the benefit of 
 a unique position. Mr. Pavicic, the Croatian deputy, 
 himself recognises its importance; he says that Buccari 
 become a strong rival of Fiume; while no less
 
 14 
 
 an authority than Napoleon wrote that it is the most 
 important military port of the Adriatic. Segna, too, 
 further south, where the sea has a depth of 70 fathoms, is 
 another great natural outlet of Croatia capable of great 
 development. 
 
 Similarly, in Dalmatia, Italy, hoping to come to a 
 friendly understanding with the Slavs, under the 
 formidable pressure of Russia, who at the time of the 
 treaty acted as the trustee of the Slavs, reduced her 
 demands to the very minimum. She waived her rights 
 to the whole coast of the Adriatic south of Sebenico, 
 and agreed to give to the Jugo-Slavs the ports of Spalato, 
 Metcovic on the Narenta, Ragusa, and that superb port 
 of Cattaro, which is 13 miles long and 10 miles wide, 
 together with all the -coast from Punta Planca to Spizza 
 near Antivari. 
 
 Why did Italy make these Renunciations ? 
 These renunciations, which meant a great sacrifice on 
 the part of Italy, were made partly because the Jugo- 
 Slavs might have their own outlets to the sea, and 
 partly because Russia pledged herself to conduct the war 
 with the utmost energy, and to maintain a certain number 
 of divisions in the field against Austria to prevent her 
 from throwing her whole might against Italy. 
 
 It is well known how Russia kept her pledges, and 
 how Italy had to stand alone against the whole might 
 of the Austrian Empire, often stiffened by many German 
 and Bulgarian divisions. 
 
 It is superfluous to enumerate the losses both in men 
 and material that Italy underwent through the treachery 
 of Russia. Three-fourths of the Italian wealth was spent 
 on the war, two-thirds of the Italian mercantile fleet was 
 destroyed, many battleships were blown up, and the 
 invaded country pillaged by those very Croats and
 
 15 
 
 Slovenes who now call themselves Jugo-Slavs. 494,000 
 men killed, half a million disabled for life, one 
 million and over three hundred thousand wounded, with- 
 out mentioning those who died through illness contracted 
 in the field or those who perished of starvation. 
 
 It is well for our antagonists to know that had pure 
 Italian blood not been freely shed for the common cause, 
 or had Italy accepted the bribes of Germany, to-day there 
 would neither be a Jugo-Slavia nor a conference sitting 
 in Paris to dictate peace to the Huns. 
 
 The Pound of Flesh. Yet on the eve of the 
 final settlement Italy has been likened to Shylock, and 
 the small recompense for her enormous sacrifices to the 
 pound of flesh. What is the situation which has caused 
 such criticism ? It may be summed up under two heads 
 
 First Italian cities in race, in culture, and in 
 language have asked to be reunited to the Italian Mother- 
 ls md. 
 
 Secondly Italy asked for strategic security. 
 
 The Italian Adriatic coast being flat, low, and deprived 
 of natural harbours from Venice to Brindisi, Italy 
 demands the possession of some strategic strongholds on 
 the opposite coast. Is there any wonder that the Italians 
 are anxious, when we consider that the opposite coast 
 is rocky and full of natural harbours surrounded by 
 innumerable little islands, which admirably succeeded in 
 sheltering the Austrian fleet during the war? Can there 
 really be any wonder at this just demand, when \ve 
 think that the Italian defenceless coast is about four 
 hours' distant by steam in its widest part and two 
 hours in the narrowest? Apart from any other on- 
 siderat ion, ihe question for Italy i- purely strategic; 
 and, whatever my British friends may say, they are the 
 -aine which entitle Britain to claim ami hold ( i ilti altar, 
 Malta, Sue/, &c.
 
 16 
 
 As to the pound of flesh, let me remark that great 
 services are always repaid with the utmost generosity. 
 Many pounds of flesh have in the past been paid without 
 a murmur to ensure the national welfare. I may only 
 recall to my friends that little Piedmont in 1859 handed 
 to Napoleon III without the least grudge, not one but 
 two pounds of bleeding Italian flesh in the shape of 
 Savoy and Nice, the one the cradle of the Italian Kings, 
 the other the birthplace of Garibaldi, our national hero. 
 Both were unhesitatingly handed over to France for the 
 generous help she gave us to shake off the Austrian yoke. 
 
 President Wilson's Argument. President Wilson 
 argues that the strategic question does not exist any 
 more, for with the League of Nations all fortresses will 
 be destroyed and all armaments reduced. With due 
 deference to the President, Italy believes in his idealism 
 and in the League of Nations no more than France, 
 Britain, or America herself. We all know that while 
 we are discussing disarmament and League of Nations, 
 numerous formidable weapons of war, including a 
 number of the most powerful battleships in the world, 
 have been launched by Mr. Wilson's own countrymen, 
 and the President, with all his idealism, has done nothing 
 whatever to prevent them from being launched. 
 
 Italy demands nothing but strategic security, and the 
 removal of the pistol aimed at her heart; when this has 
 been done, the needs of other people will be met with the 
 greatest sympathy. As it is, we have just emerged 
 from a world war, and we are threatened with another 
 attack by a horde of barbarians, whose thirst for 
 aggrandisement produced not only the two Balkan wars, 
 but was even largely responsible for the world war: 
 the tragedy is not yet over, we are still in the middle 
 of the third act. Under these circumstances we feel
 
 17 
 
 that, as a recent Swiss writer has said, " those who are 
 urging Italy to renounce her strategic security in order 
 to favour a set of unruly regicides, are not friends, but her 
 enemies, whose only scope is to betray her." 
 
 To Ward off a Great Danger. Italy's attitude 
 must be considered in relation to the present conditions of 
 Europe. We do not know what the North and the North- 
 Eastern groups of nations are going to do, nor what the 
 future has in store for us all. 
 
 A Bolshevist Russia and a Republican Germany may 
 come to terms and set themselves up in opposition to the 
 Allies. If ever such a circumstance should arise, what 
 would the small nations do ? Would we not be perturbed 
 by the fear that the Southern Slavs might be attracted 
 to their Northern brethren? In that case who would be 
 able to bar the Germans and the Slavs from the way to 
 the South? Who would, in these circumstances, be able 
 to defend the Adriatic? And what would be the fate of 
 this sea if Italy had not the full control of it? And if the 
 Slavs had this control, or at least a powerful position, who 
 could prevent them from seeking again the way to 
 Constantinople, Mesopotamia, and Egypt? 
 
 Those are the facts that superficial observers should 
 bear in mind. I remember that, at the time of the Tripoli 
 campaign, when the whole Press was against Italy, I stood 
 alone in the defence of my country and asked : Had 
 the Turks in the future thrown in their lot with Germany, 
 whom would the British care to see masters of Tripoli ? I 
 hear you, perhaps, saying that we shall have a League of 
 Nations ! Let us not be deceived by the League of Nations. 
 Let us rather ward off the great dangers. 
 
 You know you have tested the friendship of Italy, but 
 have you done the same for those little peoples, who Imvr 
 often brought misery and slaughter upon Europe? The 
 lessons learned during the war are surely too recent to be 
 forgotten,
 
 18 
 
 I feel most strongly that any attempt at weakening 
 Italy's position in the. Adriatic and in the Alps would be 
 a very great mistake on the part of the British and the 
 French statesmen, because it would mean not only the 
 political and military weakening of Italy, but that also 
 of both France and Britain. I must be very adamant 
 on this subject, for Italy cannot accept any com- 
 promise on the question of national security. 
 
 In Jugo-Slav circles it is argued that Italy has to yield 
 because she is dependent on America for food and 
 money. True, the Americans have been generous 
 enough to lend us money at 6 per cent, interest, 
 and to sell us food, but let us not forget that this money 
 will have to be repaid with due interest. Our 
 antagonists will make a grave mistake if they think that 
 the mighty dollar will reduce the Italians to subjection. 
 The country which more than any other has experienced 
 hunger and starvation; the land which rejected with scorn 
 and indignation the bribes of Von Billow and of the 
 German Kaiser; that same country will prefer death and 
 annihilation rather than submit itself to the whims of any 
 financial autocrat. 
 
 Financial Intrigues. It has been often and per- 
 sistently asserted that at the back of the Fiume and of 
 the Dalmatian dispute there lies a sordid financial 
 intrigue, which prevents the Peace delegates in Paris 
 from coming to a friendly settlement. Mr. Herron's 
 declaration, published in the Epoca, and reproduced by 
 all the leading European papers, rather lends credit to 
 those rumours. Mr. Herron is a well-known American 
 author and lecturer, besides being a personal friend of 
 President Wilson, and the following is part of his 
 published statement, in which he says " that, being well 
 acquainted with the Italian Jugo-Slav question, he can
 
 19 
 
 affirm emphatically that two opportunities occurred of 
 reaching an agreement, but were missed on account of 
 certain international financiers who are diplomatically 
 privileged." 
 
 To these people Mr. Herron attributes the present 
 crisis, and indeed all the failures, political and moral, 
 of the Peace Conference, and the responsibility for 
 what he describes as " the disaster now threatening 
 the world." " A financial group," he declares, " is now 
 seeking concessions at Fiume and the Dalmatian ports, 
 aiming at the purchase of the Dalmatian shipping 
 lines, thus encompassing the complete commercial ruin 
 of Italy, whose merchant flag would disappear from the 
 Adriatic, and whose commercial and political relations 
 with Rumania and the Balkans generally would be com- 
 pletely broken." 
 
 In other passages Mr. Herron says: "Italy is at 
 present fighting for her existence against international 
 concessionaries. She has no mines or mineral resources to 
 offer these concessionaries, while South-Eastern Europe 
 is ripe for exploitation. Moreover, according to' 
 the Treaty of London, it is only a very small 
 portion of Dalmatia which would be given to Italy. 
 To invoke the principle of self-determination 
 against the Italian claims alone is tantamount to con- 
 spicuous hypocrisy in face of the territorial gains of all 
 the other nations represented at the conference." Mr. 
 Herron says that Jugo-Slavia possesses nine ports, which 
 could well be developed. " Great Britain, France, 
 Poland, and Czecho-Slovakia," he continues, "see their 
 aspirations realised. President Wilson's Fourteen Points 
 were generously applied to all of them. Why apply 
 them very strictly only in the case of Italy, who saved 
 the Entente in the darkest hours, and to whom the Croats 
 and Slovenes owe their independence?"
 
 20 
 
 We do not know how far we can rely on this remarkable 
 piece of news which comes from an American authoritative 
 source. The fact is that Mr. Wilson's theatrical move, 
 undertaken without finally consulting the British and the 
 French delegates, and at a moment when the Italian com- 
 mission was still discussing with a view to coming to a 
 friendly settlement, is still to be explained. We are, 
 however, gratified to feel that the. heart of France and 
 Britain is at the present moment with Italy; the whole 
 civilised world, openly and secretly, cannot but blame Mr. 
 Wilson, whose appeal to the Italian people over the head 
 of the Peace Conference and of the Italian Government 
 is a very dangerous innovation in modern international 
 politics. Had Mr. Wilson not published his spectacular 
 appeal to Italy, the matter would have been settled with- 
 out much anxiety. 
 
 The Only Possible Solution. Before solving this 
 crucial problem, let us examine the various opinions of the 
 contending parties. Mr. Wilson, in his appeal to the 
 Italian people, declared that the port of Fiume cannot 
 be given to Italy, because it must meet the needs of 
 Hungary, Czecho-Slovakia, Ukrainia, Rumania, Jugo- 
 slavia. 
 
 This statement does not definitely say to whom he means 
 to give it. We may assume that he is in favour of handing 
 the Italian city to the Croats. But the port cannot be 
 assigned to the Jugo-Slavs on ethnic grounds, because of 
 its Italian population. It cannot be assigned to them on 
 economic grounds (1) because the commerce of Jugo- 
 slavia only represents 7 per cent, of the whole tonnage 
 of the port; (2) because south of Fiume the commercial 
 needs of Croatia have already been amply met with the 
 ports of Buccari, Porto Re, Novi, Segna, Carlopago; (3) 
 because Italy will never consent to hand the Italian 
 population of Fiume to those very Croats and Slovenes
 
 who, for four years and a-lialf, have been the most cruel 
 and stubborn defenders of the Austrian Empire; (4) 
 because the Fiumians proclaim themselves Wilsonians, 
 and claim the right of self-determination in agreement 
 with his Fourteen Points. 
 
 Mr. Wilson's proposal has, therefore, to be abandoned 
 as impracticable. He cannot even impose' his will on 
 Italy on this subject, for the simple reason that his 
 juridical position is not very solid when we consider that 
 he is not the Ally, but a mere associate of Italy. America 
 never sent an army to fight on the Italian front, or a 
 fleet to block the Austrian navy in the Adriatic, her role 
 was confined to loans of several sums of money, which 
 have to be repaid with due interest. Moreover, when he 
 enunciated his Fourteen Points, whose application has 
 been very elastic in the case of France, Poland, Kumania, 
 Czecho-Slovakia, Servia, Japan, and America herself, 
 I understand that Italy and Britain both made their 
 reserve before accepting them implicitly. 
 
 Having thus eliminated the principal antagonist, there 
 remain the Franco-British and the Italian points of view. 
 The suggestion of Messrs. Lloyd George and Clemenceau 
 that Fiume should be made into a free and autonomous 
 city, however plausible, will not eliminate the bone of con- 
 tention. A small city like Fiunie left to itself will soon 
 become the prev of the neighbouring states, not excluding 
 the Germans. Lacking the means to develop herself, she 
 will either appeal to her Motherland to annex her, or she 
 will meet with disaster, causing new wars and new blood- 
 shed between the rival parties. 
 
 Fiume was really the Hungarian port, as 93 per 
 cent, of its trade up to the outbreak of the war 
 in 1914 was Hungarian. The Hungarians, I may 
 repeat, built the railway connecting the port with 
 the centres of their country, and furnished the
 
 22 
 
 harbour with moles and warehouses. If the ethnic con- 
 siderations should be overlooked, the only nation which has 
 a definite claim to the city is Hungary, as she has no other 
 access to the sea. But were the Allies willing to consider 
 Hungarian . claims, would the Jugo-Slavs concede or 
 neutralise a strip of land across their territory through 
 which the Hungarians could gain access to the sea? If 
 not, there is no other way to get out of the difficulties than 
 by a compromise. 
 
 I think that the Italians would not oppose the plan of 
 making Fiume a free port under the sovereignty of Italy, 
 which would guarantee the management of municipal 
 affairs and full liberty of trading for all the people who live 
 in the hinterland, whatever nation they may be. 
 
 Italy's Security. Such a solution would not only 
 satisfy the people of Italy, but also those who live in the 
 hinterland, so that Austria, Hungary, Czecho-Slovakia, 
 and Croatia would continue their trade through Fiume, 
 just as they did before the war. For Italy the question is 
 not economic, but purely strategic. If only she could 
 feel secure within her natural frontiers, Italy, I am sure, 
 would not be unsympathetic towards the economic claims 
 of the other nations. Sir Gilbert Parker put the 
 question of the Italian security and control of the 
 Adriatic with that unanswerable logic which has gained 
 so much distinction for all his writings: "Italy," 
 said Sir Gilbert, " came into the war at its most critical 
 period, and by her neutrality alone before she entered it 
 released about half a million French soldiers for service 
 against the Central Governments. 
 
 " When she came in she occupied fully a great number 
 of Austrian forces, which otherwise would have been used 
 upon the Western front. In other words, Italy went a long 
 way to winning the war for us, not that we should have 
 given in had Italy not joined, but we should have had the
 
 kind of thing that existed in the war against Napoleon, 
 which extended over a great many years. 
 
 "What does Italy ask for? She asks for a secure 
 frontier; that is to say, her natural frontier. When the 
 Congress of Vienna took away from her the Brenner Pass, 
 it opened the gate of Italy to many nations. 
 
 " Trieste also is purely Italian, and should belong to 
 Italy, and the Italians are there now. The Fiume people 
 have asked to be united to Italy, and the Italian population 
 of Fiume is greater than that of all the other nationalities 
 combined. Italy has never had any real protection for her 
 navy. The east coast of Italy from Venice down to Brindisi 
 is without naval harbours, but on the opposite shore there 
 are innumerable harbours protected by islands, where the 
 navy of Italy or any other nation could be secure." 
 
 Command of the Adriatic. "The question then 
 is," Sir Gilbert continues, " who shall command the 
 Adriatic? It is a question of great importance to 
 England. Naturally it should be Italy, and naturally it 
 should not be the Jugo-Slavs, who are an unorganised, 
 half barbaric people. 
 
 " The Jugo-Slavs, it must be remembered, were in the 
 Austrian Army, and did great service there. Also it must 
 be remembered that Austria gave the Jugo-Slavs their 
 11:1 vy. It is absolutely essential that the command of the 
 Adriatic should be in the hands of the Italian people. 
 
 " Spalato should be Italian. You then would have 
 Italy on both sides of the Adriatic, which would be a 
 security, while the Jugo-Slavs would have many good 
 harlioui > tor any ships or mivy they possess. 
 
 " We \\ill lake over certain (ierinan Colonies, South- 
 We^t Africa, (iermaii Kast Africa. Samoa, anil New 
 (iuinea. &C. It \\e take over I hose Colonies for our 
 territorial safety, \vliy should not Italy take over the 
 territories \vli icli are I la! laii 1"
 
 24 
 
 Ladies and Gentlemen, we in Italy have always hailed 
 the British. Fleet; we do not forget that we owe to it many 
 debts of eternal gratitude, which include the safe landing 
 of Garibaldi in Sicily; the heroism which it displayed to 
 save the inhabitants of Reggio and Messina from the 
 effects of the earthquake in 1908; and, not the least, the 
 mighty deeds performed in reducing German barbarism to 
 powerlessness. We rejoice at the strength and beauty of 
 your men-of-war, and fully realise that they are necessary 
 for the protection of the British Isles, and for the safety of 
 the world. 
 
 Her natural frontiers and a secure position in the 
 Adriatic are to Italy what the British Fleet is to Britain. 
 To obtain our own security we have struggled for many 
 centuries against the common enemy. We sincerely hope 
 that the battles we have lately waged together will be the 
 last, and that, with the same ideals and the same faith, we 
 shall cross the seas and the oceans for the glory of man- 
 kind and the prosperity of our people. 
 
 Ladies and Gentlemen, in the name of those heroes who 
 have laid down their lives for their Fatherland; in the 
 name of those who for over four years have fought 
 against barbarism, I ask you to-night most fervently to 
 strengthen more and more the bonds which for many 
 centuries have united the British and the Italian peoples; 
 let us then for ever wave friendly together our glorious 
 flags, which are the symbols of tine liberty and justice.