THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 of
 
 WJ.A'.-z.. 
 
 MARGARET CAVENDISH, 
 
 DUCHESS OF NEWCASTLE.
 
 THE LIVES OF 
 
 WILLIAM CAVENDISHE, 
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE, 
 
 AND OF HIS WIFE, 
 
 MARGARET DUCHESS OF NEWCASTLE. 
 
 WRITTEN BY THE THRICE NOBLE AND 
 ILLUSTRIOUS PRINCESS, 
 
 MARGARET, DUCHESS OF NEWCASTLE. 
 
 EDITED WITH A PREFACE AND OCCASIONAL 
 NOTES BY 
 
 MARK ANTONY LOWER, M.A., ETC. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 JOHN RUSSELL SMITH, 
 
 36, SOHO SQUARE. 
 1872.
 
 CHISWICK PRESS : PRINTER BY WHITTINCHAM AND WILKINS, 
 TOOKS COURT, CHANCERY LANE.
 
 College 
 Library 
 
 PA 
 
 4 on 
 
 Preface. 
 
 MONG the curiofities of biogra- 
 phical and autobiographical lite- 
 rature of the feventeenth cen- 
 tury, there are but few which 
 exceed in intereft the two mentioned in the 
 title-page of this book. By way of introduc- 
 tion, it is neceflary to quote their titles in full. 
 The firft is 
 
 " The Life of the Thrice Noble, High, 
 and puiflant Prince, WILLIAM CAVENDISHE, 
 Duke, Marquefs, and Earl of NEWCASTLE, 
 Earl of Ogle; Vifcount Mansfield ; and Baron 
 of Bolfover, of Ogle, Botha I, and Hepple : 
 Gentleman of His Majefties Bed-Chamber ; 
 one of His Majefties moft Honourable Privy 
 Council; Knight of the Moft Noble Order 
 of the Garter ; His Majefties Lieutenant of 
 
 1181552
 
 vi PREFACE. 
 
 the County and Town of Nottingham; and 
 Juftice in Ayre, Trent North : who had the 
 honour to be Governour to our moft Glorious 
 King, and Gracious Soveraign, in his Youth, 
 when He was Prince of Wales; and foon 
 after was made Captain General of all the 
 Provinces beyond the River of Trent, and 
 other Parts of the Kingdom of England^ with 
 Power, by a fpecial Commiflion to make 
 Knights. Written by the thrice Noble, Illuf- 
 trious, and Excellent Princefs, MARGARET, 
 Duchefs of Newcaftle, His [fecond] Wife. 
 London, Printed by A. Maxwell in the year 
 1667." 
 
 The title of the fecond work is 
 " A True Relation of the Birth, Breed- 
 ing, and Life of MARGARET CAVENDISH, 
 Duchefs of Newcaftle." [Written by her- 
 felf.] 
 
 The latter was not publiftied in a feparate 
 form, but it appears in a fcarce and curious 
 folio, called " $>atUCe0 p!(ttire# drawn by 
 FANCIES PENCIL to the Life. Written by 
 the thrice Noble, Illuftrious, and Excellent 
 Princefs, THE LADY MARCHIONESS OF NEW- 
 CASTLE. In this Volume there are federal 
 feigned Jlories of Natural Defcriptions^ as Comi-
 
 PREFACE. vii 
 
 cal. Tragical, and Tragi-comical, Poetical^ Ro- 
 mantical, Philofophical^ and Hiftorical, both in 
 Profe and Verfe,fome all Profe^fome //#/, partly 
 Profe and partly Verfe. Alfo there are fome 
 Morals, and fome Dialogues, but they are as 
 the advantage Loaves of Bread as a Baker's 
 Dozen ; and a true Story at the latter End, 
 wherein there is nofeinins." London : Printed 
 by J. Martin, and J. Alleftrye at the Bell in 
 Saint Pauls Church-yard, 1656. J 
 
 The latter work (or rather part of a work) 
 was printed as a brochure by Sir Egerton 
 Brydges at his private prefs at Lee Priory, 
 with a "critical preface," &c., in 1814. 
 This reprint is one of the worft ever given 
 to the world, the typography being fliamefully 
 incorrecl. In the prefent re-impreflion the 
 punctuation and capital letters have been 
 carefully attended to, fo that I truft it will 
 be found a faithful copy of the quaint ori- 
 ginal. 
 
 It is fcarcely neceflary to add to thefe 
 remarks any biographical notices of the Duke 
 and Duchefs. The hufband was undoubtedly 
 
 1 Nature's Pi flares, p. 368.
 
 viii PREFACE. 
 
 a true Nobleman, and whatever opinion the 
 prefent age may hold concerning his political 
 views, there can be no doubt that loyalty to 
 his pupil, afterwards Charles II., influenced 
 him in a direction which, but for that, might 
 have been different. We forgive errors in 
 our own children and friends which we fhould 
 not excufe in other people the errors, I 
 mean, of partiality, 
 
 As to MARGARET, the Duchefs, and 
 authorefs of thefe two biographies, Sir Egerton 
 Brydges makes fome excellent remarks. "That 
 the Duchefs was deficient in a cultivated 
 judgment," he fays ; " that her knowledge 
 was more multifarious than exact: ; and that 
 her powers of fancy and fentiment were more 
 active than her powers of reafoning, I will 
 admit ; but that her productions, mingled as 
 they are with great abfurdities, are wanting 
 either in talent or virtue, or even in genius, I 
 cannot concede c I fear my ambi- 
 tion,' fays the Duchefs, * inclines to vain- 
 glory ; for I am very ambitious ; yet 'tis 
 neither for beauty, wit, titles, wealth, or 
 power, but as they are Steps to raife me to 
 Fancies Tower, which is to live by Remem-
 
 PREFACE. ix 
 
 brance in after Ages I was addicted 
 
 from my Childhood to Contemplation, rather 
 then Converfation ; to Solitarinefs rather then 
 Society; to Melancholy rather then Mirth; 
 to write with the Pen then to work with my 
 Needle." 
 
 She further adds : " My Difpofition is more 
 inclining to Melancholy than Merry; but 
 not crabbed or peevifh Melancholy, but foft, 
 melting, folitary, and contemplating Melan- 
 choly, and I am apt to weep rather than 
 laugh." For other features of her character 
 the reader muft feek in the body of her auto- 
 biography, and I feel certain that no modern 
 reader, on a candid perufal of her writings, 
 will concur in attributing to her the nickname 
 which her jealous (female?) contemporaries 
 gave her " Mad Madge of Newcaftle ! " 
 
 "The labours of no modern authorefs," 
 fays Dyce, in his Britijh Poeteffes^ u can be 
 compared as to quantity with thofe of the 
 indefatigable Duchefs of Newcaftle, who filled 
 nearly twelve volumes folio with plays, poems, 
 orations, philofophical difcourfes, &c. Her 
 writings fhow that fhe poflefled a mind of 
 confiderable power and activity, with much
 
 x PREFACE. 
 
 imagination, but not one particle of judgment 
 or tafte." But this is by far too fweeping a 
 criticifm eccentric (he doubtlefs was, and 
 perhaps John Evelyn's di&um will not be 
 difputed when he fays, in a few brief words, 
 after he had paid the Duke and Duchefs a 
 vifit at their town-houfe in Clerkenwell Clofe; 
 " I was much pleafed with the extraordinary 
 fanciful habit, garb and difcourfe of the 
 Duchefs." 
 
 When in the country, the Duke and 
 Duchefs refided chiefly at Welbeck Abbey 
 in Nottinghamfliire, and at Bolfover Caftle 
 in Derbyfhire, feats about fix or feven miles 
 apart. There is a portrait of her Grace, in 
 a kind of theatrical coftume, now at Welbeck 
 Abbey, and another (a very fine one) at 
 Wentworth Caftle, Yorkfhire, which has 
 been engraved, after a painting by Abraham 
 Van Diepenbach of Antwerp, a pupil of 
 Rubens. This picture has been attributed 
 by miftake to Sir Peter Lely. 
 
 The Duchefs died in London, and was 
 buried near the Duke in Weftminfter Abbey, 
 January jth, 1674. A fine monument in the 
 north tranfept bears the following infcrip- 
 tion :
 
 PREFACE. xi 
 
 HERE LYES THE LOYALL DUKE OF NEWCASTLE, 
 AND HIS DUTCHESS HIS SECOND WIFE, BY WHOM HE 
 HAD NO ISSUE : HER NAME WAS MARGARETT LUCAS, 
 YONGEST SISTER TO THE LORD LUCAS, OF COL- 
 CHESTER; A NOBLE FAMILIE,FOR ALLTHE BROTHERS 
 WERE VALIANT, AND ALL THE SISTERS VIRTUOUS. 
 THIS DUTCHESS WAS A WISE, WITTIE, AND LEARNED 
 LADY, WHICH HER MANY BOOKES DO WELL TESTIFIE ; 
 SHE WAS A MOST VIRTUOUS AND A LOVEING AND 
 CAREFULL WIFE, AND WAS WITH HER LORD ALL 
 THE TIME OF HIS BANISHMENT AND MISERIES, AND 
 WHEN HE CAME HOME NEVER PARTED FROM HIM 
 IN HIS SOLITARY RETIREMENTS. 
 
 I have not enlarged this preface as I might 
 have done, becaufe all the main incidents of 
 the lives of the Duke and Duchefs will be 
 found in the text of the two biographies in- 
 cluded in this volume, and in the occafional 
 notes which I have added in the courfe of my 
 editorfhip. M. A. L. 
 
 POSTSCRIPT. 
 
 MR. HALLIWELL, in his "Letters of the 
 Kings of England," prints feveral from Charles 
 the Firft to the Duke of Newcaftle. The 
 firft is dated from Shrewfbury, 23rd Sep- 
 tember, 1642. "This is to tell you that 
 this rebellion is grown to that height, that I
 
 xii P' RE FACE. 
 
 muft not look what opinion men are of who 
 at the time [are] willing and able to ferve me. 
 Therefore, I do not only permit, but com- 
 mand you to make ufe of all my loving fub- 
 je6b' fervices, without examining their con- 
 fciences (more than their loyalty to me) as 
 you mall find moft to conduce to the uphold- 
 ing of my juft regal power. So I reft, Your 
 moft aflured faithful friend, 
 
 "CHARLES R." 
 
 The. next letter is dated from Oxford, 
 November 2, 1642, in which he fays: " New- 
 caftle. Your letters are fo really faithful and 
 lucky in my fervice, that though I pretend 
 not to thank you in words, yet I cannot but 
 tell you .... of the fenfe I have of them." 
 The king goes on to ftate that he has fent 
 the Duke 4,000 for war expenfes, and con- 
 cludes with " Your moft aflured conftant 
 friend, CHARLES R." 
 
 In the third letter the King thanks New- 
 caftle (then Earl) for his eminent fervices, 
 and avers that he mail look upon him as "a 
 principal inftrument in keeping the crown on 
 my head." In this letter the King informs
 
 PREFACE. xiii 
 
 the Earl that he has given orders for a com- 
 mifllon " to command all the countries be- 
 yond Trent." This letter is dated from 
 Oxford, December 15, 1642. 
 
 The next is alfo dated from Oxford, a few 
 days later, December 29, 1642. The King 
 thanks the Earl for fending for the Queen 
 with " earneftnefs," and regrets that he can- 
 not fend him more arms, at the fame time 
 wondering that as there were 12,000 of the 
 trained bands in the Earl's diftrir., he fhould 
 find any lack of weapons. It concludes with : 
 " I pray you let me hear from you as oft as 
 you may." 
 
 The fifth letter bears date Oxford, April 5, 
 1644, and contains ftrong expreffions refpe6t- 
 ing the Scots. The King fays : " Remember 
 all courage is not in fighting : conftancy in a 
 good caufe being the chief, and the defpifing 
 of flanderous tongues and pens being not the 
 leaft ingredient." 
 
 The next is of little importance. It is 
 dated from Oxford, April n, 1644, and refers 
 to the Scots' invafion. 
 
 The feventh letter is addrefled to New- 
 caftle under his new title of Marquis, in final
 
 xiv PREFACE. 
 
 teftimony of his great fervices after the dif- 
 comfiture of the royal forces in the North. It 
 is dated from " Our court at Oxford 28. Nov. 
 1644," and is full of praifes and gratitude, and 
 addrefled : " To our right trufty and entirely 
 beloved councillor, William, Marquis of New- 
 caftle."
 
 THE 
 
 LIFE 
 
 OF THE 
 
 Thrice Noble, High and Puiffant PRINCE, 
 
 William Cavendifhe, 
 
 Duke, Marquefs, and Earl of Newcaftle ; Earl 
 of Ogle; Vifcount Mansfield; and Baron of 
 Bolfover, of Ogle, Baikal and Hepple : Gentle- 
 man of His Majefties Bed-chamber ; one 
 of His Majefties moft Honourable Privy- 
 Councel; Knight of the moft Noble Order of 
 the Garter ; His Majefties Lieutenant of the 
 County and Town of Nottingham; and Juftice 
 in Ayre Trent-North : who had the honour to 
 be Governour to our moft Glorious King, and 
 Gracious Soveraign, in his Youth, when He 
 was Prince of Wales ; and foon after was 
 made Captain General of all the Provinces 
 beyond the River of Trent^ and other Parts of 
 the Kingdom of England, with Power, by a 
 fpecial Commiflion, to make Knights. 
 
 WRITTEN 
 
 By tbe thrice Noble, lllujlrious, and Excellent Princefs, 
 
 MARGARET, Ducbefs <?/Newcallle, 
 
 His ^d Wife. 
 
 LONDON, 
 Printed by A. Maxwell^ in the Year 1667.
 
 To His moft Sacred Majefty 
 Charles the Second, 
 
 By the Grace of God, of England^ Scotland^ 
 France and Ireland King, Defender of the 
 Faith, &c. 
 
 May it pleafe Tour Majefty ^ 
 
 HAVE, in confidence of your 
 Gracious acceptance, taken the 
 boldnefs, or rather the prefump- 
 tion, to dedicate to Your Ma- 
 jefty this fhort Hiftory (which is as full of 
 Truths, as words) of the Actions and Suffer- 
 ings of Your moft Loyal Subject, my Lord 
 and Hufband (by Your Majefties late favour) 
 Duke of Newcaftle ; who when Your Majefty 
 was Prince of Wales, was Your moft careful 
 Governour, and honeft Servant. Give me 
 therefore leave to relate here, that I have 
 b
 
 xviii TO CHARLES THE SECOND. 
 
 heard him often fay, He loves Your Royal 
 Perfon fo dearly, that He would moft willingly, 
 upon all occafions, facrifice his Life and Pof- 
 terity for Your Majefty : whom that Heaven 
 will ever blefs, is the Prayer of 
 
 Tour moft Obedient, Loyal, 
 
 humble Subjefl 
 
 
 
 and Servant^ 
 Margaret Newcaftle.
 
 To His Grace the Duke of 
 Newcaftle. 
 
 My Noble Lord, 
 
 T hath always been my hearty 
 Prayer to God^ fence I have been 
 your Wife^ That firjl I might 
 prove an honejl and good Wife^ 
 whereof your Grace mujl be the onely Judg : 
 Next) That God would be pleafed to enable me to 
 fet forth and declare to after-ages, the truth of 
 your loyal aftions and endeavours, for the ferine e 
 of your King and Country ; For the accomplijh- 
 ing of which defegn^ I have followed the bejt and 
 trueft Obfervations of your Secretary John Rol- 
 lefton, and your Lordjhips own Relations, and 
 have accordingly writ the Hiftory of your Lord- 
 jhips Life, which although I have endeavoured 
 to render as perfpicuous as ever I could, yet one
 
 xx TO HIS GRACE THE 
 
 thing I find hath much darkned it; which Is, 
 that your Grace commanded me not to mention 
 any thing or pajfage to the prejudice or dlfgrace 
 of any Family or particular perfon (although they 
 might be of great truth, and would illujlrate 
 much the aSlions of your Life) which I have 
 dutifully performed to fatisfie your Lordjhlp, 
 whofe Nature is fo Generous, that you are as 
 well pleafed to obfcure the faults of your Enemies, 
 as you are to divulge the vertues of your Friends ; 
 And certainly, My -Lord, you have had as many 
 Enemies, and as many Friends, as ever any one 
 particular perfon had ; and I pray God to forgive 
 the one, and profper the other : Nor do I fo much 
 wonder at it, fence I, a Woman, cannot be ex- 
 empt from the malice and afperfeons of fplghtful 
 tongues, which they cajl upon my poor Writings, 
 feme denying me to be the true Author efs of them ; 
 for your Grace remembers well, that thofe Books 
 I put out firft, to the judgment of this cenforious 
 Age, were accounted not to be written by a 
 Woman, but that feme body elfe had writ and 
 publiflfd them In my Name; by which your 
 Lord/hip was moved to prefix an Epl/Ue before 
 one of them in my vindication, wherein you ajjiire 
 the world upon your honour, That what was
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. xxi 
 
 written and printed in my name, was my own ; 
 and I have alfo made known, that your Lordjhlp 
 was my onely Tutor, in declaring to me what 
 you had found and obferved by your own expe- 
 rience ; for I being young when your Lordjhip 
 married me, could not have much knowledg of the 
 world ; But it pleafed God to command his Ser- 
 vant Nature to indue me with a Poetical and 
 Philofephical Genius, even from my Birth ; for 
 I did write fame Books in that kind, before I 
 was twelve years of Age, which for want of 
 good method and order, I ivould never divulge. 
 But though the world would not believe that 
 thofe Conceptions and Fancies which I writ, 
 were my own, but tranfcended my capacity, yet 
 they found fault, that they were defective for 
 want of Learning-, and on the other fide ', they 
 faid I had pluckt Feathers out of the Univerfe- 
 ties ; which was a very prepojlerous judgment. 
 Truly, My Lord, I confefs that for want of 
 Scholarjhip, I could not exprefs my felffo well as 
 otherwife I might have done, in thofe Philofo- 
 phical Writings I publijtid firji ; but after I 
 was returned with your Lordfoip into my Native 
 Country, and led a retired Country life, I applied 
 my felf to the reading of Philofephical Authors,
 
 xxii TO HIS GRACE THE 
 
 of purpofe to learn thofe names and words of Art 
 that are ufed in Schools ; which at firjt were fo 
 hard to me, that I could not under/land them, but 
 was fain to guefs at the fenfe of them by the whole 
 context , and fo writ them down as I found them 
 in thofe Authors, at which my Readers did wonder, 
 and thought it impojjible that a Woman cduld 
 have fo much Learning and Under/landing in 
 Terms of Art, and Scholajiical Exprejfions ; fo 
 that I and my Books are like the old Apologue 
 mentioned in JE.(op, of a Father, and his Son, 
 who rid on an Afs through a Town when his 
 Father went on Foot, at which fight the People 
 Jhouted and cried Jhame, that a young Boy Jhould 
 ride, and let his Father, an old man, go on Foot : 
 whereupon the old Man got upon the Afs, and 
 let his Son go by ; but when they came to the 
 next Town, the People exclaimed again/I the 
 Father, that he a lujly man Jhould ride, and 
 have no more pity of his young and tender child, 
 but let him go on foot : Then both the Father and 
 his Son got upon the Afs, and coming to the third 
 Tovjn, the People blamed them both for being fo 
 unconfcionable as to over-burden the poor Afs with 
 their heavy weight : After this both Father and 
 Son went on foot, and led the Afs ; and when
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. xxiii 
 
 they came to the fourth Town, the People railed 
 as much at them as ever the former had done^ 
 and called them both Fools, for going on foot, 
 when they had a Beajl able to carry them. The 
 old Man, feeing he could not pleafe Mankind in 
 any manner , and having received fo many ble- 
 mi/hes and afperftons^for the fake of his Afs^ was 
 at laft refolved to drown him when he came to 
 the next bridg. But I am not fo pajfionate to 
 burn my Writings for the various humours of 
 Mankind^ and for their finding fault, fince there 
 is nothing in this world^ be it the nobleft and 
 mojl commendable action whatfoever, that Jhall 
 efcape blamelefs. As for my being the true and 
 onely duthorefs of them, your Lord/hip knows 
 beft, and my attending Servants are witnefs that 
 I have had none but my own Thoughts^ Fancies 
 and Speculations to ajfifl me ; and as foon as I 
 have fet them down, I fend them to thofe that 
 are to tranfcribe them y and Jit them for the Prefs ; 
 whereof fence there have beenfeveral^ andamongji 
 them fuch as onely could write a good hand, but 
 neither under/load Orthography, nor had any 
 Learning (/ being then in bani/hment with your 
 Lordjbip, and not able to maintain learned Secre- 
 taries') which hath been a great difadvantage to
 
 xxiv TO HIS GRACE THE 
 
 my poor works^ and the caufe that they have been 
 printed fofalfe, and fo full of Errors ; for beftdes 
 that, I want alfo the fkill of Scholar/hip and 
 true writing, I did many times not perufe the 
 Copies that were transcribed, left they Jhould dij- 
 turb my following Conceptions ; by which negleft^ 
 as I faid, many Errors are flipt into my Works^ 
 which yet I hope Learned and Impartial Readers 
 will foon reElifie^ and look more upon the fenfe, 
 then carp at words. I have been a Student even 
 from my Childhood; and fence I have been your 
 Lordjhips Wtfe^ I have lived for the moft part 
 aftrift and retired Life, as is left known to your 
 Lordjhip, and therefore my Cenfurers cannot 
 know much of me, fence they have little or no 
 acquaintance with me : "Tis true^ I have been a 
 Traveller both before and after 1 was married 
 to your Lordjhip, and fometimes Jhew my felf at 
 your Lordjhips Command in Publick places or 
 AJJemblies ; but yet I converfe with few. In- 
 deed, My Lord, I matter not the Cenfures of 
 this Age^ but am rather proud of them ; for it 
 /hews that my Attions are more then ordinary, 
 and according to the old Proverb^ It is better to 
 be Envied, then Pitied : for I know well, that 
 it is meerly out offpight and malice, whereof this
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. xxv 
 
 prefent Age is fo full, that none can efcape them, 
 and tbey'l make no doubt to ftain even Tour 
 Lordjhips Loyal, Noble and Herolck Aflions, as 
 well as they do mine, though yours have been of 
 War and Fighting, mine of Contemplating and 
 Writing : Tours were performed publickly in the 
 Field, mine privately in my Clofet : Tours had 
 many thoufand Eye-witneJJes, mine none but my 
 Waiting-maids. But the Great God that hath 
 hitherto blefid both Tour Grace and me, will, I 
 quejlion not, preferve both our Fames to after 
 Ages, for which we Jhall be bound moft humbly 
 to acknowledg his great Mercy ; and I my felf, 
 as long as I live^ be 
 
 Your Graces Honeft Wife, 
 
 and Humble Servant 
 
 M. NEWCASTLE.
 
 The Preface. 
 
 HEN I firft Intended to write 
 this Hiftory, knowing my felf to 
 be no Scholar, and as ignorant 
 of the Rules of writing Hiftories, 
 as I have in my other Works acknowledged 
 my felf to be of the Names and Terms of 
 Art ; I defired my Lord, That he would be 
 pleafed to let me have fome Elegant and 
 Learned Hiftorian to affift me; which requeft 
 his Grace would not grant me ; faying, That 
 having never had any Affiftance in the writing 
 of my former Books, I fhould have no other 
 in the writing of his Life, but the Informa- 
 tions from himfelf, and his Secretary, of the 
 chief Tranfa&ions and Fortunes occurring in 
 it, to the time he married me. I humbly 
 anfwer'd, That without a learned Affiftant,
 
 xxviii THE PREFACE. 
 
 the Hiftory would be defe&ive : But he re- 
 plied, That Truth could not be defective. I 
 faid again, That Rhetorick did adorn Truth : 
 And he anfwer'd, That Rhetorick was fitter 
 for Falfhoods then Truths. Thus I was 
 forced by his Graces Commands, to write 
 this Hiftory in my own plain Style, without 
 elegant Flourifhings, or exquifit Method, re- 
 lying intirely upon Truth, in the exprefiing 
 whereof, I have been very circumfpeft ; as 
 knowing well, that his Graces Actions have 
 fo much Glory of their own, that they need 
 borrow none from any bodies Induftry. 
 
 Many Learned Men, I know, have pub- 
 lifhed Rules and Directions concerning the 
 Method and Style of Hiftories, and do with 
 great noife, to little purpofe, make loud ex- 
 clamations againft thofe Hiftorians, that keep- 
 ing clofe to the Truth of their Narrations, 
 cannot think it neceflary to follow flavifhly 
 fuch Inftru&ions ; and there is fome Men of 
 good Underftandings, as I have heard, that 
 applaud very much feveral Hiftories, meerly 
 for their Elegant Style, and well-obferv'd 
 Method ; fetting a high value upon feigned 
 Orations, myftical Defigns, and fancied
 
 THE PREFACE. xxix 
 
 Policies, which are, at the beft, but pleafant 
 Romances. Others approve, in the Relations 
 of Wars, and of Military Actions, fuch tedious 
 Defcriptions, that the Reader, tired with 
 them, will imagine that there was more time 
 fpent in A {Faulting, Defending, and taking of 
 a Fort, or a petty Garifon, then Alexander did 
 employ in conquering the greateft part of the 
 World : which proves, That fuch Hiftorians 
 regard more their own Eloquence, Wit and 
 Induftry, and the knowledg they believe to 
 have of the Actions of War, and of all man- 
 ner of Governments, than of the truth of the 
 Hiftory, which is the main thing, and wherein 
 confifts the hardeft tafk, very few Hiftorians 
 knowing the Tranfaclions they write of, and 
 much lefs the Counfels, and fecret Defigns of 
 many different Parties, which they confidently 
 mention. 
 
 Although there be many forts of Hiftories, 
 yet thefe three are the chiefeft : i. a General 
 Hiftory. 2. A National Hiftory. 3. A Par- 
 ticular Hiftory. Which three forts may, not 
 unfitly, be compared to the. three forts of 
 Governments, Democracy, Ariftocracy, and 
 Monarchy. The firft is the Hiftory of the
 
 xxx THE PREFACE. 
 
 known parts and people of the World ; The 
 fecond is the Hiftory of a particular Nation, 
 Kingdom or Commonwealth. The third is 
 the Hiftory of the life and actions of fome 
 particular Perfon. The firft is profitable for 
 Travellers, Navigators and Merchants; the 
 fecond is pernicious, by reafon it teaches fubtil 
 Policies, begets Factions, not onely between 
 particular Families and Perfons, but alfo be- 
 tween whole Nations, and great Princes, 
 rubbing old fores, and renewing old Quarrels, 
 that would otherwife have been forgotten. 
 The laft is the moft fecure ; becaufe it goes 
 not out of its own Circle, but turns on its 
 own Axis, and for the moft part, keeps within 
 the Circumference of Truth. The firft is 
 Mechanical, the fecond Political, and the 
 third Heroical. The firft fhould onely be 
 written by Travellers, and Navigators j The 
 fecond by Statefmen ; The third by the Prime 
 A&ors, or the Spectators of thofe Affairs and 
 Actions of which they write, as Ceefars Com- 
 mentaries are, which no Pen but of fuch an 
 Author, who was alfo A&or in the particular 
 Occurrences, private Intrigues, fecret Coun- 
 fels, clofe Defigns, and rare Exploits of War
 
 THE PREFACE. xxxi 
 
 he relates, could ever have brought to fo 
 high Perfe&ion. 
 
 This Hiftory is of the Third fort, as that 
 is ; and being of the Life and Actions of my 
 Noble Lord and Hufband, who hath informed 
 me of all the particular palFages I have re- 
 corded, I cannot, though neither Actor, nor 
 Spectator, be thought ignorant of the Truth 
 of what I write ; Nor is it inconfiftent with 
 my being a Woman, to write of Wars, that 
 was neither between Medes and Perfians, 
 Greeks and Trojans, Chrijlians and Turks; but 
 among my own Countreymen, whofe Cufroms 
 and Inclinations, and moft of the Perfons that 
 held any confiderable Place in the Armies, was 
 well known to me ; and befides all that (which 
 is above all) my Noble and Loyal Lord did act 
 a chief Part in that fatal Tragedy, to have 
 defended (if humane power could have done 
 it) his moft Gracious Soveraign, from the fury 
 of his Rebellious Subjects. 
 
 This Hiftory being (as I have faid) of a par- 
 ticular Perfon, his Actions, and Fortunes ; it 
 cannot be expected, that I fhould here Preach 
 of the beginning of the World j nor feem to 
 exprefs underftanding in the Politicks, by
 
 xxxii THE PREFACE. 
 
 tedious moral Difcourfes, with long Obferva- 
 tions upon the feveral forts of Government 
 that have been in Greece & Rome, and upon 
 others more modern ; I will neither endeavour 
 to make mow of Eloquence, making Speeches 
 that never was fpoken, nor pretend to great 
 fkill in War, by making Mountains of Mole- 
 hills, and telling Romanfical Falfhoods for 
 Hiftorical Truths ; and much lefs will I write 
 to amufe my Readers, in a myftical and alle- 
 gorical Style, of the difloyal Actions of the 
 oppofite Party, of the Treacherous Cowardife, 
 Envy and Malice of fome Perfons, my Lords 
 Enemies, and of the ingratitude of fome of his 
 feeming Friends ; wherein I cannot better 
 obey his Lordfhips Commands to conceal 
 thofe things, then in leaving them quite out, 
 as I do, with fubmiffion to his Lordmips de- 
 fire, from whom I have learn'd Patience to 
 overcome my Paflions, and Difcretion to yield 
 to his Prudence. 
 
 Thus am I refolved to write, in a natural 
 plain ftyle, without Latin Sentences, moral 
 Inftruclions, politick Defigns, feigned Ora- 
 tions, or envious and malicious Exclamations, 
 this mort Hiftory of the Loyal, Heroick and
 
 THE PREFACE. xxxiii 
 
 Prudent AHons of my Noble Lord, as alfo of 
 his Sufferings, LofTes, and ill-Fortunes, which 
 in honour and Confcience I could not fuffer 
 to be buried in filence ; nor could I have un- 
 dertaken fo hard a tafk, had not my love to 
 his Perfon, and to Truth, been my Encourager 
 and Supporter. 
 
 I might have made this Book larger, in 
 tranfcribing (as is ordinary in Hiftories) the 
 feveral Letters, full of Affe&ion, and kind 
 promifes he received from His Gracious 
 Soveraign, Charles the Firft, and from his 
 Royal Confort, in the time he was in the 
 Actions of War, as alfo fince the War, from 
 his dear Soveraign and Mafter, Charles the 
 Second ; But many of the former Letters 
 having been loft, when all was loft j I thought 
 it beft, feeing I had not them all, to print 
 none. As for Orations, which is another way 
 of fwelling the bulk of Hiftories ; it is certain, 
 that My Lord made not many j chufing rather 
 to fight, then to talk ; and his Declarations 
 having been printed already, it had been fuper- 
 fluous to infert them in thefe Narrations. 
 
 This Book would however, have been a 
 great Volume, if his Grace would have given
 
 xxxiv rHE PREFACE. 
 
 me leave to publifh his Enemies Actions ; 
 But being to write of his own onely, I do it 
 briefly and truly; and not as many have done, 
 who have written of the late Civil War, with 
 but few fprinklings of Truth, like as Heat- 
 drops upon a dry barren Ground ; knowing 
 no more of the Tranfa&ions of thofe Times, 
 then what they learned in the Gazets, which, 
 for the moft part, (out of Policy to amufe and 
 deceive the People) contain nothing but Falf- 
 hoods and Chimeraes ; and were fuch Para- 
 fites, that after the Kings Party was over- 
 powred, the Government among the Rebels 
 changing from one Faction to another, they 
 never mifs'd to exalt highly the Merits of the 
 chief Commanders of the then prevailing fide, 
 comparing fome of them to Mofes^ and fome 
 others to all the great and moft famous Heroes, 
 both Greeks and Romans; wherein, unawares, 
 they exceedingly commended my Noble Lord; 
 for if thofe Ring-leaders of Factions were fo 
 great men as they are reported to be, by thofe 
 Time-fervers, How much greater muft his 
 Lordfhip be, who beat moft of them, except 
 the Earl of EJfex, whofe employment was 
 never in the Northern parts, where all the
 
 THE PREFACE. xxxv 
 
 reft of the greateft ftrength of the Parliament 
 was fent, to oppofe my Lord's Forces, which 
 was the greateft the Kings Party had any 
 where. 
 
 Good Fortune is fuch an Idol of the World, 
 and is fo like the golden Calf worshipped by 
 the Ifraelites, that thofe Arch-Rebels never 
 wanted Aftrologers to foretel them good fuc- 
 cefs in all their Enter prifes, nor Poets to fing 
 their Praifes, nor Orators for Panegyricks ; 
 nay, which is worfe, nor Hiftorians neither, 
 to record their Valour in fighting, and Wif- 
 dom in Governing. But being, fo much as I 
 am, above bafe Profit, or any Preferment 
 whatfoever, I cannot fear to be fufpe6ted of 
 Flattery, in declaring to the World the Merits, 
 Wealth, Power, Loyalty, and Fortunes of 
 My Noble Lord, who hath done great Actions, 
 fuffered great Lofles, endured a long Banifli- 
 ment, for his Loyalty to his King and 
 Countrey ; and leads now, like another Scipio, 
 a quiet Countrey-life. If notwithftanding all 
 this, any fhould fay, That thofe who write 
 Hiftories of themfelves, and their own adtions, 
 or of their own Party, or inftrucl: and inform 
 thofe that write them, are partial to them-
 
 xxxvi THE PREFACE. 
 
 felves ; I anfwer, That it is very improbable, 
 Worthy Perfons, who having done Great, 
 Noble and Heroick Exploits, deferving to be 
 recorded, fhould be fo vain, as to write falfe 
 Hiftories ; but if they do, it proves but their 
 Folly j for Truth can never be concealed, 
 and fo it will be more for their difgrace, then 
 for their Honour or Fame. I fear not any 
 fuch blemifhes in this prefent Hiftory, for I am 
 not confcious of any fuch Crime as Partiality 
 or Falfhood, but write it whileft My Noble 
 Lord is yet alive, and at fuch a time where 
 Truth may be declared, and Falfhood con- 
 tradicted ; and I challenge any one (although 
 I be a Woman) to contradict any thing that I 
 have fet down, or prove it to be otherwife 
 then Truth ; for be there never fo many Con- 
 tradictions, Truth will conquer all at laft. 
 
 Concerning My Lords Actions in War, 
 which are comprehended in the firft Book, 
 the relation of them I have chiefly from my 
 Lords Secretary Mr. Rolle/lon, a Perfon that 
 has been an Eye-witnefs thereof, and accom- 
 panied My Lord as Secretary in his Army, 
 and gave out all his Commifiions j his honefty 
 and worth is unquestionable by all that know
 
 THE PREFACE. .xxxvii 
 
 him. And as for the Second Book, which 
 contains My Lords Actions and Sufferings,, 
 'during the time of his Exile, I have fet down 
 fo much as I could poflibly call to mind, with- 
 out any particular Expreflion of time, onely 
 from the time of his Baniftiment, or rather 
 (what I can remember) fro.m the time of my 
 Marriage, till our return into England. To 
 the end of which I have joined a Computa- 
 tion of My Lord's LofTes, which he hath 
 fuffered by thofe unfortunate Warres. In 
 the third Book I have fet down fome parti- 
 cular Chapters concerning the Defcription of 
 his Perfon, his Natural Faculties, and Per- 
 fonal Vertues, &c. And in the laft, fome 
 Eflayes and Difcourfes of My Lords, together 
 with fome Notes and Remarques of mine 
 own ; which I thought moft convenient to 
 place by themfelves at the end of this Work, 
 rather then to intermingle them with the 
 Body of the Hiftory. 
 
 It might be fome prejudice to my Lord's 
 Glory, and the credit of this Hiftory, not to 
 take notice of a very confiderable thing I have 
 heard, which is, That when his Lordfhip's 
 Army had got fo much Strength and Reputa- 
 c 2
 
 xxxviii THE PREFACE. 
 
 tion, that the Rebellious Parliament finding 
 themfelves overpower'd with it, rather then 
 to be utterly ruin'd, (as was unavoidable) did 
 call the Scots to their Affiftance, with a pro- 
 mife to reward fo great a Service, with the 
 Four Northern Counties of Northumberland, 
 Cumberland^ Wejimerland, and the Bimoprick 
 of Durham, which I have not mention'd in 
 the Book. 
 
 And it is moft certain, That the Parlia- 
 ments Forces were never Powerful, nor their 
 Commanders or Officers Famous, until fuch 
 time as my Lord was overpower'd ; neither 
 could Loyalty have been overpower'd by Re- 
 bellion, had not Treachery had better For- 
 tune then Prudence. 
 
 When I fpeakof my Lord's Pedigree, where 
 Thomas Earl of Arundel, Grandfather to the 
 now Duke of Norfolk, is mention'd, they have 
 left out William Vifcount Stafford, one of 
 his Sons, who did marry the Heir of the laft 
 Baron Stafford, defcended from the Dukes of 
 Buckingham; which was fet down in my 
 Original Manufcript. 
 
 Some of thofe Omiflions, and very pro- 
 bably others, are happened, partly for want
 
 THE PREFACE, xxxix 
 
 of timely Information, and chiefly by the 
 death of my Secretary, who did copy my 
 Writings for the Prefs, and dy'd in London^ 
 attending that Service, afore the Printing of 
 the Book was quite finifh'd. And as I hope 
 of your Favour to be excus'd for omitting 
 thofe things in the Book ; fo I expect of your 
 Juftice to be approv'd in putting them here, 
 though fomewhat unfeafonably. 
 
 Before I end this Preface, I do befeech my 
 Readers not to miftake me when I fpeak of 
 my Lord's Banifhment, as if I would conceal 
 that he went voluntarily out of his Native 
 Country ; for it is moft true, that his Lord- 
 fhip prudently perceiving all the King's Party 
 loft, not onely in England^ but alfo in Scotland 
 and Ireland-, and that it was impoffible to 
 withftand the Rebels, after the fatal overthrow 
 of his Army; his Lordfliip, in a poor and 
 mean condition quitted his own Countrey, 
 and went beyond Sea j foon after which, the 
 Rebels having got an Abfolute Power, and 
 granted a general Pardon to all thofe that 
 would come in to them, upon compofition, at 
 the Rates they had fet down, his Lordfliip, 
 with but few others, was excepted from it,
 
 xl THE PREFACE. 
 
 both for Life and Eftate, and did remain thus 
 banifh'd till His Majefties happy Reftaura- 
 tion. 
 
 I muft alfo acknowledg, That I have com- 
 mitted great Errors in taking no notice of 
 Times as I ihould have done in many places 
 of this Hiftory : I mention in one place the 
 Queen Mothers being in France^ when my 
 Lord went thither, but do not fay in what 
 year that was : Nor do I exprefs when His 
 Majefty (our now Gracious Soveraign) came 
 in, and went out again feveral times from 
 that Kingdom, which has happen'd for want 
 of Memory, and I defire my Readers to ex- 
 cufe me for it. 
 
 No body can certainly be more ready to 
 find faults in this Work, then I am to confefs 
 them ; being very confcious that I have, as I 
 told my Lord I ftiould, committed many for 
 want of Learning, and chiefly of (kill in 
 writing Hiftories : But having, according to 
 his Lordfhips Commands, written his Actions 
 and Fortunes truly and plainly, I have reafon 
 to expect, that whatfoever elfe (hall be found 
 amifs, will be favourably pardoned by the 
 candid Readers, to whom I wifh all manner 
 of happinefs.
 
 An Epiftle to Her Grace the 
 Duchefs of Newcaftle. 
 
 May it pleafe your Grace, 
 
 HAVE been taught^ and do be- 
 lieve, That Obedience is better 
 then Sacrifice; and know, that 
 both are due from me to your 
 Grace ; andfince I have been fo long in obeying 
 your Commands , I Jhall not prefume to ufe any 
 Arguments for my excufe, but rather chufe inge- 
 niouJJy to confefs my fault, and beg your Graces 
 Pardon. And becaufe forgivenefs is a Glory to 
 the fupreameji Powers, I will hope that your 
 Grace by that great example will make it yours. 
 And now 1 humbly take leave to reprefent to your 
 Grace, as faithfully and truly as my memory will 
 Jerve me, all my Obfervations of the mojl memo- 
 rable Aflions, and honourable Deportments of
 
 xlii AN EPISTLE TO THE 
 
 His Grace, my moft Noble Lord and Majler, 
 William Duke of Newcaftle, In the Execution 
 and Performance of the Trujls and high Em- 
 ployments committed and commended to his care 
 and charge by three Kings of England ; that is 
 to fay, King James, King Charles the Fir/1, of 
 ever blejfed Memory ; and our Gracious King, 
 Charles the Second, under whom he hath had 
 the happinefs to live, and the honour to ferve 
 them in feveral capacities : And becaufe I humbly 
 conceive, that it is not within the intention of 
 your Graces Commands, that I Jhould give you a 
 particular Relation .of His Graces High Birth, 
 his Noble and Princely Education and Breeding, 
 both at home and abroad; his Natural Facul- 
 ties, and Perfonal Vertues ; his "Juftice, Bounty, 
 Charity, Friendjhip ; his Right Approved Cou- 
 rage, and True Valour, not grounded upon, or 
 governed by PaJ/ion, but Reafon ; his Magnifi- 
 cent manner of living and fupporting his Dignity, 
 tejlified by his great Entertainments of their Ma- 
 jejlies, and his private Friends, upon all fit occa- 
 Jions, befides his ordinary and conftant Houfe- 
 keeping and Attendants ; fame for Honour, and 
 fame for bufinefs, vjherein he exceeded moji of his 
 Quality; and that he was, and is an incom-
 
 DUCHESS OF NEWCASTLE. xliii 
 
 parable Mafter to his Servants, is fufficiently 
 tejlified by all or mojl of the chiefeft of them, 
 living and dying in His Graces Service, which 
 is an Argument that they thought themfelves as 
 happy therein, as the World could make them ; 
 nor of his well-chofen Pleafures, which were 
 principally Horfes of all forts, but more particu- 
 larly Horfes of Manna ge -^ His Study and Art 
 of the true ufe of the Sword; His Magnificent 
 Buildings. Thefe are his chief ejt Delights, 
 wherein his Grace fpared for no cojt nor charge, 
 which are fufficiently manifejied to the World ; 
 for other Delights, as thofe of running Horfes, 
 Hawking, Hunting, &c. His Grace ufed them 
 meerly for focieties fake, and out of a generous and 
 obliging Nature to pleafe others, though his know 
 ledg in them excelled, as well as in the other. 
 And yet notwithftanding thefe his large and vajl 
 
 1 Mannage, from the Fr. menager, to carry on, to 
 conduit 5 hence a careful houfewife is called " a good 
 manager," and a carelefs one " a bad manager/' 
 Manage, as applied to horfes, fignifies the graceful 
 government of a horfe. Shakefpeare has 
 
 " Speak terms of manage to the bounding fteed," 
 and Young has 
 
 " They vault from hunters to the managed fteed."
 
 xliv AN EPISTLE. 
 
 expences, before bis Grace was called to the 
 Court) he encreafed his Revenue by way of Pur- 
 chafe to a great value ; and when he was called 
 to the Court) he was then free from Debts, and, 
 as I have heard, fame Thoufands of Pounds in 
 his Purfe. Thefe Particulars^ and as many 
 more of this kind as would fwell a Volume, 1 
 could enumerate to your Grace; but that they 
 are fo well known to your Grace, it would be a 
 Prefumption in me, rather then a Service, to 
 give your Grace that trouble ; and therefore I 
 humbly forbear^ and proceed, according to my 
 Intention, to give your Grace a faithful account 
 of Tour Graces Commands, as becomes 
 
 May it pleafe your Grace, 
 Your Graces moft humble, 
 
 and moft obedient Servant, 
 
 John Rollefton.
 
 The 
 
 Life of the Moft Illuftrious 
 
 Prince, William Duke of 
 
 Newcaftle. 
 
 THE FIRST BOOK. 
 
 INCE my chief intent in this 
 prefent Work, is to defcribe the 
 Life and Actions of My Noble 
 Lord and Hufband, William^ 
 Duke of Newcaftle , I fhall do it with as much 
 Brevity, Perfpicuity and Truth, as is required 
 of an Impartial Hiftorian. The Hiftory of 
 his Pedigree I fhall refer to the Heralds, and 
 partly give you an account thereof at the 
 latter end of this work ; onely thus much I 
 fhall now mention, as will be requifite for 
 the better underftanding of the following 
 difcourfe. 
 
 His Grandfather by his Fathers fide was 
 B
 
 2 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 Sir William Cavendijh, Privy Counfellour and 
 Treafurer of the Chamber to King Henry the 
 Eighth, Edward the Sixth, and Queen Mary. 
 His Grandfather by his Mother was Cuthbert 
 Lord Ogle, an ancient Baron. His Father Sir 
 Charles Cavendijh was the youngeft fon to Sir 
 William, and had no other Children but three 
 Sons, whereof My Lord was the Second ; 
 but his elder Brother dying in his Infancy, 
 left both his Title and Birth-right to My 
 Lord, fo that My Lord had then but one onely 
 Brother left, whofe name was Charles after 
 his Father, whereas My Lord had the name 
 of his Grandfather. 
 
 Thefe two Brothers were partly bred with 
 Gilbert Earl of Shrew/bury their Uncle in 
 Law, and their Aunt Mary, Countefs of 
 Shrewjbury, Gilbert's Wife, and Sifter to their 
 Father ; for there interceded an intire and 
 conftant Friendfhip between the faid Gilbert, 
 Earl of Shrewjbury, and My Lord's Father, 
 Sir Charles Cavendijh, caufed not onely by the 
 marriage of My Lord's Aunt, his Fathers 
 Sifter, to the aforefaid Gilbert, Earl of Shrew/- 
 bury, and by the marriage of George, Earl of 
 Shrewjbury, Gilbert's Father, with My Lord's
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. -3 
 
 Grandmother, by his Fathers fide; but Sir 
 Charles Cavendljh, My Lord's Father, and 
 Gilbert, Earl of Shrew/bury, being brought up 
 and bred together in one Family, and grown 
 up as parts of one body, after they came to be 
 beyond Children, and travelled together into 
 foreign Countries, to obferve the Fafhions, 
 Laws, and Cuftoms of other Nations, con- 
 tracted fuch an intire Friendftiip which lafted 
 to their death : neither did they out-live each 
 other long, for My Lord's Father, Sir Charles 
 Cavendijb, lived but one year after Gilbert 
 Earl of Shrew/bury. 
 
 But both My Lords Parents, and his Aunt 
 and Uncle in Law, (hewed always a great and 
 fond love to My Lord, endeavouring, when 
 He was but a Child, to pleafe him with what 
 he moft delighted in. When He was grown 
 to the Age of fifteen or fixteen, he was made 
 Knight of the Bath, an ancient and honour- 
 able Order, at the time when Henry, King 
 James, of bleffed Memory, His eldeft Son 
 was created Prince of Wales : and foon after 
 he went to travel with Sir Henry WottonJ 
 
 1 Sir Henry Wotton. See the Biographical Dic- 
 tionaries tor accounts of this diftinguifhed perfon, and 
 alfo his " Life " by Walton.
 
 4 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 who was fent as Ambaflador Extraordinary to 
 the then Duke of Savoy; which Duke made 
 very much of My Lord, and when he would 
 be free in Feafting, placed Him next to him- 
 felf. Before My Lord did return with the 
 Ambaflador into England^ the faid Duke pro- 
 fer'd My Lord, that if he would ftay with 
 him, he would not onely confer upon him the 
 beft Titles of Honour he could, but alfo give 
 him an honourable Command in War, although 
 My Lord was but young, for the Duke had 
 then fome defigns of War. But the Ambaf- 
 fador, who had taken the care of My Lord, 
 would not leave Him behind without his 
 Parents confent. 
 
 At laft, when My Lord took his leave of the 
 Duke, the Duke being a very generous perfon, 
 prefented Him with a Spanijk Horfe, a Saddle 
 very richly embroidered, and with a rich Jewel 
 of Diamonds. 
 
 Some time after My Lord's return into 
 England, Gilbert Earl of Skrewjbury died, and 
 left My Lord, though he was then but young, 
 and about Twenty two years of age, his 
 Executor j a year after, his Father Sir Charles 
 Cavendijh, died alfo. His Mother, being then
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 5 
 
 a Widow, was defirous that My Lord mould 
 marry : in obedience to whofe Commands, he 
 chofe a Wife both to his own good liking, and 
 his Mothers approving ; who was Daughter 
 and Heir to William Bajfct of Blore Efq. ; a 
 very honourable and ancient Family in Stafford- 
 Jhire, by whom was added a great part to His 
 Eftate, as hereafter fhall be mentioned. After 
 My Lord was married, he lived, for the moft 
 part, in the Country, and pleafed Himfelf and 
 
 J 
 
 his neighbours with Hofpitality, and fuch de- 
 lights as the Country afforded j onely now and 
 then he would go up to London for fome fhort 
 time to wait on the King. 
 
 About this time King James, of blefled 
 memory, having a purpofe to confer fome 
 Honour upon My Lord, made him Vifcount 
 Mansfield, and Baron of Bolfover; and after 
 the deceafe of King James, King Charles the 
 Firft, of blefled Memory, conftituted him 
 Lord Warden of the Forreft of Sherewood, and 
 Lieutenant of Nottingham-Jhire, and reftored 
 his Mother Catharine, the fecond Daughter of 
 Cuthbert Lord Ogle, to her Fathers Dignity, 
 after the death of her onely Sifter Jane Countefs 
 of Shrewjbury, publickly declaring, that it was
 
 6 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 her Right ; which Title after the death of his 
 Mother, defcended alfo upon My Lord, and 
 his Heirs General, together with a large In- 
 heritance of 3,000 1. a year, in Northumber- 
 land. 
 
 About the fame time, after the deceafe of 
 William^ late Earl of Devonjbire^ his Noble 
 Coufin German, My Lord was by his faid 
 Majefty made Lord Lieutenant of Derby- 
 jbire ; which truft and honour, after he had 
 enjoyed for feveral years, and managed it, like 
 as all other offices put to his Truft, with all 
 poffible care, faithfulnefs and dexterity, during 
 the time of the faid Earls Son, William, the 
 now Earl of Devonjhire^ his Minority, as foon 
 as this fame Earl was come to age, and by 
 Law made capable of that truft, he willingly 
 and freely refign'd it into his hands, he having 
 hitherto kept it onely for him, that he and 
 no body elfe might fucceed his Father in that 
 dignity. 
 
 In thefe, and all other both publick and 
 private imployments, My Lord hath ever 
 been careful to keep up the Kings Rights to 
 the uttermoft of his power, to ftrengthen 
 thofe mentioned Counties with Ammunition,
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 7 
 
 and to adminifter Juftice to every one ; for 
 he refufed no man's Petition, but fent all that 
 came to him, either for reliefer juftice, away 
 from him fully fatisfied. 
 
 Not long after his being made Lieutenant 
 of Nottingham-Jhire, there was found fo great 
 a defect of Armes and Ammunition in that 
 County, that the Lords of the Council being 
 advertifed thereof, as the manner then was, 
 His Majefty commanded a levy to be made 
 upon the whole County for the fupply thereof; 
 whereupon the fum of 500!. or thereabout, 
 was accordingly levied for that purpofe, and 
 three Perfons o c Quality, then Deputy Lieu- 
 tenants, were defired by My Lord to receive 
 the money, and fee it difpofed ; which being 
 done accordingly, and a certain account ren- 
 dred to My Lord, he voluntarily ordered the 
 then Clerk of the Peace of that County, That 
 the fame account fhould be recorded amongft 
 the Seffions Roles, and be publifhed in open 
 Seflions, to the end that the Country might 
 take notice how their monies were difpofed 
 of, for which aft of Juftice My Lord was 
 highly commended. 
 
 Within fome few years after, King Charles
 
 8 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 the Firft, of blefled Memory, His Gracious 
 Soveraign, in regard of His true and faithful 
 fervice to his King and Country, was pleafed 
 to honour him with the Title of Earl of New - 
 caftle, and Baron of Bothal and Heple ; which 
 Title he graced fo much by His Noble Ac- 
 tions and Deportments, that fome feven years 
 after, which was in the Year 1638, His Ma- 
 jefty called him up to Court, and thought Him 
 the fitteft Perfon whom He might intruft with 
 the Government of His Son Charles, then 
 Prince of Wales, now our moft Gracious 
 King, and made him withal a Member of 
 the Lords of His Majefties moft honourable 
 Privy Council ; which, as it was a great 
 Honour and Truft, fo He fpared no care and 
 induftry to difcharge His Duty accordingly ; 
 and to that end, left all the care of governing 
 his own Family and Eftate, with all Fidelity 
 attending His Mafter not without confiderable 
 Charges, and vaft Expences of his own. 
 
 In this prefent Employment He continued 
 for the fpace of three Years, during which 
 time there happened an Infurre&ion and Re- 
 bellion of His Majefties difcontented Subje6ts 
 in Scotland, which forced His Majefty to raife
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 9 
 
 an Army, to reduce them to their Obedience, 
 and His Treafury being at that time exhaufted 
 he was neceffitated to defire fome fupply and 
 afliftance of the Nobleft and Richeft of his 
 Loyal Subjects ; amongft the reft, My Lord 
 lent His Majefty looool. and raifed Himfelf 
 a Voluntier-Troop of Horfe, which confifted 
 of 1 20 Knights and Gentlemen of Quality, 
 who marched to Berwick by His Majefties 
 Command, where it pleafed His Majefty to 
 fet this mark of Honour upon that Troop, 
 that it fhould be Independent, and not com- 
 manded by any General Officer, but onely by 
 his Majefty Himfelf; 1 The reafon thereof 
 was upon this following occafion. 
 
 His Majefties whole body of Horfe, being 
 commanded to march into Scotland againft 
 the Rebels, a place was appointed for their 
 Rendezvous ; Immediately upon their meet- 
 ing, My Lord fent a Gentleman of Quality of 
 
 1 We have feveral King's or Queen's " Own Regi- 
 ments." Query, if this troop was not the origin of that 
 title ? Loyal men, if rich enough, frequently raifed 
 troops or regiments of foldiers and prefented them to 
 the fovereign.
 
 10 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 his Troop l to His Majefties then General of 
 the Horfe, to know where his Troop fhould 
 march; who returned this anfwer, That it 
 was to march next after the Troops of the 
 General Officers of the Field. My Lord 
 conceiving that his Troop ought to march in 
 the Van, and not in the Rear, fent the fame 
 Meflenger back again to the General, to in- 
 form him, That he had the honour to march 
 with the Princes Colours, and therefore he 
 thought it not fit to march under any of the 
 Officers of the Field j yet neverthelefs the 
 General ordered that Troop as he had for- 
 merly directed. Whereupon, My Lord think- 
 ing it unfit at that time to difpute the bufinefs, 
 immediately commanded his Cornet 2 to take 
 off the Princes Colours from his ftaff, and 
 fo marched in the place appointed, choofing 
 rather to march without his Colours flying, 
 then to leflen his Mafters dignity by the com- 
 mand of any fubje6t. 
 
 Immediately after the return from that ex- 
 pedition to his Majefties Leaguer, the General 
 
 1 Sir William Carnaby, Kt. 
 
 * Mr. Gray, Brother to the Lord Gray of the North.
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. n 
 
 made a complaint thereof to his Majefty ; who 
 being truly informed of the bufmefs, com- 
 mended my Lords difcretion for it, and from 
 that time ordered that Troop to be com- 
 manded by none but himfelf. Thus they 
 remain'd upon duty, without receiving any 
 payment or allowance from His Majejly^ until 
 His Majefty had reduced his Rebellious 
 Subjects, and then My Lord returned with 
 honour to his Charge, viz. The Government 
 of the Prince. 
 
 At laft when the whole Army was dif- 
 banded, then, and not before, my Lord thought 
 it a fit Time to exacl: an account from the faid 
 General for the affront he pafs'd upon him, 
 and fent him a Challenge ; the place and hour 
 being appointed by both their Confents, where 
 and when to meet, My Lord appear'd there 
 with his Second, 2 but found not his Oppofite: 
 After fome while his Oppofite's Second came 
 all alone, by whom my Lord perceiv'd that their 
 Defign had been difcover'd to the King by 
 
 1 In both the copies now before me the words in 
 italic have been carefully obliterated with ink. Why ? 
 
 2 Francis Palmes.
 
 12 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 fome of his Oppofite's Friends, who prefently 
 caufed them both to be confined until he had 
 made their Peace. 
 
 My Lord having hitherto attended the 
 Prince, his Mafter, with all faithfulnefs and 
 duty befitting fo great an Employment, for 
 the fpace of three years, in the beginning of 
 that Rebellious and unhappy Parliament, which 
 was the caufe of all the ruines and misfortunes 
 that afterwards befell this Kingdom, was pri- 
 vately advertifed, that the Parliaments Defign 
 was to take the Government of the Prince 
 from Him, which he apprehending as a dif- 
 grace to Himfelf, wifely prevented, and ob- 
 tained the Confent of His late Majefty, with 
 His Favour, to deliver up the Charge of being 
 Governor to the Prince, and retire into the 
 Countrey ; which he did in the beginning of 
 the Year 1641, and fetled himfelf, with his 
 Lady, Children and Family, to his great 
 fatisfa&ion, with an intent to have continued 
 there, and refted under his own Vine, and 
 managed his own Eftate ; but he had not 
 enjoyed himfelf long, but an Exprefs came to 
 him from His Majefty, who was then unjuftly 
 and unmannerly treated by the faid Parliament,
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 13 
 
 to repair with all poflible fpeed and privacy to 
 Kingfton upon Hull, where the greateft part of 
 His Majefties Ammunition and Arms then 
 remained in that Magazine, it being the moft 
 confiderable place for ftrength in the Northern 
 parts of the Kingdom. 
 
 Immediately upon the receipt of thefe His 
 Majefties Orders and Commands, my Lord 
 prepared for their execution, and about 
 Twelve of the Clock at night, haftned from 
 his own houfe when his Familie were all at 
 their reft, fave two or three Servants which 
 he appointed to attend him. The next day 
 early in the morning he arrived at Hull, in 
 the quality of a private Gentleman, which 
 place was diftant from his houfe forty miles ; 
 and none of his Family that were at home, 
 knew what was become of him, till he fent 
 an Exprefs to his Lady to inform her where 
 he was. 
 
 Thus being admitted into the Town, he fell 
 upon his intended Defign, and brought it to 
 fo hopeful an iflue for His Majefties Service, 
 that he wanted nothing but His Majefties 
 further Commiflion and Pleafure to have 
 fecured both the Town and Magazine for
 
 i 4 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 His Majefties ufe ; and to that end by a fpeedy 
 Exprefs 1 gave His Majefty, who was then at 
 Windfor^ an account of all his Tranfa&ions 
 therein, together with his Opinion of them, 
 hoping His Majefty would have been pleafed 
 either to come thither in Perfon, which He 
 might have done with much fecurity, or at 
 leaft have fent him a Commiffion and Orders 
 how he fhould do His Majefty further Ser- 
 vice. 
 
 But inftead thereof he received Orders from 
 His Majefty to obferve fuch Dire6tions as he 
 fliould receive from the Parliament then 
 fitting : Whereupon he was fummoned per- 
 fonally to appear at the Houfe of Lords, and 
 a Committee chofen to examine the Grounds 
 and Reafons of his undertaking that Defign ; 
 but my Lord {hewed them his Commiffion, 
 and that it was done in obedience to His 
 Majefties Commands, and fo was cleared of 
 that Action. 
 
 Not long after, my Lord obtained the free- 
 dom from His Majefty to retire again to his 
 Countrey Life, which he did with much 
 
 1 Capt. Mazine.
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 15 
 
 alacrity : He had not remained many months 
 there, but His Majefty was forced by the fury 
 of the faid Parliament, to repair in Perfon to 
 York) and to fend the Queen beyond the Seas 
 for her fafety. 
 
 No fooner was His Majefty arrived at York 
 but he fent his Commands to my Lord to 
 come thither to him ; which, according to 
 his wonted cuftom and loyalty, he readily 
 obeyed, and after a few days fpent there 
 in Confultation, His Majefty was pleafed 
 to Command him to Newcaftle upon Tyne, to 
 take upon him the Government of that Town, 
 and the four Counties next adjoining ; that is 
 to fay, Northumberland^ Cumberland^ Weftmer- 
 land, and the Bifhoprick of Durham; which 
 my Lord did accordingly, although he wanted 
 Men, Money and Ammunition, for the perform- 
 ance of that defign ; for when he came thither 
 he neither found any Military provifion con- 
 fiderable for the undertaking that work, nor 
 generally any great encouragement from the 
 people in thofe parts, more then what his own 
 intereft created in them : Neverthelefs, he 
 thought it his duty rather to hazard all, then to 
 neglect the Commands of His Soveraign j and
 
 16 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 refolved to {hew his Fidelity, by nobly fetting 
 all at flake, as he did, though he well knew 
 how to have fecured himfelf, as too many 
 others did, either by Neutrality or adhering 
 to the Rebellious Party ; but his Honour and 
 Loyalty was too great to be ftained with fuch 
 foul adherencies. 
 
 As foon as my Lord came to Newcajlle^ in 
 the firft place he fent for all his Tenants and 
 Friends in thofe parts, and prefently raifed a 
 Troop of Horfe confifting of 120, and a Regi- 
 ment of Foot, and put them under Command, 
 and upon duty and exercife in the Town of 
 Newcaftle ; and with this fmall beginning took 
 the Government of that place upon him ; 
 where with the afliftance of the Towns-men, 
 particularly the Mayor, 1 (whom by the power 
 of his Forces, he continued Mayor for the 
 year following, he being a perfon of much 
 truft and fidelity, as he approved himfelf) and 
 the reft of his Brethren, within few days he 
 fortified the Town, and raifed men daily, and 
 put a Garrifon of Soldiers into 77#z<j#^?-Caftle, 
 {landing upon the River Tyne, betwixt New- 
 
 1 Sir John Marlay, Kit.
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 17 
 
 cajlle and the Sea, to fecure that Port, and 
 armed the Soldiers as well as he could : And 
 thus he flood upon his Guard, and continued 
 them upon Duty ; playing his weak Game 
 with much Prudence, and giving the Town 
 and Country very great fatisfa&ion by his 
 noble and honourable Deportment. 
 
 In the mean time, there happend a great 
 mutiny of the Trainband Souldiers of the 
 Bifhoprick at Durham, fo that my Lord was 
 forced to remove thither in Perfon, attended 
 with fome forces to appeafe them ; where at 
 his arrival (I mention it by the way, and as a 
 merry paffage) a jovial Fellow ufed this ex- 
 preflion, That he liked my Lord very well, 
 but not his Company (meaning his Soldiers.) 
 
 After my Lord had reduced them to their 
 obedience and duty, he took great care of the 
 Church Government in the faid Bifhoprick 
 (as he did no lefs in all other places committed 
 to his Care and Protection, well knowing that 
 Schifm and Fadtion in Religion is the Mother 
 of all or moft Rebellions, Wars and Diftur- 
 bances in a State or Government) and con- 
 ftituted that Learned and Eminent Divine the 
 then Dean of Peterborough^ now Lord-Bifhop 
 c
 
 i8 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 of Durham, 1 to view all Sermons that were to 
 be Preached, and fuffer nothing in them that 
 in the leaft refle&ed againft His Majefties 
 Perfon and Government, but to put forth and 
 add whatfoever he thought convenient, and 
 punifh thofe that fhould trefpafs againft it. In 
 which that worthy Perfon ufed fo much care 
 and induftry, that never the Church could be 
 more happily govern'd then it was at that 
 prefent. 
 
 Some fhort time after, my Lord received 
 from Her Majefty the Queen, out of Holland 
 a fmall fupply of Money, viz. a little barrel of 
 Ducatoons, which amounted to about 500!. 
 Sterling ; which my Lord diftributed amongft 
 the Officers of his new raifed Army, to en- 
 courage them the better in their fervice ; as 
 alfo fome Armes, the moft part whereof were 
 configned to his late Majefty ; and thofe that 
 were ordered to be conveyed to his Majefty, 
 were fent accordingly, conducted by that onely 
 Troop of Horfe, which my Lord had newly 
 raifed, with orders to return again to him ; 
 but it feems His Majefty liked the Troop fo 
 
 1 Dr. Coofens.
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 19 
 
 well, that he was pleafed to command their 
 ftay to recruit his own Army. 
 
 About the fame time the King of Denmark 
 was likewife pleafed to fend His Majefty a 
 Ship, which arrived at Newcaftle, laden with 
 fotne Ammunition, Armes, Regiment Pieces, 
 and Danijh Clubs j 1 which my Lord kept for 
 the furnifhing of fome Forces which he in- 
 tended to raife for His Majefties fervicej for 
 he perceiving the flames increafe more and 
 more in both the Houfes of Parliament then 
 fitting at Weftminjler, againft his Majefties 
 Perfon and Government ; upon Confultation 
 with his Friends and Allies, and the intereft 
 he had in thofe Northern parts, took a refo- 
 lution to raife an Army for His Majefties fer- 
 vice, and by an exprefs acquainted His Ma- 
 jefty with his defign ; who was fo well pleafed 
 with it, that he fent him Commifiions for that 
 purpofe, to conftitute him General of all the 
 Forces raifed and to be raifed in all the parts 
 of the Kingdom, Trent-North, and moreover 
 in the feveral Counties of Lincoln, Nottingham, 
 
 1 Danifh Clubs were war-maces originally ufed by 
 the Danes inftead of fwords.
 
 20 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 Derby , Lancashire, Chejhire, Leicefter, Rutland, 
 Cambridg, Huntington, Norfolk, Suffolk, and 
 EJfex, and Commander in Chief for the fame ; 
 as alfo to impower and authorize him to confer 
 the honour of Knighthood upon fuch Perfons 
 as he fhould conceive deferved it, and to coin 
 Money and Print 1 whenfoever he faw occafion 
 for it. Which as it was not onely a great 
 Honour, but a great Truft and Power ; fo he 
 ufed it with much difcretion and wifdom, 
 onely in fuch occurrencies, where he found it 
 tending to the advancement of His Majefties 
 Service, and conferr'd the honour of Knight- 
 hood fparingly, and but on fuch perfons whofe 
 Valiant and Loyal Actions did juftly deferve 
 it, fo that he Knighted in all to the number 
 of Twelve. 
 
 Within a fhort time, my Lord formed an 
 
 1 This is an early inftance of making Knights by 
 Deputy. I am not aware that the power ftill exifts, 
 except in the cafe of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. 
 As to the coining of money, not of royal mintage, we 
 have many inftances during the Civil Wars ; and the 
 fo-called " fiege pieces," for the payment of foldiers, 
 and other ufes, are not uncommon. They are generally 
 of filver, and very rudely executed.
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 21 
 
 Army of 8000 Foot, Horfe and Dragoons, and 
 put them into a condition to march in the 
 beginning of November , 1 642. No fooner was 
 this effe&ed, but the Infurre6Hon grew high 
 in Tork-Jhire^ in fo much, that moft of His 
 Majefties good fubjedts of that County, as 
 well the Nobility as Gentry, were forced for 
 the prefervation of their perfons, to retire to 
 the City of York, a walled Town, but of no 
 great ftrength j and hearing that my Lord had 
 not onely kept thofe Counties in the Northen 
 parts generally faithful to his Majefty, but 
 raifed an Army for His Majefties Intereft, and 
 the protection of his good fubje&s; thought it 
 convenient to employ and authorife fome per- 
 fons of Quality to attend upon my Lord, and 
 treat with him on their behalf, that he would 
 be pleafed to give them the affiftance of his 
 Army, which my Lord granted them upon 
 fuch Terms as did highly advance His Ma- 
 jefties Service, which was my Lords chief 
 and onely aim. 
 
 Thus my Lord being with his Army invited 
 into York-Jhire, He prepared for it with all the 
 fpeed that the nature of that bufmefs could 
 poflibly permit ; and after he had fortified the
 
 2z THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 Town of Newcaftle, Tynmoutkcaftle, Hartle- 
 pool (a Haven Town) and fome other neceflary 
 Garifons in thofe parts, and Mann'd, Vi&uall'd 
 and order'd their conftant fupply, He thought 
 it fit in the firft place, before he did march, to 
 manifeft to the World by a Declaration in 
 Print, the reafons and grounds of his under- 
 taking that defign ; which were in General, 
 for the prefervation of His Majefties Perfon 
 and Government, and the defence of the 
 Orthodox Church of England; where He alfo 
 fatisfied thofe that murmur'd for my Lords 
 receiving into his Army fuch as were of the 
 Catholick Religion, and then he prefently 
 marched with his Army into Tork-Jhire to their 
 affiftance, and within the time agreed upon, 
 came to York, notwithftanding the Enemies 
 Forces gave him all the interruption they 
 poflibly could, at feveral pafTes ; whereof the 
 chief was at Pierce-bridg^ at the entering into 
 Tork-Jhire^ where 1500 of the Enemies Forces, 
 Commanded in chief by Col. Hotham y were 
 ready to interrupt my Lord's Forces, fent 
 thither to fecure that pafle, confifting of a 
 Regiment of Dragoons, commanded by Colo- 
 nel Thomas Howard^ and a Regiment of Foot,
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 23 
 
 Commanded by Sir William Lambton y which 
 they performed with fo much Courage, that 
 they routed the Enemy, and put them to flight, 
 although the faid Col. Howard in that Charge 
 loft his life by an unfortunate fhot. 
 
 The Enemy thus miffing of their defign, 
 fled until they met with a conjunction of their 
 whole Forces at Tadcafter^ fome eight miles 
 diftant from York^ and my Lord went on 
 without any other confiderable Interruption. 
 Being come to Tork^ he drew up his whole 
 Army before the Town, both Horfe and Foot, 
 where the Commander in Chief, the then 
 Earl of Cumberland, together with the Gentry 
 of the Country, came to wait on my Lord, 
 and the then Governor of York^ Sir Thomas 
 Glemham, prefented him with the Keys of the 
 City. 
 
 Thus my Lord marched into the Town 
 with great joy, and to the general fatisfadtion 
 both of the Nobility and Gentry, and moft of 
 the Citizens ; and immediately without any 
 delay, in the later end of December 1642, fell 
 upon Confultations how he might beft proceed 
 to ferve his King and Country ; and particu- 
 larly, how his Army fhould be maintained and
 
 24 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 paid, (as he did alfo afterwards in every Country 
 wherefoever he marched) well knowing, that 
 no Army can be governed without being con- 
 ftantly and regularly fupported by provifion 
 and pay. Whereupon it was agreed, That 
 the Nobility and Gentry of the feveral Counties, 
 mould fele& a certain number of themfelves 
 to raife money by a regular Tax, for the 
 making provifions for the fupport and main- 
 tenance of the Army, rather than to leave 
 them to free-quarter, and to carve for them- 
 felves ; and if any of the Soldiers were ex- 
 orbitant and diforderly, and that it did appear 
 fo to thofe that were authorifed to examine 
 their deportment, that prefently order fhould 
 be given to repair thofe injuries out of the 
 moneys levied for the Soldiery ; by which 
 means the Country was preferved from many 
 inconveniences, which otherwife would doubt- 
 lefs have followed. 
 
 And though the feafon of the year might 
 well have invited my Lord to take up his 
 Winter-quarters, it being about Chrijtma s ; 
 yet after he had put a good Garifon into the 
 City of York^ and fortified it, upon intelligence 
 that the Enemy was ftill at Tadcafter, and had
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 25 
 
 fortified that place, he refolved to march 
 thither. The greateft part of the Town ftands 
 on the Weft fide of a River not fordable in 
 any place near thereabout, nor 'allowing any 
 paflage into the Town from Tork y but over a 
 Stone-bridge, which the Enemy had made im- 
 paflable by breaking down part of the Bridg, 
 and planting their Ordnance upon it, and by 
 raifing a very large and ftrong Fort upon the 
 top of a Hill, leading Eaftward from that Bridg 
 towards Tork y upon defign of commanding 
 the Bridg and all other places fit to draw 
 up an Army in, or to plant Cannon againft 
 them. 
 
 But notwithftanding all thefe Difcourage- 
 ments, my Lord after he had refrefh'd his 
 Army at Tork^ and recruited his provifions, 
 ordered a march before the faid Town in this 
 manner : That the greateft part of his Horfe 
 and Dragoons ftiould in the night march to a 
 Pafs at Weatberby, five miles diftant from 
 Tadcafter, towards North-weft, from thence 
 under the Command of his then Lieutenant 
 General of the Army, to appear on the Weft 
 fide of Tadcafter early the next morning, by 
 which time my Lord with the reft of his
 
 26 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 Army refolved to appear at the Eaft-fide of 
 the faid Town ; which intention was well de- 
 fign'd, but ill executed ; for though my Lord 
 with that part of the Army which he com- 
 manded in perfon, that is to fay, his Foot and 
 Cannon, attended by fome Troops of Horfe, 
 did march that night, and early in the morning 
 appear'd before the Town on the Eaft fide 
 thereof, and there drew up his Army, planted 
 his Cannon, and clofely and orderly befieged 
 that fide of the Town, and from ten in the 
 morning till four a Clock in the afternoon, 
 battered the Enemies Forts and Works, as 
 being in continual expectation of the appear- 
 ance of the Troops on the other fide, according 
 to his order ; yet (whether it was out of 
 NeglecT: or Treachery that my Lords Orders 
 were not obeyed) that days Work was ren- 
 dred ineffectual as to the whole Defign. 
 
 However the vigilancy of My Lord did 
 put the Enemy into fuch a Terror, that they 
 forfook that Fort, and fecretly fled away with 
 all their Train that very night to another 
 ftrong hold not far diftant from Tadcajler, 
 called Cawood-CzRlC) to which, by reafon of 
 its low and boggy Scituation, and foul and
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 27 
 
 narrow Lanes and paflages, it was not poffible 
 for my Lord to purfue them without too great 
 an hazard to his Army ; whereas had the 
 Lieutenant General performed his Duty, in 
 all probability the greateft part of the prin- 
 cipal Rebels in York-Jhire would that day 
 have been taken in their own trap, and their 
 further mifchief prevented. My Lord, the 
 next morning, inftead of ftorming the Town 
 (as he had intended), entred without interrup- 
 tion, and there ftayed fome few days to refrefh 
 his Army, and order that part of the Country. 
 In December, 1642, My Lord thought it 
 fit to march to PomfretJ and to quarter his 
 Army in that part of the Country which was 
 betwixt Cawood and fome Garifons of the 
 Enemy, in the weft part of Tork-Jhire, viz. 
 Hallifax^ Bradford, Leeds, Wakefield^ faff., 
 where he remained fome time to recruit and 
 enlarge his Army, which was much leflened 
 by erecting of Garifons, and to keep thofe 
 parts in order and obedience to His Majefty ; 
 And after he had thus ordered his Affairs, He 
 was enabled to give Protection to thofe parts 
 
 1 Pontefraft.
 
 aS THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 of the Country that were moft willing to em- 
 brace it, and quarter'd his Army for a time in 
 fuch places which he had reduced. Tadcafter^ 
 which flood upon a Pafs, he made a Garifon, 
 or rather a ftrong Quarter, and put alfo a 
 Garifon into Pomfret Caftle, not above eight 
 Miles diftant from Tadcafter, which com- 
 manded that Town, and a great part of the 
 Country. 
 
 During the time that his Army remained 
 at Pomfret^ My Lord fetled a Garifon at 
 Newark in Nottingbam-Jhire, {landing upon 
 the River Trent^ a very confiderable pafs, 
 which kept the greateft part of Nottingham- 
 Jhire^ and part of Lincoln-fare^ in obedience ; 
 and after that he returned, in the beginning 
 of January, 1642, back to York, with an in- 
 tention to fupply Himfelf with fome Ammu- 
 nition, which He had ordered to be brought 
 from Newcaftle: A Convoy of Horfe that 
 were imployed to condudt it from thence, 
 under the Command of the Lieutenant Ge- 
 neral of the Army, the Lord Etkyn, was by 
 the Enemy at a pafs, called Tarum-brldg^ in 
 York-Jhire, fiercely encountred ; in which en- 
 counter My Lord's Forces totally routed
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 29 
 
 them, flew many, and took many Prifoners, 
 and moft of their Horfe Colours, confifting 
 of Seventeen Cornets ; and fo march'd on to 
 York with their Ammunition, without any 
 other Interruption. 
 
 My Lord, after he had received this Am- 
 munition, put his Army into a condition to 
 march, and having intelligence that the Queen 
 was at Sea, with intention to land in fome 
 part of the Eaftriding of York-Jhire, he directed 
 his March in February, 1642, into thofe parts, 
 to be ready to attend Her Majefties landing, 
 who was then daily expected from Holland. 
 Within a fhort time, after it had pleafed God 
 to protect Her Majefty both from the fury of 
 Wind and Waves, there being for feveral 
 days fuch a Tempeft at Sea that Her Majefty, 
 with all her Attendance, was in danger to be 
 caft away every minute ; as alfo from the fury 
 of the Rebels, which had the whole Naval 
 Power of the Kingdom then in their Hands, 
 (he arrived fafely at a fmall Port in the Eaft 
 riding of York-Jhire called Burlington Key, 
 where Her Majefty was no fooner landed, but 
 the Enemy at Sea made continual (hot againft 
 her Ships in the Port, which reached not
 
 30 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 onely Her Majefties landing, but even the 
 Houfe where ihe lay (though without the 
 leaft hurt to any), fo that (he her felf, and her 
 Attendants, were forced to leave the fame, 
 and to feek Protection from a Hill near that 
 place, under which they retired ; and all that 
 while it was obferved that Her Majefty fliewed 
 as much Courage as ever any perfon could 
 do ; for Her undaunted and Generous fpirit 
 was like her Royal Birth, deriving it felf from 
 that unparrallell'd King, Her Father, whofe 
 Heroick Actions will be in perpetual Memory 
 whileft the World hath a being. 
 
 My Lord finding Her Majefty in this con- 
 dition, drew his Army near the place where 
 fhe was, ready to attend and protect Her 
 Majefties Perfon, who was pleafed to take a 
 view of the Army as it was drawn up in 
 order ; and immediately after, which was in 
 March, 1643, took Her journey towards 
 York, whither the whole Army conducted 
 Her Majefty, and brought her fafe into the 
 City. About this time, Her Majefty having 
 fome prefent occafion for Money, My Lord 
 prefented Her with 3000 1. Sterling, which 
 fhe gracioufly accepted of, and having fpent
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 31 
 
 fome time there in Confultation about the 
 prefent affairs, fhe was pleafed to fend fome 
 Armes and Ammunition to the King, who 
 was then in Oxford; to which end, my Lord 
 ordered a Party, confifting of 1500, well 
 Commanded, to conduct the fame, with 
 whom the Lord Percy, who then had waited 
 upon Her Majefty from the King, returned 
 to Oxford; which Party His Majefty was 
 pleafed to keep with him for his own Service. 
 Not long after, My Lord, who always en- 
 deavoured to win any place or perfons by fair 
 means, rather then by ufing of force, reduced 
 to His Majefties obedience a ftrong Fort and 
 Caftle upon the Sea, and a very good Haven, 
 call'd Scarborough-Cattle, perfwading the Go- 
 vernour thereof, who heretofore had oppofed 
 his Forces at farum-bridg, with fuch rational 
 and convincible Arguments, that he willingly 
 rendred himfelf, and all the Garifon, unto 
 His Majefties Devotion j By which prudent 
 Action My Lord highly advanced His Majef- 
 ties Intereft ; for by that means the Enemy 
 was much annoyed and prejudiced at Sea, 
 and a great part in the Eaft-riding of York- 
 Jbire kept in due obedience.
 
 3z THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 After this, My Lord having received Intel- 
 ligence that the Enemies General of the Horfe 1 
 had defigned to march with a Party from Ca- 
 wood Caftle, whither they were fled from Tad- 
 cajler^ as before is mentioned to fome Garifons 
 which they had in the Weft of Tork-Jhire ; pre- 
 fently order'd a party of Horfe, Commanded 
 by the General of the Horfe, the Lord George 
 Goring^ to attend the Enemy in their March, 
 who overtook them on a Moor, call'd Seacroft- 
 Moor, and fell upon their Rear, which caufed 
 the Enemy to draw up their Forces into a 
 Body ; to whom they gave a Total rout (al- 
 though their number was much greater) and 
 took about 800 Prifoners, and 10 or 12 Colours 
 of Horfe, befides many that were (lain in the 
 charge ; which Prifoners were brought to 
 Turk, about 10 or 12 miles diftant from that 
 fame place. 
 
 Immediately after, in purfuit of that Victory, 
 My Lord fent a confiderable Party into the 
 
 1 Sir Thomas Fairfax. 
 
 2 Created Earl of Norwich, 1 644. His fon General 
 George Goring, who died before him, was alfo an 
 eminent leader in the loyalift caufe.
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 33 
 
 Weft of York-Jhire, where they met with about 
 2000 of the Enemies Forces, taken out of their 
 feveral Garifons in thofe parts, to execute fome 
 defign upon a Moor called Tanker iy- Moor, and 
 there fought them, and routed them ; many 
 were flain, and fome taken Prifoners. 
 
 Not long after, the Remainder of the Army 
 that were left at Tork y marched to Leeds, in 
 the Weft of Tork-Jhire, and from thence to 
 Wakefield^ being both the Enemies Quarters, 
 to reduce and fettle that part of the Country : 
 My Lord having poflefled himfelf of the Town 
 of Wakefield, it being large, and of great com- 
 pafs, and able to make a ftrong quarter, order'd 
 it accordingly ; and receiving Intelligence that 
 in two Market-Towns Southweft from Wake- 
 field^ viz. Rotherham and Sheffield^ the Enemy 
 was very bufie to raife Forces againft his 
 Majefty, and had fortified them both about 
 four miles diftant from each other, hoping 
 thereby to give protection and encouragement 
 to all thofe parts of the Country which were 
 populous, rich and rebellious, he thought it 
 necefiary to ufe his beft endeavours to blaft 
 thofe their wicked defigns in the bud ; and 
 thereupon took a refolution in April 1643, to
 
 34 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 march with part of his Army from Wakefield 
 into the mentioned parts, attended with a con- 
 venient Train of Artillery and Ammunition, 
 leaving the greateft part of it at WakefieldvnAi 
 the remainder of his Army, under the Care 
 and Conduit of his General of the Horfe, and 
 Major General of the Army, 1 which was fo 
 confiderable, both in refpedt of their number 
 and provifion, that they did, as they might 
 well, conceive themfelves Mafterof the Field 
 in thofe parts, and fecure in that quarter, 
 although in the end it proved not fo, as fhall 
 hereafter be declared, which muft neceflarily 
 be imputed to their invigilancy and carelefs- 
 nefs. 
 
 My Lord firft marched to Rotheram, and 
 finding that the Enemy had placed a Garifon 
 of Soldiers in that Town, and fortified it, he 
 drew up his Army in the morning againft the 
 Town, and fummon'd it ; but they refufing 
 to yield, my Lord fell to work with his Can- 
 
 1 In both the copies which I have before me a fide- 
 note to explain the * has been fmudged with ink for the 
 purpofe of obliteration ; but I can make out the words 
 " The Lord Goring and Sir Francis Mackworth, 
 Knight."
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 35 
 
 non and Mufket, and within a fhort time took 
 it by ftorm, and enter'd the Town that very 
 night ; fome Enemies of note that were 
 found therein, were taken Prifoners ; and as 
 for the common Soldiers, which were by the 
 Enemy forced from their Allegiance, he 
 fhew'd fuch Clemency to them, that very 
 many willingly took up Arms for his Majefties 
 Service, and proved very faithful and . loyal 
 Subjects, and good Soldiers. 
 
 After my Lord had ftayed two or three 
 dayes there, and order'd thofe parts, he 
 march'd with his Army to Sheffield, another 
 Market-Town of large extent, in which there 
 was an ancient Caftle ; which when the Ene- 
 mies Forces that kept the Town, came to 
 hear of, being terrified with the fame of my 
 Lords hitherto Victorious Army, they fled 
 away from thence into Derby/hire, and left 
 both Town and Caftle (without any blow) to 
 my Lords Mercy ; and though the people in 
 the Town were moft of them rebellioufly 
 affedled, yet my Lord fo prudently ordered the 
 bufinefs, that within a fhort time he reduced 
 moft of them to their Allegiance by love, and 
 the reft by fear, and recruited his Army daily;
 
 36 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 he put a Garifon of Soldiers into the Caftle, 
 and fortified it in all refpe&s, and conftituted 
 a Gentleman of Quality 1 Governour both of 
 the Caftle, Town and Country ; and finding 
 near that place fome Iron Works, he gave 
 prefent order for the carting of Iron Cannon 
 for his Garifons, and for the making of other 
 Inftruments and Engines of War. 
 
 Within a fliort time after, my Lord re- 
 ceiving Intelligence that the Enemy in the 
 Garifons near Wakejuld had united themfelves, 
 and being drawn into a body in the night time, 
 had furprifed and enter'd the Town of Wake- 
 field^ and taken all or moft of the Officers and 
 Soldiers, left there, Prifoners, (amongft whom 
 was alfo the General of the Horfe, the Lord 
 Goring, whom my Lord afterwards redeem'd 
 by Exchange) and poflefled themfelves of the 
 whole Magazine, which was a very great lofs 
 and hinderance to my Lords defigns, it being 
 the Moity of his Army, and moft of his Ammu- 
 nition, he fell upon new Counfels, and refolved 
 without any delay to march from thence back 
 towards York, which was in May 1643, where 
 
 1 Sir Wtll. Savil Kt. and Bar.
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 37 
 
 after he had refted fome time, Her Majefty 
 being refolved to take Her Journey towards 
 the Southern parts of the Kingdom, where the 
 King was, defigned firft to go from York to 
 Pomfret, whither my Lord ordered the whole 
 Marching Army to be in readinefs to conduct 
 Her Majefty, which they did, he himfelf at- 
 tending Her Majefty in perfon. And after 
 Her Majefty had refted there fome fmall time, 
 (he being defirous to proceed in Her intended 
 Journey, no lefs then a formed Army was able 
 to fecure Her Perfon : Wherefore my Lord 
 was refolved out of his fidelity and duty to 
 fupply Her with an Army of 7000 Horfe and 
 Foot, befides a convenient Train of Artillery, 
 for Her fafer Conduct ; chufing rather to leave 
 himfelf in a weak condition (though he was 
 even then very near the Enemies Garifons in 
 that part of the Country) then fuffer Her 
 Majefties Perfon to be expofed to danger. 
 Which Army of 7000 men, when Her Ma- 
 jefty was fafely arrived to the King, He was 
 pleafed to keep with him for His own Service. 
 After Her Majefties departure out of Tork- 
 Jhire^ my Lord was forced to recruit again his 
 Army, and within a fhort time, viz. in June,
 
 38 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 1643, to k a resolution to march into the 
 Enemies Quarters, in the Weftern parts ; in 
 which march he met with a ftrong ftone houfe 
 well fortified, call'd Howley-HouCe, wherein 
 was a Garifon of Soldiers, which my Lord 
 fummon'd ; but the Governour difobeying 
 the fummons, he batter'd it with his Can- 
 non, and fo took it by force ; the Governour 
 having quarter given him contrary to my 
 Lord's Orders, was brought before my Lord 
 by a Perfon of Quality, for which the Offi- 
 cer that brought him received a check ; and 
 though he refolved then to kill him, yet my 
 Lord would not fuffer him to do it, faying, It 
 was inhumane to kill any man in cold blood. 
 Hereupon the Governour kifT'd the Key of 
 the Houfe door, and prefented it to my Lord ; 
 to which my Lord return'd this anfwer : / 
 need it not, faid he, for I brought a Key along 
 with me^ which yet I was unwilling to ufe, until 
 you forced me to it. 
 
 At this Houfe my Lord remained five or 
 fix days, till he had refreshed his Soldiers ; 
 and then a refolution was taken to march 
 againft a Garifon of the Enemies call'd Brad- 
 ford^ a little but a ftrong Town ; in the way
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 39 
 
 he met with a ftrong interruption by the 
 Enemy drawing forth a vaft number of Muf- 
 quetiers, which they had very privately gotten 
 out of Lancajhire, the next adjoining County 
 to thofe parts of York-Jhire, which had fo eafie 
 an accefs to them at Bradford^ by reafon the 
 whole Country was of their Party, that my 
 Lord could not poflibly have any conftant in- 
 telligence of their defigns and motions ; for 
 in their Army there were near 5000 Mufque- 
 tiers, and 18 Troops of Horfe, drawn up in a 
 place full of hedges, called Atberton-moor^ near 
 to their Garifon at Bradford^ ready to en- 
 counter my Lords Forces, which then con- 
 tained not above half fo many Mufquetiers as 
 the Enemy had ; their chiefeft ftrength con- 
 fifting in Horfe, and thefe made ufelefs for 
 a long time together by the Enemies Horfe 
 poflefling all the plain ground upon that Field ; 
 fo that no place was left to draw up my Lords 
 Horfe, but amongft old Coal-pits : Neither 
 could they charge the Enemy, by reafon of a 
 great ditch and high bank betwixt my Lord's 
 and the Enemies Troops, but by two on a 
 breaft, and that within Mufquet fhot ; the 
 Enemy being drawn up in hedges, and con-
 
 40 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 tinually playing upon them, which rendred the 
 fervice exceeding difficult and hazardous. 
 
 In the mean while the Foot of both fides 
 on the right and left Wings encounter'd each 
 other, who fought from Hedg to Hedg, and 
 for a long time together overpower'd and got 
 ground of my Lords Foot, almoft to the in- 
 vironing of his Cannon ; my Lords Horfe 
 (wherein confifted his greateft ftrength) all 
 this while being made, by reafon of the 
 ground, incapable of charging ; at laft the 
 Pikes of my Lords Army having had no em- 
 ployment all the day, were drawn againft the 
 Enemies left wing, and particularly thofe of 
 my Lords own Regiment, which were all 
 ftout and valiant men, who fell fo furioufly 
 upon the Enemy, that they forfook their 
 hedges, and fell to their heels : At which very 
 inftant my Lord caufed a fhot or two to be 
 made by his Cannon againft the Body of the 
 Enemies Horfe, drawn up within Cannon 
 fhot, which took fo good efte<t, that it difor- 
 dered the Enemies Troops ; Hereupon my 
 Lord's Horfe got over the Hedg, not in a 
 body (for that they could not), but difperfedly 
 two on a breaft ; and as foon as fome confi-
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 41 
 
 derable number was gotten over, and drawn 
 up, they charged the Enemy, and routed 
 them ; fo that in an inftant there was a 
 ftrange change of Fortune, and the Field 
 totally won by my Lord, notwithftanding he 
 had quitted 7000 Men, to conduit Her Ma- 
 jefty, befides a good Train of Artillery, which 
 in fuch a Conjuncture would have weakned 
 Ctefars Army. In this Victory the Enemy 
 loft moft of their Foot, about 3000 were 
 taken Prifoners, and 700 Horfe and Foot 
 flain, and thofe that efcaped fled into their 
 Garifon at Bradford, amongft whom was 
 alfo their General of the Horfe [Sir Thos. 
 Fairfax.] 
 
 After this My Lord caufed his Army to be 
 rallied, and marched in order that night before 
 Bradford^ with an intention to ftorm it the 
 next morning ; but the Enemy that were in 
 the Town, it feems, were fo difcomfited, that 
 the fame night they efcaped all various ways, 
 and amongft them the faid General of the 
 Horfe, whofe Lady being behind a Servant on 
 Horfe-back, was taken by fome of My Lord's 
 Soldiers, and brought to his Quarters, where 
 {he was treated and attended with all civility
 
 42 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 and refpe&, and within few days fent to York 
 in my Lords own Coach, and from thence 
 very fhortly after to Kingftone upon Hull, 
 where fhe defired to be, attended by my 
 Lords Coach and Servants. 
 
 Thus my Lord, after the Enemy was gone, 
 entred the Town and Garifon of Bradford^ 
 by which Victory the Enemy was fo daunted, 
 that they forfook the reft of their Garifons, 
 that is to fay, Hallifax, Leeds and Wakefield, 
 and difperfed themfelves feverally, the chief 
 Officers retiring to Hull, a ftrong Garifon of 
 the Enemy ; and though my Lord, knowing 
 they would make their efcape thither, as 
 having no other place of refuge to refort to, 
 fent a Letter to York to the Governour of 
 that City, to ftop them in their paflage ; yet 
 by neglect of the Poft, it coming not timely 
 enough to his hands, his Defign was fruf- 
 trated. 
 
 The whole County of York, fave onely 
 Hull, being now cleared and fetled by my 
 Lords Care and Conduit, he marched to the 
 City of York, and having a competent num- 
 ber of Horfe well armed and commanded, he 
 quarter'd them in the Eaft-riding, near Hull,
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 43 
 
 there being no vifible Enemy then to oppofe 
 them : In the mean while my Lord receiving 
 News that the Enemy had made an Invafion 
 into the next adjoining County of Lincoln, 
 where he had fome Forces, he prefently dif- 
 patched 1 his Lieutenant General of the Army 
 away with fome Horfe and Dragoons, and 
 foon after marched thither himfelf with the 
 body of the Army, being earneftly defired by 
 his Majefties Party there. The Forces which 
 my Lord had in the fame County, commanded 
 by the then Lieutenant General of the Horfe, 
 Mr. Charles Cavendijh, fecond Brother to the 
 now Earl of Devonjhire^ though they had timely 
 notice, and Orders from my Lord to make 
 their retreat to the Lieutenant-General of the 
 Army, and not to fight the Enemy ; yet the 
 faid Lieutenant-General of the Horfe being 
 tranfported by his Courage (he being a Perfon 
 of great Valour and Conduct), and having 
 charged the Enemy, unfortunately loft the 
 field, and himfelf was flain in the Charge, his 
 Horfe lighting in a bogg : Which news being 
 brought to my Lord when he was on his 
 
 1 The Lord Ethyn.
 
 44 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 March, he made all the haft he could, and 
 was no {boner joined with his Lieutenant 
 General, but fell upon the Enemy, and put 
 them to flight. 
 
 The firft Garifon my Lord took in Lincoln- 
 Jhlre was Gainjborrough^ a Town {landing upon 
 the River Trent, wherein (not long before), 
 had been a Garifon of Soldiers for His Ma- 
 jefty, under the Command of the then Earl 
 of Kingjlone, but furprifed, and the Town 
 Taken by the Enemies Forces, who having 
 an intention to conveigh the faid Earl of 
 Kingjlone from thence to Hull in a little 
 Pinnace, met with fome of my Lords Forces 
 by the way, commanded by the Lieutenant 
 of the Army, who being defirous to refcue 
 the Earl of Kingjlone, and making fome {hots 
 with their Regiment Pieces, to flop the Pin- 
 nace, unfortunately flew him and one of his 
 Servants. 
 
 My Lord drawing near the mentioned Town 
 of Gainjborrougb) there appear'd on the top of 
 a Hill above the Town, fome of the Enemies 
 Horfe drawn up in a body ; whereupon he 
 immediately fent a party of his Horfe to view 
 them ; who no fooner came within their fight,
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 45 
 
 but they retreated fairly fo long as they could 
 well endure ; but the purfuit of my Lords 
 Horfe caufed them prefently to break their 
 ranks, and fall to their heels, where moft of 
 them efcaped, and fled to Lincoln^ another of 
 their Garrifons. Hereupon my Lord fum- 
 mon'd the Town of Gainjborough ; but the 
 Governour thereof refufing to yield, caufed 
 my Lord to plant his Cannon, and draw up 
 his Army on the mention'd Hill ; and having 
 play'd fome little while upon the Town, put 
 the Enemy into fuch a terror, that the Gover- 
 nour fent out, and offer'd the furrender of the 
 Town upon fair terms, which my Lord thought 
 fit rather to embrace, then take it by force; 
 and though according to the Articles of 
 Agreement made between them, both the 
 Enemies Arms and the Keys of the Town 
 fhould have been fairly delivered to my Lord ; 
 yet it being not performed as it was expected, 
 the Arms being in a confufed manner thrown 
 down, and the Gates fet wide open, the Pri- 
 foners that had been kept in the Town began 
 firft to plunder ; which my Lords Forces 
 feeing, did the fame, although it was againft 
 my Lords will and orders.
 
 46 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 After my Lord had thus reduced the Town, 
 and put a good Garifon of Soldiers into it, and 
 better fortified it, he marched before Lincoln, 
 and there he entred with his Army without 
 great difficulty, and plac'd alfo a Garifon in it, 
 and raifed a confiderable Army, both Horfe, 
 Foot and Dragoons, for the prefervation of 
 that County, and put them under Com- 
 manders, and conftituted a Perfon of Honour 1 
 Commander in Chief, with intention to march 
 towards the South, which if it had taken 
 effedl, would doubtlefs have made an end of 
 that War ; but he being daily importuned by 
 the Nobility and Gentry of Tork-Jhlre^ to re- 
 turn into that County, efpecially upon the 
 perfwafions of the Commander in Chief of the 
 Forces left there, who acquainted my Lord 
 that the Enemy grew fo ftrong every day, 
 being got together in Kingjione upon Hull^ 
 and annoying that Country, that his Forces 
 were not able to bear up againft them ; alledg- 
 ing withall, that my Lord would be fufpeted 
 to betray the Truft repofed in him, if he came 
 not to fuccour and affift them ; he went back 
 
 1 The Lord Widdrington.
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 47 
 
 with his Army for the protection of that fame 
 Country ; and when he arrived there, which 
 was in Auguft, 1643, he found the Enemy of 
 fo fmall confequence, that they did all flie 
 before him. About this time His Majefty 
 was pleafed to honour my Lord for His true 
 and faithful Service, with the Title of Mar- 
 quefs of Newcajlle. 
 
 My Lord being returned into York-Jhlre^ 
 forced the Enemy firft from a Town called 
 Beverly, wherein they had a Garifon of Sol- 
 diers j and from thence, upon the entreaty of 
 the Nobility and Gentry of York-Jhire^ (as 
 before is mentioned) who promifed him Ten 
 thoufand men for that purpofe, though they 
 came fhort of their performance, marched 
 near the Town of Kingjtone upon Hull, and 
 befieged that part of the Garifon that bordered 
 on York-jhire, for a certain time ; in which 
 time the Enemy took the courage to fally out 
 of the Town with a ftrong party of Horfe and 
 Foot very early in the morning, with purpofe 
 to have forced the Quarters of a Regiment of 
 my Lords Horfe, that were quarter'd next the 
 Town ; but by the vigilancy of their Com- 
 mander Sir Marmaduke Langdale^ afterwards
 
 48 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 Lord Langdale, his Forces being prepared for 
 their reception, they received fuch a Welcome 
 as coft many of them their Lives, moft of 
 their Foot (but fuch as were flain) being taken 
 Prifoners ; and thofe of their Horfe that 
 efcaped, got into their Hold at Hull. 
 
 The Enemy thus feeing that they could do 
 my Lords Army no further damage on that 
 fide of the River in Tork-Jhire^ endeavoured 
 by all means (from Hull, and other confederate 
 places in the Eaftern parts of the Kingdom) 
 to form a confiderable party to annoy and dif- 
 turb the Forces raifed by my Lord in Lincoln- 
 Jhlre^ and left there for the protection of that 
 County ; where the Enemy being drawn to- 
 gether in a body, fought my Lords Forces in 
 his abfence, and got the honour of the day 
 near Hornby Caftle in that County j which 
 lofs, caufed partly by their own rafhnefs, 
 forced my Lord to leave his defign upon ////, 
 and to march back with his Army to Tork^ 
 which was in Ottober, 1643, wner e he re- 
 mained but a few dayes to refrefli his Army, 
 and receiving intelligence that the Enemy 
 was got into Derby/hire^ and did grow nume- 
 rous there, and bufie in feducing the people,
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 49 
 
 that Country being under my Lords Command, 
 he refolved to direct his March thither in the 
 beginning of November ^ 1643,10 fupprefs their 
 further growth ; and to that end quarter'd his 
 Army at Cbejlerfield, and in all the parts there- 
 about, for a certain time. 
 
 Immediately after his departure from York 
 to Pomfret, in his faid March into Derby/hire^ 
 the City of York fent to my Lord to inform 
 him of their intention to chufe another Mayor 
 for the year following, defiring his pleafure 
 about it : My Lord, who knew that the Mayor 
 for the year before, was a perfon of much 
 Loyalty and Difcretion, declared his mind to 
 them, That he thought it fit to continue him 
 Mayor alfo for the year following ; which it ' 
 feems they did not like, but refolved to chufe 
 one which they pleafed, contrary to my Lords 
 defire. My Lord perceiving their intentions, 
 about the time of the Election, fent orders to 
 the Governour of the City of York, to permit 
 fuch Forces to enter into the City as he mould 
 fend ; which being done accordingly, they 
 upon the Day of the Election repaired to the 
 Town-Hall, and with their Arms fraid there
 
 50 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 until they had continued the faid Mayor ac- 
 cording to my Lords defire. 1 
 
 During the time of my Lords ftay at Chef- 
 terfield in Derbyjhire, he ordered fome part 
 of his Army to march before a ftrong Houfe 
 and Garifon of the Enemies, call'd Wlngfield 
 Manner^ which in a fliort time they took by 
 ftorm. And when my Lord had raifed in that 
 County as many Forces, Horfe and Foot, as 
 were fuppofed to be fufficient to preferve it 
 from the fury of the Enemy, he armed them, 
 and conftituted an Honourable Perfon 2 Com- 
 mander in Chief of all the Forces of that 
 County, and of Leiceflerjhire ; and fo leaving 
 it in that condition, marched in December 
 1643, from Chefterfield to Bolfover'in. the fame 
 County, and from thence to Welbeck in Not- 
 tinghamjhire, to his own Houfe and Garifon, 
 in which parts he ftaid fome time, both to 
 
 1 Perhaps as notable an inftance of intimidation at an 
 ele&ion as was ever known ! We have ftill in many 
 free (?) boroughs the objeftionable and thoroughly 
 feudal cuftom, for the fteward of the Lord to diftate 
 to the houfeholders what conftables they muft choofe 
 for the year. 
 
 2 The Lord of Loughborrough.
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 51 
 
 refrefli his Army, and to fettle and reform 
 fome diforders he found there, leaving no 
 vifible Enemy behind him in Derbyjhire, fave 
 onely an inconfiderable party in the Town of 
 Derby, which they had fortified, not worth 
 the labour to reduce it. 
 
 About this time the report came, that a 
 great Army out of Scotland^ was upon their 
 march towards the Northern parts of England, 
 to aflift the Enemy againft His Majefty, which 
 forced the Nobility and Gentry of Yorkjhire 
 to invite my Lord back again into thofe parts, 
 with promife to raife for his fervice, an Army 
 of 10000 menj My Lord (not upon this 
 proffer, which had already heretofore deceived 
 him, but out of his Loyalty and duty to pre- 
 ferve thofe parts which were committed to 
 his care and protection) returned in the middle 
 of 'January 1643. And when he came there, 
 he found not one man raifed to aflift him 
 againft fo powerful an Army, nor an intention 
 of raifing any ; Wherefore he was neceflitated 
 to raife himfelf, out of the Countrey, what 
 forces he could get, and when he had fettled 
 the affairs in Tork-Jhlre as well as time and his 
 prefent condition would permit, and confti-
 
 52 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 tuted an honourable Perfon 1 Governor of 
 York and Commander in chief of a very con- 
 fiderable party of horfe and foot for the defence 
 of the County (for Sr. Thomas Glemkam was 
 then made Colonel General, and marched 
 into the Field with the Army) he took his 
 march to Newcaftle in the beginning of 
 February 1643, to give a flop to the Scots 
 army. 
 
 Prefently after his coming thither with 
 fome of his Troups, before his whole army 
 was come up, he received intelligence of the 
 Scots Armie's near approach, whereupon he 
 fent forth a party of horfe to view them, who 
 found them very ftrong, to the number of 
 22000 Horfe and Foot well armed and com- 
 manded : They marched up towards the 
 Town with fuch confidence, as if the Gates 
 had been open'd for their reception ; and the 
 General of their Army feem'd to take no 
 notice of my Lords being in it, for which 
 afterwards he excufed himfelf; but as they 
 drew near, they found not fuch entertainment 
 as they expected ; for though they aflaulted a 
 
 The Lord Be/laju.
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 53 
 
 Work that was not finimed, yet they were 
 beaten oft" with much lofs. 
 
 The Enemy being thus ftopt before the 
 Town, thought fit to quarter near it, in that 
 part of the Country ; and fo foon as my Lords 
 Army was come up, he defigned one night to 
 have fallen into their Quarter ; but by reafon 
 of fome neglect of his Orders in not giving 
 timely notice to the party defigned for it, it 
 took not an effecSt anfwerable to his expecta- 
 tion. In a word, there were three Defigns 
 taken againft the Enemy, whereof if one had 
 but hit, they would doubtlefs have been loft ; 
 but there was fo much Treachery, Jugling 
 and Falfhood in my Lord's own Army, that 
 it was impoflible for him to be fuccefsful in 
 his Defigns and Undertakings. However, 
 though it failed in the Enemies Foot- Quarters, 
 which lay neareft the Town ; yet it took 
 good effect in their Horfe-Quarters, which 
 were more remote ; for my Lord's Horfe, 
 Commanded by a very gallant and worthy 
 Gentleman 1 falling upon them, gave them fuch 
 an Alarm, that all they could do, was to draw 
 
 1 The Lord Langdale.
 
 54 
 
 into the Field, where my Lord's Forces charged 
 them, and in a little time routed them totally, 
 and kill'd and took many Prifoners, to the 
 number of 1500. 
 
 Upon this the Enemy was forced to draw 
 their whole Army together, and to quarter 
 them a little more remote from the Town, 
 and to feek out inacceflible places for their 
 fecurity, as afterwards appear'd more plainly ; 
 for fo foon as my Lord had prepared his Army 
 for a March, he drew them forth againft the 
 Scots, which he found quarter'd upon high 
 Hills clofe by the River Tyne, where they could 
 not be encounter'd but upon very difadvanta- 
 gious terms ; befides, that day proved very 
 ftormy and tempeftuous, fo that my Lord was 
 neceflitated to withdraw his Forces, and retire 
 into his own Quarters. 
 
 The next day after, the Scots Army finding 
 ill harbour in thofe quarters, marched from 
 hill to hill into another part of the Bifhoprick 
 of Durham, near the Sea coaft, to a Town 
 called Sunderland ; and thereupon my Lord 
 thought fit to march to Durham^ to ftop their 
 further progrefs, where he had contrived the 
 bufinefs fo, that they were either forced to fight
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 55 
 
 or ftarve within a little time. The firft was 
 offered to them twice, that is to fay, at Penjher- 
 hills one day, and at Bowden-hills another day 
 in the Bimoprick of Durham : But my Lord 
 found them at both times drawn up in fuch 
 places, as he could not poflibly charge them ; 
 wherefore he retired again to Durham, with 
 an intention to ftreighten their Quarters, and 
 to wait upon them, if ever they left their Holds 
 and inacceffible places. In the mean time it 
 hapned that the Earl of Montrofs came to the 
 fame place, and having fome defign for his 
 Majefties fervice in Scotland^ defired My Lord 
 to give him the affiftance of fome of his Forces; 
 and although My Lord flood then in prefent 
 need of them, and could not coveniently 
 fpare any, having fo great an Army to oppofe ; 
 yet out of a defire to advance His Majefties 
 fervice as much as lay in his power, he was 
 willing to part with 200 Horfe and Dragoons 
 to the faid Earl. 
 
 The Scots perceiving My Lords vigilancy 
 and care, contented themfelves with their own 
 quarters, which could not have ferv'd them 
 long, but that a great misfortune befel My 
 Lords Forces in York-Jhlre; for the Governour
 
 56 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 whom he had left behind with fufficient Forces 
 for the defence of that Country, although he 
 had orders not to encounter the Enemy, but 
 to keep himfelf in a defenfive pofture ; yet he 
 being a man of great valour and courage, it 
 tranfported him fo much that he refolved to 
 face the Enemy, and offering to keep a Town 
 that was not tenable, 1 was utterly routed, and 
 himfelf taken Prifoner, although he fought 
 moft gallantly. 
 
 So foon as my Lord received this fad Intel- 
 ligence, he upon Confultation, and upon very 
 s;ood Grounds of Reafon, took a refolution not 
 to ftay between the two Armies of the Enemies, 
 viz. the Scots and the Englijh^ that had pre- 
 vailed in Tork-Jhire ; but immediately to march 
 into Tork-Jhire with his Army, to preferve (if 
 poffible) the City of York out of the Enemies 
 hands : which retreat was ordered fo well, and 
 with fuch excellent Conduct, that though the 
 Army of the Scots marched clofe upon their 
 Rear, and fought them every day of their 
 retreat, yet they gained feveral Paffes for their 
 
 1 Selby in York/hire.
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 57 
 
 fecurity, and entred fafe and well into the 
 City of York, in April 1643. 
 
 My Lord being now at York, and finding 
 three Armies againft him, viz. the Army of 
 the Scots, the Army of the Englijh that gave 
 the defeat to the Governour of York, and an 
 Army that was raifed out of aflociate Counties, 
 and but little Ammunition and Provifion in 
 the Town ; was forced to fend his Horfe away 
 to quarter in feveral Counties, viz. Derby Jhire, 
 Nottingham/bin^ Leicefterjhire, for their fub- 
 fiftance, under the Conduct of his Lieutenant- 
 General of the Horfe, My dear Brother Sir 
 Charles Lucas, himfelf remaining at York, with 
 his Foot and Train for the defence of that 
 City. 
 
 - In the mean time, the Enemy having clofely 
 befiedged the City on all fides, came to the 
 very Gates thereof, and pull'd out the Earth 
 at one end, as thofe in the City put it in at 
 the other end ; they planted their great Can- 
 nons againft it, and threw in Granadoes at 
 pleafure : But thofe in the City made feveral 
 fallies upon them with good fuccefs. At laft, 
 the General of the aflbciate Army of the 
 Enemy, having clofely beleaguer'd the North
 
 58 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 fide of the Town, fprung a Mine under the 
 wall of the Mannor-yard, and blew part of it 
 up; and having beaten back the Town-Forces 
 (although they behaved themfelves very gal- 
 lantly) enter'd the Mannor-houfe with a great 
 number of their men, which as foon as my 
 Lord perceived, he went away in all hafte, 
 even to the amazement of all that were by, 
 not knowing what he intended to do ; and 
 drew 80 of his own Regiment of Foot, called 
 the White-Coats, all ftout and valiant Men, to 
 that Poll, who fought the Enemy with that 
 courage, that within a little time they killed 
 and took 1500 of them; and My Lord gave 
 prefent order to make up the breach which 
 they had made in the wall; Whereupon the 
 Enemy remain'd without any other attempt in 
 that kind, fo long, till almoft all provifion for 
 the fupport of the foldiery in the City was 
 fpent, which neverthelefs was fo well ordered 
 by my Lords Prudence, that no Famine or 
 great extremity of want enfued. 
 
 My Lord having held out in that manner 
 above two Months, and withftood the ftrength 
 of three Armies ; and feeing that his Lieu- 
 tenant-General of the Horfe whom he had
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 59 
 
 fent for relief to His Majefty, could not fo 
 foon obtain it (although he ufed his beft en- 
 deavour) for to gain yet fome little time, be- 
 gan to treat with the Enemy ; ordering in the 
 mean while, and upon the Treaty, to double 
 and treble his Guards. At laft after three 
 Months time from the beginning of the Siege, 
 His Majefty was pleafed to fend an Army, 
 which joining with my Lords Horfe that were 
 fent to quarter in the aforefaid Countreys, 
 came to relieve the City, under the Conduct 
 of the moft Gallant and Heroick Prince Rupert, 
 his Nephew ; upon whofe approach near York, 
 the Enemy drew from before the City, into an 
 entire Body, and marched away on the Weft- 
 fide of the River Owfe, that runs through the 
 City, His Majefties Forces being then of the 
 Eaft-fide of that River. 
 
 My Lord immediately fent fome perfons of 
 Quality to attend His Highnefs, and to invite 
 him into the City to confult with him about 
 that important Affair, and to gain fo much 
 time as to open a Port to march forth with his 
 Cannon and Foot which were in the Town, 
 to join with His Highnefs's Forces; and went 
 himfelf the next day in perfon to wait on His
 
 60 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 Highnefs ; where after fome Conferences, he 
 declared his Mind to the Prince, defiring His 
 Highnefs not to attempt any thing as yet upon 
 the Enemy ; for he had intelligence that there 
 was fome difcontent between them, and that 
 they were refolved to divide themfelves, and 
 fo to raife the Siege without fighting: Befides, 
 my Lord expected within two dayes, Collonel 
 Cleaveringj with above three thoufand men 
 out of the North, and two thoufand drawn 
 out of feveral Garifons, (who alfo came at the 
 fame time, though it was then too late). But 
 His Highnefs anfwered my Lord, That he had 
 a Letter from His Majefty (then at Oxford] 
 with a pofitive and abfolute Command to fight 
 the Enemy ; which in Obedience, and accord- 
 ing to his Duty he was bound to perform. 
 Whereupon my Lord replied, That he was 
 ready and willing for his part, to obey his 
 Highnefs in all things, no otherwife then if 
 His Majefty was there in Perfon Himfelf; 
 and though feveral of my Lords Friends ad- 
 vifed him not to engage in Battel, becaufe the 
 Command (as they faid) was taken from Him : 
 Yet my Lord anfwer'd them, That happen 
 what would, he would not fhun to fight, for
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 61 
 
 he had no other ambition but to live and dye 
 a Loyal Subject to His Majefty. 
 
 Then the Prince and my Lord conferr'd 
 with feveral of their Officers, amongft whom 
 there were feveral Difputes concerning the 
 advantages which the Enemy had of Sun, 
 Wind and Ground. The Horfe of His Ma- 
 jefties Forces, was drawn up in both Wings 
 upon that fatal Moor call'd HeJJom-Moor; and 
 my Lord afk'd His Highnefs what Service he 
 would be pleas'd to command him ; who re- 
 turn'd this Anfwer, That he would begin no 
 action upon the Enemy, till early in the morn- 
 ing ; defiring my Lord to repofe himfelf till 
 then. Which my Lord did, and went to reft 
 in his own Coach that was clofe by in the 
 Field, until the time appointed. 
 
 Not long had My Lord been there, but he 
 heard a great noife and thunder of {hooting, 
 which gave him notice of the Armies being 
 engaged : Whereupon he immediately put on 
 his Arms, and was no fooner got on Horfe- 
 back, but he beheld adifmal fight of the Horfe 
 of His Majefties right Wing, which out of a 
 panick fear had left the Field, and run away 
 with all the fpeed they could ; and though my
 
 62 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 Lord made them ftand once, yet they imme- 
 diately betook themfelves to their heels again, 
 and killed even thofe of their own party that 
 endeavoured to flop them ; the Left Wing in 
 the mean time, Commanded by thofe two 
 Valiant Perfons, the Lord Goring, and Sir 
 Charles Lucas, having the better of the Ene- 
 mies Right Wing, which they beat back moft 
 valiantly three times, and made their General 
 retreat, in fo much that they founded Victory. 
 In this Confufion my Lord (accompanied 
 onely with his Brother Sir Charles Cavendijb, 
 Major Scot, Capt. Mazine, and his Page) 
 haftning to fee in what pofture his own Regi- 
 ment was, met with a Troop of Gentlemen- 
 Voluntiers, who formerly had chofen him their 
 Captain, notwithftanding he was General of 
 an Army ; to whom my Lord fpake after this 
 manner: Gentlemen, faid he, You have done 
 me the Honour to chufe me your Captain, and 
 now is the fitteji time that 1 may do you fervice ; 
 wherefore if you* I follow me, I Jhall lead you on 
 the beft / can, and Jhew you the way to your own 
 Honour. They being as glad of my Lords 
 Prefer, as my Lord was of their Readinefs, 
 went on with the greateft Courage; and pafling
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 63 
 
 through Two Bodies of Foot, engaged with 
 each other not at forty yards diftance, received 
 not the leaft hurt, although they fired quick 
 upon each other; but marched towards a Scots 
 Regiment of Foot, which they charged and 
 routed ; in which Encounter my Lord himfelf 
 kill'd Three with his Pages half-leaden Sword, 
 for he had no other left him ; and though all 
 the Gentlemen in particular, offer'd him their 
 Swords, yet my Lord refufed to take a Sword 
 of any of them. At laft, after they had pafs'd 
 through this Regiment of Foot, a Pike-man 
 made a ftand to the whole Troop ; and though 
 my Lord charg'd him twice or thrice, yet he 
 could not enter him ; but the Troop difpatched 
 him foon. 
 
 In all thefe Encounters my Lord got not 
 the leaft hurt, though feveral were flain about 
 him ; and his White-Coats fhew'd fuch an 
 extraordinary Valour and Courage in that 
 A6Hon, that they were kill'd in Rank and 
 File : And here I cannot but mention by the 
 way, That it is remarkable, that in all actions 
 and undertakings where My Lord was in 
 Perfon himfelf, he was always Victorious, and 
 profpered in the execution of his defigns ; but
 
 64 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 whatfoever was loft or fucceeded ill, happen' d 
 in his abfence, and was caufed either by the 
 Treachery, or Negligence and Carelefnefs of 
 his Officers. 
 
 My Lord being the laft in the Field, and 
 feeing that all was loft, and that every one of 
 His Majefties Party made their efcapes in the 
 beft manner they could ; he being moreover 
 inquired after by feveral of his Friends, who 
 had all a great love and refpecT: for my Lord, 
 efpecially by the then Earl of Craford (who 
 lov'd my Lord fo well that he gave 20J. to one 
 that allured him of his being alive and fafe, 
 telling him, that that was all he had) went 
 towards York late at night, accompanied onely 
 with his Brother, and one or two of his fer- 
 vants ; and coming near the Town, met His 
 Highnefs Prince Rupert^ with the Lieutenant 
 General of the Army, the Lord Ethyn ; His 
 Highnefs afked My Lord how the bufinefs 
 went ? To whom he anfwered, That all was 
 loft and gone on their fide. 
 
 That night my Lord remained in York-, 
 and having nothing left in his power to do his 
 Majefty any further fervice in that kind ; for 
 he had neither Ammunition, nor Money to
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 65 
 
 raife more Forces, to keep either Tork^ or any 
 other Towns that were yet in His Majefties 
 Devotion, well knowing that thofe which were 
 left could not hold out long, and being alfo 
 loath to have afperfions caft upon him, that he 
 did fell them to the Enemy, in cafe he could 
 not keep them, he took a Refolution, and that 
 juftly and' honourably, to forfake the King- 
 dom ; and to that end, went the next morning 
 to the Prince, and acquainted him with his 
 Defign, defiring His Highnefs would be pleafed 
 to give this true and juft report of him to his 
 Majefty, that he had behaved himfelf like an 
 honeft man, a Gentleman, and a Loyal fubje<t. 
 Which requeft the Prince having granted, my 
 Lord took his leave ; and being conducted by 
 a Troop of Horfe, and a Troop of Dragoons 
 to Scarborough^ went to Sea, and took fhipping 
 for Hamborough ; the Gentry of the Country, 
 who alfo came to take their leaves of My 
 Lord, being much troubled at his departure, 
 and fpeaking very honourably of him, as furely 
 they had no reafon to the contrary.
 
 The 
 
 Life of the Moft Illuftrious 
 
 Prince, William Duke of 
 
 Newcaftle. 
 
 THE SECOND BOOK. 
 
 AV ING hitherto faithfully related 
 the life of My Noble Lord and 
 Hufband, and the chief A&ions 
 which He performed during the 
 time of his being employed in His Majefties 
 Service for the Good and Intereft of his King 
 and Country, until the time of his going out 
 of England, I fhall now give you a juft account 
 of all that pafled during the time of his banifh- 
 ment, till the return into his native Country. 
 My Lord being a Wife Man, and forefeeing 
 well what the lofs of that fatal Battle upon 
 Heffbm-moor, near York, would produce, by
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 67 
 
 which not onely thofe of His Majefties Party 
 in the Northern parts of the Kingdom, but in 
 all other parts of His Majefties Dominions 
 both in England, Scotland, and Ireland were 
 loft and undone, and that there was no other 
 way, but either to quit the Kingdom, or fub- 
 mit to the Enemy, or die, he refolved upon 
 the former, and preparing for his journey, 
 afked his Steward, How Much Money he had 
 left ? Who anfwer'd, That he had but go/. 
 My Lord not being at all ftartled at fo fmall a 
 Summ, although his prefent defign required 
 much more, was refolved too feek his Fortune, 
 even with that litle ; and thereupon having 
 taken leave of His Highnefs Prince Rupert^ 
 and the reft that were prefent, went to Scar- 
 borough (as before is mentioned) where two 
 Ships were prepared for Hamborougb to fet 
 fail within 24 hours, in which he embarqued 
 with his Company, and arrived in four days 
 time to the faid City, which was on the 8th 
 of y/y, 1644. 
 
 In one of thefe Ships was my Lord, with ? 
 his two Sons, Charles Vifcount Mansfield, and / 
 Lord Henry Cavendi/h y now Earl of Ogle ; as \ 
 alfo Sir Charles Cavendijh, My Lord's Brother; \
 
 68 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 the then Lord Bifhop of London-Jerry^ Dr. 
 
 Bramhall ; the Lord Falconbridg, the Lord 
 Widdrlngton^ Sir William Carnaby, who after 
 died at Paris, and his Brother Mr. Francis 
 Carnaby, who went prefently in the fame 
 Ship back again for England, and foon after 
 was flain by the Enemy, near Sherborne in 
 York-Jhire, befides many of my Lord's and 
 their fervants. In the other Ship was the 
 Earl of Ethyne, Lieutenant General of My 
 Lord's Army, and the Lord Cornivorth. But 
 before My Lord landed at Hamborough, his 
 eldeft Son Charles, Lord Mansfield^ fell fick of 
 the Small- Pox, and not long after his younger 
 Son, Henry, now Earl of Ogle, fell likewife 
 dangeroufly ill of the Meafels ; but it pleafed 
 God that they both happily recovered. 
 
 My Lord finding his Company and Charge 
 very great, although he fent feveral of his 
 Servants back again into England, and having 
 no means left to maintain him, was forced to 
 feek for Credit ; where at laft he got fo much 
 as would in part relieve his neceflities ; and 
 whereas heretofore he had been contented, 
 for want of a Coach, to make ufe of a Waggon, 
 when his occafions drew him abroad, he was
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 69 
 
 now able (with the credit he had got) to buy 
 a Coach and nine Horfes of an Holfatian 
 breed; for which Horfes he paid 160, and 
 and was afterwards offer'd for one of them an 
 hundred Piftols at Paris, but he refufed the 
 money, and prefented feven of them to Her 
 Majefty the Queen-Mother of England, and 
 kept two for his own ufe. 
 
 After my Lord had ftay'd in Hamborough 
 from July 1644, ti'1 February 164^, he being 
 refolved to go into France, went by Sea from 
 Hamborougb to Amfterdam, and from thence 
 to Rotterdam, where he fent one of his Ser- 
 vants with a Complement and tender of his 
 humble Service to Her Highnefs, the then 
 Princefs Royal, the Queen of Bohemia, the 
 Princefs Dowager of Orange, and the Prince 
 of Orange, which was received with much 
 kindnefs and civility. 
 
 From Rotterdam he directed his Journey to 
 Antwerp, and from thence, with one Coach, 
 one Chariot, and two Waggons, he went to 
 Mechlin and Bruffels, where he received a 
 Vifit from the Governour, the Marquefs of 
 Cajlel Rodrigo, the Duke of Lorrain, and 
 Count Piccolomini.
 
 7 o THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 From thence he fet forth for Valencbin and 
 Cambray, where the Governour of the Town, 
 ufed my Lord with great refpe<5r, and civility, 
 and defired him to give the word that night. 
 Thence he went to Peroon, a Frontier Town 
 in France (where the Vice-Governour, in 
 abfence of the Governour of that place, did 
 likewife entertain my Lord with all refpecl, 
 and defired him to give the Word that night), 
 and fo to Paris without any further ftay. 
 
 My Lord being arrived at Parh, which was 
 in April, 1645, immediately went to tender 
 his humble duty to Her Majefty, the Queen- 
 Mother of England, where it was my Fortune 
 to fee him the firft time, I being then one of 
 the Mards of Honour to Her Majefty; and 
 after he had ftay'd there fome time, he was 
 pleafed to take fome particular notice of me, 
 and exprefs more then an ordinary affetion 
 for me ; infomuch that he refolved to chufe 
 me for his Second Wife ; for he, having but 
 two Sons, purpofed to marry me, a young 
 Woman that might prove fruitful to him and 
 encreafe his Pofterity by a Mafculine Off- 
 fpring. Nay, He was fo defirous of Male- 
 Iflue, that I have heard him fay, He cared 

 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 71 
 
 not (fo God would be plcafed to give him 
 many Sons), although they came to be perfons 
 of the meaneft Fortunes ; but God (it feems) 
 had ordered it otherwife, and fruftrated his 
 Defigns by making me barren, which yet 
 did never leflen his Love and Affection for 
 me. 
 
 After My Lord was married, having no 
 Eftate or Means left him to maintain himfelf 
 and his Family, he was neceflitated to feek 
 for Credit, and live upon the Courtefie of 
 thofe that were pleafed to Truft him ; which 
 although they did for fomewhile, and fhew'd 
 themfelves very civil to My Lord, yet they 
 grew weary at length^ infomuch that his 
 Steward was forced one time to tell him, 
 That he was not able to provide a Dinner for 
 him, for his Creditors were refolved to truft 
 him no longer. My Lord being always a 
 great mafter of his Paffions, was, at leaft 
 ihew'd himfelf not in any manner troubled at 
 it, but in a pleafant humour told me, that I 
 muft of neceflity pawn my Cloaths to make 
 fo much Money as would procure a Dinner. 
 I anfwer'd, That my Cloaths would be but of 
 fmall value, and therefore defired my Waiting-
 
 72 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 Maid 1 to pawn fome fmall toys, which I had 
 formerly given her, which fhe willingly did. 
 The fame day in the afternoon, My Lord 
 fpake himfelf to his Creditors, and both by 
 his civil Deportment, and perfwafive Argu- 
 ments, obtained fo much that they did not 
 onely truft him for more neceflaries, but lent 
 him Mony befides to redeem thofe Toys that 
 were pawned. Hereupon I fent my Waiting- 
 Maid into England to my Brother, the Lord 
 Lucas, for that fmall Portion which was left 
 me, and my Lord alfo immediately after dif- 
 patched one of his Servants, 2 who was then 
 Governour to his Sons, to fome of his Friends, 
 to try what means he could procure for his 
 fubfiftance ; but though he ufed all the in- 
 duftry and endeavour he could, yet he effected 
 but little, by reafon everybody was fo affraid 
 of the Parliament, that they durft not relieve 
 Him, who was counted a Traitor for his 
 Honeft and Loyal fervice to his King and 
 Country. 
 
 Not long after, My Lord had prefers made 
 him of fome Rich Matches in England for his 
 
 1 Mrs. Chaplain, now Mrs. Top. 2 Mr. Benotft.
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 73 
 
 two Sons, whom therefore he fent thither with 
 one Mr. Loving, hoping by that means to pro- 
 vide both for them and himfelf; but they 
 being arrived there, out of fome reafons beft 
 known to them, declared their unwillingnefs 
 to Marry as yet, continuing neverthelefs in 
 England, and living as well as they could. 
 
 Some two years after my Lord's Marriage, 
 when he had prevailed fo far with his Creditors, 
 that they began to truft him anew, the firft 
 thing he did was, that he removed out of thofe 
 Lodgings in Paris, where he had been necefli- 
 tated to live hitherto, to a Houfe which he 
 hired for himfelf and his Family, and furnifhed 
 it as well as his new gotten Credit would per- 
 mit ; and withal, refolving for his own recrea- 
 tion and divertifement in his banifhed condi- 
 tion, to exercife the Art of Mannage, which 
 he is a great lover and Mafter of, bought a 
 Barbary-horfe for that purpofe, which coft 
 him 200 Piftols, and foon after another Bar- 
 bary-horfe from the Lord Crofts, for which he 
 was to pay him lool. when he returned into 
 England. 
 
 About this time, there was a Council call'd 
 at St. Germain, in which were prefent, befides
 
 74 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 My Lord, Her Majefty the now Queen Mother 
 of England; His Highnefs the Prince, our now 
 gracious King, His Coufin Prince Rupert ; 
 the Marquefs of Worcefter, the then Marquefs, 
 now Duke of Ormond, the Lord Jermyn now 
 Earl of St. Albans^ and feveral others ; where 
 after feveral debates concerning the then pre- 
 fent condition of His Majefty KingCharles the 
 Firft, my Lord delivered his fentiment, that 
 he could perceive no other probability of pro- 
 curing Forces for His Majefty, but an aflift- 
 ance of the Scots; But Her Majefty was 
 pleafed to anfwer my Lord, That he was too 
 quick. 
 
 Not long after, When my Lord had begun 
 to fettle himfef in his mentioned new houfe, 
 His gracious Mafter the Prince, having taken 
 a refolution to go into Holland upon fome 
 defigns, Her Majefty the Queen Mother 
 defired my Lord to follow him, promifing to 
 engage for his debts which hitherto he had 
 contracted at Paris, and commanding Her 
 Controller 1 and Treafurer 2 to be bound for 
 them in Her behalf; which they did, although 
 
 1 Sir Henry Wood. a Sir Fofter.
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 75 
 
 the Creditors would not content themfelves, 
 until my Lord had joined his word to theirs ; 
 So great and generous was the bounty and 
 favour of her Majefty to my Lord ! confidering 
 (he had already given him heretofore near 
 upon 2000!. Sterling, even at that time when 
 Her Majefty ftood moft in need of it. 
 
 My Lord, after his Highnefs the Prince 
 was gone, being ready to execute Her Majefties 
 Commands in following Him, and preparing 
 for his Journey, wanted the chief thing, which 
 was Money ; and having much endeavoured 
 for it, at laft had the good Fortune to obtain 
 upon Credit three or four hundred pounds 
 Jlerl. With which Sum he fet out of Paris 
 in the fame Equipage he entred, viz. One 
 Coach, which he had newly caufed to be made, 
 (wherein were the Lord Widdrlngton^ my 
 Lord's Brother Sir Charles Cavendijb, Mr. 
 Loving, my Waiting-Maid, and fome others, 
 whereof the two later were then returned out 
 of England) one little Chariot, that would 
 onely hold my Lord and my felf ; and three 
 Waggons, befides an indifferent number of 
 Servants on Horfe-back. 
 
 That day when we left Paris, the Creditors
 
 76 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 coming to take their Farwell of my Lord, ex- 
 prefled fo great a love and kindnefs for him, 
 accompanied with fo many hearty Prayers and 
 Wifhes, that he could not but profper on his 
 Journey. 
 
 Being come into the King of Spain's Do- 
 minions, my Lord found a very Noble Recep- 
 tion. At Cam bray' the Governour was fo 
 civil, that my Lord coming to that place fome- 
 what late, and when it was dark, he com- 
 manded fome Lights and Torches to meet my 
 Lord, and conduct him to his Lodgings : He 
 offer'd my Lord the Keys of the City, and 
 defir'd him to give the Word that night, and 
 moreover invited him to an Entertainment, 
 which he had made for him of purpofe ; but 
 it being late, my Lord (tyred with his Journey) 
 excufed himfelf as civilly as he could ; the 
 Governour notwithftanding being pleafed to 
 fend all manner of Provifions to my Lords 
 Lodgings, and charging our Landlord to take 
 no pay for any thing we had : Which extra- 
 ordinary Civilities fhewed that he was a Right 
 Noble Spaniard 
 
 The next morning early, my Lord went on 
 his Journey, and was very civilly ufed in
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 77 
 
 every place of His Majefty of Spain's Domi- 
 nions, where he arrived : At laft coming to 
 Antwerp^ He took water to Rotterdam (which 
 Town he chofe for his refiding place, during 
 the time of his ftay in Holland) and fent 
 thither to a Friend of his, 1 a Gentleman of 
 Quality, to provide him fome Lodgings; which 
 he did, and procured them at the houfe of 
 one Mrs. Beynham, Widow to an Englifh 
 Merchant, who had always been very Loyal 
 to His Majefty the King of England, and fer- 
 viceable to His Majefties faithful Subje6ls in 
 whatfoever lay in his Power. 
 
 My Lord being come to Rotterdam^ was in- 
 formed that His Highnefs the Prince (now 
 our Gracious King) was gone to Sea : Where- 
 fore he refolved to follow him, and for that 
 purpofe hired a Boat, and vi&ual'd it ; but 
 fince nobody knew whither His Highnefs was 
 gone, and I being unwilling that my Lord 
 fhould venture upon fo uncertain a Voyage, 
 and (as the Proverb is) Seek a Needle in a 
 Bottle of Hay, he defifted from that defign : 
 The Lord Wlddrington neverthelefs, and Sir 
 
 1 Sir WiUiam Throckmorton, Knight.
 
 78 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 Will. Throckmorton, being refolved to find out 
 the Prince, but having by a ilorm been driven 
 towards the Coaft of Scotland, and endangered 
 their lives, they returned without obtaining 
 their aim. 
 
 After fome little time, my Lord having 
 notice that the Prince was arrived at the 
 Hague, he went to wait on His Highnefs 
 (which he alfo did afterwards at feveral times, 
 fo long as His Highnefs continued there) ex- 
 pecting fome opportunity where he might be 
 able to (hew his readinefs to ferve His King 
 and Countrey, as certainly there was no little 
 hopes for it ; for firft, it was believed that the 
 Englifh fleet would come and render it felf 
 into the obedience of the Prince ; next, it 
 was reported that the Duke of Hamilton was 
 going out of Scotland with a great Army, into 
 England^ to the afliftance of His Majefty, 
 and that His Majefty had then fome party at 
 Colchefter ; but it pleafed God that none of 
 thefe proved effectual. For the Fleet did not 
 come in ; the Duke of Hamilton's Army was 
 deftroyed, and Colcbefter was taken by the 
 Enemy, where my dear Brother Sir Charles 
 Lucas, and his dear Friend Sir George Lile,
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 79 
 
 were moft inhumanly murther'd and (hot to 
 death, they being both Valiant and Heroick 
 Perfons, good Soldiers, and moft Loyal Sub- 
 jects to His Majefty; the one an excellent 
 Commander of Horfe, the other of Foot. 
 
 My Lord having now lived in Rotterdam 
 almoft fix months, at a great charge, keeping 
 an open and noble Table for all comers, and 
 being pleafed efpecially to entertain fuch as 
 were excellent Soldiers, and noted Com- 
 manders of War, whofe kindnefs he took as 
 a great Obligation, ftiil hoping that fome 
 occafion would happen to invite thofe worthy 
 Perfons into England to ferve His Majefty ; 
 but feeing no probability of either returning 
 into England^ or doing His Majefty any fer- 
 vice in that kind, he refolved to retire to 
 fome place where he might live privately ; 
 and having chofen the City of Antwerp for 
 that purpofe, went to the Hague to take his 
 leave of His Highnefs the Prince, our now 
 gracious Soveraign. My Lord had then but 
 a fmall ftock of money left ; for though the 
 then Marquefs of Hereford (after Duke of 
 Somerfety and his Coufm-German, once re- 
 moved, the now Earl of Devonjhire had lent
 
 80 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 him 2000!. between them ; yet all that was 
 fpent, and above loool. more, which my 
 Lord borrowed during the time he lived in 
 Rotterdam, his Expence being the more, by 
 reafon (as I mentioned) he lived freely and 
 nobly. 
 
 However my Lord, notwithftanding that 
 little provifion of Money he had, fet forth 
 from Rotterdam to Antwerp, where for fome 
 time he lay in a publick Inne, until one of 
 his Friends that had a great love and refpedt 
 for my Lord, Mr. Endymion Porter, who was 
 Groom of the Bed-chamber to His Majefty 
 King Charles the Firft (a place not onely 
 honourable, but very profitable) being not 
 willing that a Perfon of fuch Quality as my 
 Lord, fhould lie in a publick Houfe, profer'd 
 him Lodgings at the Houfe where he was, 
 and would not let my Lord be at quiet, until 
 he had accepted of them. 
 
 My Lord after he had ftay'd fome while 
 there, endeavouring to find out a Houfe for 
 himfelf which might fit him and his fmall 
 Family, (for at that time he had put off moft 
 of his Train) and alfo be for his own content, 
 lighted on one that belonged to the Widow
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 81 
 
 of a famous Picture-drawer, Van Ruben, 1 
 which he took. 
 
 About this time my Lord was much necef- 
 fitated for Money, which forced him to try 
 feveral ways for to obtain fo much as would 
 relieve his prefent wants. At laft Mr. Alef- 
 bury, the onely Son to Sir Th. Alejbury, Knight 
 and Baronet, and Brother to the now Coun- 
 tefs of Clarendon, a very worthy Gentleman, 
 and great Friend to my Lord, having fome 
 Moneys that belonged to the now Duke of 
 Buckingham, and feeing my Lord in fo great 
 diftrefs, did him the favour to lend him 200 1. 
 (which money my Lord fmce his return hath 
 honeftly and juftly repai'd). This relief came 
 fo feafonably, that it got my Lord Credit in 
 the City of Antwerp, whereas otherwife he 
 would have loft himfelf to his great difadvan- 
 tage ; for my Lord having hired the houfe 
 aforementioned, and wanting Furniture for 
 it, was credited by the Citizens for as many 
 Goods as he was pleafed to have, as alfo for 
 Meat and Drink, and all kind of neceflaries 
 
 1 This " pi6hire-drawer " was no other than Rubens, 
 the eminent artift. He had a magnificent mufeum, 
 which the duke afterwards purchafed for i,ooo/. 
 G
 
 82 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 and provifions, which certainly was a fpecial 
 Blefling of God, he being not onely a ftranger 
 in that Nation, but to all appearance, a Ruined 
 man. 
 
 After my Lord had been in Antwerp fome- 
 time, where he lived as retiredly as it was 
 poflible for him to do, he gained much love 
 and refpecl: of all that knew or had any bufi- 
 nefs with him : At the beginning of our 
 coming thither, we found but few Englilh 
 (except thofe that were Merchants) but after- 
 wards their number increafed much, efpecially 
 of Perfons of Quality ; and whereas at firft 
 there were no more but four Coaches that 
 went the Tour, viz. the Governors of the 
 Caftle, my Lords, and two more, they 
 amounted to the number of above a hundred, 
 before we went from thence ; for all thofe 
 that had fufficient means, and could go to the 
 price, kept Coaches, and went the Tour for 
 their own pleafure. And certainly I cannot 
 in duty and confcience but give this Publick 
 Teftimony to that place. That whereas I 
 have obferv'd, that moft commonly fuch 
 Towns or Cities where the Prince of that 
 Country doth not reficie himfelf, or where
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 83 
 
 there is no great refort of the chief Nobility 
 and Gentry, are but little civilifed ; Certainly, 
 the Inhabitants of the faid City of Antwerp 
 are the civileft, and beft behaved People that 
 ever I faw ; fo that my Lord lived there with 
 as much content as a man of his condition 
 could do, and his chief paftime and divertife- 
 mentconfifted in the Mannage of the two afore 
 mentioned Horfes ; which he had not en- 
 joyed long, but the Barbary-horfe^ for which 
 he paid 200 Piftols in Paris, died, and foon 
 after the Horfe which he had from the Lord 
 Crofts ; and though he wanted prefent means 
 to repair thefe his lofles, yet he endeavoured 
 and obtained fo much Credit at laft that he 
 was able to buy two others, and by degrees 
 fo many as amounted in all to the number 
 of 8. In which he took fo much delight and 
 pleafure, that though he was then in diftrefs 
 for Money, yet he would fooner have tried all 
 other ways, then parted with any of them ; 
 for I have hear'd him fay, that good Horfes 
 are fo rare, as not to be valued for Mony, 
 and that He who would buy him out of his 
 Picafure (meaning his Horfes), muft pay dear 
 for it. For inftance I {hall mention fome
 
 84 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 paflages which happen'd when My Lord was 
 in Antwerp. 
 
 Firft ; A ftranger coming thither, and feeing 
 my Lords Horfes, had a great mind to buy 
 one of them, which my Lord loved above the 
 reft, and called him hrs Favourite, a fine 
 Spani/h Horfe ; intreating my Lords Efcuyer 
 to acquaint him with his defire, and afk the 
 price of the faid Horfe : My Lord, when he 
 heard of it, commanded his Servant, that if 
 the Chapman returned, he mould be brought 
 before him ; which being done accordingly, 
 my Lord afked him, whether he was refolved 
 to buy his Spanijb Horfe ? Yes, anfwered he, 
 my Lord, and Pie give your Lordmip a good 
 price for him. I make no doubt of it, replied 
 My Lord, or elfe you (hall not have him : But 
 you muft know, faid he, that the price of that 
 Horfe is iooo/. to day, to morrow it will be 
 20OO/. next day 30007. and fo forth. By 
 which the Chapman perceiving that my Lord 
 was unwilling to part with the faid Horfe for 
 any Money, took his leave, and fo went his 
 ways. 
 
 The next was, That the Duke de Guife, 
 who was alfo a great lover of good Horfes,
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 58 
 
 hearing much Commendation of a gray leaping 
 Horfe, which my Lord then had, told the 
 Gentleman that praifed and commended him, 
 That if my Lord was willing to fell the faid 
 Horfe, he would give 600 Piftols for him. 
 The Gentleman knowing my Lords humour, 
 anfwered again, That he was confident, my 
 Lord would never part with him for any 
 mony, and to that purpofe fent a Letter to my 
 Lord from Paris ; but my Lord was fo far 
 from felling that Horfe, that he was difpleafed 
 to hear that any Price fhould be offer'd for 
 him : So great a Love hath my Lord for good 
 Horfes ! And certainly I have obferved, and 
 do verily believe, that fome of them had alfo 
 a particular Love to my Lord; for they feemed 
 to rejoice whenfoever he came into the Stables, 
 by their trampling action, and the noife they 
 made ; nay, they would go much better in the 
 Mannage, when my Lord was by, then when 
 he was abfent ; and when he rid them himfelf, 
 they feemed to take much pleafure and pride 
 in it. But of all forts of Horfes, my Lord 
 loved Spanijh Horfes and Barbes be ft ; faying, 
 That Spanijh Horfes were like Princes, and 
 Barbes like Gentlemen, in their kind. And
 
 86 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 this was the chief Recreation and Paftime my 
 Lord had in Antwerp. 
 
 I will now return to my former Difcourfe, 
 and the Relation of fome Important Affairs 
 and Actions which happen'd about this time: 
 HisMajefty (our now Gracious King, Charles 
 the Second) fome time after he was gone out 
 of Holland^ and returned into France , took his 
 Journey from thence to Breda (if I remember 
 well) to treat there with his Subjects of Scot- 
 land, who had then made fome offers of Agree- 
 ment : My Lord, according to his duty, went 
 thither to wait on His Majefty, and was there 
 in Council with His Majefty, His Highnefs 
 the then Prince of Orange, His Majefties 
 Brother-in-law, and fome other Privy-Coun- 
 fellors ; in which, after feveral Debates con- 
 cerning that Important Affair, His Highnefs 
 the Prince of Orange, and my Lord, agreed in 
 one Opinion, viz. That they could perceive 
 no other and better way at that prefent for 
 His Majefty, but to make an Agreement with 
 His Subjects of Scotland, upon any Condition, 
 and to go into Scotland in Perfon Himfelf, 
 that he might but be fure of an Army, there 
 being no probability or appearance then of
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 87 
 
 getting an Army any where elfe. Which 
 Counfel, either out of the then alledged 
 Reafons, or fome others beft known to His 
 Majefty, was embraced ; His Majefty agreeing 
 with the Scots fo far, (notwithftanding they 
 were fo unreafonable in their Treaty, that His 
 Majefty had hardly Patience to hear them) 
 that he refolved to go into Scotland in Perfon ; 
 and though my Lord had an earneft defire to 
 wait on His Majefty thither, yet the Scots 
 would not fuffer him to come, or be in any 
 part of that Kingdom : Wherefore out of his 
 Loyalty and Duty, he gave His Majefty the 
 beft advice he could, viz. that he conceived it 
 moft fafe for His Majefty to adhere to the 
 Earl of Argylis Party, which he fuppofed to 
 be the ftrongeft ; but efpecially, to reconcile 
 Hamilton's and Argyles Party, and compofe 
 the differences between them j for then His 
 Majefty would be fure of Two Parties, 
 whereas otherwife He would leave an Enemy 
 behind Him, which might caufe His over- 
 throw, and endanger His Majefties Perfon ; 
 and if His Majefty could but get the Power 
 into his own hands, he might do hereafter 
 what he pleafed.
 
 88 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 His Majfty being arrived in Scotland, or- 
 dered his affairs fo wifely, that foon after he 
 got an Army to march with him into Eng- 
 land; but whether they were all Loyal, is 
 not for me to difpute : However, Argyle was 
 difcontented, as it appear'd by two complain- 
 ing Letters he fent to my Lord, which my 
 Lord gave His Majefty notice of; fo that 
 onely the Duke of Hamilton went with His 
 Majefty, who fought and died like a Valiant 
 Man, and a Loyal fubjet. In this fight be- 
 tween the Englljh and Scots, His Majefty 
 exprefied an extraordinary Courage ; and 
 though his Army was in a manner deftroyed, 
 yet the Glory of an Heroick Prince remained 
 with our gracious Soveraign. 
 
 In the mean time, whileft His Majefty was 
 yet in Scotland^ and before he marched with 
 His Army into England, it happeri'd that the 
 Elector of Brandenburg, and Duke of Newburg, 
 upon fome differences, having raifed Forces 
 againft each other, but afterwards concluded 
 a Peace between them, were pleafed to profer 
 thofe Forces to my Lord for His Majefties 
 ufe and fervice, which (as the Lord Chan- 
 cellour, who was then in France^ fent word to
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 89 
 
 my Lord) was the onely Foreign prefer that 
 had been made to his Majefty. My Lord 
 immediately gave His Majefty notice of it ; 
 but whether it was for want of convenient 
 Tranfportation, or Mony, or that the Scots 
 did not like the affiftance, that profer was not 
 accepted. 
 
 Concerning the affairs and intrigues that 
 pafs'd in Scotland, and England, during the 
 time of His Majefties ftay there, I am igno- 
 rant of them ; neither doth it belong to me 
 now to write, or give an account of any thing 
 elfe but what concerns the Hiftory of my 
 Noble Lord and Hufbands Life, and his own 
 Actions j who fo foon as he had Intelligence 
 that the Scottijh Army, which went with His 
 Majefty into England, was defeated, and that 
 no body knew what was become of His Ma- 
 jefty, fell into fo violent a Paffion, that I 
 verily believed it would have endanger'd his 
 life ; but when afterwards the happy news 
 came of His Majefties fafe arrival in France, 
 never any Subject could rejoice more then 
 my Lord did. 
 
 About this time it chanced, that my Lords 
 Brother Sir Charles Cavendijh, and my felf,
 
 9 o THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 took a journey into England^ occafioned both 
 by my Lord's extream want and neceflity, 
 and his Brothers Eftate ; which having been 
 under Sequeftration from the time (or foon 
 after) he went out of England, was then, in 
 cafe he did not return and compound for it, to 
 be fold out-right ; Sir Charles was unwilling 
 to receive his Eftate upon fuch conditions, 
 and would rather have loft it, then com- 
 pounded for it : But my Lord confidering it 
 was better to recover fomething, then lofe all, 
 intreated the Lord Chancellour, who was then 
 in Antwerp, to perfwade his Brother to a com- 
 pofition, which his Lordftiip did very effec- 
 tually, and proved himfelf a Noble and true 
 Friend in it. We had fo fmall a Provifion of 
 money when we fet forth our Journey for 
 England, that it was hardly able to carry us 
 to London, but were forced to ftay at South- 
 ward ; where Sir Charles fent into London for 
 one that had formerly been his Steward j and 
 having declared to him his wants and neceffi- 
 ties, defir'd him to try his Credit. He feemed 
 ready to do his Mafter what fervice he could 
 in that kind ; but pretending withall, that his 
 Credit was but fmall, Sir Charles gave him his
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 91 
 
 Watch to pawn, and with that money paid 
 tho r e fmall (cores we had made in our Lodging 
 there. From thence we went to fome other 
 Lodgings that were prepared for us in Cogent- 
 Garden ; and having refted our felves fome 
 time, I defired my Brother the Lord Lucas y 
 to claim, in my behalf, fome fubfiftance for 
 my felf out of my Lords Eftate, (for it was 
 declared by the Parliament, That the Lands 
 of thofe that were baniflied, mould be fold to 
 any that would buy them, onely their Wives 
 and Children were allowed to put in their 
 Claims :) But he received this Anfwer, That 
 I could not expe<l the leaft allowance, by 
 reafon my Lord and Hufband had been the 
 greateft Traitor of England (that is to fay, 
 the honefteft man, becaufe he had been moft 
 againft them.) 
 
 Then Sir Charles intruded fome perfons to 
 compound for his Eftate ; but it being a good 
 while before they agreed in their Compofition, 
 and then before the Rents could be received, 
 we having in the mean time nothing to live 
 on, muft of neceffity have been ftarved, had 
 not Sir Charles got fome Credit of feveral 
 Perfons, and that not without great difficulty;
 
 92 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 for all thofe that had Eftates, were afraid to 
 come near him, much lefs to affift him, until 
 he was fure of his own Eftate. So much is 
 Mifery and Poverty fhun'd ! 
 
 But though our Condition was hard, yet 
 my dear Lord and Hufband, whom we left in 
 Antwerp, was then in a far greater diftrefs 
 then our felves ; for at our departure he had 
 nothing but what his Credit was able to pro- 
 cure him ; and having run upon the fcore fo 
 long without paying any the leaft part there- 
 of, his Creditors began to grow impatient, 
 and refolved to truft him no longer : Where- 
 fore he fent me word, That if his Brother did 
 not prefently relieve him, he was forced to 
 ftarve. Which doleful news caufed great 
 fadnefs and melancholy in us both, and withal 
 made his Brother try his utmoft endeavour to 
 procure what moneys he could for his fubfift- 
 ance, who at laft got 200 \.JlerI. upon Credit, 
 which he immediately made over to my Lord. 
 
 But in the mean time, before the faid money 
 could come to his hands, my Lord had been 
 forced to fend for all his Creditors, and declare 
 to them his great wants and neceflities ; where 
 his Speech was fo effectual, and made fuch an
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 93 
 
 impreflion in them, that they had all a deep 
 fenfe of my Lords Misfortunes ; and inftead 
 of urging the payment of his Debts, promifed 
 him, That he fhould not want any thing in 
 whatfoever they were able to affift him ; 
 which they alfo very nobly and civilly per- 
 formed, furnifhing him with all manner of 
 provifions and neceflaries for his further fub- 
 fiftance ; fo that my Lord was then in a 
 much better condition amongft ftrangers, 
 then we in our Native Countrey. 
 
 At laft when Sir Charles Cavendljh had com- 
 pounded for his Eftate, and agreed to pay 
 4500 1. for it, the Parliament caufed it again 
 to be furveyed, and made him pay 500 1. 
 more, which was more then many others had 
 paid for much greater Eftates ; fo that Sir 
 Charles to pay this Compofition, and difcharge 
 fome Debts, was neceflitated to fell fome Land 
 of his at an under-rate. My Lords two Sons 
 (who were alfo in England at that time) were 
 no lefs in want and neceffity, then we, having 
 nothing but bare Credit to live on ; and my 
 Lords Eftate being then to be fold outright, 
 Sir Charles, his Brother, endeavoured, if pof- 
 lible, to fave the two chief Houfes, viz. Welbeck
 
 94 THE LIFE OF fTILLUM 
 
 and Bolfover y being refolved rather to part 
 with fome more of his Land, which he had 
 lately compounded for, then to let them fall 
 into the Enemies hands ; but before fuch time 
 as he could compafs the money, fome body 
 had bought Bolfover^ with an intention to pull 
 it down, and make money of the Materials ; 
 of whom Sir Charles was forced to buy it 
 again at a far greater Rate then he might have 
 had it at firft, notwithftanding a great part of 
 it was pulled down already ; and though my 
 Lords eldeft Son Charles Lord Mansfield, had 
 thofe mentioned Houfes fome time in poflef- 
 fion, after the death of his Uncle ; yet for 
 want of Means he was not able to repair 
 them. 
 
 I having now been in England a year and a 
 half, fome Intelligence which I received of 
 my Lords being not very well, and the fmall 
 hopes I had of getting fome relief out of his 
 Eftate, put me upon defign of returning to 
 Antwerp to my Lord; and Sir Charles^ his 
 Brother, took the fame refolution, but was 
 prevented by an Ague that feized upon him. 
 Not long had I been with my Lord, but we 
 received the fad news of his Brothers death,
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 95 
 
 which was an extream affliction both to my 
 Lord, and my felf, for they loved each other 
 entirely : In truth, He was a Perfon of fo great 
 worth, fuch extraordinary civility, fo obliging 
 a Nature, fo full of Generofity, Juftice and 
 Charity, befides all manner of Learning', ef- 
 pecially in the Matbemaiicks, that not onely 
 his Friends, but even his Enemies, did much 
 lament his lofs. 
 
 After my return out of England, to my 
 Lord, the Creditors fuppofing I had brought 
 great ftore of money along with me, came all 
 to my Lord to folicite the payment of their 
 Debts ; but when my Lord had informed them 
 of the truth of the bufmefs, and defired their 
 patience fomewhat longer, with afTurance that 
 fo foon as he received any money, he would 
 honeftly and juftly fatisfie them, they were not 
 onely willing to forbear the payment of thofe 
 Debts he had contracted hitherto, but to credit 
 him for the future, and fupply him with fuch 
 Neceflaries as he mould defire of them. And 
 this was the onely happinefs which my Lord 
 had in his diftrefled condition, and the chief 
 bleffing of the Eternal and Merciful God, in 
 whofe Power are all things, who ruled the
 
 96 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 hearts and minds of men, and filled them with 
 Charity and Compaflion j for certainly it was 
 a work of Divine Providence, that they fhewed 
 fo much love, refpeft and honour to my Lord, 
 a ftranger to their Nation ; and notwithftanding 
 his ruined Condition, and the fmall appearance 
 of recovering his own, credited him wherefo- 
 ever he lived, both in France, Holland, Bra- 
 bant and Germany; that although my Lord 
 was baniflied his Native Countrey, and dif- 
 pofleffed from his own Eftate, could neverthe- 
 lefs live in fo much Splendor and Grandure as 
 he did. 
 
 In this Condition (and how little foever the 
 appearance was) my Lord was never without 
 hopes of feeing yet (before his death) a happy 
 iflue of all his misfortunes and fufferings, efpe- 
 cially of the Reftauration of His moft Gracious 
 King and Mafter, to His Throne and Kingly 
 Rights, whereof he always had afTured Hopes, 
 well knowing, that it was impoflible for the 
 Kingdom to fubfift long under fo many changes 
 of Government ; and whenfoever I exprefled 
 how little faith I had in it, he would gently re- 
 prove me, faying, I believ'd leaft, what I defir'd 
 moft ; and could never be happy if I endea-
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 97 
 
 vour'd to exclude all hopes, and entertain'd 
 nothing but doubts and fears. 
 
 The City of Antwerp in which we lived, 
 being a place of great refort for Strangers and 
 Travellers, His Majefty (our now gracious 
 King, Charles the Second) parted thorough it, 
 when he went his Journey towards Germany; 
 and after my Lord had done his humble duty, 
 and waited on His Majefty, He was pleafed 
 to Honour him with his Prefence at his Houfe. 
 The fame did almoft all ftrangers that were 
 Perfons of Quality ; if they made any ftay in 
 the Town, they would come and vifit my 
 Lord, and fee the Mannage of his Horfes : l 
 And, amongft the reft, the Duke of Olden- 
 burg^and the Prince of Ea/t-FrieJJand^did my 
 Lord the Honour, and prefented him with 
 Horfes of their own breed. 
 
 One time it happen'd, that His Highnefs 
 Dom John a" Aujlria (who was then Governour 
 of thofe Provinces) came to Antwerp^ and 
 ftayed there fome few days ; and then almoft 
 all his Court waited on my Lord, fo that one 
 day I reckoned about feventeen Coaches, in 
 
 1 Another Philip ! 
 H
 
 98 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 which were all Perfons of Quality, who came 
 in the morning of purpofe to fee my Lord's 
 Mannage ; My Lord receiving fo great an 
 honour thought it fit to (hew his refpet and 
 civility to them, and to ride fome of his Horfes 
 himfelf, which otherwife he never did but for 
 his own excercife and delight. Amongft the 
 reft of thofe great and noble Perfons, there 
 were two of our Nation, viz. the then Mar- 
 quefs, now Duke of Ormond, and the Earl of 
 Briftol ; but Dom *Jobn was not there in Per- 
 fon, excufing himfelf afterwards to my Lord 
 (when my Lord waited on him) that the mul- 
 tiplicity of his weighty affairs had hindred his 
 coming thither, which my Lord accounted as 
 a very high honour and favour from fo great 
 a Prince ; and conceiving it his duty to wait 
 on his Highnefs, but being unknown to him, 
 the Earl of Briftol, who had acquaintance with 
 him, did my Lord the favour, and upon his 
 requeft, prefented him to his Highnefs ; which 
 favour of the faid Earl my Lord highly re- 
 fented. 1 
 
 1 This now obfolete ufe of the word refented founds 
 fmgular to modern ears : we now never refent a fa- 
 vour, though we may refent an injury. The French
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 99 
 
 Dom John received my Lord with all kind- 
 nefs and refpeft; for although there were 
 many great and noble Perfons that waited on 
 him in an out room, yet fo foon as his High- 
 nefs heard of my Lord's, and the Earl of 
 BriJloFs being there, he was pleafed to admit 
 them before all the reft. My Lord, after he 
 had pafled his Complements, told His High- 
 nefs, That he found himfelf bound in all duty 
 to make his humble acknowledgments for the 
 Favour he received from His Catholick Ma- 
 jefty for permitting and fuffering him (a 
 banifhed man) to live in His Dominions, and 
 under the Government of His Highnefs ; 
 whereupon Dom John afk'd my Lord whether 
 he wanted any thing, and whether he liv'd 
 peaceably without any moleftation or difturb- 
 ance ? My Lord anfwer'd, That he lived as 
 much to his own content as a banifti'd man 
 could do; and received more refpet and civility 
 from that City then he could have expected, 
 for which he returned his moft humble thanks 
 to his Catholick Majefty, and His Highnefs. 
 
 rej/entir means equally, to take well or ill ; and in the 
 feventeenth century to refent implied either an emotion 
 of gratitude, or a feeling of revenge.
 
 too THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 After fome fhort Difcourfe, my Lord took his 
 leave of Dom John ; Several of the Spaniards 
 advifing him to go into Spain, and afluring 
 him of His Catholick Majefties Kindnefs and 
 Favour ; but my Lord being engaged in the 
 City of Antwerp^ and befides in years, and 
 wanting means for fo long and chargeable a 
 voyage, was not able to embrace their motions ; 
 and furely he was fo well pleafed with the great 
 Civilities he received from that City, that then 
 he was refolved to chufe no other refiding 
 place all the time of his banifhment but that ; 
 he being not onely credited there for all 
 manner of Provifions and Neceflaries for his 
 fubfiftance, but alfo free both from ordinary 
 and extraordinary Taxes, and from paying 
 Excife, which was a great favour and obliga- 
 tion to my Lord. 
 
 After His Highnefs Dom John had left the 
 Government of thofe Provinces the Mafquefs 
 of Caracena fucceeded in his place, who having 
 a great defire to fee my Lord ride in the Man- 
 nage, entreated a Gentleman of the City, that 
 was acquainted with my Lord, to beg that favour 
 of him. My Lord having not been at that 
 Exercife fix weeks, or two months, by reafon
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 101 
 
 of fome ficknefs that made him unfit for it, 
 civilly begg'd his excufe ; but he was fo much 
 importuned by the faid Gentleman that at laft 
 he granted his Requeft, and rid one or two 
 Horfes in prefence of the faid Marquefs of 
 Caracena, and the then Marquefs, now Duke 
 of Ormond, who often ufed to honour my 
 Lord with his Company. The faid Marquefs 
 of Caracena feem'd to take much pleafure and 
 fatisfa6Hon in it, and highly complemented 
 my Lord ; and certainly I have obferved, 
 That Noble and Meritorious perfons take 
 great delight in honouring each other. 
 
 But not onely ftrangers, but His Majefty 
 Himfelf (our now Gracious Soveraign) was 
 pleafed to fee my Lord ride, and one time 
 did ride Himfelf, He being an Excellent 
 Mafter of that Art, and inftrucled by my 
 Lord, who had the Honour to fet Him firft 
 on' a Horfe of Mannage, when he was His 
 Governour ; where His Majefties Capacity 
 was fuch, that being but Ten years of Age, 
 he would ride leaping Horfes, and fuch as 
 would overthrow others, and mannage them 
 with the greateft Skill and Dexterity, to the 
 admiration of all that beheld Him.
 
 io2 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 Nor was this the onely Honour my Lord 
 received from His Majefty, but His Majefty 
 and all the Royal Race ; that is to fay, Her 
 Highnefs the then Princefs Royal, His High- 
 nefs the Duke of Tork^ with His Brother the 
 Duke of Glocefter, (except the Princefle Hen- 
 rietta^ now Duchefs of Orleans^) being met 
 one time in Antwerp, were pleafed to honour 
 my Lord with their Prefence, and accept of a 
 fmall Entertainment at his Houfe, fuch as his 
 prefent Condition was able to afford them. 
 And fome other time His Majefty paffing 
 through the City was pleafed to accept of a 
 private Dinner at my Lord's Houfe ; after 
 which I receiving that gracious Favour from 
 His Majefty, that he was pleafed to fee me, 
 he did merrily and in jeft, tell me, That he 
 perceived my Lord's Credit could procure better 
 Meat then His own. Again, fome other time, 
 upon a merry Challenge playing a Game at 
 Butts with my Lord (when my Lord had the 
 better of Him), What (faid He) my Lord, have 
 you invited me to play the Rook with me?* 
 
 1 " To play the Rook," means to play theftarfer. 
 1 Rook " is fynonymous with a cheat. A " rookery "
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 103 
 
 Although their Stakes were not at all con- 
 fiderable, but onely for Paftime. 
 
 Thefe paflages I mention onely to declare 
 my Lord's happinefs in his miferies, which he 
 received by the honour and kindnefs not onely 
 of foreign Princes, but of his own Mafter and 
 Gracious Soveraign : I will not fpeak now of 
 the good efteem and repute he had by his late 
 Majefty King Charles the Firft, and Her 
 Majefty the now Queen-Mother, who always 
 held and found him a very loyal and faithful 
 Subject, although Fortune was pleafed to 
 oppofe him in the height of his endeavours ; 
 for his onely and chief intention was to hinder 
 His Majefties Enemies from executing that 
 cruel defign which they had upon their gracious 
 and merciful King ; In which he tried his 
 uttermoft power, in fo much that I have heard 
 him fay out of a paffionate Zeal and Loyalty, 
 That he would willingly facrifice himfelf and 
 all his Pofterity, for the fake of his Majefty 
 and the Royal Race. Nor did he ever repine 
 
 in many of our old towns is the rendezvous of difhoneft 
 perfons. That pleafant bird, the rook, was formerly 
 regarded as a thief but he does far more good than 
 harm.
 
 LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 either at his lofles or fufferings, but rejoyced 
 rather that he was able to fufter for His King 
 and Countrey. His Army was the onely 
 Army that was able to uphold His Majefties 
 Power ; which fo long as it was Victorious 
 it preferred both His Majefties Perfon and 
 Crown ; but fo foon as it fell, that fell too : 
 and my Lord was then in a manner forced to 
 feek his own prefervation in foreign Countries, 
 where God was pleafed to make ftrangers his 
 Friends, who received and prote6ted him 
 when he was banifhed his native Country, 
 and relieved him when his own Country-men 
 fought to ftarve him, by withholding from him 
 what was juftly his own, onely for his Honefty 
 and Loyalty ; which relief he received more 
 from the Commons of thofe parts where he 
 lived, then from Princes, he being unwilling 
 to trouble any foreign Prince with his wants 
 and miferies, well knowing, that Gifts of 
 Great Princes come flowly, and not without 
 much difficulty ; neither loves he to petition 
 any one but His own Soveraign. 
 
 But though my Lord by the civility of 
 Strangers, and the afliftance of fome few 
 Friends of his native Country, lived in an in-
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 105 
 
 different Condition, yet (as it hath been de- 
 clared heretofore) he was put to great plunges 
 and difficulties, in fo much that his dear Bro- 
 ther Sir Charles Cavendi/h would often fay, 
 That though he could not truly complain of 
 want, yet his meat never did him good by 
 reafon my Lord, his Brother, was always fo 
 near wanting, that he was never fure after one 
 meal to have another : And though I was not 
 afraid of ftarving or begging, yet my chief 
 fear was, that my Lord for his debts would 
 fuffer Imprifonment, where fadnefs of Mind, 
 and want of Exercife, and Air, would have 
 wrought his deftru6tion, which yet by the 
 Mercy of God he happily avoided. 
 
 Some time before the Reftauration of His 
 Majefty to his Royal Throne, my Lord, partly 
 with the remainder of his Brothers Eftate, 
 which was but little, it being wafted by felling 
 of Land for compounding with the Parliament, 
 paying of feveral debts, and buying out the 
 two Houfes aforementioned, viz. Welbeck and 
 Bolfover ; and the Credit which his Sons had 
 got, which amounted in all to 2400!. a year, 
 fprinkled fomething amongft his Creditors, 
 and borrowed fo much of Mr. Top and Mr.
 
 106 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 Smith (though without aflurance) that he could 
 pay fuch fcores as were moft prefling, con- 
 tracted from the poorer fort of Trades-men, 
 and fend ready mony to Market, to avoid 
 cozenage (for fmall fcores run up moft un- 
 reafonably, efpecially if no ftrit accounts be 
 kept, and the rate be left to the Creditors 
 pleafure) by which means there was in a fhort 
 time fo much faved, as it could not have been 
 imagined. 
 
 About this time, a report came of a great 
 number of Sectaries, and of feveral diftur- 
 bances in England, which heightned my 
 Lord's former hopes into a firm belief of a 
 fudden Change in that Kingdom, and a happy 
 Reftauration of His Majefty, which it alfo 
 pleafed God to fend according to his expecta- 
 tion ; for His Majefty was invited by his 
 Subjects, who were not able longer to endure 
 thofe great confufions and encumbrances they 
 had fuftained hitherto, to take poffeflion of His 
 Hereditary Rights, and the power of all his 
 Dominions : And being then at the Hague in 
 Holland, to take fhipping in thofe parts for 
 England, my Lord went thither to wait on his 
 Majefty, who ufed my Lord very Gracioufly ;
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 107 
 
 and his Highnefs the Duke of York was pleafed 
 to offer him one of thofe Ships that were 
 ordered to tranfport His Majefty; for which he 
 returned his moft humble thanks to his High- 
 nefs, and begg'd leave of His Highnefs that he 
 might hire a Veflel for himfelf and his Com- 
 pany. 
 
 In the mean time whilft my Lord was at 
 the Hague, His Majefty was pleafed to tell 
 him, That General Monk, now Duke of Albe- 
 marle, had defired the Place of being Mafter 
 of the Horfe : To which my Lord anfwer'd, 
 That that gallant Perfon was worthy of any 
 Favour that His Majefty could confer upon 
 him : And having taken his leave of His 
 Majefty, and His Highnefs the Duke of York, 
 went towards the Ship that was to tranfport 
 him for England, (I might better call it a 
 Boat, then a Ship ; for thofe that were in- 
 truded by my Lord to hire a Ship for that 
 purpofe, had hired an old rotten Fregat, that 
 was loft the next Voyage after ; infomuch, 
 that when fome of the Company that had 
 promifed to go over with my Lord, faw it, 
 they turn'd back, and would not endanger 
 their lives in it, except the now Lord Wid-
 
 io8 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 drington, who was refolved not to forfake my 
 Lord.) 
 
 My Lord (who was fo tranfported with the 
 joy of returning into his Native Countrey, that 
 he regarded not the Veffel) having fet Sail 
 from Rotterdam, was fo becalmed, that he was 
 fix dayes and fix nights upon the Water, 
 during which time he pleafed himfelf with 
 mirth, and pafs'd his time away as well as he 
 could ; Provifions he wanted not, having them 
 in great ftore and plenty. At laft being come 
 fo far that he was able to difcern the fmoak of 
 London, which he had not feen in a long time, 
 he merrily was pleafed to defire one that was 
 near him, to jogg and awake him out of his 
 dream, for furely, faid he, I have been fixteen 
 years afleep, and am not throughly awake 
 yet. My Lord lay that night at Greenwich, 
 where his Supper feem'd more favoury to him, 
 then any meat he had hitherto tailed ; and the 
 noife of fome fcraping Fidlers, he thought the 
 pleafanteft harmony that ever he had heard. 
 
 In the mean time my Lords Son, Henry 
 Lord Mansfield, now Earl of Ogle, was gone 
 to Dover with intention to wait on His 
 Majefty, and receive My Lord his Father, with
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 109 
 
 all joy and duty, thinking he had been with 
 His Majefty ; but when he mifs'd of his 
 defign, he was very much troubled, and more, 
 when His Majefty was pleas'd to tell him, 
 That my Lord had fet to Sea, before His 
 Majefty Himfelf was gone out of Holland, 
 fearing my Lord had met with fome Misfor- 
 tune in his Journey, becaufe he had not heard 
 of his Landing. Wherefore he immediately 
 parted from Dover, to feek my Lord, whom 
 at laft he found at Greenwich ; with what joy 
 they embraced and faluted each other, my Pen 
 is too weak to exprefs. 
 
 But all this while, and after my Lord was 
 gone from Antwerp, I was left alone there with 
 fome of my fervants ; for my Lord being in 
 Holland with His Majefty, declared in a Let- 
 ter to me his intention of going for England, 
 withal commanding me to ftay in that City, as 
 a Pawn for his debts, until he could compafs 
 money to difcharge them ; and to excufe him 
 to the Magiftrates of the faid City for not 
 taking his leave of them, and paying his due 
 thanks for their great civilities, which he de- 
 fired me to do in his behalf. And certainly 
 my Lords affection to me was fuch, that it
 
 no THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 made him very induftrious in providing thofe 
 means ; for it being uncertain what or whether 
 he fhould have any thing of his Eftate, made 
 it a difficult bufinefs for him to borrow Mony ; 
 At laft he received fome of one Mr. Ajh, now 
 Sir Jofepb AJb^ a Merchant of Antwerp, which 
 he returned to me ; but what with the ex- 
 pence I had made in the mean while, and what 
 was required for my tranfporting into England, 
 befides the debts formerly contracted, the faid 
 money fell too fhort by 400!. and although I 
 could have upon my own word taken up much 
 more, yet I was unwilling to leave an engage- 
 ment amongft ftrangers : Wherefore I fent 
 for one Mr. Shaw y now Sir John Sbaw^ a 
 near kindfman to the faid Mr. Ajh^ intreating 
 him to lend me 400!. which he did moft readily, 
 and fo difcharged my debts. 
 
 My departure being now divulged in Ant- 
 werp^ the Magiftrates of the City came to take 
 their leaves of me, where I defired one Mr. 
 Duart a very worthy Gentleman, and one of 
 the chief of the City, though he derives his 
 Race from the Portuguez (to whom and his 
 Sifters, all very fkilful in the Art of Mufick, 
 though for their own paftime and Recreation,
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. m 
 
 both my Lord and my felf were much bound 
 for their great civilities) to be my Interpreter. 
 They were pleafed to exprefs that they were 
 forry for our departure out of their City, but 
 withal rejoyced at our happy returning into 
 our Native Country, and wifhed me foon and 
 well to the place where I moft defired to be : 
 Whereupon I having excufed my Lord's hafty 
 going away without taking his leave of them, 
 returned them mine and my Lord's hearty 
 Thanks for their great civilities, declaring how 
 forry I was that it lay not in my power to 
 make an acknowledgment anfwerable to them. 
 But after their departure from me, they were 
 pleafed to fend their Under-Officers (as the 
 cuftom there is) with a Prefent of Wine, 
 which I received with all refpecl: and thank- 
 fulnefs. 
 
 I being thus prepar'd for my Voyage, went 
 with my Servants to Fluffing, and finding no 
 Englijh Man of War there, being loth to truft 
 my felf with a lefs Veflel, was at laft informed 
 that a Dutch man of War lay there ready to 
 Convoy fome Merchants ; I forthwith fent for 
 the Captain thereof, whofe name was Eankert, 
 and afked him whether it was poflible to obtain
 
 ii2 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 the favour of having the ufe of his Ship to 
 tranfport me into England? To which he 
 anfwered, That he queftion'd not but I might ; 
 for the Merchants which he was to convey, 
 were not ready yet, defiring me to fend one of 
 my fervants to the State, to requeft that favour 
 of them j with whom he would go himfelf, 
 and affift him the beft he could ; which he 
 alfo did. My fuit being granted, my felf and 
 my chief fervants embarqued in the faid Ship ; 
 the reft, together with the Goods, being con- 
 veyed in another good ftrong Veflel, hired for 
 that purpofe. 
 
 After I was fafely arrived at London^ I 
 found my Lord in Lodgings ; I cannot call 
 them unhandfome ; but yet they were not fit 
 for a Perfon of his Rank and Quality, nor of 
 the capacity to contain all his Family: Neither 
 did I find my Lord's Condition fuch as I ex- 
 peted : Wherefore out of fome pafiion I 
 defir'd him to leave the Town, and retire into 
 the Countrey ; but my Lord gently reproved 
 me for my rafhnefs and impatience, and foon 
 after removed into Dorfet-houfe ; which, 
 though it was better then the former, yet not 
 altogether to my fatisfa&ion, we having but
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 113 
 
 a part of the faid Houfe in pofleffion. By this 
 removal I judged my Lord would not haftily 
 depart from London; but not long after, he 
 was pleafed to tell me, That he had difpatched 
 his bufmefs, and was now refolved to remove 
 into the Country, having already given order 
 for Waggons to tranfport our goods, which 
 was no unpleafant news to me, who had a 
 great defire for a Countrey-life. 
 
 My Lord before he began his Journey, went 
 to his Gracious Soveraign, and begg'd leave 
 that he might retire into the Countrey, to re- 
 duce and fettle, if poffible, his confufed, en- 
 tangled, and almoft ruined Eftate, Sir, faid he 
 to His Majefty, / am not ignorant^ that many 
 believe I am difcontented ; and 'tis probable they'/ 
 fay, I retire through dif content : But I take God 
 to witnefs, That I am in no kind or ways dif- 
 pleas'd; for I am fo joyed at your Majefties 
 happy Rejlauration^ that I cannot be fad or 
 troubled for any Concern to my own particular ; 
 but whatfoever Tour Majejty is pleafed to com- 
 mand me, were it to facrifice my Life y I Jhall 
 moji obediently perform it ; for I have no other 
 Will ', but Your Majejlies Pleasure. 
 
 Thus he kifled His Majefty's hand, and. 
 i
 
 114- THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 went the next day into Nottingham-fare^ to 
 his Mannor-houfe call'd Welbeck ; but when 
 he came there, and began to examine his 
 Eftate, and how it had been ordered in the 
 time of his Banifhment, he knew not whether 
 he had left any thing of it for himfelf, or not, 
 till by his prudence and wifdom he inform 'd 
 himfelf the beft he could, examining thofe that 
 had moft knowledg therein. Some Lands, he 
 found, could be recover'd no further then for 
 his life, and fome not at all : Some had been 
 in the Rebels hands, which he could not re- 
 cover, but by His Highnefs the Duke of 
 Tory's favour, to whom His Majefty had given 
 all the Eftates of thofe that were condemned 
 and executed for murdering his Royal Father 
 of blefled memory, which by the Law were 
 forfeited to His Majefty; whereof His High- 
 nefs gracioufly reftor'd my Lord fo much of 
 the Land that formerly had been his, as 
 amounted to 730!. a year. And though my 
 Lord's Children had their Claims granted, 
 and bought out the life of my Lord, their 
 Father, which came near upon the third part, 
 yet my Lord received nothing for himfelf out 
 of his own Eftate, for the fpace of eighteen
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 115 
 
 years, viz. During the time from the firft 
 entring into Warr, which was June II. 1642, 
 till his return out of Banifhment, May 28. 
 1660; for though his Son Henry , now Earl 
 of Ogle, and his eldeft Daughter, the now 
 Lady Chelny^ did all what lay in their power 
 to relieve my Lord their Father, and fent 
 him fome fupplies of moneys at feveral times 
 when he was in banifhment ; yet that was of 
 their own, rather then out of my Lord's 
 Eftate ; for the Lady Chelny fold fome few 
 Jewels which my Lord, her Father, had left 
 her, and fome Chamber-Plate which fhe had 
 from her Grandmother, and fent over the 
 money to my Lord, befides loool. of her Por- 
 tion : And the now Earl of Ogle did at feveral 
 times fupply my Lord, his Father, with fuch 
 moneys as he had partly obtained upon Credit, 
 and partly made by his Marriage. 
 
 After my Lord had begun to view thofe 
 Ruines that were neareft, and tried the Law 
 to keep or recover what formerly was his, 
 (which certainly fhew'd no favour to him, 
 befides that the A61 of Oblivion proved a 
 great hinderance and obftru6Hon to thofe his 
 defigns, as it did no lefs to all the Royal Party)
 
 n6 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 and had fetled fo much of his Eftate as poflibly 
 he could, he caft up the Summ of his Debts, 
 and fet out feveral pants of Land for the pay- 
 ment of them, or of fome of them (for fome 
 of his Lands could not be eafily fold, being 
 entailed) and fome he fold in Derbyjbire to 
 buy the Caftle of Nottingham, which although 
 it is quite ruined and demolifht, yet, it being 
 a feat which had pleafed his Father very much, 
 he would not leave it fince it was offer'd to 
 be fold. 
 
 His two Houfes Welbeck and Bolfover he 
 found much out of repair, and this later half 
 pull'd down, no furniture or any necefiary 
 Goods were left in them, but fome few 
 Hangings and Pictures, which had been faved 
 by the care and induftry of his Eldeft Daughter 
 the Lady Chelny, and were bought over again 
 after the death of his eldeft Son Charles, Lord 
 Mansfield ) for they being given to him, and 
 he leaving fome debts to be paid after his 
 death, My Lord fent to his other Son Henry, 
 now Earl of Ogle, to endeavour for fo much 
 Credit, that the faid Hangings and Pictures 
 (which my Lord efteemed very much, the 
 Pidures being drawn by Van Dyke) might be
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 117 
 
 faved ; which he alfo did, and My Lord hath 
 paid the debt fince his return. 
 
 Of eight Parks, which my Lord had before 
 the Wars, there was but one left that was not 
 quite deftroyed, viz. Welbeck-wfc of about 
 four miles compafs ; for tny Lord's Brother 
 Sir Charles Cavendijh^ who bought out the life 
 of my Lord in that Lordfhip, faved moft part 
 of it from being cut down; and in Blare-Park 
 there were fome few Deer left : The reft of 
 the Parks were totally defaced and deftroyed, 
 both Wood, Pales and Deer ; amongft which 
 was alfo ClipJton-Park of feven miles compafs, 
 wherein my Lord had taken much delight 
 formerly, it being rich of Wood, and con- 
 taining the greateft and talleft Timber-trees 
 of all the Woods he had ; in fo much, that 
 onely the Pale-row was valued at 2000!. It 
 was water'd by a pleafant River that runs 
 through it, full of fifh and Otters ; was well 
 ftock'd with Deer, full of Hares, and had 
 great ftore of Partriges, Foots, 1 Pheafants, &c. 
 
 1 Foots. I had a difficulty as to the meaning of this 
 word ; but through two able ornithologifts I learn that 
 po e wt fignifies either the Black-cock or the Red-groufe, 
 but more probably the former, which is a great fre-
 
 n8 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 befides all forts of Water-fowl ; fo that this 
 Park afforded all manner of (ports, for 
 Hunting, Hawking, Courfing, Fifhing, &c. 
 for which my Lord efteemed it very much : 
 And although his Patience and Wifdom is 
 fuch, that I never perceived him fad or dif- 
 contented for his own LofTes and Misfortunes, 
 yet when he beheld the mines of that Park, 
 I obferved him troubled, though he did little 
 exprefs it, onely faying, he had been in hopes 
 it would not have been fo much defaced as 
 he found it, there being not one Timber-tree 
 in it left for fhelter. However he patiently 
 bore what could not be helped, and gave pre- 
 fent order for the cutting down of fome Wood 
 that was left him in a place near adjoining, 
 to repale it, and got from feveral P'riends Deer 
 to ftock it. 
 
 Thus though his Law-fuits and other un- 
 avoidable expences were very chargeable to 
 him, yet he order'd his affairs fo prudently, 
 
 quenter of woods. Primarily it fignifies a chicken or 
 any kind, efpecially a young game bird. The word is 
 doubtlefs of common etymology with pullet, poultry, &c. 
 In fome provincial dialefts the word poll is applied to a 
 young pigeon.
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 119 
 
 that by degrees he ftock'd and manur'd thofe 
 Lands he keeps for his own ufe, and in part 
 repaired his Mannor-houfes, Welbeck^ and Bol- 
 fover, to which latter he made fome additional 
 building; and though he has not yet built the 
 Seat at Nottingham^ yet he hath ftock'd and 
 paled a little Park belonging to it. 
 
 Nor is it poflible for him to repair all the 
 ruines of the Eftate that is left him, in fo 
 Ihort a time, they being fo great, and his lofles 
 fo confiderable, that I cannot without grief 
 and trouble remember them ; for before the 
 Wars my Lord had as great an Eftate as 
 any fubjecl: in the Kingdom, defcended upon 
 him moft by Women, viz. by his Grand- 
 mother of his Father's fide, his own Mother,; 
 and his firft Wife. 
 
 What Eftate his Grandfather left to his 
 Father Sir Charles Cavendijh, I know not ; 
 nor can I exactly tell what he had from his 
 Grandmother, but (he was very rich j for her 
 third Huft>and Sir Will. Saint Loo^ gave her 
 a good Eftate in the Weft, which afterwards 
 defcended upon my Lord, my Lord's Mother 
 being the younger daughter of the Lord Ogle, 
 and fole Heir, after the death of her eldeft
 
 i2o ' THE LIFE, OF WILLIAM 
 
 / Sifter Jane, Countefs of Shrewsbury , whom 
 King Charles the Firft reftored to her Fathers 
 Dignity, viz. Baronefs of Ogle : This Title 
 defcended upon my Lord and his Heirs 
 General, together with 3000!. a year in Nor- 
 thumberland; and befides the Eftate left to my 
 Lord, (he gave him 20000!. in Money, and 
 kept him and his Family at her own charge 
 for feveral years. 
 
 My Lord's firft Wife, who was Daughter 
 and Heir to William BaJJet of Blore y Efq ; 
 Widow to Henry Howard^ younger Son to 
 Thomas Earl of Suffolk^ brought my Lord 
 2400!. a Year Inheritance, between fix and 
 feven thoufand Pounds in Money, and a join- 
 ture for her life of 8ool. a Year. Befides my 
 Lord increafed his own Eftate before the 
 Wars, to the value of loooool. and had in- 
 creafed it more, had not the unhappy Wars 
 prevented him ; for though he had fome dif- 
 advantages in his Eftate, even before the 
 Wars, yet they are not confiderable to thofe 
 he fuffered afterwards for the fervice of his 
 King and Country : For example, His Father 
 Sir Charles Cavendijh had lent his Brother in 
 Law Gilbert Earl of Shrewjbury 16000!. for
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 121 
 
 which, although afterward before his death -he 
 fetled 20001. a year upon him j yet he having 
 injoyed the faid Money for many years with- 
 out paying any ufe for it, it might have been 
 improved to my Lord's better advantage, had 
 it been in his Fathers own hands, he being a 
 Perfon of great prudence in managing his 
 Eftate ; and though the faid Earl of Shrewf- 
 bury made my Lord his Executor, yet my Lord 
 was fo far from making any advantage by that 
 Truft, even in what the Law allowed him, 
 that he loft 1 7000!. by it ; and afterwards de- 
 livered up his Truft to William Earl of Pern- 
 brook^ and Thomas Earl of Arundel^ who both 
 married two Daughters of the faid Earl of 
 Shrewjbury ; And fince his return into Eng- 
 land^ upon the defire of Henry Howard^ Second 
 Son to the late Earl of Arundel, and Heir 
 apparent, (by reafon of his Eldeft Brother's 
 Diftemper) he refigned his Truft and Intereft 
 to him, which certainly is a very difficult bufi- 
 nefs, and yet queftionable whether it may 
 lawfully be done, or not ? But fuch was my 
 Lord's Love to the Family of the Shrewjburies, 
 that he would rather wrong himfelf, then it 
 To mention fome lawful advantages which
 
 122 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 my Lord might have made by the faid Truft, 
 it may be noted in the firft place, That the 
 Earl of Skrewjbury's Eftate was Let in long 
 Leafes, which, by the Law, fell to the Exe- 
 cutor. Next, that after fome Debts and 
 Legacies were paid out of thofe Lands, which 
 were fet out for that purpofe, they were fetled 
 fo, that they fell to my Lord. Thirdly, Seven 
 hundred pounds a year was left as a Gift to 
 my Lord's Brother, Sir Charles Cavendijh^ in 
 cafe the Countefs of Kent, Second Daughter 
 to the faid Earl of Shrewjbury^ had no Chil- 
 dren. But my Lord never made any advantage 
 for himfelf, of all thefe ; neither was he in- 
 quifitive whether the faid Countefs of Kent 
 cut off the Entail of that Land, although (he 
 never had a Child j for my Lord's Nature is 
 fo generous, that he hates to be Mercenary, 
 and never minds his own Profit or Intereft in 
 any Truft or Employment, more then the 
 good and benefit of him that intrufts or em- 
 ploys him. 
 
 But, as I faid heretofore, thefe are but petty 
 Loffes in comparifon of thofe he fuftained by 
 the late Civil Warrs, whereof I (hall partly 
 give you an account : I fay partly ; for though
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 113 
 
 it may be computed what the lofs of the 
 Annual Rents of his Lands amounts to, of 
 which he never received the leaft worth for 
 himfelf and his own profit, during the time 
 both of his being employed in the Service of 
 Warr, and his Sufferings in Banimment ; as 
 alfo the lofs of thofe Lands that are alienated 
 from him, both in prefent pofleffion, and in 
 reverfion ; and of his Parks and Woods that 
 were cut down ; yet it is impofiible to render 
 an exa6r. account of his Perfonal Eftate. 
 
 As for his Rents during the time he a6ted 
 in the Warrs, though he fuffer'd others to 
 gather theirs for their own ufe, yet his own 
 either went for the ufe of the Army, or fell 
 into the hands of the Enemy, or were fup- 
 prefs'd and with-held from him by the 
 Cozenage of his Tenants and Officers, my 
 Lord being then not able to look after them 
 himfelf. 
 
 About the time when His late Majefty un- 
 dertook the expedition into Scotland for the 
 fupprefiing of fome infurre&ion that happened 
 there ; My Lord, as afore is mentioned, 
 amongft the reft, lent His Majefty looocl. 
 Jlerling ; But having newly married a Daughter
 
 i4 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 to the then Lord Brackly^ now Earl of Bridg- 
 water^ whofe portion was 12000!. the moiety 
 whereof was paid in Gold on the day of her 
 marriage, and the reft foon after (although 
 fhe was too young to be bedded.) This, 
 together with fome other expences, caufed 
 him to take up the faid looool. at Intereft, 
 the Ufe whereof he paid many years after. 
 
 Alfo when after his fixteen years Banifh- 
 ment, he returned into England^ before he 
 knew what Eftate was left him, and was able 
 to receive any Rents of his own, he was 
 neceflitated to take 5000!. upon Ufe for the 
 maintenance of himfelf and his Family ; 
 whereof the now Earl of Devonjhire^ his 
 Coufin German, once removed, lent him 
 loool. for which and the former loool. men- 
 tioned heretofore, he never defired nor re- 
 ceived any Ufe from my Lord, which I men- 
 tion, to declare the favour and bounty of that 
 Noble Lord. 
 
 But though it is impoflible to render an 
 exaft account of all the lofles which My Lord 
 has fuftained by the faid Wars, yet as far as 
 they are accountable, I fliall endeavour to 
 reprefent them in thefe following Particulars :
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 125 
 
 In the firft place, I fhall give you a juft 
 particular of My Lords Eftate in Lands, as 
 it was before the Wars, partly according to 
 the value of his own Surveighers, and partly 
 according to the rate it is let, at this prefent. 
 
 Next, I fhall accompt the Woods cut down 
 by the Rebellious Party, in feveral places of 
 My Lords Eftate. 
 
 Thirdly, I fhall compute the Value of thofe 
 Lands which My Lord hath loft, both in pre- 
 fent pofleflion, and in reverfion ; that is to 
 fay, thofe which he has loft altogether, both 
 for himfelf, and his Pofterity ; and thofe he 
 has recovered onely during the time of his life, 
 and which his onely Son and Heir, the now 
 Earl of Ogle, rmift lofe after his Fathers 
 deceafe. 
 
 Fourthly, I fhall make mention, how much 
 of Land my Lord hath been forced to fell for 
 the payment of fome of his Debts, contracted 
 during the time of the late Civil Wars, and 
 when his Eftate was fequeftred ; I fay fome, 
 for there are a great many to pay yet. 
 
 To which I fhall, Fifthly, add the Compo- 
 fition of his Brothers Eftate j and the lofs of 
 it for Eight years.
 
 iz6 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 A Particular of My Lords Eft ate in -plain 
 Rents, as it was partly Jurueighed in 
 the Year 1641, and partly is let at 
 this prejent. 
 
 Nottingham-fhire. 
 
 1. s. d. 
 
 THE Manner of Welbeck . 600 o o 
 The Manner of Norton, 
 
 Carbarton^ and the Granges . 454 19 I 
 
 Warkfopp 5168 
 
 The Mannor-houfe of Soakholm 308 10 3 
 The Manor ofClipfton & Edwln- 
 
 Jl 334 9 8 
 
 Drayton 8 16 6 
 
 Dunham 99 17 8 
 
 Button 185 O 5 
 
 The Manner of Kirby, &c. . . 1075 7 2 
 
 The Mannor of Gotham . . . 833 18 8 
 
 The Mannor of Sitthorp . . . 704 I o 
 
 CarcholJJon 450 3 o 
 
 Hauksworth) &c 139 4 2 
 
 Flawborough 51211 8 
 
 Mearing and Holm-Meadow . 471 2 o 
 
 6229 7 ii
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 127 
 
 Lincoln-fhire. 
 
 1. s. d. 
 
 Wellinger and Ingham Meales . 100 o o 
 
 Derby-fhire. 
 
 The Barrony of Bolfover and 
 
 Woodthorp 846 8 1 1 
 
 The Manner of Chefterfield . . 378 o o 
 
 The Mannor of Barlow . . . 796 17 6 
 
 TiJJington 159 II o 
 
 Dronfield 486 15 10 
 
 The Mannor of Brampton . . 142 4 8 
 
 Little- Longjlon 87 2 o 
 
 The Mannor of Stoak ... 212 30 
 
 5/r/A-Hall, and /W-Forreft . 131 8 o 
 
 The Mannor of Gringlow 156 8 o 
 
 The Mannor of Hucklow . . 162 10 8 
 
 The Mannor of Blackwall . . 306 o 4 
 
 Buxton and Tids-Hall . . . 153 2 O 
 
 Mansfald-Pzrk 100 o o 
 
 Mappleton and Thorp .... 207 5 O 
 
 The Mannor of Kindly-Hill . 238 1 8 o 
 The Mannor of Litchurch and 
 
 Mark-worth 713 15 I 
 
 Church zndMeynelLang/yMannor 850 I O 
 
 6128 II 10
 
 i*8 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 Stafford-fhire. 
 
 1. s. d. 
 
 The Manner of Bloar with Caul- 
 ton 573 13 4 
 
 The Manner of Grlndon^ Caul- 
 
 don, with Waterfall . . . $22 3 o 
 The Manner of Cheadle with 
 
 Kinjly 259 18 o 
 
 The Mannor of Earlejion^ &c. . 694 3 o 
 
 2349 J 7 4 
 Glocefter-fhire. 
 
 The Manor of Tormorton with 
 
 Litleton 1193 16 o 
 
 The Mannor of Aft on Turvil . 388 3 2 
 
 1581 19 2 
 
 Summerfet-fhire. 
 
 The Mannor of Cbewftoak . . 816 15 6 
 
 Knight on Suit on 300 14 4 
 
 Stroud and King/ham- Park . . 186 4 o 
 
 1303 13 10
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 129 
 
 York-fhire. 
 
 The Manors of Slingjby, Ho- 
 verngbam and Friton, Nor- 
 thtnges and Pomfret . . . 1700 O O 
 
 Northumberland. 
 The Barrony of Baikal, Ogle 
 
 and Hepple, &c 3000 o o 
 
 Totall 22393 10 i 
 
 That this Particular of My Lords Eftate 
 was no lefs then is mentioned, may partly 
 appear by the rate, as it was furveighed, and 
 fold by the Rebellious Parliament; for they 
 raifed, towards the later end of their power, 
 which was in the year 1652, out of my Lord's 
 Eftate, the fumme of 111593!. los. lid. at 
 five years and a half Purchafe, which was at 
 above the rate of 18000!. a year, befides 
 Woods ; and his Brother Sir Charles Caven- 
 dijh\ Eftate, which Eftate was 2000!. a year, 
 which falls not much fhort of the mentioned 
 account; and certainly, had they not fold fuch 
 Lands at eafie rates, few would have bought 
 them, by reafon the Purchafers were uncer- 
 K
 
 i 3 o THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 tain how long they fliould enjoy their purchafe: 
 Befides, Under-Officers do not ufually refufe 
 Bribes ; and it is well known that the Sur- 
 veighers did under-rate Eftates according as 
 they were feed by the Purchafers. 
 
 Again, many of the Eftates of baniflied 
 Perfons were given to Soldiers for the pay- 
 ment of their Arrears, who again fold them 
 to others which would buy them at eafier 
 rates. But chiefly, it appears by the rate as 
 my Lords Eftate is let at prefent, there being 
 feveral of the mentioned Lands that are let at 
 a higher rate now then they were furveighed ; 
 nor are they all valued in the mentioned par- 
 ticular according to the furveigh, but many 
 of them which were not furveighed, are ac- 
 counted according to the rate they are let at 
 at this prefent. 
 
 The Lofs of my Lords Eftate, in plain Rents, 
 as alfo upon ordinary Ufe, and Ufe upon Ufe, 
 is as followeth : 
 
 The Annual Rent of My Lords Lands, viz. 
 22393!. IDS. id. being loft for the fpace of 18 
 years, which was the time of his acting in the 
 Wars, and of his Banifhment, without any 
 benefit to him, reckoned without any Intereft, 
 amounts to 403083!. But being accounted
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 131 
 
 with the ordinary Ufe at Six in the Hundred, 
 and Ufe upon Ufe for the mentioned fpace of 
 18 Years, it amounts to 733579!. 
 
 But fome perhaps will fay, That if My 
 Lord had enjoyed his Eftate, he would have 
 fpent it, at leaft fo much as to maintain him- 
 felf according to his degree and quality. 
 
 I anfwer ; That it is very improbable My 
 Lord fhould have fpent all his Eftate, if he 
 had enjoyed it he being a man of great 
 Wifdom and Prudence, knowing well how 
 to fpend, and how to manage ; for though he 
 lived nobly before the time of the Wars, yet 
 not beyond the Compafs of his Eftate j nay, 
 fo far he would have been from fpending his 
 Eftate, that no doubt but he would have in- 
 creaft it to a vaft value, as he did before the 
 Wars ; where notwithstanding his Hofpitality 
 and noble Houfe-keeping, his charges of 
 Building came to about 31000! ; the portion 
 of his fecond Daughter, which was 12000! ; 
 the noble entertainments he gave King 
 Charles the Firft, one whereof came to almoft 
 15000!. another to above 4000!, and a third 
 to 1700!. as hereafter fhall be mentioned ; and 
 his great expences during the time of his being 
 Governour to his Majefty that now is, he yet
 
 i3 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 encreafed his Eftate to the value of loooool. 
 which is '5000 per annum^ when it was by fo 
 much lefs. 
 
 But if any one will reckon the charges of 
 his Houfe-keeping during the time of his Exile, 
 and when he had not the enjoyment of his 
 Eftate, he may fubftradt the fum accounted 
 for the payment of his debts, contracted in 
 the time of his Banifhment, which went to 
 the maintenance of himfelf and his Family ; 
 or in lieu thereof, confidering that I do not 
 account all My Lords lofies, but onely thofe 
 that are certainly known, he may compare it 
 with the lofs of his perfonal Eftate, whereof 
 I fhall make fome mention anon, and he'll 
 find that I do not heighten my Lords Lofles, 
 but rather diminim them ; for furely the lofles 
 of his perfonal Eftate, and thofe I account 
 not, will counterbalance the charges of his 
 Houfe-keeping, if not exceed them. 
 
 Again, others will fay, That there was 
 much Land fold in the time of My Lords 
 Banifhment by his Sons, and Feoffees in Truft. 
 
 I anfwer, Firft, That whatfoever was fold, 
 was firft bought of the Rebellious Power : 
 Next, although they fold fome Lands, yet 
 My Lord knew nothing of it, neither did he
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 133 
 
 receive a penny worth for himfelf, neither of 
 what they purchafed, nor fold, all the time of 
 'his Baniftiment till his return. 
 
 And thus much of the lofs of My Lords 
 Eftate in Rents : Concerning the lofs of his 
 Parks and Woods, as much as is generally 
 known, (for I do not reckon particular Trees 
 cut down in feveral of his Woods yet ftand- 
 ing) 'tis as follows : 
 
 1. ClipJ?on-Park and Woods cut down to 
 the value of 20000 1. 
 
 2. Kirkby- Woods, for which my Lord was 
 formerly proferr'd 10000 1. 
 
 3. Woods cut down in Derby Jhire 8000 1. 
 
 4. Red-lodg^Woo^y Rome-wood and others 
 near Welbeck 4000 1, 
 
 5. Woods cut down in Stafford-Outs loool. 
 
 6. Woods cut down in J*or/-fhire 1000 1. 
 
 7. Woods cut down in Northumberland 
 1500!. 
 
 The Total 45000 1. 
 
 The Lands which My Lord hath loft in 
 prefent pofeflion are 2015 1. per annum^ which 
 at 20 years purchafe come to 40300 1. and 
 thofe which he hath loft in Reverfion, are 
 3214 1. per annum, which at 16 years purchafe 
 amount to the value of 51424!.
 
 i 3 4 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 The Lands which my Lord fince his return 
 has fold for the payment of fome of his debts, 
 occafioned by the Wars (for I do not reckon 
 thofe he fold to buy others) come to the value 
 of 56000 1. to which out of his yearly re- 
 venue he has added looool. more, which is 
 in all 66000 1. 
 
 Laftly, The Compofition of his Brothers 
 Eftate was 5000 1. and the lofs of it for eight 
 years comes to 16000 1. 
 
 All which, if fumm'd up together, 
 amounts to 941303!. 
 
 Thefe are the accountable lofles, which 
 My Dear Lord and Hufband has fuffered by 
 the late Civil Wars, and his Loyalty to his 
 King and Country. Concerning the lofs of 
 his perfonal Eftate, fince (as I often men- 
 tioned) it cannot be exactly known ; I mail 
 not endeavour to fet down the Particulars 
 thereof, onely in General give you a Note of 
 what partly they are : 
 
 1. The pulling down of feveral of his 
 dwelling or Mannor-houfes. 
 
 2. The disfurnifhing of them, of which the 
 Furniture at Bolfover and Welbeck was very 
 noble and rich : Out of his London-houfe at 
 darken-well^ there were taken, amongft other
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 135 
 
 Goods, fuits of Linnen, viz. Table-Cloths, 
 Sideboard-cloths, Napkins, &c. whereof one 
 fuit coft i6ol. they being bought for an En- 
 tertainment which My Lord made for Their 
 Majefties, King Charles the Firft, and the 
 Queen, at Bolfover-Czftle ; And of 150 Suits 
 of Hangings of all forts in all his Houfes, 
 there were not above 10 or 12 faved. 
 
 Of Silver-plate, My Lord had fo much as 
 came to the value of 3800 1. befides feveral 
 Curiofities of Cabinets, Cups, and other things, 
 which after My Lord was gone out of England, 
 were taken out of his Mannor-houfe, Wei- 
 beck, by a Garifon of the Kings Party that lay 
 therein, whereof he recovered onely nool. 
 which Money was fent him beyond the Seas, 
 the reft was loft. 
 
 As for Pewter, Brafs, Bedding, Linnen, 
 and other Houfliold-ftuff, there was nothing 
 elfe left but fome few old Feather-beds, and 
 thofe all fpoiled, and fit for no ufe. 
 
 3. My Lord's Stock of Corn, Cattel, &c. 
 was very great before the Warrs, by reafon 
 of the largenefs and capacity of thofe grounds, 
 and the great number of Granges he kept for 
 his own ufe ; as for example, Barlow, Cark- 
 holjton, Gleadthorp) Welbeck, and feveral more,
 
 136 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 which were all well manured and ftockr. But 
 all this flock was loft, befides his Race of 
 Horfes in his Grounds, Grange -Horfes, 
 Hackny- Horfes, Mannage- Horfes, Coach- 
 Horfes, and others he kept for his ufe. 
 
 To thefe Lofles I may well and juftly join 
 the charges which my Lord hath been put to 
 flnce his return into England, by reafon they 
 were caufed by the ruines of the faid Warrs ; 
 whereof I reckon, 
 
 1. His Law-fuits, which have been very 
 chargeable to him, more than advantagious. 
 
 2. The Stocking, Manuring, Paling, Stub- 
 bing, Hedging, &c. of his ' Grounds and 
 Parks ; where it is to be noted, That no 
 advantage or benefit can be made of Grounds, 
 under the fpace of three years, and of Cattel 
 not under five or fix. 
 
 3. The repairing and furniftiing of fome of 
 his Dwelling-Houfes. 
 
 4. The fetting up a Race or Breed of 
 Horfes, as he had before the Warrs ; for 
 which purpofe he hath bought the beft Mares 
 he could get for money. 
 
 In mort, I can reckon 12000!. laid out 
 barely for the repair of fome Ruines, which
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 137 
 
 my Lord could not be without, there being 
 many of them to repair yet ; neither is this all 
 that is laid out, but much more which I can- 
 not well remember ; nor is there more but 
 one Grange ftock'd, amongft feveral that were 
 kept for furnifhing his Houfe with Provifions : 
 As for other Charges and Lofles, which My 
 Lord hath fuftained fince his return, I will 
 not reckon them, becaufe my defign is onely 
 to account fuch lodes as were caufed by the 
 Wars. 
 
 By which, as they have been mentioned, 
 it may eafily be concluded, That although 
 My Lord's Eftate was very great before the 
 Wars, yet now it is fhrunk into a very narrow 
 compafs, that it puts his Prudence and Wifdom 
 to the Proof, to make it ferve his neceflities, 
 he having no other afliftance to bear him up ; 
 and yet notwithftanding all this, he hath fince 
 his return paid both for Himfelf and his Son, 
 all manner of Taxes, Lones, Levies, Afleff- 
 ments, &c. equally with the reft of His 
 Majefties Subjects, according to that Eftate 
 that is left him, which he has been forced to 
 take upon Intereft.
 
 The 
 
 Life of the Moft Illuftrious 
 
 Prince, William Duke of 
 
 Newcastle. 
 
 THE THIRD BOOK. 
 
 HUS having given you a faithful 
 Account of all My Lords Actions, 
 both before, in, and after the 
 Civil Warrs, and of his Lofles ; 
 I fhall now conclude with fome particular 
 heads concerning the defcription of his own 
 Perfon, his Natural Humour, Difpofition, 
 Qualities, Vertues ; his Pedigree, Habit, Diet, 
 Exercifes, &c. together with fome other Re- 
 marks and Particulars which I thought requi- 
 fite to be inferted, both to illuftrate the 
 former Books, and to render the Hiftory of 
 his Life more perfect and compleat.
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 139 
 
 i. Of his Power. 
 
 A FTER His Majefty King Charles the Firft, 
 * * had entrufted my Lord with the Power 
 of raifing Forces for His Majefties Service, he 
 effected that which never any Subject did, 
 nor was (in all probability) able to do ; for 
 though many Great and Noble Perfons did 
 alfo raife Forces for His Majefty, yet they 
 were Brigades, rather then well-formed 
 Armies, in comparifon to my Lord's. The 
 reafon was, That my Lord, by his Mother, 
 the Daughter of Cuthbert Lord Ogle^ being 
 allyed to moft of the moft ancient Families 
 in Northumberland^ and other the Northern 
 parts, could pretend a greater Intereft in 
 them, then a ftranger ; for they through a 
 natural affection to my Lord as their own 
 Kinfman, would fooner follow him, and under 
 his Conduct facrifice their Lives for His 
 Majefty's Service, then any body elfe, well 
 knowing, That by deferting my Lord, they 
 deferted themfelves ; and by this means my 
 Lord raifed firft a Troup of Horfe confifting 
 of a hundred and twenty, and a Regiment of 
 Foot j and then an Army of Eight thoufand
 
 i4o THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 Horfe, Foot and Dragoons, in thofe parts ; 
 and afterwards upon this ground, at feveral 
 times, and in feveral places, fo many feveral 
 Troups, Regiments and Armies, that in all 
 from the firft to the laft, they amounted to 
 above 100000 men, and thofe moft upon his 
 own Intereft, and without any other confider- 
 able help or affiftance ; which was much for 
 a particular Subject, and in fuch a con- 
 juncture of time ; for fince Armies are 
 fooneft raifed by Covetoufnefs, Fear and 
 Faction ; that is to fay, upon a conftant and 
 fettled Pay, upon the Ground of Terrour, 
 and upon the Ground of Rebellion ; but very 
 feldom or never upon uncertainty of Pay ; 
 and when it is as hazardous to be of fuch a 
 Party, as to be in the heat of a Battel ; alfo 
 when there is no other defign but honeft 
 duty; it may eafily be conceived that my 
 Lord could have no little love and affection 
 when He raifed his Army upon fuch grounds 
 as could promife them but little advantage at 
 that time. 
 
 Amongft the reft of his Army, My Lord 
 had chofen for his own Regiment of Foot, 
 3000 of fuch Valiant, ftout and faithful men,
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 141 
 
 (whereof many were bred in the Moorifh- 
 grounds of the Nor them parts) that they were 
 ready to die at my Lord's feet, and never 
 gave over, whenfoever they were engaged in 
 action, until they had either conquer'd the 
 Enemy, or loft their lives. They were 
 called White-coats, for this following reafon : 
 My Lord being refolved to give them new 
 Liveries, and there being not red Cloth 
 enough to be had, took up fo much of white 
 as would ferve to cloarh them, defiring withal, 
 their patience until he had got it dyed ; but 
 they impatient of ftay, requefted my Lord, 
 that he would be pleafed to let them have it 
 un-dyed as it was, promifing they themfelves 
 would die it in the Enemies Blood : Which 
 requeft my Lord granted them, and from that 
 time they were called White-Coats. 
 
 To give you fome inftances of their Valour 
 and Courage, I muft beg leave to repeat fome 
 paflages mentioned in the firft Book. The 
 Enemy having clofely befieged the City of 
 York, and made a paflage into the Mannor- 
 yard, by fpringing a Mine under the Wall 
 thereof, was got into the Mannor-houfe with 
 a great number of their Forces ; which My
 
 i4* THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 Lord perceiving, he immediately went and 
 drew 80 of the faid White-coats thither, who 
 with the greateft Courage went clofe up to 
 the Enemy, and having charged them, fell 
 Pell-mell with the But-ends of their Mufquets 
 upon them, and with the affiftance of the reft 
 that renewed their Courage by their example, 
 kill'd and took 1500, and by that means faved 
 the Town. 
 
 How valiantly they behaved themfelves in 
 the laft fatal Battel upon Heffom-moor near 
 York, has been alfo declared heretofore ; in fo 
 much, that although moft of the Army were 
 fled, yet they would not ftir, until by the 
 Enemies Power they were overcome, and 
 moft of them flain in rank and file. 
 
 Their love and affe6r,ion to my Lord was 
 fuch, that it lafted even when he was deprived 
 of all his power, and could do them little 
 good ; to which purpofe I fhall mention this 
 following paflage : 
 
 My Lord being in Antwerp, received a Vifit 
 from a Gentleman, who came out of England, 
 and rendred My Lord thanks .for his fafe 
 Efcape at Sea ; My Lord being in amaze, 
 not knowing what the Gentleman meant, he
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 14.3 
 
 was pleafed to acquaint Him, that in his 
 coming over Sea out of England^ he was fet 
 upon by Pickaroons, 1 who having examined 
 him, and the reft of his Company, at laft fome 
 afked him, whether he knew the Marquefs of 
 Newcaftle? To whom he anfwered, That he 
 knew him very well, and was going over into 
 the fame City where my Lord lived. Where- 
 upon they did not onely take nothing from 
 him, but ufed him with all Civility, and de- 
 fired him to remember their humble duty to 
 their Lord General, for they were fome of 
 his White-Coats that had efcaped death ; and 
 if my Lord had any fervice for them, they 
 were ready to affift him upon what Defigns 
 foever, and to obey him in whatfoever he 
 fhould be pleafed to Command them. 
 
 This I mention for the Eternal Fame and 
 Memory of thofe Valiant and Faithful Men. 
 But to return to the Power my Lord had in 
 the late Warrs : As he was the Head of his 
 own Army, and had raifed it moft upon his 
 own Intereft for the Service of His Majefty ; 
 fo he was never Ordered by His Majefty's 
 
 1 Rogues, from the Spanifh Picaro.
 
 144- THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 Privy ' Council, (except that fome forces of 
 His were kept by His late Majefty, (which 
 he fent to Him) together with fome Arms 
 and Ammunition heretofore mentioned) until 
 His Highnefs Prince Rupert came from His 
 Majefty, to join with him at the Siege of 
 York. He had moreover the Power of Coyn- 
 ing, Printing, Knighting, &V. which never 
 any Subject had before, when His Soveraign 
 Himfelf was in the Kingdom ; as alfo the 
 Command of fo many Counties, as is men- 
 tioned in the Firft Book, and the Power of 
 placing and difplacing what Governours and 
 Commanders he pleafed, and of conftituting 
 what Garifons he thought fit ; of the chief 
 whereof I fhall give you this following lift. 
 
 A Particular of the Principal Garifens, and the 
 Governors of them^ conftituted by my Lord. 
 
 In Northumberland. 
 
 NEWCASTLE upon Tyne, Sir John Mar- 
 ley Knight. 
 
 Tynmouth Cajile and Sheilds^ Sir Thomas Rid- 
 dal. Knight.
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 145 
 
 In the Bljhoprlck <?/* Durham. 
 
 Hartlepool) Lieutenant Colonel Henry Lamb- 
 ton. 
 
 Raby-CaJlle^ Sir William Sdvile, Knight and 
 Baronet. 
 
 In Yorkfhire. 
 
 The City of York, Sir Thomas Glenham Knight 
 and Baronet ; and afterwards when he 
 took the Field, the Lord Jo. Bella jyje. 
 
 Pomfret-Caftle) Colonel Mynn, and after him 
 Sir Jo. Redman. 
 
 Sheffield-Caftle^ Major Beamont. 
 
 Portly-Hall^ Sir Francis Worthy. 
 
 Tickhill-Cajlle, Major Mountney. 
 
 Doncajler, Sir Francis Fane, Knight of the 
 Bath, afterwards Governour of Lincoln. 
 
 Sandal-Caftle^ Captain Bonivant. 
 
 Skipton-Cajlle, Sir John Mallary, Baronet. 
 
 Bolton-Caftle, Mr. Scroope. 
 
 Hemfley-CaJlle, Sir Jordan Cropland. 
 
 Scarborough -Caftle and Town, Sir Hugh 
 Chomley. 
 
 Stamford-Bridg^ Colonel Galbreth. 
 
 Hallifax, Sir Francis Mackiuorth. 
 
 L
 
 i 4 6 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 Tadcajier, Sir Gamaliel Dudley. 
 Eyrmouth, Major Kaugbton. 
 
 In Cumberland. 
 
 The City of Carlijle, Sir Philip Mufgrave, 
 
 Knight and Baronet. 
 Cockermouth, Colonel Ktrby. 
 
 In Nottinghamfhire. 
 
 Newark upon Trent, Sir "John Henderfon, 
 Knight ; and afterwards, Sir Richard Byron, 
 Knight, now Lord Byron. 
 
 Wyrton-HouJe, Colonel Rowland Hacker. 
 
 Welbeck, Colonel Van Peire ; and after, 
 Colonel Bee ton. 
 
 Shelf ord-Houfe, Col. Philip Stanhop. 
 
 In Lincolnfhire. 
 
 The City of Lincoln, firft Sir Francis Fane, 
 Knight of the Bath ; fecondly, Sir Peregrine 
 Bartu. 
 
 Gain/borough, Colonel St. George. 
 
 Bullingbrook - Caftle, Lieutenant Colonel 
 Chejler. 
 
 , Sir Gervas Lucas.
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 147 
 
 In Derbyfhire. 
 
 Bo/fover-Cafi.\e t Colonel Mufckamp. 
 
 Wing field Mannor, Colonel Roger Molyneux. 
 
 Staly-Houfej the now Lord Fretcbwlle. 
 
 A LIST of the General OFFICERS of 
 the ARMT. 
 
 1. r I ^HE Lord General, the now Duke of 
 
 A Newcaftle^ the Noble Subjeft of this 
 Book. 
 
 2. The Lieutenant General of the Army ; 
 firft the Earl of Newport, afterwards the 
 Lord Eytbin. 
 
 3. The General of the Ordnance, Charles 
 Vifcount Mansfield. 
 
 4. The General of the Horfe, George Lord 
 Goring. 
 
 5. The Colonel General of the Army, Sir 
 Thomas Glenham. 
 
 6. The Major General of the Army, Sir 
 Francis Mackvuorth. 
 
 7. The Lieutenant General of the Horfe, 
 Firft Mr. Charles Cavendijh^ after him Sir 
 Charles Lucas.
 
 H8 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 8. Commiflary General of Horfe, Firft 
 Colonel Wtndbam^ after him Sir William 
 Tbrockmorton, and after him Mr. George 
 Porter. 
 
 9. Lieutenant General of the Ordnance, Sir 
 William Davenant. 
 
 10. Treafurer of the Army, Sir William 
 Carnaby. 
 
 n. Advocate -General of the Army, Dr. 
 L'iddaL 
 
 12. Quarter- Mafter General of the Army, 
 Mr. Ralph Errington. 
 
 13. Providore-General of the Army, Mr. 
 Gervas Nevil^ and after Mr. Smith. 
 
 14. Scout-Mafter-General of the Army, Mr. 
 Hudfon. 
 
 15. Waggon-Mafter-General of the Army, 
 Baptiji John/on. 
 
 William Lord Widdrington was Prefident 
 of the Council of War, and Commander in 
 chief of the three Counties of Lincoln, Rut- 
 land and Nottingham^ and the forces there. 
 
 When my Lord marched with his Army 
 to Ne^ucaJlle againft the Scots, then the Lord 
 John BellaJJis was conftituted Governour of
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 149 
 
 ) and Commander in Chief, or Lieute- 
 nant General of York-fare. 
 
 As for the reft of the Officers and Com- 
 manders of every particular Regiment and 
 Company, they being too numerous, cannot 
 well be remembred, and therefore I fhall give 
 you no particular accompt of them. 
 
 2. Of His Misfortunes and objiruff ions. 
 
 A LTHOUGH Nature had favour'd My 
 -/~Y. Lord, and endued him with the beft 
 Qualities and Perfections fhe could infpire 
 into his foul ; yet Fortune hath ever been 
 fuch an inveterate Enemy to him, that fhe 
 invented all the fpight and malice againft him 
 that lay in her power ; and notwithftanding 
 his prudent Counfels and Defigns, caft fuch 
 obftru&ions in his way, that he feldom proved 
 fuccefsful, but where he adted in Perfon. 
 And fmce I am not ignorant that this unjuft 
 and partial Age is apt to fupprefs the worth of 
 meritorious perfons, and that many will en- 
 deavour to obfcure my Lords noble Actions 
 and Fame, by cafting unjuft afperfions upon 
 him, and laying (either out of ignorance or
 
 i 5 o THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 malice) Fortunes envy to his charge, I have 
 purpofed to reprefent thefe obftru&ions which 
 confpired to render his good intentions and 
 endeavours ineffectual, and at laft did work 
 his ruine and deftru&ion, in thefe following 
 particulars. 
 
 1. At the time when the Kingdom became 
 fo infatuated, as to oppofe and pull down their 
 Gracious King and Soveraign, the Treafury 
 was exhaufted, and no fufficient means to 
 raife and maintain Armies to reduce His 
 Majefties Rebellious Subjects ; fo that My 
 Lord had little to begin withal but what his 
 own Eftate would allow, and his Intereft pro- 
 cure him. 
 
 2. When his late Majefty, in the begin- 
 ning of the unhappy Wars, fent My Lord to 
 ////, the ftrongeft place in the Kingdom, 
 where the Magazine of Arms and Ammuni- 
 tion was kept, and he by his prudence had 
 gained it to his Majefties fervice j My Lord 
 was left to the mercy of the Parliament, 
 where he had furely fuffered for it, (though 
 he ated not without His Majefties Commif- 
 fion) if fome of the contrary party had not 
 quitted him, in hopes to gain him on their 
 fide.
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 151 
 
 3. After His Majefty had fent My Lord to 
 Newcajtle upon Tyne, to take upon him the 
 Government of that place, and he had raifed 
 there, of Friends and Tenants, a troup of 
 Horfe and Regiment of Foot, which he 
 ordered to conveigh fome Arms and Ammu- 
 nition to His Majefty, fent by the Queen out 
 of Holland; His Majefty was pleafed to keep 
 the fame Convoy with him to encreafe his 
 own Forces, which although it was but of a 
 fmall number, yet at that prefent time it 
 would have been very ferviceable to my Lord, 
 he having then but begun to raife Forces. 
 
 4. When Her Majefty the now Queen- 
 Mother, after her arrival out of Holland to 
 York) had a purpofe to conveigh fome Armes 
 to His Majefty, My Lord order'd a Party of 
 1500 to conduct the fame, which His Ma- 
 jefty was pleafed to keep with him for his 
 own fervice. 
 
 5. After Her Majefty had taken a refolu- 
 tion to go from York to Oxford, where the 
 King then was ; my Lord for Her fafer con- 
 duct quitted 7000 men of his Army, with a 
 convenient Train of Artillery, which likewife 
 never returned to my Lord.
 
 r 5 2 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 6. When the Earl of Montrofs was going 
 into Scotland^ he went to my Lord at Durham, 
 and defired of him a fupply of fome Forces 
 for His Majefties fervice ; where my Lord 
 gave him 200 Horfe and Dragoons, even at 
 fuch a time when he ftood moft in need of a 
 fupply himfelf, and thought every day to en- 
 counter the Scottijh Army. 
 
 7. When my Lord out of the Northern 
 parts went into Lincoln- and Derby-Jhires with 
 his Army, to order and reduce them to their 
 Allegiance and Duty to His Majefty, and 
 from thence refolved to march into the AfTo- 
 ciate Counties, (where in all probability he 
 would have made an happy end of the Warr) 
 he was fo importuned by thofe he left behind 
 him, and particularly the Commander in 
 Chief, to return into Tork-Jhire, alledging the 
 Enemy grew ftrong, and would ruine them 
 all, if he came not fpeedily to fuccour and 
 affift them ; that in honour and duty he could 
 do no otherwife but grant their Requefts ; 
 when as yet being returned into thofe parts, 
 he found them fecure and fafe enough from 
 the Enemies Attempts. 
 
 8. My Lord (as heretofore mentioned) had
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 153 
 
 as great private Enemies about His Majefty, 
 as he had publick Enemies in the Field, who 
 ufed all the endeavour they could to pull him 
 down. 
 
 9. There was fuch Jugling, Treachery, 
 and Falfhood in his own Army, and amongft 
 fome of his own Officers, that it was impof- 
 fible for my Lord to be profperous and fuccefT- 
 ful in his Defigns and Undertakings. 
 
 .10. My Lord's Army being the chief and 
 greateft Army which His Majefty had, and 
 in which confifted His prime Strength and 
 Power ; the Parliament refolved at laft, to 
 join all their Forces with the Army of the 
 Scots, (which when it came out of Scotland^ 
 was above Twenty thoufand Men) to oppofe, 
 and if poffible, to ruine it ; well knowing, 
 that if they did pull down my Lord, they 
 fhould be Mafters of all the Three King- 
 doms ; fo that there were Three Armies 
 againft One. But although my Lord fuffered 
 much by the Negligence (and fometimes 
 Treachery) of his Officers, and was unfor- 
 tunately called back into York-jhire, from his 
 March he defigned for the Aflbciate Counties, 
 and was forced to part with a great number
 
 i 5 4 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 of his Forces and Ammunition, as aforemen- 
 tioned ; yet he would hardly have been over- 
 come, and his Army ruined by the Enemy, 
 had he but had fome timely fupply and aflift- 
 ance at the Siege of York, or that his Counfel 
 had been taken in not fighting the Enemy 
 then, or that the Battel had been differ'd fome 
 two or three dayes longer, until thofe Forces 
 were arrived which he expe&ed, namely three 
 thoufand men out of 'Northumberland, and Two 
 thoufand drawn out of feveral Garifons. But 
 the chief Misfortune was, That the Enemy 
 fell upon the Kings Forces before they were 
 all put into a BattaUia, and took them at their 
 great difadvantage ; which caufed fuch a 
 Panick fear amongft them, that moft of the 
 Horfe of the right Wing of His Majefty's 
 Forces, betook themfelves to their heels ; in- 
 fomuch, that although the left Wing (com- 
 manded by the Lord Goring^ and my Brother 
 Sir Charles Lucas} did their beft endeavour, 
 and beat back the Enemy three times, and 
 My Lord's own Regiment of Foot charged 
 them fo couragioufly, that they never broke, 
 but died moft of them in their Ranks and 
 Files ; yet the Power of the Enemy being
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 155 
 
 too ftrong, put them at laft to a total rout and 
 confufion. Which unlucky difafter put an 
 end to all future hopes of His Majefties Party; 
 fo that my Lord feeing he had nothing left in 
 his Power to do His Majefty any further fer- 
 vice in that kind (for had he ftayed, he would 
 have been forced to furrender all thofe Towns 
 and Garifons in thofe parts, that were yet in 
 His Majefties Devotion, as afterwards it alfo 
 happen'd) refolved to quit the Kingdom, as 
 formerly is mentioned. 
 
 And thefe are chiefly the obftru&ions to 
 the good fuccefs of my Lord's Defigns in the 
 late Civil Wars ; which being rightly con- 
 fidered, will fave him blamelefs from what 
 otherwife would be laid to his charge ; for, as 
 according to the old faying, 'Tis eafie for men 
 tofwhn, when they are held up by the chin : So 
 on the other fide, it is very dangerous and 
 difficult for them to endeavour it, when they 
 are pulled down by the Heels, and beaten upon 
 their Heads. 
 
 I 
 
 3. Of His Loyalty and Sufferings. 
 DARE boldly and juftly fay, That there 
 never was, nor is a more Loyal and Faithful
 
 156 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 Subject then My Lord : Not to mention the 
 Truft he difcharged in all thofe imployments, 
 which either King James^ or King Charles the 
 Firft, or His now Gracious Matter King 
 Charles the Second, were pleafed to beftow 
 upon him, which he performed with fuch 
 care and fidelity, that he never difobeyed their 
 Commands in the leaft ; I will onely note, 
 
 i. That he was the Firft that appear'd in 
 Armes for His Majefty, and engaged Himfelf 
 and all his Friends he could for His Majefties 
 Service ; and though he had but two Sons 
 which were young, and one onely Brother, 
 yet they all were with him in the Wars : His 
 two Sons had Commands, but His Brother, 
 though he had no Command, by reafon of the 
 weaknefs of his body, yet he was never from 
 My Lord when he was in action, even to the 
 laft ; for he was the laft with my Lord in the 
 Field in that fatal Battel upon HeJ/om-moor, 
 near York ; and though my Brother, Sir Charles 
 Lucas, defired my Lord to fend his fons away, 
 when the faid Battel was fought, yet he would 
 not, faying, His fons mould mew their 
 Loyalty and Duty to His Majefty, in venturing 
 their lives, as well as Himfelf.
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 157 
 
 2. My Lord was the chief and onely Perfon, 
 that kept up the Power of His late Majefty ; 
 for when his Army was loft, all the Kings 
 Party was ruined in all three of his Majefties 
 Kingdoms ; becaufe in his Army lay the chief 
 ftrength of all the Royal Forces ; it being the 
 greateft and beft formed Army which His 
 Majefty had, and the onely fupport both of his 
 Majefties Perfon and Power, and of the hopes 
 of all his Loyal Subjects in all his Do- 
 minions. 
 
 3. My Lord was 16 Years in Banifhment, 
 and hath loft and fuffered moft of any fubjedt, 
 that fuffer'd either by War, or otherways, ex- 
 cept thofe that loft their lives, and even that 
 he valued not, but expofed it to fo eminent 
 dangers that nothing but Heavens Decree had 
 ordained to fave it. 
 
 4. He never minded his own intereft more 
 then his Loyaltie and Duty, and upon that 
 account never defired nor received any thing 
 from the Crown to enrich himfelf, but fpent 
 great fums in His Majefties Service; fo that 
 after his long banifhment and return into 
 England^ I obferved his ruined Eftate was like 
 an Earthquake, and his Debts like Thunder-
 
 1 58 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 bolts, by which he was in danger of being 
 utterly undone, had not Patience and Pru- 
 dence, together with Heavens Bleflings, faved 
 him from that threatening Ruine. 
 
 5. He never repined at his LofTes and Suf- 
 ferings, becaufe he loft and fuffered for his King 
 and Countrey ; nay, fo far was he from that, 
 that I have heard him fay, If the fame Warrs 
 fliould happen again, and he was fure to lofe 
 both his life, and all he had left him, yet he 
 would moft willingly facrifice it for His 
 Majefties Service. 
 
 6. He never connived or confpired with 
 the Enemy, neither directly nor indirectly ; 
 for though fome Perfon of Quality being fent 
 in the late Wars to him into the North, from 
 His late Majefty, who was then at Oxford, 
 with fome Meflage, did withal in private 
 acquaint him, that fome of the Nobility that 
 were with the King, defired him to fide with 
 them againft His Majefty, alledging that if 
 His Majefty fhould become an abfolute Con- 
 queror, both himfeif and the reft of the 
 Nobility would lofe all their Rights and Privi- 
 ledges ; yet he was fo far from confenting to 
 it, that he returned him this anfwer, namely,
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 159 
 
 That he entred into actions of War, for no 
 other end, but for the fervice of His King 
 and Mafter, and to keep up His Majefties 
 Rights and Prerogatives, for which he was 
 refolved to venture both his Life, Pofterity 
 and Eftate ; for certainly, faid he, the No- 
 bility cannot fall if the King be Victorious, 
 nor can they keep up their Dignities, if the 
 King be overcome. 
 
 This Meflage was delivered by word or 
 mouth, but none of their names mentioned ; 
 fo that it is not certainly known whether it 
 was a real truth or not ; more probable it was, 
 that they intended to found my Lord, or to 
 make, if poflible, more divifion ; for certainly 
 not all that pretended to be for the King, 
 were His Friends ; and I my felf remember 
 very well, when I was with Her Majefty, the 
 now Queen-Mother, in Oxford, (although I 
 was too young to perceive their intrigues, 
 yet I was old enough to obferve) that there 
 were great Factions both amongft the Cour- 
 tiers and Soldiers. But my Lords Loyalty 
 was fuch, that he kept always faithful and 
 true to His Majefty, and could by no means 
 be brought to fide with the Rebellious Party,
 
 160 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 or to juggle and mind his own Intereft more 
 then his Majefties Service ; and this was the 
 caufe that he had as great private Enemies at 
 Court, as he had publick Enemies in the 
 Field, who fought as much his ruine and de- 
 ftruclion privately, and would caft afperfions 
 upon his Loyalty and Duty, as thefe did 
 publickly oppofe him. 
 
 In fhort, that it may appear the better what 
 loyal and faithful fervices my Lord has done 
 both for His late Majefty King Charles the 
 Firft, and His now Gracious Mafter King 
 Charles the Second, I have thought fit to 
 fubjoin both Their .Majefties Commendations 
 which they were pleafed to give him, when 
 for his Great and Loyal Services they con- 
 fer'd upon him the Titles and Dignities of 
 MarquefS) and Duke of Newcajlle. 
 
 A Copy of the Preamble of My Lord's 
 Patent for Marquefs^ Eng'ifhed. 
 
 Rex &c. Salutem. 
 
 WHEREAS it appears to Us, That Wil- 
 liam Earl of Newcaftle upon Tyne, 
 befedes his moft Eminent Birth and fplendid Alli- 
 ances^ hath equalled all thofe Titles with which
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 161 
 
 he is adorned by Defert, and hath alfo wonne 
 them by Virtue^ Induftry, Prudence, and a fted- 
 faft Faith : Whileft with dangers and expences 
 gathering together Soldiers^ Armes, and all other 
 War-like Habiliments ; and applying them as 
 ivell in Our Affairs, as mojt plentifully fending 
 them to Us, (having fore-thought of Our Dignity 
 andfecurity) he was ready with Us in all AcJions 
 in York- (hire, and governed the Town <9/"New- 
 caftle, and Caftle in the mouth ofTyne, at the 
 time of that fatal Revolt of the People who 
 were got together-, and with a Bond of his 
 Friends did opportunely feize that Port, and 
 fettled it a Garifon ; bringing Armes to Us 
 (then Our onely relief:} In which Service j ~o 
 Jlrongly going on, (which was of grand moment 
 to our affairs] We do gratefully remember him 
 Jlill to have flood to : Afterwards, having 
 Mujlered together a good Army, (Our felf being 
 gone elfe-where) the Rebels now enjoying almoji 
 all York-fhire, and the chiefejl Fortrefs of all 
 the Country now appearing to have fcarce refuge 
 or fafety for him again/1 the Jwelling Rebels, 
 (the whole Country then defiring and praying for 
 his corning^ that he might timely relieve them in 
 their defperate condition) And leading his faid 
 
 M
 
 162 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 Army in the midfl of Winter, gave the Rebels 
 Battel in his paj/age, vanquijh'd them, and put 
 them to flight, and took from them fever al Gari- 
 fons, and places of Refuge, and reftored Health 
 to the Subjefts, and by his many ViRories, Peace 
 and Security to the Countryes : Witnefs thofe 
 places, made Noble by the death and flight of the 
 Rebels : in Lincoln-Jhire, Gainsborough and 
 Lincoln ; in Derby-Jhire, Chefterfield ; but in 
 Tork-Jhire, Peirce-bridge, Seacroft, Tankerly, 
 Tadcafter, Sheffield, Rotheram, Yarum, 
 Beverly, Cawood, Selby, Halifax, Leeds, and 
 above all, Bradford ; where when the York- 
 ftiire-tf^ LzncaQiire-Rebels were united, and 
 Battel joined with them ; when Our Army as 
 well by the great numbers of the Rebels, as much 
 more the badnefs of Our ground, was fo prejt 
 upon, that the Soldiers now feemed to think of 
 flying -, He, their General, with a full Carier, 
 commanding two Troops to follow him, broke into 
 the very rage of the Battel, and with fo much 
 violence fell upon the right Wing of thofe Rebels, 
 That thofe who were but now certain of Vittory, 
 turned their backs, and fled from the Conqueror, 
 who by his Wijdom, Virtue and his own Hand, 
 brought death and flight to the Rebels, Vittory
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 163 
 
 and Glory to Himfelf^ Plunder to the Soldiery, 
 and 22 great Guns, and many Enjigns to Us. 
 Nor was there before this, wanting tofo much 
 Virtue, equal Felicity^ for Our mo/} beloved 
 Confort, after a difmal Tempeji coming from 
 Holland, being drove ajhore at Burlington, and 
 undergoing a more grievous danger, by the ex- 
 curfions of the Rebels, then the toffing and tumbling 
 of the Sea; He having heard of it, fpeedily goes 
 to Her with his Army, and dutifully receiveth 
 Her, in fafety brings her, and with all fecurity 
 conduces her to Us at Oxford. Whereas there- 
 fore the aforefaid Earl hath raifed fo many 
 Monuments of His Virtue and Fidelity towards 
 Us, Our Queen, Children, and Our Kingdom ; 
 when alfo he doth at this time ejiablijh with 
 fafety, and with His Power defend the Northern 
 parts of Our Kingdom againft the Rebels ; when 
 laftfy) nothing more concerns Mankind and 
 Princes, and nothing can be more juft, then that 
 he may receive for his Deeds, a Reward fuitable 
 to his name, which requires that he who defends 
 the Border s^Jhould be created by Us, Governour 
 or Marquefs of the Borderers. Know there- 
 fore, &c.
 
 164 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 A Copy of the Preamble of My Lord's 
 Patent for DUKE, Engliftied. 
 
 Rex &V. Salutem. 
 
 WHEREAS Our mojl beloved and faith- 
 ful Coufm and Counfellor, William 
 Earl and Marquefs of Newcaftle upon Tyne, 
 &c. worthy by his famous Name, Blood and 
 Office , of large Honour 's, has been eminent in fo 
 many, and fo great Services performed to Us and 
 Our Father (of ever blejfed memory] that his 
 Merits areftill producing new effetts, We have 
 decreed likewife to add more Honour to his former. 
 And though thefe his fuch eminent Attions, which 
 he hath faithfully and valiantly performed to 
 Us, Our Father, and Our Kingdom, fpeak loud 
 enough in themfelves ; yet fence the valiant Ser- 
 vices of a good Subject are always pleafant to 
 remember, We have thought Jit to have them in 
 part related for a good Example and Encourage- 
 ment to Virtue. 
 
 The great proofs of his Wifdom and Piety are 
 
 Jufficiently known to Us from Our younger years, 
 
 and We Jhall alwayes retain a fenfe of thofe good 
 
 Principles he inftilled into Us ; the Care of Our 
 
 Youth which he happily undertook for Our good,
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 165 
 
 be as faithfully and well discharged. Our years 
 growing up amidft bad Times, and the harjh 
 Necejjities of Warr, a new Charge and Care of 
 Loyaltie, the Kingdom and Religion call'd him 
 off to make ufe of his further Diligence and 
 Valour. Rebellion fpread abroad, he levied 
 Loyal Forces in great numbers, oppofed the 
 Enemy , won fo many and fo great Victories in 
 the Field, took in fo many Towns, Cajlles and 
 Garifons, as well in Our Northern parts, as 
 elfewhere; and behaved himfelf with fo great 
 Courage and Valour in the defending alfo what 
 he had got, efpecially at the Siege of York, 
 which he maintained again/I three Potent Armies 
 of Scots and Englifh, clofely beleaguering, and 
 with emulation aj/aulting it for three Months 
 (till Relief was brought} to the wonder and envy 
 of the Enemy ; that, if Loyal and Humane Force 
 could have prevailed, he hadfoon rejtored Fidelity, 
 Peace and his KING to the Nation, which was 
 then hurrying to Ruine by an unhappy Fate; 
 So that Rebellion getting the upper hand, and no 
 place being left for him to aft further valiantly 
 in, for his King and Countrey, he ftill retained 
 the fame Loyalty and Valour in fuffering, being 
 an infeparable Follower of Our Exile ; during
 
 166 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 which fad Cataftrophe, bis whole EJlate was 
 fequejtred and fold from him, and his Perfon 
 alwayes one of the firJJ of thofe few who were 
 excepted both for Life and EJlate (which was 
 offer' 'd to all others.) Befides, his Virtues are 
 accompanied with a Noble Blood, being of a 
 Family by each Stock equally adorn'd and en- 
 dow' d with great Honours and Riches. For 
 which Reafons We have refoh' d to grace the faid 
 Marquefs with a new Mark of our Favour, he 
 being every way deferving of it, as one who lov'd 
 vertue equal to his Noble Birth, and po/efs'd 
 Patrimonies fui table to both, as long as loyalty 
 had any place to Jhew It f elf in our Realm ; which 
 poffej/ions he fo well employ" d, and at laft for Us 
 and Ourl Fathers fervice loft, till he was with 
 Us re/tor'd. Know therefore, &c. 
 
 4. Of his Prudence and Wifdom. 
 
 MY Lord's Prudence and Wifdom hath 
 been fufficiently apparent both in his 
 Publick and Private Actions and Imploy- 
 ments ; for he hath fuch a Natural Infpec- 
 tion, and Judicious Obfervation of things, 
 that he fees beforehand what will come to
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 167 
 
 pafs, and orders his affairs accordingly. To 
 which purpofe I cannot but mention, that 
 Laud, the then Archbiftiop of Canterbury^ be- 
 tween whom and my Lord, interceded a great 
 and intire Friendfhip, which he confirmed by 
 a Legacy of a Diamond, to the value of 200 1. 
 left to my Lord when he died, which was 
 much for him to bequeath ; for though he 
 was a great Statefman, and in favour with his 
 late Majefty, yet he was not covetous to hoard 
 up wealth, but beftowed it rather upon the 
 Publick, repairing the Cathedral of St. Pauls 
 in London, which, had God granted him life, 
 he would certainly have beautified, and ren- 
 dred as famous and glorious as any in Chrif- 
 tendom : This faid Arch-Bifhop was pleafed 
 to tell His late Majefty, that my Lord was 
 one of the Wifeft and Prudenteft Perfons that 
 ever he was acquainted with. 
 
 For further proof, I cannot pafs by that 
 my Lord told His late Majefty King Charles 
 the Firft, and Her Majefty the now Queen- 
 Mother, fome time before the Wars, That 
 he obferved by the humours of the People, 
 the approaching of a Civil War, and that His 
 Majefties Perfon would be in danger of being
 
 168 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 depofed, if timely care was not taken to pre- 
 vent it. 
 
 Alfo when my Lord was at Antwerp^ the 
 Marquefs of Montrofe^ before he went into 
 Scotland, gave my Lord a Vifit, and acquainted 
 him with his intended Journey, afking my 
 Lord whether he was not alfo going for Eng- 
 land? My Lord anfwer'd, He was ready to 
 do His Majefty what fervice he could, and 
 would fhun no opportunity, where he per- 
 ceived he could effecl: fomething to His Ma- 
 jefties advantage ; Nay, faid he, if His Majefty 
 fhould be pleafed to Command my fmgle Per- 
 fon to go againft the whole Army of the 
 Enemy, although I was fure to lofe my life, 
 yet out of a Loyal Duty to His Majefty, and 
 in Obedience to his Commands, I fhould 
 never refufe it. But to venture (faid he) the 
 life of my Friends, and to betray them in a 
 defperate adlion, without any probability of 
 doing the leaft good to His Majefty, would be 
 a very unjuft and unconfcionable a&j for my 
 Friends might perhaps venture with me upon 
 an implicite Faith, that I was fo honeft as not 
 to engage them without a firm and folid foun- 
 dation ; but I wanting that, as having no Ships,
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 169 
 
 Armes, Ammunition, Provifion, Forts, and 
 places of Rendezvous, and what is the chief 
 thing, Money ; To what purpofe would it be 
 to draw them into fo hazardous an Action, 
 but to feek their ruine and deftruclion, with- 
 out the leaft benefit to His Majefty ? Then 
 the Marquefs of Montrofs afked my Lord's 
 Advice, and what he fhould do in fuch a cafe ? 
 My Lord anfwer'd, That he knowing beft his 
 own Countrey, Power and Strength, and what 
 probability he had of Forces, and other Ne- 
 ceflaries for Warr, when he came into Scot- 
 land, could give himfelf the beft advice ; but 
 withall told him, That if he had no Provifion 
 nor Ammunition, Armes and places of Ren- 
 dezvous for his men to meet and join, he 
 would likely be forced to hide his head, and 
 fuffer for his rafh undertaking : Which un- 
 lucky Fate did alfo accordingly befall that 
 worthy Perfon. 
 
 Thefe paflages I mention to no other end, 
 but to declare my Lord's Judgment and Pru- 
 dence in worldly Affairs ; whereof there are 
 fo many, that if I fhould fet them all down, it 
 would fwell this Hiftory to a big Volume. 
 They may in fome fort be gather'd from his
 
 i 7 o THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 a<Stions mentioned heretofore, efpecially the 
 ordering of his affairs in the time of Warr, 
 with fuch Conduct, Prudence and Wifdom, 
 that notwithftanding at the beginning of his 
 Undertaking that great Truft and honourable 
 Employment which His late Majefty was 
 pleafed to confer upon him, he faw fo little 
 appearance of performing his Defigns with 
 good fuccefs, His Majefty's Revenues being 
 then much weakned, and the Magazines and 
 publick Purfe, in the Enemies Power, befides 
 feveral other obftru&ions and hindrances; yet 
 as he undertook it chearfully, and out of pure 
 Loyalty and Obedience to His Majefty ; fo 
 he ordered it fo wifely, that fo long as he 
 a&ed by his own Counfels, and was perfonally 
 prefent at the execution of his Defigns, he 
 was always profperous in his Succefs. And 
 although he had fo great an Army, as afore- 
 mentioned, yet by his wife and prudent Con- 
 duel, there appear'd no vifible fign of devafta- 
 tion in any of the Countreys where he marched; 
 for firft, he fetled a conftant Rule for the Re- 
 gular levy of money for the convenient Main- 
 tenance of the Soldiery. Next, he conftituted 
 fuch Officers of his Army, that moft of them
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 171 
 
 were known to be Gentlemen of large and 
 fair Eftates, which drew a good part of their 
 private Revenues, to ferve and fupport them 
 in their publick Employments j wherein my 
 Lord did lead them the way by his own good 
 Example. 
 
 To which may be added his wifdom in or- 
 dering the Government of the Church, for 
 the advancement of the Orthodox Religion, 
 and fuppreflion of Factions j as alfo in Coyn- 
 ing, Printing, Knighting, and the like, which 
 he ufed with great difcretion and prudence, 
 onely for the Intereft of His Majefty, and the 
 benefit of the Kingdom, as formerly has been 
 mentioned. 
 
 The Prudent mannage of his private and 
 domeftick affairs, appears fufficiently: I. In 
 his Marriage. 2. In the ordering and in- 
 creafing his Eftate before the Wars, which 
 notwithstanding his Noble Houfekeeping and 
 Hofpitality, and his Generous Bounty and 
 Charity, he increafed to the value of loooool. 
 3. In the ordering his Affairs in the time of 
 Banifhment, where although he received not 
 the leaft of his own eftate, during all the time 
 of his exile, until his return ; yet maintained
 
 i 7 2, THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 himfelf handfomely and nobly, according to 
 his Quality, as much as his Condition at that 
 time would permit. 4. In reducing his torn 
 and ruined Eftate after his return, which be- 
 yond all probability, himfelf hath fetled and 
 order'd To, that his Pofterity will have reafon 
 gratefully to remember it. 
 
 In fhort ; Although my Lord naturally 
 loves not bufmefs, efpecially thofe of State, 
 (though he underftands them as well as any 
 body) yet what bufmefs or affairs he cannot 
 avoid, none will do them better then himfelf. 
 His private affairs he orders without any 
 noife or trouble, not over-haftily, but wifely : 
 Neither is he pafllonate in adding of bufmefs, 
 but hears patiently, and orders foberly, and 
 pierces into the heart or bottom of a bufmefs 
 at the firft encounter ; but before all things, 
 he confiders well before he undertakes a bufi- 
 nefs, whether he be able to go through it or 
 no, for he never ventures upon either publick 
 or private bufmefs, beyond his ftrength. 
 
 And here I cannot forbear to mention, that 
 my Noble Lord, when he was in banifhment, 
 prefumed out of his Duty and Love to his 
 Gracious Mafter our now Soveraign King
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 173 
 
 Charles the Second, to write and fend him a 
 little Book, or rather a Letter, wherein he 
 delivered his Opinion concerning the Govern- 
 ment of his Dominions, whenfoever God 
 fhould be pleafed to reftore him to his 
 Throne, together with fome other Notes and 
 Obfervations of Foreign States and King- 
 doms ; but it being a private offer to His 
 facred Majefty, I dare not prefume to pub- 
 lifli it. 
 
 5. Of his BleJJings. 
 
 \ LTHOUGH my Lord hath been one of 
 * ^ the moft Unfortunate Perfons of his 
 Rank and Quality, which this later age did 
 produce ; yet Heaven hath been fo propitious 
 to him, that it beftowed fome bleffings upon 
 him even in the midft of his Misfortunes, 
 and fupported him againft Fortunes Malice, 
 which otherwife, as it feems, had defigned 
 his total ruine and deftru&ion : Of thefe 
 Bleffings I may name in the firft place, 
 
 i. The Royal Favours of His Gracious 
 Soveraign's, and the good efteem they had of 
 his Fidelity and Loyalty; which as it was the 
 chief of his endeavours, fo he efteemed it
 
 i 7 4 1HE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 above all the reft. To repeat them particu- 
 larly would be too tedious, and they are 
 fufficiently apparent out of the precedent 
 Hiftory ; onely this I may add, that King 
 Charles the Firft, out of a fmgular Favour to 
 my Lord, was pleafed upon his moft humble 
 requeft, to create feveral Noble-men ; the 
 Names of them, left I commit an offence, I 
 fhall not mention, by reafon moft men ufually 
 pretend fuch claimes upon the Ground of 
 their own Merit. 
 
 2. That God was pleafed to blefs him with 
 Wealth and Power, to enable him the better 
 for the fervice of his King and Country. 
 
 3. That he made him happy in his Mar- 
 riage ; (for his firft Wife was a very kind, 
 loving and Virtuous Lady) and blefs'd him 
 with Dutiful and Obedient Children, free 
 from Vices, Noble and Generous both in 
 ther Natures and Actions ; who did all that 
 lay in their power to fupport and relieve my 
 Lord their Father in his Banifhment, .as 
 before is mentioned. 
 
 4. The Kindnefs and Civility which my 
 Lord received from Strangers, and the In- 
 habitants of thofe places, where he lived
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 175 
 
 during the time of his Banifhment; for had 
 it not been for them, he would have periftied 
 in his extream wants ; but it pleafed God fo 
 to provide for him, that although he wanted 
 an Eftate, yet he wanted not Credit ; and 
 although he was banifhed and forfaken by 
 his own Friends and Countrymen, yet he was 
 civilly received and relieved by ftrangers, 
 until God blefs'd him. 
 
 Laftly, With a happy return to his Native 
 Country, his dear Children, and his own 
 Eftate ; which although he found much 
 ruined and broke, yet by his Prudence and 
 Wifdom, hath order'd as well as he could ; 
 and I hope, and pray God to add this bleffing 
 to all the reft, That he may live long to 
 encreafe it for the benefit of his Pofterity. 
 
 6. Of his Honours and Dignities. 
 
 THE Honours, Titles and Dignities which 
 were conferr'd upon my Lord, by King 
 JameS) King Charles the Firft, and King 
 Charles the Second, partly as an encourage- 
 ment for future Service, and a reward for 
 paft, are following. 
 
 i . He was made Knight of the Bath, when
 
 i 7 6 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 he was but 15 or 16 years of Age, at the 
 Creation of Henry, Prince of Wales, King 
 James's Eldeft Son. 1 
 
 2. King James Created him Vifcount 
 Mansfield, and Baron of Bolfover. 
 
 3. King Charles the Firft conftituted him 
 Lord Lieutenant of Nottingham/hire, and 
 
 4. Lord Warden of the Forreft of Sher- 
 wood ; as alfo, 
 
 5. Lord Lieutenant of Derby-Jhire. 
 
 6. He chofe him Governour to His Son 
 Charles, our now gracious King ; and 
 
 7. Made him one of his Honourable Privy 
 Council. 
 
 8. He conftituted him Governour of the 
 Town and County of Newcastle, and General 
 of all His Majefties Forces raifed, and to be 
 raifed in the Northern parts of England ; as 
 alfo of the feveral Counties of Nottingham, 
 Lincoln, Rutland, Derby, Stafford, LeiceJJer, 
 Warwick, Northampton, Huntington, Cam- 
 bridg, Norfolk, SuJJex, EJJex and Hereford, 
 together with all the Appurtenances belong- 
 
 1 This is probably the only inftance of a knighthood 
 conferred upon fo young a boy.
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 177 
 
 ing to fo great a Power, as is formerly de- 
 clared. 
 
 9. He conferr'd upon him the Honour and 
 Title of Earl of Newcaftle y and Baron of 
 Bothal and Hepple. 
 
 10. He created him Marquefs of Newcaftle. 
 
 11. His Majefty King CHARLES the 
 Second, was pleafed, when my Lord was in 
 banifhment, to make him Knight of the moft 
 Noble Order of the Garter ; And 
 
 12. After his Return into England, Chief 
 Juftice in Eyre Trent-North. 
 
 13. He created him Duke of Newcaftle, 
 and Earl of Ogle. 
 
 7. Of the Entertainments He made for King 
 CHARLES the Firft. 
 
 THOUGH my Lord hath alwayes been 
 free and noble in his Entertainments 
 and Feaftings, yet he was pleafed to fhew his 
 great AffeHon and Duty to his Gracious 
 King, Charles the Firft, and Her Majefty the 
 Queen, in fome particular Entertainments 
 which he made of purpofe for them before 
 the late Warrs.
 
 i 7 8 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 When his Majefty was going into Scotland 
 to be Crowned, he took His way through 
 Nottingham/hire ; and lying at Workfop- 
 Mannor, hardly two miles diftant from Wel- 
 beck, where my Lord then was, my Lord 
 invited His Majefty thither to a Dinner, 
 which he was gracioufly pleafed to accept of : 
 This Entertainment coft my Lord between 
 Four and Five thoufand pounds ; which His 
 , Majefty liked fo well, that a year after His 
 Return out of Scotland, He was pleafed to 
 fend my Lord word, That Her Majefty the 
 Queen was refolved to make a Progrefs into 
 the Northern parts, defiring him to prepare 
 the like Entertainment for Her, as he had 
 formerly done for Him : Which My Lord 
 did, and endeavour'd for it with all poflible 
 Care and Induftry, fparing nothing that might 
 add fplendor to that Feaft, which both Their 
 Majefties were pleafed to honour with their 
 Prefence : Ben Johnfon he employed in fitting 
 fuch Scenes and Speeches as he could beft 
 devife; and fent for all the Gentry of the 
 Country to come and wait on their Majefties; 
 and in mort, did all that ever he could 
 imagine, to render it Great, and worthy 
 Their Royal Acceptance.
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 179 
 
 This Entertainment he made at Eolfover- 
 Caftle in Derbyjhire^ fome five miles diftant 
 from Wtlbtck, and refigned Welbeck for Their 
 Majefties Lodging ; it coft him in all between 
 Fourteen and Fifteen thoufand pounds. 
 
 Befides thefe two, there was another fmall 
 Entertainment which my Lord prepared for 
 His late Majefty, in his own Park at Welbeck^ 
 when His Majefty came down, with his two 
 Nephews, the now Prince Elector Palatine, 
 and His Brother Prince Rupert, into the 
 Forreft of Sherwood ; which coft him Fifteen 
 hundred pounds. 
 
 And this I mention not out of a vain-glory, 
 but to declare the great love and Duty, my 
 Lord had for His Gracious King and Queen, 
 and to con-eft the miftakes committed by 
 fome Hiftorians, who not being rightly in- 
 formed of thofe Entertainments, make the 
 World believe Falfhood for Truth. But as I 
 faid, they were made before the Warrs, when 
 my Lord had the pofleflion of a great Eftate ; 
 and wanted nothing to exprefs his Love and 
 Duty to his Soveraign in that manner ; 
 whereas now he mould be much to feek to 
 do the like, his Eftate being fo much ruined
 
 i8o THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 by the late Civil Wars, that neither himfelf 
 nor his Pofterity will be able fo foon to 
 recover it. 
 
 8. His Education. 
 
 HIS Education was according to his 
 Birth ; for as he was born a Gentle- 
 man, fo he was bred like a Gentleman. To 
 School-Learning he never fhew'd a great 
 inclination ; for though he was fent to the 
 Univerfity, and was a Student of St. John's 
 Colledg in Cambridg, and had his Tutors to 
 inftru6t him ; yet they could not perfwade 
 him to read or ftudy much, he taking more 
 delight in fports, then in learning ; fo that 
 his Father being a wife man, and feeing that 
 his Son had a good natural Wit, and was of a 
 very good Difpofition, fuffer'd him to follow 
 his own Genius ; whereas his other Son 
 Charles, in whom he found a greater love and 
 inclination to Learning, he encouraged as 
 much that way, as poflibly he could. 
 
 One time it hapned that a young Gentleman, 
 one of my Lord's Relations, had bought fome 
 Land, at the fame time when my Lord had
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 181 
 
 bought a Singing-Boy for 50 1. a Horfe for 50 1. 
 and a Dog for 2 I. 1 which humour his Father 
 Sir Charles liked fo well, that he was pleafed to 
 fay, That if he ftiould find his Son to be fo 
 covetous, that he would buy Land before he 
 was 20 years of Age, he would disinherit 
 him. But above all the reft, my Lord had a 
 great inclination to the Art of Horfemanftiip 
 and Weapons, in which later, his Father Sir 
 Charles, being a moft ingenuous and un- 
 parallell'd Mafter of that Age, was his onely 
 Tutor, and kept him alfo feveral Mafters in 
 the Art of Horfemanfhip, and fent him to the 
 Mewfe to Mons. Antolne, who was then ac- 
 counted the beft Mafter in that Art. But 
 my Lord's delight in thofe Heroick Exercifes 
 was fuch, that he foon became Mafter thereof 
 Himfelf, which encreafed much his Father's 
 hopes of his future perfections, who being 
 himfelf a perfon of a Noble and Heroick 
 
 1 What a curious collocation ; a Horfe for 50, a 
 Dog for 2, and a " Singing-Boy " for 50 ! As the 
 days of feudalifm, fo far as poffefling one's fellow- 
 creature was concerned, had parted, we muft conclude 
 that " My Lord" had engaged the boy for his amufement 
 at the coft of 50, and not purchafed him as a chattel.
 
 i8a THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 nature, was extreamly well pleafed to obferve 
 his Son take delight in fuch Arts and Exer- 
 cifes as were proper and fit for a perfon of 
 Quality. 
 
 9. His Natural Wit and Under/tan ding. 
 
 A I/THOUGH my Lord has not fo much 
 -/~\- of Scholarfhip and Learning as his 
 Brother Sir Charles Cavendijh had, yet he 
 hath an excellent Natural Wit and Judg- 
 ment, and dives into the bottom of every 
 thing ; as it is evidently apparent in the fore- 
 mentioned Art of Horfemanfhip and Weapons, 
 which by his own ingenuity he has reformed 
 and brought to fuch perfection, as never any 
 one has done heretofore : And though he is 
 no Mathematician by Art, yet he hath a very 
 good Mathematical brain, to demonftrate 
 Truth by natural reafon, and is both a good 
 Natural and Moral Philofopher, not by reading 
 Philofophical Books, but by his own Natural 
 Understanding and Obfervation, by which he 
 hath found out many Truths. 
 
 To pafs by feveral other inftances, I'le but 
 mention, that when my Lord was at Paris, in
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 183 
 
 his Exile, it happen'd one time, that he dif- 
 courfing with fome of his Friends, amongft 
 whom was alfo that Learned Philofopher 
 Hobbes^ they began amongft the reft, to argue 
 upon this fubjecl:, namely, Whether it were 
 pojjible to make Man by Art fiy as Birds do ; and 
 when fome of the Company had delivered 
 their Opinion, viz. That they thought it 
 probable to be done by the help of Artificial 
 Wings : My Lord declared, that he deemed 
 it altogether impoffible, and demonftrated it 
 by this following Reafon : Man's Armes, faid 
 he, are not fet on his fhoulders in the fame 
 manner as Bird's wings are ; for that part of 
 the Arm which joins to the Shoulder, is in 
 Man placed inward, as towards the breaft, 
 but in Birds outward, as toward the back ; 
 which difference and contrary poiition or 
 fhape, hinders that man cannot have the fame 
 flying-a&ion with his Armes, as Birds have 
 with their Wings ; Which Argument Mr. 
 Hobbes liked fo well, that he was pleafed to 
 make ufe of it in one of his Books called 
 Leviathan, if I remember well. 
 
 Some other time they falling into a Dif- 
 courfe concerning Witches, Mr. Hobbes faid,
 
 i8 4 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 That though he could not rationally believe 
 there were Witches, yet he could not be fully 
 fatisfied to believe there were none, by reafon 
 they would themfelves confefs it, if ftri&ly 
 examined. 
 
 To which my Lord anfwer'd, That though 
 for his part he cared not whether there were 
 Witches or no ; yet his Opinion was, That 
 the Confeflion of Witches, and their fuffering 
 for it, proceeded from an Erroneous Belief, 
 viz. That they had made a Contract with the 
 Devil to ferve him for fuch Rewards as were 
 in his Power to give them ; and that it was 
 their Religion to worfhip and adore him ; in 
 which Religion they had fuch a firm and con- 
 ftant belief, that if any thing came to pafs 
 according to their defire, they believed the 
 Devil had heard their prayers, and granted 
 their requefts, for which they gave him thanks; 
 but if things fell out contrary to their prayers 
 and defires, then they were troubled at it, 
 fearing they had offended him, or not ferved 
 him as they ought, and afked him forgivenefs 
 for their offences. Alfo (faid my Lord) they 
 imagine that their Dreams are real exterior
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 185 
 
 actions ; for example, if they dream they flye 
 in the Air, or out of the Chimney top, or that 
 they are turned into feveral fhapes, they be- 
 lieve no otherwife, but that it is really fo : 
 And this wicked Opinion makes them induf- 
 trious to perform fuch Ceremonies to the 
 Devil, that they adore and worfhip him as 
 their God, and chufe to live and dye for him. 
 Thus my Lord declared himfelf concerning 
 Witches, which Mr. Hobbes was alfo pleafed 
 to infert in his fore-mentioned Book : But 
 yet my Lord doth not count this Opinion of 
 his fo univerfal, as if there were none but 
 imaginary Witches ; for he doth not fpeak 
 but of fuch a fort of Witches as make it their 
 Religion to worfliip the Devil in the manner 
 aforefaid. Nor doth he think it a Crime to 
 entertain what Opinion feems moft probable 
 to him, in things indifferent ; for in fuch cafes 
 men may difcourfe and argue as they pleafe, 
 to exercife their Wit, and may change and 
 alter their Opinions upon more probable 
 Grounds and Reafons ; whereas in Funda- 
 mental matters both of Church and State, he 
 is fo ftridl an Adherent to them, that he will
 
 186 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 never maintain or defend fuch Opinions which 
 are in the leaft prejudicial to either. 1 
 
 One proof more I'le add to confirm his 
 Natural Underftanding and Judgment, which 
 was upon fome Difcourfe I held with him one 
 time, concerning that famous Chymift Van 
 Helmont, who in his Writings is very invec- 
 tive againft the School-men, and amongft the 
 reft, accufes them for taking the Radical 
 moifture for the fat of Animal Bodies. Where- 
 upon my Lord anfwer'd, That furely the 
 School-men were too wife to commit fuch an 
 Error; for, faid he, the Radical moifture is 
 not the fat or tallow of an Animal, but an 
 Oily and BaJfamous Subftance ; for the fat 
 and tallow, as alfo the watery parts, are cold ; 
 whereas the Oily and Balfamous parts, have 
 at all times a lively heat ; which makes that 
 thofe Creatures which have much of that Oyle 
 or Balfom, are long-liv'd, and appear young ; 
 and not onely Animals, but alfo Vegetables, 
 which have much of that Oyle or Balfom, as 
 Ivy, Bayes, Laurel, Holly, and the like, live 
 
 1 It is not neceflary here to comment upon witch- 
 craft 5 but it is pretty clear that the Duke was in ad- 
 vance of popular opinions and notions on that fubjecl:.
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 187 
 
 long, and appear frefh and green, not onely 
 in Winter, but when they are old. Then I 
 afk'd my Lord's Opinion concerning the 
 Radical heat : To which he anfwer'd, That 
 the Radical heat lived in the Radical moifture ; 
 and when the one decayed, the other decayed 
 alfo ; and then was produced either an un- 
 natural heat, which caufed an unnatural dry- 
 nefs j or an unnatural moifture, which caufed 
 Dropfies, and thefe, an unnatural coldnefs. 
 
 Laftly; His Natural Wit appears by his 
 delight in Poetry; for I may juftly call him 
 the beft Lyrlck and Dramatick Poet of this 
 Age : His Comedies do fufficiently (hew his 
 great Obfervation and Judgment, for they are 
 compofed of thefe three Ingredients, viz. Wit, 
 Humour and Satyre ; and his chief Defign in 
 them, is to divulge and laugh at the follies of 
 Mankind ; to perfecute Vice, and to encou- 
 rage Virtue. 
 
 ^ 
 
 10. Of his Natural Humour and Difpofition. 
 
 ~j\ / Y Lord may juftly be compared to Titus 
 -L*-*- the Deliciee of Mankind, by reafon of 
 his fweet, gentle and obliging Nature ; for
 
 1 88 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 though his Wifdom and Experience found it 
 impoflible to pleafe all men, becaufe of their 
 different humours and difpofitions ; yet his 
 Nature is fuch, that he will be forry when he 
 feeth that men are difpleafed with him out of 
 their own ill Natures, without any caufe ; for 
 he loves all that are his Friends, and hates 
 none that are his Enemies : He is a Loyal 
 Subject, a kind Hufband, a Loving Father, a 
 Generous Mafter, and a Conftant Friend. 
 
 His natural Love to his Parents has been 
 fo great, that I have heard him fay, he would 
 moft willingly, and without the left repining, 
 have begg'd for his daily relief, fo God would 
 but have let his Parents live. 
 
 He is true and juft both in his words and 
 actions, and has no mean or petty Defigns, but 
 they are all juft and honeft. 
 
 He condemns not upon Report, but upon 
 Proof; nor judges by Words, but Actions; 
 he forgets not paft Sefvice, for prefent Advan- 
 tage ; but gives a prefent Reward to a prefent 
 Defert. 
 
 He hath a great Power over his Pafiions, 
 and hath had the greateft tryals thereof; for 
 certainly He muft of neceffity have a great
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 189 
 
 {hare of Patience, that can forgive fo many 
 falfe, treacherous, malicious and ungrateful 
 Perfons as he hath done ; but he is fo wife, 
 that his Paffion never out-runs his Patience, 
 nor his Extravagancies his Prudence ; and 
 although his Private Enemies have been 
 numerous, yet I verily believe, there is never 
 a fubjecl more generally beloved then He is. 
 
 He hates Pride and loves Humility ; is civil 
 to Strangers, kind to his Acquaintance, and 
 refpe&ful to all perfons, according to their 
 Quality ; He never regards Place, except it 
 be for Ceremony : To the meaneft perfon he'll 
 put off his Hat, and fuffer every body to fpeak 
 to him. 
 
 He never refufes any Petition, but accepts 
 them ; and being informed of the bufmefs, 
 will give a juft, and as much as lies in him, a 
 favourable anfwer to the Petitioning Party. 
 
 He eafily Pardons, and bountifully Rewards ; 
 and always praifes particular mens Virtues, 
 but covers their Faults with filence. 
 
 He is full of Charity and Compaffion to 
 perfons that are in mifery, and full of Clemency 
 and Mercy ; in fo much, that when he was 
 General of a great Army, he would never fit.in
 
 1 9 o THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 Council himfelf upon Caufes of Life and Death, 
 but granted Pardon to many Delinquents that 
 were condemned by his Council of War ; fo 
 that fome were forced to Petition him not to 
 do it, by reafon it was an ill prefident for 
 others. To which my Lord merrily anfwer'd, 
 That if they did hang all, they would leave 
 him none to fight. 
 
 His Courage he always fhew'd in A&ion, 
 more then in Words, for he would Fight, but 
 not Rant. 
 
 He is not Vain-glorious to heighten or brag 
 of his Heroick Actions ; Witnefs that great 
 Victory upon Atherton-moor^ after which he 
 would not fuffer his Trumpets to found, but 
 came quietly and filently into the City of York, 
 for which he would certainly have been 
 blamed by thofe that make a great noife upon 
 fmall caufes ; and love to be applauded, 
 though their actions little deferve it. 
 
 His noble Bounty and Generofity is fo mani- 
 feft to all the World, that I fhould light a 
 Candle to the Sun, if I mould ftrive to illuf- 
 trate it; for he has no felf-defigns or felf- 
 intereft, but will rather wrong and injure 
 himfelf then others. To give you but one
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 191 
 
 proof of this noble Vertue, it is known, that 
 where he hath a legal right to Felons Goods, 
 as he hath in a great part of his Eftate, yet he 
 never took or exa&ed more then fome incon- 
 fiderable (hare for acknowledgment of his 
 Right ; faying, That he was refolved never 
 to grow rich by other mens misfortunes. 
 
 In fhort, I know him not addi&ed to any 
 manner of Vice, except that he has been a 
 great lover and admirer of the Female Sex ; 
 which whether it be fo great a crime as to 
 condemn him for it ; I'le leave to the judg- 
 ment of young Gallants and beautiful Ladies. 
 
 1 1 . Of His outward Shape and Behaviour. 
 
 HIS Shape is neat, and exactly pro- 
 portioned j his Stature of a middle fize, 
 and his Complexion fanguine. 1 
 
 1 There is an excellent portrait of the Duke in 
 " Lodge's Portraits." It was painted by Vandyke. 
 It reprefents him as a man under forty years of age, 
 with clear, bright, eyes, flowing hair, a mouftache and a 
 barbe de bouc. He wears the elaborate lace collar of 
 the period. The expreffion of the countenance is ex- 
 tremely pleafing, amiable, and agreeable. NO wonder 
 that the Duchefs could dote on fuch a hufband !
 
 192 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 His Behaviour is fuch, that it might be a 
 Pattern for all Gentlemen ; for it is Courtly, 
 Civil, eafie and free, without Formality or 
 Conftraint ; and yet hath fomething in it of 
 grandure, that caufes an awful refpeft towards 
 him. 
 
 12. Of His Difceurfe. 
 
 T TIS Difcourfe is as free and unconcerned, 
 *" -* as his Behaviour, Pleafant, Witty, and 
 Inftru6Hve ; He is quick in Reparties or fud- 
 den anfwers, and hates dubious difputes, and 
 premeditated Speeches. He loves alfo to 
 intermingle his Difcourfe with fome fhort 
 pleafant ftories, and witty fayings, and always 
 names the Author from whom he hath them; 
 for he hates to make another man's Wit his 
 own. 
 
 13. Of His Habit. 
 
 HE accouters his Perfon according to the 
 Fafhion, if it be one that is not trouble- 
 fome and uneafie for men of Heroick Exer- 
 cifes and Actions. He is neat and cleanly; 
 which makes him to be fomewhat long in
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 193 
 
 drafting, though not fo long as many effemi- 
 nate perfons are. He fhifts ordinarily once a 
 day, and every time when he ufes Exercife, or 
 his temper is more hot then ordinary. 
 
 14. Of his DIET. 
 
 IN his Diet he is fo fparing and temperate, 
 that he never eats nor drinks beyond his 
 fet proportion, fo as to fatisfie onely his natural 
 appetite : He makes but one Meal a day, at 
 which he drinks two good Glafles of Small- 
 Beer, one about the beginning, the other at 
 the end thereof, and a little Glafs of Sack in 
 the middle of his Dinner ; which Glafs of 
 Sack he alfo ufes in the morning for his 
 Breakfaft, with a Morfel of Bread. His 
 Supper confifts of an Egg, and a draught of 
 Small-beer. And by this Temperance he 
 finds himfelf very healthful, and may yet live 
 many years, he being now of the Age of 
 Seventy three, which I pray God from my 
 foul, to grant him. 
 
 H 
 
 15. His Recreation and Exercife. 
 IS prime Paftime and Recreation hath 
 always been the Exercife of Mannage
 
 194- THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 and Weapons ; which Heroick Arts he ufed 
 to pradtife every day ; but I obferving that 
 when he had over-heated himfelf, he would 
 be apt to take cold, prevail'd fo far, that at 
 laft he left the frequent ufe of the Man- 
 nage, ufmg neverthelefs ftill the Exercife of 
 Weapons ; and though he doth not ride him- 
 felf fo frequently as he hath done ; yet he 
 takes delight in feeing his Horfes of Mannage 
 rid by his Efcuyers, whom he inftru&s in 
 that Art for his own pleafure. But in the Art 
 of Weapons (in which he has a method 
 beyond all that ever were famous in it, found 
 out by his own Ingenuity and Practice) he 
 never taught any body, but the now Duke of 
 Buckingham^ whofe Guardian He hath been, 
 and his own two fons. 
 
 The reft of his time he fpends in Mufick, 
 Poetry, Architecture and the like. 
 
 1 6. Of His Pedigree. 
 
 HAVING made promife in the beginning 
 of the firft Book, that I would join a 
 more large Defcription of the Pedigree of my 
 Noble Lord and Hufband, to the end of the
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 195 
 
 Hiftory of his life : I fhall now difcharge my 
 felf; and though I could derive it from a 
 longer time, and reckon up a great many of 
 his Anceftors, even from the time of William 
 the Conqueror, He being defcended from the 
 moft ancient family of the Gernouns, as 
 Cambden relates in his Britannia^ in the De- 
 fcription of Derbyjhire ; yet it being a work 
 fitter for Heralds, I fliall proceed no further 
 then his Grandfather, and (hew you onely 
 thofe noble Families which my Lord is allied 
 to by his Birth. 
 
 My Lord's Grandfather, by his Father, (as 
 is formerly mentioned) was Sir William 
 Cavendijk, Privy-Counfellor and Treafurer of 
 the Chamber to King Henry the Eighth, 
 Edward the Sixth, and Queen Mary ; who 
 married two Wives ; by the firft he had onely 
 two Daughters , but by the fecond, Elizabeth, 
 who was my Lords Grandmother, he had 
 three Sons and four Daughters, whereof one 
 Daughter died young. She was Daughter to 
 "John Hardwick of Hardwick^ in the County 
 of Derby , Efq. ; and had four Hufbands : 
 The firft was Barlow^ Efq. ; who died 
 before they were bedded together, they being
 
 196 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 both very young. The fecond was Sir William 
 Cavendijh) my Lord's Grandfather, who being 
 fomewhat in years, married her chiefly for 
 her beauty; fhe had fo much power, in his 
 affection, that fhe perfwaded him to fell his 
 Eftate which he had in the Southern parts of 
 England (for he was very rich) and buy an 
 Eftate in the Northern parts, viz. in Derby- 
 Jhire^ and thereabout, where her own friends 
 and kindred liv'd, which he did ; and having 
 there fetled himfelf, upon her further perfwa- 
 fion, built a Mannor-houfe in the fame 
 County, call'd Chattefworth y which, as I have 
 heard, coft firft and laft above 80,000 \.Jter- 
 ling. But before this Houfe was finifti'd, he 
 died, and left fix Children, viz. three Sons and 
 three Daughters, which before they came to 
 be marriageable, fhe married a third Huf- 
 band, Sir William S* Loo Captain of the 
 Guard to Queen Elizabeth^ and Grand Butler 
 of England ; who dying without Iflue, fhe 
 married a fourth Hufband, George, Earl of 
 Sbrewjbury, by whom fhe left no iflue. 
 
 The Children which fhe had by her fecond 
 Hufband, Sir William Cavendijh, being grown 
 marriageable; the eldeft Son 'Henry, married
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 197 
 
 Grace the youngeft Daughter of his Father in 
 Law, the faid George Earl of Shrew/bury, 
 which he had by his former Wife Gertrude, 
 Daughter of Thomas Manners, Earl of Rut- 
 land^ but died without IfTue. 
 
 The fecond Son William, after Earl of 
 Devonjhire, had two Wives ; the firft was an 
 Heirefs, by whom he had Children, but all 
 died fave one Son, whofe name was alfo 
 Wiliam, Earl of Devonjhire : His fecond Wife 
 was Widdow to Sir Edward Wortly, who had 
 feveral Children by her firft Hufband, and 
 but one Son by the faid Will. Cavendijh, after 
 Earl of Devonjhire, who dyed young. 
 
 His Son by his firft Wife, (William Earl of 
 Devonjhire) married Chriftian, Daughter of 
 Edward Lord Bruce, a Scots-man, by whom 
 he had two Sons, and one Daughter ; the 
 Eldeft Son William, now Earl of Devonjhire, 
 married Elizabeth, the fecond Daughter of 
 William Earl of Salijbury, by whom he has 
 three children, viz. Two Sons and one 
 Daughter, whereof the Eldeft Son William is 
 married to the fecond Daughter of James now 
 Duke of Ormond; the fecond Son Charles is 
 yet a youth : The Daughter Anne married the
 
 198 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 Lord Rich, the onely Son and Child to 
 Charles now Earl of Warwick ; but he dyed 
 without I flue. 
 
 The fecond Son of William Earl of Devon- 
 Jhire, and Brother to the now Earl of Devon- 
 Jhire^ was unfortunately flain in the late Civil 
 Warrs, as is before mentioned. 
 
 The Daughter of the faid William Earl of 
 Devonjhire, Sifter to the now Earl of Devon- 
 Jhire, married Robert Lord Rich, Eldeft Son 
 to Robert Earl of Warwick^ by whom {he had 
 but one Son, who married, but dyed without 
 Iffue. 
 
 The third and youngeft Son of Sir William 
 Cavendijh^ Charles Cavendljh^ (my Lord's 
 Father) had two Wives ; the firft was 
 Daughter and Coheir to Sir Thomas Kidfon, 
 who dyed a year after her Marriage, without 
 iflue : The fecond was the younger Daughter 
 of Cuthbert Lord Ogle, and after her Elder 
 and onely Sifter Jane, Wife to Edward Earl 
 of Shrew/bury^ who dyed without Iflue, be- 
 came Heir to her Father's Eftate and Title ; 
 by whom he had three Sons ; whereof the 
 eldeft dyed in his Infancy ; the fecond was 
 William, my dear Lord and Hufband; the
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 199 
 
 third, Charles, who dyed a Batchelour about 
 the age of Sixty three. 
 
 My Lord hath had two Wives ; the firft 
 was Elizabeth, Daughter and Heir to William 
 Baffet of Bloore, in the County of Stafford, 
 Efq.; and Widow to Henry Howard, younger 
 Son to Thomas Earl of Suffolk ; by whom he 
 had ten Children, viz. Six Sons, and four 
 Daughters; 1 whereof five, viz. four Sons, 
 and one Daughter, dyed young ; the reft, 
 viz. Two Sons and three Daughters, came to 
 be married. 
 
 His Elder Son, Charles, Vifcount of Manf- \fenc / 
 field, married the Eldeft Daughter and Heir 
 of Mr. Richard Rogers, by whom he had but 
 one Daughter, who dyed foon after her birth; 
 and he dyed alfo without any other Iflue. 
 
 His fecond Son Henry, now Earl of Ogle, 
 married Francis the eldeft Daughter of Mr. 
 William Pierrepont, by whom he hath had 
 three Sons, and four Daughters ; two Sons 
 
 1 In the copy of the " Life " before me this feems 
 to be a misftatement, and from fome obliterations and 
 correftions (made, I think, by the Duchefs herfelf),the 
 number of children appears to have been fix fons and 
 four daughters.
 
 200 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 were born before their natural time ; the 
 third, Henry Lord Mansfield is alive : The 
 four Daughters are, the Lady Elizabeth , 
 Lady Frames^ Lady Margaret, and Lady 
 Catherine. 
 
 My Lords three Daughters were thus mar- 
 
 X , /y r * ec ^ The eldeft, Lady Jane, married Charles 
 
 . Cheiney^ Efq. ; defcended of a very noble and 
 
 ' ancient family ; by whom me hath one Son 
 
 and two Daughters. The fecond, Lady 
 
 Elizabeth^ married John now Earl of Eridg- 
 ' ~ - __- -^~ 
 
 water y then Lord Brackly^ and eldeft Son to 
 John then Earl of Bridgwa ter ; who died in 
 Childbed, and left five Sons, and one 
 Daughter, whereof the eldeft Son John Lord 
 Brackly, married the Lady Elizabeth, onely 
 Daughter and Child to "James then Earl of 
 Middlefex. 
 
 My Lords third Daughter, the Lady 
 Frances^ married Oliver Earl of Bullingbrook^ 
 and hath had no Child yet. 
 
 After the death of my Lords firft Wife, 
 
 who died the I'jth of April, in the Year 
 
 y_i6^2 ne Carried me, Margaret^ Daughter to 
 
 Thomas Lucas of St. Johns near Colchefter^ in 
 
 EJJ'ex, Efquire j but hath no I flue by me.
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 201 
 
 And this is the Pofterity of the three Sons 
 of Sir William Cavendijh, my Lords Grand- 
 father by his Fathers fide ; The three 
 Daughters were difpofed of as followeth : 
 
 The eldeft, France^CajjendiJh, married Sir 
 ' Henry Pierrepont of Holm Pierrepont, in the 
 "County of Nottingham, by whom fhe had two 
 Sons, whereof the firft died young ; The 
 fecond, Robert, after Earl of Kingjton upon 
 //a//, married Gertrude, the eldeft Daughter, 
 and Co-heir to Henry Talbot, fourth Son to 
 George Earl of Shrew/bury, by whom he had 
 five Sons and three Daughters, whereof the 
 eldeft Son, Henry, now Marquefs of Dorchejler, 
 hath had two Wives ; the firft Cecilia, Eldeft 
 Daughter to the Lord Vifcount Bayning, by 
 whom he had feveral Children, of which there 
 are living onely two Daughters; the eldeft 
 Anne, who married John Rojfe, onely Son to 
 John now Earl of Rutland; the fecond, Grace, 
 who is unmarried. His fecond Wife was 
 Catharine, fecond Daughter to James Earl of 
 Derby, by whom he has no Iffue living. 
 
 The fecond Son of the Earl of Kingjton, 
 William, married the fole Daughter and Heir 
 of Sir Thomas Harries, by whom he had IfTue
 
 204 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 five Sons, and five Daugters, whereof two 
 Sons and two Daughters died unmarried : 
 The other fix are, 
 
 Robert the Eldeft, who married Elizabeth, 
 Daughter and Co-heir to Sir John Evelyne,by 
 whom he has three Sons, and one Daughter. 
 The fecond Son George, and the third Gervas, 
 are yet unmarried. 
 
 The eldeft Daughter of William Pierrepont, 
 Frances, is married to my Lords now onely 
 Son and Heir, Henry Earl of Ogle, as before 
 is mentioned. 
 
 The fecond, Grace, is married to Gilbert 
 now Earl of Clare , by whom he hath I flue, 
 Two fons, and three daughters. 
 
 The third, Gertrude, is unmarried. 
 
 The third fon of the Earl of King/ion, 
 Francis Pierrepont, married Elizabeth the 
 eldeft daughter of Mr. Bray, by whom he 
 had Iflue, one fon, and one daughter; the 
 fon, Robert, married Anne the daughter of 
 Henry Murray. The daughter, Frances^ 
 married William Pagatt, eldeft fon to William 
 Lord Pagatt. (Paget.) 
 
 The fourth fon of the Earl of Kingjlon, 
 Gervafe, is unmarried.
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 203 
 
 The fifth fon, George Pierrepont, married 
 the daughter of Mr. Jonas, by whom he had 
 two fons unmarried, Henry and Samuel. 
 
 The three daughters of the faid Earl of 
 King/Ion, are, Frances the eldeft, who was 
 married to Philip RowleJJon; the fecond, 
 Mary, dyed young ; the third, Elizabeth, is 
 unmarried. 
 
 The fecond daughter of Sir William Caven- 
 dijh, Elizabeth, married the Earl of Lennox, 
 Unkle to King James; by whom fhe had 
 onely one daughter, the Lady Arabella, who 
 againft King Jame's Commands (me being 
 after Him and His Children, the next Heir 
 to the Crown) married William, the fecond 
 fon to the Earl of Hereford; for which fhe 
 was put into the Tower, where not long after 
 fhe dyed. 
 
 The youngeft daughter Mary Cayendijh, 
 married Gilbert^ Talhot, fecond fon to George 
 Earl of Shrew/bury ; who after the dcceafe of 
 his "Father, and his elder Brother Francis, 
 who dyed without IfTue, became Earl of 
 Shrewjbury ; by whom fhe had I flue, four 
 fons, and three daughters ; the fons all dyed in 
 their Infancy, but the daughters were married.
 
 zo 4 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 The eldeft, Mary Talbot, married William 
 Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, by whom (fome 
 eighteen years after her Marriage) me had 
 one fon, who dyed young. 
 
 The fecond daughter, Elizabeth, married 
 Sir Henry Gray, after Earl of Kent, (the 
 fourth Earl of England} by whom me had no 
 Iffue. 
 
 The third and youngeft daughter Aletheia, 
 married Thomas Howard, Earl of Arundel, 
 the firft Earl, and Earl-Marmal of England; 
 by whom me left two fons, James, who died 
 beyond the feas without I flue ; and Henry, 
 who married Elizabeth, daughter of Efme 
 Stuart, Duke of Lennox ; by whom he had 
 Iflue, feveral fons, and one daughter ; whereof 
 the eldeft fon, Thomas, (fincethe Reftauration 
 of King Charles the Second) was reftored to 
 the Dignity of his Anceftors, viz. Duke of 
 Norfolk, next to the Royal Family, the firft 
 Duke of England. 
 
 And this is briefly the Pedigree of my dear 
 Lord and Hufband, from his Grandfather by 
 his Fathers fide ; concerning his Kindred and 
 alliances by his Mother, who was Katherine,
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 205 
 
 Daughter to Cuthbert Lord Ogle, they are fo 
 many, that it is impoflible for me to enume- 
 rate them all, My Lord being by his Mother 
 related to the chief of the moft ancient Fami- 
 lies of Northumberland, and other the Northern 
 parts ; onely this I may mention, that My 
 Lord is a Peer of the Realm, from the firft 
 year of King Edward the Fourth his Reign.
 
 The 
 
 Life of the Moft Illuftrious 
 
 Prince, William Duke of 
 
 Newcaftle. 
 
 THE FOURTH BOOK: 
 
 CONTAINING SEVERAL ESSAYS AND DISCOURSES 
 GATHER'D FROM THE MOUTH OF MY 
 
 NOBLE LORD AND HvSBAND. 
 With fame few Notes of mine own. 
 
 I have heard My Lord fay , 
 
 I. 
 
 HAT thqfe which command the 
 Wealth of a Kingdom, command 
 the hearts and hands of the 
 People. 
 
 ii. 
 
 That He is a great Monarch, who hath a 
 Soveraign Command over Church, Laws and
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 207 
 
 Armes ; and He a wife Monarch, that im- 
 ploys his fubjeils for their own profit, (for 
 their profit is his) encourages Tradefmen, 
 and afiifts and defends Merchants. 
 
 in. 
 
 That it is a part of Prudence in a Com- 
 monwealth or Kingdom to encourage dray- 
 ners ; for drowned Lands are onely fit to 
 maintain and encreafe fome wild Ducks, 
 whereas being drained, they are able to afford 
 nourifhment and food to Cattel, befides the 
 producing of feveral forts of Fruit and Corn. 
 
 IV. 
 
 That without a well order'd force, a Prince 
 doth but reign upon the courtefie of others. 
 
 v. 
 
 That great Princes fhould not fuffer their 
 chief Cities to be ftronger then themfelves. 
 
 VI. 
 
 That great Princes are half-armed, when 
 their fubje6ts are unarmed, unlefs it be in time 
 of Foreign Wars. 
 
 VII. 
 
 That the Prince is richeft, who is Mafter 
 of the Purfe ; and he ftrongeft that is Mafter
 
 208 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 of the Armes ; and he wifeft that can tell how 
 to fave the one, and ufe the other. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 The Great Princes fhould be the onely 
 Pay-Mafters of their Soldiers, and pay them 
 out of their own Treafuries j for all men fol- 
 low the Purfe ; and fo they'l have both the 
 Civil and Martial Power in their hands. 
 
 IX. 
 
 That Great Monarchs fhould rather ftudy 
 men, then Books ; for all affairs or bufmefs 
 are amongft Men. 
 
 x. 
 
 That a Prince fhould advance Foreign 
 Trade or Traffik to the utmoft of his Power, 
 becaufe no State or Kingdom can be Rich 
 without it ; and where Subjects are poor, the 
 Soveraign can have but little. 
 
 XI. 
 
 That Trade and Traffick brings Honey to 
 the Hive ; that is to fay, Riches to the Com- 
 monwealth ; whereas other Profeflions are fo 
 far ffom that, that they rather rob the Com- 
 monwealth, inftead of enriching it.
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 209 
 
 XII. 
 
 That it is not fo much unfeafonable Weather 
 that makes the Countrey complain of Scarcity, 
 but want of Commerce ; for whenfoever 
 Commodities are cheap, it is a fign that 
 Commerce is decayed ; becaufe the cheapnefs 
 of them, mews a fcarcity of money j for 
 example, put the cafe five men came to 
 Market to buy a Horfe, and each of them had 
 no more but ten pounds, the Seller can re- 
 ceive no more then what the Buyer has, but 
 muft content himfelf with thofe ten pounds, 
 if he be neceflitated to fell his Horfe : But if 
 each one of the Buyers had an hundred pounds 
 to lay out for a Horfe, the Seller might receive 
 as much. Thus Commodities are cheap or 
 dear, according to the plenty or fcarcity of 
 money ; and though we had Mynes of Gold 
 and Silver at home, and no Traffick into 
 Foreign parts, yet we mould want neceflaries 
 from other Nations, which proves that no 
 Nation can live or fubfift well, without Foreign 
 Trade and Commerce j for God and Nature 
 have order'd it fo, That no particular Nation 
 is provided with all things.
 
 210 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 XIII. 
 
 That Merchants by carrying out more 
 Commodities then they bring in ; that is to 
 fay, by felling more then they buy, do enrich 
 a State or Kingdom with money, that hath 
 none in its own bowels ; but what Kingdom 
 or State foever hath Mynes of Gold and Silver, 
 there Merchants buy more then they fell, to 
 furnifh and accommodate it with neceffary 
 provifions. 
 
 XIV. 
 
 That debafing, and fetting a higher value 
 'upon money, is but a prefent fhift of poor 
 and needy Princes ; and doth more hurt for 
 the future, then good for the prefent. 
 
 xv. 
 
 That Foraign Commerce caufes frequent 
 Voyages ; and frequent Voyages make fkilful 
 and experienced Seamen, and Skilful Sea men 
 are a Brazen Wall to an Ifland. 
 
 XVI. 
 
 That he is the Powerfulleft Monarch that 
 hath the beft (hipping ; and that a Prince 
 fliould hinder his Neighbours as much as he 
 can, from being ftrong at Sea.
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 211 
 
 XVII. 
 
 That wife States-men ought to underftand 
 the Laws, Cuftomes and Trade of the Com- 
 monwealth, and have good intelligence both 
 of Foraign Tranfa&ions and Defigns, and of 
 Domeftick Factions ; alfo they ought to have 
 a Treafury, and well-furnifhed Magazine. 
 
 XVIII. 
 
 That it is a great matter in a State or King- 
 dom, to take care of the Education of Youth, 
 to breed them fo, that they may know firft 
 how to obey, and then how to command and 
 order affairs wifely. 
 
 XIX. 
 
 That it is great Wifdom in a State, to 
 breed and train up good States-men : As, firft, 
 To let them be fome time at the Univerfities : 
 Next, To put them to the Innes of Court, 
 that they may have fome knowledg of the 
 Laws of the Land ; then to fend them to 
 travel with fome Ambaflador, in the quality of 
 Secretary ; and let them be Agents or Refi- 
 dents in Foraign Countreys. Fourthly, To 
 make them Clerks of the Signet, or Council :
 
 212 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 And laftly, To make them Secretaries of 
 State, or give them fome other Employment 
 in State- Affairs. 
 
 xx. 
 
 That there fhould be more Praying, and 
 lefs Preaching ; for much Preaching breeds 
 Fa6tion ; but much Praying caufes Devotion. 
 
 XXI. 
 
 That young people fhould be frequently 
 Catechifed, and that Wife Men rather then 
 Learned, fhould be chofen heads of Schools 
 and Colledges. 
 
 XXII. 
 
 That the more divifions there are in 
 Church and State, the more trouble and con- 
 fufion is apt to enfue : Wherefore too many 
 Controverfies and Difputes in the one, and 
 too many Law-Cafes and Pleadings in the 
 other ought to be avoided and fupprefled. 
 
 XXIII. 
 
 That Difputes and Factions amongft Statef- 
 men, are fore-runners of future diforders, if 
 not total ruines.
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 213 
 
 XXIV. 
 
 That all Books of Controverfies fhould be 
 writ in Latin, that none but the Learned may 
 read them, and that there fhould be no Dif- 
 putations but in Schools, left it breed Factions 
 amongft the Vulgar ; for Difputations and 
 Controverfies are a kind of Civil War, main- 
 tained by the Pen, and often draw out the 
 fword foon after : Alfo that all Prayer-Books 
 fhould be writ in the native Language ; that 
 Excommunications fhould not be too frequent 
 for every little and petty trefpafs ; that every 
 Clergy-man fhould be kind and loving to his 
 Parifhioners, not proud and quarrelfome. 
 
 xxv. 
 
 That Ceremony is nothing in it felf, and 
 yet doth every thing j for without Ceremony 
 there would be no diftin&ion neither in 
 Church nor State. 
 
 XXVI. 
 
 That Orders and Profefiions ought not to 
 entrench upon each other, left in time they 
 make a confufion amongft themfelves.
 
 2i 4 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 XXVII. 
 
 That in a Well-ordered State or Govern- 
 ment, care fhould be taken left any degree or 
 profeflion whatfoever fwell too big, or grow 
 too numerous, it being not onely a hinderance 
 to thofe of the fame profeflion, but a burden to 
 the Commonwealth, which cannot be well if 
 it exceeds in extreams. 
 
 XXVIII. 
 
 That the Taxes fhould not be above the 
 riches of the Commonwealth, for that muft 
 upon neceflity breed Factions and Civil Wars, 
 by reafon a general poverty united, is far 
 more dangerous then a private Purfe ; for 
 though their Wealth be fmall, yet their Unity 
 and Combination makes them ftrong ; fo that 
 being armed with neceflity, they become out- 
 ragious with defpair. 
 
 XXIX. 
 
 That Heavy Taxes upon Farmes, ruine 
 the Nobility and Gentry ; for if the Tenant 
 be poor, the Landlord cannot be rich, he 
 having nothing but his Rents to live on.
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 215 
 
 xxx. 
 
 That it is not fo much Laws and Religion, 
 nor Rhetorick, that keeps a State or Kingdom 
 in order, but Armes ; which if they be not 
 imploy'd to an evil ufe, keep up the right and 
 priviledges both of Crown, Church and State. 
 
 XXXI. 
 
 That no equivocations fhould be ufed either 
 in Church or Law ; for the one caufes feveral 
 Opinions to the difturbance of mens Con- 
 fciences ; the other long and tedious Suits, to 
 the difturbance of mens private Affairs ; and 
 both do oftentimes ruine and impoverifh the 
 State. 
 
 XXXII. 
 
 That in Cafes of Robberies and Murthers, 
 it is better to be fevere, then merciful ; for 
 the hanging of a few, will fave the lives and 
 Purfes of many. 
 
 XXXIII. 
 
 That many Laws do rather entrap, then 
 help the fubjedt. 
 
 xxxiv. 
 
 That no Martial Law fhould be executed, 
 but in an Army.
 
 216 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 xxxv. 
 
 That the Sheriffs in this Kingdom of Eng- 
 land have been fo expenfive in Liveries and 
 Entertainments in the time of their Sheri- 
 falty, as it hath ruined many Families that 
 had but indifferent Eftates. 
 
 XXXVI. 
 
 That the cutting down of Timber in the 
 time of Rebellion, has been an ineftimable 
 lofs to this Kingdom, by reafon of Shipping ; 
 for though Timber might be had out of 
 Foreign Countries that would ferve for the 
 building of Ships, yet there is none of fuch a 
 temper as our Englijh Oak ; it being not 
 onely ftrong and large, but not apt to fplint, 
 which renders the Ships of other Nations 
 much inferior to ours ; and that therefore it 
 would be very beneficial for the Kingdom, to 
 fet out fome Lands for the bearing of fuch 
 Oaks, by fowing of Acorns, and then tranf- 
 planting them ; which would be like a Store- 
 houfe for (hipping, and bring an incomparable 
 benefit to the Kingdom, fince in Shipping
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 217 
 
 confifts our greateft ftrength, they being 'the 
 onely Walls that defend an Ifland. 1 
 
 XXXVII. 
 
 That the Nobility and Gentry in this 
 Kingdom, have done themfelves a great in- 
 jury, by giving away (out of a petty pride) to 
 the Commonalty, the power of being Juries 
 and Juftices of Peace ; for certainly they 
 cannot but underftand, that that muft of 
 neceflity be an a6t of great Confequence and 
 Power, which concerns mens Lives, Lands 
 and Eftates. 
 
 XXXVIII. 
 
 That it is no at of Prudence to make poor 
 and mean perfons Governours or Commanders, 
 either by Land or Sea ; by reafon their poverty 
 
 1 This is the firft allufion I have met with to the 
 " Wooden Walls of Old England." Of all the oak 
 grown in this country, the Suflex oak was accounted 
 the tougheft and beft. For ftatements refpefting the 
 almoft wanton definition of the forefts and woods of 
 that county, fee ray " Contributions to Literature," 
 pp. 115-119. I wifti the Duke's fuggeftion of fowing 
 acorns would be a&ed upon by our great landed pro- 
 prietors ; for if they did not peifonally derive benefit, 
 their fucceflbrs would furely do fo.
 
 ai8 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 caufes them to take Bribes, and fo betray their 
 Truft ; at beft, they are apt to extort, which 
 is a great grievance to the people ; befides, it 
 breeds envy in the Nobility and Gentry, who 
 by that means rife into Factions, and caufe 
 difturbances in a State or Commonwealth : 
 Wherefore the beft way is to chufe Rich and 
 Honourable Perfons, (or at leaft, Gentlemen) 
 for fuch Employments, who efteem Fame and 
 Honourable Actions, above their Lives ; and 
 if they want fkill, they muft get fuch under- 
 Officers as have more then themfelves, to in- 
 ftrud} them. 
 
 xxxix. 
 
 That great Princes fhould confider, before 
 they make War againft Foreign Nations, 
 whether they be able to maintain it ; for if 
 they be not able, then it is better to fubmit 
 to an honourable Peace, then to make Warr 
 to their great difadvantage ; but if they be 
 able to maintain Warr, then they'l force (in 
 time) their Enemies to fubmit and yeild to 
 what Tearms and Conditions they pleafe. 
 
 XL. 
 That, when a State or Government is en-
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 219 
 
 fnarled and troubled, it is more eafie to raife 
 the common people to a Factious Mutiny, 
 then to draw them to a Loyal Duty. 
 
 XLI. 
 
 That in a Kingdom where Subje&s are 
 apt to rebel, no Offices or Commands fhould 
 be fold ; for thofe that buy, will not onely ufe 
 extortion, and practice unjuft wayes to make 
 out their purchafe, but be ableft to rebel, by 
 reafon they are more for private gain, then 
 the publick good ; for it is probable their 
 Principles are like their Purchafes. 
 
 But, that all Magiftrates, Officers, Com- 
 manders, Heads and Rulers, in what Profef- 
 fion foever, both in Church and State, fhould 
 be chofen according to their Abilities, Wif- 
 dom, Courage, Piety, Juftice, Honefty and 
 Loyalty ; and then they'l mind the public 
 Good, more then their particular Intereft. 
 
 XLII. 
 
 That thofe which have Politick Defigns, 
 are for the moft part diftioneft, by reafon 
 their Defigns tend more to Intereft, then 
 Juftice.
 
 2io THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 XLIII. 
 
 That Great Princes fhould onely have 
 Great, Noble and Rich Perfons to attend 
 them, whofe Purfes and Power may alwayes 
 be ready to aflift them. 
 
 XLIV. 
 
 That a Poor Nobility is apt to be Factious ; 
 and a Numerous Nobility is a burden to a 
 Commonwealth. 
 
 XLV. 
 
 That in a Monarchical Government, to be 
 for the King, is to be for the Commonwealth ; 
 for when Head and Body are divided, the Life 
 of Happinefs dies, and the Soul of Peace is 
 departed. 
 
 XLVI. 
 
 That, as it is a great Error in a State 
 to have all Affairs put into Gazettes, (for it 
 over-heats the peoples brains, and makes them 
 negledt their private Affairs, by over-bufying 
 themfelves with State-bufinefs;) fo it is great 
 Wifdom for a Council of State to have good 
 Intelligences (although they be bought with 
 great Coft and Charges) as well of Domeftick,
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 221 
 
 as Foreign Affairs and Tranfa<tions, and to 
 keep them in private for the benefit of the 
 Commonwealth. 
 
 XLVII. 
 
 That there is no better Policy for a Prince 
 to pleafe his People, then to have many Holy- 
 dayes for their eafe, and order feveral Sports 
 and Paftimes for their Recreation, and to be 
 himfelf fometime Spectator thereof; by which 
 means he'l not onely gain love and refpecl from 
 the people, but bufie their minds in harmlefs 
 actions, fweeten their Natures, and hinder 
 them from Fa6Hous Defigns. 
 
 XLVIH. 
 
 That it is more difficult and dangerous for 
 a Prince or Commander to raife an Army in 
 fuch a time when the Countrey is embroiled 
 in a Civil Warr, then to lead out an Army to 
 fight a Battel ; for when an Army is raifed, 
 he hath ftrength ; but in raifing it, he hath 
 none. 
 
 XLIX. 
 
 That good Commanders, and experienced 
 Soldiers, are like fldlfull Fencers, who defend
 
 2zi THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 with Prudence, and aflault with Courage, and 
 kill their Enemies by Art, not trufting their 
 Lives to Chance or Fortune ; for as a little 
 man with fkill, may eafily kill an ignorant 
 Giant ; fo a fmall Army that hath experienced 
 Commanders, may eafily overcome a great 
 Army that hath none. 
 
 L. 
 
 That Gallant men having no employment 
 for Heroick Actions, become lazy, as hating 
 any other bufinefs ; whereas Cowards and 
 bafe perfons are onely a6Hve and ftirring in 
 times of Peace, working ill defigns to breed 
 Factions, and caufe difturbances in a Com- 
 mon-wealth. 
 
 LI. 
 
 That there have been many Queftions and 
 Difputes concerning the Governments of 
 Princes ; as, Whether they ought to govern 
 by Love, or Fear ? But the beft way of 
 Government is, and has alwayes been by juft 
 Rewards and Punifhments j for that State 
 which cannot tell how and when to punifh 
 and reward, does not know how to govern, 
 by reafon all the World is governed that way.
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 223 
 
 LII. 
 
 That if the ancient Britain* had had fkill, 
 according to their Courage, they might have 
 conquer 'd all the World, as the Romans did. 
 
 LIII. 
 
 That it would be very beneficial for great 
 Princes to be fometimes prefent in Courts of 
 Judicature, to examine the Caufes of their 
 poor Subjects, and find out the Extortions and 
 Corruptions of Magiftrates and Officers ; by 
 which glorious Acl: they would gain much 
 Love and Fame from the People. 
 
 LIV. 
 
 That it would be very advantagious for 
 Subjects, and not in the lead prejudicial to 
 the Soveraign, to have a general Regifter in 
 every County, for the Entry of all manner of 
 Deeds, and Conveyance of Land between 
 party and party, and Offices of Record ; for 
 by this means, whofoever buyes, would fee 
 clearly what Intereft and Title there is in 
 any Land he intends to purchafe, whereby 
 he (hall be aflur'd that the Sale made to him 
 is good and firm, and prevent many Law- 
 fuits touching the Title of his Purchafe.
 
 422 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 LV. 
 
 That there fhould be a Limitation for Law- 
 Suits ; and that the longeft Suit fhould not 
 laft above two Tearms, at length not above 
 a Year ; which would certainly be a great 
 benefit to the Subjects in general, though not 
 to Lawyers ; and though fome Polititians 
 objedt, That the more the people is bufie 
 about their private Affairs, the lefs time have 
 they to make difturbance in the publick ; yet 
 this is but a weak Argument, fmce Law- 
 fuits are as apt to breed Factions, as any thing 
 elfe ; for they bring people into poverty, that 
 they know not how to live, which muft of 
 neceflity breed difcontent, and put them upon 
 ill defigns. 
 
 LVI. 
 
 That Power, for the moft part, does more 
 then Wifdom ; for Fools with Power, feem 
 wife ; whereas wife men, without Power, 
 feem Fools ; and this is the reafon that the 
 World takes Power for Wifdom ; and the 
 want of Power for Foolimnefs.
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 225 
 
 LVII. 
 
 That a valiant man will not refufe an 
 honourable Duel ; nor a wife man fight upon 
 a Fools Quarrel. 
 
 LVIII. 
 
 That men are apt to find fault with each 
 other's actions ; believing they prove them- 
 felves wife in finding fault with their Neigh- 
 bours. 
 
 LIX. 
 
 That a wife man will draw feveral occa- 
 fions to the point of his defign, as a Burning- 
 Glafs doth the feveral beams of the Sun. 
 
 LX. 
 
 That although actions may be prudently 
 defigned, and valiantly performed ; yet none 
 can warrant the ifTue ; for Fortune is more 
 powerful then Prudence, and had Ctefar not 
 been fortunate, his Valour and Prudence 
 would never have gained him fo much ap- 
 plaufe. 
 
 LXI. 
 
 That ill Fortune, makes wife and honeft 
 men feem Fools and Knaves j but good
 
 226 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 Fortune makes Fools and Knaves feem wife 
 and honeft men. 
 
 LXII. 
 
 That ill Fortune doth oftner fucceed good, 
 then good Fortune fucceeds ill ; for thofe that 
 have ill Fortune, do not fo eafily recover it, 
 as thofe that have good Fortune are apt to 
 lofe it. 
 
 LXJII. 
 
 That he had obferved, That feldom any 
 perfon did laugh, but it was at the follies or 
 misfortunes of other men ; by which we may 
 judg of their good natures. 
 
 LXIV. 
 
 I have heard my Lord fay, That when he 
 was in Banilhment, He had nothing left him, 
 but a clear Confcience, by which he had and 
 did ftill conquer all the Armies of misfortunes 
 that ever feized upon him. 
 
 LXV. 
 
 Alfo I have heard him fay, That he was 
 never beholding to Lady Fortune ; for he had 
 fuffered on both fides, although he never was 
 but on one fide.
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. ^^^ 
 
 LXVI. 
 
 I have heard him fay, That his Father one 
 time, upon fome difcourfe of expences, fhould 
 tell him, It was but juft that every man Jhould 
 have bis time. 
 
 LXVII. 
 
 I have heard my Lord fay, That bold 
 foliciting and intruding men, fliall gain more 
 by their importunate Petitions, then modeft 
 honeft men fhall get by filence (as being loath 
 to offend, or be too troublefome) both in the 
 manner and matter of their requefts : The 
 reafon is, faid he, That Great Princes will 
 rather grant fometimes an unreafonable fuit, 
 then be tired with frequent Petitions, and 
 hindered from their ordinary Pleafures ; And 
 when I afked my Lord, whether the Grants 
 of fuch importunate fuits were fitly and pro- 
 perly placed ? He anfwered, Not fo well as 
 thofe that are placed upon due confideration, 
 and upon trial and proof. 
 
 LXVIII. 
 
 I have heard my Lord fay, That it is a 
 great Error, and weak Policy in a State, to
 
 228 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 advance their Enemies, and endeavour to 
 make them friends by bribing them with 
 Honours and Offices, faying, They are 
 fhrewd men, and may do the State much 
 hurt : And on the other fide, to neglect their 
 Friends, and thofe that have done them great 
 fervice, faying, they are Honeft men, and 
 mean the State no harm : For this kind of 
 Policy comes from the Heathen, who pray'd 
 to the Devil, and not to God, by reafon they 
 fuppofed God was Good, and would hurt no 
 Creature ; but the Devil they flatter'd and 
 wprfhipp'd out of fear, left he fhould hurt 
 them : But by this foolifti Policy, faid he, 
 they moft commonly encreafe their Enemies, 
 and lofe their Friends ; for firft, it teaches men 
 to obferve, that the onely way to Preferment, 
 is to be againft the State or Government: 
 Next, Since all that are Factious, cannot be 
 rewarded or preferr'd, by reafon a State hath 
 more Subjects, then Rewards or Preferments, 
 there muft of neceflity be numerous Enemies ; 
 for when their hopes of Reward fail them, 
 they grow more Factious and Inveterate then 
 ever they were at firft : Wherefore the beft 
 Policy in a State or Government, faid my
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 229 
 
 Lord, is to reward Friends, and punifh 
 Enemies, and prefer the Honeft before the 
 Factious ; and then all will be real Friends, 
 and prefer their honeft fervice, either out of 
 pure Love and Loyalty, or in hopes of 
 Advancement, feeing there is none but by 
 ferving the State. 
 
 LXIX. 
 
 I have heard him fay feveral times, That 
 his love to his gracious Matter King Charles 
 the Second, was above the love he bore to his 
 Wife, Children, and all his Pofterity, nay 
 to his own life : And when, fince His Return 
 into England, I anfwer'd him, That I ob- 
 ferved His Gracious Mafter did not love him 
 fo well as he lov'd Him ; he replied, That he 
 cared not whether His Majefty lov'd him 
 again or not ; for he was refolved to love 
 him. 
 
 LXX. 
 
 I afking my Lord one time, What kind 
 of Fate it was, that reftored our Gracious 
 King, Charles the Second, to His Throne ? He 
 anfwer'd, It was a blefled kind of Fate. I 
 replied, That I had obferved a perfect con-
 
 2 3 o THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 trariety between the Fortunes of His Royal 
 Father, of blefled memory, and Him j for as 
 there was a divifion amongft the generality of 
 the people, in the Reign of King Charles the 
 Firft, tending to His Deftru6Hon ; fo there 
 was a general Combination and Agreement 
 between them in King Charles the Second 
 His Reftauration ; and as there was a general 
 malice amongft the people againft the Father 
 to Depofe Him ; fo there was a general Love 
 for the Son to Enthrone Him. My Lord 
 anfwer'd, I had obferved fomething, but not 
 all ; for, faid he, there was a Neceflity for 
 the people to defire and Reftore King Charles 
 the Second ; but there was no Neceflity to 
 Murder King Charles the Firft. For the 
 Kingdom being through fo many Alterations 
 and Changes of Government, divided into 
 feveral Factions and Parties, was at laft 
 hurried into fuch a Confufion, that it was 
 impoflible in that manner to fubfift, or hold 
 out any longer; Which Confufion having 
 opened the Peoples Eyes, the generality being 
 tyred with the evil effects and confequences 
 of their unfetled Governments under unjuft 
 Ufurpers, and frightned with the apprehen-
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 231 
 
 fion of future dangers, began to call to mind 
 the happy Times, when in an uninterrupted 
 Peace they enjoyed their own, under the 
 happy Reign of their Lawful Soveraigns ; and 
 hereupon with an unanimous confent Re- 
 call'd and Reftor'd our now gracious King ; 
 which, although it was oppofed by fome 
 Factious Parties, yet the generality of the 
 people outweigh'd the reft ; neither was the 
 Royal Party wanting in their endeavours. 
 
 LXXI. 
 
 Afkingmy Lord one time, Whether it was 
 eafie or difficult to govern a State or King- 
 dom ? He anfwer'd me, That moft States 
 were govern'd by fecret Policy, and fo with 
 difficulty ; for thofe that govern, are (at leaft, 
 fhould be) wifer then the State or Common- 
 wealth they govern. I replied, That in my 
 opinion, a State was eafily govern'd, if their 
 Government was like unto God's ; that is to 
 fay, If Governours did Reward and Punifh 
 according to the defert. My Lord anfwer'd, 
 I faid well ; but he added, the Follies of the 
 People are many times too hard for the 
 Prudence of the Governour ; like as the fins
 
 2 3 * THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 of men work more evil effe&s in them, then 
 the Grace of God works good ; for if this 
 were not, there would be more good then 
 bad, which, alas, Experience proves other- 
 wife. 
 
 LXXII. 
 
 Some Gentlemen making a complaint to 
 my Lord, That fome he employed in His 
 Majefty's Affairs, were too hafty and over- 
 bufie. My Lord told them, That he would 
 rather chufe fuch perfons for His Majefties 
 fervice as were over- active, then fuch that 
 would be fuller of Queftions then Actions. 
 The fame he would do for his own particular 
 affairs. 
 
 LXXIII. 
 
 Some condemning My Lord for having 
 Roman-Catbolicks and Scots in His Army ; He 
 anfwered them, that he did not examine their 
 Opinions in Religion, but look'd more upon 
 their Honefty and Duty ; for certainly there 
 were honeft men and loyal Subjects amongft 
 Roman Catbolicks^ as well as Proteftants ; and 
 amongft Scots as well as Engli/h. Neverthe- 
 lefs, my Lord, as he was for the King, fo he
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 233 
 
 was alfo for the Orthodox Church of England, 
 as fufficiently appears by the care he took in 
 ordering the Church-Government, mentioned 
 in the Hiftory. To which purpofe, when 
 my Lord was walking one time with fome of 
 His Officers in the Church at Durham^ and 
 wonder'd at the greatnefs and ftrength of the 
 Pillars that fupported that ftruclure ; My 
 Brother, Sir Charles Lucas, who was then 
 with him, told my Lord, that he muft confefs, 
 thofe Pillars were very great, and of a vaft 
 ftrength ; But faid he, Your Lordfhip is a far 
 greater Pillar of the Church then all thefe : 
 Which certainly was alfo a real truth, and 
 would have more evidently appear'd, had 
 P^ortune favour'd my Lord more then fhe 
 did. 
 
 LXXIV. 
 
 My Lord being in Banimment, I told him, 
 that he was happy in his misfortunes, for he 
 was not fubjecT: to any State or Prince. To 
 which he jeftingly anfwer'd, That as he was 
 fubjet to no Prince, fo he was a Prince of no 
 Subjects. 
 
 LXXV. 
 
 In fome Difcourfe which I had with my
 
 234- THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 Lord concerning Princes and their Sujecls ; 
 I declared that I had obferved Great Princes 
 were not like the Sun, which fends forth out 
 of it felf Rays of Light, and Beams of Heat ; 
 effedls that did both glorifie the Sun, and 
 nourifh and comfort fublunary Creatures; but 
 their glory and fplendor proceeded rather from 
 the Ceremony which they received from their 
 fubje&s. To which my Lord anfwer'd, 
 That Subjects were fo far from giving fplendor 
 to their Princes, that all the Honours and 
 Titles, in which confifts the chief fplendor of 
 a fubje6t, were principally derived from them ; 
 for, faid he, were there no Princes, there 
 would be none to confer Honours and Titles 
 upon them. 
 
 LXXVI. 
 
 My Lord entertaining one time fome 
 Gentlemen with a merry Difcourfe, told them, 
 that he would not keep them Company except 
 they had done and fufferd as much for their 
 King and Country as he had. They anfwer'd, 
 That they had not a power anfwerable to my 
 Lords. My Lord replied, They fhould do 
 their endeavour according to their Abilities :
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 235 
 
 No, faid they, if we did, we {hould be like 
 your Self, lofe all, and get but little for our 
 pains. 
 
 LXXVII. 
 
 I being much grieved that my Lord for his 
 loyalty and honeft Service, had fo many 
 Enemies, ufed fometimes to fpeak fomewhat 
 fharply of them ; but he gently reproving me, 
 faid, / Jhould do like experienced Sea-men, and 
 as they either turn their Sails with the wind, 
 or take them down ; fo Jhould I either comply with 
 Time, or abate my PaJJion. 
 
 LXXVIII. 
 
 A Soldiers Wife, whofe Hufband had been 
 (lain in my Lord's Army, came one time to beg 
 fome relief of my Lord ; who told her, That 
 he was not able to relieve all that had been 
 loyal to His Majefty ; for faid he, My lofles 
 are fo many, that if I fhould give away the 
 remainder of my Eftate, my Wife and Children 
 would have nothing to live on : She anfwer'd, 
 That His Majefty's Enemies were preferr'd 
 to great Honours, and had much Wealth : 
 Then it is a fign (replied my Lord) that your 
 Hufband and I were Honeft Men.
 
 236 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 LXXIX. 
 
 A Friend of my Lord's, complaining that he 
 had done the State much Service, but received 
 little Reward for it ; my Lord anfwer'd him, 
 That States did not ufually reward paft Ser- 
 vices ; but if he could do fome prefent Ser- 
 vice, he might perhaps get fomething ; but 
 (faid he) thofe men are wifeft that will be 
 paid before-hand. 
 
 LXXX. 
 
 I obferving that in the late Civil Warrs, 
 many were defirous to be employed in States 
 Affairs, and at the noife of Warr, endeavoured 
 to be Commanders, though but of fmall 
 Parties, afked my Lord the reafon thereof, 
 and what advantage they could make by their 
 Employments ? My Lord fmilingly anfwer'd, 
 That for the generality, he knew not what* 
 they could get, but danger, lofs and labour 
 for their pains. Then I afk'd him, Whether 
 Generals of Great Armies were ever enriched 
 by their Heroick Exploits, and great Victories? 
 My Lord anfwer'd, That ordinary Com- 
 manders gained more, and were better re- 
 warded then great Generals. To which I
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 237 
 
 added, That I had obferv'd the fame in Hif- 
 tories, namely, That Men of great Merit and 
 Power, had not onely no Rewards, but were 
 either found fault withall, or laid afide when 
 they had no more bufmefs or employment for 
 them ; and that I could not conceive any 
 reafon for it, but that States were afraid of 
 their Power : My Lord anfwer'd, The reafon 
 was, That it was far more eafie to reward 
 Under-Officers, then Great Commanders. 
 
 LXXXI. 
 
 My Lord having fince the Return from his 
 Banifhment, fet up a Race of Horfes, inftead 
 of thofe he loft by the Warrs, ufes often to 
 ride through his Park to fee his Breed. One 
 time it chanced when he went thorough it, 
 that he efpied fome labouring-men fawing of 
 Woods that were blown down by the Wind, 
 for fome particular ufes ; at which my Lord 
 turning to his Attendants, faid, That he had 
 been at that Work a great part of his life. 
 They not knowing what my Lord meant, 
 but thinking he jefted ; I fpeak very ferioufly, 
 (added he) and not in jeft ; for you fee that 
 this Tree which is blown down by the Wind,
 
 2 3 8 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 although it was found and ftrong, yet it could 
 not withftand its force ; and now it is down, 
 it muft be cut in pieces, and made ferviceable 
 for feveral ufes ; whereof fome will ferve for 
 Building, fome for Paling, fome for Firing, 
 &c. In the like manner, faid he, have I been 
 cut down by the Lady Fortune ; and being 
 not able to refift fo Powerful a Princefs, I 
 have been forced to make the beft ufe of my 
 Misfortunes, as the Chips of my Eftate. 
 
 LXXXII. 
 
 My Lord difcourfing one time with fome 
 of his Friends, of judging of other mens 
 Natures, Difpofitions and Actions; and fome 
 obferving that men could not poflibly know 
 or judg of them, the events of mens actions 
 falling out oftentimes contrary to their inten- 
 tions ; fo that where they hit once, they fail'd 
 twenty times in their Judgments. My Lord 
 anfwer'd, That his Judgment in that point 
 feldom did mifs, although he thought it weaker 
 then theirs : The reafon is, faid he, Becaufe 
 I judg moft men to be like my felf ; that is to 
 fay, Fools ; when as you do judg them all 
 according to your felf, that is, Wife men;
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 239 
 
 and fince there are more Fools in the World 
 then Wife men, I may fooner guefs right 
 then you: for though my judgment roves at 
 random, yet it cart never mifs of Errors ; which 
 yours will never do, except you can dive into 
 other mens Follies by the length of your own 
 line, and found their bottom by the weight of 
 your own Plummet, for the depth of Folly is 
 beyond the line of Wifdom. 
 
 Befides, faid he, You believe that other 
 men would do as you would have them, or as 
 you would do to them ; wherein you are 
 miftaken, for moft men do the contrary. In 
 fhort, Folly is bottomlefs, and hath no end ; 
 but Wifdom hath bounds to all her defigns, 
 otherwife (he would never compafs them. 
 
 LXXXIII. 
 
 My Lord difcourfing fome time with a 
 Learned Doctor of Divinity concerning 
 Faith, faid, That in his opinion, the wifeft 
 way for a man, was to have as little Faith as 
 he could for this World, and as much as he 
 could for the next World. 
 
 LXXXIV. 
 
 In fome Difcourfe with my Lord, I told him
 
 240 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 
 
 that I did fpeak fharpeft to thofe I loved beft. 
 To which he jeftingly anfwered, That if fo, 
 then he would not have me love him beft. 
 
 LXXXV. 
 
 After my Lords return from a long Banifh- 
 ment, when he had been in the Countrey 
 fome time, and endeavoured to pick up fome 
 Gleanings of his ruined Eftate , it chanced 
 that the Widow of Charles Lord Mansfield, 
 My Lords Eldeft Son, afterwards Duchefs of 
 Richmond^ to whom the faid Lord of jManp~ 
 field had made a joynture of 2000!. a Year, 
 died not long after her fecond marriage ; for 
 whofe death, though My Lord was heartily 
 forry, and would willingly have loft the faid 
 Money, had it been able to fave her life ; Yet 
 difcourfing one time merrily with his Friends, 
 was pleafed to fay, That though his Earthly 
 King and Matter feem'd to have forgot him, 
 yet the King of Heaven had remembred him, 
 for he had given him 2000!. a Year.
 
 Some Few Notes of the 
 Authorefle. 
 
 i. 
 
 T was far more difficult in the 
 late Civil Wars, for my Lord 
 to raife an Army for His Ma- 
 jefties Service, then it was for 
 the Parliament to raife an Army againft His 
 Majefty : Not onely becaufe the Parliament 
 were many, and my Lord but one fingle 
 Perfon ; but by reafon a Kingly or Monar- 
 chical Government was then generally dif- 
 liked, and moft part of the Kingdom proved 
 Rebellious, and affifted the Parliament either 
 with their Purfes or Perfons, or both ; when 
 as the Army which my Lord raifed for the 
 defence and maintenance of the King, and 
 R
 
 242 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 his Rights, was raifed moft upon his own and 
 his Friends Intereft : For it is frequently 
 feen and known by woful Experience, that 
 rebellious and fa&ious Parties do more fud- 
 denly and numeroufly flock together to a6t a 
 mifchievous defign, then loyal and honeft 
 men to affift or maintain a juft Caufe; and 
 certainly 'tis much to be lamented, that evil 
 men fhould be more induftrious and profper- 
 ous then good, and that the Wicked fhould 
 have a more defperate Courage, then the 
 Virtuous, an acStive Valour. 
 
 ii. 
 
 I have obferved, That many by flattering 
 Poets, have been compared to Cafar, without 
 defert j but this I dare freely and without 
 flattery fay of my Lord, That though he had 
 not Ccefars Fortune, yet he wanted not Ccefars 
 Courage, nor his Prudence, nor his good 
 Nature, nor his Wit ; Nay, in fome particu- 
 lars he did more then Ceefar ever did ; for 
 though Ccsfar had a great Army, yet he was 
 nrft fet ont by the State or Senators of Rome, 
 who were Mafters almoft of all the World ; 
 when as my Lord raifed his Army (as before
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 243 
 
 is mentioned) moft upon his own Intereft (he 
 having many Friends and Kindred in the 
 Northern parts) at fuch a time when his 
 Gracious King and Soveraign was then not 
 Mafter of his own Kingdoms, He being over- 
 power'd by his rebellious Subjects. 
 
 in. 
 
 I have obferved, That my Noble Lord has 
 always had an averfion to that kind of Policy, 
 that now is commonly pratifed in the world, 
 which in plain tearms is Diflembling, Flattery 
 and Cheating, under the cover of Honefty, 
 Love and Kindnefs : But I have heard him 
 fay, that the beft Policy is to at juftly, 
 honeftly and wifely, and to fpeak truly ; and 
 that the old Proverb is true ; To be ^vlfe is to 
 be hone/1 : For, faid he, That man of what 
 Condition, Quality or Profeflion foever, that 
 is once found out to deceive either in words 
 or actions, fhall never be trufted again by wife 
 and honeft men. But, faid he, A wife man 
 is not bound to take notice of all Diflem- 
 blers, and their cheating Actions, if they do 
 not concern him j nay, even of thofe he 
 would not always take notice, but chufe his
 
 244 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 time ; for the chief part of a wife man is to 
 time bufmefs well, and to do it without 
 Partiality and Paflion. But, faid he, The 
 folly of the world is fo great, that one honeft 
 and wife man may be overpowred by many 
 Knaves and Fools ; and if fo, then the onely 
 benefit of a wife man confifts in the fatif- 
 fa&ion he finds by his honeft and wife 
 alions, and that he has done what in Con- 
 fcience, Honour and Duty he ought to do ; 
 and all fucceflbrs of fuch worthy Perfons 
 ought to be more fatisfied in the worth and 
 merit of their Predeceflburs, then in their 
 Title and Riches. 
 
 IV. 
 
 I have heard that fome noble Gentleman, 
 (who was fervant to His Highnefs then 
 Prince of Wales^ our now Gracious Sove- 
 raign, when my Lord was Governour) fhould 
 relate, that whenfoever my Lord by his 
 prudent infpe&ion and forefight did foretell 
 what would come to pafs hereafter \ it 
 feemed fo improbable to him, that both him- 
 felf and fome others believed my Lord fpoke 
 extravagantly : But fome few years after, his
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 24.5 
 
 predictions proved true, and the event did 
 confirm what his Prudence had obferved. 
 
 v. 
 
 I have heard, That in our late Civil Warres 
 there were many petty Skirmifties, and Forti- 
 fications of weak and inconfiderable Houfes, 
 where fome fmall Parties would be {hooting 
 and pottering at each other ; an a6lion more 
 proper for Bandites or Thieves, then flout 
 and valiant Soldiers ; for I have heard my 
 Lord fay, That fuch fmall Parties divide the 
 Body of an Army, and by that means weaken 
 it ; whereas the bufinefs might be much 
 eafier decided in one or two Battels, with 
 lefs ruine both to the Country and Army : 
 For I have heard my Lord fay, That as it 
 is dangerous to divide a Limb from the Body ; 
 fo it is alfo dangerous to divide Armies or 
 Navies in time of Warr ; and there are 
 often more menloft in fuch petty Skirmifhes, 
 then in fet-Battels, by reafon thofe happen 
 almoft every day, nay every hour in feveral 
 places. 
 
 VI. 
 
 Many in our late Civil-Warres, had more 
 Title then Power ; for though they were
 
 246 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 Generals, or chief Commanders, yet their 
 Forces were more like a Brigade, then a well- 
 formed Army ; and their actions were ac- 
 cordingly, not fet-battels, but petty Skirmifhes 
 between fmall Parties ; for there were no 
 great Battels fought, but by my Lord's Army, 
 his being the greateft and beft-formed Army 
 which His Majefty had. 
 
 VII. 
 
 Although I have obferved, That it is a ufual 
 Cuftom of the World, to glorifie the prefent 
 Power and good Fortune, and vilifie ill For- 
 tune and low conditions j yet I never heard 
 that my Noble Lord was ever neglected by 
 the generality ; but was on the contrary, 
 alwayes efteemed and praifed by all ; for he is 
 truly an Honeft and Honourable man, and 
 one that may be relied upon both for Truft 
 and Truth. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 I have obferved, That many inftead of great 
 Actions, make onely a great Noife, and like 
 {hallow Fords, or empty Bladders, found moft 
 when there is leaft in them ; which exprefles 
 a flattering Partiality, rather then Honefty
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 247 
 
 and Truth ; for Truth and Honefty lye at the 
 bottom; and have more Adion then Shew. 
 
 IX. 
 
 I have obferved, That good Fortune adds 
 Fame to mean Actions, when as ill Fortune 
 darkens the fplendor of the moft meritorious ; 
 for mean Perfons plyed with good Fortune, 
 are more famous then Noble Perfons that are 
 fliadowed or darkned with ill Fortune ; fo that 
 Fortune, for the moft part, is Fame's 
 Champion. 
 
 x. 
 
 I obferve, That as it would be a grief to 
 covetous and miferable perfons, to be rewarded 
 with Honour, rather then with Wealth, be- 
 caufe they love Wealth, before Honour and 
 Fame ; fo on the other fide, Noble, Heroick 
 and Meritorious Perfons, prefer Honour and 
 Fame before Wealth ; well knowing, That 
 as Infamy is the greateft Punifhment of un- 
 worthinefs, fo Fame and Honour is the beil 
 Reward of worth and merit. 
 
 XII. 
 
 I obferve, that fpleen and malice, efpecially 
 in this age, is grown to that height, that none
 
 248 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM 
 
 will endure the praife of any body befides 
 themfelves ; nay, they'l rather praife the 
 wicked then the good ; the Coward rather 
 then the Valiant ; the Miferable then the 
 Generous ; the Traytor, then the Loyal : 
 which makes Wife men meddle as little with 
 the Affairs of the world as ever they can. 
 
 XIII. 
 
 I have obferved, as well as former Ages 
 have done, That Meritorious perfons, for 
 their noble actions, moft commonly get Envy 
 and Reproach, inftead of Praife and Reward ; 
 unlefs their Fortunes be above Envy, as 
 Cfsfar's and Alexander's were ; But had thefe 
 two Worthies been as Unfortunate as they 
 were Fortunate, they would have been as 
 much vilified, as they are glorified. 
 
 XIV. 
 
 I have obferved, that it is more eafie to 
 talk, then to at; to forget, then to remember; 
 to punifh, then to reward ; and more common 
 to prefer Flattery before Truth, Intereft be- 
 fore Juftice, and prefent fervice before paft.
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 249 
 
 XV. 
 
 I have obferved, that many old Proverbs 
 are very true, and amongft the reft, this : It 
 is better to be at the latter end of a Feaft, 
 then at the beginning of a Fray; for moft 
 commonly, thofe that are in the beginning of 
 a Fray, get but little of the Feaft ; and thofe 
 that have undergone the greateft dangers, have 
 leaft of the fpoils. 
 
 XVI. 
 
 I have obferved, That Favours of Great 
 Princes make men often thought Meritorious; 
 whereas without them, they would be efteemed 
 but as ordinary Perfons. 
 
 XVII. 
 
 I obferve, That in other Kingdoms or 
 Countries, to be the chief Governour of a 
 Province, is not onely a place of Honour, but 
 much Profit ; for they have a great Revenue 
 to themfelves ; whereas in England, the 
 Lieutenancy of a County is barely a Title of 
 Honour, without Profit ; except it be the 
 Lieutenancy or Government of the Kingdom 
 of Ireland; efpecially fince the late Earl of
 
 2 5 o DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 
 
 Stafford enjoyed that dignity, who fetled that 
 Kingdom very wifely both for Militia and 
 Trade. 
 
 XVIII. 
 
 I have obferved, That thofe that meddle 
 leaft in Wars, whether Civil or Foreign, are 
 not onely moft fafe and free from danger, but 
 moft fecure from LofTes ; and though Heroick 
 Perfons efteem Fame before Life, yet many 
 there are, that think the wifeft way is to be 
 a Spe6tator, rather then an A6tor, unlefs they 
 be neceffitated to it ; for it is better, fay they, 
 to fit on the Stool of Quiet, then in the Chair 
 of Troublefome Bufmefs. 
 
 FINIS.
 
 $tcttres 
 
 DRAWN BY 
 
 FANCIES PENCIL 
 
 TO THE LIFE. 
 
 WRITTEN BY THE 
 
 THRICE NOBLE, ILLUSTRIOUS, AND EXCELLENT PRINCESS, 
 
 of 
 
 In this Volume there are federal feigned Stories of Natural 
 Defcriptions, as Comical, Tragical, and Tragi-comical, 
 Poetical, Romancical, Philofophical and Hiftorical, both in 
 Profe and Verfe,fome all Perfe, fame all Profe,fome mixt, 
 partly Profe, and partly Verfe. Alfo, there are fame Morals, 
 and fame Dialogues; but they are as the advantage, Loaves 
 of Bread as a Baker" s Dozen ; and a true Story at the 
 latter End, 'wherein there is no feigningss . 
 
 LONDON : 
 
 PRINTED BY J. MARTIN AND J. ALLESTRYE, AT THE BELL, 
 
 IN SAINT PAUL'S CHURCH YARD. 
 
 1656.
 
 A TRUE RELATION 
 
 OF THE 
 
 Birth) Breeding, and Life, 
 
 OF 
 
 MARGARET CAVENDISH, 
 
 DUCHESS OF NEWCASTLE. 
 
 WRITTEN BY HERSELF. 
 
 WITH A 
 
 Critical preface, $c. 
 
 BY 
 
 SIR EGERTON BRYDGES, M.P. 
 
 " What tafte, and elegance, and genius does, 
 Still favours fomething greater than its place, 
 However low, or high." Shateff. 
 
 " Though Fortune, vifible an enemy, 
 
 Should chafe a virtuous pair, no jot of power 
 Hath (he to change their loves." Ibid. 
 
 KENT : 
 
 $vtntrti at tije prtbate $vrss of iUe tytiorg ; 
 
 BY JOHNSON AND WARWICK.
 
 Sir Egerton Brydges' 
 Preface. 
 
 UTO-BIOGRAPHY is fo at- 
 tractive, that in whatever man- 
 ner it is executed, it feldom fails 
 both to entertain and inftrudt. 
 The Memoirs of Margaret, Duchefs of New- 
 cajile^ written by herfelf, appear to me very 
 eminently to pofTefs this double merit. Whether 
 they confirm or refute the character of the 
 literary and moral qualities of her Grace given 
 by Lord Orford, I muft leave the reader to 
 judge. The fimplicity by which they are 
 marked will, in minds conftituted like that of 
 the noble critic, feem to approximate to folly: 
 others, lefs inclined to farcafm,and lefs infected 
 with an artificial tafte, will probably think far 
 otherwife.
 
 * 5 6 SIR EGERTON BRTDGES' 
 
 That the Duchefs was deficient in a culti- 
 vated judgment ; that her knowledge was 
 more multifarious than exad-t ; and that her 
 powers of fancy and fentiment were more 
 active than her powers of reafoning, I will 
 admit : but that her productions, mingled as 
 they are with great abfurdities, are wanting 
 either in talent, or in virtue, or even in genius, 
 I cannot concede. 
 
 There is an ardent ambition, which may 
 perhaps itfelf be confidered to prove fuperiority 
 of intellect. " I fear my ambition," fays the 
 Duchefs, " inclines to vain-glory ; for I am 
 very ambitious ; yet 'tis neither for beauty, 
 wit, titles, wealth, or power, but as they are 
 fteps to raife me to Fancy's Tower, which is 
 to live by remembrance in after-ages!" In 
 another place me exhibits traits of herfelf, fuch 
 as generally accompany genius. " I was 
 addidted," her Grace obferves, " from my 
 childhood to contemplation, rather then con- 
 verfation ; to folitarinefs, rather then fociety ; 
 to melancholy rather then mirth j to write 
 with the pen then to work with the needle, 
 paffing my time with harmlefs fancies, their 
 company being pleafing, their converfation
 
 PREFACE. 257 
 
 innocent, in which I take fuch pleafure, as I 
 neglect my health ; for it is as great a grief to 
 neglect their fociety, as a joy to be in their 
 company." Again, fhe fays : " my difpofition 
 is more inclining to melancholy then merry ; 
 but not crabbed or peevim melancholy, but 
 foft, melting, folitary, and contemplating me- 
 lancholy ; and I am apt to weep rather than 
 laugh." 
 
 Perhaps, however, it will be impoflible to 
 acquit the Duchefs of vanity, as well as am- 
 bition, if it be vanity to indulge a too general 
 and indifcriminate love of diftin&ion ; and to 
 expatiate with too much minutenefs about 
 onefelf. Some of thefe minutiae now afford 
 amufement,arifmg from other pretenfions than 
 thofe with which they were written. 
 
 Her Grace was the companion of the Duke's 
 misfortunes, the folace of his exile, the fharer 
 of his poverty. In thefe gloomy days fhe had 
 lefs opportunity of being acquainted with the 
 fplendour of courts, and the characters and 
 manners of men eminent on the theatre of 
 practical life, than with the fcenes and actions 
 of her own lonely imagination. We do not, 
 therefore, find this Memoir full of anecdote, 
 s
 
 258 SIR EGERTON BRYDGES^ 
 
 or hiftory, or political delineation. It is all 
 domeftic ; and this domeftic painting is its 
 charm. 
 
 If the Duchefs herfelf were out of the 
 queftion, it is not uninterefting to have fuch 
 a circumftantial account of the reft of the 
 noble family of LUCAS. Whether their mode 
 of life be confidered as common to others of 
 their rank, or peculiar to themfelves, the 
 pir,ure is pleating and inftru&ive. The 
 mother's character excites refpecSt and affec- 
 tion. The burfting of the ftorms of civil war 
 upon thofe days of peace, and virtue, and 
 plenty, which fmiled fo treacheroufly on the 
 youth of the Duchefs, is truly affecting. "In 
 fuch misfortunes," fays her Grace, " my 
 mother was of an heroick fpirit, in fuffering 
 patiently where there is no remedy ; or to be 
 induftrious where me thought me could help. 
 She was of a grave behaviour, and had fuch a 
 majeftick grandeur, as it were continually hung 
 about her, that it would ftrike a kind of awe 
 to the beholders, and command refpecl from 
 the rudeft." u She lived to .fee the ruin of 
 her children, in which was her ruin, and then 
 died ! " " Not onely the family I am linked to
 
 PREFACE. 259 
 
 is ruined, but the family from which I fprung, 
 by thefe unhappy wars." 
 
 At pp. ii and 12, the Duchefs has given 
 with exquifite naivete the account of her own 
 going into the world, as maid of honour to 
 the Queen, when the Court was at Oxford, 
 and her fubfequent attachment and marriage 
 to the Duke, then Marquis of Newcaftle. 
 Not long after their marriage, the lofs of the 
 battle of Marfton-moor drove them into exile. 
 They moved from Paris to Holland, whence 
 neceflity forced the Duchefs to come to 
 England to folicit relief out of the Duke's 
 immenfe eftates, which the prevailing Powers 
 had feized. 
 
 Her Grace remained a year and half in 
 England, during which fhe wrote her "Poems," 
 and her " Philofopblcal Fancies;" to which 
 (he made large additions after fhe returned 
 abroad. After her return alfo fhe wrote the 
 volume from which this " Lift;" is extracted ; 
 and another book. Her " World's Olio" was, 
 for the mott part, written before fhe went to 
 England. 
 
 In this exile, and under the difappointment 
 of her ineffectual efforts for relief, fhe fays,
 
 260 SIR EGERTON BRTDGES' 
 
 " Heaven hitherto hath kept us, and though 
 Fortune hath been crofs, yet we do fubmit, 
 and are both content with what is, and cannot 
 be mended j and are fo prepared, that the 
 worft of fortunes (hall not afflict our minds, 
 fo as to make us unhappy, howfoever it doth 
 pinch our lives with poverty ; for, if tran- 
 quillity lives in an honeft mind, the mind lives 
 in peace, although the body fuffer." 
 
 What can be more amiable and virtuous, 
 than a refort to the confolations of literature 
 in fuch a ftate ? After the enjoyment of high 
 and flattering rank, and fplendid fortune, noble 
 is the fpirit that will not be broken by the 
 gripe of Poverty, the expulfion from home, 
 and kindred, and friends, and the defertion of 
 the world ! Under the blighting gloom of 
 fuch oppreffion to create wealth and a king- 
 dom " within the mind," fhews an intellectual 
 energy, which ought not to be defrauded of 
 its praife. 
 
 After the Reftoration, peace and affluence 
 once more (hone upon them amid the long- 
 loft domains of the Duke's vaft hereditary 
 property. Welbeck opened her gates to her 
 Lord ; and the caftles of the North received
 
 PREFACE. 261 
 
 with joy their heroic chieftain, whofe maternal 
 anceftors, the baronial houfe of OGLE, had 
 ruled over them for centuries in Northumber- 
 land. But Age had now made the Duke 
 defirous only of repofe j and her Grace, the 
 faithful companion of his fallen fortunes, was 
 little difpofed to quit the luxurious quiet of 
 rural grandeur, which was as foothing to her 
 difpofition, as it was concordant with her duty. 
 To fuch a pair the noify and intoxicated joy 
 of a profligate court would probably have been 
 a thoufand times more painful than all the 
 wants of their late chilling, but calm, poverty. 
 They came not, therefore, to palaces and 
 levees ; but amufed themfelves in the country 
 with literature and the arts. This folitary 
 ftate, this innocent magnificence, feems to 
 have afforded contempt and jefts to the fo- 
 phifticated mob of diflblute wits, who crowded 
 round King Charles II. Thefe momentary 
 buzzers in the artificial funfhine of the regal 
 prefence, probably thought that they, who 
 having the power to mix with fuperior wealth, 
 in the bufy fcenes of high life, could prefer the 
 infipid charms of lonely Nature, were only fit 
 to be the butt of their ridicule ! It is probable
 
 262 SIR EGERTON BRTDGES' 
 
 that the memory of thefe witticifms might not 
 have entirely faded before the early years of 
 the late Lord Orford, who might have caught 
 the mantle of thefe fpritely oracles, and have 
 pronounced on the poor Duchefs's character 
 and amufements in a fimilar tone. 
 
 Still I muft not permit myfelf to be fo far 
 heated by my fubjet, as to furrender the ad- 
 vantages of a juft but candid discrimination. 
 Her Grace had, as I conceive, talents, as well 
 as virtues, which raifed her above the multi- 
 tude, much higher than her rank. Her powers, 
 with the aid of a little more arrangement, of 
 fomething more of fcholaftic polifh, and of a 
 moderate exertion of maturer judgment, might 
 have produced writings, which pofterity would 
 have efteemed both for their inftruclion and 
 amufement. But I muft admit that me wanted 
 the primary qualities of genius. She was 
 neither fublime nor pathetic. She had not 
 the talent of feizing that feleftion of circum- 
 ftances, of touching by a few fingle ftrokes 
 thofe chords, which, through the force of 
 aflbciation in our ideas, calls up at once whole 
 pictures ! Imitators, and they whofe poetical
 
 PREFACE. 263 
 
 faculties are not genuine, multiply images, 
 by which, while they think they are excelling 
 their models, deftroy the whole charm. 
 
 Her Grace wanted tafte ; fhe knew not 
 what to obtrude, and what to leave out. She 
 pours forth every thing with an undiftinguifh- 
 ing hand, and mixes the ferious, the collo- 
 quial, and even the vulgar, in a manner which 
 cannot be defended. In the " Life" how- 
 ever, now reprinted, this great fault is lefs 
 apparent than in any other of her compofi- 
 tions. 
 
 But we muft not compare thefe compofi- 
 tions with the more refined exaftnefs of later 
 times. In thofe days what female writer 
 was there, who could endure the critical 
 acumen of the prefent period ? Who now 
 reads Mrs. Katharine Phillips, better known 
 by her poetical name of Orinda? And Mrs. 
 Behn, who lived fomewhat later, is more 
 remarkable for her licentioufnefs than for 
 any better quality. Even of Mrs. Killegrew, 
 the encomium beftowed by Dr. Johnfon 1 is 
 
 1 In " The Life of Dryden."
 
 264 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 generally thought to be undeferved. The 
 Countefs of Pembroke, Lady Carew, Lady 
 Wrothe, and a few others fucceeded ; but 
 their productions are now unnoticed, ex- 
 cept by a few black-letter literati.
 
 A True Relation of my Birth, 
 Breeding, and Life/ 
 
 BY MARGARET, DUCHESS OF NEWCASTLE. 
 
 Y father was a Gentleman, 
 which Title is grounded and 
 given by Merit, not by princes ; 
 and 'tis the acl: of Time, 2 not 
 Favour : and though my Father was not a 
 
 1 [The notes are thofe of Sir Egerton Brydges, and I 
 am not refponfible for them. The text of the Lee 
 Priory Prefs reprint is full of typographical blunders, 
 which, by careful collation with the rare copy in the 
 Britifh Mufeum, have been corrected.] 
 
 2 This remark, and fomething like this expreffion, 
 had been already ufed by Lord Bacon, with regard to 
 old nobility. If rank, ftation, or wealth, obtained by a 
 low man, were commonly the refult of merit, the neweft 
 honours would be the mod worthy of refpeft ; but as it
 
 266 MEMOIR OF THE 
 
 Peer of the Realm, yet there were few Peers 
 who had much greater Eftates, or lived more 
 noble therewith : yet at that time great Titles 
 were to be fold, 1 and not at fo high rates, but 
 that his Eftate might have eafily purchafed, 
 and was preft for to take ; but my Father 
 did not efteem Titles, unlefs they were gained 
 by Heroick Actions ; and the Kingdome being 
 in a happy Peace with all other Nations, and 
 in itfelf being governed by a wife King, King 
 James, there was no Employments for heroick 
 Spirits ; and towards the latter end of Queen 
 Elizabeths reign, as foon as he came to 
 Mans eftate, he unfortunately fortunately 
 killed one Mr. Brooks in a fingle Duel ; for 
 
 is too often otherwife, and wealth is more apt to follow 
 narrow cunning, and perhaps fraud, than generous in- 
 duftry or fkill, and titles, inftead of being the recom- 
 penfe of generally-admitted worth or talents, too often 
 flow from an individual aft of whim or intereft by a 
 corrupt Minifter, the diftin&ions which have been created 
 by Time, are, on the whole, more worthy of efteem and 
 admiration, than thofe which favour has procured to the 
 prefent pofleflbr. 
 
 1 This relates to the reign of King James. The facl: 
 is a matter of general, not fecret hiftory, and may be 
 found even in the pages of Hume, which are generally 
 deficient in minute details.
 
 DUCHESS OF NEWCASTLE. 267 
 
 my father by the Laws of Honour could do 
 no lefs then call him to the field, to queftion 
 him for an injury he did him, where their 
 Swords were to difpute, and one or both of 
 their lives to decide the argument, wherein 
 my Father had the better ; and though my 
 Father by Honour challengd him, with 
 Valour fought him, and in Juftice killed him, 
 yet he fuffered more then any Perfon of 
 Quality ufually doth in cafes of Honour ; for 
 though the Laws be rigorous, yet the prefent 
 Princes moft commonly are gratious in thofe 
 misfortunes, efpecially to the injured : but 
 my Father found it not, for his exile was 
 from the time of his misfortunes to Queen 
 Elizabeths death ; for the Lord Cobham l 
 being then a great man with Queen Eliza- 
 
 1 This was the Lord Cobham, whofe fubfequent mif- 
 fortunes, condemnation, lofs of eftate, long imprifon- 
 ment, and death in miferable poverty, as a Principal in 
 what is called Raleigh's Plot, have been too often related 
 to need repetition. See more efpecially " Memoirs of 
 King James's Peer -j," 8vo. 1804. It feems aftoniming, 
 though the faft ftands on various authorities, that Cob- 
 ham, weak as he was both in head and heart, mould 
 ever have been a favourite of the bold and magnanimous 
 Queen.
 
 z68 MEMOIR OF THE 
 
 beth, and this Gentleman, Mr. Brooks, a 
 kind of a Favourite, and as I take it Brother 
 to the then L. Cobham, which made Queen 
 Elizabeth fo fevere, not to pardon him : but 
 King James of blefled memory gracioufly 
 gave him his Pardon, and leave to return home 
 to his Native Country, wherein he lived hap- 
 pily, and died peaceably, leaving a Wife and 
 eight Children, three Sons, and five Daughters, 
 I being the youngeft Child he had, and an 
 Infant when he died. 
 
 As for my breeding, it was according to 
 my Birth, and the Nature of my Sex ; for 
 my Birth was not loft in my Breeding, for as 
 my Sifters was or had been bred, fo was I in 
 Plenty, or rather with fuperfluity j Likewife 
 we were bred Virtuoufly, Modeftly, Civilly, 
 Honourably, and on honeft principles : as for 
 plenty, we had not only, for Neceffity, Con- 
 veniency, and Decency, but for delight and 
 pleafure to a fuperfluity ; 'tis true we did not 
 riot, but we lived orderly ; for riot, even in 
 Kings' Courts and Princes' Palaces, brings 
 ruin without content or pleafure, when order 
 in lefs fortunes {hall live more plentifully and 
 delicioufly then Princes, that lives in a hurlie-
 
 DUCHESS OF NEWCASTLE. 169 
 
 burlie, as I may terme it, in which they are 
 feldom well ferved, for diforder obftru&s ; 
 befides, it doth difguft life, diftracl: the appe- 
 tites, and yield no true relifh to the fences ; 
 for Pleafure, Delight, Peace and Felicitie, 
 live in method and temperance. 
 
 As for our garments, my Mother did not 
 only delight to fee us neat and cleanly, fine 
 and gay, but rich and coftly ; maintaining us 
 to the height of her eftate, but not beyond it ; 
 for we were fo far from being in debt, before 
 thefe warrs, as we were rather beforehand 
 with the world ; buying all with ready money, 
 not on the fcore ; for although after my 
 fathers death the Eftate was divided between 
 my Mother and her Sonns, paying fuch a fum 
 of money for Portions to her Daughters, 
 either at the day of their marriage, or when 
 they fhould come to age j yet by reafon me 
 and her children agreed with a mutual con- 
 fent, all their affairs were managed fo well, 
 as fhe lived not in a much lower condition 
 than when my father lived; 'tis true, my 
 mother might have increaft her daughters 
 Portions by a thrifty fparing, yet me chofe to 
 beftow it on our breeding, honeft pleafures,
 
 tjo MEMOIR OF THE 
 
 and harmlefs delights, out of an opinion, that 
 if fhe bred us with needy neceflitie, it might 
 chance to create in us fharking quallities, 
 mean thoughts, and bafe aclions, which fhe 
 knew my Father, as well as herfelf did abhor : 
 likewife we were bred tenderly, for my 
 Mother Naturally did ftrive, to pleafe and 
 delight her children, not to crofs or torment 
 them, terrifying them with threats, or lafhing 
 them with flavifh whips, but inftead of threats, 
 reafon was ufed to perfuade us, and inftead of 
 ladies, the deformities of vice was difcovered, 
 and the graces and virtues were prefented 
 unto us, alfo we were bred with refpe&ful 
 attendance, every one being feverally waited 
 upon, and all her fervants in generall ufed 
 the fame refpedt to her children, (even 
 thofe that were very young) as they did to 
 her felf; for fhe fufferd not her fervants, 
 either to be rude before us, or to domineer 
 over us, which all vulgar fervants are apt, and 
 ofttimes which fome have leave to do ; like- 
 wife fhe never fuffered the vulgar Serving- 
 men to be in the Nurfery among the Nurfe- 
 Maids, left their rude love-making might do 
 unfeemly actions, or fpeak unhandfome words
 
 DUCHESS OF NEWCASTLE. 271 
 
 in the prefence of her children, knowing that 
 youth is apt to take infe&ion by ill examples, 
 having not the reafon of diftinguifhing good 
 from bad, neither were we fufferd to have 
 any familiaritie with the vulgar fervants, or 
 converfation : yet caufed us to demean our 
 felves with an humble civillity towards them, 
 as they with a dutifull refpe& to us, not be- 
 caufe they were fervants were we fo referved ; 
 for many Noble Perfons are forced to ferve 
 through neceflitie ; but by reafon the vulgar 
 fort of fervants, are as ill bred as meanly 
 born, giving children ill examples, and worfe 
 counfel. 
 
 As for tutors, although we had for all forts 
 of vertues, 1 as finging, dancing, playing on 
 mufick, reading, writing, working, and the 
 like, yet we were not kept ftri&ly thereto, 
 they were rather for formality then benefit, 
 for my Mother cared not fo much for our 
 dancing and fidling, finging and prating of 
 feverall languages, as that we fhould be bred 
 virtuoufly, modeftly, civilly, honourably, and 
 on honeft principles. 
 
 1 Pirtuofos, accomplifhments.
 
 ay* MEMOIR OF THE 
 
 As for my Brothers, of which I had three, 
 I know not how they were bred, firft, they 
 were bred when I was not capable to obferve, 
 or before I was born ; likewife the breeding 
 of men were after different manner of ways 
 from thofe of women : but this I know, that 
 they loved Virtue, endeavoured Merit, prac- 
 tic'd Juftice, and fpoke Truth ; they were 
 conftantly loyal, and truly Valiant; two of 
 my three Brothers were excellent Soldiers, 
 and Martial Difcipliners, being pracSHfed 
 therein, for though they might have lived 
 upon their own Eftates very honourably, yet 
 they rather chofe to ferve in the Wars under 
 the States of Holland, than to live idly at 
 home in Peace : my Brother, Sir Thomas 
 Lucas, there having a Troop of Horfe j my 
 brother, the youngeft Sir Charls Lucas ferving 
 therein : but he ferved the States not long, 
 for after he had been at the fiege and taking 
 of fome Towns, he returned home again ; 
 and though he had the lefs experience, yet he 
 was like to have proved the better Soldier, if 
 better could have been, for naturally he had a 
 pradlick Genius to the warlike arts, or Arts 
 in War, as Natural Poets have to Poetry :
 
 DUCHESS OF NEWCASTLE. 273 
 
 but his life was cut off before he could arrive 
 to the true perfection thereof; yet he writ 
 " A Treatife of the Arts in War," but by 
 reafon it was in characters, and the key thereof 
 loft, we cannot as yet underftand any thing 
 therein, at leaft not fo as to divulge it. 1 My 
 other Brother, the Lord Lucas, who was 
 Heir to my Fathers eftate, and as it were the 
 Father to take care of us all, is not lefs Valiant 
 then they were, although his fkill in the 
 Difcipline of War was not fo much, being 
 not bred therein, yet he had more fkill in the 
 ufe of the Sword, and is more learned in 
 other Arts and Sciences then they were, he 
 being a great Scholar, by reafon he is given 
 much to ftudious contemplation. 2 
 
 Their practice was, when they met toge- 
 ther, to exercife themfelves with fencing, 
 wreftling, fhooting, and fuch like exercifes, 
 for I obferved they did feldome hawk or hunt, 
 and very feldom or never dance, or play on 
 
 1 See an account of Sir Charles Lucas, in " Lord 
 Clarendon's Hiftory." 
 
 * His defcendant and reprefentative, the only furviv- 
 ing daughter of the late Earl of Hardwicke, now enjoys 
 the Barony of Lucas, as heir to this brother. 
 T
 
 274 MEMOIR OF THE 
 
 mufick, faying it was too effeminate for Maf- 
 culine Spirits ; neither had they fkill, or did 
 ufe to play, for ought I could hear, at Cards 
 or Dice, or the like Games, nor given to any 
 vice, as I did know, unlefs to* love a miftrefs 
 were a crime, not that I know any they had, 
 but what report did fay, and ufually reports 
 are falfe, at leaft exceed the truth. 
 
 As for the paftimes of my Sifters when 
 they were in the country, it was to reade, 
 work, walk, and difcourfe with each other ; 
 for though two of my three brothers 1 were 
 
 1 Sir Thomas Lucas of St. John's, near Colchefter, 
 married Mary, daughter of Sir John Fermor of Efton- 
 Nefton, in Northamptonshire, by whom he had Thomas 
 Lucas of St. John's, near Colchefter, Efq. who by 
 Elizabeth, daughter and coheir of John Leighton of 
 London, Gent, had three fons and five daughters, 'viz. 
 
 1. John Lucas of St. John's, near Colchefter, after- 
 wards Lord Lucas, who married Anne, daughter of Sir 
 Chriftopher Neville, Kt., younger brother of the Lord 
 Abergavenny, by whom he had John, his fon and heir, 
 born about 1624. 
 
 2. Sir Thomas Lucas, a captain in London, who 
 married a daughter of Sir John Byron, Kt. by whom 
 he had a fon, Thomas. 
 
 3. Sir Charles Lucas. 
 
 4. Mary, wife of Sir Peter Killegrew, Kt. 
 
 5. Anne. 
 
 6. Elizabeth, wife of William Walter, Efq.
 
 DUCHESS OF NEWCASTLE. 275 
 
 married, my Brother the Lord Lucas to a 
 virtuous and beautiful Lady, daughter to Sir 
 Chriftopher Nevil, fon to the Lord Aber- 
 gavenny, and my brother Sir Thomas Lucas 
 to a virtuous lady of an ancient family, one Sir 
 John Byron's Daughter j 1 likewife, three of 
 my four fitters, one married Sir Peter Kille- 
 grew, the other Sir William Walter, the third 
 Sir Edmund Pye, the fourth as yet unmarried, 
 yet moft of them lived with my mother, efpe- 
 cially when fhe was at her country-houfe, 
 living moft commonly at London half the 
 year, which is the Metropolitan city of Eng- 
 land: 2 but when they were at London, they 
 were difperfed into feveral houfes of their 
 own, yet for the moft part they met every 
 
 7. Catherine, wife of Sir Edmund Pye of London, Kt. 
 
 8. Margaret, afterwards Duchefs of Newcaftle.* 
 Arms. Argent, a fefs between fix annulets, gules. 
 
 1 Sifter to the anceftor of the prefent Lord Byron ; 
 by which muft be corrected an error in the new Edition 
 of " Collinses Peerage,'' which ftates the Duchefs to 
 have been the iflue of this marriage. 
 
 2 A beautiful pifture of family harmony and affec- 
 tion ; and curious as mewing the cuftom of the greater 
 gently to pafs the winter in London even then. 
 
 Harl. MSS. 1542, f. 59.
 
 276 MEMOIR OF THE 
 
 day, feafting each other like Job's Children. 
 But this unnatural War came like a whirl- 
 wind, which fell'd down their Houfes, where 
 fome in the Wars were crufht to death, as 
 my youngeft brother Sir Charls Lucas, and 
 my Brother Sir Thomas Lucas; and though 
 my Brother Sir Thomas Lucas died not im- 
 mediately of his wounds, yet a wound he re- 
 ceived on his head in Ireland fhort'ned his 
 life. 
 
 But to rehearfe their Recreations. Their 
 cuftoms were in Winter time to go fometimes 
 to Plays, or to ride in their Coaches about 
 the Streets to fee the concourfe and recourfe 
 of People ; and in the Spring time to vifit the 
 Spring- garden, Hide-park, and the like places ; 
 and fometimes they would have Mufick, and 
 fup in Barges upon the Water j 1 thefe harm- 
 lefs recreations they would pafs their time 
 away with ; for I obferved, they did feldom 
 make Vifits, nor never went abroad with 
 Strangers in their Company, but onely them- 
 felves in a Flock together agreeing fo well, 
 that there feemed but one Minde amongft 
 
 ' This is alfo a very curious pifture of manners.
 
 DUCHESS OF NEWCASTLE. 277 
 
 them : And not onely my own Brothers and 
 Sifters agreed fo, but my Brothers and Sifters 
 in law, and their Children, although but 
 young, had the like agreeable natures, and 
 afte&ionable difpofitions ; for to my beft re- 
 membrance I do not know that ever they did 
 fall out, or had any angry or unkind difputes. 
 Likewife, I did obferve, that my Sifters were 
 fo far from mingling themfelves with any 
 other Company, that they had no familiar 
 converfation or intimate aquaintance with the 
 Families to which each other were linkt to 
 by Marriage, the Family of the one being as 
 great Strangers to the reft of my brothers and 
 Sifters, as the Family of the other. 
 
 But fometime after this War began, I knew 
 not how they lived ; for though moft of them 
 were in Oxford, wherein the King was, yet 
 after the Queen went from Oxford, and fo 
 out of England, I was parted from them j for 
 when the Queen was in Oxford, I had a 
 great defire to be one of her Maids of honour, 
 hearing the Queen had not the fame number 
 {he was ufed to have, whereupon I wooed 
 and won my Mother to let me go ; for my 
 Mother, being fond of all her Children, was
 
 z 7 8 MEMOIR OF THE 
 
 defirous to pleafe them, which made her con- 
 fent to my requeft. But my Brothers and 
 Sifters feem'd not very well pleas'd, by rea- 
 fon I had never been from home, nor feldome 
 out of their fight ; for though they knew I 
 would not behave my felf to their, or my own 
 difhonour, yet they thought I might to my 
 difadvantage, being unexperienced in the 
 World, which indeed I did, for I was fo 
 baflifull when I was out of my Mother's, 
 Brothers, and Sifters fight, whofe prefence 
 ufed to give me confidence, thinking I could 
 not do amifs whilft any one of them were by, 
 for I knew they would gently reform me if I 
 did ; befides, I was ambitious they mould 
 approve of my actions and behaviour, that 
 when I was gone from them, I was like one 
 that had no Foundation to ftand, or Guide to 
 direft me, which made me afraid, left I fhould 
 wander with Ignorance out of the waies of 
 Honour, fo that I knew not how to behave 
 myfelf. Befides, I had heard that the World 
 was apt to lay afperfions even on the inno- 
 cent, for which I durft neither look up with 
 my eyes, nor fpeak, nor be any way fociable, 
 infomuch as I was thought a Natural Fool ;
 
 DUCHESS OF NEWCASTLE. 279 
 
 indeed I had not much Wit, yet I was not an 
 Idiot, my wit was according to my years ; 
 and though I might have learnt more Wit, 
 and advanced my Underftanding by living in 
 a Court, yet being dull, fearfull, and bafhfull, 
 I neither heeded what was faid or pra<SUc'd, 
 but juft what belong'd to my loyal duty, and 
 my own honeft reputation ; and, indeed, I 
 was fo afraid to difhonour my Friends and 
 Family by my indifcreet actions, that I rather 
 chofe to be accounted a Fool, then to be 
 thought rude or wanton ; in truth, my bafh- 
 fulnefs and fears made me repent my going 
 from home to fee the World abroad, and 
 much I did defire to return to my Mother 
 again, or to my fifter Pye, with whom I often 
 lived when fhe was in London, and loved 
 with a fupernatural affection : but my Mother 
 advifed me there to ftay, although I put her 
 to more charges than if {he had kept me at 
 home, and the more, by reafon fhe and my 
 Brothers were fequeftered from their Eftates, 
 and plundered of all their Goods, yet fhe 
 maintained me fo, that I was in a condition 
 rather to lend then to borrow, which Cour- 
 tiers ufually are not, being always neceffitated
 
 ago MEMOIR OF THE 
 
 by reafon of great expenfes Courts put them 
 to. But my Mother faid, it would be a dif- 
 grace for me to return out of the Court fo 
 foon after I was placed j fo I continued almoft 
 two years, until fuch time as I was married 
 from thence j for my Lord the Marquis of 
 Newcaftle did approve of thofe baftiful fears 
 which many condemn'd, and would choofe 
 fuch a Wife as he might bring to his own 
 humours, and not fuch an one as was wedded 
 to felf-conceit, or one that had been tem- 
 per'd to the humours of another ; for which 
 he wooed me for his Wife ; and though I did 
 dread Marriage, and fhunn'd mens companies 
 as much as I could, yet I could not, nor had 
 not the power to refufe him, by reafon my 
 Affections were fix'd on him, and he was the 
 onely Perfon I ever was in love with : 
 Neither was I aftiamed to own it, but gloried 
 therein, for it was not Amorous Love, I 
 never was infected therewith, it is a Difeafe, 
 or a Paflion, or both, I only know by rela- 
 tion, not by experience ; neither could Title, 
 Wealth, Power, or Perfon entice me to love ; 
 but my Love was honeft and honourable, 
 being placed upon Merit., which Affection
 
 DUCHESS OF NEWCASTLE. 281 
 
 joy'd at the fame of his Worth, pleas'd with 
 delight in his Wit, proud of the refpedts he 
 ufed to me, and triumphing in the affedHons 
 he profeft for me, which affe&ions he hath 
 confirmed to me by a deed of time, feal'd by 
 conftancy, and afligned by an unalterable 
 decree of his promife ; which makes me happy 
 in defpight of Fortune's frowns ; for though 
 Misfortunes may and do oft difiblve bafe, 
 wilde, loofe, and ungrounded affections, yet 
 (he hath no power of thofe that are united 
 either by Merit, Juftice, Gratitude, Duty, 
 Fidelity, or the like ; and though my Lord 
 hath loft his Eftate, and banifh'd out of his 
 Country for his Loyalty to his King and 
 Country, yet neither defpifed Poverty, nor 
 pinching Neceffity could make him break the 
 Bonds of Friendship, or weaken his Loyal 
 Duty to his King or Country. 1 
 
 But not onely the family I am linkt to is 
 ruin'd, but the Family from which I fprung, 
 by thefe unhappy Wars; which ruine my 
 
 1 The whole of this long paflage is in fentiment, and 
 in the fpirit of the language, (though fome of the parts 
 of it are awkwardly conftru&ed) highly amiable, elo- 
 quent, and affe&ing.
 
 282 MEMOIR OF THE 
 
 Mother lived to fee, and then died, having 
 lived a Widow many years, for fhe never for- 
 got my Father fo as to marry again ; indeed, 
 he remain'd fo lively in her memory, and her 
 grief was fo lafting, as fhe never mention'd 
 his name, though fhe fpoke often of him, but 
 love and grief caufed tears to flow, and tender 
 fighs to rife, mourning in fad complaints ; fhe 
 made her houfe her Cloyfter, inclofing her- 
 felf, as it were therein, for fhe feldom went 
 abroad, unlefs to Church ; but thefe unhappy 
 Wars forc'd her out, by reafon fhe and her 
 children were loyall to the King ; for which 
 they plundered her and my Brothers of all 
 their Goods, Plate, Jewels, Money, Corn, 
 Cattle, and the like, cut down their Woods, 
 pull'd down their Houfes, and fequeftered 
 them from their Lands and Livings ; but in 
 fuch misfortunes my Mother was of an 
 heroick fpirit, in fuffering patiently where 
 there is no remedy, or to be induftrious where 
 fhe thought fhe could help : She was of a 
 grave Behaviour, and had fuch a Majeftic 
 Grandeur, as it were continually hung about 
 her, that it would ftrike a kind of an awe to 
 the beholders, and command refpe6t from the
 
 DUCHESS OF NEWCASTLE. 283 
 
 rudeft ; I mean the rudeft of civiliz'd people, 
 I mean not fuch Barbarous people as plun- 
 dered her, and ufed her cruelly, for they 
 would have pulled God out of Heaven, had 
 they had power, as they did Royaltie out of 
 his Throne : alfo her beauty was beyond the 
 ruin of time, for fhe had a well favoured 
 lovelinefs in her face, a pleafing fweetnefs in 
 her countenance, and a well-temper'd com- 
 plexion, as neither too red nor too pale, even 
 to her dying hour, although in years, and 
 by her dying, one might think death was 
 enamoured with her, for he imbraced her in 
 a fleep, and fo gently, as if he were afraid to 
 hurt her : alfo fhe was an aftedtionate Mother, 
 breeding her children with a moft induftrious 
 care, and tender love, and having eight chil- 
 dren, three fons and five daughters, there 
 was not any one crooked, or any ways de- 
 formed, neither were they dwarfifh, or of a 
 Giant-like ftature, but every ways proportion- 
 able ; likewife well featured, cleer com- 
 plexions, brown haires, but fome lighter than 
 others, found teeth, fweet breaths, plain 
 fpeeches, tunable voices, I mean not fo much 
 to fing as in fpeaking, as not fluttering, nor
 
 284 MEMOIR OF THE 
 
 wharling in the throat, or fpeaking through 
 the nofe, or hoarfly, unlefs they had a cold, or 
 fqueakingly, which impediments many have : 
 neither were their voices of too low a ftrain, 
 or too high, but their notes and words were 
 tuneable and timely : I hope this Truth will 
 not offend my Readers, and left they mould 
 think I am a partial Regifter, I dare not com- 
 mend my Sifters, as to fay they were hand- 
 fome ; although many would fay they were 
 very handfome : but this I dare fay, their 
 Beautie, if any they had, was not fo lafting as 
 my Mothers, Time making fuddener ruin in 
 their faces than in hers ; likewife my Mother 
 was a good Miftrifs to her fervants, taking 
 care of her fervants in their ficknefs, not 
 fparing any coft the was able to beftow for 
 their recovery : neither did me exa6t more 
 from them in their health then what they with 
 eafe or rather like paftime could do : fhe 
 would freely pardon a fault, and forget an 
 injury, yet fometimes fhe would be angry ; 
 but never with her children, the fight of them 
 would pacify her, neither would fhe be angry 
 with others, but when fhe had caufe, as with 
 negligent or knavifh fervants, that would
 
 DUCHESS OF NEWCASTLE. 285 
 
 lavifhly or unnecefTarily wafte, or fubtily, and 
 thievifhly fteal, and though fhe would often 
 complain that her family was too great for 
 her weak Management, and often preft my 
 Brother to take it upon him, yet I obferve fhe 
 took a pleafure, and fome little pride, in the 
 governing thereof: fhe was very fkilful in 
 Leafes, and fetting of lands, and Court-keep- 
 ing, ordering of Stewards, and the like affairs : 
 alfo I obferved, that my mother, nor Brothers, 
 before thefe wars, had ever any Law-fuites, 
 but what an Attorney difpatched in a Term 
 with fmall coft, but if they had, it was more 
 than I knew of, but, as I faid, my Mother 
 lived to fee the ruin of her children, in which 
 was her ruin, and then dyed : my brother Sir 
 Thomas Lucas foon after, my brother Sir 
 Charles Lucas after him, being fhot to death 
 for his loyall Service, for he was moft con- 
 ftantly Loyal and Courageoufly active, indeed 
 he had a fuperfluity of courage ; My eldeft 
 fifter died fometime before my Mother, her 
 death being, as I believe, haftned through 
 grief of her onely daughter, on which fhe 
 doted, being very pretty, fweet natured, and 
 had an extraordinary wit for her age, fhe
 
 a86 MEMOIR OF THE 
 
 dying of a Confumption, my fitter, her Mother, 
 died fome half a year after of the fame difeafe, 
 and though time is apt to wafte remembrance 
 as a confumptive body, or to wear it out like 
 a garment into raggs, or to moulder it into 
 duft ; yet I find the naturall affe&ions I have 
 for my friends, are beyond the length, ftrength, 
 and power of time : for I mail lament the 
 lofs fo long as I live, alfo the lofs of my Lords 
 noble Brother, which died not long after I re- 
 turned from England, he being then fick of an 
 Ague, whofe favours and my thankfulnefs, in- 
 gratitude fhall never disjoyne ; for I will build 
 his Monument of truth, though I cannot of 
 Marble, and hang my tears and Scutchions on 
 his Tombe. He was nobly generous, wifely 
 valliant, naturally civill, honeftly kind, truly 
 loving, Virtuoufly temperate ; his promife 
 was like a fixt decree, his words were deftiny, 
 his life was holy, his difpofition milde, his be- 
 haviour courteous, his difcourfe pleafing, he 
 had a ready wit and a fpacious knowledge, a 
 fettled judgment, a cleer underftanding, a 
 rationall infight ; he was learned in all Arts 
 and Sciences, but efpecially in the Mathe- 
 maticks, in which ftudy he fpent moft part of
 
 DUCHESS OF NEWCASTLE. a8 7 
 
 his time ; and though his tongue preacht not 
 Moral Philofophy, yet his life taught it, in- 
 deed he was fuch a perfon, that he might have 
 been a pattern for all Mankind to take : 1 he 
 loved my Lord his brother with a doting affec- 
 tion, as my Lord did him, for whofe fake I 
 fuppofe he was fo nobly generous, carefully 
 kind, and refpeclfull to me ; for I dare not 
 challenge his favours as to my felf, having 
 not merits to deferve them, he was for a time 
 the preferver of my life, for after I was 
 married fome two or three years, my Lord 
 travell'd out of France, from the City of 
 Paris, in which City he refided the time he 
 was there, fo went into Holland, to a Town 
 called Rotterdam, in which place he flayed 
 fome fix months ; from thence he returned to 
 Brabant, unto the City of Antwerp, which 
 city we paft through, when we went into 
 Holland, and in that City my Lord fettled 
 himfelf and Family, choofing it for the mod 
 pleafanteft, and quieteft place to retire himfelf 
 and ruined fortunes in : but after we had re- 
 
 1 Sir Charles Cavendifh's chara&er is drawn in equally 
 glowing colours by Lord Clarendon.
 
 288 MEMOIR OF THE 
 
 main'd fome time therein, we grew extremely 
 neceflitated, Tradefmen being there not fo 
 rich as to truft my Lord for fo much, or fo 
 long, as thofe of France ; yet they were fo 
 civill, kind and charitable, as to truft him, for 
 as much as they were able ; but at laft necef- 
 fity inforced me to return into England to 
 feek for reliefe ; for I hearing my Lord's 
 Eftate, amongft the reft of many more eftates, 
 was to be fold, and that the wives of the 
 owners fhould have an allowance therefrom, 
 it gave me hopes I fhould receive a benefit 
 thereby ; fo being accompanied with my Lords 
 only brother Sir Charles Cavendifh, who was 
 commanded to return, to live therein, or to 
 lofe his Eftate, which Eftate he was forced to 
 buy with a great Compofition before he could 
 enjoy any part thereof ; fo over I went, but 
 when I came there I found their hearts as 
 hard as my fortunes, and their Natures as 
 cruel as my miferies, for they fold all my 
 Lords Eftate, which was a very great one, 1 
 and gave me not any part thereof, or any al- 
 
 1 I think (he eftimatcs it in her " Life of the Duke " 
 at upwards of 22,000 a year, which is equal at leaft to 
 150,000 a year at this time.
 
 DUCHESS OF NEWCASTLE. 289 
 
 lowance thereout, which few or no other was 
 fo hardly dealt withall ; indeed, I did not 
 ftand as a beggar at the Parliament doore, for 
 I never was at the Parliamente Houfe, nor 
 flood I ever at the doore, as I do know, or 
 can remember, I am fure, not as a Petitioner, 
 neither did I haunt the Committees, for I 
 never was at any, as a Petitioner, but one in 
 my life, which was called Gold-fmith's-Hall, 
 but I received neither gold nor filver from 
 them, only an abfolute refufall, I fhould have 
 no (hare of my Lords Eftate ; for my brother, 
 the Lord Lucas, did claim in my behalf fuch 
 a part of my Lords Eftate as wives had al- 
 lowed them, but they told him, that by reafon 
 I was married fince my Lord was made a 
 Delinquent, I could have nothing, nor fhould 
 have any thing, he being the greateft Traitor 
 to the State, which was to be the moft loyall 
 Subject to his King and Country : but I whif- 
 peringly fpoke to my brother to conduct me 
 out of that ungentlemanly place, fo without 
 fpeaking to them one word good or bad, I re- 
 turned to my Lodgings, & as that Committee 
 was the firft, fo was it the laft, I ever was at 
 as a Petitioner ; 'tis true I went fometimes to 
 u
 
 290 MEMOIR OF THE 
 
 Drury Houfe to inquire how the land was 
 fold, but no other ways, although fome re- 
 ported I was at the Parliament Houfe, and at 
 this Committee and at that Committee, and 
 what I mould fay, and how I was anfwered ; 
 but the Cuftomes of England being changed 
 as well as the Laws, where Women become 
 Pleaders, Attornies, Petitioners and the like, 
 running about with their feveral Caufes, com- 
 plaining of their feverall grievances, exclaim- 
 ing againft their feverall enemies, bragging of 
 their feverall favours they receive from the 
 powerfull ; thus Trafficing with idle words 
 bring in falfe reports and vain difcourfe ; for 
 the truth is, our Sex doth nothing but juftle 
 for the Preherrynence of words, I mean not 
 for fpeaking well, but fpeaking much, as they 
 do for the preheminence of place, words 
 rufhing againft words, thwarting and crofting 
 each other, and pulling with reproches, ftriv- 
 ing to throw each other down with difgrace, 
 thinking to advance themfelves thereby ; but 
 if our Sex would but well confider, and ration- 
 ally ponder, they will perceive and finde, that 
 it is neither words nor place that can advance 
 them, but worth and merit : nor can words
 
 DUCHESS OF NEWCASTLE. 291 
 
 or place difgrace them, but inconftancy and 
 boldnefs : for an honeft Heart, a noble Soul, 
 a chafte Life, and a true fpeaking Tongue, is 
 the Throne, Sceptre, Crown, and Footftoole, 
 that advances them to an honourable renown, 
 I mean not Noble, Virtuous, Difcreet, and 
 worthy Perfons, whom neceflity did enforce 
 to fubmit, comply, and follow their own fuites, 
 but fuch as had nothing to lofe, but made it 
 their trade to folicite ; but I difpairing being 
 positively denied at Goldfmiths Hall, befides 
 I had a firm faith, or ftrong opinion, that the 
 pains was more than the gains, and being un- 
 pra&ifed in publick employments, unlearned 
 in their uncouth Ways, ignorant of the Hu- 
 mours and Difpofitions of thofe parfojis to 
 whom I was to addrefs my fuit, and not know- 
 ing where the Power lay, and being not a 
 good flatterer, I did not trouble myfelf or 
 petition my enemies ; befides I am naturally 
 Bafhful, not that I am afhamed of my minde 
 or body, my Birth or Breeding, my Actions 
 or Fortunes, for my Bamfulnefs is in my 
 Nature, not for any crime, and though I have 
 ftrived and reafoned with myfelf, yet that 
 which is inbred, I find is difficult to root out,
 
 2 9 * MEMOIR OF THE 
 
 but I do not find that my Bafhfulnefs is con- 
 cerned with the Qualities of the Perfons, but 
 the number, for were I enter amongft a com- 
 pany of Lazaroufes, I ftiould be as much out 
 of countenance, as if they were all Cefars or 
 Alexanders, Cleopatras or Queen Didoes ; 
 neither do I find my Bafhfulnefs rifeth fo 
 often in Blufhes, as contracts my Spirits to a 
 chill palenefs, but the beft of it is, moft com- 
 monly it foon vanifheth away, and many times 
 before it can be perceived, and the more 
 foolifh, or unworthy, I conceive the company 
 to be, the worfe I am, and the beft remedy I 
 ever found was, is to perfuade myfelf that all 
 thofe Perfons I meet are wife and vertuous ; 
 the reafon I take to be is, that the wife and 
 vertuous cenfure left, excufe moft, praife beft, 
 efteem rightly, judge juftly, behave themfelves 
 civilly, demeane themfelves refpe&fully, and 
 fpeake modeftly, when fools or unworthy per- 
 fons are apt to commit abfurdities, as to be 
 bold, rude, uncivill both in words and actions, 
 forgetting or not well underftanding them- 
 felves, or the company they are with ; and 
 though I never met fuch forts of ill bred crea- 
 tures, yet Naturally I have fuch an Averfion
 
 DUCHESS OF NEWCASTLE. 293 
 
 to fuch kinde of people, as I am afraid to 
 meet them, as children are afraid of fpirits, or 
 thofe that are afraid to fee or meet Devills ; 
 which makes me think this Naturall defe<t 
 in me, if it be a defecl:, is rather a fear than a 
 bafhfulnefs, but whatfoever it is, I find it 
 troublefome, for it hath many times obftru&ed 
 the paflage of my fpeech, and perturbed my 
 Naturall actions, forcing a conftrainednefs or 
 unufual motions, but, however, fince it is 
 rather a fear of others than a bafhfull diftruft 
 of my felf, I defpaire of a perfect cure, unlefs 
 Nature as well as Human governments could 
 be civilized and brought into a Methodicall 
 order, ruling the words and actions with a 
 fupreme power of reafon, and the authority of 
 difcretion : but a rude nature is worfe than a 
 brute nature, by fo much more as man is better 
 than beaft, but thofe that are of civil natures 
 and gentle difpofitions, are as much nearer to 
 celeftiall creatures, as thofe that are of rude 
 or cruell are to Devils : but in fine, after I 
 had been in England, a year and a half, in 
 which time I gave fome half a fcore vifits, and 
 went with my Lords brother to hear Mufic
 
 294 MEMOIR OF THE 
 
 in one Mr. Lawes 1 his houfe, three or four 
 times, as alfo fome three or four times to 
 Hide Park with my fifters, to take the aire, 
 elfe I never ftirr'd out of my lodgings, unlefs 
 to fee my Brothers and Sifters, nor feldom 
 did I drefs my felf, as taking no delight to 
 adorn my felf, fmce he I onely defired to 
 pleafe was abfent, although report did drefs 
 me in a hundred feverall faftiions : 'tis true 
 when I did drefs myfelf, I did endeavour to 
 do it to my beft becoming, both in refpe& to 
 my felf and thofe I went to vifit, or chanc't 
 to meet, but after I had been in England a 
 year and a half, part of which time I writ a 
 Book of Poems, and a little Book called my 
 Philofopbical Fancies, to which I have writ a 
 large addition, fmce I returned out of Eng- 
 land, befides this book and one other : as for 
 my book intitled The Worlds Ollio, I writ mod 
 part of it before I went into England, but 
 being not of a merry, although not of a froward 
 or peevifh difpofition, became very Melan- 
 choly, by reafon I was from my Lord, which 
 
 1 Lawes was a celebrated mufical compofer, the friend 
 of Milton.
 
 DUCHESS OF NEWCASTLE. 295 
 
 made my mind fo reftlefs, as it did break my 
 fleeps, and diftemper my health, with which 
 growing impatient of a longer delay, 1 refolved 
 to return, although I was grieved to leave Sir 
 Charles, my Lord's Brother, he being fick of 
 an ague, of which ficknefs he died : for though 
 his ague was cur'd, his life was decayed, he 
 being not of a ftrong conftitution could not, as 
 it did prove, recover his health, for the dreggs 
 of his Ague did put out the Lamp of his life, 
 yet Heaven knows I did not think his life was 
 fo near to an end, for his Doctor had great 
 hopes of his perfect recovery, and by reafon 
 he was to go into the Country for change of 
 aire, where I fhould have been a trouble, 
 rather than anyways ferviceable, befides, more 
 charge the longer I ftayd, for which I made 
 the more haft to return to my Lord, with 
 whom I had rather be as a poor begger, than 
 to be Miftrefs of the world abfented from 
 him ; yet, Heaven hitherto hath kept us, and 
 though Fortune hath been crofs, yet we do 
 fubmit, and are both content with what is, 
 and cannot be mended, and are fo prepared 
 that the worft of fortunes fhall not afflidr, our 
 minds, fo as to make us unhappy, howfoever
 
 2 9 <S MEMOIR OF THE 
 
 it doth pinch our lives with poverty ; for, if 
 Tranquillity lives in an honeft mind, the mind 
 lives in Peace, although the body fuffer : but 
 Patience hath armed us, and Mifery hath tried 
 us, and finds us Fortune-proof, for the truth 
 is, my Lord is a perfon whofe Humour is 
 neither extravagantly merry, nor unneceflarily 
 fad, his Mind is above his Fortune, as his 
 Generofity is above his purfe, his Courage 
 above danger, his Juftice above bribes, his 
 Friendfhip above felf-intereft, his Truth too 
 firm for falfehood, his Temperance beyond 
 temptation, his Converfation is pleafing and 
 affable, his Wit is quick, and his Judgment is 
 ftrong, diftinguifhing cleerly without clouds 
 of miftakes, difle&ing truth, fo as it juftly 
 admits not of difputes : his difcourfe is always 
 new upon the occafion, without troubling the 
 hearers with old Hiftoricall relations, nor ftuft 
 with ufelefs fentences, his behaviour is manly 
 without formallity, and free without conftraint, 
 and his minde hath the fame freedom : his 
 Nature is noble, and his Difpofition fweet, his 
 Loyaltie is proved by his publick fervice for 
 his King and Countrey, by his often hazard- 
 ing of his life, by the lofle of his Eftate, and
 
 DUCHESS OF NEWCASTLE. 297 
 
 the banifhment of his Perfon, by his necefli- 
 tated Condition, and his conftant and patient 
 fuffering ; but, howfoever our fortunes are, 
 we are both content, fpending our time harm- 
 lefsly, for my Lord pleafeth himfelf with the 
 Management of fome few Horfes, and exer- 
 cifes himfelf with the ufe of the Sword; which 
 two Arts he hath brought by his ftudious 
 thoughts, rationall experience, and induftrious 
 practice, to an abfolute perfection : and though 
 he hath taken as much pains in thofe arts, 
 both by ftudy and practice, as Chimifts for 
 the Phylofopher's Stone, yet he hath this ad- 
 vantage of them, that he hath found the right 
 and the truth thereof and therein, which 
 Chimifts never found in their Art, and I 
 believe never will : alfo he recreates himfelf 
 with his pen, writing what his Wit dictates to 
 him, but I pafs my time rather with fcribling 
 than writing, with words than wit, not that I 
 fpeak much, becaufe I am addicted to contem- 
 plation, unlefs I am with my Lord, yet then 
 I rather attentively liften to what he fayes, 
 than impertinently fpeak, yet when I am 
 writing, and fad faind Stories, or ferious hu- 
 mours, or melancholy paflions, I am forc'd
 
 298 MEMOIR OF THE 
 
 many times to exprefs them with the tongue 
 before I can write them with the pen, by 
 reafon thofe thoughts that are fad, ferious, 
 and melancholy, are apt to contract and to 
 draw too much back, which oppreflion doth 
 as it were overpower or fmother the concep- 
 tion in the brain, but when fome of thofe 
 thoughts are fent out in words, they give the 
 reft more liberty to place themfelves in a more 
 methodicall order, marching more regularly 
 with my pen, on the ground of white paper, 
 but my letters feem rather as a ragged rout, 
 than a well armed body, for the brain being 
 quicker in creating than the hand in writing, 
 or the memory in retaining, many fancies are 
 loft, by reafon they ofttimes outrun the pen ; 
 where I, to keep fpeed in the Race, write fo 
 faft as I ftay not fo long as to write my letters 
 plain, infomuch as fome have taken my hand- 
 writing for fome ftrange character, & being 
 accuftomed fo to do, I cannot now write very 
 plain, when I ftrive to write my beft; indeed, 
 my ordinary hand-writing is fo bad as few 
 can read it, fo as to write it fair for the Prefs, 
 but however, that little wit I have, it delights 
 me to fcribble it out, and difperfe it about,
 
 DUCHESS OF NEWCASTLE. 299 
 
 for I being addi&ed from my childhood to 
 contemplation rather than converfation, to 
 folitarinefs rather than fociety, to melancholy 
 rather than mirth, to write with the pen than 
 to work with a needle, palling my time with 
 harmelefs fancies, their company being pleaf- 
 ing, their converfation innocent, in which I 
 take fuch pleafure, as I neglect my health, for 
 it is as great a grief to leave their fociety, as 
 a joy to be in their company, my only trouble 
 is, left my brain fhould grow barren, or that 
 the root of my fancies fhould become infipid, 
 withering into a dull ftupidity for want of ma- 
 turing fubje&s to write on : for I being of 
 a lazy nature, and not of an active difpofition, 
 as fome are that love to journey from town 
 to town, from place to place, from houfe to 
 houfe, delighting in variety of company, mak- 
 ing ftill one where the greateft number is ; 
 likewife in playing at Cards, or any other 
 Games, in which I neither have praUfed, nor 
 have I any fkill therein : as for Dancing, al- 
 though it be a graceful art, and becometh un- 
 married perfons well, yet for thofe that are 
 married, it is too light an action, difagreeing 
 with the gravity thereof; and for Revelling I
 
 3 oo MEMOIR OF THE 
 
 am of too dull a nature, to make one in a 
 merry fociety; as for Feafting, it would neither 
 agree with my humour or conftitution, for my 
 diet is for the moft part fparing, as a little 
 boiled chickin, or the like, my drink moft 
 commonly water, for though I have an indif- 
 ferent good appetite, yet I do often faft, out 
 of an opinion that if I mould eat much, and 
 exercife little, which I do, onely walking a 
 flow pace in my chamber, whilft my thoughts 
 run apace in my brain, fo that the motions of 
 my minde hinders the active exercifes of my 
 body : for fhould I Dance or Run, or Walk 
 apace, I fhould Dance my Thoughts out of 
 Meafure, Run my Fancies out of Breath, and 
 tread out the Feet of my Numbers, but be- 
 caufe I would not bury myfelf quite from the 
 fight of the world, I go fometimes abroad, 
 feldome to vifit, but only in my Coach about 
 the Town, or about fome of the ftreets, which 
 we call here a Tour, where all the chief of 
 the Town goe to fee and to be feen, likewife 
 all ftrangers of what quallity foever, as all 
 great Princes or Queens that make any fhort 
 flay : for this Town being a paflage or 
 thorough-fare to moft parts, caufeth many
 
 DUCHESS OF NEWCASTLE. 301 
 
 times perfons of great quallity to be here, 
 though not as inhabitants, yet to lodge for 
 fome fhort time ; and all fuch, as I faid, take 
 a delight, or at left goe to fee the cuftome 
 thereof, which moft Cities of note in Europe 
 for all I can hear, hath fuch like recreations 
 for the effeminate Sex, although for my part 
 I had rather fit at home and write, or walk, 
 as I faid, in my chamber and contemplate ; 
 but I hold neceffary fometimes to appear 
 abroad, befides I do find, that feverall objects 
 do bring new materialls for my thoughts and 
 fancies to build upon, yet I muft fay this in 
 the behalf of my thoughts, that I never found 
 them idle ; for if the fenfes brings no work in, 
 they will work of themfelves, like filk-wormcs 
 that fpinns out of their own bowels ; Neither 
 can I fay I think the time tedious, when I am 
 alone, fo I be near my Lord, and know he is 
 well. 
 
 But now I have declared to my Readers, 
 my Birth, Breeding, and Actions, to this part 
 of my Life, I mean the material parts, for 
 (hould I write every particular, as my childifh 
 fports and the like, it would be ridiculous and 
 tedious j but I have been honorably born and
 
 302 MEMOIR OF THE 
 
 Nobly match't ; I have been bred to elevated 
 thoughts, not to a deje&ed fpirit, my life hath 
 been ruled with Honefty, attended by Modefty, 
 and dire&ed by Truth : but fince I have writ 
 in generall thus far of my life, I think it fit, I 
 mould fpeak fomething of my Humour, par- 
 ticular Practice and Difpofition ; as for my 
 Humour, I was from my childhood given to 
 contemplation, being more taken or delighted 
 with thoughts then in converfation with a 
 fociety, in fo much as I would walk two or 
 three hours, and never reft, in a mufing, con- 
 fidering, contemplating manner, reafoning 
 with my felf of every thing my fenfes did pre- 
 fent, but when I was in the company of my 
 Naturall friends, I was very attentive of what 
 they faid or did ; but for ftrangers I regarded 
 not much what they faid, but many times I did 
 obferve their actions, whereupon my Reafon as 
 Judge, and my Thoughts as Accufers, or ex- 
 cufers,or approvers and commenders,did plead, 
 or appeal to accufe, or complain thereto ; alfo 
 I never took delight in clofets, or cabinets 
 of toys, but in the variety of fine clothes, 
 and fuch toys as onely were to adorn my 
 perfon : likewife I had a naturall ftupidity
 
 DUCHESS OF NEWCASTLE. 303 
 
 towards the learning of any other Language 
 than my native tongue, for I could fooner and 
 with more facility underftand the fenfe, then 
 remember the words, and for want of fuch 
 memory makes me fo unlearned in foreign 
 Languages as I am : as for my pratife, I was 
 never very active, by reafon I was given fo 
 much to contemplation ; befides my brothers 
 and fifters were for the mod part ferious, and 
 ftaid in their actions, not given to fport nor 
 play, nor dance about, whofe company I keep- 
 ing, made me fo too : but I obferved, that 
 although their *fa(Stions were ftay'd, yet they 
 would be very merry amongft themfelves, de- 
 lighting in each others company : alfo they 
 would in their Difcourfe exprefs the generall 
 actions of the world, judging, condemning, 
 approving, commending, as they thought good, 
 and with thofe that were innocently harmlefs, 
 they would make themfelves merry therewith ; 
 as for my ftudie of books it was little, yet I 
 chofe rather to read, than to imploy my time 
 in any other work, or pra6tife, and when I 
 read what I underftood not, I would afk my 
 brother, the Lord Lucas, he being learned, 
 the fenfe or meaning thereof, but my ferious
 
 3 o 4 MEMOIR OF THE 
 
 ftudy could not be much, by reafon I took 
 great delight in attiring, fine dreffing, and 
 fafhions, efpecially fuch fafhions as I did in- 
 vent myfelf, not taking that pleafure in fuch 
 fafhions as was invented by others: alfo I did 
 diflike any fhould follow my Fafhions, for I 
 always took delight in a fingularity, even in 
 accoutrements of habits, but whatfoever I was 
 addicted to, either in fafhion of Cloths, con- 
 templation of Thoughts, actions of Life, they 
 were Lawful, Honeft, Honourable, and Mo- 
 deft, of which I can avouch to the world with 
 a great confidence, becaufe it p a pure Truth; 
 as for my Difpofition, it is more inclining to 
 be melancholy than merry, but not crabbed 
 or peevifhly melancholy, but foft, melting, 
 folitary, and contemplating melancholy ; and 
 I am apt to weep rather than laugh, not that 
 I do often either of them ; alfo I am tender 
 natured, for it troubles my Confcience to kill 
 a fly, and the groans of a dying Bead ftrike 
 my Soul : alfo where I place a particular 
 affection, I love extraordinarily and conftantly, 
 yet not fondly, but foberiy and obfervingly ; 
 not to hang about them as a trouble, but to 
 wait upon them as a fervant, but this afle&ion 
 will take no root, but where I think or find
 
 DUCHESS OF NEWCASTLE. 305 
 
 merit, and have leave both from Divine and 
 Morall Laws; yet I find this paffion fo trouble- 
 fome, as it is the only torment to my life, for 
 fear any evill misfortune or accident, or fick- 
 nefs, or death, ftiould come unto them, info- 
 much as I am never freely at reft : Likewife 
 I am gratefull, for I never received a curtefie 
 but I am impatient, and troubled untill I can 
 return it ; alfo I am Chafte, both by Nature 
 and Education, infomuch as I do abhorre 
 an unchaft thought : likewife I am feldom 
 angry, as my fervants may witnefs for me, for 
 I rather chofe to fuffer fome inconveniences 
 than difturbe my thoughts, which makes me 
 winke many times at their faults j but when 
 I am angry, I am very angry, but yet it is 
 foon over, and I am eafily pacified, if it be 
 not fuch an injury as may create a hate; 
 neither am I apt to be exceptious or jealous ; 
 but if I have the left fymptome of this paffion, 
 I declare it to thofe it concerns, for I never 
 let it ly fmothering in my breaft to breed a 
 malignant difeafe in the minde, which might 
 break out into extravagant paffions, or railing 
 fpeeches, or indifcreet a<5tions ; but I examin 
 moderately, reafon foberly, and plead gently
 
 3 o6 MEMOIR OF THE 
 
 in my own behalf, through a defire to keep 
 
 thofe affe&ions I had, or at leaft thought to 
 
 have ; and truly I am fo vain, as to be fo felf- 
 
 conceited, or fo naturally partial, to think my 
 
 friends have as much reafon to love me as 
 
 another, fince none can love more fincerely 
 
 than I, and it were an injuftice to prefer a 
 
 fainter affe&ion, or to efteem the Body more 
 
 than the Minde ; likewife I am neither fpite- 
 
 full, envious, nor malicious ; I repine not at 
 
 the gifts that Nature, or Fortune beftows upon 
 
 others, yet I am a great Emulator ; for though 
 
 I wifh none worfe than they are, yet it is 
 
 lawful for me to wifh my felf the beft, and to 
 
 do my honeft endeavour thereunto ; for I 
 
 think it no crime to wifh myfelf the exa&eft 
 
 of Natures works, my thred of life the longeft, 
 
 my Chain of Deftinie the ftrongeft, my mind 
 
 the peaceableft; my life the pleafanteft, my 
 
 death the eafieft, and the greateft Saint in 
 
 Heaven ; alfo to do my endeavour, fo far as 
 
 honour and honefty doth allow of, to be the 
 
 higheft on Fortunes Wheele, and to hold the 
 
 wheele, from turning, if I can, and if it be 
 
 commendable to wifh anothers good, it were 
 
 a fin not to wifh my own ; for as Envie is a
 
 DUCHESS OF NEWCASTLE. 307 
 
 vice, fo Emulation is a Virtue, but Emulation 
 is in the way to Ambition, or indeed it is a 
 Noble Ambition, but I fear my Ambition 
 inclines to vain-glory, for I am very ambitious; 
 yet 'tis neither for Beauty, Wit, Titles, 
 Wealth, or Power, but as they are fteps to 
 raife me to Fames Tower, which is to live by 
 remembrance in after-ages : likewife I am, 
 that the vulgar calls, proud, not out of a felf- 
 conceit, or to flight or condemn any, but 
 fcorning to do a bafe or mean acl:, and dif- 
 daining rude or unworthy perfons ; infomuch, 
 that if I fhould find any that were rude, or 
 too bold, I fliould be apt to be fo paflionate, 
 as to affront them, if I can, unlefs difcretion 
 fhould get betwixt my paflion and their bold- 
 nefs, which fometimes perchance it might, 
 if difcretion fhould croud hard for place ; for 
 though I am naturally bafhful, yet in fuch a 
 caufe my fpirits would be all on fire, otherwife 
 I am fo well bred, as to be civill to all perfons, 
 of all degrees, or qualities : likewife I am fo 
 proud, or rather juft to my Lord, as to abate 
 nothing of the qualitie of his Wife, for if 
 honour be the marke of Merit, and his 
 Matters royall favour, who will favour none
 
 3 o8 MEMOIR OF THE 
 
 but thofe that have Merit to deferve, it were 
 a bafenefs for me to neglecSt the Ceremony 
 thereof: Alfo in fome cafes I am naturally a 
 Coward, and in other cafes very valiant ; as 
 for example, if any of my neereft friends were 
 in danger, I mould never confider my life in 
 ftriving to help them, though I were fure to 
 do them no good, and would willingly, nay 
 cheerfully, refign my life for their fakes : like- 
 wife I mould not fpare my Life, if Honour 
 bids me dye ; but in a danger where my Friends, 
 or my Honour is not concerned, or ingaged, 
 but only my Life to be unprofitably loft, I am 
 the verieft coward in Nature, as upon the Sea, 
 or any dangerous places, or of Thieves, or 
 fire, or the like ; Nay the mooting of a gun, 
 although but a Pot-gun, will make me ftart, 
 and ftop my hearing, much lefs have I courage 
 to difcharge one ; or if a fword mould be held 
 againft me, although but in jeft, I am afraid : 
 alfo as I am not covetous, fo I am not prodigal!, 
 but of the two I am inclining to be prodigal], 
 yet I cannot fay to a vain prodigallity, becaufe 
 I imagine it is to a profitable end ; for per- 
 ceiving the world is given, or apt to honour 
 the outfide more than the infide, worfhipping
 
 DUCHESS OF NEWCASTLE. 309 
 
 fhow more then fubftance ; and I am fo vain, 
 if it be a Vanity, as to endeavour to be 
 worfhip't, rather than not to be regarded ; yet 
 I fhall never be fo prodigall as to impoverifh 
 my friends, or go beyond the limits or facilitie 
 of our Eftate, and though I defire to appear 
 to the beft advantage, whileft I live in the 
 view of the public World, yet I could moft 
 willingly exclude myfelf, fo as Never to fee 
 the face of any creature, but my Lord, as 
 long as I live, inclofing myfelf like ah Anchoret, 
 wearing a Frize gown, tied with a cord about 
 my wafte : but I hope my readers will not 
 think me vain for writing my life, fmce there 
 have been many that have done the like, as 
 Cefar, Ovid, and many more, both men and 
 women, and I know no reafon I may not do 
 it as well as they : but I verily believe fome 
 cenfuring Readers will fcornfully fay, why hath 
 this Lady writ her own Life ? fmce none 
 cares to know whofe daughter me was, or 
 whofe wife (he is, or how me was bred, or 
 what fortunes fhe had, or how (he lived, or 
 what humour or difpofition me was of? I 
 anfwer that it is true, that 'tis to no purpofe 
 to the Readers, but it is to the Authorefs, be-
 
 3 io DUCHESS OF NEWCASTLE. 
 
 caufe I write it for my own fake, not theirs ; 
 neither did I intend this piece for to delight, 
 but to divulge ; not to pleafe the fancy, but to 
 tell the truth, left after-ages fhould miftake, 
 in not knowing I was daughter to one Matter 
 Lucas of St. Johns, near Colchefter, in Eflex, 
 fecond wife to the Lord Marquifs of New- 
 caftle ; for my Lord having had two Wives, 
 I might eafily have been miftaken, efpecially 
 if I fhould dye and my Lord Marry again. 1 
 
 1 It is remarkable that this has, notwithftanding, been 
 the cafe. See "The Lounger's Common-Place Book," 
 vol. iii. p. 398. 
 
 FINIS. 
 
 CHJSWICK PRESS; PRINTED BY WHITTINGHAM AND W1LKINS, 
 
 TOOKS COURT, CHANCERY LANE.
 
 College 
 Library 
 
 DA 
 
 407 
 
 N4N85 
 
 1872 
 
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