ON THE 
 
 ART OF WAR AND MODE OF WARFARE 
 
 OF THE 
 
 ANCIENT MEXICANS. 
 
 BY AD. F. BANDELIER. 
 
 NOT only the history of Ancient Mexico, but the true condition 
 and degree of culture of its aboriginal inhabitants, are yet but 
 imperfectly known. Nearly all architectural remains have disap 
 peared ; the descendants of the former aborigines have modi 
 fied their plan of life, and we are almost exclusively reduced, for 
 our knowledge of Mexican antiquities, to the printed and written 
 testimony of those who saw Indian society at Mexico either at the 
 time of, or not too long after, its downfall. But these authors, 
 whether eye-witnesses of the conquest, like Cortes, Bernal Diez 
 del Castillo, Andres de Tapia, and others ; or missionaries sent 
 to New Spain at an early date, : as Toribio of Benavent (Moto- 
 linia), Sahagun or (towards the close of the 16th, or beginning of 
 the 17th century) Acosta, Davila, Mendieta, and Torquemada, 
 they are sometimes, on many questions, in direct opposition to 
 each other. Thus the uncertainty is still increased, and the most 
 difficult critical labor heaped upon the student. Furthermore, to 
 magnif}' the task, we are placed in presence of several Indian wri 
 ters of the 16th and 17th centuries (like Duran, Tezozomoc, and 
 Ixtlilxochitl), who disagree with each other on the most important 
 questions, quite as much as the Spanish authors themselves. 
 
 It may appear presumptuous, while knowing of the existence of 
 such difficulties, to attempt the description of even a single fea 
 ture of life of Mexico's former Indian Society. Still, while en 
 gaged upon translating the Mexican chronicle of Fernando de 
 Alvarado Tezozomoc into the English language, I was so struck 
 by the picture which, unintentionally perhaps, that author exhibits 
 of the condition and organization of the Mexican tribe, that I 
 could not refrain from investigating more closely several features 
 
 ' (95) 
 
96 
 
 of that organization. The condition of Mexican society, which 
 is commonly given as subject to a monarchical, nay, even to a 
 despotic rule, appears from the relation of Tezozomoc as one of a 
 military, or rather warlike community. Every feature of their 
 military action is intimately connected with their civil life. I 
 could not resist^ the temptation, therefore, to make the military 
 institutions of the Mexicans, their mode of warfare, the subject 
 of special investigation, trusting that the results of this investi 
 gation, however defective, would not be utterly useless in promo 
 ting our knowledge of the true condition of ancient aboriginal 
 society on this continent. 
 
 The Mexicans proper, 1 better known as the "Aztecs " of Mex 
 ico, belonged to the highest order of sedentary or " Village " In 
 dians. Still, warfare, and not agriculture, appears to have been 
 their chief occupation. They were essentially a tribe of ivarriors, 
 who, as long as they were weak and hemmed in by foes, subsisted 
 on fish, birds, and aquatic plants, 2 while, as soon as successful 
 sallies from the lake-centre began to extend their sway and power, 
 the Mexicans commenced also to live, in a great measure, upon 
 the produce and industrial resources of subjected tribes. During 
 their migration, from a region lying north of the present state of 
 Durango, in Mexico, 3 to the centre of the high table land of that 
 republic, they had subsisted upon the scanty crops which they 
 
 1 We adhere to the appellation " Mexicans " out of deference to a custom established. 
 Mexico,, or Afexitin would be more correct. The former is used by a distinguished 
 scholar, Senor Alfredo Chavero, of the city of Mexico. (See his " Culendario Azteca.") 
 The etymology of the names '-Azteca," '-Aztlantlaca," and others, is foreign to the pur 
 pose of this essay. 
 
 2 See Juan de Torquemada ("Los Veinte y un Libros Rituales y Monarchia Indiana 
 "con el Origen y Guerra de los, Indios occidentales," Madrid, 1723. Barcia's reprint 
 of the original, which appeared in 16i3), Lib. II, cap. XI, pp. 92 and 93, of 1st volume. 
 (He adds that the art of fishing was unknown to the agricultural tribes of the Valley 
 previous to the coming of the Mexicans.) Also, Fray Die^o Duran (Historia de las 
 ludias de Nueva Espaiia y Islas de Tierra firme, written about 157D-S1, and published 
 by Sr. JoseF. Ramirez, Mexico, 1807), vol. I, chap. IV and V. 
 
 3 Fernando de Alvarado Tczozomuc (Cronica Mexicana, published in vol. IX, of 
 Kingsborough's Antiquities of Mexico), chap. I, p. 5, "mas de las tierras y monies que 
 'hoy habitan los Chichimecas, que es por Santa Barbara." Duran, in speaking of the 
 "seven caves" (Chicomoztoc), from which Ihe Nahuatl tribes (Mexicans included) all 
 pretended to issue, says : " These caves are in Teoculuacan, otherwise called Aztlan, a 
 " country which we all know to be towards the north, and connected with Florida." 
 (Chap. I, p. 8.) " They went over and through all the country of the Chichimecas, over 
 " the new lands and plains of Cibola." (Chap. II, p. 21.) Cibola, as it has been sug 
 gested, was the name given to Zuiii. a pueblo still extant in New Mexico. (6ee "His- 
 'torie of the Greal and Mightie Kingdom of China, and the siluation thereof, etc., etc.," 
 translated from the Spanish of the Padre Juan Gonzalez de Mendoza (1588), by It. 
 Parke, and republished by the Hackluyt Society, in its volume of 1853. (2 volumes.) 
 Zufii : " the Spaniards do call it Cibola," 
 
97 
 
 might occasionally have raised, as well as upon the chase. But 
 during this very period also, their chief divinity and subsequent 
 principal idol, Huitzilopochtli, god of war, is reported to have ut 
 tered these prophetic words : " And I was sent on this journey, and 
 " my office it is to carry arms, bows, arrows, and shields ; war is my 
 " chief duty, and the object of my coming. I have to look out in 
 " all directions, and with my body, head and arms, have to do my 
 " duty in many tribes, being on the borders and lying in wait for 
 '" many nations, to maintain and to gather them, although not gra- 
 " ciously." Proceeding to state a number of objects, subsequently 
 given to the Mexicans in tribute, he closes as follows : "All this I 
 " shall own and hold, for I am sent after it, it being my office, and 
 "I came for this purpose." 4 Imbued with a spirit of which this 
 utterance is merely a legendary form, the Mexicans made their 
 appearance among the agricultural tribes of the valley of Mexico 
 as a crowd of famished, but desperate, intruders, were received as 
 such, and, after a brave resistance, compelled to take refuge in a 
 naturally isolated spot of dry land, surrounded by swamps and 
 marshes, 5 
 
 In this defensive position, which the Mexicans subsequently 
 converted into the strongest one ever occupied by Indians up to 
 the 16th century, 6 they carefully nursed and developed their war- 
 
 *Tezozomoc (Cap. I, p. 6). Joseph de Acosta (Historia natural y moral de las In- 
 dias, 1608. Lib. VII, chap. IV, p. 459). M. Brasseur de Bourbourg (" Popol-vuh, 
 " Intr., p. 137 and p. 140.") intimates Huitzilopochtli to be a myth common to afl the 
 aborigines of Central America in general. 
 
 "The spot to which the Mexicans fled, and which subsequently became the nucleus 
 of Tenuchtitlan, and of Tlatilulco, was dry land, in the midst of canes and reeds. (Te- 
 zozomoc, cap. I, p. 5, "porque el dia que llegaron a esta laguna Mexicana, en medio 
 " de ella estava, y tenia un sitio de tierra, y en el una pena.") Fray Geronimo de Men- 
 dieta (Historia ecclesiastica Indiana,' 7 published by my most esteemed friend, Seiior 
 J. G. Icazbalceta, the learned Mexican scholar, in 1870. Lib. II, cap. XXXIV, p. 148. 
 " Y luego se hicieron fuertes en este sitio, tomando por rauralla y cerca las aguas y 
 " emboscadas de la juncia y carrizales y matorrales de que estaba entonces poblada y 
 " llena toda la laguna, que no hallaron el agua descubierta sino en sola una eucrucijada 
 " de agua limpia desocupada de los matorrales y carrizales, formada a' manera de una 
 " aspa de San Andres. Y casi al medio de la encrucijada hallaron un penasco"). Tor- 
 quemada (Lib. II, cap. X, pp. 91 and 92. "En este lugar se ranchearon (como decimos 
 " en el libro de los Poblaciones) haciendo unas pobres, y pequenas chogas, rodeadoa 
 " de carriso, y Espadaiias, que ellos llaman Xacalli," etc., etc. (Acosta, Lib. VII, cap. 
 VII, p. 465. " . . . . y dividiendose una parte y otra, por toda aquella espessura 
 " de espadaiias, y carrizales, y juncia de la laguna, commengaron 3, buscar por las senas 
 " de la revBlacion el lugar tan deseado.") 
 
 6 There was, to my knowledge, but one similar position: that of Atitlan, in Guate 
 mala. (See : Segunda Relacion por Pedro de Alvarado a Hernando Cortes, 28 July, 
 1524, pp. 460, 461 and 462, of Vol. I, of " Historiadores primitives de Indias," by Don 
 Enrique de Vedia, Madrid, 1852.) That tribe was regarded as very fierce, also. 
 
 REPORT PEABODY MUSEUM, II. 7. 
 
98 
 
 like customs and propensities. War, at first defensive, afterwards 
 offensive, became the life of the tribe. Religion demanded it for 
 its bloody rites ; revenge, so deeply rooted in Indian nature, called 
 for it at every moment. But especially was it required for the 
 subsistence of the tribe, whose increasing numbers could not live 
 from agriculture on the scanty soil allotted to them, and who, 
 therefore, were compelled to depend upon the spoils gathered from 
 inroads upon their neighbours. If there was no war in progress, 
 the Mexicans deemed themselves "idle." 7 We may therefore pre 
 sume that the military organization of the Mexicans, their prepa 
 rations for warfare, and the mode of the latter, are features of 
 importance, and worthy of serious attention. 
 
 Every male of the Mexican tribe was born a warrior. When 
 still a babe his father placed alongside of the child a small bow 8 
 and some arrows, in token of its future duties. There was no 
 military caste at Tenuchtitlan or Mexico ; with the exception of 
 children, old people, infirm or crippled persons, and sometimes 
 priests, every one had to go to war. Boys fifteen years old were 
 taken along, and in some instances it was even directed " that no 
 u youth over fifteen years of age should remain ; that all had to 
 " go, except children and old people." 9 Thus there was no "stand 
 ing army" the available force being composed of all the able- 
 bodied men of the tribe of Mexico. 10 
 
 7 tezozomoc (Cap. XXI, p. 32). " Pasados algunos afios dijo el rey Moctezuma a 
 " Zihuacoatl Tlacaeleltzin general y oydor : pareceme que ha muchos dias que estamos 
 "mtiy ociosos." This term, '"idle," applies to the lack of any war, since immediately 
 thereafter the war against Chalco was kindled by the most wanton provocation on the 
 part of the Mexicans. 
 
 e Fr. X. Clavigero (Storia del Messico. Cesena, 1780. Lib. VI, cap. XXXVI). Fran 
 cisco Lope/ de Gomara (' Historia general de las Indias." Second part, " Conquista 
 " de Mejico," contained in the collection of Vedia, volume I, "This done, they put in 
 " the right lyind of the child, an arrow if a boy, a shuttle if a girl, to mark that he would 
 " have to improve by the use of arms, and she by spinning and weaving," p. -13*. Vcdia, 
 I). Torquemada (Lib. XIII, cap. XX, p. 450, of Vol. II, says this was done four days 
 alter the birth of the child). Clavigero intimates that only those children "whose fa 
 thers were warriors," received the token, but this is not at all confirmed. Motolinia 
 (' Historia de los Indies de la Nueva-Espaiia" in "Coleccion de Documentos para la 
 " Historia de Mexico," by Senor Icazbalceta, Mexico, 18(50, volume I. " Y entonces si 
 " era varon ponianle una saeta en la mano, . . .el varon porque fuese valiente para 
 " defender a si y a la patria, porque las guerras eran muy ordinarias cada aiio." Tra- 
 tado I, cap. V, p. 37). There were no hereditary professions or trades, so to say. 
 
 "Tezozomoc (Cap. LXXXIV, p. 141, and cap. XC, p. 158). Acosta (Lib. IV, cap. 
 XXVI, pp. 442 and 443). 
 
 111 What the Germans call "Allgemeine Wehrpflicht," existed among the Mexicans on 
 the most extensive scale. But their forces, although always ready, never went perma 
 nently outside of the pueblo, for they were not numerous enough, and did not gather 
 
99 
 
 We have not the slightest reliable indication concerning the 
 strength and numbers of that force. 11 This point is as vague and 
 indefinite as the number of the population of the pueblo itself. 
 Both, being closely connected, suffer from the same contradictions 
 and exaggerations. 12 It is true that a "guard "of 10,000 men is 
 mentioned as having occupied always the square of the main tem 
 ple ("teocalli"). 13 But, aside from the grossly exaggerated num 
 bers, "guards," in the sense of a military body doing permanent 
 duty, were unknown to the Mexicans. 14 The scanty mention of 
 a body guard of Montezuma appears an imaginary tale if we look 
 for its presence where and when it should have been most con 
 spicuous : at the meeting of Montezuma and Cortes on the cause 
 way, 15 and when Cortes carried that chieftain away from his house 
 as a hostage. It is an established fact, that only unarmed Indians 
 met Cortes on his entrance to Mexico, and it is equally positive, 
 that no " guard" came to Montezuma's rescue. 
 
 stores in sufficient quantities for such a purpose. "Within the pueblo of Mexico there 
 was no need of being armed, and therefore every Mexican went unarmed in the pueblo. 
 The " guards " of which Gomara and Bernal-Diez both speak, never existed. See Go- 
 inara (" En la ciudad nadie trae armas, . . . . " p. 345, vol. I, Vedia). 
 
 11 Not even Bernal-Diez contains a statement. Fernando de Alva Ixtlilxochitl (" Re- 
 "laciones historicas," Relacion XIII, in Vol. IX of Lord Kingsborough's Antiquities 
 of Mexico, "De la venida de los Espaiioles," translated also into the French by Mr. Ter- 
 naux-Compans, and published under the title of "Cruautes Horribles des conquerants 
 "du Mexique," in the first series of his inestimable collection of translations) says : 
 " the^Mexicans lost over 240,000 men " during the siege of Mexico. The only reasona 
 ble approximate I found in Duran (Hist, de las Indias, etc., cap. XXXVII, pp. 287 and 
 288). Before the Mexicans (including Tezcuco and Tlacopan and the others of the 
 valley) set out against Michhuacan, in 1479, they counted their forces and found 24,000 
 men ( u allaron que auia veinte y cuatro mil combatientes "). This is possible. 
 
 12 The population of Mexico is variously reported. The extremes are : 60,000 souls 
 ("sessjlnta mila habitatori ") of the '"Anonymous Conqueror" (Col. de Doc., Icazbal- 
 ceta. Vol. I, p. 391), and 60,000 families. 
 
 13 The length of the walls of that square was " one cross-bow shot," after Gomara. 
 How could 10,000 men remain there always, besides the priests and their numerous as 
 sistants ? 
 
 n" Gtiardas" are mentioned by-Bernal-Diez del Castillo (" Historia verdadera de la 
 conquista de Nueva-Espaiia " in vol. II, of Sr. Vedia's collection, cap. XCV); by 
 Gomara (p. 342 of vol. I, Vedia). Torquemada (Lib. II, cap. VI, p. 544, vol. II), and 
 others. But Cortes and*Andres de Tapia make no mention of them. 
 
 "Three eye-witnesses of that celebrated meeting have described it: Cortes ("Cartas 
 de Relaciou," in Vedia, I, "Carta Segunda," p. 25). Bernal-Diez (Vedia, II, cap. 
 LXXXVIII, p. 83), and Andres de Tapia (" Relacion hecha por el Seuor Andre's de Ta 
 pia, sobre la conquista de Mexico," in vol. II, of Icazbalceta's Col. de Documentos, 
 p. 578). Neither of them would have omitted to notice armed men among the Indians, 
 had there been any with Montezuma. 
 
 The Mexicans, on their part, could not have failed to make an ostentatious display 
 of armed soldiery, had they existed, when they met the armed strangers at the entrance 
 to the pueblo. 
 
100 
 
 (Cortes' daring and successful seizure of the Mexican chieftain 
 was easier than it is generally supposed, since the tribe was not 
 prepared for it, but only for outside enemies.) 16 
 
 It is equally untrue that any Mexican " garrisons " were main 
 tained among conquered and subjected tribes. 17 The military 
 power of the Mexicans was preserved at home, in a latent state, 
 so to say, but still, as we shall hereafter see, ready to sally forth 
 at a signal from the council of chiefs directing their affairs. But 
 this presupposed, on the part of the tribe, systematic training, 
 proper armament, and a peculiar organization. 
 
 At an early age the boy was taught the use of the bow and ar 
 row in fishing and hunting ; 18 also the use of the dart or javelin. 
 The chase, both on land and water, was an introduction to the 
 stern duty of war. 
 
 16 Ixtlixochitl (f Histoire des Chichimgques ou des anciens rois de Tezcuco," trans 
 lation of Mr. Ternaux-Compans, chapter 85. "All the Spaniards forthwith returned to 
 'their palace, together with a great number of lords of the city, parents and friends of 
 "the King, which sought to read from his countenance whether he wished them to free 
 'him again). The same author (Relacion XHIa. "The nobility, and all the military 
 " chiefs of Mexico, dumbfounded by this occurrence, returned to their houses")- Go- 
 mara, who (Vedia, I, p. 345. "Corte y guarda de Moteczuma,") mentions 3,000 body 
 guards, forgets them completely tp. 351) when he relates Montezuma's capture. Cortes 
 (Carta-segnnda. Vedia, I, p. 27) does not speak of any guard being with the chief. 
 Neither does A. de Tapia. Col. de Doc. II, p. 580.) The capture of Montezuma did 
 not, however, have the desired effect. He was not as powerful as the Spaniards be 
 lieved, and his influence vanished as soon as he was a prisoner, and therefore actually 
 disqualified for office. 
 
 17 i lie bodies of Mexican warriors which Corte"s may have met at different places 
 outside of Mexico when he moved upon that tribe the second time, were not garrison 
 ing those places, but simply corps sent out specially against the Spaniards. Neither at 
 Cempoal, nor at Quiahuiztlan, had he met garrisons of Mexican troops. In the fight 
 wherein Juan de Escalante was killed, natives of the country, and not Mexicans, op 
 posed him. Quauhpopoca was not a Mexican governor, but ' chief of that place called 
 "Almeria" (Cortes, Carta Seg., Vedia, I, p. 26), " a vassal of Montezuma" (A. de Tapia, 
 p. 579), " chief of Nahutlan" (Gomara, p. 354) (Clavigero, lib. VIII, cap. XXX). 
 
 Iztapalapan, Mexicaltzinco, Huitzilopochco, were not held by Mexican warriors 
 when Cortes passed through those places. On the route from Cempoal to the confines 
 of TJaxcallan, through a country overrun formerly by the Mexicans, and tributary to 
 them, there was not a single specifically Mexican stronghold, and no other Mexicans 
 or Aztecs were met by Cortes than messengers and collectors of tribute ; without any 
 armed retinue whatever. No Mexican force hovered about tke confines of Tlaxcallan, 
 their most dangerous enemy, or " occupied" Chalco, the most warlike and unruly tribe 
 of the valley, which Mexico had overpowered. Only the fear of the murderous forays 
 which the Mexicans might execute, from their almost invincible stronghold in the la- 
 gune, held those tribes in subjection; and no permanent military occupation. Tapia 
 says : '* In the conquered districts they put stewards and collectors, and although their 
 " own chiefs commanded the people, they were below Mexican power." (p. 579, Col. 
 de Doc., II.) 
 
 lf A. de Humboldt ("Vues des CordillCres et monuments des peuples indigenes de 
 " 1> AmMque." Ed. 1816, 8vo, torn., II, p. 313). Also, " Raccolta di Mendoza," in Lord 
 Kingsborough. 
 
101 
 
 When fifteen years old, the youth was placed in charge of cer 
 tain chiefs 19 (the "telpuchtlato" or " achcaeautin") who kept them 
 under their oversight until they married. They were educated in 
 communities " for the service of the tribe and for warlike purpo 
 ses;" 20 were allowed, even at the age of fifteen, to go to war 
 either armed or as carriers only, 21 and had their respective " school 
 houses" (" telpuchcalco," houses of the youth) ; one in each of 
 the four quarters of Mexico which formed the basis of the tribe's 
 military organization, as we shall hereafter see. At these houses 
 they were gradually trained to the handling of weapons. 22 
 
 There were no regular times set for military practice. But 
 every twenty days, at least, there occurred a religious festival, at 
 which the warriors appeared in full costume, and, their chiefs in 
 cluded, they "skirmished," showing and practicing their skill in 
 handling arms. 23 The youth were not only invited to such occa- 
 
 19 Idem : "A quinze ans, le pgre presents deux fils a deux differents maitres du tem 
 ple et du college militaire, ..." The boy (Mexican "piltontli") then became a 
 youth (" telpuchtli " Alonzo de Molina. " Vocabulario en lengua Mexicana y castel- 
 lana." Mexico, 1571. Parte Ila, p. 97). 
 
 20 Bernardino de Sahagun (' Historia universal de las cosas de Nueva Espafia," in 
 vol. VII, of Lord Kingsborpugh, lib. III. Appendix, cap. IV, p. 118. " Y asi ofrecian 
 "la criatura, a la casa de telpuchcalli; era su intencion que alii se criase con los otros 
 "mancebos para servicio del pueblo^ cosas de guerra." Also cap. V, 119). Mendieta 
 (Lib. II, cap. XXIV, p. 124. " Los otros se criaban como en capitanias, porque en cada 
 "barrio habia un capitan de ellos, llamado telpuchtlato, que quiere decir " guarda 6 
 
 " capitan de los mancebos Tambien tenian por si su comunidad, sus casas 
 
 " y tierras, etc., etc.") Telpuchtlato signifies " Speaker to the youth " (from " Telpuch-' 
 tli," youth, and "tlatoani," speaker. Molina, II, p. 141). Clavigero (Lib.' VII, cap.' 
 III). Acosta (Lib. VII, cap. XXVII, p. 444. Para este efecto avia en los templos casa 
 " particular de ninos, como escuela, o pupilaje distincto del de los mo?os y mogas del 
 " templo "). Tezozomoc (Cap. LXXI, p. 121 and LXXV1II, p. 134). " Telpuchcalli " is 
 derived from " telpuchtli," youth, and " calli," house. The " achcauhtli," to which we 
 shall refer hereafter, are variously designated, even as priests (by Mendieta), as " cap- 
 " tains of the guard" (by Torqnemada), as " an officer, to whom they (the youth) were 
 entrusted" (by Clavigero). 
 
 21 Mendieta (Lib. II, cap. XXIV, p. 124). " Some of these youth, the strongest ones, 
 " went to war, and the others, also, went to see how the force practiced at arms." Te 
 zozomoc (Cap. LXXI, p. 121) " and all the youth examined, such as had not gone, went 
 " along, carrying arms and supplies, and to become encouraged by the feats they might 
 " witness." 
 
 22 Mexico divided into four " calpulli " (" barrios "), each of which had its " telpuch 
 calli," " where the achcacauhtin showed and taught them the use of arms and how 
 " to combat valorously." (Tezozomoc, cap. LXXI and LXXVIII, p. 134.) 
 
 23 For the long list of religious festivals of the Mexicans, ordinary as well as extra 
 ordinary, we beg to refer to almost any one of the authors of the 16th, 17th, and 18th 
 centuries, on Mexico. As to the military displays and exercises during the feast, I re 
 fer particularly to Antonio de Herrera (' Historia general de los Hechos de los Castel- 
 " lanos en las Islas y la Tierra Firme del Mar Oceano." Edition of 1730. Decada II, 
 lib. VII, cap. XI, p. 187). "Nobody was allowed to carry arms about the city, but only 
 " to war, to the chase, or when on guard to the King. On days of festivities, and at 
 
102 
 
 sions, but their presence was obligatory, that they might see and 
 learn. Besides, as often as war was proclaimed, a general muster 
 and rehearsal was held at each quarter. 24 We have no detailed 
 report of such exercises, of the evolutions, if any, carried out by 
 the warriors, but an incident of the history of Mexico may furnish 
 ns with an approximate picture. "When, in 1473, the tribe of Tlat- 
 ilulco, independent at that time from Mexico, agreed upon attack 
 ing the latter, they practised beforehand, and with as much secrecy 
 as possible. 25 Setting up posts of hard wood, they beat against 
 them with their svtords and clubs; they sped arrows and threw 
 darts at thick wooden planks, and lastly they went out into the 
 lake and shot at birds flying. 26 This may be supposed an illustra 
 tion of the manner in which the Mexicans practised at arms. 
 
 These exercises partaking, frequently at least, of a religious 
 character, they ordinarily took place at the squares surrounding 
 temples, more particularly in the great place of the chief " house 
 of God " (" teo-calli ") of Mexico. 27 Immediately preceding a 
 foray or campaign, warriors and youth aggregated there also, not 
 only to practice, but especially to receive their weapons out of the 
 
 " other times appointed, the latter caused the young men to practice at arms, that they 
 "might be ready for war. He even set out premiums to those who would distinguish 
 ' themselves, and not only was present, but sometimes used the bow and sword, taking 
 " part in the exercises." Also to Torquemada (Lib. X, cap. XIV, p. 256, of 2d volume, 
 but especially cap. XI, p. 252. " En esta fiesta hacian alardes, y escarami^as todos los 
 '< Soldados y Hombres de Guerra, donde cada qual pretendia aventajarse al atro; y se 
 <; mostraban muy valientes, y esforgados; de donde nacia seiialarse muchos, y aventu- 
 " rarse a casos muy peligrosos"), and Mendieta (Lib. II, cap. XXXI, p. 143). 
 24 Tezozomoc (Cap. LXXXIV, p. 147, and cap. XC). 
 
 25 It is well known that the Mexicans had formerly divided into two tribes : the Mex 
 icans proper, of Tenuchtitlan (Tenuchcas), and those of Tlatilulco. The latter never 
 denied their common descent. At the time of their conspiracy to overthrow the Ten- 
 uchca they are said to have agreed upon : " that Mexicatl-Tenuchtitlan should be ob 
 literated, and Tlatilulco-Mexico should become head of the world" (Tezozomoc, 
 cap. XLI). It is not devoid of interest to know that, as late as 1473 (the year 7 4< calli"), 
 or only 48 years previous to the Spanish conquest, the very existence of the Mexican 
 power became seriously threatened by a small tribe, subsisting as an independent peo 
 ple within musket range of Mexico. This fact, and the negotiations of the Tlatilulca 
 with the other tribes of the valley, at that period, furnish one of the best illustrations 
 of the loose manner in which all the tribes subject to Mexico at the time of Cortes Avere 
 bound to the Mexicans. After the overthrow of the Tlatilulcans by Axayacatl of Mex 
 ico, their pueblo became the fifth "quarter" (calpulli), and under Spanish rule it bore 
 the name of " Santiago." 
 
 26 Tezozomoc (Cap. XLI). Duran (Cap. XXXIH, pp. 259 and 260). According to the 
 latter, they at first practised with the sling, throwing stones against a wooden image; 
 he does not mention the use of the sword or club, only missiles. Otherwise, both au 
 thors agree perfectly. 
 
 27 Tezozomoc (Cap. LXXXIV, p. 147). Herrera (Dec. II, lib. VII, cap. II, p. 187, of 
 Ibt volume). 
 
103 
 
 public storehouses connected with the temples of each tribal sub 
 division. 28 * 
 
 The name given to these public store-houses was " houses of 
 darts" (tlacochcalco). 29 They were, probably, not limited to the 
 immediate vicinity of the chief temple, but e,ach subdivision of the 
 pueblo had its "house of darts" as well as its central "teocalli." 30 
 The following description of an aboriginal Mexican "pueblo," 
 furnished by a missionary who arrived in New-Spain as early as 
 
 28 Tezozomoc (Cap. LXXI, p. 121. Immediately preceding the foray against Xoco- 
 nochco, "each day the youth went to the quarters, to practise at the school of arms, 
 " telpuchcalco . '. . . " Idem, cap. LXXVIII, p. 134). The Anonymous Conqueror, 
 whose relation is contained in vol. I of Sr. Icazbalceta's " Col. de Documentos," both 
 in the original Italian taken from Ramusio (" Relatione di alcune cose della Nuova 
 " Spagna, & Della Gran Citta di Temestitan Messico, fatta per uno Gentil' homo del 
 " Signor Fernando Cortese"), and in the Spanish translation by the distinguished Mex 
 ican scholar, says (p. 394, "Dei tempii, Meschite clie havevano"): "Before they left 
 "(for war), they all went to the principal mosque (" meschita maggiore "main teocalli) 
 " and provided themselves with the arms stored over the main entrances " (of the 
 square around the temple). We have few positive indications as to the true situation 
 of the store-houses, beyond that they were probably connected wUh the "school, 
 houses" (" telpuchcalco "), and therefore with the temples. Torquemada, who gives 
 an elaborate description of the chief temple of Mexico (Lib. VIII, of 2d volume), says 
 (Cap. XI, p. 146) : "and at each one of the four entrances to the court of the temple- 
 " there was an extensive (very large) hall, connected with numerous rooms and closets, 
 "high as well as low, which served as houses of arms, where these were kept together 
 "with the ammunition. For, as they regarded the temples as their strongest places, 
 " and their retreats in case of danger, they held there their arms and means of defence." 
 He further mentions, under the uncouth name of "Tlacochcalcoacatlyacapan," "an- 
 " other hall .... Here they kept a quantity of arrows (or darts, 'saetas') which 
 " were made every year, and there deposited until wanted." See also Acosta (Lib. VI, 
 cap. XXVII). Gomara (Vedia, I. "El templo de Mejico," p. 349). " At each door (of 
 " the four) of the court of the principal temple there was a large hall surrounded by 
 "high and low additions. These were filled with arms, like public and communal 
 " houses, for the temples were the strongholds of each pueblo, and therefore contained 
 " the arms and ammunition." Of course the square of the great " teocalli" of Mexico 
 attracted principal attention. 
 
 29 " Tlacochalco," or " Tlacochcalli," derives from " tlacochtli," daut, and "calli," 
 house. 
 
 30 Every author concedes that there were several " houses of arms" at Mexico. Ber- 
 nal-Diez says there were two (Cap. XCI, p. 87, of vol. II, Vedia), Gomara (" Casas de 
 armas," Vedia, I, p. 345) says: "Montezuma had some (rather 'several' 'algunas') 
 houses of arms, whose blazon were a bow and two quivers over each door." Herrera 
 (Dec. II, lib. VII, cap. XI, p. 186) says; "he had, not one, but many houses for the 
 "keeping and storage of ai-ms;" (Dec. II, lib. VII, cap. XVII, p. 197) he copies almost 
 textually Gomara's statement about the halls over the entrances of the court to the 
 temple of Mexico, and adds also, like Gomara, " porque los templos, aliende de que 
 " Servian de casas de Oracion, eran las Fortale?as con que en tiempo de Guerra mas se 
 " defendian, i teniau en ellos la municion, i Almacen." Previously he says (p. 196): 
 " There were many temples in Mexico ; according to the parishes, or quarters, of which 
 " there were many." See also Motolinia (Trat. Ill, cap. VIII, p. 188) : "porque teniau 
 "muchas casas de varas con sus puntas de pedernal, etc., etc" It shows that the 
 storehouses were distributed over the pueblo, and not only limited to the main temple. 
 Cortes, when he burnt Quauhpopoca, emptied for that purpose the arsenals of the main 
 
104 
 
 1524, gives an approximate picture of the distribution of these ed- 
 ifices, or rather clusters of buildings. 31 
 
 "They called these temples ' teocallis,' and we found all over 
 " the land that in the best part of the settlement they made a great 
 " quadrangular court, which, in the largest pueblo, was one cross- 
 " bow shot from one corner to another, while in the smaller places 
 " it was not as large. This court they enclosed by a wall, many of 
 " which enclosures were with battlements ; the entrances looking 
 " towards the chief highways and streets, which all terminated at 
 u the court, and even, in order to still more honor their temples, 
 " they led their roads up to these in a straight line from two and 
 " three leagues distance. It was a wonderful aspect, to witness 
 " from the top of the chief temple, how from all the quarters and 
 " the minor places, the roadways all led up in a straight line to 
 " the courts of the teocallis, . . . the devil did not content 
 "himself with the aforesaid teocallis, but in each pueblo and in 
 " each quarter, as far as a quarter of one league off, there were 
 "other small courts containing, sometimes only one, sometimes 
 " three or four teocallis . . . ." 
 
 The arms and stores contained in the "houses of darts," are 
 often regarded as having belonged to the chiefs, or so-called 
 "Kings" of the Mexican tribe, and the buildings themselves are 
 mentioned as u royal storehouses," or " arsenals." It was not so, 
 however. The arms and stores belonged to the people, and they 
 were under the control of certain stewards (" calpixca") who dis 
 tributed them to the military chiefs of the tribe, whenever any de 
 cision of the head-council, or any sudden emergency required it. 32 
 
 temple, he thought thus to disarm the Mexicans, burning the arms (500 cartloads, says 
 Tapia). Herrera, Dec. II, lib. VIII, cap. IX, p. 214 ("pareciendo a Hernando Cortes, 
 " que era mas seguro consejo quitar las arm as al enemigo pties la ocasion presente era 
 " para ello mui aparejada"), together with that chief. But he only emptied one of these 
 "houses of arms," and soon found out that the Mexicans had several others left. 
 
 81 Fray Toribio, of Benavente (Kingdom of Leon in Spain), calling himself "Moto- 
 linia" (poor, unfortunate, unhappy), arrived at Mexico about the 17th of June, 1524. 
 He was one of the first twelve Franciscan missionaries sent to New-Spain. The above 
 quotation is from his "Historia de los Indios de Nueva-Espana," written about 1540.' 
 (Tratado I, cap. XII, pp. 63 and G5.) He died on the 9th of Aug., 1569. 
 
 32 xhe " calpixqui" were civil functionaries, stewards, gatherers of tribute, to whose 
 care the public stores were entrusted. The name is generally translated as " mayor- 
 domo," even by Molina (Vocab., II, p. 11). Its proper signification, however, would 
 be derived from "tlacatl," man, and " pixqui," "what is gathered from the crops," 
 therefore collectors or gatherers. Tezozomoc relates that before the foray against the 
 tribes of Cuetlaxtlan : " Thus the calpixca or stewards of the tribes gave to their quar- 
 " ters (stores and supplies of all kinds, too numerous to mention)." (Cap. XXXII, p. 
 
105 
 
 Even ornaments and dresses were also preserved at some of 
 those places. 33 
 
 We may divide the armament of the Mexicans into weapons for 
 offence and defensive armour for protection. 
 
 Among the offensive arms the missiles occupy the principal 
 place, as we may infer from the general mode of Indian warfare, 
 which consists in striking an enemy, if possible, from a distance, 
 and with as little risk to the assailant as possible, too. Darts or 
 javelins, bows and arrows, slings and stones, were therefore of pri 
 mary importance to the Mexican warrior. 
 
 The dart or javelin ("tlacochtli" "tlatzontectli") was the main 
 weapon of the Mexicans. 34 It consisted of a short spear made of 
 hard and elastic cane wood ("otlatl"), whose point, shaped after 
 the manner of the well known arrow-head, was mostly of flint, of 
 obsidian, and perhaps, occasionally, of copper. 'This point or head 
 was inserted into the stem or rod through a slit at its end, gummed 
 in, and fastened besides by a strong thread wound around it. 35 
 The javelin sometimes had two or three branches with points, so 
 as to strike several wounds at once, 36 the warrior often iiad it tied 
 to his arm by a long cord, but sometimes, also, he carried a num 
 ber of darts loose. 37 
 
 49.) Bernal-Diez says that " mayordomos " had control of the " houses of arms." (Cap. 
 XCI, p. 87, Vedia, II.) At their head was the '* Petlacalcatl," " or man of the house of 
 chests," from " petlacalli," chest or box made out of canes. Bernal-Diez mentions 
 that functionary, but says they called him Tapia, his Indian title he does not remem 
 ber (Cap. XCI). Each tribe subject to Mexico had a " calpixqui " residing among it. 
 
 33 Tezozomoc (Cap. XXXV, p. 35, and LXX, p. 119). 
 
 34 Tezozomoc never mentions the bow and arrow, but always "varas tostadas," 
 "varas arrojadi9as," " tlatzontectli." Rods hardened by fire were used once by the 
 Mexicans, at the time of their most abject misery, when fighting for the Culhua against 
 Xochimilco (Clavigero, lib. II, cap. XVI). Even the poor aborigines of the Lucayos 
 (Bahamas) used points of fish-bone, and not simply hardened points of wood. Men- 
 dieta (Lib. II, cap. XXVI, p. 130). 
 
 38 Gomara (" Conquista," p. 345. Vedia, vol. I). 
 
 36 Clavigero (Lib. VII, cap. XXIII). 
 
 37 It would be difficult, otherwise, to account for the number of darts " spent" in the 
 engagements, had each warrior carried but one javelin. Torquemada (Lib. VI, cap. 
 XXI, p. 43) mentions a sort of cross-bow (ballesta), which he calls "atlatl," by the 
 means of which they are said to li;ne sped their darts (" qne tiraban con cierto artifi- 
 cio, que llamaron Atlatl"). "Atlatl," however, means a strap (" amiento '') fastening 
 the helmet around the chin. Mendieta says : "Al principio jugaban de hondas y varas 
 "como dardos que sacaban con jugaderas y las tiraban muy recias." "Jugadera'* 
 means a shuttle. In his note to Duran (Cap. IV, p. 31), "inventando aquel modo de ar- 
 "mas y varas arrojadizas que llamamos fisgas." Senor Ramirez says "Refierese pro- 
 "bablemente al arma Mexicana llamada Atlatl, especie de ballesta, que segun la tradi- 
 " cion fue inventada en Tacubaya . . . ." " Fisga " is a trident or harpoon. The 
 use of the cross-bow, therefore, by the Mexicans, as the term " ballesta" implies, while 
 
106 
 
 Bows and arrows were used, probably, by every warrior, but 
 they were a less convenient weapon than the simple dart. 38 The 
 bow ("tfcmzYoWi") 39 was made of the same wood as the stem of 
 the javelins ("otlatl"), its length varied according to the tribes, 
 but those of the Mexicans were short. 40 The chord was made 
 out of the hair or sinews of deer. The arrow ("mitl") needs no 
 description. Sometimes it was with several branches or heads. 
 They carried the arrows in quivers suspended from the shoulder. 
 Poisoned arrows were not in use among the Mexicans. 41 
 
 Last among the missiles, though not least in importance, were 
 pebbles and stones, thrown by slings or by hand. 42 The store- 
 
 we shall not deny it, appears to us not yet established as a fact. They may have had 
 something similar to it, however, but it was no commonly used weapon, and we would 
 beg to suggest that the "invention" of the "atlatl" at Tacubaya relates, not to the 
 cross-bow, as Sr. Ramirez indicates, but simply to the "harpoon" (fisga) or javelin 
 fastened to its carrier by a long cord. The Mexicans, besides, had a very characteristic 
 name for cross-bow (Molina, I, p. 116). It is " tepuztlauitolli," composed of " tepuztli," 
 iron or copper, and " tlauitolli," bow, a "bow of IKON, plainly indicating that the 
 weapon became known to them only after or during the conquest. Gonzala Fernandez 
 de Oviedo y Valdes "Historia general y natural de Indias," written towards the mid 
 dle of the 16th century, but published in full only 1853, by the Academy of Madrid, 
 gives (Vol. Ill, plate I, figs. 2 and 3) a drawing of an instrument used by the Indians of 
 Cueva (Coyba), on the Isthmus of Darien, for throwing their darts. He says (Lib. XXIX, 
 cap. XXVI, p. 127): "In some sections of the country the Indians are warlike, in other 
 " sections not. They hardly ever use the bow, but fight with macanas, long lances, 
 "and with darts which they throw by means of estoricas (a kind of avientos), a well- 
 " made wooden contrivance. With this they hurl the javelin, always keeping the ' es- 
 " torica'in hand." The drawing referred to represents a wooden slide, shorter than 
 the dart itself. The latter was laid on it. On each side of the slide there was a ring 
 through which they passed the first and second fingers, holding it between and resting 
 it on the palm of the hand. This gave them considerable accuracy and power in throw 
 ing the dart. An uncouth but very plain representation oa similar contrivance is 
 found on plate V to the fifth chapter of the 2d Treatise of Duran, thus showing that 
 the " atlatl" was nothing else but Oviedo's "estorica." Furthermore, Mr. F. W. Put 
 nam, Curator of the Peabody Museum, identifies the "atlatl" in all probability with 
 the "throwing stick" of the Aleutians of the Northwest, and still in use among them. 
 
 38 Although the bow and arrow are a very deadly weapon, the dart was most conve 
 nient, and therefore most popular among the Mexicans; at least to open the combat 
 .(Mendieta, lib. II, cap. XXVI, p. 130). 
 
 89 Molina (Vocabulario I, p. 13). 
 
 40 Clavigero (Lib. VII, cap. XXIII). Some tribes are mentioned as using bows 5 
 feet long. The natives of Tehuacan are stated to have been extraordinarily good arch 
 ers (Mendieta, lib. II, pp. 130 and 131). 
 
 41 There is no-trace of poisoned arrows north ofcthe Isthmus of Darien. (See " Re- 
 " lacion de los Sucesos de Pedrarias Davila en las provincias de Tierra firme 6 Castilla 
 " del oro," etc., etc., " escrita por el Adelantado Pascual de Andagoya," in vol. Ill of 
 " Coleccion de los Viages y Descubrimientos," by Don Martin Fernandez de Navarrete, 
 Madrid, 1829.) Also, Pedro de Cieza, of Leon (" Crouica del Peru," in Vedia, vol. II, 
 cap. VII, p. 361). 
 
 42 Mendieta (Lib. II, cap. XXVI, p. 130). Stones were picked up while fighting and 
 thrown at each other in the field. Tezozomoc mentions " stones sent off with cords " 
 ("con cordeles"), otherwise we have no description of the sling. 
 
107 
 
 houses contained supplies of slings ("tematlatl"), 43 while the mis 
 siles themselves were accumulated for defence on the flat house 
 tops, 44 or, in the open field, taken up " ad libitum" for aggressive 
 use. 45 
 
 Next in importance to the aggressive missiles, as weapons in 
 tended for closer quarters, were, to the Mexicans, the sword and 
 club. The spear ("tepuztopilli " 46 ) was probably not an original 
 Mexican weapon, but, while they used it against the Spaniards 
 towards the close of their defence, it still appears to have been 
 most in use among more southerly tribes. 
 
 The sword (" maccuahuitl ") was 3^ to 4 feet long, and 4 to 5 
 inches wide. 47 The anon3 T mous conqueror says: 48 "In order to 
 " make their swords, they cut out a blade of the shape of our two- 
 " handers, but with a shorter hilt, and about three fingers thick. 
 " They cut a groove along the edge, and insert into this groove a 
 " hard stone, cutting like our blades of Toledo." 49 This stone 
 was obsidian ("Iztli"), and the edge of the sword, composed of 
 fragments "three inches long and two inches broad," became at 
 the outset as sharp as a razor. These fragments were very firmly 
 cemented into the wood, but, although the sword was double- 
 edged, it soon became transformed into an ordinary club, since 
 obsidian is very brittle, and splintered after the first heavy blows 
 upon iron armour. At the beginning of an engagement, this 
 weapon was much feared by the Spaniards. 50 The warrior carried 
 
 43 Clavigero (Lib. VII, cap. XXIII). Motolinia (Tratado III, cap. VIII, p. 188). Her- 
 rera (Dec. II, lib. VII, cap. XI, p. 187). The word "tematlatl" is difficult to etymolo 
 gize. It may derive from " Temac," in somebody's hands, and " atlatl," strap, or from 
 " Temalli," substance or body, and " atlatl." 
 
 44 Bernal-Diez (Cap. LXXXIII and CXXVI). Cortes (Carta. Ilia. Vedia, I, p. 41). 
 Gomara (Vedia, I, p. 373). 
 
 45 Cortes (Cart. II. Vedia, I, p. 50). Mendieta (Lib. II, cap. XXVI, p. 130). 
 
 46 From " tepuztli," iron or copper, and " topilli," rod or pole. The long spears or 
 lances were mostly used by the inhabitants of Chiapas. During the siege of Mexico, 
 the aborigines defending it used "long lances of ours, or scythes ('dalles,' spears), 
 " much longer than ours, from the arms which they had captured at our defeat and clis- 
 "comfiture in Mexico" (Bernal-Diez, cap. CLI; Vedia, II, p. 178). 
 
 47 Clavigero (Lib. VII, cap. XXIII). Bernal-Diez (Cap. LXII and LXV). The lat 
 ter calls them " espadas de dos nianos." 
 
 48 " El Conquistador Anonimo " (" Col. de Doc.," Vol. I, p. 375). 
 
 49 See also Herrera (Dec. II, lib. VII, cap. XI, p. 187). Mendieta (Lib. II, p. 130). 
 Motolinia (Trat. Ill, cap. VIII, p. 188). 
 
 50 Clavigero positively asserts that the edge was of obsidian, and flint could never 
 have given such a cutting blade. Mendieta (Lib. V, Parte II, cap. VII, pp. 757 and 758) 
 calls the sword " macana,". and says it was double-edged : " cercada de navajas de pie- 
 dra por ambas partes." The first blows were terrific, but only these, then the edge 
 broke. See Herrera (Dec. II. lib. VII, cap. XI, p. 187. " i enconan las Espadas de Palo 
 
108 
 
 his sword attached or suspended from the wrist. 51 Clubs (" quau- 
 hololli") may have been also in use. But battle-axes, or any 
 thing like the Peruvian " chumpi," do not appear to have been 
 known to the Mexicans. 52 
 
 If now we turn to the defensive arms, to the protective armour 
 proper, of the Mexicans, we meet in the first instance the shield 
 (" chimalli "). Not the merely ornamental shields used and car 
 ried by warriors and chiefs on festive occasions only, 53 but the 
 
 'con agudos Pedernales, engeridos por los filos, . . . que dando grandes golpes no se 
 ' deshacia; cortaban en lo blando, quanto topaban, pero en lo duro resurtian, como eran 
 <los fllos muy delgados"). Clavigero (Lib. VII, cap. XXIII). "The flrst blows alone 
 ' were fearful, as the edge soon wore out." (The name u Macuahuitl " may derive from 
 'maitl," hand, and "cuahuitl," tree). The tables accompanying the work of Duran 
 have many representations of the maccuahintl. The " handle " or hilt is usually formed 
 by a ball or knob, sometimes by a ring. 
 
 61 H. H. Bancroft (Native Races of the Pacific States of N. America. Vol. II, p. 411). 
 If we have not heretofore quoted, and may perhaps not quote hereafter, this splendid 
 compilation, it is merely because we revert to original authorities, and not at all out of 
 disregard for the highly valuable assemblage of data which the distinguished author 
 has furnished to science. 
 
 52 Mr. Bancroft has given a fine illustration of a club used by some of the Indians of 
 the present Republic of Mexico. But among the Mexicans proper, the sword, "maccu- 
 ahuitl," was the most common and frequently used weapon. Clavigero figures it like 
 the blade of a saw-fish, with teeth; and Tezozomoc calls it " espadarte." But there 
 can be no doubt that the intention of the Indians was to make a continuous Made (or 
 edge), and not a row of teeth. (Along the sea-coast the "proboscis" of the saw-fish 
 may have been used occasionally as a weapon, but it certainly never furnished a type.) 
 The Peruvian "chumpi" was a peculiar weapon, and has nothing analogous elsewhere 
 on this continent. It required both hands to wield it. An illustration of it is found in 
 Herrera, Frontispiece to the fifth Decade, where the portraits of thirteen Yncas are 
 given. Both Manco-Capac and Viracocha each hold a " chumpi" or spear terminating 
 in a broad star, like the " Morgenstern " of the Swiss. Some authors persist in giving 
 to the Mexican sword the name of " macana," but this word is not Mexican. Neither is 
 it Carib. It was imported from the Antilles by the Spaniards, and is probably " arua." 
 'Von Tschudi "Peru, Reise-skizzen" (St. Gall, 1846) describes, vol. 2, chap. 7, p. 231, the 
 macana still in use among the wild Indians of the Peruvian " Montaflas," East of the 
 Andes. He says: "the sword, macana, is also, like the bow, made out of the hard 
 " chunta. This wood is dark brown, very hard and heavy. The macana is four feet 
 " long, one inch thick, and five to six inches broad; at the handle it is only three inches 
 "wide and rounded, both edges are as sharp as those of a sabre." The same author 
 describes also the club, " matusino," of the same tribes. It is a rough imitation of the 
 " chumpi " of the Incas, deer-prongs taking the places of the metallic star. Its length 
 is about four to five feet. Duran also has drawings of a Mexican club, corresponding 
 .to the figure given by Mr. H. H,. Bancroft. 
 
 63 These shields, richly ornamented with featherwork, were used at great festivals, 
 'at the dances. Illustrations are given in Herrera, Frontispiece to the second Decade, 
 in Clavigero, and especially in the " Raccolta di Mendoza," printed in Lord Kingsbo- 
 rough. They were frequently sent as presents, and among the presents which Cortes 
 received while at Vera-Cruz, Gomara mentions once twenty-four, and again five, of such 
 shields. "Cinco rodelas de pluma y plata," and "veinte y cuatro rodelas de oro y 
 "pluma y aljofar, vistosos y de mucho primor" (Vedia I, p. 322). He distinguishes 
 them from the war-shield which he describes as "una rodela de palo y cuero, y a la re- 
 " donda campanulas de laton morisco, y la capa de una plancha de oro, esculpida en 
 " ella Vitcilopuchtli, dios de las batallas, y en aspa cuatro cabezas con su pluma 6 pelo, 
 " al vivo y desollado, qne eran de leon, de tigre, de aquila, y de un buarro." 
 
109 
 
 round, small, " target," worn by the " brave" on his left arm and 
 made of " canes netted together and interwoven with cotton ' two- 
 " fold,' covered on the outside with gilded boards and with feath- 
 " ers, and so strong that a hard cross-bow shot could alone pene- 
 " trate them . . . ," 54 
 
 With this shield they warded off blows in close combat, 55 and 
 even arrows and darts at full speed. Each warrior probably car 
 ried his own shield, although it is sometimes stated that the ar 
 chers, while shooting, were shielded by others. 56 This, however, 
 would necessarily imply a greater progress of the military art 
 among the Mexicans than we may safely allow. 
 
 The remainder of the protective armour of the Mexicans is in 
 timately connected with their costume. 
 
 The ordinary dress of a Mexican consisted of a sleeveless jacket 
 (" huepil ") fastened on the right shoulder, and of the breechcloth 
 ("maxtlatl"). The head, arms, and legs from the knees down 
 wards, were bare. A mantle, short among the common Indians, 
 longer among the chiefs, completed the costume. 57 Sometimes 
 they went to war without any other protection, but in most cases 
 the warrior wore a frock of quilted cotton, about three-quarters of 
 
 54 The "anonymous conqueror" (Col. de Doc., Vol. I, p. 373). Compare Torque- 
 mada (Lib. IV, cap. XXXI, p. 423), and Clavigero (Lib. VII, cap. XXIII). 
 
 65 See the description of a single combat between a Cempoaltecan and Tlaxcaltecan 
 (Hen-era, Dec. II, lib. VI, cap. VI, p. 143, and Torquemada, Lib. IV, cap. XXXI, p. 422). 
 
 66 Clavigero (Lib. VII, cap. XXIII) and the anonymous conqueror both assert, that 
 each warrior had a shield. But Fray G. de Mendieta is still more positive (Lib. II, cap. 
 XXVI, p. 130) : "Tras estos llegaban los golpes de espada y rodela, con los cuales iban 
 " arrodelados los de arco y flecha, y alii gastaban su almacen." However, Fray Diego 
 Duran says : (Cap. XIV, p. 121) " y llegados & un lugar que Hainan Tecuitlatenco, hicie- 
 ' ron alto y esperaron la armada de Mexico que venian por la laguna, que eran mill 
 " canoas, muy bien Adereadas de gente y paueses con gran numero de fisgas y varas 
 " arrojadi9as, flechas y rodelas y de hombres para defensa de los flecheros, los qualea 
 " estauan tan diestros en desviar flechas con las rodelas, que era espanto, porque en 
 " viendola venir, luego la dauan con la rodela que la echauan a trav^s." This seems 
 to indicate that there were special men detailed to protect the archers, and therefore a 
 division into different arms, although there is no other evidence of such a fact. It may 
 have been the case here, since the fight (against Cuitlahuac) was to take place on water 
 chiefly, but nowhere else do we meet a division into kinds of arms, like archers, spear 
 men, swordsmen, etc., etc. All Mexican warriors were armed as nearly alike as pos 
 sible. The Anonymous Conqiieror, after mentioning the different weapons, says: "y 
 "molti, 6 la maggior parti di esse portano tutte queste'sorti di armi con che combat- 
 tone." (' Relatione, etc.," in Vol. I, of Col. de Doc., p. 374.) 
 
 67 Gomara (Conquista de Mejico. Vedia, Tom. I. p. 440. " Calzan unos zapatos como 
 "alpargates, panuicos por bragas. Visten una manta quadrada, aiiudada al hombro 
 " derecho como gitanas "). The Anonymous Conqueror (p. 376. " La maniera del ves- 
 "tire de gli huomini"). Tezozomoc (Cronica, Cap. XXXVI, p. 58. "the macehuals 
 ' of lower grade, wore short mantles, plain, of cotton or nequen "). The "maxlatl" 
 is described by the Anonymous Conqueror as follows : " a towel, like unto a sheet 
 
110 
 
 an inch thick, up to one and one-half inches, and therefore .strong 
 enough to resist an arrow-shot, or even the dart at long range. 
 This was the cotton-armour subsequently adopted by the Spaniards 
 under the name of " Escaupil" (" Ichcahuipilli"). 58 Sometimes 
 even the limbs were encased in such quilted armour, 59 and the out 
 side of the " ichcahuipil" was adorned with feathers and plates of 
 gold or silver. The feet were protected by leather soles or moc 
 casin-like shoes ("cactli," "cotaras"), but the use of them was 
 not general. 60 Warriors of merit especially, inserted their heads 
 
 " worn over the head while travelling, of various colors, and variously adorned, with 
 " the ends hanging downwards, one in front and the other behind." It was common 
 to the aborigines of Mexico and Central America, and is represented on the sculptures 
 of Palenque, of Copan, and of Chichen-Itza. The tables of Duran give, perhaps, the 
 most reliable picture of these costumes. 
 
 68 " Ichcahuipilli " derives from " Ichcatl," cotton, and " huepil," jacket. Alvarado, 
 in his second letter to Cortes, dated 28 July, 1524 (Vedia. Vol. 1), mentions an ichca- 
 huipil used by Indians of Guatemala, which was three inches thick and reached as far 
 down as the ankle : "' porque veman tan armados, que el que caia en el suelo no se po- 
 " dia levautar; y con sus armas coseletes de tres dedos de algodon, y hasta en los 
 ''pies " (p. 462.) 
 
 59 There are several representations of such protection of the thighs, and also of the 
 arms, especially in the splendid work of Lord Kiugsborough, taken from the Mendo/a 
 codex. The entire costume, from the neck to the knee, seems to be of one piece. We 
 have no accurate description, however, of them. It is doubtful whether they termina 
 ted into upper "leggings," or whether into a frock-like continuation, reaching from the 
 girdle to the knee. Perhaps both; at least there are traces of both. (Anonymous Con 
 queror, p. 374. Clavigero, Lib. VII, cap.' XXIII.) The absence of the " Ichcahuiinl" 
 was not, however, always a sign of low rank. Some warriors of particular merit even 
 went to war almost naked (See Humboldt, "Vues de Cordilleres," Tab. XIV, fig. 4). and 
 Herrera (Dec. II, cap. XXI, p. 287, speaking of the natives of Tepeaca, who were sub 
 ject to Mexico: "and the most valiant ones went only in breech-cloth, painting their 
 naked body black and red"). There was, consequently, no absolute uniformity ami 
 uniform distinction in dre>s and armament, and this was still increased by the variety 
 of customs among the numerous tribes whicli assisted the Mexicans in war, each tribe 
 having its own manner of dress, and keeping separate on the battlefield. A Mexican 
 army must have been a rather strange, motley crowd. Still there was, in all proba 
 bility, less variety than among the Peruvian warlike bodies. Of the latter's variegated 
 array the report of Francisco de Xeres, secretary of Pizarro, gives a good illustration 
 (Vedia, vol. II). 
 
 60 " Cactli," corrupted into " catle," is rendered by Molina (II, p. 11) as "shoes, or 
 sandals." Torquemada says (Lib. IV, cap. XVI, p. 450, vol. I): "the King wore 
 "golden shoes, which they call cades, and are alter the fashion of those of the ancient 
 "Romans, adorned with much jewelry, the soles fastened with cords." (Idem: Lib. 
 XI, cap. XXX, p. 305) ''they gave to him cotaras or sandals . . . ." Gomara (Con- 
 quista, etc., p. 322), in the list of presents sent by Cortes to the Emperor, mentions: 
 " many shoes like as of grass, made of deer-hides, some with golden thread, and the 
 "soles of certain white and blue stones . . . ," "other shoes, six pairs, of leather 
 "of different color, adorned with gold or silver or pearls." The question is, whether 
 they were moccasins or sandals. The sculptures of Palenque show an approach to 
 either. Dursin (Cap. XXVI, p. 214), in speaking of the distinctions of dress, says : "And 
 "thus it was ordained, first: that the Kings should not appear in public, except in ur- 
 "gent cases; that the King alone might wear a crown in the city, but that in war all the 
 " great chiefs and valiant captains might wear crowns also, and royal tokens .... 
 
Ill 
 
 into wooden forms, intermediate between masks and helmets, imi 
 tating heads of ferocious beasts like tigers, lions, wolves, also 
 snakes, and covered with the skins of these animals. 61 The princi 
 pal captains and war-chiefs were distinguished by their wide and 
 long mantles, 62 by the cut and tress of their hair, 63 and by tower 
 ing bushes of green feathers on the so-called "helmets" protecting 
 the head. 64 
 
 'It was ordained that the King and his coadjutor, Tlacaelel, should alone wear shoes 
 14 in the royal house, and that none of the great chiefs might enter the palace with shoes 
 " on, under penalty of death; and they alone could wear shoes in the city, except those 
 ' who had distinguished themselves in war, which for their merit, and in token of their 
 "bravery, were permitted to wear light and common sandals, because the gilded and 
 "painted o\\es belonged to the great chiefs alone." We would suggest that the "cactli" 
 or "colaras" were half-moccasins, similar to slippers. It is not devoid of interest to 
 notice here, that even the wearing of these articles depended upon actual merit and 
 reputation achieved in war, and not upon wealth or inheritance. War was, indeed, "the 
 life of the tribe." 
 
 61 Anonymous Conqueror (Col. de Doc., I, p. 372). Clavigero (Lib. VII, cap. XXIII). 
 Diawings are found in Clavigero, in the Mendoza Codex, as published by Lord Kings- 
 borough, and in the frontispiece to the 2d Decade of Herrera (Vol. I). It may be that 
 the "honorific titles of "daring lions, tigers, and eagles," which have greatly contributed 
 to the supposition of the existence of " military orders," or " orders of chivalry," were 
 based upon the wearing of such costumes by the braves. As already stated, not all 
 the warriors carried such masks or helmets, but our data are too imperfect to enable 
 us to state positively the class or standing of those who wore them. 
 
 . "- Duran (Cap. XXVI, p. 215). " TambSen se determine que solo el rev pudiese traer 
 " las manias galanas de labores y pinturas de algodon y hilo de diversas colores y plu- 
 "meria, doradas y labradas con diuersas labores y pinturas y diferenciallas quando & 
 "elle pareciese, sin aver excepcion en traer y nsar las manias quel quisiese; y los 
 "grandes seiiores, que eran hasta doce, las manias de tal y tal labor y hechura, y los 
 " de menos valia, como uviese hecha tal 6 lal Valencia 6 hagaiia, olras diferenles; los 
 " soldados, de olra menor labor y hechura, no pudiendo usar de olra preciosa labor ni 
 "diferencia, mas de aquella que alii se le senalaba con sus cenidores y bragueros, que 
 " aludian y seguian la hechura de la manta que le era permitida. Toda la demas genie, 
 " so pena de la vida, salio delerminado que nenguno usase de algodon ni se pusiese 
 " olra manta sino de neguen, y queslas manias no pasasen mas de quanlos cubriesen la 
 " rodilla, y si alguno la Irujese que llegase a la garganta del pie\ fue>e muerlo, saluo si 
 "no tuviese alguna sennal en las piernas de herida que en la guerra le uviesen dado, 
 " . . . .") Also Tezozomoc (Cap. XXXVI, p. 58). Here again we find the kind and 
 cut of the mantle, its ornamenls delermined by Ihe warlike achievemenls of ils bearer. 
 
 63 Tezozomoc (Cap. XXXVI, p. 57). Humboldl (" Vues des Cordilleres," Vol. I, p. 
 345). The iigure of Ihe Alias in folio is taken from Ihe Codex Anonymous of the Vali- 
 can. Says Ihe Anonymous Conqueror: "To him who distinguished himself in war 
 " they made a mark in the hair, that his prowess might be recognized and seen at once, 
 " since they never wore the head covered" (p. 371). Braids or Iresses of hair as well 
 as of leather, were sometimes given as presenls, and worn. Tezozomoc mentions them 
 frequently, under different names. 
 
 64 The head-dress, or " divisa.'' " tlauiztli." or "quetzalpatzactli," is represented 
 on nearly every Mexican painting or picture-leaf. It is also represenled on Ihe stone of 
 sacrifice, as adorning the victorious warrior of each group. Its size is generally exag 
 gerated. Gomara (p. 322, Vedia, I) includes in his list of objects sent by Corles to the 
 Emperor : " a helmet of wood, gold-plated, wilh jewels in front or outside, and Iwenly- 
 " five little golden bells, and its crest of a green bird, whose eyes, beak, and feet were 
 
112 
 
 While we shall, further on, have occasion to recur again to the 
 question of military costume and ornaments ; when we treat of 
 the different grades of warriors and captains, it remains to be 
 said here that featherwork, worn as a layer over the " escaupil," 
 played a prominent part in the Mexican armour. 65 It formed an 
 elastic layer on the outside of the quilted jacket, and besides it 
 furnished, through an assemblage of colors peculiar to each sub 
 division of the force, the "uniform," or, as the Spanish authors 
 call it, the " livery," of that particular sub-division. The Anony 
 mous Conqueror says: "They cover their jackets and breeches 
 44 with feathers of various hues, presenting a very good appear* 
 " ance ; one company of soldiers has them white and red, others 
 " blue and yellow, and others wear them still different." 6G Ber- 
 nal-Diez mentions that while fighting on the causeways during the 
 siege of Mexico : " in the morning many captaincies (detach- 
 " ments) would attack us, relieving each other from time to time ; 
 " some had one livery and ensign, others had other ones." 67 Such 
 of the warriors as were but scantily clothed painted their naked 
 bodies. 68 
 
 " of gold." Tezozomoc (Cap. LIV, p. 88) gives the following description of the figure 
 of Axayaca, carved out of the rock of Chapultepec, " with hair of precious feathers, 
 " painted of the colors of the bird tlauhquechol . . . ." The bird whose plumage 
 furnished the material was called " quetzal-tototl." It is " Trogon resplendens." (See 
 " San Salvador and Honduras im Jahre 1571," a German translation of the report of Di 
 ego Garcia de Palacio, by Dr. A. von Frantzius, of Freiburg, ib. p. 39, No. 61 note. 
 The notes by the learned translator, as also those of Dr. Berendt, are highly valuable.) 
 The "tlauhquechol" was also used. 
 
 66 Prescott (History of the Conquest of Mexico, 1869, Book I, chap. II, pp. 45, 46, and 
 47, of Vol. 1). 
 
 66 (El Conquistador andnymo) Col. de Doc., Vol. I, p. 372. 
 
 67 " Historia verdadera de la Conquista de Nueva-Espana " (Cap. CLIII, p. 188, in 
 vol. II, of Vedia). 
 
 68 It is presumable that the colors were those of the detachments to which the war 
 riors belonged. At any rate, it shows that the Mexicans, like the northern Indians, had 
 a special " war-paint." Those of Tepeaca, their allies or subjects, used black and red 
 (Herrera, Dec. II, cap. XXI, p. 287, of Lib. X). Clavigero says (Lib. VII, cap. XXIII) : 
 " The common soldiers were naked with the exception of the girdle (maxtlatl), but they 
 " sought to imitate the dress which they lacked, by painting their bodies with various 
 "colors." Further on he adds (Cap. XXIV): "Besides the common flag of the army 
 41 each company of two or three hundred men had its own banner, and was, besides, 
 " distinguished by the color of the plumage, which the officers and nobles wore over 
 41 their armour." Although this is no direct evidence of the fact, still it tends to inti 
 mate that the paint used by the common warriors was in imitation of the featherwork 
 peculiar to their corps. They also painted their faces previous to an engagement: 
 sometimes black. Tezozomoc relates that, on one occasion, Ahuitzotl painted his face 
 yellow>(" con un betun amarillo "). His armour was blue (Duran, Cap. XLVI, pp. 371 
 and 372, "tiznandose las caras con la tizne divina, quellos asi llamauan, y el rey Auit- 
 " zotr vestido de ricas mantas, y debaxo muy bien armado con sus armas a$ules . ." 
 
113 
 
 Almost insensibly we have here abandoned the field of the arma 
 ment of the Mexicans, entering, nay, trespassing, upon that of 
 their military organization. 
 
 This organization is but imperfectly known to us. Still, its 
 knowledge is of the highest importance, since, with a tribe as es 
 sentially warlike as the Mexicans, military institutions are often 
 blended with those of civil life, and we may presume that the 
 same principle pervades both ; that the degree of development of 
 the one gives a clue to that of the other. According as we pic 
 ture to ourselves the condition of ancient Mexican society, we 
 shall view and judge their military organization. 
 
 All the older authors upon Mexico ; and they have been implic 
 itly followed by the great mass of subsequent writers, describe to 
 us a Mexican empire, with an hereditary nobility and an elective 
 despot at its head. This autocrat was not only absolute civil 
 chief, he was also Judge and military commander. He declared 
 peace and war, directed the forces, he nominated and deposed of 
 ficers at his pleasure. Some restraints are allowed, occasionally, 
 to have existed, upon such a power analogous only to that of the 
 despots of Asia, but even the most distinguished writers of mod 
 ern times have unhesitatingly accepted the picture of an absolute 
 Indian monarchy in Mexico. 69 
 
 Still this picture, however tempting, and fascinating, to imagi 
 nation especially, has not always satisfied the student's mind. 
 Without placing much stress on the clumsy attacks of James 
 Adair 70 upon the Spanish authors on Mexico, or on De Pauw's in 
 judicious "Researches," 71 we meet, however, with an earnest and 
 careful criticism in Robertson's classical work. While the great 
 
 69 A. de Humboldt ("Essai politique sur la Nouvelle Espagne," 1825, Lib. II, chap. 
 VI, p. 374, " Leur systeme de feodalite, leur hie"rarchie civile et militaire se trouvant des 
 ' lors si compliques, qu'il faut supposer uiie longue suite, d'evenements politiques pour 
 ' que I'enchainement singulier des autorites de la noblesse et du clerge ait pu s'etablir; 
 ' et pour qu'une petite portion du peuple, esclave elle-meme du sultan Mexicain, ait 
 ' pu subjuguer la grande masse de la nation ") W. H. Prescott (" History of the Con- 
 1 quest of Mexico," Book I, chapter II, p. 23. Book II, chapter VI, p. 312). Brasseur de 
 Bourbourg (" Histoire des Nations civilisees du Mexique et de PAmerique Centrale"), 
 and H. H. Bancroft (Native Races of the Pacific States "). I quote but the most prom 
 inent writers on Mexico of this (19th) century. 
 
 70 James Adair ("History of the American Indians," London, 1775). 
 71 "Recherches philosophiques sur les Americains," a very injudicious book, which, 
 by its extravagance and audacity, created a great deal of harm. It permitted Clavi- 
 gero to attack even Robertson, beca.use the latter had also applied sound criticism to 
 the study of American aboriginal history, and by artfully placing both as upon, the 
 same platform, to counteract much of the good effects of Robertson's work. 
 
 REPORT PEABODY MUSEUM, II. 8. 
 
114 
 
 historian admits and acknowledges whatever appears to him as 
 true and sound in the works of his predecessors, he still takes a 
 different view of the condition of the Mexican aborigines, and in 
 dicates, so to say, an entirely new path. 72 It has been the work 
 of the distinguished American ethnologist, Lewis II. Morgan, to 
 open this path fully. 73 
 
 But whereas it is very eas} r and plain to trace the institutions 
 of the aborigines where they are still in vigor, it is extremely dif 
 ficult to obtain anything like a clear conception thereof in Mexico, 
 since, as we have already stated, those institutions are gone like 
 their architectural remains, and the other sources for a knowledge 
 thereof are often diffuse, and conflicting in their accounts. More 
 over, all the older authorities on Spanish America are under the 
 influence of eastern (European or Asiatic) ideas, whatever ap 
 peared to them strange or new in America they compared with 
 what they thought might be analogous to it among nations of the 
 Old World. 74 What, in their first process of thinking was merely 
 a comparative became very soon a positive, terminology, for the 
 
 72 " History of America " (9th edition, 1800. Vol. Ill, book VII, p. 274). " The Mexi- 
 " cans and Peruvians, without knowledge of the useful metals, or the aid of domestic 
 " animals, laboured under disadvantages which must have greatly retarded their pro- 
 "gress, and in their highest state of improvement their power was so limited, and their 
 "operations so feeble, that they can hardly be considered as having advanced beyond 
 " the infancy of civil life." If the first part of this quotation is evidently incorrect, 
 since the Mexicans used copper, silver, and gold, even tin, perhaps, and the Peruvians 
 made alloys ; the latter portion of it is undoubtedly true. He further sustains it by the 
 following remark (Id. p. 281) : " The infancy of nations is so long, and, even when every 
 "circumstance is favourable to their progress, they advance so slowly towards any 
 " maturity of strength or policy, that the recent origin of the Mexicans seems to be a 
 " strong presumption of some exaggeration, in the splendid descriptions which have 
 "been given of their government and manners." Notwithstanding those very clear and 
 judicious remarks, Robertson has, though reluctantly, bowed to the admission of 
 feudalism, and of feudal monarchy in Mexico (Id. p. 292). 
 
 73 See " Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Human Family," Smithsonian 
 Contributions to Knowledge, Chapter VI, p. 488, " The communal family." Also, " Mon- 
 " tezuma's Dinner," in the " North American Review," April, 187(3. The learned author 
 has made a bold stroke for the establishment of American ethnology on a new basis. 
 
 74 " Montezuma's Dinner," p. 267. "All the grand terminology of the Old World, 
 "created under despotic and monarchical institutions during several thousand years 
 "of civilization, to decorate particular men and classes of men, has been lavished by 
 "our author with American prodigality upon plain Indian sachems and war-chiefs, 
 " without perceiving that thereby the poor Indian was grievously wronged, for lie had 
 "not Invented such institutions nor formed such a society as these terms imply." Mr. 
 Morgan, to whose kindness and friendly protection I am so largely indebted, will not 
 misunderstand it if I say here, that while his criticism of the current of idea.s running 
 through all the sources in ancient Mexico appears to me the most true and logical one, 
 his remarks upon the writers themselves are not always justiiied. This observation, 
 from one whom he has honored by becoming his guide and teacher, will, we trust, be 
 regarded in a kindly spirit. 
 
115 
 
 purpose of describing institutions to which this foreign terminol 
 ogy never was adapted. It is this expedient, invented in order to 
 become understood abroad, and because there were no other points 
 of comparison given by science at that time, which opposes the 
 greatest difficulties to the study of American antiquities. This 
 obstacle may, to a certain extent, be overcome by establishing the 
 true signification of the native term for every institution consid 
 ered, for every office, as far as this is possible ; using native termi 
 nology as indicative of the true character of native life. This 
 course we shall attempt to pursue, in treating the military organ 
 ization of the Mexicans. 75 
 
 The tribe of Mexico had, soon after its settlement in the marsh 
 where the pueblo was subsequently built up, divided into four sec 
 tions, or "quarters" ("calpulli"), 76 each of these being composed 
 of certain clusters of kindred, " minor quarters," as Torquemada 
 call them. 77 The four great quarters remained as the principal 
 sub-divisions of the tribe for civil as well as military purposes, and 
 the armed men of each constituted a separate body, regardless of 
 
 75 Thus the Mexican word for tribe, town, and settlement is the same: "altepetl," 
 but the Spaniards have applied it to king also (Molina, II, p. 4). The name " tlatoani," 
 which the Mexicans gave to their principal chiefs, and which is translated into king, 
 signifies " one who speaks " (" hablador," Molina, II, p. 141), from " nitlatoa," to speak 
 (" tlatolli," speech). The council was called ''tlatocan," " place of speech," but Molina 
 translates it as "court or palace of great lords." The term " speech," or, rather, the 
 verb "to speak," is found in a number of native terms, like " tlatoca-icpalli," " seat of 
 " the one who speaks," which has been rendered, also, as " throne." There is certainly 
 no approach to a royal title in all this. The so-called ''King" was only "one of those 
 "who spoke;" a prominent member of the council. A court of justice, "audiencia," 
 was also " tecutlatoloyan," or " chiefs who are speaking, or bowing their heads." 
 
 76 Duran (Cap. V, p. 42). Acosta (Lib. VII, cap. VII, p. 467;. Tezozomoc (Cap. Ill, 
 p. 9). Herrera (Dec. Ill, lib II, cap. II, p. 61). "Popol Vuh," Introduction, p. 117, 
 note No. 1, by Mr. Brasseur de Bourbourg, "Enfin, presque toutes les villes ou tribus 
 " sont partagees en quatre clans ou quartiers, dont les chefs form en t le grand conseil." 
 Tlatilulco, which was conquered by the Mexicans in 1473, subsequently formed a fifth 
 " quarter." The names of the four original ones were : " Teopan " (place of God). 
 "Aztacalco " (house of the heron), "Moyotlan" (place of the musquito), and "cuepo- 
 pan." They subsequently formed, under Spanish rule, the wards of San Pablo, San 
 Juan, Santa Maria la Redonda, and San Sebastian. Tlatilulco became the " Indian- 
 ward," and was called Santiago. 
 
 77 (Lib. XIV, cap. VII, p. 545) " . . . . y asi estaba ordenado, que en cada pueblo, 
 " conform e tenia el numero, y cantidad de gente, huviese parcialidades de diversas 
 
 "gentes, y familias Estas Parcialidades estaban repartidas por Calpules, 
 
 " que son Barrios, y sucedia, que una Parcialidad de estas dichas tenia tres, y quatro, 
 " y mas, Calpules, conforme la gente tenia el pueblo, . . . ." Duran (Cap. V, p. 42) 
 is more explicit, even. After having stated that the Mexicans divided into four princi 
 pal quarters, he says : " their god commanded them that they should distribute among 
 " themselves the gods, and that each quarter should name and designate particular 
 "quarters where these gods would be worshipped; and thus each quarter divided into 
 
116 
 
 numbers. 78 They in turn subdivided into squads of from two to 
 four hundred warriors each, 79 being, in all probability, the able- 
 bodied males (priests excepted in many cases) of one particular 
 "kin." 80 These lesser bodies had each their own peculiar " liv 
 ery," 81 they carried their own emblem, visible, like a banner, 
 " high above the troop," and finally they disaggregated into frac 
 tions of about twenty men. 82 On the eve of an engagement a 
 further sub-division, into groups of four to six, took place, as we 
 shall hereafter see. 
 
 Having thus sketched, as far as we can, the division or arrange 
 ment of the Mexican forces, we have yet to investigate how, and 
 by whom, the warriors of the tribe were commanded, how those 
 leaders obtained their offices, and what was the order of their rank 
 and dignity. But here we must premise : that no office ivhatever, 
 
 many small ones, according to the number of idols, which they called Calpulteona" 
 (should l>e " Calpulteotzin"). But their division into at least seven such " barrios, 1 ' or 
 kindred groups, existed already before ,this event (Tezozomoc, Cap. I, p. 6. Duran, 
 Cap. Ill, p. 20). " Rapport sur les differentes classes de Chefs de la Nouvelle-Espagne," 
 par Alonzo de Zurita, French translation by Mr. Ternaux-compans. This important 
 authority, among other statements, makes the striking remark : " Finally, what is called 
 "in New-Spain a calpulli corresponds to what the Jews called a tribe " (p. 53). 
 
 7i> Tezozomoc (Cap. XCI, p. 101). When, under the last Montezuma, the fight against 
 Huexotzinco was begun " Cuauhnoctli took charge to assemble together the four lead- 
 ers of the four quarters for that the arms might be held in readiness." 
 
 79 Anonymous Conqueror (p. 371). Clavjgero (Lib. VII, cap. XXIV). 
 
 eo These bodies of two to four hundred men are those mentioned by Duran (Cap. 
 XIX, p. 169) as ' cuadrillas," " escadrones," carrying each the " emblem " (" bandera") 
 of its "quarter" ("barrio"). In this case he refers to the "minor quarters." See 
 note No. 82, below. 
 
 61 "Anonymous Conqueror;" also, Bernal-Diez, quoted in text, above. 
 
 82 Anon. Conqueror (p. 371), " ha ogni compagnia il suo Alfiere con la sua insigna 
 " inhastata, en tal modo ligata sopra le spalle, che non gli da alcim distorbo di poter 
 " combattere ni far cioche vuole, y la porta cosi ligata bene al corpo, che se non fanno 
 " del suo corpo pezzi, non se gli puo sligare, ne torglielamai." Clavigero says (Cap. 
 XXIV, lib. VII) : "The banners were more like the "signi" of the Komans than our 
 'flags." The following paragraph of Duran makes it plain that they represented the 
 token of each original body of kindred : "After having eaten, the captains said to their 
 "people: behold, men, that being intermingled with the enemy, some of you might 
 "lose sight of his squadron, therefore Tlacaelel ordains that of each quarter there shall 
 " be an emblem, carried high above the troop, with the arms of such quarter on it, and 
 " that all shall be careful to rally around that banner and flag, and that, besides, they 
 " should call out the names of their respective quarter, so as to be known " (Cap. XIX, 
 p. 169). We have ample descriptions of the emblems of the four quarters of Tlaxcal- 
 lan, but none of those of Mexico. It is doubtful if there was a national emblem, or 
 central ensign. The statement, that the capture of that central " emblem " decided the 
 fate of the battle, is also very doubtful, notwithstanding Bernal-Diez' pompous descrip 
 tion of the light near Otumpan. See hereafter. It may not be devoid of interest to 
 note here that the Mexican sign for the number twenty (20, " pohualli") was nflag. 
 Still, the name for the latter was " quachpanitl," from " quachtli," mantle, and " pani," 
 above. 
 
117 
 
 no kind of dignity, was, among the Mexicans, transmissible by in 
 heritance. Merit alone, on the battlefield, could promote to the rank 
 of war-chief, by inducing and influencing the elections held for that 
 purpose. 83 The civil-chief (" Tecuhtli," from " Tecul," grandfa 
 ther) secured his office through rigorous religious observances and 
 age. 84 There was no nobility of any kind at Mexico, the chief be 
 ing chief only as long as he was by his constituents deemed wor 
 thy of that position. 85 
 
 Above the common warrior (" yaoquizqui") there were two 
 classes of superiors : the distinguished braves, and the war-chiefs 
 proper. 
 
 Of the distinguished and meritorious braves, which had not, 
 however, attained the chieftainship, we know three different kinds : 
 the "fierce cutters," or " beasts of prey" (" Tequihua"), the 
 " strong eagles," or " old eagles " (" Cuachic," or " Cuachimec"), 
 and the " wandering arrows" (" Otomitl"). 86 These titles were 
 merely honorific, and could be obtained exclusively through the 
 capture, in actual combat, of one or more prisoners. In token of 
 these dignities the hair of the head was cropped closely over the 
 ear ; they wore, chiefly, but not exclusively, the masks or helmets 
 
 83 Anonymous Conqueror (p. 371) "They used to reward highly those who distin 
 guished themselves in war by any valorous action, for even if he was the vilest slave, 
 " they made him captain and lord, and gave to him slaves, and esteemed him so much, 
 " that wherever he went they attended to him and paid him such regards as if he had 
 " been the chief himself." 
 
 8t Mendieta (Lib. II, caps. XXXVIII and XXXIX). Ternaux-Compans (" Recueil de 
 "Pieces, etc.," " Des ceremonies observees antrefois par les Indiens lorsqu'ils faisaient 
 " un tecle." Zurita (" Rapport, etc. :" p. 47). " The chiefs who, as we have said, were 
 " called Tec Tecutzcin, or Teutley, held their office only during life-time." (p. 49.) " If 
 ' one of them died, the prince gave the office to one who had proven himself worthy of 
 " it, for the sons of the deceased did not inherit of his dignity, unless they had been 
 "invested with it." 
 
 85 See, further on, the case of the last Montezuma. 
 
 86 These definitions we give for what they may be worth, without in the least insist 
 ing upon their absolute correctness. "Tequihua" may derive from "nitla-tequi," to 
 cut, or from " tequani," wild beast. " Cuachic," from " quauhtli," eagle, and " chicac- 
 tic," an old man, or a strong object, or, also (though this is hardly probable), "chi- 
 malli," shield. "Otomitl" probably derives from "N. otoca," to travel, and "mitl," 
 arrow. But this was also the name given to the " Otomies," a well-known savage tribe, 
 expert hunters, found scattered over Mexico, among or around the sedentary Indians. 
 It looks strange for the Mexicans to give to one of their meritorious braves the title 
 of a wandering horde, far below the Mexicans in culture. But the Otomies were good 
 hunters, skilled in the use of the bow, and it is therefore likely that they were named 
 thus by the Mexicans themselves, and that their name is not, as Mr. Brasseur de Bour- 
 bourg intimates, derived from a supposed god, "Odon," or "Oton" ("Popol Vuh," 
 Inti-od., pp. 76 and 110). The Otomi word for God was "Oqha," their word for man, " na 
 nyeke" ("Grammatica ragionata della Lingua Otomi," of Count Piccolomini, Korne, 
 1841, after Neve y Molina). 
 
118 
 
 imitating wild animals' beads, and sometimes even the skins of 
 those animals. 87 Their post was in the van of the army, as 
 scoiHs and skirmishers, but they also acted as leaders of smaller 
 bodies, like four to twenty men, and even larger subdivisions, at 
 the option of their superiors. 88 
 
 Neither of the above three grades could be obtained through 
 appointment or election ; every warrior became entitled, as soon 
 as he had accomplished certain feats in war, to one or the other 
 thereof. 89 
 
 87 Tezozomoc (Cap. XCVI, p. 171). After the successful raid of the Mexicans against 
 Tuctepec (under the last Montezuma) it was found that 260 of the "tequihua" had 
 made prisoners, and that an equal number were made " tequihua." "Anonymous Con 
 queror" (p. 373.) "To him who thus distinguished himself they made a mark, by a 
 "peculiar cut of the hair, that he might be known for his deeds, and that everybody 
 " might see it, since they did not accustom to wear the head covered. Every time that 
 " he accomplished another notable action they put another similar mark on him . . ." 
 See also Torquemada (Lib. XIV, cap. V, p. 543). Duran (Cap. XIX, p. 1G9) is very pos 
 itive, too. Clavigero (Lib. XII, cap. XXIII). "The commanders .... the head 
 " was inserted in a w r ooden head of a tiger or of a snake, its mouth wide open, and 
 " with large teeth, to appear more frightful." 
 
 68 Duran (Cap. XXXVII, p. 289). " . . . . Aviendo puesto en delantera todos 
 " los soldados viejos y seuores y capitanes y todos aquellos que ellos llamaban Cua- 
 " chic, que eran una 6rden de caballeria que no auia de voluer pie atras 6 morir . . 
 " . ." Tezozomoc says of the " Otomies, Cuachi, and Tequihuaques .... being 
 " always leaders " (" siendo siempre delanteros." Cap. XXXVIII, p. 60, also, cap. LVII, 
 p. 97). The same author (Cap. XXXVIII, p. 61, and cap. LI, p. 83) affirms that they had 
 to care for the freshmen or young braves (Id., Cap. LXXI, p. 121). The same (Cap. LI, 
 p. 83) says :".... and you will, as it is customary, place to every five youths 
 "a Cuachic, to five others an Otomi, then again an Achcuauiitli, and a Tequihua; all 
 " conquerors." This wa& done immediately before the opening of the engagement. 
 The " Otomitl" is also called by Tezozomoc a "general" occasionally, but this merely 
 shows that, at the option of the war-chiefs, one or the other of the above warriors of 
 merit might be placed at the head of a larger body of men, though he was always con 
 sidered as of a lower rank. Sahagun (Lib. IX, cap. VI, p. 264). " El hombre 6 varon 
 " fuerte llamado Coachic, tiene estas propiedades; es el amparo y muralla de los suyos 
 " etc., etc." Torquemada (Lib. IV, cap. XCIX, p. 5<>5) calls the " Quachicque " bullies 
 ("matasiete"). 
 
 89 By this we wish to say that neither personal favor nor other prominent qualities 
 could procure the titles which we now regard, to any one who had not distinguished, 
 himself in war. The titles were conferred immediately after the engagement, or after 
 the return to Mexico. Who conferred them, and what ceremonies, aside from the hair- 
 cutting mentioned, accompanied the act, we are unable to say. The Mexicans were 
 extremely careful to allow each man the prisoner he had taken, and the " penalty for 
 " abstracting a captive to his rightful conqueror was death." Mendieta (Lib. II, cap. 
 XXVII, p. 132). " El que llevaba algun prisionero, si otro se lo hurtaba de dia 6 de 
 " noche, 6 tomaba por fuerza, por el mismo caso moria como cosario ladron que se 
 " adjudicaba y qneria para si el precio y la honra del otro." The reason for this vigor 
 ous chastisement was, not only because the original captor lost thereby his object of 
 sacrifice to the gods, but really more because the thief stole away his rank and title. 
 
 Acosta (Lib. VI, cap. XXVI, p. 434). Clavigero (Lib. VII, cap. XXI). Both mention 
 three "military orders," "orders of chivalry." The latter calls them "achcautin," 
 "quuuhtin," and "ococelo," translating these terms by "princes," "eagles," and "ti 
 gers," respectively. Acosta is not so far from the truth when he asserts that each of 
 
119 
 
 The war-chiefs proper furnished the higher commanders of the 
 Mexicans. We meet with three classes thereof in ascending or 
 ders. The chiefs of kindred, or captains; also chief of the "minor 
 quarters" The chiefs of the great subdivisions (principal quar 
 ters) ; also mentioned as " captain-generals." The head war-chief 
 of the tribe, or so-called " king." All these chiefs were elected, 
 and their office was not transmissible by inheritance. 90 
 
 The captains, "commanders of the quarters/' 91 teachers of the 
 young "men," 92 properly called '* elder brothers" 93 ("teachcauh- 
 tin" or " achcacauhtin," and " tiacanes," by corruption), com 
 manded the subdivisions of two to four hundred men each, com- 
 
 these subdivisions had its peculiar place of sitting in the official house, or " tecpan " 
 (the " palace" of the older sources. Tecpan derives from " tecuhtli," chief, and "panj" 
 affixum denoting a place), since, at a general council of the tribe (of which this may 
 be an indication), the different grades of warriors would naturally cluster together. 
 But the names given to these three " orders " are erroneous. "Achcauhtm" (which, as 
 we shall see, never meant princes, for which the Mexicans had no adequate word) was 
 the title of a class of war-chiefs only. "Quauhtin" is the "Cuachic," "ocelotl" evi 
 dently the "tequihua." But the last two titles were never used for the higher grades 
 of warriors except in a general way; "quauhtin-ocelotl" designated the valorous braves 
 in general (Torquemada, Lib. XI, cap. XXIX, p. 362; lib. XIV, cap. II, p. 537), and cor 
 responds to the " daring eagles, tigers, and lions," as Tezozomoc often calls the three 
 grades now under discussion. 
 
 Torquemada, who, notwithstanding his unquestionable credulity, is extremely impor 
 tant on all questions of Mexican antiquities, says (Lib. XIV, cap. V, p. 543) : " Los Cap- 
 "itanes tenian por insignia de honra una labor, etc., etc., .... guarnecidas, con 
 " pinturas, e' insignias, conforme cada uno havia mostrado el valor, y valentia en las 
 " guerras, en que se havia hallado, porque no sacaba otra cosa del peligro de ellas; y 
 " asi como cosa ganada, por sus proprias personas, las estimaban en mucho." Eveiy 
 one had to gain his own rank, merit his own title. 
 
 90 All these offices were elective, and we shall endeavor to prove it in each particular 
 case. 
 
 91 Ternaux-Compans (" Recueil de pieces relatives a la conquete du Mexique." Anon 
 ymous MSS. from the Uguina collection, headed "De Pordre de succession observe 
 " par les Indiens relativement a leurs terres et de leurs territoires communaux," p. 225) 
 says : "Les tribunaux de ces officiers e"taient etablis dans la capitale." Clavigero calls 
 them "princes." Torquemada: "captain of the guards." Sahagun: "old men." Men- 
 dieta, even : "chief abbott." This very confusion shows that neither of them paid 
 much attention to the subject, since Sahagun also calls the " tiacauh " (which is the 
 same as "achcacauhtin") "el hombre valiente" (Lib. IX, cap. VI, p. 263), and Torque 
 mada the " achcauhtli," " alguacil maior." Tezozomoc alone is consistent with himself, 
 in mentioning the " achcacauhtin," frequently, as leaders in the fight, commanding the 
 three grades of distinguished braves (Cap. XXXVIII). He is confirmed by Molina (I, 
 p. 25), who translates " teachcauhtin" as " capitan de gente." Tezozomoc further calls 
 them: "principals, masters at arms, and of doctrine and example" (Cap. XXXVIII, 
 p. 61), " chiefs of the quarters, masters of the youth " (Cap. LVII). 
 
 92 Tezozomoc (Cap. XXXVIII and cap. LVII). 
 
 93 Molina (II, p. 113), "tiachcauh," " hermano mayor, y persona, o cosa aventajada, 
 " mayor, y mas excelente que otra." Zurita (" Rapport," p. 60) calls the " chiefs of the 
 calpullis" major parents ("pariente mayor"). This corresponds with the definition 
 of Molina. 
 
120 
 
 posed, 94 as we have seen, of " the able-bodied men (priests ex- 
 cepted) of one particular group of kindred ;" said group forming 
 a sub-division of the four principal quarters of Mexico. Besides 
 leading their files in combat, it was their duty when at home, to 
 instruct the youth of their section in the use and practice of arms. 
 They held their office for life, or as long as they gave satisfac 
 tion. 95 
 
 As an exterior token of their rank the "captains" wore large 
 ear-rings and lip-pendants of richer material than their predeces 
 sors, and carried rods or staffs in their hands when on duty. 96 
 
 A certain number of these captains, corresponding to the " mi 
 nor quarters" or groups of kindred contained in the principal 
 quarter to which they belonged, were under the direction of the 
 war-chief, or as the Spanish authors call him, the " captain-gene 
 ral" of that largest subdivision of the tribe. There were conse 
 quently four chiefs of that rank at Mexico, 97 and it is probable 
 that a fifth one was added to them not long before the conquest, 
 to command the warriors of Tlatilulco. 98 
 
 Beyond the mere facts of their existence, of their being always 
 elected for life-time, and a strong supposition that their titles are 
 given by all authorities, without stating it positively, however, 
 little is known unfortunately, about these chieftains. 99 They were 
 
 94 Sahagun (Lib. IX, cap. VI, p. 264). "El maestro de campo o capitan es de esta 
 " calidad, que para mostrar su oficio trae coleta cabellos que cuelga atras, y bezote y 
 " oregeras, y trae siempre sus armas consigo." (The latter is doubtful, at least.) 
 
 95 Duran (Cap. XXVI, p. 216). In regard to their eligibility, see Ternaux-Compans 
 ("Recueil de Pieces," "De 1'ordre de succession," p. 225), < k II n'y avait pas d'autres 
 elections d'officiers." Although untrue in regard to the "other officers." Zurita 
 (" Rapport," p. 61). " The election takes place among themselves." 
 
 96 Duran (Cap. XIX^p. 109), "luego salieron los viejos que tenian oficios de ordenar 
 " la gente de guerra, que eran como maestres de campo, con sus bastones en las manos 
 " y unas cintas apretadas a" la caue?a y unas oregeras de concha, largas, y unas besotes 
 " en los labios, muy bien armados, y empegaron a componer la gente." Also, Sahagun 
 (Lib. IX, cap. VI, p. 264). 
 
 97 Tezozomoc (Cap. XCI, p. 161) : " Cuauhnoctli took charge to assemble together 
 " the four leaders of the four quarters, for that the arms might be ready." The origin 
 of these four titles and dignities dates back to the successful foray against Cuyuacan 
 (under Itzcoatl); at least, then they are first mentioned (Tezozomoc: Cap. XV, p. 24, 
 and Duran : Cap. XI, p. 97). As members of the council of chiefs, they appear, how 
 ever, always as " principal chiefs " only. Tezozomoc being the only one who, to our 
 knowledge, speaks of the " leaders of the four quarters " (" cuatro caudillos de los 
 cuatro barrios "). 
 
 98 Torquemada (Lib. IV, cap. LXX, p. 499) speaks of "Itzquauhtin, sefior de Tlati 
 lulco," as companion of Montezuma during the latter's captivity among the Span 
 iards. He copies from Sahagun (Lib. XII). 
 
 99 It is a very singular fact that the offices of these four principal war-chiefs should 
 have attracted so little attention, but we may account for it by the prevailing assump- 
 
121 
 
 members of the chief council, 100 and we suggest their titles to have 
 been, respectively: "cutter of men" ("Tlacateccatl"), "man of 
 the house of darts" ("Tlacochcalcatl"), " blood-shedder " ("Ez- 
 huahuacatl"), and "chief of the eagle and tuna" ("Cuauhnoch- 
 tecuhtli," or, abbreviated, " Cuauhnochtli"). 101 We have no in- 
 
 tion of the existence of feudal institutions in Mexico. The divisions were treated as 
 geographical sections only, the sub-divisions by kin were overlooked, and little impor 
 tance was attached to the fact that every office was filled by election only, and never 
 by appointment. Thus, says Duran (Cap. XI, p. 103), " . . . . y asi electo uno destos 
 "cuati-o, luego ponian otro en su lugar." Acosta (Lib. VI, cap. XXV, p. 441): "Des- 
 " pues del rey era el grado cle los quatro como principes electores, los quales despues 
 " de eligido el Rey, tambien ellos eran eligidos y de ordinario eran hermanos o* parien- 
 "tos muy cercanos del Rey." Clavigero says positively (Lib. VII, cap. XXI): "The 
 " highest military dignity was that of commanding general of the army. There were 
 " four different classes of generals, among whicli the Tlacochcalcatl had the highest 
 "rank. Each class had its particular tokens, but we are unable to determine how far 
 " the three other classes were subordinate to the first. Neither can we give their names, 
 " since the authors differ with each other on the subject. To the generals succeeded 
 " the captains, each of which commanded a certain number of soldiers." See, besides, 
 note below. 
 
 100 Duran (Cap. XI, p. 103), after naming the four grades, or rather dignities, pro 
 ceeds : "A estos quatro senores y ditados, despues de eletos principes los hacian del 
 "consejo real como presidentes y oydores del consejo supremo, sin parecer de los 
 " quales nenguna cosa se auia de hacer." Acosta (Lib. VT, cap. XXV, p. 441). 
 
 10 i " Tlacochcalcatl," from " Tlacochtli," dart, " calli," house, " tlacatl," man. "Tla 
 cateccatl," "tlacatl," man, "tequi," to cut or carve. "Ezhuahuacatl," " eztli," 
 blood, "uauana," to scratch, "tlacatl," man. " Cuauhnochtecuhtli." " cuauhtli," 
 eagle, " nochtli," tuna, "tecuhtli," chief. These four titles, as pertaining to the four 
 principal Mexican chiefs, are given by Duran (Cap. XI, p. 102). Acosta (Lib. VI, cap. 
 XXV, p. 441), Tezozomoc (Cap. XV, p. 24), and Herrera (Dec. Ill, lib. II, cap. XIX, p. 
 75), who copies, evidently, Acosta. Tezozomoc says: "All these were like principal 
 " caciques and titularies (' senores de titulo ') in the government and command of the 
 "Mexican tribe, and after them come the Tiacanes, valorous soldiers, surnamed cap 
 tains, in their order; . . . ." But all those authors substitute " Tlillancalqui," in 
 place of 'Cuauhnochtli." Nevertheless, we have ventured to accept " Cuauhnochtli," 
 oince " Tlillancalqui " (from "Tliltic," black object, " tlan," affixum denoting place, 
 and " tlacatl," man), mari of the black place or black house, denotes a civil and religious 
 office, and not a warrior proper. Duran says : " We must know that there was an idol 
 " of blackness, and that of this idol, and of his house, came forth the title for this 
 " chief." Acosta affirms positively that the three first named titles were "those of war 
 riors" ("eran de guerreros"). On the other hand, "Cuauhnochtli" is frequently men 
 tioned, both by Tezozomoc and by Duran, as " captain-general," and the bishop of 
 Santo Domingo. Ramirez de Fuenleal, in his letter to Chai'les V, dated Mexico, 3 Nov., 
 1532, says: "An officer, called Guamuchil, fills the office of 'alguacil maior'" (Coll. 
 Ternaux-Compans : "Recueil de Pieces relatives a" la conquete du Mexique," p. 249). 
 Torquemada, also, after calling " Cuauhnoctli " a "judge," calls him subsequently a 
 chief executioner (Lib. XI, cap. XXV, pp. 353 and 354). Finally, Tezozomoc (Cap. 
 XXXVI, p. 57), after enumerating the principal chieftains of Mexico, "three of which, 
 " Cuauhnoctli, Tlacatecatl, and Tlacochcalcatl, called Chachi as much as any of the 
 " others, and who, for their high valor, had their hair bound behind the occiput with 
 " red leather." 
 
 The "Chachi" of Tezozomoc are identical with the "Quachictin" of Torquemada 
 (Lib. XIV, cap. V, p. 543), " and one of the highest degrees and honors which could be 
 " attained was to be allowed to tie the hair, being the token of great captain, and these 
 " were called Quachictin, which was the most honorific title given to captains, a title held 
 
122 
 
 formation regarding the title of the principal war-chief of Tlati- 
 lulco, the names given occasionally being personal. 102 
 
 The distinctive mark of these chieftains consisted in having the 
 hair tied behind or above the occiput with a strap of red leather ; 
 
 " by few only." "Cuauhnoctli," therefore, being "Chachi," or "Quachictin," whereas 
 " Tlillancalqui" is but a civil or religious chief, as it is furthermore shown by his being 
 sent as a delegate to Cortds, to the coast (Tezozomoc. Cap. CVII, p. 191). I have ven 
 tured to substitute the former as one of the four war-chiefs, each commanding the war 
 riors of one of the four great quarters of Mexico. It may be objected that, aside from 
 Tezozomoc, I have not adduced any other direct proof of the actual existence of these 
 four chieftains. I have already alluded to the probable reason why they are not men 
 tioned as such by the sources of Mexican aboriginal history. Their true position, the 
 nature of their office was simply overlooked. But we know that the tribe of Mexico 
 had divided into four quarters; we know, further, that not only in Mexico, but all over 
 Central America, this same division existed, for civil as well as for military purposes. 
 Each of these four great sections must have had, therefore, its civil, and its military 
 head, and it is but natural to admit, that those heads were the most distinguished war 
 riors of the tribe, since merit, and not descendancy or wealth, entitled alone to promotion 
 in rank and office. Therefore the military chiefs of the four quarters must have been 
 the four " chachi" of Mexico. On the other hand, those four dignities were each elec 
 tive, and not filled by appointment. But, for an election, there must be electors, and a 
 constituency. We know that the " captains were elected (by the kin which they should 
 "command)", and it is but logical to admit that the four greatest military chiefs of the 
 tribe were elected to command its four greatest subdivisions. Therefore, again, the 
 "chachi" of Tezozomoc must have been the military chiefs of the four quarters of 
 Mexico. Besides, we may ask: Why four chiefs, and not any other number? if not 
 that these four principal chieftains corresponded to, and actually represented, a like 
 number of greatest fractions of the whole tribe. 
 
 If the older authors observe a certain uniformity in their enumeration of these four 
 chiefs, always beginning with the " Tlacochcalcatl," we must not infer from it that one 
 or the other of the four was inferior or superior to the others. They were all alike in 
 rank, although Clavigero (Lib. VII, cap. XXI) places the " Tlacochcalcatl " above the 
 others. The very confusion among some of the statements shows that no reliance can 
 be placed upon their assertions in that respect. (Compare, for inst. : Torquemada, Lib. 
 II, cap. LXII, p. 185, with cap. LXV, p. 189, and lib. IV, cap. 13, p. 379.) It results from 
 all these statements, but especially from the positive and consistent assertions of Te 
 zozomoc, that while the four were equal in rank, it still sometimes happened that one 
 or the other, from age or experience, took the superior command according to emer 
 gency. Their influence was even decisive, sometimes, with the head war-chief of 
 Mexico himself. See the part played by " Tlacochcalcatl " in the attack upon Tlati- 
 lulco (Tezozomoc, Cap. XLV, p. 73), and the resolute action 'of " Tlacateccatl " in the 
 battle against the Tarasca of Michhuacan, which occurred in 1477, when he compelled 
 Axayaca to retreat before the victorious enemy (Tezozomoc, Cap. LIT, p. 84). Also, 
 the assertion of Acosta (Lib. VI, cap. XXV), " without whose consent he could do 
 nothing." 
 
 102 " Itzquauhtin " is mentioned by Torquemada (Vol. IV). This would be "eagle 
 of obsidian," or " flint-eagle." We must always distinguish personal names from ti 
 tles. In most cases only the latter were given, and the presumption therefore arises 
 that the title took the. place of the name. Says my friend Sr. J. M. Melgar y Serrano, of 
 Vera Cruz : " Creo deber aconsejar a V no tome como nombres de las personas muchas 
 "de las palabras con que estaban designadas, pues eran el que se los daban el titulo 
 " del cargo que tenian." (Letter under date of 26 January, 1875.) 
 
123 
 
 a distinction reserved exclusively for them and for the head war- 
 chiefs of the Mexican tribe. 103 
 
 Highest in military command, as head war-chief of the Mexican 
 tribe, was the "chief of men" (" Tlaca-teeuhtli"), 104 represented 
 to us as the king or emperor 105 of Mexico. But he was neither a 
 monarch nor an autocrat, nor a despot. Elected out of a certain 
 kin or descendancy 106 for life, but upon the condition of good be 
 haviour, he could be deposed and degraded, should he incur the 
 
 103 Tezozomoc (Cap. XXXVI, p. 57). Torquemnda (Lib. XIV, cap. V, p. 543). Acos 
 ta (Lib. VI, cap. XXVI, p. 434). " Los mas preeminentes destos eran, los que tenian 
 " atada la corona del cabello con una cinta colorada, y un plumaje rico, del qual col- 
 " gauan unos ramales hazia las espaldas con unas borlas del mismo al cabo ; estas 
 " borlas eran tantas en numero, quautas hazaiias auia hecho. Desta orden de Caualle- 
 "ros era el mismo Rey tambien, y asi se hallaba pintado, con esto genero de plumajes, 
 " y en ChapuJtepec, donde estan Moteuma y su hijo esculpidos en unas peiias que son 
 "clever, . . . ." Clavigero (Lib. VII, cap. XXI) condenses the statement of Acosta 
 only. Humboldt ("Vues des CordillCres, etc.,"*Vol. I) : "il (Montezuma) a les cheveux 
 " reunis au sommet de la tete, et lies avec un ruban rouge, distinction militaire des prin- 
 " ces et des capitaines les plus vaillants." The figure is from the "Codex anonymous," 
 of the Vatican. 
 
 104 This title is given by Tezozomoc, and also by Ramirez de Fuenleal, in Ternaux- 
 Compans (" Recueil de pieces," p. 247): "Mutizuma portait le nom de ' tacatecli,' 
 " ' tetuan,"jutlacal.'" It is easy to discern " tlacatecuhtli," and " tlatoani," of the 
 latter title we shall hereafter speak. Also : " II existe parmi eux une espece de chef a 
 " qui ils donnent le nom de tacatecle on tlatuan." 
 
 105 The Mexican language has no word for emperor (Molina I, p. 51). But Tezozo 
 moc renders the expression " cemanahuac tlatoani" by " emperor of the world." It 
 signifies, however, simply " speaker for what dwells near the water." 
 
 ice The question of succession in oifice among the Mexicans is a very difficult one. 
 Still, it certainly never descended from father to son, but was always transmitted by 
 election, eiiher to a brother or to a nephew of the former incumbent. The manner of 
 electing the "Tlaca-tecuhtli" of Mexico is very fully described by Sahagun: "When 
 " the king or lord died, all the senators, called Tecutlatoques, and the old men of the 
 " tribe, called Achcacauhti, and also the captains and old warriors, called Yautequioa- 
 " ques, and other prominent captains in warlike matters, and also the satraps (priests), 
 "called Tlenamacaque and Papaoaqui, all these assembled in the royal houses. 
 "There they deliberated and determined upon who had to be lord, and chose one of 
 " the most noble of the descendancy (lineage) of the past loi'ds, who would be a val 
 iant man, experienced in warlike matters, daring and brave, who should not drink 
 " wine, should be prudent and wise, raised in the Calmecac, a good speaker, of good 
 " understanding, esteemed and loving. When they agreed upon one, they at once nom- 
 " inated him as lord, but this election was not made by ballot or votes, but, all confer- 
 " ring together, they at last agreed upon the man." Duran (Cap. XI, p. 103), speaking 
 of the four war-chiefs : "y rnuerto el rey, de aquellos auia de ser electo Rey y no de otros, 
 " y tampoco podian ser puestos en este cargo y ditados sino eran hijos u hennanos de 
 "reyes; .... nunca heredaron los hijos, por via de herencia, los ditados ni los 
 " seiiorios, sino por election." " Y asi nunca salia de aquella generacion aquel ditado 
 " y senorio, eligiendolos poco a poco." Acosta (Lib. VI, cap. XXIV, p. 431) : " Lo pri- 
 " mero en que parece auer sido muy politico el govierno de Mexicanos, es en el orden 
 " que tenian, y guardauan inviolablemente de eligir Rey." Whether we are authorized 
 to go any further than to say that the Tlacatecuhtli had to belong to a certain Icin, is 
 very doubtful. 
 
124 
 
 
 
 displeasure of the tribe. 107 He was but the commander-in-chief 
 of the Mexican warriors ; an office which, among a nation so es 
 sentially warlike, was of the highest importance and rank, and 
 which might have procured to the incumbent an influence tending 
 to impair the freedom of its institutions. But there was a whole 
 some check placed upon such encroachments by the commanding 
 war-chief, through the election of an associate, which carried the 
 singular and strange title of " snake-woman," or " female-snake " 
 (" Cihua-cohuatl") and who, while being more of a civil chieftain, 
 still alternated with him in command, as emergency required. 108 
 Through this arrangement, the tribe of Mexico became always 
 provided with at least one military head, and if the " chief of men" 
 was out leading a foray, the " Cihua-cohuatl" remained at the pue 
 blo, or vice-versa. The chief command of a campaign, could, be 
 sides, be delegated by them to a subordinate leader. 109 
 
 We know too little of the office of " Cihua-cohuatl " to enter 
 into any details regarding it. The " chief of men," however, has 
 become famous in history through the last three incumbents of 
 the office, 110 It required an extraordinary man, among the tribe, 
 to fill it. He was to be "an earnest and sober man" (says Saha- 
 gun), "wise, affable, and a fluent speaker." But especially was 
 he required to be one of the most prominent warriors, who had 
 given proofs of undaunted bravery, ability, and of great circum- 
 
 107 Montezuma was deposed during his life-time, and Cuitlahua was appointed his 
 successor. Bernal-Diez (Vedia II, p. 132, cap. CXXVI) : when they spoke to Monte 
 zuma they said: "Hacemosos saber que ya hemos levantado a un vuestro primo por 
 " senor, . . . . y alii le nombro c6mo se llamaba, que se decia Coadlauaca, seiior 
 " de Iztapalapa, que no fue Guatemuz, el cual desde a dos meses fue senor." Cortes 
 (Note 2 to " Segunda Relacion," p. 42, Vedia I) : "Los Indies le mataron por cobarde." 
 Torquemada (Lib. IV, cap. LXVIII, p. 494, and cap. LXX, p. 497). Herrera (Dec. II, 
 lib. X, cap. X, p. 267). 
 
 108 The "Cihua-cohuatl" (from "cihuatl," woman, and " cohuatl," snake) is va 
 riously designated as " vice-roy," " captain-general," " supreme judge," " coadjutor of 
 the king," " second king." He was a warrior, too, and during the siege officiated as 
 commander in chief, together with Quauhtemotzin. It results from the statement 
 of Torquemada (Lib. XI, cap. XXV, p. 352) that lie was equal to the so-called "king." 
 What the exact functions of this office were, it is not here the place to discuss; it is 
 sufficient for the purpose of this essay, to determine that there were, in all likelihood, 
 two head-chiefs of the Mexican tribe, or two pi-incipal war-chiefs, like those of the 
 Irpquois. The " Cihuacohuatl," according to Tezozomoc, was also elective. 
 
 io Thus we see, sometimes " Tlacochcalcatl," then again " Tlacaieccatl," and 
 " Cuauhnoctli," made commanders-in-chief. 
 
 110 These were: Montezuma II (Motecuhzuma Xocoyotzin), Cuitlahuatzin, and 
 Quauhtemotzin. 
 
125 
 
 spection. 111 Therefore, he was always one of the four great war- 
 cliiefs of the quarters 112 previous to his election, and his war-dress 
 differed in fact but little from that of the latter. As we have al 
 ready stated, he wore the hair bound up behind the occiput with 
 red leather, and on his helmet or on the bare head a towering bush 
 of green feathers. 113 A long and wide mantle covered his armour,, 
 which was otherwise similar to that of the other chiefs. 114 But 
 his ear-rings of gold, 115 and the green stone-pendant from the 
 bridge of his nose, 116 the golden lip-ring, 117 his wristbands of 
 featherwork and leather, 118 the upper-arm-bands of gold, 119 the 
 
 111 Sahagun (Historia Universal, Lib. II, cap. VI, p. 264) : " El capitan general tiene 
 " por su oficio, mandar en la batalla, y dar orden y manera para efectuarla, y concertar 
 "los escuadrones, teniendose por grande aguila y leon, y presumiendo de ser victo- 
 "rioso por los buenos aderezos con que va adornado a la guerra a manera de aguila, y 
 " dando a entender que su oficio es morir en la guerra por los Suyos." Acosta (Lib.' 
 VI, cap. XXIV, p. 431): " Ordinarily they elected young men for their kings, because 
 "the kings always went to war, and it was almost the principal object of this office; 
 "therefore they looked to their being proper to military duty, and fond of it, also." 
 Mendieta (Lib. II, cap, XXVII, p. 132) : " Tenian estos naturales en mucho cuando su 
 " seiior era ezforzado y valiente, porque teniendo tal seller capitau, salian con mucho 
 " animo a la guerra." (Idem) " Demas de esto, tenian respeto entre los hijos' a aquel 
 " que en las guerras se habia mostrado animoso, y a este elegian." Torquemada (Lib. 
 XI, cap. XXVII, p. 357). 
 
 112 Duran (Cap. XI, p. 103): "A estos quatro seiiores y ditados, despues de eletos 
 " principes los hacian del consejo real como presidentes y oydores del consejo supremo, 
 " sin parecer de los quales nenguna cosa se auia de hacer, y muerto el rey, de aquellos 
 auia de ser electo Key y no de otros." Acosta (Lib. VII, cap. XXV, p. 441): "Todos 
 ''estos ditados eran del consejo supremo, . . . . ; y muerto el Rey, auia de ser 
 " eligido por Rey, hombre que tuuiesse algun ditado destos quatro." 
 
 113 This distinction was worn by the Indian chiefs of Mexico at least twenty years 
 
 after the conquest. See, in Vol. II, of Sr. Icazbalceta's " Colleccion de Documentos : " 
 
 " Relacion de la Jornada que hizo Don Francisco de Sandoval Acazitli, Cacique y Senor 
 
 " natural que fue del pueblo de Tlalmanalco, Provincia de Chalco, con el Senor Visorey 
 
 " Don Antonia de Mendoza, etc., etc." (in 1541). " Don Francisco Acazitli llevo por 
 
 divisa y armas cuando fue a la guerra de los chichimecas, una calavera de plumeria 
 
 con sus penachos verdes, una rodela de lo mismo, y en ella un bezote de oro retor- 
 
 cido, con su espada y su ichcahuipil, y vestido con un jubon Colorado, y sus zara- 
 
 giielles, zapatos y borceguies, y un sombrero bianco, y un pafiuelo grande con que 
 
 se amarraba la cabeza, y un collar de pedrcria con dos cadenas" (p. 307). (Idem, p. 
 
 255) " Relacion de la Entrada de Nuno de Guzman," by Garcia del Pilar. " Y viendose 
 
 " asi los seiiores destas comarcas, que eran Tapiezuela, sefior desta cibdad, y el sefior 
 
 " de Tatelulco, y el de Guaxucingo, y el de Tascaltectle, y otros muchos seiiores y prin- 
 
 " cipales destas comarcas, le fueron k rogar y suplicar, .... que se sirviese de 
 
 " todas sus divisas que eran de oro y de plumas verdes muy galanas, . . . ." Also 
 
 (Relacion de Acazitli, p. 311. " con su divisa de quetzalpatzatli de plumeria verde"). 
 
 * Duran (Cap. XXVI, p. 215). 
 
 115 "nacochtli" (Molina, I. p. 91). 
 
 110 " Yacaxiuitl," from "Yacatl," nose, "xiuitl," turquoise, or fine green stone in 
 general. 
 
 . 117 " tentetl," from " tentli," lips, and " tetl," stone. 
 H8"matzopetzli" (Molina, II, p. 54), " bra9aletc." 
 119 " matemecatl," "bragalete de oro, o cosa semejante" (Molina, II, p. 53). 
 
126 
 
 golden tubes enclosing his ankles, 120 they were all of a more 
 elaborate workmanship, and only he and the "Cihua-cohuatl" were 
 entitled to wear them thus. 121 
 
 But the distinctive mark of either of them on the field of battle 
 was a long tress or braid of featherwork (the " Quachiatli ") hang 
 ing down from the occiput to the waist or girdle. 122 Besides, they 
 carried a small drum, on which they gave signals to their men. 1 - 3 
 
 A very fair representation of this costume, especially of the 
 characteristic headdress, is found at Palenquc, in the beautiful fig 
 ures on the bas-reliefs of the " altar," and " tablet of the cross." 
 These tablets and figures show, in dress, such a striking analogy 
 with what we know of the military accoutrements of the Mexicans, 
 that it is a strong approach to identity. 124 
 
 i 
 
 120 " Cozcatl," or " cozcapetlatl," or " cozehuatl." " Cozcatl" is a jewel, or a chain, 
 or a collar, hung with precious stones. 
 
 121 The "king" and the " cihuacohuatl " both wore the same dress and ornaments. 
 Duran (Cap. XXVI, p. 215) : <> Ordenose que solo el rey y su coadjutor Tlacaclel pudiesen 
 *' traer gapatos en la casa Real " (p. 216). " Iten, que solo el rey, y los reyes de las pro- 
 " vincias y grandes seuores pudiesen usar de bratjaletes de oro y de calcetas de oro en 
 " las gargantas de los pies, y ponerse en los pies cascabeles de oro a pies y guirnaldas 
 " y cintas de oro a' la caue$a con plumeria." Every Mexican tribe had this duality of 
 the chief military office, as Tezozomoc distinctly states. Besides, it appears also dis 
 tinctly in Central America. The "Popol-Vuh" mentions "Hun-Came" and " Vukub- 
 Came" as the two chiefs of "Xibalba." (Part II, cap. I, p. 173) "Then they all took 
 "advice together, and these: 'Hun-Came' and 'Vucub-Came,' are the chief judges." 
 (Also, Cap. LXII.) See Herrera (Dec. Ill, lib. IV, cap. XVIII, p. Ul.) A similar dual 
 ity was found among the Itzaes inhabiting Lake Peten, when they were conquered by 
 Urstui, in 1698. " Cauek " and " Quincauek " were the titles of the two chiefs. They 
 called each other cousins. (" Historia de la conquista de la provincia de el Itza, re- 
 *' duccion y progresses de la de el Lacandon, etc., etc.," by Juan de Villagutierre Soto- 
 mayor, Madrid, 1701.) 
 
 122 The term "Quachiatli" is from Torquemada (Lib. XIV, cap. V, p. 543). Molina 
 has no mention of this word. Clavigero describes it, without giving a name, as "a very 
 "subtle piece of featherwork, hanging down the entire back" (Lib. VII, cap. XXII). 
 See, also, Tezozomoc (Cap. LXXVI, p. 129). 
 
 123 Clavigero (Lib. Ill, cap. XVIII). Tezozomoc (Cap. LXXVI, p. 129). Mendieta 
 (Lib. II, cap. XXVI, p. 130). Duran (Cap. XXXV) p. 277: "y yendo el rey Axayacatl 
 *' vitorioso tocando un tambor de oro que a las espaldas llevaba, lo qual se usaba 
 " quando iba en alceuce." (Idem, Cap. XLVI, p. 372) <l y a las espaldas un atambor de 
 " oro, con que los reyes hazian seiial al arremeter y en el retirar, de suerte que Jos reyes 
 " Servian de atambor, 6 sus generales, los quales tocauan al anna y a recoger de los 
 " exercitos." 
 
 124 Especially the left hand figure of the so-called " altar-piece." The right hand 
 figure may be a priest, but we would suggest that both figures are those of chief x, one 
 representing the equivalent to the " TJaca-tecuhtli," and the other, the right hand lig- 
 u re, the equivalent to the "Cihuacohuatl." (See: "Travels in Central America, 
 "Yucatan, and Chiapas," by J. Stephens; also, the plates from Dupaix, in Lord Kings- 
 borough.) Count Minutoli ("Beschreibung einer alten Stadt in (juatimala." Berlin, 
 1832) has : Tab. I, a fair representation of the " tablet of the cross," also. The left hand 
 figure is evidently a chieftain of the highest grade, as the " Quachiatli " of Torquemada, 
 
127 
 
 Both the " chief of men," and his " coadjutor" the " Cihua- 
 cohuatl," while exercising, under certain extraordinary circumstan 
 ces, discretionary powers in military matters, were still subject to 
 a higher authority. This was the council of chief s 125 ( u tlatocan"), 
 of which they were, ex-officio, members, with the additional title 
 of " speakers" (" tlatoani") , and occupying, therefore, the " speak- 
 er's-seat" (" tlatoca-ycpalli"). 126 In this council the ultimate 
 power of government was vested, its functions were equally legisla 
 tive and judiciary; the execution of its decrees belonged to the 
 war-chiefs. Peace and war lay in its hands, the war-chiefs alone 
 could not decide upon either. 127 The existence of this council as 
 
 is plainly recognizable. In all those figures of Central American reliefs we discern the 
 characteristic parts of the Mexican costume: the breech-cloth ("maxtfatl") and the 
 head-dress. Several of them have the jacket, "huepil," and the chiefs have, as orna 
 ments, the " cozcatl," the " matzopetztli," and especially, the ear-rings and the towering 
 plumage. Lip-pendants and nose-rings are very prominent on the statues of Copan. 
 An illustration of the costume of the two chiefs, both being dressed exactly alike, is 
 given by Duran on plate 8 (to chapter 23 of the first part of his work). Axayaca is' also 
 represented in full armour on plates 10 and 11. 
 
 125 The word is from Molina (Vocab. II, p. 141, " tlatocan," "corte 6 palacio de 
 "grandes sefiores." Id. I, p. 30, "consejo real," " tlatocanecentlaliliztli"). It derives 
 from " ni-tlatoa," to speak. A very good illustration of this council is found in the 
 "Popol-Vuh" (Part II, cap. VIII), notwithstanding the diffuse language, we can easily 
 discern how the council of chiefs was constituted at "Xibalba," "Hunahpu," and 
 "Xbalanque," upon their arrival at the council-hall, found there twelve chiefs, the 
 names of which are all given (p. 147). After Moutezuma was captured and brought to 
 Spanish quarters "there were always in his company twenty great lords and compan- 
 "ions and councillors" (Bernal-Diez, Cap. XCV, p. 95, vol. II, Vedia). These were 
 probably the members of the supreme council. 
 
 126 "Tlatoani," ". hablador, 6 gran seiior" (Molina, II, p. 141). Bernal-Diez says 
 ( Cap. XXXVIII, p. 32, Vedia. II) that when they arrived at San Juan de Ulloa : " vini- 
 " eron dos canoas muy grandes, .... y en ellas vinieren muchos Indios Mejica- 
 " nos, y como vieron los estandartes y navio grande, conocieron que alii habian de ir a 
 " hablar al capitan, y fueronse derechos al navio, y entran dentro y preguntan quien era 
 " el Tlatoau, que en su lengua dicen el seiior." Seiior Icazbalceta, in his note No. 36 (p. 
 12 of Vol. II of " Coleccion de Documentos ") defines " Tlatoani" as follows : " . . . 
 " . era la denominacion que se daba a los superiores y gobernantes, equivaleute a 
 " Ja antigua nuestra senor, y con la cual llamaban a los espaiioles." (" Real Ejecutoria 
 " de S. M. sobre Tierras y Reservas de Pechos y Paga, perteneciente a los caciques de 
 "Axapusco, de la Jurisdiccion de Otumba.") " Tlatoca-ycpalli," from " tlatoca," and 
 " icpalli," stool. 
 
 127 The fact of the supremacy of the council in all matters is amply proven (Duran, 
 Cap. XIVi, p. 117; cap. XVI, p. 133). Acosta (Lib. VI, cap. XXV, p. 441): "All these 
 "four titularies were of the supreme council, without whose advice the king neither 
 " made, nor could make, anything of importance." But especially the remarkable par 
 agraph from Torquemada (Lib. XI, cap. XXV, p. 352), speaking of the " Cihuacohuatl :*' 
 "Este Juez parece tener veces, y autoridad de Virrei, a los quales comunica el Rei au- 
 'toridad absoluta, para goveruar, y despachar negocios, cometidos a su sola, y abso- 
 "luta determinacion, .... pues en cosas de su Govierno, conoce la audiencia, que 
 " toda junta se hace persona de Rei, y con su autoridad le pueden reprimir, y reprimen." 
 It is unfortunate that we have not any definite and detailed knowledge of the composi 
 tion of this council. All we can say positively is, that it existed, and was supreme. 
 
128 
 
 a supreme authority, proves the Mexicans to have been, not subject 
 to the despotic rule of a monarch, but organized after the princi 
 ples of a military democracy. They were a barbarous but free and 
 icarltke community. 
 
 Legitimate causes for war were frequently furnished to the Mex 
 icans. Their traders, or those of allied or subjected tribes, were 
 often exposed to outrage and ill-treatment on the part of and 
 among foreign " pueblos." Such acts were always regarded as 
 justifying open warfare, and the opportunity was speedily im 
 proved. But pretexts 1 ^ were eagerly sought for also, and the 
 Mexicans therefore never at a loss to find some ground for pounc 
 ing upon any tribe which excited their cupidity. We have al 
 ready stated that war was carried on by them for subsistence. It 
 was further required for the purpose of obtaining human victims, 
 their religion demanding human sacrifices at least eighteen times 
 every year. 129 Every important event, like an improvement of 
 the "teo-calli," 13 and especially the installation of a new war-chief 
 of the highest degree ( a Tlaca-tecuhtli "), had to be celebrated by 
 a special butchery of men, and these victims had to be obtained 
 through war. 131 Therefore the well-known custom of the Mexi 
 cans, on the battlefield, to look more to the capture than to the 
 slaying of their foes. 132 
 
 128 The war which resulted in the conquest of Chalco, the foray against Ahuilizapan 
 (Orizava) and Cempoal, were all brought about by the most wanton provocations on 
 the part of the Mexicans (Tezozomoc, Cap. XIX, p. 30; cap. XXI, p. 33; cap. XXXI, p. 
 48). (Torquemada, Lib. II, cap. XL, p. 159.) (Clavigero, Lib. IV, cap. XIII.) Durau 
 positively denies it, saying that the Mexicans never made war unless provoked, but 
 this is too manifestly untrue (Gomara, p. 442). 
 
 129 These were the regular monthly festivals only. 
 
 130 Duran (Cap. XXXVII, p. 287), when the war against Mechoacan was determined 
 upon : " and that the main reason why he wished to measure himself with their strength 
 "was to try to celebrate with them (by the means of prisoners taken from them) the in- 
 " auguration of the stone, that was similar to the sun, and to tinge his temp'le with the 
 "blood of these nations." Gomara (" De las guerrus," p. 442, Vedia, I, "y para, como 
 " ellos dicen, haber esclavos que sacrificar a los dioses y cebar a los soldados "). 
 
 131 It was obligatory upon the chieftain to inaugurate his administration with a mili 
 tary exploit, and great importance was placed upon that the head-chief should make 
 prisoners on that occasion with his own hands. Acosta (Lib. VI, cap. XXIV, p. 431). 
 Tezozomoc (Cap. LVII, p. 93; cap. LXI, p. 101; cap. LXXXIV, p. 147). These three 
 passages relate to Tizoczic, to Ahuitzotl, and to the last Montezuma, respectively.) 
 Mendieta (Lib. II, cap. XXVII, pp. 131, 132, and 133). Torquemada (Lib. II, pap. LV, 
 p. 172, and cap. LXIX, p. 195). 
 
 132 This was a very fatal custom, as against the Spaniards. Had the Mexicans been 
 intent upon killing instead of overpowering their white enemies alive, their resistance 
 would have been more formidable. Thus, for the sake of capturing a single horseman, 
 they recklessly sacrificed numbers of their own, when they thought to be able to sur 
 round him, and cut him off from his corps or detachment. The custom was, however, 
 general among the Nahuatlac tribes. 
 
129 
 
 The question of peace or war could only be decided by the su 
 preme council of chiefs. 133 If war was to take place it was some 
 times, but not always, resolved to send delegates to the tribe con 
 cerned, challenging it to fight or to submit and to become tributary 
 to the Mexicans. 134 These delegates carried particular distinctive 
 tokens ; 135 they proceeded .unmolested to the pueblo which they 
 were to notify, and, entering the council-house, briefly exposed the 
 object of their coming to the chiefs there gathered. If, after de 
 liberation, the tribe thus threatened agreed to submit and to give 
 tribute, then all was well, and the delegates departed again, loaded 
 with presents. But if any reparation or proposal for accommoda 
 tion other than actual submission was proffered, or if the reply was 
 even defiant, the Mexican delegates at once stepped up to the head 
 war-chief of the enemy, and with white paint (which they carried 
 in their casket of supplies) anointed his arms. Further, they 
 placed feathers on his head and gave to him a shield and sword. 
 This was the declaration of war. 136 Thereupon they withdrew, 
 but if a custom prevailing among all the tribes then inhabiting the 
 
 133 We have, on this point, the positive declaration of the last Montezuma himself. 
 When the tribe of Huexotzinco sent delegates to Mexico, proposing an alliance against 
 Tlaxcallan, Montezuma replied, to them: "Brothers and sons, you are welcome, rest 
 "Yourselves a while, for although I am king indeed, I alone cannot satisfy you, but 
 " only together with all the chiefs of the sacred Mexican senate " (" Yo solo no puede 
 "valeros, sino con todos los principales del sacro senado Mexicano." Tezozomoc, 
 Cap. XCVII). Also, Gomara (" De las guerras," p. 442, Vedia, I). 
 
 134 Mendieta (Lib. II, cap. XXVI, p. 129): "This was the common way, although 
 " sometimes they took them by surprise." 
 
 135 Torquemada (Lib. XIV, cap. I, p. 534) : " in the right carried an arrow, holding it 
 " by its head, the feathered end upwards, and in the left hand a small shield." 
 
 13c lxtlilxochitl ("Histoire des Chichimfiques ou des Anciens rois de Tezcuco," Cap. 
 XXXVIII, pp. 269, 270, 271, and 272) claims that they sent three different summons, one 
 by the Mexicans, one by the Tezcucans, and another by the Tlacopans. But this is not 
 othenvise confirmed. The answ r er, unless time was positively requested, and the Mex 
 icans deemed it politic to delay, decided the very first time. 
 
 Mendieta (Lib. II, cap. XXVI, p. 129) : "Determined and resolved that there should 
 "be war, they sent certain shields and robes to those whom they intended to assail (as 
 " it was their custom to never send a message without a present)." Torquemada (Lib. 
 XIV, cap. II, p. 537, almost a literal copy from Mendieta). Tezozomoc (Cap. VIII, p. 
 15; cap. XXVII, p. 40, etc., etc.). Ixtlilxochitl ("Hist, des Chichhn.," Cap. XXXVIII). 
 Duran (Cap. IX, p. 74; cap. LVII, p. 450. Montezuma being challenged by the Huexo- 
 tzinca, and Cap. LIX, p. 464, by the Cholulteca). The white paint, " tizatl" (Molina, II, 
 p. 113, " cierto barniz, o tierra blanca." See, also, Tezozomoc, Cap. VIII), was an emblem 
 of death, the shield, "for to defend himself therewith," and the sword, "for to offend if 
 " he was able." The latter is analogous to the red tomahaAvk sent in token of war by 
 northern savages (Loskiel : " Geschichte der Mission der evangelischen Briider unter 
 " den Indianern in Nord-Amerika." Barby, 1789, Part I, cap, XI, p. 187. Also, Adair : 
 "History of the American Indians"). 
 
 REPORT PEABODY MUSEUM, II. 9. 
 
 
130 
 
 country, had permitted their coming unmolested, 137 their return, 
 once outside of the council-house, was not placed under any simi 
 lar safe-guard. Oftentimes that return to Mexico was attended 
 with the most imminent personal danger to the delegates. 138 
 
 The cases, if any, are certainly few in number, where a tribe 
 thus provoked or defied, voluntarily submitted to tribute. The 
 Mexicans could be sure, almost, of war, whenever their supreme 
 council had agreed upon it. Therefore, as soon as the meeting at 
 the official house had concluded, war was proclaimed in the four 
 quarters of the pueblo, and in case of great urgency, a monstrous 
 drum, with a specially dismal sound, called the whole tribe to arms 
 from the top of the chief temple. 139 
 
 Owing to the peculiar organization just discussed, a rapid mo 
 bilization of the forces of the whole tribe was very feasible. The 
 minor subdivisions gathered under their " captains," and all to 
 gether proceeded almost simultaneously to the store-houses of the 
 four great quarters of the tribe, where the stewards dealt out the 
 
 137 Torquemada (Lib. XIV, cap. I, p. 535): "que aunque estas Gentes eran de su 
 " natural condition mas vengativas, que todas las del Mundo, respetaban a' los Embax- 
 " adores de sus mortales enemigos, como a' Dioses, teniendo por mejor violar qualquier 
 "xito de su Religion, que pecar contra la fe dada los Embaxadores," 
 
 138 For comparison with Loskiel on the northern Indians (Cap. XI, p. 187) see Tezoz- 
 omoc (Cap. VIII, p. 15). When the "Atempanecatl Tlacaeleltzin " returned for the 
 second time to Azcaputzaleo, this time to challenge the Tecpanecas and defy them to 
 open war, and after he had properly decorated their war-chief Tezozomoctli, the latter 
 gave to him a sword, a shield, and a helmet, saying: "Take here, also, something to 
 "protect your body, and this shield and sword, "maccuahuitl," and see if you may 
 " return home safely." Atempanecatl was attacked by Tecpanecan scouts, pursued as 
 far as upon Mexican soil, and escaped only through his swiftness and personal bra 
 very. This episode is confirmed by Duran (Cap. IX, p. 74), and by Acosta (Lib. VII, 
 cap. XII, pp. 482 and 483), although they both say that the Mexican delegate escaped by 
 avoiding the warriors of the Tecpanecas by circuitous paths. Still, it shows that his re 
 turn was attended with great personal danger. Clavigero (Lib. Ill, cap. XVII) attributes 
 this action to the first Montezuma. (" Huehue-Montezuma," or " Montezuma Ylhuica- 
 .mina.") 
 
 139 Bernal-Diez (Cap, XCII, Vedia, II, pp. 90 and 91). On the top of the great tem 
 ple: " y alii tenian un tambor ntuy grande endemasia, que cuando le tanian el sonido 
 " del era tan triste y de tal manera, como dicen instrumento de loe infiernos, y mas de 
 " dos leguas de alii se oia; y decian que los cueros de aquel tambor eran de sierpes muy 
 "grandes." Besides this drum they used conch-shells in great numbers, thus creating 
 a horrid noise. The Spaniards grew intimately acquainted with these awful signals 
 on the night of the 1st of July, 1520, when the various instruments called out the 
 Mexican warriors to that pursuit which caused the slaughter on the dyke leading to 
 Tlacopan. Every one reading the splendid descriptions of Mr. Prescott, of this bloody 
 retreat (" History of the Conq. of Mexico," Book V, chap. Ill), will remember: "the 
 " huge drum in the desolate temple of the war-god sent forth those solemnXones which, 
 " heard only in seasons of calamity, vibrated through every corner of the capital" (p. 
 362, of Vol. II). 
 
131 
 
 armament. 140 Thus the largest bodies were assembled, furnished 
 with weapons, and organized under their respective leaders of all 
 grades on very short notice, awaiting the signal from the chief 
 commander to sally forth, either by canoes across the lake, 141 or 
 along the causeways, to the mainland. Each warrior carried 
 mostly his own frugal provisions 142 which the women of each 
 household had prepared; " corn-bread, meal-cakes, ground beans, 
 " corn-meal seasoned with pepper ;" 143 but special carriers also 
 accompanied the force, loaded with a surplus of food, with robes 
 for tents, reeds for huts and bowers, and with cooking utensils 
 like kettles, pans, baskets ; also with mats. 144 Sometimes these 
 
 140 It also happened that an interval of twenty days (a Mexican month) elapsed be 
 tween the proclamation of war and the final departure. At least, in most cases, a few 
 days were spent in preparations, since the Mexicans had to give time to their outside 
 allies or subjects to prepare, also. Tezozomoc (Cap. XXXVI): "The Mexicans in 
 " the interval prepared the arms in. all the quarters, shields, swords, and made and 
 "finished many rods (' tlatzontectli '), also slings, and pebbles to be thrown with 
 "<5ords." (Id., Cap. LVII) " Within twenty days they prepared and fitted out all kinds 
 "of arms, first in the five quarters of Mexico -Tenuchtitlan : Moyotlan, Teopan, Ytza- 
 " cualco, Cuepopan, and Tlatilulco, now called Santiago." In many cases, however, 
 an instantaneous mobilization of the whole force became necessary. Mexico, in times 
 of peace, had to be always ready for war. See, also, Tezozomoc (Cap. XXXII, pp. 49 
 and 50). 
 
 141 Canoes, " acalli" (water-houses, from "atl," water, and "calli," house), were used 
 for the traffic with the main land, but also largely for the carrying of warriors. It is 
 well known what important part they played against the Spaniards during the siege. 
 For the movements of the Mexicans against a hostile tribe, both on land and water, 
 see Duran (Cap. XIV, p. 121), wherein he describes the attack upon Cuitlahuac, both by 
 canoes and on dry land. 
 
 142 Duran (Cap. XLVI, p. 369) : "porque demas de lo que los reyes proucyan de sus 
 "grandes trojos y graneros, cada soldado llevaua a questas su particular comida, 
 " todo lo que podia llevar, atada a la carga el espada y la rodela, etc., etc." 
 
 143 The women prepared the food, but it also occurred that the stewards dispensed it. 
 Tezozomoc (Cap. XXXII, p. 49) : " With this the stewards and calpixques of the tribes 
 " gave to their quarters maize for to make biscuit, tlacactutopochtli, pinole, ground 
 "pepper, chian, beans, and all what pertained to it, providing themselves with every- 
 "thing necessary for certain day stated." The " tlaxcaltotopochtli " (from ' tlaxcalli," 
 corn-bread, and " totopochtli," burnt-bread) would be biscuit of maize-meal, and it is 
 therefore called " vizcocho." The pinolli, or pinole, corn-meal mixed with pepper, was 
 an important victual. The food of the Mexicans, in general, outside of the meats (ex 
 clusively fowl and some game) and aquatic animals, consisted of maize in various 
 forms, and oi pepper, . " chilli," as seasoning. Cacao furnished their main beverage, 
 and stores of it were taken along. See, also, Duran (Cap. XLVI, p. 369: "maiz tostado 
 "y otro molido y hecho harina, frijol molido, pan biscochado, tamales mohosos y cura- 
 " dos al sol, grandes fardos de chile, cacao molido hecho en pellas "). They also used 
 maize to compose a beverage called " yolatl," which possessed particularly vivifying 
 qualities (See note of Sr. Ramirez to p. 290 of Duran), and which they dispensed even 
 on the battlefield (Duran, Cap. XXXVII; Tezozomoc, Cap. LII). 
 
 144 These earners are called "tamemes," and are generally regarded as having been 
 elaves. But they probably were outcasts from the bond of kinship, or the men of 
 newly conquered tribes (like Tlatilulco for a time after its capture), upon whom this 
 degrading work (because woman-like!!) was imposed as a penalty. Slaves were not nu- 
 
132 
 
 carriers were burthened with a surplus of arms, and even with or 
 naments, designed to reward deeds of high valor on the battlefield 
 itself. This "train" (if we may use the expression) was under 
 the command of stewards, who accompanied the force for that pur 
 pose. 145 The Mexicans having no domestic animals besides small 
 dogs and fowls, it necessarily followed that their supplies and 
 stores taken along by carriers were limited, and that consequently 
 their expeditions could never be of long duration, partaking more 
 of the character of forays or " raids " than of regular campaigns. 
 As long as they moved among friendly tribes they expected these 
 to furnish victuals ; further on they relied upon what the enemy's 
 country might possibly afford. 
 
 But the Mexicans, since their position in the middle of the la- 
 gune had been secured, and after they had once gained a foothold 
 on its shores by overpowering successively some of the tribes scat 
 tered along the mainland, not any longer ventured out alone on 
 their marauding expeditions. They required of those whom they 
 conquered to join them in arms at their bidding. 146 What the 
 exact relations were, which existed between the Mexicans and the 
 other tribes of the valley, especially those of Tezcuco and Tlaco- 
 
 merous among the Mexicans, if there were any at all beyond the prisoners of war. 
 The latter they could not use for such a purpose. Some of the young people often ac 
 companied the warriors, carrying their weapons and supplies, that they might see and 
 learn (Tezozomoc, Cap. LXXI, p. 121). But the numbers of these carriers (100,000) are 
 greatly exaggerated: Among the various objects mentioned by Tezozomoc as carried 
 along by the Mexicans in their campaigns, there are " tents, low huts, reeds for the 
 xacales." "Tent," in Mexican, signifies "Quachcalli," from "Quachtli," mantle, and 
 " calli," house. Huts, " xacalli," of straw, or bowers, they certainly used, and the step 
 is not very great, from the hut to the teut covered with what we call among northern 
 Indians a "blanket." Durau mentions both tents and huts, "tiendas y xacales," fre 
 quently (Cap. XXI, pp. 183 and 186; cap. XXII, p. 190, etc.). The cooking utensils, like 
 pans and kettles, had to go along, of course. Mats, " petlatl," for couches, and proba 
 bly, also, for the covering of huts, were equally requisite and even indispensable. 
 Lastly, mantles of " nequen " (Sisal hemp, < Jennequin "). This was the most ordinary 
 material composing the dress of Mexicans. The " huepil " of the ordinary Mexican 
 was made out of " nequen." These mantles were used for protection against the sun; 
 they were light and therefore convenient to wear and to have carried (See Tezozomoc, 
 Cap. XXXII, pp. 49 and 50). 
 
 145 Tezozomoc (Cap. XXXII, p. 50): "Y los mayordomos personalmente fueron & 
 " esta Jornada " (against Orizava). 
 
 146 Those tribes which had been made subjects to Mexico were compelled, whenever 
 called upon, to join the armed forces of the Mexicans. Tezozomoc seldom speaks of 
 any foray without mentioning that the subjected tribes took part in it, on the summons 
 of the Mexicans to that effect. See Herrera (Dec. Ill, lib. IV, cap. XV, p. 133); Tezoz 
 omoc (Cap. XXXI, p. 49; cap. XL VII, p. 77; cap. LI, p. 83). There is hardly any direct 
 testimony, but the fact is abundantly proven that the Mexicans could call out, and did 
 call out, to their assistance, any tribe which they had previously conquered. See Du- 
 ran (Cap. XI. p. 313) ; and Zurita "Rapport, etc." p. 11. 
 
133 
 
 pan, we shall not attempt to discuss here, reserving it for a future 
 opportunity ; 147 it is sufficient to establish that all those tribes, 
 whether regarded by history, as it now appears, as confederated 
 or allied to the Mexicans, or as their subjects, were at any rate 
 under the military supremacy of Mexico. 1 ** Whenever, therefore, 
 from any cause whatever, the Mexican chief-council agreed upon 
 war, delegates were sent to all tribes connected with Mexico, 149 
 calling upon them to send their forces, with supplies and ammuni 
 tion, to a certain place where the Mexicans would meet them, and 
 whence all together would proceed, under Mexican command, on 
 the foray determined upon by the tribe of the lake-centre. 150 
 
 Such notifications were never disregarded by the valley-pueblos, 151 
 still less by those of different stock-languages outside of the val 
 ley, and held by the Mexicans as tributary subjects. 152 The force, 
 
 147 It is not to our purpose to determine here whether a league or confederacy ex 
 isted between Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan, or whether the latter two tribes were 
 subjects of the former. There is a great deal of contradiction among the authors on 
 the subject, and we intend, if possible, to make it the subject of a future discussion. 
 
 148 Herrera (Dec. Ill, lib. IV, cap. XV, p. 133) : "Cou Mexico estaban confederados 
 " los Seuores de Tezcuco, i Tlacopan, que hora llaman Tacuba, i partian lo que gana- 
 " ban, i obedeciari al Seuor de Mexico, en lo tocante a la guerra." This is also con 
 firmed by the fact that, when Cortes moved towards Mexico from the coast, he was 
 everywhere told of the great power of the Mexicans only, without any reference to the 
 others. On a joint expedition or foray, the Mexican chief commanded the others, even 
 if he was inferior in rank to the " Tlacatecuhtli." (Zurita, p. 11). 
 
 149 This fact is so numerously mentioned by Tezozomoc, that we forbear encumber 
 ing with detailed quotations. Almost every other chapter of the Cronica Mexicana, 
 after the 20th about, has a reference to it. Also Duran. 
 
 loo when the Mexicans sallied forth on their unlucky expedition against Mechoacan, 
 in 1479, all the tribes were directed to meet at " Matlatzinco-Toluca" (Tezozomoc, cap. 
 LI, p. 83). Duran (Cap. XXXVII, p. 288). Axayacatl : " mando partiese el exercito de 
 "la ciudad y que en sus capitanias fuesen a los terminos de los Matlatzincas, y que alii 
 " se hiciese junta de la gente entre estos terminos de Matlatzinco y Tlaximaloyan." On 
 the foray against " Xiquipilco y Xilotepec," Chilocan was appointed meeting-place, 
 " commenced to move the Mexicans, all the others having set out already two or three 
 11 days before, for the same place of Chilocan (Tezozomoc, cap. LXI, p. 102). Duran, 
 speaking of the foray against Meztitlan (Cap. XL, p. 313) : " El rey, que naientras le tu- 
 " raua la uncion y estar velando salvo sus insinias y en ayuno y penitencia, que toda la 
 "gente que estuviese aperceuida y aparejada se recogiesse en Atotonilco, y que alii 
 "aguardasen todos al demas exercito y en Itzmiquilpan." 
 
 i5i There is not a single instance on record that, up to the time the Spaniards ar 
 rived, any pueblo had ever ventured to refuse such assistance to the Mexicans. Only 
 when Cortes moved upon Mexico for the second time, did such acts of open rebellion 
 occur. 
 
 162 Some difference existed between the relations of the Mexicans with kindred tribes 
 speaking the same (" Nahuatl") language, and with those of other stock. Thus, the 
 " Totonaca" of the coast were held in great subjection, while the Chalca of the valley 
 were treated almost like allies. It is not impossible that the so-called empire of Mex 
 ico (or of Anahuac, as it is very erroneously called) may yet prove to have been but a 
 confederacy of the Nahuatlac-tribes of the valley, with the Mexicans as military leaders. 
 
134 
 
 therefore, that sallied out of Mexico was sure to find at the meet 
 ing-place appointed, numerous reinforcements from various tribes, 
 fully armed and equipped, with an organization similar to their 
 own, 153 ready for the onward march, at the end of which, if suc 
 cessful, a certain share of human victims and of plunder would 
 reward their efforts. 154 
 
 As soon as the entire force was duly collected at the appointed 
 meeting-place, it began to move forward speedily and swiftly, and 
 in a straight line, if possible, towards the enemy's country. The 
 various tribes, as well as their respective subdivisions, kept dis 
 tinct from each other, led by their own native chiefs. The Mexi 
 cans were mostly in the rear. The approach of this body of war 
 riors was not alwa3's pleasant to tributary or friendly settlements 
 situated along the marchroute. These were expected to come out 
 with reinforcements, with food and presents, and if any one of 
 them failed or neglected to coinpty with these requisitions, it be 
 came exposed to the most barbarous violence. Such pueblos were 
 sacked, plundered, the people ill-treated. In their fury the Mexi 
 cans sometimes went so far as to empty and destroy the stores of 
 maize, and to kill wantonly the few domestic animals (dogs and 
 fowls) of the unfortunate inhabitants. 155 
 
 The tribute which the valley pueblos paid to Mexico may yet, perhaps, prove to have 
 been more a religious offering than anything else. They were certainly more on terms 
 of equality, whereas the foreign tribes were held in subjection proper. The word 
 "popolnca," stammerers, applied by the Mexicans to those of the coast, and which has 
 induced Clavigero to adopt the erroneous idea of a "Popoluca" language, shows the 
 disdain and hatred nourished by tribes of different stock towards each other. 
 
 153 Each tribe had to prepare its own arms and supplies, it remained under its own 
 chiefs and captains. Tezozomoc and I'uran both agree on this point. Their organiza 
 tion was essentially the same as that of the Mexicans. Everywhere in the valley, and 
 even in Matlaltzinco, we find the characteristic division of the Mexicans, the two 
 . head-war-chiefs, the four quarters, and the minor captains and braves. 
 
 i* 4 Ixtilxochitl (" Histoire des Chichimeques," Cap. XXXVIII, p. 273) says that Mex 
 ico and Tezcuco had each two-fifths, Tlacopan one-fifth, of the spoils. Tezozomoc 
 claims three-fourths for Mexico alone. The point is yet in doubt. (Zurita, " Rapport, 
 etc.," p. 12.) 
 
 155 Tezozomoc (Cap. XXXII, p. 50) : "The Mexicans never lacked food nor supplies," 
 when on the march, since they " were so much feared by all the tribes, that as soon as 
 " they arrived they were well received and treated. When their forces were on the 
 " war-path neither man nor woman remained outside of their dwellings, out of fear of 
 ' the warriors, and if these perchance met any one, any laborer or trader, they robbed 
 " him even up to his very clothes. Such tribes as did not go out to meet them they plun- 
 " dered and robbed of everything, emptying their stores of maize, killing their fowls 
 "and even their dogs." (Id. Cap. LXXXIV, p. 147.) Duran (Cap. XXI, p. 183) : "porque 
 " para el camino los pueblos y ciudades proueian de todo lo necessario, como tengo 
 " dicho, so pena de ser destruidos." It thus appears that for the march the Mexicans 
 did not have to provide any food, since the settlements along the route had to maintain 
 
135 
 
 The objective point of this march was, as we have already 
 stated, the enemy's territory. There was no strict boundary-line 
 dividing the tribes of Mexico from each other ; a belt of uninhab 
 ited or deserted land merely surrounded and thus isolated every 
 tribe. 156 This neutral strip was the ground on which the enemy 
 expected the Mexicans (provided they knew of their coming, and 
 felt strong enough to meet them in the open field). 157 It was, 
 therefore, commonly called "ground of war or battle" ("Yao- 
 tlalli"), 158 and as soon as the Mexican force approached this re 
 gion, its movements grew less swift and proportionately more 
 cautious. At dusk they halted on this dangerous area, selecting 
 for their encampment, if possible, an elevated, open position, un 
 favorable for surprise. The huts (and perhaps tents) and bow 
 ers, for which some materials had been taken along, were hurriedly 
 
 them, Duran positively saying, on the same page, after a lengthy enumeration of the 
 supplies and provisions prepared for the journey: "lo qtial, luego fue en seguimiento 
 " de la gente; lo qual no se proueia sino para el lugar donde se avia de asentar el real, 
 "porque para el camino los pueblos y eiudades pvoueian de todo lo necessario, etc., 
 " etc., etc." The same author continues (p. 184) : "Hacianse seruir como dioses, y en 
 " todos los caminos no parecia gente por donde iban los soldados y la gente de guerra, 
 " todos se encerraban que no osauan andar por los caminos, porque los soldados lea 
 " quitabau quanto llevaban en sus cargas, y si acaso le queria defender, los apaleauan 
 " y herian, y algnnos mataban y iban robando las sementeras y matando quantas galli- 
 "nas y perillos topaban; iban haciendo quanto mal podian, como lo hacen agora 
 " nuestros espaiioles, si no los van a' la mano, . . . . y asi en sabiendo que auia 
 " guerra, todos los vecinos de los pueblos, por donde auian de pasar los del exercito, se 
 " escondian y escondian el maiz, el chile, las gallinas y los perros, finalmente escondian 
 "quanto tenian." This shows a very simple mode of subsistance, they lived upon 
 the country through which they passed. But it also shows the barbarous condition of 
 the Nahuatl tribes. Even on their march through a friendly country from whose an 
 nual tribute they partly subsisted, they behaved little better than a large horde of sav 
 ages, or at least of cut-throats and highway robbers. The " civilized " troops of Europe 
 were little better at that time, and even up to the close of the 17th century. 
 
 156 Gomara ("De las guerras," Vedia, I, p. 442) : " They call quiahtlali the space and 
 " area which they left depopulated between the boundaries of each province for to fight 
 " there, and it is like unto sacred." See Tezozomoc (Cap. LXVIII, p. 113 ; cap. LXXXVI, 
 p. 151; cap. XCV, p. 167, etc., etc.). The delegates sent by Tlaxcallan, Huexotzinco, 
 and Cholula, to assist at the festivals in Mexico, were always met M half way in the 
 woods" ("la mitad del monte") separating the tribes. Ixtlilxochitl ("Histoire des 
 Chichimeques," Cap. XXXIII, p. 125) mentions a boundary line between the territories 
 of Mexico and Tezcuco, but the description of it is such that the statement remains 
 more than doubtful. 
 
 157 Torquemada (Lib. XIV, cap. Ill, p. 538: "Quando se admitin la Batalla, y venian. 
 " los unos, contra los otros, salian los de la Provincia, o' Pueblo a' un lugar particular, 
 "que tenian entre sus terminos los quales llamaban Yauhtlalli, que quiere decir; Ter- 
 " mino o' Lugar de la Guerra. Aqui salian los Proprietaries de la Tierra a' recibir a loa 
 " contraries." Also, Gomara (Vedia, I, p. 442). 
 
 158 From "yaotl," enemy, or "yaoyotl," battle or war, and " tlalli," ground or soil. 
 
136 
 
 erected, each tribe camping distinct from the other, the Mexicans 
 occupying the centre of the entire camp. 159 
 
 It was customary with the Mexicans to send out spies who, un 
 der different disguises, penetrated the hostile country ere the 
 force had reached its neighborhood. 160 Besides, as soon as the 
 latter halted on the " war-ground," numerous braves ventured out 
 in advance, as scouts, stealthily creeping through the woods, as 
 near the enemy as possible, to ascertain its position and numbers, 
 as well as armament. The information gathered from these sour 
 ces was reported during the night to the Mexican chieftain in com 
 mand, who sat in council of war with the other principal leaders. 
 This meeting, guided partly by the information thus obtained, de 
 vised the plan of attack for the coming day. The tactics of the 
 Mexicans were extremely simple : a decoy, in the shape of a pre 
 cipitate retreat, and an ambush at the termination of it, seem to 
 have been their highest conception. Therefore, during the night, 
 they often dug pits far in advance of the encampment, wherein, at 
 the close of the council, the most daring braves (and even the 
 Mexican commander himself, occasionally) concealed themselves, 
 their bodies covered with straw, branches, or foliage. 161 Mean 
 while the warriors were overhauling their arms, painting them- 
 
 159 Duran (Cap. XIX, p. 168): "Asi se partio' el exercito de Tulancingo y camin6 
 " hasta llegar & vista de los enemigos, donde empearon a' hacer tiendas y xacales, 
 "cada provincia y nacion para si." (Idem, Cap. XXI, pp. 183 and 184; cap. XXII, p. 
 190; cap. XXXVII, p. 288 : " donde a' tercer dia se juntaron todos los soldados y gente de 
 "guerra con toda la priesa posible y mandaron asentar el real, el qual asentaron con 
 " muchas tiendas y casas de esteras, quellos usauan en sus guerras y oy en dia las usan 
 "en los mercados, que son unos tendejones de juncos que echan las espadafias.") Te- 
 zozomoc (Cap. LI, p. 83; cap. LXXVIII, p. 135). This author contains so many details 
 on this subject that we forbear quoting him further with reference to chapter and page. 
 He distinctly says that each tribe camped by itself, the Mexicans in the middle. 
 
 160 Mendieta (Lib. II, cap. XXVI, p. 130): "enviaban delante sus espias muy disim- 
 " uladas y platicas en las lenguas de la proyincia a' do iban a' dar guerra." Torque- 
 mada (Lib. XIV, cap. II, p. 538) copies almost textually. 
 
 lei Tezozomoc mentions this very frequently. (Cap. XL VIII, he relates how the 
 chief Axayaca hid himself in such a pit, in the foray against the Matlaltzinca. This is 
 confirmed by Duran, Cap. XXXV, p. 277 : " Y quedandose en celada el rey , metidos en- 
 " tre las ramas y otros debaxo de la tierra escondidos todos los soldados viejos y princi- 
 " pales valerosos.") He also mentions (Cap. XIX, pp. 169 and 170) a very extensive 
 ambush of that kind against the Huaxtecas. Mendieta says (Lib. II, cap. XXVI, p. 
 131) : " They used ambushes, and often vei-y artificial ones, since they laid down on the 
 "ground, covering themselves with straw or herbs, etc., etc." Torquemada (Lib. XIV, 
 cap. HI, p. 539) agrees almost literally with the above. Also Clavigero (Lib. VII, cap. 
 XXV): "They used ambushes frequently, and concealed themselves in bushy places, 
 "or even in pits made for that purpose, as the Spaniards often experienced it. Fre- 
 4k quently they took to flight in order to draw the enemy into dangerous positions, or to 
 " assail his rear with fresh troops." We shall revert to this point hereafter. 
 
137 
 
 selves afresh, and the captains attended to their respective detach 
 ments, exhorting the men to courage and endurance. Each tribe 
 agreed upon its particular war-cry, to be used in action only. Fi 
 nally, the whole encampment sometimes joined in an awful yell : 
 the defiant war-whoop of thousands of Indians, and intended to 
 mark, not their presence (which they supposed to be known), but 
 their numbers and ferocity. This shout not unfrequently called 
 forth a response from the enemy lurking in front of them. 162 Then 
 the stillness of the night, of the gloomy and treacherous night 
 preceding an Indian engagement, settled at last upon the " land 
 of war." 
 
 This quietness did not last very long. Even if neither of the 
 opposing parties attempted to .surprise the other under cover of 
 darkness, both were certainly alert before daybreak. 163 The Mex 
 ican force, preceded by a cloud of scattered braves as skirmishers 
 or scouts, advanced cautiously, not in one solid body, but by tribes 
 and subdivisions of tribes, as upon the march. Very soon their 
 extreme outposts encountered those of the enemy, the war-whoop 
 was raised on both sides, and a series of personal combats engaged 
 along the whole line. Pebbles, carried along for that purpose, 
 were hurled by means of the sling ; stones picked up from the 
 field were thrown at each other, accompanied by hideous yells and 
 defiant epithets. Then followed darts and arrows, both parties 
 dancing about to avoid the missiles. Meanwhile accessions from 
 the main bodies moved up, the fight came to closer quarters, the 
 sword and club being resorted to. If the enemy was sufficiently 
 strong so as not to give way at once, the Mexicans feigned to re 
 treat, rushing back towards the place where an ambush had been 
 prepared. The pursuing foe, once caught in the trap, WAS roughly 
 handled, their adversaries pressing upon them from all sides, and 
 his efforts to disentangle himself were always accompanied with the 
 heaviest loss, either in prisoners or in killed. At other points of 
 the line similar snares were extended to the Mexicans by their 
 opponents. Thus the fight progressed like an extensive skirmish, 
 feach party bent upon weakening the other by partial losses through 
 rude stratagems, until the enemy, reduced in numbers and dis- 
 
 162 The -war-wJioop (" alarido," or " la grita," as the Spanish authors call it) is dis 
 tinct from the war-cry, the latter serving to identify the warriors of the same tribe or 
 " quarter." The former is " tzatziliztli," the latter, " yaotzatziliztli." 
 
 1(i:j The usual time for such attacks was daybreak or dawn (Tezozomoc, Caps. 
 LXXX1V, p. 148, and LXXXVHI, p. 185 : " al arnanecer del alva"). 
 
138 
 
 heartened by the death or capture of many principal warriors, 
 gave way in an unmistakable manner. 164 Then a precipitate 
 
 164 Besides Tezozomoc, who is so full of details on these fights that it is wasting 
 space to quote him extensively, we find the most concise and reliable statements in 
 Mendieta's " Historia Ecclesiastica Indiana." The descriptions of Mendieta agree per 
 fectly with those of Tezozomoc (less with those of Duran), while the two authors had 
 nothing in common, besides, Mendieta, the revered Franciscan father, terminating his 
 work about 1596, and Tezozomoc, the simple Indian, his MSS. in 1598. Neither of these 
 works were printed previous to this century. Mendieta says (Lib. II, cap. XXVI) : -'At 
 
 " the outset they sped stones by slings, and rods like darts They also threw 
 
 " stones by hand. Thereafter they resorted to sword and shield, and the archers went 
 " in at the same time well protected thereby, and thus they spent their ammunition. 
 " The archers from Tehuacan sometimes were so dexterous that they sped two or three 
 " arrows at once with the same precision as one bowman would shoot one alone. Af- 
 "ter the vanguard had spent a good deal of their munition they charged with sword 
 " and dart, the sword being of wood, long, and lined with cutting pieces of flint. It 
 "was tied to the wrist, in order that dropping it they might seize an enemy (as 
 " their main object was to capture men alive) without losing the weapon. They had no 
 " style of fencing, neither did they charge directly, but skirmished and rushed back 
 " and forth. At first one party would turn to flee, as it seemed, the others pursuing, 
 "killing and wounding and capturing all those lagging in the rear. Then the party 
 " fleeing would suddenly turn back upon the pursuers, which fled iu turn. Thus they 
 "proceeded as in a tournament ('juego de canas'). until they were tired, when fresh 
 " bodies moved up to take up the fight. They had well disposed and agile people to 
 " care for the wounded, bringing them to the rear where their surgeons were with the 
 " medicines, healing and nursing them." See also, Clavigero (Lib. VII, cap. XXV), and 
 the Anonymous Conqueror (Col. de Doc., Vol. I, p. 374) : " during the fight they shout 
 " and sing, uttering sometimes the most horrid shrieks." (Mr. Prescott speaks of hos 
 pitals which "were established in the principal cities." This is doubtful, at least.) 
 The most detailed account of such an engagement is found in Tezozomoc (Cap. LII, p. 
 84), confirmed in the main by Duran (Cap. XXXVII, pp. 289 and 290), where he describes 
 the disastrous fight of the Mexicans (1479) against the Tarasca of Michhuacan. It ap 
 pears from the description of the former that during this bloody conflict, lasting a 
 whole day, the different tribes moved up in succession and distinct from each; other. 
 There is but one instance of a higher tactical move, and this is found in Tezozomoc 
 also (Cap. XCVIII, p. 93). TVhen the Mexicans sallied against Tlaxcallan: "the gen- 
 " eral Cuauhnochtli commanded that the Chalca should go by one road or path, those 
 " of Aculhuacan by another, the Tecpaneca by another, and the Mexicans in the centre 
 "where the Tlaxcallans were expected to be; all the other tribes extended in order to 
 " take the Tlaxcalteca in the middle" (surround them). Notwithstanding the glowing 
 descriptions of Clavigero, Torquemada, and Ixtlilxochitl, those engagements turn out 
 to be ordinary Indian skirmishes on a large scale, in proportion to numbers, of course, 
 but still after the same principle. These same authors even indicate, involuntarily, 
 that there were less actions of masses, than individual exploits. For instance, Torque 
 mada relates (Lib. II, cap. LXI, p. 183) that the principal chief, dressing himself in the 
 garb of a common warrior, challenged the prominent chieftain of the enemy to single 
 combat and overcame him, which deed decided the fortunes of the day. Ixtlilxochitl 
 (" Hist, des Chichimeques," Cap. XLV) even tells us how a single Tezcucan brave alone 
 fell upon the enemy while his own army was yet at breakfast, and put them all to flight. 
 If such stories are true, they militate strongly against the impression which these same 
 authors would convey to us, of formidable hosts, well organized, opposing each other. 
 A commander, responsible for the fate of tens of thousands committed to his guidance, 
 could not expose his own person in such a manner. Either these stories, or the repre 
 sentation of the numbers engaged, and their tactics, are untrue. 
 
 " Surgeons " are mentioned both by Mendieta and Torquemada. The Mexican name 
 of surgeon is " texoxotla ticitl" (Molina, 1, p. 35). " Texoxqui" means a sorcerer, aud 
 
139 
 
 retreat began on one side, and an equally rapid pursuit on the 
 other. 165 The objective point of this retreat was the settlement 
 or " pueblo" of the attacked tribe, but if the vanquished succeeded 
 in placing between them and their pursuers some natural obstacle, 
 like a river, or deep ravine, or if they took refuge upon a wooded 
 range of steep hills, then the victors were arrested, as they seldom 
 ventured to attack when this attack necessitated a strong simulta 
 neous effort on the part of the whole force. 166 Still less could 
 they execute rapid flank-movements. In course of time they 
 might circumvent certain obstacles, but then their supplies were 
 so limited that, if there was no positive indication of success, 
 either in storming the position without great danger, or in carry 
 ing it within a very short time by some rude feint, they preferred 
 to desist from further endeavors, and to return home with what 
 ever spoils the battlefield alone had furnished. Thus they " col 
 lared " 167 their captives (which had been carefully watched behind 
 the battle-front) and returned to Mexico in moderate triumph, 
 leaving it to future times to proclaim : that such and such a tribe 
 had been subdued by them, whereas they had only defeated it in 
 one engagement, and the tribe had still preserved afterwards its 
 complete independence. 168 
 
 " ticitl " a physician or diviner. Both agree very well with the conception of an Indian 
 " medicine-man." There are, besides, evidences that priests went to war also, and I 
 would suggest that it may have been a part of their duties to care for the wounded. A 
 certain class of priests were called " tlamacazqui," certainly derived from "tlama," 
 physician or doctor. 
 
 185 A slow and orderly retreat is a movement hardly known to Indians. They rush 
 either way, advancing or retiring. Even the return of the Mexicans from the unsuc 
 cessful onslaught on the Tarasca (Tezozomoc, Cap. LII, p. 84) was as near to a disor 
 derly flight as possible. Duran says (Cap. XXXVII, p. 291) : "El rey Axayacatl mando", 
 " algar sn real, y asi como huyendo y medio afrentado, con la poca gente que le auia 
 " quedada, todo desbaratado y lo mas de la gente herida." 
 
 Mendieta (Lib. II, p. 131) : "Those who gained the battle continued the pursuit 
 " until the opponents reached some place where they could fortify themselves." Also, 
 Tezozomoc (Cap. XXII, p. 34, and cap. LVII, p. 94). 
 
 167 If, on the battlefield, a captive still resisted, they cut the tendons of his feet, thus 
 rendering him incapable of motion. After the action the prisoners were secured by 
 wooden collars ("cuauh-cozcatl") and thus they were led home in the van of the re 
 turning force. Arrived at Mexico they were conducted first to the chief-teocalli, and 
 after prostrating themselves before the idol of Huitzilopochtli, were marched around 
 the great stone of sacrifice, (Compare the relation of Adair, "History of the American 
 Indians," Argument XVI, pp. 165 and 167. Return of a Chikkasah war party from a 
 foray into Illinois, in 1765.) 
 
 168 Such was the case with Meztitlan (Cap. LVII, p. 94, of Tezozomoc, and Duran, 
 Cap. XL, p. 314). Tizoczic made about 40 prisoners, and returned with the loss of 300 
 men (" Y que con aquello auian los contraries recogidose a' sus lugares"). Still it is 
 mentioned by Ixtlilxochitl as subject and tributary to the valley tribes. 
 
140 
 
 If the vanquished tribe found no such point of refuge, then the 
 pursuit continued without relenting until the town or settlement 
 itself was reached. Frequently both pursuers and pursued entered 
 it almost at the same time. The torch was applied to the temple 
 first, and an indiscriminate slaughter of non-combatants began. 169 
 
 Nothing short of speedy submission to tribute could arrest this 
 butchery. The vanquished, therefore, if not prepared to flee from 
 their homes forever, 170 made signals of peace. A parley ensued, 
 and to it succeeded a surrender on the part of the defeated tribe. 
 Generally one year of tribute was paid in advance, and thus the 
 Mexicans might return homewards loaded, both with the spoils 
 acquired on the battlefield and with the first guarantee of future 
 contributions from the vanquished tribe. 171 
 
 It sometimes occurred, however, that the tribe attacked had pro 
 vided its settlement with artificial defenses, and the Mexicans, 
 victorious in the open field, found themselves in presence of the 
 simple fortifications, which we shall hereafter describe, like pali 
 sades or even platforms of earth or stone surmounted by parapets. 
 An attack upon these was only attempted if there appeared no 
 doubt as to the result, in consequence of the superiority of the 
 Mexicans, or of the great losses sustained by their defenders in 
 the previous fights. 172 Then, but only then, ladders were con- 
 
 169 The " teocalli" or temple being in the centre of the settlement, and also its high 
 est, and therefore, according to Indian notions, its strongest edifice, the destruction 
 thereof by fire was the signal of decisive victory of the assailants. See Tezozomoc 
 (Cap. XIX, pp. 30 and 31). Duran (Cap. XV, p. 129). 
 
 170 In cases where the pueblo of the enemy had been completely deserted, either 
 through flight of its inhabitants, or through their extermination, as was the case with 
 Alahuitzlan, these sections were repeopled by colonies from Nahuatl stock. Tezozomoc 
 (Cap. LXXIV, pp. 125 and 126) and Duran (Cap. XLV, p. 364, etc.) both relate in detail 
 how it occurred. This may account in some degree for the presence of Nuhuatlac stock 
 at a distance from the valley, and may yet throw some light even upon the singular col 
 onization of the Peruvian " Mitimaes." 
 
 171 This suing for peace, where the tribe was of foreign stock-language, took place, 
 sometimes through interpreters, " nahuatlata," sometimes merely by signs. The de 
 feated generally fled to the top of a hill and from there beckoned to the pursuing Mex 
 icans to stop the carnage, with humble and pitiful gestures. But the first parley did 
 not always result in peace. The massacre of women and children recommenced often 
 twice, ere the tribute offered by the vanquished satisfied the Mexicans. This tribute 
 was exacted in proportion to the resistance offered and to the resources of the tribe. 
 After peace was agreed upon the Mexicans still feasted from the food of those whom 
 they had ruthlessly conquered. The prisoners, once taken, were never released nor 
 exchanged. They had to carry the spoils and tribute to Mexico, but were generally 
 well fed and cared for until the day when they were slaughtered to the idols. 
 
 178 A good illustration is found in Tezozomoc (Caps. XC and XCI), describing the 
 foray against Tututepec and Quetzaltepec. But Duran is still more explicit on the 
 same events, According to him (Cap. LVI, p. 547), after the unfortified pueblo of Tu- 
 
141 
 
 structed, 173 and with due precaution and under cover of various 
 feints, the walls were scaled. 174 A regular siege was out of the 
 question, the Mexicans not being provided for a protracted stay 
 outside of their territory. They might lie in wait or hover around 
 the enemy's defenses for a short time, bent upon attempting a sur 
 prise of some kind, but if the place could not be carried at a 
 rush in some way the assailants finally had to abandon the attack 
 and return home. 175 
 
 We have heretofore presupposed that the tribe assailed by the 
 Mexicans had been formally challenged, or at least notified of their 
 coming. But this was not always the case. In many instances 
 the Mexicans made their attack without previous warning, and. a 
 nocturnal surprise was attempted which was almost sure to suc 
 ceed. 
 
 It is next to superfluous to venture a description of such a 
 nightly onslaught. The scene, like that of the surprise of any 
 settlement whatever by Indians during the hours of darkness, may 
 be faintly imagined, but not adequately told. The main sallies and 
 entries were occupied by the assailants, creeping up stealthily, 
 the chief "teo-calli" surrounded, then the war-whoop was raised, 
 and the miserable inhabitants of the pueblo realized at once that 
 they were doomed. Few survivors only remained on such occa 
 sions, and even these, unless the tribe surrendered at the first on- 
 
 tutepec had been sacked, the Mexicans moved upon Quetzaltepec, which was well 
 fortified, and whose people sallied forth to meet the Mexicans in the open field three 
 days in succession, \\ntil the third day at last they were signally defeated, and the de 
 fenses scaled in a rush. 
 
 17 => Tezozomoc (Caps. XC and XCI). Duran (Cap. LVI, p. 448). The former describes 
 these ladders (" escalas ") minutely, giving their size and the number used. 
 
 174 Tezozomoc speaks of archers posted outside, protecting by a shower of missiles 
 the ascent of the scaling party or parties, while other bodies were burrowing through 
 the wall. Duran gives a more plausible statement (p. 448) : " Otro dia salio al campo la 
 "gente tepaneca con toda su provincia, que era gran numero de gente, la qual se uyo 
 " tan valerosamente, que no los pudiendo resistir los de la ciudad, se empegaron a' re- 
 
 ' traer hacia el muro. Monteuma, viendo que los tepanecas peleaban tan valerosamente 
 ' y que hacian retirar al enemigo, mando tocar al anna, y en tin punto salio el Mexicano 
 'al campo y por otra parte el tezcucano, y arremetiendo todos de trapel, apellidando 
 'ilos unos Mexico, Mexico, los otros Tezcuco, Tezcuco, acudieron cada uno por su 
 ' parte rompiendo por el exercito de los enemigos ; y aunque de las murallas recibian 
 gran dano de las piedras grandes y troQOS de palos que arrojaban, llegaron a' ella y 
 1 arrimando escalas, y otros, como gatos, subieron por ella, y otros cabando por el 
 ' eimiento ganaron la primera cerca." This shows that indeed it was carried at a rush. 
 
 175 For this reason the wars with the neighboring tribes of Tlaxcallan, Huexotzinco, 
 and Cholullan, took the shape of regular fights at stated times. A long campaign was 
 out of all question. We may, in the course of this essay, investigate shortly the ques 
 tion of the wars between Mexico and Tlaxcallau, although it is not properly pertaining 
 to the object of the present discussion, 
 
142 
 
 sot, were all carried into captivity except such as could escape 
 into the wilderness tying beyond their cultivated areas of soil. 176 
 
 The Mexicans, however, were not exclusively successful on their 
 numerous forays and expeditions. More than once they met with 
 severe defeats, and on one occasion even, in their attack upon 
 Michhuacan, in 1479, they were so terribly beaten that they never 
 afterwards renewed the attempt. 177 
 
 Besides, in their constant wars against the rival confederacy, 
 also of u Nahuatl " stock, at whose head was the tribe of Tlax 
 callan or Tlascala, the fortunes of the day often turned against 
 the Mexican invaders, or at least assailants. 178 In the first in 
 stance, that of the defeat in Michhuacan, the Mexicans actually 
 fled from the battlefield in consternation, pursued by the victorious 
 enemy across the " war-ground," but no further. 179 The engage 
 ments with the tribes of Tlaxcallan, Huexotzinco, or Cholula, 
 were fought so near the valley that even if the Mexicans had been 
 worsted during the day, they could retire quietly and mostty un 
 molested the next morning. 180 The manner in which such retreats 
 were carried on is hardly known. 
 
 176 Tezozomoc (Cap. LXXXIV, p. 148) describes as follows the attack upon Nopallan 
 and Ycpatepec: "Arriving at midnight, they moved so secretly that they reached the 
 "loyal house, counted the entrances and sallies, ascended to the top of the temple," 
 etc., etc. Then the scouts returned to the main temple, reporting upon what they 
 Lad found, and when the morning star arose they fell upon the settlement, " each body 
 "moving like a strong wall and with the swiftness of lightning, .... and they 
 "began to slaughter so furiously that neither old people, nor women, nor children 
 "were spared, and they set fire to the houses, also to the temple, so that the place 
 " looked like a volcano." (Compare the reports upon the burning of Schenectady by 
 the French and Indians, in 1689, contained in vol. J, of " Documentary History of the 
 " State of New York," pp. 297-312.) 
 
 177 Tezozomoc (Cap. LII). Duran (Cap. XXXVII). The date is fixed by Seiior Al 
 fredo Chavero, of Mexico, in his valuable essay entitled " Calendario Azteca" (p. 4). 
 
 178 This confederacy consisted of Tlaxcallan and Huexotzinco, perhaps also At- 
 lixco. Cholula may, to a certain extent, have been included in it, but it was cer 
 tainly not any longer the case when Cortes arrived. On the contrary, Cholula was then 
 on friendly terms with Mexico. Cortes says (" Carta Segunda," Vedia I, p. 19): "por- 
 "que los naturales della emu amigos de Muteczuma;" and, further on (p. 21), "y lice 
 " que los desta ciudad de Churultecal, y los de Tascaltecal fuesen amigos, porque lo 
 "solian ser antes, y muy poco tiempo habia que Muteczuma con dadivas los habia 
 "aducido a' su amistad, y hechos enemigos de estotros." 
 
 179 The pursuit lasted until they reached Tlaximaloyan (Tagimaroa), at the con 
 fines of Toluca. Tezozomoc (Cap. Ill, p. 85): ''Llego' el campo Tarasco hasta Tagi- 
 "niaroa, que dizen Tlazimoyalan : los otro> que habian llegado hasta los terminos de 
 " Toluca se volvieron, viendo que su campo no llegava : ni iva adelante." The pursuit 
 of the Michhuacanese consisted in harassing the Mexicans with archers, but no close 
 combats are mentioned. 
 
 iso xhe wars of the Mexicans against Tlaxcallan and its associates were a struggle 
 for definitive supremacy, and not, as many authors have it, pre-arxanged regular bat- 
 
143 
 
 Until now we have considered the Mexicans only when in con 
 flict with tribes of their own country and race, inferior or equal to 
 them in degree of culture, and proportionately in military resour 
 ces. But we must necessarily cast a glance upon their wars 
 against their subsequent conquerors, the Spaniards, and investi 
 gate how far our pictures of the organization and the military 
 tactics of the Mexican tribe are confirmed by the events of the 
 conquest. Ere, however, we enter upon this discussion, which 
 shall also furnish us with an illustration of defensive Indian war 
 fare in Mexico, it is urgent that we should become acquainted 
 with the nature of fortifications erected and used by the aborigines. 
 
 While there exists distinct evidence that walls of stone were 
 erected occasionally for the defense of certain positions not directly 
 connected with, or in the immediate vicinity of, settlements, such 
 instances are very rare. Such is the famous wall by which the 
 Tlaxcallans closed the valley of their eastern confines. 181 In gen 
 eral, the conception of the tribes of Mexico in fortifying any par 
 ticular place, amounted to raising it above the surrounding level, 
 and crowning this raised area with a parapet of stone or wood. It 
 is not quite clear whether the elevation extended always to the 
 
 ties, for the purpose of mutually obtaining victims for religious offerings, and for the 
 exercise of the young men in the art of war. The fact that these battles took place at 
 fixed days and at certain places appointed, is no proof of the latter, but it simply re 
 sulted from the custom of challenging an enemy, and meeting him therefore at a speci 
 fied time and on the "war-ground." (Compare Duran, Cap. LIX, p. 465). The respective 
 forces being quite evenly matched, these actions were renewed from time to time, each 
 party hoping to tire out the other, until to be able to strike a decisive blow ; but neither 
 succeeded so far, so that in fact the battles remained practically undecided. Against 
 Tlaxcallan the Mexicans made one great attempt, when the confederacy of the former 
 with those of Huexotzinco was broken up for a short time, and the latter applied to 
 Mexico for assistance against the Tlaxcallans, who had invaded the soil of Huexot- 
 ziuco. There is as yet a great deal of contradiction and obscurity in regard to those 
 iuler-tribal wars, and the pompous descriptions thereof by many authors are scarcely 
 trustworthy. One point appears positive, that however often the Mexicans may have 
 been the worst sufferers in these fights, neither the Tlaxcallans nor their allies were 
 ever aMe to threaten Mexico seriously. In course of time there is hardly any doubt 
 but that the Mexicans would have tired out and conquered their adversaries, as they 
 had previously tired out and finally subjugated the tribe of Chalco, in the valley. For 
 a truly natural description of these engagements, I refer the reader to the pages of Du 
 ran, and especially of Tezozomoc. 
 
 wi See Cortes (" Carta Segunda," Vedia I, p. 15) : " E a' la Salida del dicho valle falld 
 'una gran cerca de pisdra seca, tan alta como estado y medio, que atravesaba todo el 
 ' valle de la una sierra a' la otra, y tan ancha como veinte pie's, y por toda ella un petril 
 ' de pie y medio de ancho, para pelear desde encima, y no mas de una entrada tan an- 
 ' cha como diez pasos, y en esta entrada doblada la una cerca sobre la otra a' manera 
 ' de rebelin, tan estrecho como cuarenta pasos . . ." Also, Bernal-Diez (Cap. LXII). 
 Gomara (p. 326. "El primor rencuentro que Cortes tobo con los de Tlaxcalan") 
 Torquemada (Lib, IV, cap. XXIX). Herrera (Dec. II, lib. VI, cap. IV). 
 
144 
 
 area of the settlement thus enclosed, forming a terrace or plat 
 form, or whether it merely constituted a belt around it. As prin 
 cipal means of protection, they resorted to elevation. 1612 
 
 The pueblo of "Quauhquechollan (now Huacachula, in the State 
 of La Puebla), lying to the South-east of Mexico, and tributary 
 to the Mexicans in 1520, was considered very strong, and Cortes 
 has left us the following description of its natural as well as of its 
 artificial defenses : 
 
 " This town of Guacachula lies on a plane, protected on one 
 " side by a high and steep hilly range, and on two sides by two 
 " rivers, distant from each other about two cross-bow shots. Both 
 " rivers run in deep and precipitous gorges ; there are, conse- 
 " quently, but few places where an entrance could be effected, 
 " and even these are of difficult access, steep of descent and of 
 " ascent, on horseback. The place is surrounded by a strong 
 " wall of line and stone, outside of the city as high as four fath- 
 " oms, and almost level with the ground inside. A parapet one- 
 " half fathom in height runs along the top of this wall. For to 
 " sally there are four entrances wide enough for a horse-man to 
 " pass through ; at each entrance there are three or four folds of 
 "the enclosure entering one into the other; on each fold of the 
 " wall a corresponding breastwork. Along the entire enclosure 
 u they have heaps of stones and pebbles, with which they fight." 183 
 
 This idea of constructing the pueblos on a mountain declivity, 
 so as to be compelled to artificially protect but one or two sides 
 alone, we find in several instances. The place of Chamula in the 
 present State of Chiapas, when attacked by the Spaniards under 
 
 182 Motolinia ("Historia dc los Indies de Nueva-Espana." Trat. Ill, Cap. XVI, p. 
 229), speaking of Tlaxcallan: "Their reason for building in high places was that in 
 " order to feel more safe during their frequent wars, they looked to high and open 
 " places, where they might sleep with less anxiety, since they had neither doors nor 
 " walled enclosures, although they had entrenchments and fortifications (' albarradas 
 " y reparos ') in some places, they being sure of war to occur every year." The Mex 
 ican name for tribe, or settlement, or pueblo, " altepetl," itself indicates an elevated 
 object, the w r ord "tepetl" signifying "mountain" or " hill." 
 
 i 63 " Carta Segunda (Vedia I, p. 50); also, Bemal-Diez (Vedia II, cap. CXXXII, p. 
 143), and several others. Clavigero (Lib. IX, cap. XXVIII) says that the walls of 
 Quauhquechollan were fully 20 feet high, 12 feet wide, and had a parapet of 3 feet in 
 elevation. The fathom : " Estado," " Braza," or " toesa," is equal to 2 " varas," or to 6 
 Castilian feet. According to this the wall would have been about 6, 68-100 metres above 
 the outer surface, or 22 feet, English. The text of Cortes reads : " tan alto como cuatro 
 " estados por de fuera de la ciudad, e' por de dentro esta? casi igual con el suelo." This 
 would indicate that the " wall " was rather a facing of stone to a large terrace, upon, 
 which the pueblo itself had been erected. 
 
145 
 
 Diego Godo}', in 1524, was situated on a high and steep hill or 
 ridge, surrounded by a gorge. The ascent was very difficult, and 
 when the Spaniards had reached a certain height they met a pali 
 sade of timbers set crosswise into the ground, and tied together. 
 Higher up there was a wall two fathoms high and four feet wide, 
 of earth and stone, with some posts. In the most rugged corner 
 there was a ladder leading upwards. The wall was surmounted 
 loy a guard of strong planking held between timbers set both 
 within and without. Besides, vines of great thickness, and ropes, 
 were fastened to the planks. 184 
 
 In some cases, several tiers of enclosures or platforms, one 
 above the other and surmounted by parapets, covered one side 
 of a mountain-declivity. The dwellings of the people retted on 
 the highest terrace, within the uppermost circumvallation, but 
 huts or bowers sheltering the warriors were erected even on the 
 outermost defenses. Such appears to have been the condition of 
 Quetzaltepec, 185 before it was captured under the last Montezuma, 
 
 184 Chamula, or " Chamh<5," according to the late Mr. Brasseur ("Ruines de Palen- 
 que," Cap. II, p. 33, Note No. 10) is still the most populous place of the State of Chia 
 pas, and lies about three leagues to the N. W. of San Cristobal. Its inhabitants speak 
 the " Zotzil" language. They were never conquered, perhaps not even attacked, by 
 the Mexicans. The description of its fortifications is from the " Relacion hecha por 
 "Diego Godoy a' Hernando Cortes" (Vedia I, p. 466). Bernal-Diez (Cap. CLXVI) and 
 Herrera (Dec. Ill, lib. V, cap. VIII, p. 163) mention it also. We meet here with a plain 
 description of earthen or stone embankments surmounted by guards of wood. This 
 may throw some light on some of the circumvallations found in the United States, and 
 ascribed to the " mound-builders." (A still more detailed description, of a similarly 
 fortified place, is given by Cortes himself in his fifth letter. 3 Sept., 1526. (Vedia, I, p. 
 128). Compare " Hist, de la Conq. y Reduccion de los Itzaes." Lib. I, cap. VII, p. 41). 
 
 185 For a description of Quetzaltepec (" Mountain of brilliant or changing green 
 "hue^") see Tezozomoc (Cap. XC, pp. 158 and 159), and especially Duran (Cap. LVI, 
 p. 443) : "porque Tototepec, demas cle tener el rio grande por amparo, hi$o hacer cinco 
 " cercas las mas fuertes que pudo, todas de piedra y tierra muy apisonada y de maderas 
 "grandes y de todo genero de fagina. Acauadas estas cercas, que la que cercaua el 
 " pueblo era de seis bra$as en alto y de quatro en ancho, siendo los demas que se les 
 " iban siguiendo de a' quatro y de cinco en alto, . . . ." Although Duran uses the 
 expression "cerca" (enclosure), there is little doubt but that they were but platforms, 
 surmounted by stone or wooden parapets. Tezozomoc (Cap. XC), while speaking of 
 six works (" albarrada," or " paredon "), distinctly mentions that there were huts or 
 houses on them (" Luego mando poner fuego a la segunda albarrada, que tenian encima 
 " mucha caseria de buhios, . . ." " El primer paredon era de cinco bra?as de ancho, 
 "y de tres de altura, y mucha pena encima; la segunda, tercera y quarta al proprie 
 " tenor, exepto la sesta que era de dos brazas de altura y de seis brazas de ancho, muchos 
 " buhios encima, xacales, y mucha gente," p. 158). We are forcibly reminded here of the 
 hill of Sacsa-liuaman, at Cuzco, in Peru, whose defenses consist, according to the Hon. 
 E. G. Squier : " of three lines of massive walls, each supporting a terrace and a parapet. 
 '- The walls are nearly parallel, and have approximately accurate entering and reenter- 
 " ing angles for their total existing length of 1,800 feet. The first or outer wall has an 
 " average present height of 27 feet; the second wall is 35 feet within it, and is 18 feet high; 
 
 REPORT PEABODY MUSEUM, II. 10. 
 
146 
 
 and it is not improbable that the celebrated " pyramid of Xochi 
 calco " may yet prove to hav been a fortified pueblo, analogous 
 to or of the type just described. 186 
 
 " the third is 18 feet within the second, and is, in its highest part, 14 feet in elevation. The 
 "total elevation of the 'works is therefore 59 feet." According to the descriptions of 
 Tezozomoc and Duran the fortifications of Quetzaltepec were very similar to, only per 
 haps more extensive, even, than those of the Ynca stronghold, at Cuzco. In the art of 
 fortification, however, the Ynca of Peru were far in advance of the other American 
 aborigines. Nowhere eJse, on this continent, do we find anything. near alike to Ollan- 
 tay-tambo, Pisac, or Piquillacta. Mexican fortified pueblos were probably analogous 
 to the " pucara " or strongholds of the Aymara Indians on the Bolivian high-plateau. 
 (See E. G. Squier: "Peru, Incid. of Travel and Explor. in the land of the Incas," New 
 York, 1877.) 
 
 186 "Xochicalco," the "place of the house of flowers" ("xochitl," flower, "calli," 
 house), is situated near Temisco, S.B. of Cuernavaca (the ancient " Quauhnahuac ".), 
 in the Sfute of Mexico proper. The pyramid was probably first described by Don Jo 
 seph Antonio Alzate y Ramirez, Mexico, 1791. "Descripcion de las Autiquidades de 
 "Xochicalco." Robertson (Note XXXIX, to p. 139, of vol. Ill) describes a pyramid : "a 
 " temple near Cuernavaca, on the road from Mexico to Acapulco. ' The most complete 
 descriptions, however, are those of Pietro Marquez ("Due antichi monument! di archi- 
 " tettura Messicana," Roma, 1804) ; of Baron A. von Humboldt (" Vues des Cordilleres 
 " et Monuments des peuples indigenes de 1'Amerique," pp. 129 to 137 of the Edition 8vo 
 "of 1816, vol. I, and plate No. IX of the Atlas in folio); of Nebel; of E. Tylor ("Ana- 
 .huac"), and of Brantz-Mayer ("Mexico as it was and as it is," 3d Edition, 1847). 
 Lord Kingsborough has of course furnished splendid illustrations of the monument, 
 in vol. IV of the "Antiquities of Mexico," and a description by Capt. Dupaix, in vol. 
 VI, p. 430. Also has Mr. H. H. Bancroft, with the usual faithfulness to his sources, 
 characteristic of this eminent compilator. We quote from Brantz-Mayer (p. 178j: 
 "From this eminence the guide .... pointed out to me a small mountain, at the 
 " extremity of the plain in front, on which was situated the Pyramid of Xochicalco, 
 ".the subject of our day's explorations. The cerro appears to rise directly out of the 
 ".levels between two mountains, and the plain continuing to its very foot, might seem 
 ingly be traversed in half an hour." But this intervening space was cut up by deep 
 .gullies (barrancas), making the trip to the hill very tedious, difficult, and lengthy. The 
 author's general description of the eminence is as follows (pp. 180 and 181) : "At the 
 " distance of six leagues from the city of Cuernevaca, lies a cerro, three hundred feet 
 -"in height, which, with the ruins that crown it, is known by the name of Xochicalco, 
 " or ' the Hill of Flowers/ The base of this eminence is surrounded by the very dis- 
 " tinct remains of a deep and wide ditch; its summit is attained by five spiral terraces; 
 "the walls that support them are built of stone, joined by cement, and are still quite 
 "perfect; and, at regular distances, as if to buttress these terraces, there are remains 
 " of bulwarks shaped like the bastions of a fortification. The summit of the hill is a 
 "wide .esplanade, on the eastern side of which are still perceptible three truncated 
 "cones, resembling the tumuli found among many similar ruins in Mexico. On the 
 "other sides .there are also large heaps of stones of irregular shape, which seem to 
 "have formed portions of similar mounds or tumuli, or, perhaps, parts of fortifications 
 " in connection with the wall that is alleged by the old writers to have surrounded the 
 " base of the pyramid, but of which I could discern no traces." On the top of this es 
 planade there seems to have been an edifice of five terraces (as Alzate relates), or sto 
 ries, but only the lowest one is yet in existence. Nebel has given an ideal reconstruc 
 tion of this building ("Viaje piutoresco y arqueologico a' la Republica de Mexico"), 
 also Alzate. Closing his investigation of the ornaments and sculptures still visible in 
 the ruins of the summit, Brantz-Mayer remarks: "The day was far advanced when I 
 " stood for the last time on rthe corner-stone of the upper terrace and looked at the 
 ".beautiful prospect around me. It was the centre of a mighty plain. Running due 
 "north were.the remains of an ancient paved road, leading over prairie and barranca 
 

 147 
 
 But the great majority of the Indian " towns" of Mexico were 
 
 " to the city (Quauhnahuac) distinctly visible at the foot of the Sierra Madre" (p. 187). 
 Baron Humboldt gives the measurements as follows: Height of the hill from its base, 
 117 metres (about 380 feet), divided into five tiers. Each tier is about 20 metres high. 
 Circumference of the hill-base about 4,000 metres (13,000 feet). Summit platform 72 
 metres long, from N. to S., and 86 m. from E. to W. The wall once enclosing this plat 
 form was about 2 m. in height. Base of the top-edifice, 20 m. 7' by 17 m. 4'. On the 
 north side there are a number of excavations in the rocks, artificial caverns, whose 
 openings Brantz-Mayer found " at the foot of the first terrace on the northern side of 
 " the hill." These excavations are said to have been visited in 1835. 
 
 Baron v. Humboldt concludes : " Le fosse dont la colline est entour^e, le revgtement 
 " des assises, le grand nombre d'appartemens souterrains creuses dans le roc du cote 
 " du nord, le mur qui defend 1'approche de la plate-forme, tout concourt a donner au 
 " monument de Xochicalco le caractere d'un monument militaire. Les naturels desig. 
 " nent meme encore aujourd'hui les mines de la pyramide qui s'elevait au milieu de la 
 ' plate-forme, par un nom qui e"quivaut a' celui de chateau fort ou de citadelle. La 
 " grande analogic de forme que 1'on remarque entre cette pretendue citadelle et les mai- 
 "sons des dieux azteques (teocallis), me fait soup^onner que la colline de Xochicalco 
 " n' etait autre chose qu'u temple fortifie " (p. 134, vol. I of ed. 8vo). 
 
 E. B. Tylor ("Anahuac," Cap. VII, p. 186), speaking of Xochicalco, says: "It was 
 "a fortified hill of great strength." Humboldt makes of it: "a fortified temple." 
 But the hill is too high and too large for such a purpose alone. Besides, the rooms 
 excavated in the rock, analogous to the " cliff-houses" of Arizona, the road leading 
 originally towards Quauhnahuac, the central position of the hill itsell; all tends to 
 indicate that "Xochicalco" was once a pueblo, fortified after the principles prevailing 
 among the aborigines, and whose inhabitants dwelt partly in the rock, partly on the 
 tiers or on the esplanade into which the summit had been levelled. The " teocalli," or 
 temple, occupied the hill-top, being there as well in the centre of the population as in 
 any pueblo situated on the level of the plain. The five tiers or terraces were probably 
 lined with wooden parapets, long since decayed, and only the uppermost platform had 
 a stone enclosure. 
 
 Another pyramidal structure, found by Capt. Gul. Dupaix, near Old Tepexe, in 
 Tehuantepec, is represented on Plate I, part HI, vol. IV, of Lord Kingsborough's "An 
 tiquities of Mexico." It is composed of eight stories or tiers. Capt. Dupaix remarks 
 (Kingsborough, Vol. VI, p. 467) : " This wall exhibits a species of fortifications which I 
 ''cannot persuade myself was ever known to the inhabitants of the Old Continent." 
 This structure has more analogy, in its outlines, with the picture given by Clavigero of 
 the great ' teo-calli " of Mexico, than any other. The drawing by the learned Abbe is 
 entirely faultive as far as the Mexican temple is concerned, but it is not out of place 
 when applied to a fortified pueblo, occupying an entire hill. 
 
 When the Mexicans, previous to their flight into Culhuacan and subsequently into 
 the lagune, were hemmed in on the hill of Chapultepec by the tribes of the valley, they 
 fortified the hill in the following manner, according to Duran (Cap. Ill, pp. 27 and 28) : 
 Their newly elected war-chief (Huitzilihuitl) directed that ''along the entire declivity 
 "of the hill many stone walls should be constructed, arising one above the other like 
 " steps, one fathom in width, thus leaving above a spacious square where all gathered 
 " and fortified themselves, keeping watch diligently day and night, placing the women 
 " and children into the centre of their troop, preparing arrows, macanas, darts, cutting 
 ' stones, making slings for their defence." According to this paragraph, the hill of 
 Chapultepec would have presented an appearance, perhaps, not entirely dissimilar to 
 that of Xochicalco, or Tepexe, terraced, like the "andenes" of Peru. Cervantes- 
 Salazar, whose "Tres Dialogos latinos," or " Mexico, in 1554,'' have been republished, 
 in 1875, by Sr. Icazbalceta (to whose great kindness I take occasion to offer a humble 
 tribute of gratitude), seems to allude to remains of this original gi-ading in his 3d dia. 
 logue, when Alfaro (one of his personages) inquires (p. 277) : " Para que son estas gra- 
 " das tan auchas y lurgas, que llegan hasta arriba, y rodean casi todo el cerro ?" Fur- 
 
148 
 
 open places, without circumvallations or enclosures, 167 constructed 
 after the plan which w r e have already exposed, 188 and without any 
 other strongholds than their massive communal dwellings, and the 
 pyramidal temple, or " teo-calli." 189 On the flat roofs of the former 
 heaps of stones could be collected and hurled down upon the en 
 emy from behind a guard of planks or adobe running along the 
 edge of the roof. 190 The truncated pyramid, on its graded ascent, 
 afforded room for a number of combatants. 191 Both gave the re- 
 
 ther on he says: "Como se va adelgazando el cerro hasta la eremita," and "Zuazo" 
 makes the very characteristic reply : "Asi vino bien para que se pudiera ver todo lo 
 " que esta' abajo." (As a military position would indeed require.) In the Introduction 
 to this Dialogue (p. 256), the learned Mexican scholar remarks : " Parece que estas al- 
 " barradas o' escalones se conservaron hasta despues de la conquista, y que los emper, 
 " adores Aztecas los habian llenado de tierra, convirtiendolos en jardines, por no tener 
 " ya objeto como obras de fortificacion." 
 
 187 The letter written by "Fiay Francisco de Bologna," from Mexico, to the provin 
 cial of Bologna, published in the French translation by Mr. Ternaux-Compans ("Recueil 
 " de pieces, etc.") says : " Generalement leurs villes n'etaient pas fermees, mais les es- 
 "pagnols leur out appris a les entourer de murailles" (p. 212). The Mexican tongue 
 distinguishes "altepetl," a pueblo (or tribe), from "tename-altepetl," a pueblo sur 
 rounded by a wall ("tenainiti" "muro," walled enclosure). The Quiche-language of 
 Guatemala has adopted the Nahuatl word " tenamitl," changing it into " tinamit," to 
 signify a tribe or place. 
 
 i 8 Motolinia (" Hist, de los Ind. de N. Espana," " Col. de Doc.," Vol. I, trat. I, cap. 
 XII, pp. 63-C5. 
 
 i8 Motolinia (Trat. Ill, cap. XVI, p. 229. Id. Ill, cap. VIII, p. 187). Clavigero 
 (Lib. VII, cap. XXVI). 
 
 100 \Vnen the Spaniards entered Cholula they soon found out, according to Cortes 
 ("Carta Segunda," Vedia I, p. 20) and Bernal-Diez (Vedia II, cap. LXIII, p. 75), " that 
 " the roofs were covered with pebbles and lined with guards of adobe." The Tlaxcal- 
 lans had previously warned Cortes about Cholula, saying (p. 19 " Carta Segunda,") : "y 
 
 1 que tenian muchas de la calles tapiadas, y por las azoteas de las casas muchas pie- 
 ' dras, para que despues que entrasemos en la ciudad tomarnos seguramente y aprove- 
 'charse de nosotros a su voluntad." They also warned him about Mexico, saying: 
 ' that all the roofs were flat, with guards like breastworks, so that they might light 
 1 from the house-tops " (Bernal-Diez, cap. LXX V11I). During the street lights previous 
 to the retreat of Cortes on July 1st, 1520, and also during the gradual capture of Mex 
 ico, the Mexicans fought desperately from the roofs, hurling stones, rocks and pebbles 
 upon the assailants. See Cortes ('' Carta Segunda," Vedia I, pp. 41, 42 and 43; " Carta 
 " Tercera, pp. 74, 76, 84, 86). Bernal-Diez (Vedia II, cap. CXXVI, pp. 130, 131 ; cap. CLI, 
 p. 183). I refrain from quoting later writers, who copied mostly from the eye witnesses' 
 reports, and merely add the words of Fray Toribio de Paredes (Motolinia), in his 
 History, written about 1540. ("Coll. de Doc.," I, trat. Ill, cap. VIII, p. 187 "Estaba 
 " Mexico muy fuerte y bien ordenada, .... Teuia por fortaleza los templos del 
 " demonio y las casas de Moteuczoma, senor principal, y las de los otros seiiores." 
 
 101 Cortes (" Carta Segunda," p. 42) : " Y en la torre muy alta y mas principal della se 
 " subieron fasta quinientos Indios, que segun me parecio, eran personas muy princi- 
 " pales. Y en ella subieron mucho mantenimieuto de pan y agua y otras cosas dc eomer- 
 "y muchas piedras; e todos los mas tenian lan<;as muy largas con unos hierros de pe- 
 " dernalmas anchosquelasdelasnuesttas,y no menos agudos; e de alii hacian mucho 
 " dano a' la gente de la fortaleza, porque estaba muy cerca della. La cual dicha torre 
 " combatieron los espanoles dos a' tres veces y la acometieron a' subir; y como era muy 
 " alta y tenia la subida agra, porque tiene ciento y tantos escaloues; y los de arribu es, 
 
149 
 
 source of fighting under shelter from above, while the assailant had 
 to struggle unprotected from below. As against an Indian foe, 
 these massive constructions were indeed strongholds, and even, as 
 we shall hereafter see, they opposed strong obstacles to the Span 
 iards. Nevertheless, as often as it was possible, the aborigines 
 added to the defensive means of their architecture the resource of 
 a strong natural position, and those tribes proved to be most pow 
 erful and aggressive, whose defensive position was either naturally 
 or artificially, or in both respects, the least vulnerable. 19 ' 2 
 
 We have already mentioned the pueblo of Mexico as one of the 
 strongest positions ever occupied by Indians up to the sixteenth 
 century. Still, it was an open place, without circumvallations or 
 
 " taban bien pertrechados de piedra y otras armas, . . . ." Bernal-Diez (Vedia 
 II. cap. CXXVI, p. 131). The latter, in the very " likely" style of the " Histona Verda- 
 dera"( ?) mentions 4,000 men as having occupied "one teocalli." Cortes is more mod 
 est and certainly nearer the truth. See, also, Motolinia (Trat. Ill, cap. VIII, p. 187. 
 " Tenia por fortaleza los templos del demonio "). When the Mexicans conquered Tlat- 
 ilulco, the principal stronghold of the Tlatilulcans was their temple. See Tezozomoc 
 (Cap. XLV, p. 74). Duran (Cap. XXXIV, p. 268 : "el rey subi<5 a' lo alto del templo con 
 " otros canalleros suyos aunque con mucho trabajo por la mucha resistencia que 
 hallo"). We again refer to what has already been stated: that the temple being the 
 highest, and therefore strongest, part of the pueblo, its capture or destruction was the 
 signal of victory. 
 
 192 The tribes of Chiapas were much feared on account of their ferocity, and of their 
 naturally and artificially strong places. Compare Bernal-Diez (Cap. CLXVI, p. 225, 
 "porque ciertamente eran en aquel tiempo los mayores guerreros que yo habia visto 
 "en toda la Nueva-Espaiia"). Cachula, Chiapas, and Chamula, were all naturally 
 and by art well fortified. We have already alluded to Atitlan, in Guatimala (Report of 
 Alvarado, Vedia I, p. 4GO. Bernal-Diez, Vedia II, cap. CLXIV, p. 221: "y que eran 
 " muy malos y de malas condiciones "). Tlaxcallan itself enjoyed a very strong defen 
 sive position, although the place was open and not enclosed. Motolinia (Trat. Ill, 
 cap. XVI, p. 229 : " El seiior mas antiguo y que primero lo fundo, edifico en un cerre- 
 "jon alto, que se llama Tepeticpac, que quiere decir encima de sierra"). Cortes ("Carta 
 Segunda," p. 18: " porque es muy mayor que Granada y muy mas fuerte"). Torque- 
 mada (Lib. Ill, cap. XII, p. 265). Gomara (" De Tlaxcallan," Vedia I, p. 333), etc., etc. 
 Utlatlan, or rather " Gumarcaah," the QQuiche pueblo of Guatemala, of which Fuentes 
 especially has made the capital of a vast " empire of Quiche," was a very strongly sit 
 uated place. (See Stevens' " Travels in Central America, Yucatan, and Chiapas.") The 
 village of Santa Cruz del QQuiche now stands in the vicinity. Alyarado, its conqueror, 
 reports (Vedia I, p. 458): "as the city is most remarkably strong, and has not more 
 " than two entrances, one by thirty and some, high steps of stone, and the other by a 
 " dyke made by hand." The Abbe Brasseur describes it as follows (" Popol-Vuh," cap. 
 IX, pp. 312 and 313, foot-note) : " Utatlan or Gumarcaah was composed of three distinct 
 " plateaux, surrounded by ravines communicating however by paths (or roads) flanked 
 " by cut stones .... There was but one entrance to this great town, the same 
 " by which it is now reached. (The QQuich6 text says : " where the town with its ra- 
 " vines was built of stone and lime and covered with cement.") Thus we have the 
 principal pueblos of Middle America all established in strong defensive places, for 
 Mexico, as we have already said, was perhaps the least vulnerable of all, and also the 
 one which occupied the most prominent position. 
 
150 
 
 walled enclosures. 193 But it was surrounded by water on all sides. 
 This was a natural protection, apparently. However, the lake 
 around Mexico was the work of the Mexicans themselves, and 
 deserves, as such, to be regarded as an evidence of no ordinary 
 skill on their part. When they fled into the space subsequently 
 transformed into a lagune, it was an extensive swamp, covered 
 with canebrake. Many parts of it could be waded through with 
 ease, at some places the streams emptying into it from the West 
 filtered through the deeper channels into Lake Tezcuco. Flakes 
 of turf or of sand occasionally protruded over the surface, and 
 on one of these dry spots the Mexicans huddled together for 
 existence. 194 Unmolested on account of their extreme weak 
 ness, they could extend this area of dry soil by additions of 
 sod, by scanty artificial foundations of turf thrown into the shal 
 low morass and, erecting upon it their frail dwellings, they lived 
 in poverty until they found out the great advantage which this 
 isolated position gave to them over the surrounding tribes. They 
 realized that, while they might sally forth with impunity, having a 
 safe retreat behind them, an attack upon their position was both 
 difficult and dangerous for the assailant. Once their first at 
 tempt crowned with success they continued and, valuing their 
 situation as the main element of strength, they improved the foot 
 hold on the mainland by compelling subjected tribes to build for 
 them a causeway, running from the outlet of Lake Xochimilco 
 northward, to the pueblo of Mexico. 195 This dyke, while it insured 
 communication with the mainland, penned up the waters flowing into 
 the swamp from the west-side, and accumulated them there. 196 On 
 
 "3 Motolinia (Trat. Ill, cap. VIII, p. 187). When the Tlaxcallans represented to Cor 
 tes the dangers to which he exposed himself by going to Mexico, they did not mention 
 fortifications (Bernal-Diez, LXXVIII, p. 70). but simply how the place was surrounded 
 by water, the strength of the houses, and their difficult access. 
 
 194 Tezozomoc (Cap. I, p. 5). Duran (" Hist, de las Yndias de Nueva Espana," Cap. 
 IV. pp. 36 and 37) is very explicit: "y pasa'los por la otra parte del rio (the outlet of 
 " Lake Xochimilco) metieronse en los carriqales y tulares de la laguna." " Deste lugar- 
 "vinieron buscando y mirando si allarian algun lugar que fuese acomodado para po 
 "der hacer asiento, y andando desta manera por unas partes y otras entre las espa- 
 " danas y carriales, allaron un ojo de agua hermosissimo." Mendieta (Lib. II, cap. 
 XXXIV, p. 148). Torqnemada (Lib. II, cap. X and cap. XI, p. 92). 
 
 185 Duran (Cap. XII, p. 112) : " pues vuelto a' los de Xochimilco les mandtf que luego, 
 " sin mas tardar, mandasen a' todos los de la ciudad hiciesen una cal^ada de tres bra- 
 "$as en ancho desde su pueblo hasta la ciudad de Mexico, de piedra y tierra, cegas- 
 " en el agua quel termino desta catyada tomase, y hiciesen sus puentes a trechos para 
 " que el agua tuviese por donde salir de una parte a' otra." (Also, Cap. XIII, p. 113.) 
 
 196 We must remember that the level of the "plaza mayor" of Mexico was, towards 
 the beginning of this century, but one "t-ctra" (of three Castilian feet), one foot and 
 
151 
 
 the other hand, the fresh water emptying out of Lake Xochimilco 
 was thrown to the east side of the dyke into Lake Tezcuco. By 
 this simple contrivance the Mexicans surrounded their pueblo with 
 a huge pond on all sides, isolating, or rather fortifying it beyond all 
 conceivable means of Indian assault. 197 The causeways leading to 
 Mexico were, therefore, military constructions. 198 Subsequently the 
 dyke was continued to the north until where Guadalupe Hidalgo 
 now stands (anciently Tepeyacac), thus closing up the western ba 
 sin completely, and another causeway, running east arid west was 
 constructed to Tacuba. From the southern dyke a branch ran to 
 Cuyuacan, starting at Xoloc and extending to the southwest. In 
 order to insure free circulation of the waters, sluices were cut, 
 which interrupted the causeways at several places. Wooden 
 bridges, easily removable, were laid across these ditches. Thus 
 Mexico needed no outer fortifications nor walled enclosures. 199 
 
 one inch higher than the level of Lake Tezcuco. This elevation was purely artifi 
 cial (Humboldt, '-Essai politique sur la Nouvelle Espagne," Paris, 1827. Vol.11, pp. 
 96,97 and 98). After the causeways running north and south had been constructed, 
 the waters emptying into the swamp from the west side could not any longer run freely 
 into the salt-water basin of Tezcuco. They were actually kept around the pueblo, and 
 the swamp thus changed into a lagune. That those sources were powerful enough for 
 such a purpose is amply shown by the great inundation which their careless opening 
 occasioned under Ahuitzotl, in 1498 ("Essai politique," Vol. II, p. 101), of which the old 
 authors bear ample testimony. (Duran, Cap. XLVIII and XLIX.) (Tezozomoc, Cap. 
 LXXX.) (Ixtlilxochitl, "Hist, des Chichimeques," Cap. LXVI.) (Torquemada, Lib. 
 II, cap. LXVII, pp. 192 and 193.) 
 
 197 The levels of Lakes Xochimilco and Chalco are 1 vara 11 inches higher than the 
 "plaza mayor" of Mexico. Their outlet is to the northwest, between Churubusco 
 and [ztapalapan. Previously, when Mexico was surrounded by water, this outlet was 
 between Mexicalzinco and Churubusco (then called "Huitzilopochco"). At Churu 
 busco the great causeway began, and the waters emptying out of Lake Xochimilco 
 flowed along its right hand side into Lake Tezcuco. The causeways thus increased 
 the effects of natural drainage upon the central basin. It was certainly a very 
 primitive but very effective work on the part of the Mexicans. We find a parallel to it, 
 at a comparatively recent date, in Bolivia. When Andres Tupac Amaru, the son of 
 the unfortunate Jose Gabriel Condorcanqui, was blockading Sorata, in 1782, he could 
 not, without artillery, hope to succeed against the well fortified town. Therefore, by a 
 system of circumvallation, he enclosed the town with the waters of the Sierra, which 
 finally destroyed the earthworks, leaving the entrance free to the infuriated Indians. 
 22,000 whites perished in the massacre ensuing. 
 
 198 It is to the Hon. L. H. Morgan that we owe the first intimation in regard to the 
 tr-ue character and purpose of these causeways. They were not merely for the purpose 
 of insuring communication with the mainland, but especially for the defence of Mexico. 
 Without them the area extending between the pueblo and the western shore would, at 
 best, have remained a swamp, or would have become, as it now is, dry land. In both 
 cases the defensive power of the Mexicans was at an end, and the course of events 
 in Mexico would have turned quite differently. 
 
 199 Mention is made of a fortification of some kind at "Xoloc," where the branch, 
 dyke from Cuyuacan joined the main causeway. (This must have been in the neigh 
 borhood of San Antonio.) 
 
152 
 
 An attack by water could easity be repelled from the housetops, 
 and with the aid of the numerous canoes. 200 An Indian host, ad 
 vancing upon the causeways, found serious impediments in the 
 cuts converted into trenches by removal of the bridges. Against 
 a sudden onslaught, a surprise, Indian fashion, Mexico was there 
 fore amply secure, 201 nothing short of a siege might overcome its 
 defenses. But no Indian force alone could attempt and carry out 
 such an undertaking ; it required the resources which the Span 
 iards, as European soldiery, possessed. 
 
 The effect of the first contact of the whites with the Indians of 
 Mexico was to astonish, nay, to stupefy, the latter. They felt, 
 rather than realized, that the few people who ventured so uncon 
 cernedly in appearance, among largely superior numbers, should 
 possess superior resources to counterbalance their numerical infe 
 riority. But the true nature of these resources was unconceivable 
 to them, and they had no time to improve as the emergency would 
 have required. Thus their warfare against the Spaniards became 
 limited to all they might achieve according to their actual state of 
 culture, and if they succumbed in the struggle, we need not be 
 surprised. Besides the vast inferiorit} 7 " in armament, there ex 
 isted a proportionate one in military tactics. In the words of 
 the most celebrated author on the History of the Conquest : 
 " They knew not how to concentrate numbers on a given point, 
 "or even how to sustain an assault, by employing successive 
 " detachments to support and relieve each other. A very small 
 "portion only of their array could be brought into contact with 
 " an enemy inferior to them in amount of forces." 202 We may 
 add that their tactical conceptions did not go beyond the rude 
 snares invented by savage cunning, and in their first encounters 
 with the Spaniards (when they yet relied upon numerical supe 
 riority) be}^ond a fierce and disorderly onslaught. 
 
 It may not be misplaced here to review some of the principal 
 engagements fought between the Mexican Indians and their Span 
 ish conquerors. For this purpose we select the campaign of Cor- 
 
 200 These canoes, " acalli," were constantly iu motion within and around the pueblo. 
 They kept up communication with the shores, and also served to carry the warriors, 
 if necessary. We refrain from repeating here the many exaggerating reports about 
 their numbers. 
 
 201 Besides, constant watch was held by the priests on the summits of the temple 
 pyramids. These were the real "guards "'of the pueblo, in the daytime as well as at 
 every hour of the night. 
 
 202 Prescott ("History of the Conquest of Mexico," 18G9. Vol. I, Book III, p. 445). 
 
153 
 
 tes against Tlaxcallan, and the celebrated fight near Otumpan, 
 both of which have been so beautifully described by Mr. Prescott. 
 Although in the engagements against the Tlaxcallans the Mexi 
 cans proper were not concerned, we know that both tribes were so 
 nearly alike in military resources and faculties, that we can easily 
 substitute the one for -the other, taking the action of the one as 
 illustrative of the action of the other in a similar emergency. At 
 Otumpan Mexicans and allied tribes opposed the Spaniards. Both 
 examples will more particularly relate to offensive warfare, being 
 combats in the open field. 
 
 Purposely we have used the term of " campaign " as connected 
 with Tlaxcallan, avoiding the conception of " battles," or " great 
 " battles " even, so liberally employed by the majority of authors. 
 It is erroneous to admit that regular battles were ever fought dur 
 ing the- time Cortes advanced against the pueblo of Tlaxcallan. 
 As far as we can rely upon the testimony of eye-witnesses, they 
 merely prove that the Tlaxcallans allured, so to say, by the numer 
 ical inferiority of the Spanish invaders, pounced upon them with 
 all the fury of a wild horde and, being saluted by a well nourished 
 fire of murderous effect, they returned to their primitive warfare of 
 decoys, ambushes, and surprises, hoping to tire out the Spaniards 
 through this constant and desultory skirmishing. The tactics of 
 Cortes, on this occasion, were simply to hold out in defensible po 
 sitions ; a task of no small difficulty if we consider that his men 
 during many days could obtain no rest, and scarcely any food. 
 But by persevering in this attitude he " turned the tables " upon 
 the Indians of Tlaxcallan by finally tiring out, and wearing out, 
 their power of aggression. Then he took the offensive, and by suc 
 cessful dashes, both revictualled his people and brought the enemy 
 to favorable terms. 203 
 
 203 The descriptions furnished by various authors of the 16th century, of this cam 
 paign against Tlnxcallan are most contradictory. Ixtlilxochitl says in his 13th Rela 
 tion (" De la venida de los Espanoles ") that from Cempoalan to Tlaxcallan " the natives 
 " received them with the greatest joy, feasted them, and there were neither fights nor 
 "quarrels, beyond those which the Spaniards themselves provoked; if there were any 
 at all." In the " Histoire des Chichimeques," however, the same author speaks of an 
 action of two days, in which he estimates the numbers of the Tlaxcallans at 150,000 
 men (Cap. LXXXVI1I, p. 189). Tezozomoc (Cap. CX, p. 196) relates that the Otomies of 
 Tecoac met together and spoke : " are we perhaps the vassals of those that have come ? 
 " did they overcome us in just war ? come on, Chichimecas, to arms against them ! and 
 " so, as like mountaineers, they forthwith armed themselves, and as they came shouting 
 " and hurling darts, the camp armed also, and gave them a discharge of small arms 
 " and fieldpieces, so that after an hour nothing more was left to do, the entire field 
 "being covered with dead bodies." This agrees almost verbally with Sahagun (Lib. 
 XII, Cap. X, p. 422). 
 
154 
 
 Of all the actions fought during the conquest none has taken so 
 much the character of a regular battle as that of the 8th of July, 
 1520, and commonly named the battle of Otumpan. It was, how 
 ever, but a " running fight," lasting a whole day or nearly. The 
 Spaniards, without fire-arms, almost famished, reduced in numbers, 
 and mostly all wounded, were pursued as soon as they left the pue- 
 
 Cortes ("Carta Segunda" Vedia I, p. 16 and 17) gives a clearer description from 
 which we glean the following facts : On entering the Tlaxcallan grounds, the van-guard 
 of the Spaniards fell into an ambush, which they soon forced. " E desque sintieron que 
 "los nuestros se acercaban se retiraron, porque eran pocos, y nos dejaron el campo." 
 He then moved on to a small stream, one league further, where he established his camp. 
 The next day the Spaniards proceeded further, and were soon assaulted by a number 
 of Indians. " Muy armados y con muy gran grita, y comenzaron a pelear con nosotros, 
 " tirandonos muchas varas y flechas." This attack was a feint, and drew the whites into 
 an ambuscade (" hasta nos meter entre mas de cien mil hombres de pelea, que por todas 
 " partes nos tenian cercados, y peleamos coil ellos, y ellos con nosotros, todo el dia, 
 "hasta una hora antes de puesto el sol, que se retrajeron,") ; they continued advancing 
 however all day, and at night occupied the defensive position which Cortes thereafter 
 held until the Tlaxcallans submitted. "Aquella noche me flee fuerte en una torricella 
 " de idolos que estaba en nn cerito." On the following day Cortes made a successful 
 razzia upon five or six small settlements, and on the next morning the Tlaxcallans 
 in turn attempted to attack the Spanish camp. This attack was speedily repulsed, the 
 Spaniards fortifying their position so, " que en obra de cuatro horas habiamos fecho 
 " lugar para que en nuestro real no nos ofendiesen, puesto que todavia hacian algunos 
 " arremetidas." In other words, the Tlaxcallans rushed up against the encampment, 
 were beaten back, and then hovered around during the remainder of the day, skir 
 mishing, and attempting to draw their foes into ambushes which they held prepared. 
 From this time on the Indians never assaulted, but Cortes made occasional sallies and 
 forays, revictualling his men, and burning the houses and crops of the natives, until the 
 tribe made proposals of peace. 
 
 Andres de Tapia, another eye witness, an officer of high rank. ("Relacion, Col: 
 "de Doc, II, pp. 567 and 568") fully confirms the statement of Cortes. The first day's 
 engagement he describes as follows : " And about eight in the morning there sallied 
 forth against us so many men of war, that it strikes me as if there had been one hun 
 dred thousand, while some are of opinion that there were many more. Some of them 
 expected us in certain deep ravines of streams crossing our path, and, traversing 
 
 them with much difficulty, we went in against them The Marquis always went in 
 
 the lead with the horsemen, fighting, and returning from time to time to concert his 
 
 men, keeping them close together Some Indians would close up with the horsemen 
 
 so as to seize their lances, and thus while fighting they proceeded that day to a house 
 of idols near which were two or three huts. There the Spaniards established them 
 selves during eighteen days, and went out fighting as the Marquis commanded. . ." 
 
 According to the above two eye-witnesses, the " great battle " of the 2d Sept : 1519. 
 (Prescott Vol. I, p. 427) appears on the part of the Indians, to have consisted of a Avild 
 rush or dash (perhaps a feint) speedily repulsed, an ambush, soon forced, and for the 
 remainder of the day constant skirmishing and harassing of the Spanish march, until 
 the latter reached a strong position. The " decisive victory " of the 5th Sept : 1819 (Pres 
 cott, Vol. I, pp. 437-447) was a fierce onslaught upon the Spanish camp at daybreak ("Otro 
 " dia en amaneciendo dan sobre nuestro real mas de ciento y cuarcnta y nueve mil 
 "hombres," Cortes, p. 16) which met with a prompt repulse, and the remainder of the 
 day was also filled with more or less heavy skirmishing on both sides. These are the 
 two prominent days of fighting during the entire two weeks of hostilities against Tlax 
 callan, and they certainly were not pitched battles, as commonly admitted. An atten- 
 
155 
 
 bio of Zacamulco in the morning. Harrassed in flank and rear by 
 the Mexicans who, not any longer checked by the volleys of mus 
 ketry, dashed up to closer quarters, the Spaniards toiled on, fight 
 ing and marching, until, in the plains of Apan, they were com 
 pletely surrounded on all sides. This was the final ambush pre 
 pared for them by the Mexicans. The engagement there must 
 have been of the most desperate character, but it was of short dura 
 tion, the Spaniards, with the courage of despair, cutting their way 
 out. The Indians had so firmly relied upon annihilating their foes 
 on that day that they desisted from future pursuit. 204 
 
 The engagements near Otumpan were the last conflicts occur 
 ring after the terrible night of the 1st of July, 1520, and previous 
 to the resumption of the campaign by Cortes, from his headquar 
 ters at Tlaxcallan. The numerous actions which took place after- 
 
 tive and critical reading even of the third eye-witness, the too much esteemed Bernal- 
 Diez del Castillo ("Historia verdadera" in Vedia II, Caps. LXIII, LXIV, LXV, p. 55 
 to 58) confirms these views to the fullest possible extent, although the latter, bent upon 
 recollecting personal incidents, and, from his subaltern position, less acquainted with 
 general operations, enhances the importance of the action beyond the limits of truth. 
 
 It must not be inferred from the above that the achievements of the Spaniards are 
 therefore less memorable. If the fighting was on a scale different from that of Euro 
 pean wars, it was none the less exhausting. Any charge of a few horsemen could 
 scatter the enemy, but the next moment a new attack, from some unexpected quarter 
 might be looked for. The danger consisted less in injury on the battlefield, than in the 
 gradual wearing out of the men by the never ceasing watchfulness required. The suc 
 cessful result reflects the highest credit upon the military capacity of the Spaniards, 
 as well as upon their great commander. 
 
 204 Cortes (" Carta Segunda ") pp. 45, 46. "And it appeared as if the Holy Ghost had 
 " enlightened me by this advice, after what occurred the next day. For, having moved 
 " on in the morning, at the distance of one and a half leagues large numbers of Indians 
 "came to meet us, so that in the van, rear and flanks the field seemed covered with 
 "them, and they assailed us with such violence, that we hardly knew each other, from 
 " being mixed up with them. ... In this condition we remained much of the whole 
 " day, until it pleased God that one of their number was killed, who appeared to be of 
 " such quality, that with his death the fight ceased. Then we proceeded, somewhat 
 "relieved, but nevertheless exhausted, until to a small house in the plain, where we 
 " staid for the night." 
 
 The ambush had been prepared for several days (Bernal-Diez, Cap. CXXVIII.p. 136), 
 for during their incessant pursuit on the preceding days the Mexicans had shouted to 
 them : "' Thither you shall go where none of you will escape alive" (p. 136). Sahagun 
 (Lib. XII, Cap. XXVII, p. 434) says the Spaniards halted: " Los Espanoles como les 
 " vieron ir tras si con gran prisa entendieron que querian pelear y pararonse y pusieronse 
 " en orden de guerra; y los mexicanos como eran muchos tomaron en media a los Espa- 
 " noles y commenzaron a combatirlos de todas partes." See also Ixtlilxochitl (" Hist : 
 " des Chichimeques " Cap. LXXXIX). It was certainly a hand to hand conflict, the In 
 dians, feeling sure to overpower their foes, striving to capture as many of them as pos 
 sible alive. This, and the few horses remaining, saved the Spanish troop. 
 
 It is upon the statement of Bernal-Diez, that when the emblem or token carried by or 
 near one of the principal chiefs fell, the fight ceased, that the conception has arisen, 
 as if the fall of the chief banner decided the fate of an engagement. But there is no 
 other evidence of the existence of a central banner or emblem. 
 
156 
 
 wards are of minor interest to us up to the time when the siege of 
 Mexico began. A rapid sketch of the events of this siege, how 
 ever, should illustrate the defensive warfare of the Mexicans. 
 
 It is well known how, by a shrewd policy, as well as by able 
 strategy, Cortes succeeded in dismembering, rather than overpow 
 ering, the Nahuatl confederacy of the valley of Mexico. He thus 
 isolated the Mexican tribe proper, cut off its sources of reinforce 
 ment, and, above all, cut off its subsistence, by depriving it of trib 
 ute and barter. The time came at last when even those pueblos 
 on the lake shores nearest to Mexico could not, or would not, any 
 longer recognize friendly connections with their former military 
 head. The surface of the water-sheet and the causeways were 
 alone left to the tribe and to such additional warriors as had joined 
 them in their abode, from the outside, to share their fate. As long 
 as the lake could be freely navigated by Mexican canoes, any point 
 of the mainland was exposed to attack by their warriors. There 
 fore Cortes launched his boats or "brigantines," which soon cleared 
 Lake Tezcuco proper, driving the canoes to shelter in the narrow 
 canals which ran all through the pueblo. His land forces occupied 
 three out of the four issues of the causewa3 r s on the mainland. 
 Then the Mexicans were effectually hemmed in, without any out 
 let beyond the limited circulation on the ponds tying west of the 
 chief causeways. Cortes' first step was to seize Chapultepec, and 
 to cut off the supply of fresh water running thence along the 
 causeway to Mexico. 205 Thus deprived of drinking water, almost, 
 since that of the lagune was not wholesome, with limited supplies 
 of food only, the Mexican tribe was surrounded by human enemies 
 without, whilst two of the greatest plagues of mankind, thirst and 
 famine, were sure to threaten them, ultimately, within. 
 
 206 Mexico was provided with a constant supply of fresh water from Chapultepec. 
 (Clavigero, Lib. VII, Cap. LIV.) The channels were constructed of stone, five feet high, 
 and two feet broad (Corte"s, "Carta Segunda"). It was one of the first moves of Cortes 
 to seize the spring supplying these channels. The Mexicans, feeling the importance of 
 the action, defended the position desperately. (Bernal-Diez. Cap. CL, p. 176.) "Acor- 
 "damos que entrambas capitanias juntas fuesemos a quebrarel agua de chapultepeque 
 " de que se proveia la ciudad, que estaba desde alii de Tacuba aun no media legua. 
 " E yendo a los quebrar los canos, toparonnos muchos guerreros, que nos esperaban en 
 "el camino; porque bien entendido tenian que aquello habia de ser el primero en que 
 " los podiamos danar; y asi como uos encontraroji cerca de unos pases- malos, comen- 
 " zaron a nos flechar y tirar vara y piedra con hondas, o nos hirieron a tres soldados ; 
 " mas de presto les hicimos volver las espaldas, y nuestros amigos los de Tlascala les 
 " siguieron de manera, que mataron veinte y prendieron siete 6 ocho dellos ; y como 
 " aquellos grandes escuadrones estuvieron puestos en huida, les quebramos los canos 
 "por donde iba el agua a su cindad, y desde entonces nunca seftie a Mejico entre tanto 
 " que duro la guerra." (Also Cortes. 1 Carta III, p. 71.) 
 
157 
 
 Cortes might have quietly waited for these two terrible allies to 
 do their work almost alone, had it not been for two reasons : 
 
 The principal reason was, that his position was not secure among 
 the fickle Indian tribes, which the thirst for revenge, the lust of 
 spoil, and dazzling success on his part had temporarily attached 
 to his fate. A protracted siege lay beyond the military concep 
 tions, nay, beyond the military ability of the Indians. They could 
 not remain outside of their homes for such a length of time. 206 
 
 On the other hand, the Mexicans, equally unprepared for a 
 lengthy defence, compelled him to aggressive action. 
 
 Resorting to their only mode of warfare where a sudden dash 
 with overwhelming numbers was not any longer possible, 207 they 
 made a number of feints, with the intention of drawing their ene 
 mies into an ambush. Moving against the Spaniards and their 
 allies upon the causeways, they precipitately fled towards the first 
 cut as soon as that onslaught was repulsed. When the pursuers 
 arrived there, they would be charged in flank by heavy bodies of 
 warriors, while in front it rained missiles of every kind upon them 
 from behind the embankments erected on the inner side of the 
 ditches. 208 The Spaniards, however, knew too well how disastrous 
 
 206 Bern al-Diez (Cap. CLIII, p. 188, Vedia II) "Dcjemos de hablar de los grandes 
 " combates que nos daban, y digamos como nuestros amigos los de Tlascala y de cholu- 
 " la y Guaxocingo, y aun los de Tezcuco, acordaron de se ir a sus tierras." They were 
 disheartened, says the old captain (p. 189), but there is no wonder, since the place had 
 not been carried, Indian-fashion, at a rush, and thus they grew tired of waiting. 
 
 It is the most decisive testimony in favor of our views, heretofore already expressed, 
 that the Mexican Indians were not able to carry on a protracted campaign, still less a 
 siege of any duration. 
 
 2 7 During the siege, there is hardly any doubt but that the Indian allies of Corte~s 
 outnumbered the Mexicans. It would be r of course, unsafe to rely upon the numerical 
 statements of the old authorities. They all vary. But if we only recollect that Tlax- 
 callan, Huexotzinco, Cholula, Chalco, Tezcuco, and some of the other main tribes joined 
 the Spaniards, it necessarily convinces us that the numerical superiority was on the side 
 of the besiegers. The great art of Cortes lay in consolidating the forces of these dif 
 ferent tribes, which otherwise, in many cases, were enemies of long standing. With 
 the Spaniards as their leaders, the fate of Mexico was sealed, provided they held out 
 long enough. In all the engagements, the European soldiers formed but the nucleus 
 around which their allies agglomerated. If they advanced, the others followed, occu 
 pying always so many of the Mexicans, and diverting them from falling too heavily 
 upon the whites. In proportion, however, as the power of the Mexicans gave out, the 
 deeds of the allies of Cortes grew more prominent, since there were more non-combat 
 ants to slaughter. 
 
 208 The bridges had all been removed, and entrenchments constructed behind them. 
 Besides, pits had been dug, with earthworks on both sides, for the express purpose 
 of arresting the cavalry. Long lances, armed with sword blades captured from the 
 Spaniards during the " Noche triste," were used by the Mexicans to attack the horsemen. 
 Against the brigantiues r rows of poiuted piles had been rammed in below the surface of 
 
158 
 
 a retreat would prove under such circumstances, so, followed by 
 their native allies, they persisted and overcame the obstacles by 
 storm. The very Indian tactics intended for the destruction of 
 the whites enabled the latter to gain a foothold on the causeways 
 with less loss than a directly planned assault would have entailed. 209 
 Until then, the Mexicans could make use of canoes, harassing 
 both flank and rear of their enemies. But Cortes speedily widened 
 the first cut in the causeway, and sent his scows with artillery to 
 the west side. 210 Thence on, while the brigantines could not ef 
 fect anything against the pueblo itself, they still kept at bay the 
 canoes of the Mexicans, and moving up along the causeways with 
 the land force, they successfully sustained, by a lively cannonade, 
 the efforts of the latter against the defences at the cuts and 
 ditches. 211 
 
 the water. Bernal-Diez (Cap. CL, pp. 176, 177) relates that, after the corps of Alvarado 
 had occupied Tacuba, the Mexicans began to shout to them vociferously from the cause 
 ways and the water (then yet tree to them). " Y aquellas palabras que nos decian eran 
 "con pensamients de nos indignar para que saliesemos aquella noche a guerrear, y herir- 
 " nos mas a su salvo." Further on he says : " Y como aquello hubimos hecho, acordaron 
 " nuestros capitanes que luego fuesemos a dar una vista y entrar por la calzada de Tacu- 
 ' ba y hacer lo que pudiesemos para les ganar una puente ; y llegados que fuimos & la 
 " calzada, eran tantas las canoas que en la laguna estaban llenas de guerreros y en las 
 "mismas canoas y calzadas, que nos admirabamos dello; y tiraron tanta de vara y 
 " flecha y piedra con hondas, que en la primera refriega hirieron treinta de nuestros 
 " soldados e murieron tres ; y annque nos hacian tanto dano, todavia les fuimos entrando 
 " por la calzada adelante hasta una puente, y a lo que yo entendi, ellos nos daban lugar 
 "a ello, por meternos de la parte de la puente; y como alii nos tuvieron, digo que car- 
 "garon tanta multitud de gue.reros sobre nosoti'os que no nos podiamos valer." The 
 Mexicans always provoked the Spanish attack, until the brigantines were masters of the 
 ponds lying to the west of Mexico, also, (See also Cortes, "Carta tercera," Vedia I, 
 p. 71." 
 
 209 The first attack of Alvarado was repulsed. But subsequently they captured 
 " many works and bridges." The fighting was very obstinate, the Mexicans charging 
 at every hour of the day and night. See Prescott (Vol. Ill, Book VI, Cap. p. 106 and 
 107). "During the first five or six days after their encampment, the Spaniards experi- 
 "enced much annoyance from the enemy, who too late endeavored to prevent their 
 " taking up a position so near the capital, and which, had they known much of the sci- 
 " ence of war, they would have taken better care themselves to secure. Contrary to 
 " their usual practice the Indians made their attacks by night as well as by day. The 
 " water swarmed with canoes, which hovered at a distance in terror of the brigantines, 
 " but still approached near enough, especially under cover of the dai-kness, to send 
 " showers of arrows into the Christian camp." 
 
 210 The brigantines were flat-bottomed scows, manned with small guns. Even on 
 the water, the Mexicans resorted to ambushes. The vicinity of the pueblo was sur 
 rounded by rows of pointed piles, "below the surface of the lake, and squadrons of 
 canoes were sent to decoy the brigantines into such treacherous places. On one occa 
 sion they succeeded in capturing one of the vessels in this manner. (Prescott, Vol. 
 Ill, p. 28, quoting from Bernal-Diez.) 
 
 211 The points occupied by the three Spanish divisions were: Tepeyacac (Guadalupe 
 Hidalgo), at the north, Tacuba at the west, and Cuyuacan to the southwest. It was 
 originally intended to occupy Iztapalapan, but the position could not be carried, and 
 
159 
 
 In this manner the favorite Mexican tactics of decoy and am 
 bush were gradually overcome step by step, with little loss of life. 
 Their treacherous sallies were not only not dreaded, they were 
 even desired, since each of them procured a new basis to the 
 assailants, who thus eventually reached, from three sides, the 
 entrance to the pueblo. This pueblo lay before them seemingly 
 open and -unfortified. It was not a -connected town, but a group 
 of minor clusters, interspersed with gardens, through which water 
 courses filtered in all directions. From large squares, massive 
 truncated pyramids arose, crowned with houses of worship. A 
 few wide thoroughfares led up to the main tecncalli, which the 
 Spaniards regarded as the centre of the settlement. The Mexicans 
 had again cut these thoroughfares, erecting bulwarks of stone 
 and earth behind them. These defences could be carried by storm, 
 and the heart of the pueblo reached. But once there, and far 
 enough from their basis, the victorious Spaniards saw the flat 
 housetops suddenly swarm with Indians, which showered all kinds 
 of missiles upon them. Into their rear large bodies of warriors 
 poured by alleys and cross-streets, occupying the very trenches 
 they had just passed. Nothing remained for the assailants but 
 to retreat upon the causeways ; a movement not always easy, and 
 certainly attended with loss. In order to avoid such dangerous 
 ambushes, in which the temples served as decoys, and each com 
 munal dwelling as a hiding place for the enemy, Cortes was com 
 pelled to advance slowly and cautiously. No trench was left in 
 the rear without being properly filled up, and in the end, seeing 
 that the entire pueblo was but a complicated trap where every 
 house was an eventual stronghold, he resorted much against his 
 will, to the desperate expedient of levelling to the ground all 
 constructions which might afford lurking places to the Mexicans. 
 
 Thus, step by step, the tribe of Mexico was driven into a nar 
 rower space. A constantly widening girdle of smouldering ruins 
 closed upon them from all sides, and if, with the energy of de 
 spair, they dashed time and again upon this ghastly belt, they met 
 at its inner limits their wary foes, which hurled them back, im- 
 
 thus Sandoval, who commanded, marched his corps to the north side. The division 
 -advancing from Cuyuacan soon seized Xoloc, where the dykes met, and cut off all 
 communication with the south. The'brigantines, after clearing the lake, and dislodging 
 the Mexicans from some eminences arising .above the water, where small ' teo-calli " 
 had been erected, kept up communication between the three divisions, and assisted 
 them in their efforts against the trenches of the causeways. 
 
160 
 
 proving the opportunity to advance further towards them. 
 Meanwhile, hunger was looming up in their midst, engendering 
 pestilence. Their bodies were weakening day by day, there were 
 no means of subsistence left, the women and children wandered 
 about like living corpses, without fear of Cortes' ruthless Indian 
 allies. Still the tribe did not submit, and when, twice, the war- 
 chiefs represented the futility of future defence, the "chief council," 
 as supreme authority, sternly declared : "that it was better to die 
 "fighting, than to remain in the power of those who would en- 
 " slave and torture them." 212 At last, on the 13th of August, 
 1521, Cortes, advancing "across the black and blasted environs 
 "which lay around the Indian capital," ordered a final onslaught 
 upon the miserable remnants of the Mexicans : " huddled together 
 "in the utmost confusion, all ages and sexes, in masses so dense 
 " that they nearly forced one another over the brink of the cause- 
 "ways into the water below. Some had climbed on the terraces, 
 "others feebly supported themselves against the walls of the 
 "buildings. Their squalid and tattered garments gave a wildness 
 " to their appearance, which still further heightened the ferocity of 
 "their expression, as they glared on their foes with eyes in which 
 "hate was mingled with despair." 213 Exposed to a destructive 
 fire from all sides y the half famished crowd attempted a feeble re 
 sistance, then scattered, preferring flight to surrender. But they 
 were speedily overtaken and the principal chiefs captured, thus 
 leaving Mexico definitively in the hands of the Spaniards. 
 
 We have purposely dwelt at some length on the events of the 
 siege of the pueblo of Mexico. It is because they illustrate, 
 better than any other page of their history, Indian defensive war 
 fare, carried to its highest point of development. The Mexicans, 
 during this memorable defence, achieved the most that any Indian 
 tribe could achieve, up to the Sixteenth Century. Their resist 
 ance, in that respect, stands unparalleled. Besides, its very 
 tenacity, the fortitude with which they bore, without yielding, the 
 greatest sufferings, are a further evidence that what they did, 
 was not out of fear of a crushing despotism ruling them with an 
 
 212 Bernal-Diez (Vedia II, cap. CLIV, p. 191, and CLV, p. 194). The Council opposed 
 the advice of Quanhtemotziu, who was for surrender: "pouiendole por deliiute el 
 fln de su tio el gran montezuma," p. 194. 
 
 213 \y. H. Prescott (Book VI, cap VIII, p. 200 and 201). 
 
161 
 
 iron hand, but "by free common consent. It is an additional proof 
 of the facts we have advanced : that the Mexicans were not 
 subject to a despotical power, but organized after the principles 
 of a barbarous, but free military democracy. 
 
 KEPORT PEABODY MUSEUM, II. 11.