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 Origines Gentium Antiquijjimix: • 
 
 o R, 
 
 ATTEMPTS 
 
 For difcovering the 
 
 TIMES 
 
 Of thefirit Planting of 
 
 NATIONS. 
 
 I N 
 
 Several TRACTS. 
 
 By theR'. Rev^ R. Cumberland, D. D. 
 late Bifhop of Peterborough. 
 
 Publilli'd from his Lordfliip's Manufcript 
 by S. Payne, A. M. Redor oi Barnack 
 in Northamptonjhire. 
 
 L O NT> O N: 
 
 Printed by JV, B, for R. Wilkin at the 
 Kin^s Head in St, TauPs Church-yard. 
 
 MDCCXXIV.
 
 .iV\ 
 
 . 1 
 
 M I
 
 7^ '- 
 
 [iii] 
 
 THE 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 HE 'world has already feen 
 the Fragment ^/S a n c h o n i- 
 ATHO publijkjd in Engliili, 
 with the hijiorical explica- 
 tions ; a Work^ijvhicbfor ?nd- 
 ny years employ d the thoughts of a man of 
 great judgment and penetration , the late 
 learned Bijhop of PETERBOPvOUGH,^;iJ^ 
 contains nem and great difcoveries in bijiory 
 and chronology ; fuch as an impartial rea- 
 der cannot but allow^ in the rnain^ to be 
 iuf, there being little doubt but that thofe 
 \ A i rctmuis. 
 

 
 iv The P R E F A G E. 
 
 remains of Sanchoniatho are fuch an 
 
 account as was preferv'd among the heathens 
 of the hifory of the world from the Crea- 
 tion : Tho\ like all their other Jrchaologies^ 
 they have a great, mixture of fable and fi^ 
 fiiofiT, with forne ftreamings and rays of 
 truths which our fdgacious author has ha^* 
 ^ily difcoverd. 
 
 Porphyry, a learned and zealous advo^ 
 cate for Heathenifm, happen' d to he the 
 means of the prefervatio7t of the name, and 
 thofe frnall remains of Sanchoniatho. He 
 intended them as evidence againft Chrifii- 
 anity^ or rather '1\xdi^\{m. ; for could he haik 
 undermined Judaifm, he concluded, and not 
 irrationally ^ that Chriflianity muft have 
 fallen with it. Ton boaji, f^ys he to the 
 Jew^5 of the antiquity of Moles, the foun^ 
 der of your religion, and of his writings^ 
 Sanchoniatho, tho he is not himfe If older ^ 
 yet the a5fs and records from which he 
 compiled his hijiory , are , by many ages, 
 antienter than Mofes. Tbefe are proof 
 that Idolatry wa: the firji and oldejt reli- 
 gion. 
 
 Sanchoniatho was thus fit up to ri- 
 val Mofes, aTpd his books to balance the 
 Pentateuch ; and yet this Man, brought as 
 the. chief evidence for the opp o fit e fide ^ does, 
 
 utwittiitgly
 
 The PREFACE. v 
 
 utwittingly give a great attejlatton to the 
 truth of the Mofaic Hijiorj, acknowledge 
 ing that the origin e of Mankind was from a 
 /ingle fair, and that it was not above thir- 
 teen or fourteen generations earlier than 
 Mifor and Thoth, kings <9/Egypt. 
 
 The favourable reception the formfr pari 
 has met with frofn learned men encourages 
 me to prefent unto the publick more of the 
 labours of the farne Author, the jruit of 
 his fearches into the remotefl Antiquity. 
 As he left them they are only loofe traEfs, 
 intended by him to have been 7}iaterials for a 
 large JVork^ and to have been intitkd Origi- 
 nes Gentium Antiquiffiiiiae, &'c. Thofe that 
 compofe the following Sheets I have fele- 
 iied as neareji being finijh'd, a^id fittejt per 
 the publick view. 
 
 I. The firfl is a T>ifcourfe on Gen. xxxvi, 
 C07tcerning the Horites, the antient iuhabi- 
 tants of the country of Seir, afterward^ 
 caird Edom. The T^ivine Hifiorio^rapher 
 has given us from f, 31. to 39. a brief but 
 entire account of an antient monarchy of 
 that people, from the firfl to the lafl king% 
 tho' it has happen d not to have been hither- 
 to regarded with due attention. The tracks 
 in which commentators in expounding this 
 place have generally followed one another^ 
 
 A 3 isi
 
 Vi The PREFACE. 
 
 is, that thefe kings were all Edomites, 6f 
 the fofterity of Efau : Others^ to whom 
 this was a difficulty^ too hard to be digejted^ 
 were for ajfuming a liberty of expunging 
 thefe nine verfes as an interpolation. 
 
 This is the method taken by a modern au- 
 thor in his Prolegomena to his Commenta- 
 ries on Genefis, printed at Amfterdam i'Pt 
 1693. Bijhop Kidder replies to the obje^ 
 if ion of this Writer in his Differtation^ 
 concerning the Author of the Pentateuch. 
 Our Author having an acquaintance and 
 friend/hip with Bifhop Kidder, had com- 
 municated to him his notion^ while he was 
 writing his Commentary on the five Books 
 ^/ Moles ; and the Bijhop Jloewdfo much re- 
 fpeEi to it as to print the fubjiance of it in 
 the fortieth page of that T^ijfertation ; thd 
 he himfelf jiill feem'd to lean to the com- 
 mon opinion, that thofe eight kings were of 
 the race of Efau. 
 
 The defign <9/Mofes in the above-menti- 
 on d chapter ts plainly this, to prove the 
 fulfiUiitg of the prophecy given by God to 
 Rebekah, Gen. xxv. 23. Two nations are 
 in thy womb, and two manner of people 
 fliall be feparated from thy bowels. And 
 to jhew the goodnefs and favour of God to 
 Efau, Jacob's elder brother^ and his family ^ 
 
 that
 
 The PREFACE. vii 
 
 that to make room for them^ he rooted out 
 an ant tent and long fettled kingdom, and by 
 that means gave them the foffefpon and go- 
 vernment of a large country, contiguous to 
 Canaan, and this he fore the poflerity of]2i^ 
 icob had a country of their own^ or a king 
 to reign over them ; their firft being Mo- 
 fes, who was king in Jefliurun, /. e, little 
 Ifrael : The word Jefliurun being the He- 
 brew diminutive for Ifrael. 
 
 II. The fecond 'Difcourfe is on Deut. ii. 
 ^3. Another place, but flight ly touch' d on^ 
 by Commentators ; who^ tod often^ like the 
 friends of oiir profperity^ for fake us in dif- 
 ficulties. The penetration of our Author 
 will be hercy I believe^ dcknowledg'd by 
 every impartial reader that he had a faga-- 
 city able to make difc over ies^ and addfome- 
 thing of his own to the-^jcommon flock of 
 learning. '7' '• 'v- 
 
 III. The fiibjeB matter of thefe two 2)//^ 
 tourfes is furthef- improved ifi the third 
 tra6ty containing Notes on the Synchronifnts 
 of Canaan and Egypt. His Lordjhtp dif 
 tufs'd the more particularly the prece^ 
 dent paffages in MofesV hifory, becaufe hit 
 thought they tended to give confiderabli 
 light to fome of the earlieli times <?/ Egyp- 
 tian hijiory, efpecially to a remarkable part 
 
 A 4 concerning
 
 viii The PREFACE. 
 
 concerning the fajiors ; which has had the 
 luck to be more exaElly and circtimflantially 
 freferv'd than any other of the remains of 
 Manetho. He fays they were call'd Royal 
 Paltors. This chara6ier agrees well with 
 the Horim ; they were fajiors , and the 
 word Hor fignifies free or noble. Manetho 
 fays further J that they at firji took foffeffion 
 of the country peaceably ^ or without fight- 
 ing, df^ax^ri 
 
 Thefe Phoenician or Canaanitifh faftors,^ 
 muft^ in their pajfage to Egypt, go thro' the 
 country of the Horim : Many of them, 'tis 
 probable, join'd them : And not only fo^ but 
 Gofhen /// Egypt, in which thefe faftors 
 chiefly fix'd^ bordered on fart of the coun- 
 try of the Horim, that which was after^ 
 wards the kingdom <?/Amalek. Manetho 
 adds that thefe paftors came out of Ara^ 
 bia. This fart of Egypt was antiently rec* 
 kon'd to Arabia, as well as the whole coun* 
 try that lay to the eaft of the Nile. The 
 Septuagint accounts Goflien to be fart of 
 Arabia, and calls it ytj fea-lfji. A^oiJ^lctg^ Gen. 
 xlvi. 34. Nor could any Arabians march 
 into Egypt without faffing thro' fart of the 
 country of the Horim. 
 
 jdnd^ as a further froof that they were 
 m inconfiderable fart of thefe fajiorsy they
 
 The PREFACE. ix 
 
 left in this quarter ^/ Egypt a city^ called 
 the city of the Horim, with a little alte^ 
 ratio7t in Greek H^d^c^v TrcXig. Bochart 
 and Cappellus, without any fuch lights as 
 our Author now affords to guide m^ do 
 both own this etymology ofW^oom-TroKiq. Ex 
 "Horaeis Heroum urbs. Bochart Canaan, p. 
 36x. Cappellus fays^ Elorseus non liberum 
 tantiim fignificat, fed & nobilem ; & ab ea 
 voce formari poteit Grseca vox ''^c^g ; and 
 afterward^ Utut illudfit,Hor^i proculdubio 
 fedes illas dim occuparunt, ubi fuit urbs 
 Heroum difta. The reader may confult his 
 fwte on Deut. ii. ^^, 
 
 Great firuggles and contentions enftid 
 between thefe fafiors^ and the elder inha- 
 bitants ^/ Egypt ; which furnifh'd the Greek 
 foets with all their ficlions of the wars 
 between the giants and the gods^ i. e. thefe 
 flout heroical pafiors and the firft kings of 
 Egypt, who were afterwards deify d. 
 
 Thefe wars^ which ended in the total ex- 
 fulfion of the pafiors, werCj in our Au- 
 thor s opinion^ the occafion of the dtfperfion 
 of the Canaanites or Phoenicians, /. e. of 
 their fending colonies into diver fe farts of 
 Europe : And herein he recedes from the 
 judgment of the learned Boch^LVty who fixes 
 the flaming of all thofe Canaanitifli colo- 
 nics
 
 k The P R E F A C E 
 
 hies to the time ^/Jofliua. Without dif- 
 fute three of the chief colonies, from Phce- 
 hicia to Greece, viz, thofe under Inachus^ 
 Ogyges and Cadmus, were all before Jo- 
 fliua, the two firfl long before him. 
 
 IV. The fourth traEi makes a calculation 
 how many fouls might be born within i^o 
 years after the flood. One table only is 
 ^iven of the number that might foffibly de* 
 fcend from fuch grandchildren of Noah as 
 were born within the fir fi twenty years after 
 the flood \ the number in -i^^o years isfrodigi- 
 bus. It would hdve been too tedious to have 
 ■particularised the tables of the remaining fix- 
 teen Vicennia to the death (?/Phaleg. Eve- 
 ry thoughtful reader will have a concept 
 tion of them in his imagination ; or if he 
 has the curiofity^ he may try them in figures ; 
 they would amount to many times more than 
 it is probable there are now men living on 
 the face of the earth. 
 
 In theory it might poffibly be thus : In 
 faEt the Scripture informs us what was 
 aElually fever al ages later than thefe timesj 
 when both the Jlrength and lives of men 
 were very much impair' d^ and when thofe 
 who were advanced in age were daily go^ 
 ing off in the common courfe of mortality ; 
 ^hich in this period of ^^o years after the 
 
 flood
 
 The PREFACE, xi 
 
 flood does not appear to have happened. Eve- 
 ry PoiHiliivian, who/e age is recorded in 
 Scripture^ even Noah himfelf^ being cer^ 
 tainly alive at the time "uvheri Phaleg died. 
 
 The Fa6i I mean was that of the chil-^ 
 dren ^/ Jacob, who went down into Egypt 
 feventy fotils^ and^ Jdo7i after the Exodus, 
 in the fpace of zi 6 years were increased to 
 ^osjffo Men, able to go forth to war. /;/ 
 this account are not included Levites, old 
 men, women or children-^ and therefore they 
 could not be one quarter of the full number 
 of the people : Tet mofl part of this ti?ne 
 they livd under great opprejfnn and perfe- 
 cut ion ^ cir cum fauces that tend not to for- 
 ward the increafe of any people \ the kings of 
 Fjgypt proceeding at la// to fnch a degree of 
 cruelty as to order all the male children of 
 the Hebrews to be defroy'd. 
 
 This^ tho a great increafe^ yet undoubt^ 
 edly could hear no proportion to the multi- 
 plication of mankind after the flood \ fo that 
 there could not he waiit of a fiiffctent num- 
 ber of men to begin the fir ft monarchies that 
 are fiippos'd to have been eredled within 
 ^oo years after the univerfal deluge. 
 
 V. and VI. The proofs of the early rife 
 and long duration of the AfTyrian empire^ 
 contained in the fifth and fixth Tra&s^ were 
 
 collecfed
 
 xii The P R E F A C E. 
 
 colle£fed to confute an oftnion jlarted and 
 advanced by Sir John Marfham ; a gentle- 
 man of extraordinary abilities and learnings 
 but too fond^ as men of great farts often 
 are^ of new notions. J/VJohn was not wil- 
 ling to allow any confiderable empire of the 
 AlTyrians before Phul, contemporary with 
 Menahem, king of Ifrael : His favourite 
 notion J but a very ground lefs one^ was, that 
 Sefoftris and his fucceffors held the empire 
 of Afia till a little before the time ^/PhuL 
 The long catalogue of kings preceding htm 
 he reje5ls, as depending on the file autho^ 
 rity of Ctefias, an author irreconcileable to 
 the opinions he advanc^dy and therefore with 
 him of no credit, 
 
 Ctefias was ^ Greek, a man of great learn- 
 ingy prefer' d for his merit folely to be chief 
 phyfician to Artaxerxes Mnemon, in whofe 
 court he Hv'dfeventeen years, during that 
 time he apply' d himfelf to the fitidy of the 
 Afiatic h'tflory^ being affifled by the records 
 of that monarchy y which were carefully 
 kept by public k authority. In his relations 
 of the wars and anions of his kings^ he in- 
 dulges the Afiatic vafiity^ and is incredible 
 enough ; but in their number and fuccejjlon 
 he deferves credit ^ for he runs not into ex- 
 travagant accounts of the duration of this 
 
 empirCi
 
 The PREFACE. xiii 
 
 empire^ but fixes fuch a frobable and rea- 
 finable fpace between its ere&ion by Ninus, 
 and its dijfolution at the death of Sarda- 
 napalus, as is cojtfijient with other atithen- 
 tick htjloryj and falls in very well with 
 that great event of the general flood. 
 
 Diodorus Siculus, a writer ofgoodjtidg^ 
 menty who comfos'd a Syflem of univerfal 
 hiflory-, in his account of Egypt, follows 
 chiefly Herodotus ; in that of Alia, Cte- 
 fias. What he relates on the authority cf 
 the latter is generally very romantick and 
 a blemijh to his Work ; yet he feems to 
 fhew on all occaflons as much regard to 
 Ctefias as to Herodotus. 
 
 Photius concludes his extraB from the 
 Perfica of Ctefias with a Jhort parallel^ ifp 
 which he allows him to be at leaf equal to 
 Herodotus. Strabo and Plutarch makes 
 very free with his character as to veracity '; 
 but they do the fame to Herodotus: Every 
 thing therefore iri him is not to be rejeEled 
 any more than in Herodotus, who is in too 
 many inflances fabulous. 
 
 But this point of the antiquity of the 
 Aflyrian empire does not bear on the file 
 authority of Ctefias ; the traces of it are to 
 be met with in every hiflcry that treats of 
 the earliefl ages^ as our Author has fully 
 fi)ewn. In
 
 xiy The P R E F A C E. 
 
 In thefe TraBs and all other farts of /his 
 writings^ bordering on controverfy, the juy 
 dtcious reader cannot but obferv^theref'^e^ 
 and the tender nefs with wpich he treats 
 all learned men^ from whom he differs in 
 opinion. Candour and Good- will to others 
 were qualities inbred and habitual to him, 
 
 VII. The fev^nth Tra^ treats ,pf the ear^^ 
 ly plantations o/GvQecQa^td It^jy. TM 
 fart of the world firfi peofUd after* .the 
 food was Afia.;^ here the. defx^e^dents from 
 Shem, Harp aitd ]?L}^\yQt cohahited and mix^^ 
 ed with one another, till th^irmimbers iur 
 ereafing thty.. [ought out for tiew fettle- 
 ments. To thofe who chofe Europe, Greece 
 was the near eft country^ to whicjo fome faf- 
 fed by landy finding a faffage ov^r the Helf 
 lefpont cr Bofphorus ; others went by fea 
 in fhifs^ and were for that reafon- call'd 
 
 Pelafgi. ^i;^^^u .? 
 
 Vin. and Y^. The eighth aiid ninth Trd£is, 
 written in Latin, were the laft comfosd ky 
 him. At that time he entertain' d thoug^t^^ 
 of altering the order and method of his Work^ 
 and making one treat if of it in the 'Lztin 
 tongue ; but the obligations he was under 
 to fpend half of his time in London at a, 
 difiance from his books ^ and years and bufo- 
 %efs increafingy prevented his defgn, and, 
 
 removed
 
 The PREFACE. xv 
 
 removed all thoughts of making a}iy thing 
 fublick on thefe ftibje^is. One of his ex- 
 frejjions^ I remember^ occajioji'd by a con- 
 ^erfation concerning thefe papers : I can 
 hug a notion to my felf without troubling 
 the world with it. Thefe two traEis may 
 he efteem'd as a fort of parallel between hea- 
 then idolatry and the priefthcod and wor- 
 fhtpofthe true GOD, The laJU de Le- 
 gibus Patriarchalibus cojttains the founda- 
 tion of fome of the Author's juft and gene- 
 rous notions in "Divinity. 
 
 What has been already publifljd has had 
 the approbation of many eminent men. The 
 reader that Jhall reap pleafure and advan- 
 tage by them owes me the thanks due to th^ 
 freferver of them ; the treafure of learning 
 they contain would have been otherwife loji. 
 If he Jhall be inclined to complain that the 
 ftyle and fen fe is in fome places interrttpted^ 
 he mufl remember that thefe papers were 
 far from being finijh'd by the Author : Af- 
 ter the firfl draught frefh matter fill arofe, 
 which he fet dqwn as notes, 7nemorandums 
 and additions. Thefe I have brought in as 
 well as I could '^ but it cannot be expected 
 that what is written, in this manner fhould 
 he altogether coherent^ or that repetitions 
 fbould be always avoided. 
 
 ' ■ It
 
 x\ i The PREFACE. 
 
 It cannot but he of further fervice to the 
 learned World to have the fuhftance of the 
 lijhole ^ublifh'd in L.atin, the fnethod alter- 
 edy and fome parts contra&ed. Cntr Ati^ 
 thor^ who was better able to perform this 
 than any body elfe^ would have done it him- 
 felf had not the purfuit of thefe ftudies 
 happened too late in his life to have been 
 finifly'd by him. I have had for jome time a 
 defign of this nature in my thoughts^ to 
 publijh in Greek and Latin the fragment 
 of Sanchoniatho, with fuch emendations as 
 it is capable of to add to it a colledlion of 
 all the genuine remains of antient authors^ 
 preferv'd by Jofephus, Eufebius, Syncellus 
 and others. Some fuch there are 
 
 Apparent rari nantes in gurgite vafto. 
 
 And from thefe y by help of the clue^ our learn^ 
 ed Author has given us, to deduce a feries 
 of hiflory and chronology that may give 
 fome light and confiflency to the dark ages. 
 1 want not an inclination to fuch an ui- 
 dertakingy and would forthwith fet about it 
 could 1 have good hopes it would be well 
 receivd. Authors are to be pity'd who 
 wrack their thoughts and torture their brain 
 for produSlions^ on which the World after- 
 
 wardA
 
 The PREFACE. xvii 
 
 ^ards pajfes a verdiSfy that they do not de- 
 ferve reading. The apprehenjions of fuch d 
 fate may make me rather be content with 
 doing fomething of that kind for my own 
 amufementy and humb'y to refign the com- 
 pleating fo difficult a work to an abler hand, 
 
 'The inquiries contain' din thefe papers are 
 all confined within the time^ calVd by hiflo- 
 rians xi^^°^ u^yjXGg, obfcure time. /;/ pro- 
 fane chronology this is a wide gap that 
 Sanchoniatho helps to fill up. This period^ 
 without the light afforded by the books of 
 Moksy would be per fefi darknefs\ and even 
 with the ajfftance of them is great un- 
 certainty. Scripture is the only ftandard of 
 all antient hijiory-i and the touchftone by 
 which the truth of it may be try'd. 
 
 Heathen writers^ who^ unaffifted by this^ 
 attempt to fearch into antiquity^ have no 
 fay whereon to reB. Herodotus, on all 
 occafions talks familiarly of a myriad of 
 j^ears before his time. The Greeks, /peak- 
 ing of their own country and its inhabi- 
 tantSy thought it enough to fay that they 
 were Aviix^'^'^^^ ^^' x^borigines, /. e. that they 
 had been there beyond all memory : As to 
 the determinate number of ages they were 
 not able to make any conjeBure, In Egypt 
 the priejls were the pojfejfors of learnings 
 
 a and
 
 xviii The PREFACE. 
 
 and intrufted ^izith their publ'ick records, 
 Herodotus, Plato and Diodorus, at diffe- 
 rent times^ went thither for information. 
 When they talked of the duration of their 
 monarchy and their eldeji kings^ the round 
 number^ the priefts generally affected to fpeak 
 in^ was ten thoufand years ago : But they 
 who pretended to be more exaCt^ told Dio- 
 dorus that from their firft king Ofiris to 
 Alexander the Great were precifely twen- 
 ty three thoufand years. 
 
 Pomponius Mela does not feem to have 
 follow d the accounts of the before menti- 
 ofid authors or the authorities on which 
 they went ; yet varies as far from the truth 
 as they do. The Egyptians., fays he, from 
 undoubted records give the hiitory of 330 
 kings, and 13000 years before the time of 
 Amafis^ with whom the Egyptian monarchy 
 ended ; they becoming from his time one of 
 the provinces of the Perfian empire. So lit- 
 tie of truth and certainty is there in the 
 hoajied learning of the Egyptians. 
 
 The Greeks ///'// knew lefs ; they were 
 totally ignorant of the hiftory of the elder 
 ages and remote countries \ therefore they 
 made their invention fupply the want of the 
 knowledge offaEis, 
 
 — quic-
 
 The PREFACE. :iix 
 
 • quicquid Graecia mendax 
 
 Audet in hiitoriis 
 
 Tet thefe exchtfive of holy writ are almojl 
 the only authors from whom we receive any 
 information. Herodotus is ufually caWd 
 the Father of Hiftory, and his work^ with 
 all its defecis^ is invaluable ; yet he had 
 not any tolerable notions of either chrono- 
 logy or geography . He was an ingenious 
 and inqnifitive man^ hut too credulous ; and 
 has by this means Jiuff'd his hiftory with 
 many triflirig and incredible ftories ; bejides 
 a humour natural to him^ that runs thro' 
 all he writ^ to magnify things^ to make his 
 narrations appear wonderful. 
 
 His ignorance in geography^ befides other 
 inftanceSy appears from a pajfage or two in 
 his Melpomene. I laugh, fays he^ at them 
 who pretend to give a defcription of the 
 earth without having any manner of un- 
 derltanding of it, who fay that the ocean 
 runs quite about it, and that the earth is 
 round as if it had been fliap'd by a turner's 
 inllrument ; and that Afia is as big as Eu- 
 rope, Afterwards he adds^ that Africa 
 was difcover'd to be a Peninfula, by Nechus 
 king ^/ Egypt. Some Thoeniciansi by his 
 a X command,
 
 XX The P R E F A C E. 
 
 command, loofmg from the red-fea fail'd 
 into the fouth-fea, and fpent two years in 
 coafting of Libya. In the third year, turn- 
 ing thro* Hercules's pillars, they came into 
 Egypt y and they told what I will never be- 
 lieve ; others may, if they pleafe : That 
 while they were failing round Libya they 
 had the fun on their right, or to the north- 
 ward of them. 
 
 It is flam from hence that Herodotus 
 had no notion either of the Zones of the 
 earth or the circles of the globe ; he efieem- 
 ing that to be incredible which to every 
 man who underftands geography is the proof 
 that they did really fail round Africa. 
 
 Such defeats as thefe jhew how unquali^ 
 fyd he and all the heathen authors before 
 his time were to write any authentick hijio- 
 ry : that therefore we fhould be fo little ac- 
 quainted with the firft kingdoms of the 
 world is not to be mightily wondered at ; but 
 it is very much fo to refie6i how ignorant 
 we are of per fins and matters of confequence 
 that were long after them. 
 
 It may be truly faid there never was a 
 greater or better prince than Cyrus ; he 
 ereBed a monarchy of the krgeji extent ; 
 he was honoured and lov'dby all mankind:, 
 conquer d nations calVd hira their Father, 
 
 and
 
 The PREFACE. xxi 
 
 and free ftates ftied to be ftibjefl to him : 
 He was a great inftrtiment of ^rovtdence^ a 
 rejiorer cfGO T>'s Church ; and for thefe 
 reafons was by name foretold by the pro- 
 phets^ nigh xoo years before he was born. 
 His age falls hundreds of years within the 
 period calVd hiftorical Time : Aud yet how 
 little do we know with certainty of his birthy 
 life and death ? 
 
 Three tmincfit Greek hifiorians, Hero- 
 dotus, Ctefias c^nd Xenophon have under' 
 taken to give the hifory of his life and a- 
 liions : None of them was far remote from 
 him in time, Herodotus was born forty-fve 
 years after his death, Xenophon withtn 
 one hundred. Ctefias was feveral years ol- 
 der than Xenophon. Every one of them 
 had been in Perfia, had opportunities of con- 
 ver/ing with fuch as could give them the bejl 
 information!, and of fearcbing rcc rus \ and 
 they are the only authors who have profef 
 fedly writ C3TUs'j' hijiory. What may we 
 expeEi from fuch names but firici truth and 
 exa£i agreement in their relations ? I will 
 prefent to the reader s view very briefly 
 the fubfiance of each of their accounts*^ and 
 in thefirfi place HerodotusV. 
 
 a 3 ^' Allyages,
 
 Kxii The PREFACE. 
 
 " Aftyages, king of the Medes, had a 
 ^* daughter Mandane. ^J>on an odd dream 
 ^' concerning her he took a rejbliition not 
 ^^ to marry her fuitably to her birth^ but 
 •' matched her^ (more meanly^ as he thought^ 
 ^' than to any gentleman of the Medes) to 
 ■* a frivate perfon^ one Cambyfes, a Per- 
 ^' fian ; defc ended from a good family^ but 
 *' not a 7nan of an enterprising genius. 
 ^^ Within a year after their marriage he 
 *' had another dream^ that a vine grew out 
 ^'' of his daughter s womb^ that over- ff read 
 *' all Mv\\ t his the M2igi told him fortendedy 
 ^* that the fon of that daughter Jhould reign 
 ^' in his jlead\ upon this he fends for his 
 " daughter out of Perfia, when fhe grew 
 ^' near her time^ and after her delivery 
 •' fent for Harpagus, a man in whom he 
 
 put great confidence^ and giving him the 
 ^' babe Cyrus, chargd him without fail to 
 " kill him. Harpagus, relentii?gy would 
 ^^ not do fo cruel an a6i himfelf but fent 
 ^* for Mitradates, the kings herdfman^ and 
 f^ enjoins him to expofe the child in a place 
 ^^ where he would certainly die. Mitrada- 
 ^^ tesV wifes name was Spaco (which word 
 ^^ fig'^^fi^^ ^ biich \) and jhe happened to bejufl 
 f delivered of a dead child when her huf 
 f^ band brought in Cyrus. They agreed to 
 
 «' put 
 
 ac
 
 The PREFACE, xxiii 
 
 « put his fit} e fwadling deaths on their o^Ji'ii 
 " dead child^ and expofe it^ and brii'g tip 
 " Cyrus as their own fon. He prov'd an 
 " extraordinary youth ^ and at ten years old 
 " "iZas^ by the boys of the neighbourhood^ in 
 " //^, elected their king : He now takes 
 " upon him the flute of a king : And the 
 " fi^^ ^f ^ great fnaii not obeying his com- 
 " mands^ he chafiis'd htm with two much 
 " feverity. The courtier complains to Af- 
 *' tyages of the indignity put tipon his fori 
 " by an i^ifolent boy^ the fon of his Majeftys 
 " herdfman. AiXy^ig^s, fen t for Cyvxxs, audy 
 " in great wrath^ f aid to him^ Sirrah^ how 
 ** durfl fitch a fcoandrel as you abufe the fen 
 *' of a man of quality ? Tes^ Sir^ faid the 
 *' hoy^ and 1 think I did riqj:t^ for I was 
 " chofe kingj and all the reft obeyd me but 
 *' this boy. Allyages was flruck with the 
 " reply and fpirit of the boy^ and with his 
 " countenance^ which he thought refemblcd 
 *' his own family ; and his age was muph the 
 ^^ fame with his grandfons^ whom he had 
 « ordered to be made away with. He fifted 
 «' the herdfman till he got the whole fory 
 ^ out of him ; and dijfemb ling his rejentmcnf^y 
 " he told Harpagus he was r,:ightily pleas\i 
 *^ with the event ; / will thenfre^ fays hc^ 
 " celebrate afefiival to the preferving gods ; 
 a 4 '^ and
 
 xxiv The PREFACE. 
 
 « and pray let your fin come to partake of 
 « the joy with my new grandfin. 
 
 ^* Harpagus had an only fin^ about thir^ 
 <^ teen^ whom he joyfully fent to court on 
 « this occafion, Aftyages had him kiU'dim^ 
 '^ mediately^ and his body drefsd like meat 
 ^' for his father to eat. At fupfer Aftya- 
 «' ges ask'd him how he lik'd his difh ; ex- 
 « traordinary well, reply' d Harpagus ; then 
 ^' he let him underfland what flejh he had 
 « been feeding on. Harpagus exprefs'd no 
 ^' paffion on this occafion, but [aid, what- 
 %i ever was his Majefiy's good pleafurefhould 
 " be no pain to him. 
 
 ^' Aftyages had fill fome mifgivings, be^ 
 ^' caufe Cyrus was alive ; hut confulting 
 «« with the Magi, they told him, that now 
 *« his dream was come to pafs, that Cyrus 
 « had been a king, as that portended, and that 
 « no further danger was to be apprehended 
 « from him. Aftyages, upon this, fends htm 
 " back to his father and mother in Perfia. 
 *^ Cyrus there often talk'd of the herdfman^ 
 *' ajid the good woman that gave him edu- 
 " cation. From the fignification of her nama 
 '' the ffory was forgd that he had been 
 " fuckled by a bitch. 
 
 " Harpagus, however, meditated revenge 
 " on Aiiyages. To this purpofe hemaintain- 
 
 ed
 
 The PREFACE. xxv 
 
 * ed a correjpondence with Cyrus, who^ as 
 
 * he grew up^ difcovefd an uncoinmon fpi^ 
 ^ rit and genius ; he founded every conji- 
 
 * derable man among the Medes, whom he 
 ^ faff^^^d to be dffcontendedy and engaged 
 ' them in CyrusV intereji. When he thought 
 ' that he had brought matters te bear, he 
 ^ advis'd Cyrus to excite the Perfians to 
 ^ a revolt ; which was effected, Harpagus 
 ^ had fo well conceaVd his refentment and 
 ^ difajfcdiion, that Aftyages made him ge- 
 ' neral of the army whkh he fent to reduce 
 ' the Perfians ; who^, as foon as he came in 
 ' ./%/^^ of Cyrus'j" army, deferted, and car- 
 ' ried off many with him, the reft of the 
 ' Medes being eafily beaten. Aftyages ven^ 
 
 * tures a fecond engagement, in which the 
 ' Medes were again beaten, and himfelf 
 
 * taken fri finer. Cyrus, after this man- 
 ' ner, obtained the empre of the Perfians 
 
 * ^«^ Medes. 
 
 ** Afterwards he fubdtid the greatejl jpart 
 
 * ^/Afia. 
 
 *' Laft of all, he refolv'd to attack the 
 
 * Maflagetae, a great and warlike nation^ 
 ' bordering on the Cafpian fea, who were 
 ' at that time govern d by a queen, caWd 
 
 * Tomyris. Cyrw^ at frft pretended court- 
 
 * Jloip^ and proposed a marriage with her ; 
 
 *' but
 
 xxvi The PREFACE. 
 
 •• but fhe fiippojing that his defigns were not 
 '* fo much for her per fin as her kingdom^ 
 " refits'' d to have any treaty or communica- 
 ** tion with him : ^pon which he openly 
 '* invades her country. The queen fent "him 
 ** a fair challenge^ that at his own choice 
 *' he fhould either., without oppofition^ pafs 
 *' the river Araxes. a7id march three days 
 *' into her country^ where foe would give 
 *' him a fair meeting ; or if he would per- 
 •' mit her to pafs the Araxes, and make a 
 *' march of three day into his country Jhe 
 *' would fight htm on his own ground. Cyrus 
 *' accepted of the former ofthefe conditions ; 
 " he defird the queen to retreat with her 
 ** army, to fuffer him to pafs the Araxes, 
 " and march into her country^ which Jhe^ 
 " according to own offer -^ performed. 
 
 *' Cyrus being now got into the country of 
 '* //6^ MalFagetae, had recourfe to this Jira. 
 " tagem : He furnifh'd his camp with plen- 
 ** ^y of good provifions^ wine efpecially ; and 
 " with the ableft and befl part of his army 
 " he made one day's march homewards, lea- 
 '' ving a body of the weakeft and worji of 
 *' his men to guard his camp. Tomyris 
 *' dividing her army into three farts^fends 
 ** one third of it to attack the Perfian camp\ 
 " and the pew infirm men that were left in it 
 
 " were
 
 The PREFACE. xxvii 
 
 ** were eajlly beaten. The Maflagetae fell 
 ♦* frefently on the ffoiU ^^d glutted them^ 
 ** felves with wine and good cheer ^ which 
 «' foon laid them ajleef. Cyrus, with the 
 •* flower of his army^ fur^rizing them in 
 ** this condition^ kiWd many, and made the 
 " reft pri finer s ; among the lafi was the 
 *' queen^s fin. 
 
 '* Tomyris, enrag'd with this lofs, fits 
 ** ufon Cyrus and the Perfians with the 
 *' remainder of her army. The battle was 
 ** one of the fierce ft that ever was fought. 
 *' ViBory at laft declared for the JVlafTa- 
 ** getae; ma7iy of the Perfians and Cyrus 
 •* himfelf being left dead in the field. Af 
 '■ ter the battel Tomyris made a fie arch 
 ** for the body <?/ Cyrus, and fiparating the 
 ** head fir om it^ fhefill'd a skin with bloody 
 ** and putting the head into itj fhe fiaid in- 
 '■ fiultingly^ I will fiatiate you with blood. 
 ** This was the end ofi Cyr\xs>, afiter he had 
 *i reign' d twenty nine years. There are 
 •* other accounts ofithe manner ofihis deathy 
 ** but this is that which I think moft prO" 
 *' babied Thus much for Herodotus. 
 
 Our next author is Ctefias ; the hiftory 
 he compiled is lofty but fiome extracts of it 
 are prefirv'd by Photius. What he tran- 
 ficribes is to this efelf. " Cyrus
 
 xxviii The PREFACE. 
 
 ** Cyrus was not at all related to Afty- 
 •' ages, hut having attacked his kingdom of 
 " Media, and taken him prifoner in Ec- 
 *' batana ; at firfl^ like a conqueror^ he put 
 * ' him in chains ; afterwards he fet hira 
 ** free and us'd him honourably. The daugh- 
 •' ter of hA^^gt% was 71am' d Amytis, and 
 *' married to one Spitamas, a Mede. Cyrus 
 '* treated her refpe5i fully ; he charged her 
 *' husband Spitamas with falfifying^ and 
 ** made that a pretence to kill him-., after 
 *' whofe death he marry' d Kmyiis himfelf 
 
 *' He made war on the Badrians, who fub- 
 *' mitted to him voluntarily. He wag'd war 
 ** alfo on the Sacaeans, and made Amorges, 
 ** their king^ prifoner : But Sparethra, their 
 ** queen^ during the captivity of her husband^ 
 ** gathering together an army of 300,000 
 *• men^ and 200,000 women^ gave Cyrus an 
 '* entire defeat., and made him prifoner \ but 
 ** afterwards released him in exchange for 
 •' her own husband. Cyrus next conquered 
 " Croefus, and took Sardis. 
 
 *' After fome years, Cyrus and his wife 
 *' Amytis having a dejire to fee their father 
 " Ally ages, who refided among the Barcanii, 
 ** fent Petifacas, a great favourite with 
 " Cyrus, to conduEi him to them. Petifa- 
 '' cas inhumanly exposed the old king in a 
 
 [' defarf^
 
 The PREFACE. xxix 
 
 ** defart^ where he ferijh' d with hufiger and 
 •* thirji : But his dead carcafs was not torn 
 *' by any be aft ^ for lions guarded it till it 
 * ' was fent for by the order of Cyrus, who 
 ** bury' d it with great magnificence. 
 
 ** Laft of all^ Cyrus made war on the 
 " Derbices. After a brave refiftance the 
 ** Derbices were forc'd to yield : But the 
 ** vi5iory cnft Cyrus dear^for he was thrown 
 ** from his horfe^ and after the fall^ recei- 
 *' ved a wound in the thigh, of which he 
 *' langmfh'd three daysy and then died^ lea- 
 ** ving his eldeft fon Cambyfes king^ and 
 ** giving to his younger fon Tanyoxarces 
 ** the large countries of Parthia, Ba(5i:ria, 
 ** ^c. conjuring them to live together friend^ 
 *' ly and ajfe^imiately. He departed after 
 ** he had reigned thirty years'' 
 
 The laft andfulleft account is XenophonV, 
 which is to this pirpofe. 
 
 ** Cambyfes, the king ^^/Perfia, married 
 " Mandane, the daughter (j/Attyages, king 
 •' of the Medes, and had by her Cyrus, a 
 ^' child of fiir prizing beauty and farts. 
 '* His father gave him all the advantages 
 *' of the Perfian Education^ which in thofe 
 ** days exceird that of other nations. Tart 
 
 [' of
 
 XXX The PREFACE. 
 
 " of his youth was fpent in the court of 
 " his grandfather Aibjzg^s^ who fame time 
 " after diedj and left the kingdom of the 
 " Medes to Cyaxares his fin, 
 
 *' The Aflyrian or Babylonian emperor^ be- 
 " ingmafterofagreatfart of h&Ti^ projects 
 •* by what means he might moji eafily fub^ 
 " due the Medes <^^^ Perfians ; who partly 
 " by perfuafions ^ partly by prefents jpre- 
 ** vails with fever al to join with him in 
 " this attempt^ but chiefly on Croefus, king 
 •* ^/Lydia. Cyaxares, in danger of being 
 *' attacked by fuch formidable confederates^ 
 ** asks help from Cambyfes, his brother in 
 " law ; who fends Cyrus with an army of 
 " Perfians to his afflftance. Thus began a 
 *' war^ which continued many years y in 
 *' which Cyrus, with a conflant feries of 
 *' fuccefs, gaind advantages over the AiTy- 
 " rians, made an entire conquefl of Cxce- 
 ** lus and the Lydian kingdom ; obliged all 
 ** the countries <?/ Afia Minor to fubmit to 
 '* his victorious arms -^ and^ in the cone lu- 
 " Jion^ after a fiege of incredible difficulty^ 
 *' took the great city of Babylon, the Me- 
 *' tropolis of the AiTyrian empire, 
 
 *' In this long war Cyrus was not him^ 
 " fM f^^ principal, but only the chief ge- 
 •' neral under Cyaxares his uncle 5 who ha- 
 
 " ving
 
 The PREFACE. xxxi 
 
 ** ving no male iffue^ be flowed on him for 
 *' wife his only dai.ghter. In her right he 
 " fucceeded to the kingdom ^/ Media, as he 
 *' did to that c/Perfia, after the death of 
 ** his father Cambyf'es : And thus by de- 
 '* fcent and conqu.fi he became emperor of 
 ** all the Eail. After he had ereCied this 
 *' mighty emfire he divided his time among 
 *' the provinces of it in this manner. The 
 ** winter half year he fpent at Babylon, 
 *' the fpring at Sufa^ the Metropolis ofV^x- 
 '' fia ; a/id the heat of fummer at Ecbatana 
 ** i« Media. This tctir be made feventimes^ 
 *' till he was well advancd in age. This 
 ** latter part of his life was f pent in peace j 
 '' with the ntmn ft grandeur^ and the gent left 
 " and wifefi admmtftration that ever was 
 *' exerch'd by any prince. He died in Per- 
 *' fia, expref/ing great piety to the godsy and 
 ** giving excellent exhortations to his two 
 " fonsj and his friends that attended on 
 " himT 
 
 To this effeB Xenophon. 
 
 His age is not mention d by any of thefe 
 hiftorians^ and the length of his life would 
 fill have been a fecret^ had not Tully acci- 
 dentally happened to fay that Cyrus liv'd to 
 be feventy. 
 
 Thefe
 
 xxxii The P R E F A C E. 
 
 Thefe extra6is I jujt offer to the reader 
 as a Jpecimen how uncertain all antient ac-^ 
 counts, and how full of fables the Greek 
 authors are, that firft fet up for writing of 
 hiflory. Is it poffible to think that each of 
 thefe Jhould be fertoufly deliver' d as the hif 
 tory of one and the fame man ? 
 
 Xenophon'j is without queftion the trueji 
 account, for it agrees beft with Scripture ; 
 and by that it plainly appears that Darius the 
 Mede, mention d by the prophet Daniel, and 
 by Jofephus, is no other perfbn than Cyax- 
 ares, king of Media, the uncle and father 
 in law ^y Cyrus. In a piece of hijiory Jo 
 clear as this, it is a wonder that Scaliger 
 and Petavius jhould be both in a mijtake, and 
 that fo learned a man as Sir ]q\\vl Mariliam 
 jhould perplex his chronology in the manner 
 he has done with this Darius the Mede. 
 
 Xenophon indeed, in his book of the edu^ 
 cation of Cyrus, does indulge his own fine 
 imagination without pretending that the 
 whole is exaEf matter of faff. Where he 
 profejfes to write hiftory faithjuUy, no pen 
 is able to mend it. Every thing that comes 
 from Xenophon breaths fenje, mydefly and 
 truth. He was a heathen, and by frofej/ion 
 afoldicr ; yet he difcovers in every circum- 
 jtance of his lifefuch a devout and religwus 
 
 temper
 
 The PREFACE. xxxiii 
 
 temper as cannot but be a reproach to tnojl 
 Chrijlians, 
 
 Upon pertifing thcfe different and dip 
 agreeing accounts^ this reflediion mnfl arife 
 in every reader's mind. When iz^e know fo 
 little with certainty of the founder of the 
 Perfian, what wonder is it that we jhould 
 be almofl totally ignorant of the AfTyrian 
 monarchy^ that began fo many ages before it ? 
 Thofe early times are fo obfcure, that with- 
 out the light held out by Scripture^ that of 
 all other writings put together would fill 
 leave us in perfeEi darknefs. 
 
 The labours of our learned author will 
 contribute to their being better underflood 
 for the future. And as he has made fever al 
 additions and amendments to our ccmmon 
 chronology^ in the times preceding the olym-^ 
 piadsy I thought it would be of fome ufe 
 and entertainment to the reader to prefnt 
 them to him in one view in a compendious 
 Table. 
 
 b . THE
 
 Julian 
 Period 
 
 2366 
 2368 
 
 Ye;it 
 of the 
 • World. 
 
 1656 
 165 S 
 
 u4 Chronological Table for the 
 
 Scrinture. 
 
 AiTyrian. 
 
 The Flood. 
 ^rphaxad born, 
 
 24.03 l6<)3 Selah. 
 
 243 J 
 2467 
 
 1725 
 I7S7 
 
 Eher. 
 Pdeg. 
 
 24P7 17S7 T\s'* 
 
 ZSZ9 
 
 25S9 
 
 2588 
 
 2658 
 
 2706 
 
 27 16 
 
 2718 
 
 I800 ■ ■ ■ ' ...« . i.. - 
 
 10 
 I8ip Serug, 
 
 20 
 
 30 
 
 40 
 1845 Nabor, 
 
 50 
 
 60 
 
 70 
 1878 rfr4/i. 
 
 80 
 
 50 * 
 
 ipoo ■ 
 10 
 20 
 30 
 40 
 IP48 Haran: 
 
 JO 
 
 60 
 
 70 
 
 80 
 
 S»o 
 
 1996 Pf/«'5 dies. 
 
 2000 
 
 Tower of Bahel built. 
 
 1771 Celeftial Obfervations 
 
 begun at Babylon under Belus I. 
 
 Hebron built. 
 Ztf^;* built. 
 
 2006 Noah dies. 
 2008 s^brabam born. 
 
 10 
 
 20 
 
 1 9 CO Be/»J II. z. *. 0</&. 
 
 I9y s Nifmst i, e. Nmroi. 
 Nineveh built. 
 
 2007 S emir amis. 
 
 30 
 40 
 50 
 60 
 
 2049 2V/»/4; Z4W«, 
 
 70 
 80 
 
 1793 
 2802 
 
 2083 K^hrafiam enters 
 
 90 Canaan. 
 2092 Chederlaomer conqUCIS 
 the Horites, 
 
 Kings of the 
 
 Horites. 
 
 20 J? J 5^/4.
 
 Ages fucceedtng the Flood, from 
 
 Egyptian. 
 
 Grecian Hiftory. ' 
 
 Year 
 
 before 
 Chrift. 
 
 ^tic-s Brother to Cronus fettles in 
 Africa. 
 
 B)hlm built by Crim%. 
 
 A^fr««j about this Time. 
 
 Prometheus. 
 
 Cronui, i. e. //^w, call'd 
 Porpljrisn in Panfan. gives 
 xyitiica to Kyiihena. 
 
 234^ 
 2311 
 
 228X 
 2247 
 2217 
 
 x.An\i(m Son of ^f/<t/, 
 K^nii of reigns in Ub;fc.. 
 Thebais, or 
 upper Egypt. 
 1S4S> Menes. 
 
 Tyfhon. 
 
 Phcenician or Canaaniti/}} 
 Paftors. 
 
 Jdvan the Father cf the /<»««. 
 4S'//fo« built by iSj^^/cn the Son 
 of Canaati. 
 
 Ofiris &c ///uravel into Grm-f. 
 
 The Cabiii fettle at Eeryms. 
 
 The Migrnion of the Vrr.lri 
 into Italy. 
 
 
 J 91 1 ^:hothcs I, 
 
 1920 Salatis. 
 
 1959 Beon. 
 
 1970 ^thothes II. 
 
 1983 .^pachnas. 
 
 1915 ^^p^!<:^! founds the 
 Kingdom of S'cyon. 
 Migration of the Caphrhorim. 
 The Dodon^an Oiacle found- 
 ed by an Egyiitan Piieilefs. 
 
 T967 Europs CiZCCsds ■-^^gialeiis. 
 
 JoHan founds a Kingdom in 
 
 ^labia. 
 
 
 jcoi Diabiei. 
 
 2020 ^pophis. 
 2021 Pemphss. 
 J 03 5 Toegar^ma- 
 chfif. 
 
 201 1 TyrfcnHs leads a Colony 
 into liAly. 
 
 
 2081 JanUs, 
 
 2063 Cfe< builds GnojfoSy and 
 the Temple of Cjbclc in 
 
 b z
 
 A Chronological Table for the 
 
 &d.£|'; Scripture. Affyriaa. 
 
 28 ro 2100 - — . . I ■ -, ,., ,, 
 
 38 18 zit% Ifaac born. liorite Kings. 
 
 10 
 
 20 
 
 30 21 35 Jobaff. 
 
 40 
 
 50 
 aS68 2158 Shemdlcs. 
 
 60 
 ns-s 2768 £/i« and 7<jc«t born. 
 
 70 2177 Hiijbam. 
 
 80 
 
 2200 .■ I I. ■ ■ . " -m I . .. ..^ 
 
 10 2219 Hadnd. 
 
 20 
 
 40 kills Midian, 
 
 go 2261 Samlab, 
 
 70 
 2986 2276 ^y^*;^ fold into £^>/'f. 
 
 80 
 25?S)8 2288 //4dc dies. 
 
 90 
 S008 2298 Jacob goes to Egypt. 
 2300 
 
 10 2303 Saul. 
 
 20 
 
 30 
 
 40 2345 Baal-Hamn. 
 
 60 
 §C75 2369 Jofeph dies, 
 70 
 80 2387 Hrf</rfr. 
 
 90 
 
 24©0 '.■ I " ■ >■■ '-■ — »— ■ 
 
 10 
 20 
 
 30 
 S145 2435 Moftshom* 
 40 
 50 
 60 
 70 
 80 
 50 
 
 2429 ift Succcffion of Dukes, 
 
 2471 2d Succeffiofl of Dukes,
 
 Ages fticceeding the Flood, from 
 
 Year 
 Egyptian. Grecian Hiflory. before 
 
 Chrift. 
 
 1904 
 
 Ththu.n Kings. Paftor Kings. Phcenkian Colonies fent into 
 
 21 T 8 Sioerhus. kAJia and Europe, 
 
 ziz^ Goformtes, 
 
 2131 ^^^fp^the 2148 /«4c/;«i founds the King- 
 2154 Mares, Jaft of the dom of ^rgos. 
 
 Paftors. x^Jfis (cali'd Hercules cy^^yp^ 
 
 tuts by Panfan.) goes to the 
 The Theban Dynafty Oracle at Delphos, 
 
 in lower Egypt. ^Jfis leads a Colony to Cadiz, 
 z\%o ^noyphes. xiioTethmofii, ^"dr^wj's Son leads a Colony 
 
 into Sardinia. 
 2200 Sirius. 2198 Phoroneus King of^rgos. 
 
 i*--^ 1804 
 
 220s Cheiroiu 2208 Orygian Deluge. 
 
 2218 Ghnuhus 2218 ^menophis\. 
 
 Gneurus, 2239 ,Amejfe!, 
 2245 %aHoJis, 
 
 2258 Biyris, 2258 %^pis King of ^Argos. 
 
 2268 Saofhis, 2261 Mephres. 
 
 2273 Mtjphragmuthefis, 
 
 2Z97 Senfaophh. zi^^ThmeJis. Z29i ^rgus Boanerges. 
 
 2309 ^menophis II. 
 2324 Mofcheris. 
 
 2340 Or«/. 
 2355 Mufthis. 
 
 2376 ^chencheres. 
 Ziii Pammus z^%Z%^f ho fis. 
 
 sArchondes. 2 397 ^choncherret I. 
 
 2410 ^choncberres II, 
 2.423 K^pappus 2422 KArmais. 
 MajiimHS. 2426 'Ramejfes. 
 
 2427 %A7neJfes Miamm, 
 
 2448 r«r9/)j founds 
 the Kingdom of Athens. 
 
 247 J DeHcalion^i Flood. 
 
 S494 CAmenophis III. 
 
 1704 
 
 'I604
 
 A Chronological Ta b le for the 
 
 - ,• Year 
 
 Period.''^ the Scripture. Affyrian. 
 
 2500 ' ■ 
 
 10 
 
 3223 2513 £.voii«j of the 
 
 20 Children of IfrMl. 
 
 30 
 
 4°" . . , 
 
 JO A King in Edam. 
 
 4263 Z5S3 Mofei^xts, 
 60 
 
 Jo/Jjua. 
 70 
 80 
 90 
 
 2600 
 10 
 20 
 30 
 
 -fO 
 
 50 
 60 
 
 Othniel. 
 
 80 £/;; 
 90 
 
 2700 — — 
 10 
 20 
 30 
 40 
 
 60 Gideon. 
 
 7° 
 
 80 
 
 10 Kyiliimelech., 
 
 20 
 
 30 
 
 40 
 
 JO 
 
 60 
 
 70 
 
 80 
 90
 
 Ages fucc ceding the Flood, from 
 
 Egyptian. 
 
 Year 
 Grecian Hiftory. before 
 
 •IS 04 
 
 Thehan Kings. 
 
 2523 Echefcus Kara.'. 2527 Dannus obtains the 
 
 ZSZ^ Mitocris. Sefo/frt 1 mzkts Kingdom of _/4r_goj. 
 
 z$io Myrtaiis. great Conquefts. 
 
 2552 Thyojimares, 
 
 zs6^ Thyrtllus, 
 
 2572 Semphucrafer, 
 
 2590 Cimter Taurus, 
 
 2597 Mtres Philofophus, he died pco Years hef ote HercdotU}. 
 
 2609 Choma Ephta. 
 2620 yAriQhuniHS Ochy, 
 
 .1404 
 
 2680 Penteathyris, 
 2696 Stamenemes. 
 
 2715 Sijiojicbermes, 
 
 2696 Pelops Son of TofttalHs. 
 
 ■1304 
 
 2774 Maris. 
 
 Expedition of the Argonauts. 
 
 Sanchoniatho flourifhes* 
 
 2817 Siphoas Hermes. 
 2822 ^nonymuj. 
 2836 Phrttrcn vet Nilus, 
 2 84 1 ^mHnh4HS. 
 
 ———1204 
 
 itzo Troy taken.
 
 The Tracts contained in this Volume. 
 
 I. A Difcourfe on Gen. xxxvi. Concerning the fettlement of 
 Jr\^ KUu'j familyy from Mount Seir to Elparan, the an- 
 
 tient jeat of the Horites : And of the government of that 
 land before and after their fettiement : li'ith an Eniiuiry a- 
 hoHt the times thereof. Page I 
 
 II. A difcourfe on Deur. ii. 13.- The Avims zvhich dwelt in 
 Hazerim even unto Azzah. The Caphtonm -which came forth 
 out of Caphtor dejiroyed themj and dwelt m their ftead. p. 2,4 
 
 Sect. r. Of i^e Awm. p. 28 
 
 2. of the Caphtorim. p. 35 
 
 3. The time and reafons of their migration. V' 11 
 
 III. A Table comparing S^juchronijms i^/ Canaan, Seir, and 
 Egypt; IVith notes thereU'pon. p. 83, 84, 
 
 IV. Concerning the poffib'dity of a fufjicient increafe of Men 
 from the three fons of Noah, to a number large enough to 
 fou/id all the Nations mentioned in the eldejl credible hi/lories^ 
 and that in the times affign d to their foundation ^ agreeably 
 ivith the Heb.'"e'vV accounts. IViih Jome fuggejiions about the 
 difperfion of Men to plant in feveral parts of the Earth ; par- 
 ticularly the building r/ Nineveh, the Metropolis of the AiTy- 
 rian Monarchy. p. 142 
 
 V. An Appendix to the precedent Chapter, in anEffay toivards 
 the better flating of the interval between the founding of 
 Minereh, and the fall of ^^xdin^vi^^w^. V- 190 
 
 "Vi. Proofs from Scripture and from Heathens of the Aflyn^'n 
 Empire before Nabonalfar. p. ^31 
 
 VII. A Bifcourje endeavouring to connefi the Greek and Ro- 
 man Ann-yuities, vjtth thcfe of the eldejl eaflern Monarchies 
 in Alia and Egypt, and confeqnently with the difperfion 
 from Babel, which cams near the great Flood. In two Chap. 
 
 1. Concerning Greece, efpccially the Pel^ifgi. p. 262 
 
 2. Concerning It.Uy, and therein cf the Tyrrheni. p- 315 
 A7llI.Append.deCabirisaddenaadirqu;firionidePelargi?.p.353 
 IX. Appendicula de Legibus, quibus teneh.'.ntur patriarchse, 
 
 tam ante quan:^ poft diluvium, ufque ad ce.T.pus quo folen- 
 
 niter fancuum eft Fosdus Mofaicum. p. 35^8 
 
 Cap. I. De definitione legum Patnarchalium, ' p. 401 
 
 II. De diftributione harum legum in paites : Et de Ante- 
 
 d'.luvianis. P-4ir 
 
 III. De poftdiluvianis pjitriarchis, fpeciatira de Shcmo. p. 42 1 
 
 IV. De A B R A H A M O. p. 434 
 
 V. De principalibus legibus patriarcharum. p. 441 
 
 VI. De minus principaiibusiegibus patriarcharum. p.45<^ 
 De civilibus conftitutionibus. p. 46^ 
 
 VII. De legum pattiarchalium fandlionibus , & earum 
 duratione. . p. 4^9 
 
 TRACT
 
 TRACT L 
 
 A Discourse on Gen. XXXvL 
 
 Concerning the fettlement of Efau'i Fa^ 
 mdy^ from Mount Seir to Elparan, 
 the ant tent feat of the Horites : And 
 of the government of that land before 
 and after their fettlement : With an 
 enqtiiry about the times thereof 
 
 HIS Chapter falleth naturally 
 into three parts. The firft in- 
 forms us of Efau's Family , 
 what perfons it confided of 
 before he fettled in Seir^ and what title 
 of honour fome of them gain'd after they 
 were there. This ends at f. 19. inclu- 
 fively, 
 
 B The
 
 2 Discourse on Gen. xxxvi. 
 
 The fecond part fpeaks of the inha- 
 bitants of Seir^ who were there before 
 Efau^ or any of his pofterity had a fettle- 
 ment in that country ; and herein is not 
 any man mention'd, who was of the Fa- 
 mily of EJau^ or defcended from him. 
 This part ends at f. 39. inclufively. 
 
 The third returns to confider Efau\ 
 ilTue ; particularly the Dukes thereof, who 
 all feem to be another generation of Dukes^ 
 ilTuing from Ejatt^ and who had no con- 
 temporary Dukes of the land of Seir^ 
 that might fliare in the government there- 
 of, as thofe mentioned in the fecond part 
 did. 
 
 Concerning the firft part I note. 
 
 Fzrjty That neither Efau himfelf, nor 
 either of his Sons, Ellphaz, or Reuely ar- 
 riv'd at the title of Dukes. They there- 
 fore, in all probability, were dead before 
 any eltablifliment of Dukes. 
 
 Secondly^ I note, that Efau\ grandchil- 
 dren, by both thefe Sons, are recorded as 
 Dukes. El'iphaz's Sons ; i. Teman ; x. 
 Omar '^ 3. Zepho \ 4. Kenaz>\ 5. Korah -, 
 6. Gatam ; and 7. Amalek ; though born 
 of his Concubine Timnahj Lotans filler. 
 Thefe are in f, 15, 16. Then follow 
 ReueT^^om^ Z,Kahatb\ <), Zerah \ 10. 
 
 Shammah j
 
 Discourse on Gen. xxxvi. 3 
 
 ^hammah\ ii, Mizzah ; and, in the laii 
 place, are nam'd the Sons of E/au himfelf, 
 by his Wife Aholtbamahy whom he feems 
 to have married in his old age, after his 
 father was dead ; at which time Ejdu was 
 120 years old. 
 
 For it's certain that Aholtbamah is none 
 of thofe firfl wives taken from the Cana^ 
 anites, which he faw griev'd his parents, 
 and therefore he took a wife of lji)mael\ 
 children, who brought him Reuel. There- 
 fore it is not probable that he would 
 marry another Canaanitt while his father 
 was alive. But it is certain that Aholi'^ 
 bamah was of a Canaanitijh family ; for 
 that's exprefs'd f. x. of this chapter. 
 
 Of her children there are three more 
 Edomite Dukes ; ix. Jenjh ; 13. Jaalam ; 
 14. Korah ; and thefe three by their mo- 
 ther's fide were of kindred to the Horites ; 
 for fhe defcended from Zibeon^ who was 
 an Hor'ite^ as is clear, by comparing f. 
 14, and 19. 
 
 Therefore Mofes very conveniently ha- 
 ving concluded the firft part of this chap- 
 ter, by riientioning thefe three, pafTeth in 
 f. 10. to the fecond part of it, concerning 
 the old inhabitants of this land, the Ho- 
 rites ; from Vi^hom Aholibamah defcended. 
 
 B z But,
 
 4 Discourse on Gen. xxxvk 
 
 Bur, before I difcourfe concerning the 
 perlbns mention'd therein, I think fit to 
 premife this obfervation that I have made 
 concerning the land they dwelt in, viz. 
 That, before this chapter, which teaches, 
 the fettlement of Efaii\ Family in this 
 land, it is conltantly call'd Seir in Hebrew. 
 In the Samaritan verlion it's nam'd Gab- 
 lab ; by Jonathan^ Targum Gebat ; by ' 
 Jofephus Gobolitis ', which words being 
 deriv'd from Gebouly fignifying a boun- 
 dary, import that it lay as the boundary 
 of Canaan^ on the eallern and fouthern 
 parts thereof. 
 
 But, in this chapter, it is fometimes cal- 
 , led Seir^ as f. 8, 30. fometimes Edomy 
 f. 16, 17. where it^s clearly fo call'd, be- 
 caufe the Dukes of Efau's race, by Eli- 
 ^haz and Reticle were nam'd juft before 
 to be governors there at that time. Yet 
 it's certain, that in both thefe places it 
 fignifies the fame land that before was 
 call'd the land of Seir^ or Mount Seir ; 
 but, in Mofes's time, was better known 
 to his people the Jews by the name of 
 its later inhabitants, the fons of Efau^ 
 w^ho then pofTefs'd and govern'd it, and 
 were of kindred to the Ifraelites^ their 
 Father being brother to Ifrael^ or Jacob. 
 
 And
 
 Discourse 071 Gen. xxxvi. 5 
 
 And doubtlefs this is the reafon why, 
 in a third place in this chapter, v'lz^. in 
 f. 31. that fame land which is call'd the 
 land of Setr^ f. 30. and is (aid to have 
 had Dukes of Seir in it, is alfo faid in 
 the next verfe to be now call'd Edom, and 
 to have had kings in it before any lyings 
 reign'd over Ifrael. The name of Edom 
 was more known than Seir. 
 
 Now we cannot conclude by Mofcs\ 
 calling this land the land of Edom^ i. e. 
 of Edomitesj wheii he fpeaks of kings 
 there, that therefore thefe kings reign'd 
 over tiie Edom'ttes^ becaufe he often de- 
 fcrihes places by the names that vrere 
 afterwards given them, and were more 
 known to the Jews^ ufing a figure call'd 
 Trolepjis. 
 
 So he calls that the country of the 
 Amalekites^ Gen. xiv. 7. which was not 
 then inhabited by Amalekites^ when Che- 
 derlaomer invaded and over-ran it. Ama- 
 lek was not then born, but his poflerity 
 dwelt there afterwards , and the Je^iDs. 
 underftood what country he meant by the 
 name of the Amalekites country. So a!fo 
 he fays, Gejt. xxxi. 21. that Jacob flying 
 from Labauj fet his face towards Mount 
 B 3 Cilead,
 
 6 Discourse ^;^ Gen. xxxvi. 
 Gilead. That name was not then giyea 
 to that Mountain, but it was given after- 
 wards, as appears by Sf. 47. of that chap- 
 ter. But he calls it fo before, becaufe 
 the place tqwards which he fled, would 
 be thereby beft underilood by his rea- 
 ders. There are many examples of this 
 kind, both in facred and profane writers. 
 
 This being premised, i affirm concern- 
 ing the perfons fpoken of in the fecond 
 part of this chapter, that they are all Ho- 
 rites ^ both the Dukes and the Kings, 
 from f. 2o. to the end oif. 39. There 
 is no doubt until we come to f. 31. 
 But many think otherwife of the Kings, 
 which are begun there to be recorded. 
 
 Firji^ I affirm that it cannot be prov'd 
 that Beor^ the father of Bela^ nor that any 
 of the eight Kings, there nam/d, was of 
 the line of Efan, No genealogy of Efau^ 
 either in Genejis^ or the Chronicles, fays 
 any fuch thing. Mofes hath clofely join'd 
 thefe Kings, as being of the fame land 
 with the Dukes in Seir^ recorded in the 
 verfe immediately going before ; and, in 
 f. 40 he clearly tells us when he had 
 done with the Horites^ and did refume 
 the line of Efau^ which he needed not 
 
 to
 
 Discourse on Gen. xxxvi. 7 
 
 to have done, if the eight Kings, and 
 Eeor, the Father of the firft of them, had 
 been of the fame Une. 
 
 This argument juftly requires that thofe, 
 who affirm thefq eight Kings, with whom 
 Beor^ the Father of Bela^ muft be join'd, 
 to be all nme of them Edomites, ihould bring 
 proof of it. Affirmantts eft frobare. But 
 no fuch affirmation can be prov'd out of 
 the divine records. I know what is of- 
 fered towards it, and could eafily fliew 
 the infufficiency thereof; but I delight 
 not to fliew the tveaknefs of other men's 
 arguments, and chufe therefore rather to 
 propofe to the reader's confideration that 
 which moil convinces me , that there is 
 no probability, much lefs any neceffity of 
 admitting thefe nine fucceffions into the 
 line of EfaUy over and above thofe fuc- 
 ceffions which Alofes doth exprefly own 
 to have been in the line of this twin bro- 
 ther of Jacob. 'Tis this. 
 
 I find the fucceffions m thefe two lines, 
 that are clearly own'd by Alo/esj to be 
 jutt equal. Thus : 
 
 Jacobs EfaUy 
 
 Levij ELiphaz^
 
 8 Discourse 6?;^ Gen. xxxvi. 
 
 Cohathy Teman, 
 
 Amram^ Timnah, or any other of 
 thofe eleven in f. 40. to 43. 
 
 Mofes^ The King of Edom, to 
 
 whom Mofes fent an embafly for paflTage, 
 Num. XX. 14. 
 
 'Tis true, that Efau married two wives, 
 above thirty years fooner than Jacob mar- 
 ried ; but the ilTue of thofe marriages 
 does not appear. And Eliphaz^ men- 
 tioned as the firft-born Son of Efatt, came 
 of Adah^ who doth not appear to be foon- 
 er married than Leah^ the Wife of Ja- 
 cob. 
 
 This exception, againft the parallel of 
 the lines of thefe twin brothers, being re- 
 moved, I proceed to obferve, that the lives 
 of Jacob., and of Efau^ and of the iflTue 
 of each of them, in the interval between 
 their birth, and the time of Mofes\ death, 
 were, near upon, of a like length. We 
 cannot pretend to exaftnefs in this cafe, 
 wherein neither Efau\ time of death, nor 
 that of any in his line, is given in Scrip- 
 ture ; but a near approach to it is fuiii- 
 cient to my purpofes. Now we may 
 make fuch an approach by help of the 
 
 length
 
 Discourse on Gen. xxxvi. p 
 
 length of the lines of all Jacob\ ilFue to 
 Mofes inclufively, becaufe they are all de- 
 ducible from what Mofes hath recorded. 
 
 For, the whole interval between Jacobs 
 Birth, J. M. xi68, and Mofeis Death, 
 y/. AI, 2553, is found by fubduftion to be 
 385-; and we may reafonably fuppofe fo 
 many years between EJaii^ birth, and 
 the death of that King of Edom^ with 
 whom Mofes treated for paflage, who is 
 the lalt of Efdu\ ifTue, in the parallel 
 foregoing. In thefe years Jac:jb had only 
 in the line of his Son Lev't^ which is ex- 
 a61:ly accounted, thefe four defcents ; Levi^ 
 Cohath, j^mra-m^ Mofes. And I can find 
 no more defcents from Efau recorded by 
 Mofes in this interval, but i. Eliphaz ; 
 -L. Teman ; 3. Timnah ; or any of his con- 
 temporaries, which are in Gen. xxxvi. 40. 
 4. The King oi Edom. That this number of 
 defcendants may fill up the interval, is 
 certain, by the exam.ple oi Jacob's iime. 
 
 It- feems to mt very unreafonable to 
 imagine, that, in the fam.e interval, the 
 defcents from one brother fliould be but 
 four, and yet there fliould be thirteen 
 defcents from the other brother. There 
 is no place to put in tlicfe nine fuper- 
 numerary defcents, but between Tef?im 
 
 and
 
 lo Discourse on Gen. xxxvi. 
 
 and Timnath ; fo they mult all derive 
 from Teman ; even Jobabj the fon of Ze- 
 rah^ of Bozrah ; and yet neither Beor, 
 fior Bela^ nor Jobab^ nor any other of 
 them is in Scripture own'd to derive from 
 him. 
 
 From thefe confiderations I cannot 
 chufe, but I muft conclude, that all thefe 
 Kings reign'd over the Horites in that 
 land, which is calFd the land of Seir^ 
 f. 30. as well as it's caird the land of 
 Edom, 3^. 31. And, it is certain that the 
 Horites were the pofTeflbrs of this land 
 of Seir long before Efau\ time, much 
 more before his Sons became Dukes there. 
 Gen. xiv. 6. But afterwards Efau\ Fa- 
 mily fubdued them, and poffefs'd and go- 
 vern'd this country ; and fo it became the 
 land of Edom^ T>eut, ii. iz, 2x, 
 
 This leads me to the third part of this 
 chapter, under our confideration, which 
 contains only another fucceflion of Dukes ; 
 all which are affirm'd to have had fa- 
 milies, pofTeiTions, and governments here. 
 There are eleven of them in number. 
 Kenaz and Teman have names, agreeing 
 with the names of that fucceflion, which 
 is mention'd in the firit part of the chap- 
 ter ; but we have no ireafon to beheve 
 
 that
 
 Discourse on Gek. xxxvL n 
 
 chat they are the fame perfons, becaufe 
 it's ufual for Ibme, in every generation, to 
 take up the names of their anceitors. Bur, 
 in this cafe, there feems to be the inter- 
 vention of much time, and a long war, to 
 fubdue the old inhabitants, fo far, that no 
 Horites in this race appear to be Dukes, 
 join'd with thefe defcendents frorn Efau^ 
 in the government of the land. 
 
 Thefe I reckon to be contemporaries 
 with Amram^ of Jacob's line, as the other 
 mix'd Dukes were, near the matter, con- 
 temporary with Cohath, And, becaufe 
 there are juit eleven of this fecond race of 
 Dukes, as we numbred eleven of Efius 
 grandchildren in the lirft race of Edomite 
 Dukes ; I think we may reafonably judge 
 that they are the heirs of them, of the 
 iirit race , and confequently the great 
 grandchildren of Efatt^ Mofes aiTuring us 
 that they all fprang from him. I will fet 
 them down with numbers prefixed as I did 
 in the firit race. i. Ttmnah ; -l. Alvah ; 
 3. Jetheth ; 4. Aho lib amah ; 5*. Elah ; 6. 
 Ttnon ; 7. Kenaz> ; 8. Teman ; 9. Mibzar ; 
 10, Magdiel '^ 11. Iratn. And thefe feem 
 to be recorded, becaufe in them the Ari- 
 Itocrafy was ended , as the tirlt race of 
 Dukes began it, 
 
 Kaying
 
 ^^ Discourse ^;^ Gen. xxxvi. 
 
 Having thus declar'd my opinion con^ 
 cerning the three parts of this chapter, the 
 times, when thefe things here fpoken of 
 were done, remain to be enquired into ; 
 altho' we can hope only to find an ap- 
 proach to them, nothing being given where- 
 by they may be exaflly determined. 
 
 The beft method that 1 can find, is tQ 
 begin with the laft of Edom\ Family, 
 mentioned by us, that is, with that name- 
 lefs King of Edom^ to whom Mofes fent 
 an embafly, when he was near his death. 
 This time is determin'd in Armagh's An- 
 nals^ to be A. M. 25-5-3 ; and his reign, I 
 fuppofe, concurrent with Mofiss^ which 
 began juft forty years before, at his depar- 
 fure out of Egypt ; deduft forty there re- 
 mains A. M. xfis ; that was the year of 
 Ifraefs Exodus^ in which Mofis makes 
 the laft mention of Dukes then expiring ; 
 it being the beginning of the new Mo- 
 narchy, muft be the end of the Arifto- 
 crafy, under the fecond race of Dukes. 
 
 Mofes fays, Exod, xv. 14. ^c. that the 
 neighbouring people, and particularly the 
 "Dukes of Edom fhall he amaz"d\ when 
 they fhall hear of the march of the Ifra- 
 lites out oi Egypt. It is plain, therefore, 
 that Dukes were their governors at the 
 Exodus ; and 'tis moft probable, that about 
 
 th*a£
 
 Discourse on Gen. xxxvi. 13 
 
 that time they alter'd their form of go- 
 vernment, and fet up a King, who fliould 
 take care of their country in danger, from 
 the approach of fo great a body of men 
 as the Ifraelites were. ^ 
 
 We read, Gen, xiv. G. that Chederlao- 
 mer over ran the Horites^ but was foon 
 after conquer'd by Abraham. This, ac- 
 cording to Armagh's Annals^ fell out 
 A. M. X09X. We will fuppofe, therefore, 
 that after this the Horites fet up their firft 
 King Beta. For,furely,if they liv'd fcatter'd 
 without a King before, they would learn 
 by what they fuffer'd in that invafion to 
 make' a King, under whom they might be 
 united to defend themfelves better in the 
 times that fhould follow. 
 
 For this reafon we will fuppofe the Ha- 
 rite kingdom to begin A, M, 2093. From 
 this to the Exodus are 410 years ; in 
 which time there happened ten fucceffions ; 
 eight of Kings, and two of Dukes. This 
 number, equally divided, allows forty-two 
 years to each fucceflion. We pitch upon 
 this equal number of forty-two years to 
 each fuccefGon ; not becaufe we fup- 
 pofe it to be fo in truth and reality, 
 but, becaufe we have no foundation to go 
 upon, whereby an accurate and real divi- 
 lion of this interval may be rcade ; and be- 
 caufe
 
 14 Discourse on Gen. xxxvi. 
 
 caufe ftich ari iinaccurate and conjeflaral 
 divifion may afford a little light into the 
 times, in which the life and death of Efaui 
 and of his Sons, Ellphaz and Reuel, might 
 happen in the land of Seir. 
 
 There is a remarkable paffage join'd to 
 the reign of Hadad^ the fourth King of 
 thefe Hcritesj viz. That he fmote Midian 
 in the field of Moah. Now, by this me- 
 thod that I have us'd, we may make an 
 approach either to the end, or to the be- 
 ginning of the reign of Hadad^ and fee 
 about what time of Midian's age, w^hich 
 we may aim at by Abrahams marriage 
 with Keturah^ this fell out. 
 
 For example, by what I have advanc'd, 
 we conjefture that the end of Hadad's 
 reign, who was the fourth King^ was about 
 ji. M. 2261. Mofes tells us that he fmote 
 Midian ; and Mofes probably recorded 
 this, becaufe it was a calamity to the dti- 
 cqHq^ of Jethro^ his Father-in-law, Now 
 Midian being begotten on Keturah^ whom 
 Abraham married about the year 2148, and 
 being the fourth Son, probably was born 
 about 215-2 ; by deducing this out of 2261, 
 we find there remains 109. This afTures 
 us that Midian muft be fmitten by Ha- 
 dad-, before he was 109 years old ; tho* 
 
 this
 
 Discourse on Gen. xxxvi. ly 
 
 this blow fhould be given in the lall year 
 of his reign, but probably it was done 
 fooner. And this example gives us a good 
 argument to prove that the Kings in Seir 
 are, with good reafon, placed before any 
 of EfaLi\ Family were Dukes there, which 
 we have fuppos'd to have begun about the 
 year 2429 ; fo that we juftly have left time 
 enough for four Kings to reign after Mi-- 
 dian was fmitten, and before the Arilto- 
 crafy under-Dukes began. 
 
 Moreover, upon review of the fuccef- 
 fion, of the Dukes of Setr\ and of Efaiist 
 Family, together with the Kings, who did 
 not reign by inheritance, (no fon, or near 
 kinfman, appearing to come next to the 
 preceding Monarch) but by eleftion, or 
 forcible entry upon the government; it's 
 obvious to conceive, that at the death of 
 Hadar^ the laft of the eight Kings, the two 
 potent Families of Efau and Seir being 
 link'd together by intermarriages with 
 Efau and ElifhaZy would agree together 
 to hinder any eleftion of a ninth King, and 
 to fettle the government in the form of 
 an Ariftocrafy, conliffing of 21 Dukes, fe- 
 ven of Seir's race, and 14 of Efau's ; and 
 thefe made the firft fucceilion of Dukes. 
 But Efaus Dukes being double in number 
 
 to
 
 i6 Discourse o^i Gen. xxxvi. 
 
 to Seh'sj^, would eafily be tempted to grafp 
 the whole government into the hands of 
 their Family) without any affbciates. 
 
 They, like their ancefior E/au, liv'd by 
 their fwords ; and hence follows a war ; 
 the event of which appears in the next ge- 
 neration , which is eleven Dukes of E/aa's 
 Family, without any Sons of Stir. And 
 it is no wonder, that, in this Ariftocrafy, 
 one fhould get fuch advantages againit the 
 relt, (who probably did not agree among 
 themfelves) as to be able in time to turn 
 the Arillocrafy into a Monarchy ; fo that 
 Mofes found a King of Edom^ when he 
 was to pafs by the borders thereof. 
 
 So alfo, on review of the Kings that an- 
 ciently reign'd in this land, whether you 
 call it Seir or Edom, is indifferent. I will 
 add, that my opinion, that they were none 
 of Efaus line, is no novelty, nor fingula- 
 rity. For it was the judgment of the molt 
 learned Jew Maimonides^ long ago, as is 
 own'd by Grothis^ in his comment on this 
 chapter. 
 
 In the parallel place, i Chron.i. ^i. the 
 vulgar Latin tranflates the Hebrew (I think 
 well) in this fenfe. yldad autem monud 
 duces pro regibus ejfe cosferujit. The A- 
 kxaudrine copy of the Septuagint expreffes 
 
 it
 
 Discourse on Gen. xxxvi. 17 
 
 it thus. Ys.cu ccTTiS-civev *AScio Kj Ija-ctv Yiyifj^mg 
 
 'E^dv. Which words are thus tranllated 
 into Latin by Flaminius Nobilius : Mor* 
 tuns eft Adad-i & fa£it funt duces. 
 
 Moreover, I obferve, that becaufe v/e 
 have plac'd the beginning of the Horite 
 Kings at the year of the world 1093, when 
 Ahraham was 85" years old, and the time, 
 or end of the Edomite King, about the end 
 of Mofes's life, which was in the year 25-53, 
 we fhall find the whole interval of the go- 
 vernment, in the land of Edom, which 
 we have confider'd in this chapter, to be 
 460 years ; and we may compare the fuc- 
 ceflions in Abraham's line, which Mofes 
 hath given in Scripture, diftinguifli'd by 
 certain undeniable times, with thofe fuc- 
 ceffions, which he hath recorded of the 
 Horite Kings and Dukes, but hath not ex- 
 prefs'd their times, but only given us their 
 order, and fome grounds of probability, 
 eflimating their times. Thus, when Abra- 
 ham was about 85- years old, he overthrew 
 Chederlaomer's forces, and gave the Ho^ 
 rites, that had been invaded by him^ rea- 
 fon and opportunity to fet up tlmf firft 
 King. 
 
 This, and the other fucceffions, are, in 
 the following table, reduc'd to probable 
 fynchronifms, C Abra-
 
 i8 Discourse on Gen. xxxvi 
 
 A.M. 
 
 2092 Abraham overthrows 
 Chederlaomer, 
 
 iTfi Midian born. 
 
 2 1 68 EfauiaLU^ Jacob hoxn. 
 
 224f '^acob fifes to Laban. 
 2248 Lei)i born. Eilphaz 
 
 probably about the 
 
 fame time. 
 
 Beta ele£led King of the 
 Horites, 2093 
 
 Jobab^ Son of Zerah, ot 
 Bozrah. 213.$* 
 
 Hujham^ of the land of 
 Temam. ^177 
 
 Hadad^ the Son of i3^- 
 dad, 2219 
 
 Kills ikf/WM». 
 
 2265' 'S^coh rettirns to C^- 
 
 2288 "^^acob and £/i» bury 
 
 Ifaac. 
 2298 y^fo^goes into £§;>'/>/. 
 
 ^31 5* Jacob dies. £y^« 
 probably about the 
 fame time. 
 
 i3<59 Jofeph dies* 
 
 238$' Lfz;/ dies. Eliphaz 
 and Reuel about 
 the fame time. 
 
 2429 Co/^d^/^ die9. 
 
 Amram dies. 
 
 2 5*1 3 Exodus, 
 iff^ Mofes dies. 
 
 Samlah of Masrekah. 2261 
 
 £/<?/i^ dwells in •S'tf/r. 
 
 »y<«»/ of Rehob&th, 2303 
 
 Baalhatian of Achbor. 2345 
 
 Hadar. 
 
 2387 
 
 Ariftocrafy of twenty-one 
 Dukes. 2429 
 
 Ariftocrafy of eleven 
 Dukes. 2471 
 
 A King of £</£>«?. 25*13 
 
 We
 
 DiscotRSE on Gen. xxxvi. 19 
 
 We are fure, that from Abraham's vic- 
 tory over Chederlaom'r, to Mofes\ deaths 
 are 460 years ; the fame fum of years mul^ 
 be allowed to the Honte Kings ^nd Dukes^ 
 reckoning all the years of that King, to 
 whom Mojes fent an embaffy. 
 
 Now, becaufe we are fure that fhe feveri 
 perfons in the line of Abraham fiU'd u^ 
 460 years, and eleven in the Horite hne 
 fiird up no more time, it's certain that wd 
 did not make too great an allowance of 
 time, by giving 336 years to the eight 
 Kings, and 84 years to two fucceifions of 
 Dukes, and forty to the King of Edom^ 
 contemporary to Mo/es ; for thefe parti- 
 culars make jult the fum of 460. 
 
 Neverthelefs, we acknowledge, that we 
 cannot determine exactly any of the par- 
 ticular reigns by a number of years, and 
 therefore pretend only to approaches ; no 
 number of years of the Horitesy or of th^ 
 Dukes government, being given us by Mo^ 
 fesy whereupon an exadt calculation m^t 
 be founded. 
 
 Laftly, I notcj that my method in counts 
 ing the times in the foregoing table is the 
 more reafonable, becaufe therein clearly 
 appears a juft caufe why neither Efau^ 
 nor his Sons Eli^haz, and Reuel, are ever 
 ftyrd Dukes, altho' his grandchildren have 
 G 2, thst
 
 to Discourse on Gen. xxxvi. 
 
 that title given them by Mofes^ viz, be- 
 caufe Efauy Eiiphaz and Reuel, liv'd their 
 time out before the Monarchy of thefe 
 eight Kings was diiToIv'd ; out of the ruins 
 whereof the Ariltocrafy under the Dukes 
 a;rofe. 
 
 The example of Efau, who, by this ta- 
 ble, liv'd in the times of Samlah and Saul^ 
 will illuftrate the whole matter ; for it's 
 certain that he liv'd not only when Jacob 
 returned from Laban% fervice into Ca'nian^ 
 and was, as Jacob was, ^7 years old, in 
 the year of the world xi65', but alfo at his 
 Father^s burial, in xx88, he was no years 
 old. Both thefe years, by our accounts, in 
 the table, fall to be in Samlah's reign ; and 
 Efau probably liv'd as long as Jacobs who 
 died 23 If, which falls near the middle of 
 Saut^ time. 
 
 Now, while the Horite Monarchy flood, 
 Efau and his Family molt probably were 
 mere fojourners in Seir^ as his ancellors 
 Abraham and Ifatc were in Canaan. There 
 is no proof that either Efaii^ or EL'jphaZy 
 made any war or conquelt in Se-r ; Efau 
 indeed had 400 men with him when he met 
 Jacob ; but his grandfatheryf<^r.^^^^;^had near 
 that number not long after his entry into Ca- 
 naauy^Qi made no conquelt of the Qanaamtes^ 
 
 and
 
 Discourse on Gen. xxxvi. ii 
 
 and liv'd among them by permiffion ; the 
 world was then but thin of people. 
 
 There was a part of Setr which was 
 caird the field of Ed^m, as our margin 
 well renders the Hebrew word Shedah^ 
 Gen, xxxii. 3. And I beUeve the word 
 coui^try y which is in the text, is not fo 
 good a tranflation as the word field in the 
 margin ; becaufe the word Shedah^ when 
 join'd with a fingle perfon, as here with 
 Edom or Efau, never fignifies a whole 
 country, but always expreffes a portion or 
 part of a country, fpecified or limited by 
 the occupation of that fingle perfon. I will 
 point out a few places of Scripture, where 
 its clearly fo us'd. T\it field of Ej? broth 
 Gen. xxiii. 13. Gen. xlix. 19, 3>^, Every 
 man's field bought by Jofe^hy Gen. xlvii. 
 20. Caleb's gift of a field to his daughter, 
 Jojh. XV. 18. Naomi s field, Rtith iv. f. 
 Many more places might be added. 
 
 Therefore I colled, that in the place 
 where the field of Edom is mentioned , we 
 muft underftand that part of Seir where 
 now Efau was occupant, as dwelling there 
 himfelf, and his family, and there feeding 
 his cattle, as "jacob did his in Canaan. And, 
 in this fenfe, the words are paraphrased in 
 the Targums^ both of Onkelosj and of Ben- 
 C 3 Vzziel.
 
 iz Discourse ^;/ G EN. xxxvi. 
 
 ^)zziel The like habitation, in p^rt of 
 J^/>, E/au's Sons, Eliphaz and Reuel 
 had all their lives without the title of 
 Dukes ; running near a parallel with Jacobs 
 fon Levi^ who died in the year X385', be- 
 fore the reign of Hadar^ the laft King of 
 the Horitesy according to our table. 
 
 At the death of Hadar^ the ilTue of 
 Efati^ then living, had a fair opportunity 
 tp ufe the interelt they had, by alliances 
 with Seir\ Family, and by their own 
 fwords, whereby they were to live, to 
 obflrud the eleftion of another King ; and 
 in confociation with Seh\ children, to 
 divide the dominion over that country 
 among themfelves, in form of an Ariito- 
 crafy , conlilting of the Dukes mention'd 
 in the firit part of the chapter. For no go-. 
 vernment is fo eafily diflblv'd as an elecSive 
 Monarchy, in the vacancy. And its evi- 
 dent, that among thefe Horite Kings, not 
 one of them fucceeded his F;^ther. Never- 
 thelefs, there is iea'pn to believe there 
 was a war, whereby the Horites were con- 
 quered, and Efzfis polterity got the entire 
 dominion of tliat country ; which yet al- 
 lowed at the firll feven Dukes of the Ho^ 
 rite nation. See "Deut, ii. i;.. 
 
 The
 
 Discourse on Gen. xxxvi. 23 
 
 The words, the children of Efau, do 
 rot exprefs that Efau himfelf deftroy'd the 
 Horit.es ; nor can they be appropriated to 
 Eliphaz or Retiel fo naturally, as to thofe 
 who got authority, titles of honour, with 
 habitations, and land of their pofleffion, 
 which are afcrib'd to the lall Dukes, Gen, 
 xxxvi. 43. And Mofes, by his embafTy to 
 the King of Edom^ owns the fovereignty 
 then to be in him ; but it had been in 
 Dukes for all that fpace that pafs*d between 
 the end of Hadar^ the lall King of the 
 Horitesj and the departure of Ifr ae I OMt 
 di Egypt \ anfwering to the diftance in 7^- 
 €ob\ line, between the end oiCohath's life, 
 and Amram's life, after the death of O- 
 
 TRACT
 
 Z4 Discourse wDeut. ii. 23 
 
 TRACT II. 
 
 A Discourse ^« Deut. ii. 23. 
 
 The Avim which dwelt in Hazerim, 
 
 even unto Azzah^ the Caphtorim, 
 
 which came forth out of Caphtor, 
 
 deflro^ed themy and dwelt in their 
 
 Jlead 
 
 HEREIN is prov'd that thefe Cafh^ 
 torim and Thilijiim came out of 
 Egypt, and that the time of this migration 
 was about the time of the firft Tho^ntcian 
 King Siddtis^ who reign'd in Ca^btor ^ 
 which they relinquilh'd 
 
 Mofesy in the words of this verfe, and of 
 the two next before it, mentions three ex- 
 amples in which God's Providence had ap-» 
 penr'd, to root out one nation, and plant ano- 
 ther in its pla:e ; endeavouring thereby to 
 encourage the Ifraelires to believe that he 
 could, and would, according to his pro- 
 
 mife
 
 Discourse on Deut. ii. i^. ly 
 
 mifeto their progenitors, fubdue the Ca- 
 naanites before them, and place them in 
 Canaan^ their land. 
 
 Thus. I. He had caft out the Zanzum- 
 min before the Ammonites^ f. 20, xi. 
 2. The Horim before the children of their 
 brother Efau^ f, ^^. Thus: 3. He had 
 deftroy'd the Avim by the hands of Cafb- 
 torim. I have undertaken here only to 
 difcourfe of this third inflance, becaufe I 
 conceive that the hiftory of the Phoenici- 
 ans in Egypt^ which I have difcours'd of 
 largely in a foregoing Volume may give 
 fome light to this text, by helping us 
 to fome knowledge of the time, and the 
 caufe of the Caphtorim's migration out 
 of their former country into Canaan : And 
 I believe that this migration of theirs be- 
 ing recorded in the divine hiitory by Mo^ 
 fesj will prepare us the more willingly to 
 give credit to thofe few ancient tefti- 
 monies that remain concerning the wars 
 of thofe old Canaan'ttes^ or ^hcentcians' in 
 Egypt ^ that dwelt and reign'd there long 
 before the Family of Jacob came thither. 
 
 For our realbn will affure us that fuch 
 confiderable people as the Caphtorim and 
 Thiliflim will appear to be, would not leave 
 their native country, efpecially fo rich a 
 
 ioil
 
 i6 Discourse on Deut. ii. 23. 
 
 foil as Egypt, and pafs thro' fome.days 
 march of wildernefs to come into Canaan^ 
 to fight for land to live on, if they had not 
 been greatly diftrefs'd in their former ha- 
 bitations. And I am fure, that other caufe 
 of dittrefs to them, there appears none in 
 the remaining hiftory of thofe times, but 
 only this of the Thmnician war. On the 
 contrary, it's certain that all the planters in 
 Egypt had pafs'd thro' Canaan before they 
 could come into Egypt, and therefore in- 
 tended not to flay in Canaan, if they might 
 quietly enjoy the pleafures of Egypt, 
 Wherefore, their leaving a fettlement 
 which they had there, being attefled by 
 divine writ, will be a great inducement to 
 believe thofe human writings, that inform 
 us that there were great troubles in Egypt 
 aboi4t that time, when thefe nations came 
 to feek new feats in Canaan. 
 
 It's evident that Mofes had no neceffity 
 lying upon him to exprefs the times, or 
 occafions of thofe revolutions, whereby the 
 Zanzummin were ejefted by the Ammo- 
 nites, and the Horim by the Edomites, and 
 therefore hath faid nothing of them ; as he 
 hath filently pafs'd over alfo the times and 
 occafion of the Avim\ being ejeded by 
 the Caphtorim. It's likely thofe things were 
 
 then
 
 Discourse ^;^ Deut. ii. 23. 27 
 
 then fufficiently known to thofe Ifraelites^r 
 that knew any thing of ancient hiltory. 
 concerning the country they went to pof- 
 fefs. It was fufficient to his purpofe, by 
 thefe examples, to prove that the Cana- 
 anites were not invincible, and that there- 
 fore they had reafon enough to believe 
 that God, according to his promife, could, 
 and would caft out thefe remainders of 
 them before them. Wherefore, we alfo 
 may juflly feek for the time, and occafion 
 of this migration of the Caphtorm into the 
 country oi \}i\^ Avim, out of other records 
 of antiquity, as the I/raelites did in thefe 
 cafes, wherein Mofes^ by his filence, did 
 fufficiently refer them to take information 
 from other hands. And, therefore, tho' I 
 could not hope at this diftance of time and 
 place to be fo well informed of this mat- 
 ter, as the Ifraelttes in Mofes% time might 
 be, yet I refolv'd to get the befl intelli- 
 gence I could, by making thefe three en- 
 quiries. 
 
 I. Who thefe Avim were, and how 
 much of the land of Canaan they dwelt 
 
 in? 
 
 1 What were thefe Caphtorm, and the 
 The iftim^ who, in feveral places of Scri- 
 pture, are join'd with them, whence did 
 
 they
 
 28 Discourse ^;^ Deut. ii. 23. 
 
 they come to invade the Avim, and fettle 
 themfelves in their land ? 
 
 3. What was the time, and the occafion 
 of this their niigratjon, and forcible entry 
 into their country ? To thefe enquiries I 
 ihall offer the belt anfwers that I can find 
 in three diltind: feftions of this chapter. 
 
 Section I. 
 
 In Anfwer to the firfi Enquiry. 
 
 I Believe that thefe Avim were of the 
 pollerity of G2;/^7^^, becaufe the whole 
 land, promised to Abrahams, feed, is ge- 
 nerally caird the land of Canaan^ as pof- 
 fefs'd by his children before Abraham \^r\dL 
 becaufe Jonathan Ben-Uzzicl^ in his para- 
 phrafe on T>eut, ii. X3. exprefly calls the 
 Avim a remnant of the Canaankes, Par- 
 ticularly among the feveral families of 
 them , it's plain, that the name of that 
 tribe of them, which is call'd Hivres^ 
 comes nearelt to the name of Avim, The 
 difference in the vowels is inconfiderable, 
 
 becaufe
 
 Discourse on Deut. ii, 23. 29 
 
 becaufe thofe are eafily chang'd into each 
 other, and, in the conlbnants, there is only 
 this fmall difference, that one hath ^/>, 
 the other Cheth ; which being letters of 
 the lame organ, are frequently changed, and 
 thefe gutturals more frequently than any 
 other letters. Proofs of this are abundant- 
 ly given, both by the Jewijh and Chriilian , 
 Criticks, which I need not repeat. It's 
 probable that this fmall change was made 
 to diHinguifh this branch of the HhveSj 
 that was feated in the molt fouthern parts 
 of Canaan^ from that other part of the 
 fame Hivites, which dwelt in the northern 
 parts, mentioned Jud. iii. 3. about Mount 
 Libanus, from Baal Hermon^ unto the en- 
 tring into Hamath, mentioned alio Jof, xi. 3. 
 It's certain, from the text of Scripture; that 
 the Utvues were fcatter'd in diverfe other 
 parts alfo of the land, as at Giheouj not far 
 ivomjerttfakm^ Jof.ii, 19. 2iK. Sichem, near 
 Samaria^ Gen, xxxiv. x. Befides, that I have 
 prov'd in a diltinft difcourfe about the 
 Horim^ that fome of them at lealt were of 
 this Family, and dwelt in Mount Se'tr^ and 
 that the bounds of the Horites touch'd upon 
 El^faran, which we lliall fliew was about 
 the bounds of thefe Avim. The LXX agree 
 fully to this notion, for they tranflate them 
 by Ewct^c;, the common name of all the 
 
 Hivttes.
 
 ^o Discourse on Deut. ii. ii^. 
 
 Hivites. So alio doth the vulgar Latin 
 call them Hevaiy as it doth all the ///- 
 vites. This may fuffice to be faid of the 
 Family of this people ; only I may add, that 
 Gen. xxxvi. 35-. the city Avith is mert- 
 tion'd as belonging to Hadad^ a King there. 
 This, I believe, had its name from thefe 
 Avim^ or Hivites^ from whence the Ho- 
 rimy in that country, were derived. 
 
 As for the part of Canaan^ in which 
 they dwelt before the invafion, mentioned 
 in this text, Mofes determines it by thefe 
 words in our tranllation, they dwelt in 
 Hazerim unto Gaza. Gaza is here fet as 
 the farthelt confiderable place northwards, 
 which was within their bounds ; their fou- 
 thern bounds therefore feem not to be 
 mention'd here by Mofes^ becaufe it was 
 the fame known fouthern bound of Cana^ 
 an^ which was the River SihoTj Jojh. xiii. 3. 
 caird fometimes the River of Egypt^ be- 
 caufe it was the nearefl river of Cana-^ 
 an towards Egypt ; altho' there was a 
 great deal of land between that river 
 and Telujium, where Egypt properly be-* 
 gun : For the land between them was de- 
 fart, and is exprefs'd by the LXX, by 
 doiKvJovy the uninhabited place, Jo/h. xiii. 3* 
 They alfo tranflate the ftream of Egyj^t 
 by VivoKo^ii^ciy J/a. xxvii. iz. making that 
 
 the
 
 Discourse on Deut. ii. 23. 31 
 
 the fame river which the Scripture calls 
 Sihor. 
 
 Now, whereas thefe people are, in the 
 text TDeut, ii. 23. faid to dviell in Haze- 
 rim^ our tranflation (becaufe there might 
 be fome doubt about the fignification of 
 the word) hath kept the original wordi, 
 w^hich the fepruagint alfo hath done, with 
 a little alteration in its termination ; this 
 courle being thought fafeit by them, (as 
 indeed it*s fure not to tranflate amifs, 
 when it doth not tranflate at all.) Never- 
 thelefs, reserving the honour due to our 
 tranflation, I think we may eafily follow 
 the Samaritan Verfion in this cafe, (that 
 ing probably elder than the LXX ) where- 
 in it's plainly tranflated they dwelt in vil- 
 lages, or fmall towns, confifting of fcat- 
 ter'd houfes, or hutts. For, Firfl^ it's evi- 
 dent that the original word T:;n Hhazary 
 often fignifies fo, of which fuiiicient proof 
 may be feen in D^ Cajile\ Lexicon ; yea-, 
 the feptuagint it felf often tranflates it fo, 
 as may be feen in Kircher\ Concordance^ 
 to full fatisfaftion. Secondly^ In the Scri- 
 pture there are feveral towns nam'd which 
 have Hazar fet before them, and moltly 
 they are in the fouth part of Jtidaa, which 
 are all towns of the lefler note ; not onfi 
 
 great
 
 31 Discourse ^;^ Deut. ii. 23. 
 
 great city among them; Hazar- Addar, 
 Hazar Gaddah^ Hazar-Shuah^ Hazar-Shu- 
 fahj Hazar-Enna^ Hazar Hattkon. This 
 laft town is in Ezekiel xlvii. 16. in our 
 tranflation in the margin, exprefs'd by the 
 middle village. Thi dly^ In thofe old times, 
 before Abraham'^ coming into Canaan^ 
 (who certainly came thither after the 'Phi- 
 liftins^ and their brethren the Caphtorim^ 
 had caft out the Avim^ and were there fet- 
 tled in their Head, ) there were very few 
 great cities in any part of Canaan. None 
 are mentioned in this furthell fouthern 
 part ; and it's likely they had none but 
 Gaza^ or very few, but that they dwelt 
 fcatter'd in tents, huts, and fmall towns, 
 and that they liv'd on pafturage. Therefore I 
 chufe to tranflate the word Hazerim by 
 villages, this belt agreeing with the Hate of 
 this country in thofe elder days. 
 
 Hereunto I will add, that the Arabick 
 tranflation doth not take Hazerim for the 
 name of a fingle town, but (intimating that 
 it imports a large territory, comprehend- 
 ing many villages) exprefles the whole 
 country by the name of Rephah^ which 
 feems to point at the country of Rephaim. 
 And, whereas the Targumsj both of On- 
 kelos, and of Jonathan^ exprefs this coun- 
 try
 
 Discourse ^;^ Deut. ii. 23. 33 
 try by T>e;phiah, (which name I find no 
 where but in them as now printed ) I 
 cannot forbear thinking, that the firil let- 
 ter of that word, T>aleth^\s^ by fome mif- 
 take or corruption, put inltead of Rejh^ 
 and that the Targumtfls meant to exprefs 
 the fame name of the country that is in 
 the Ardbtck. 'Tis certain that Raphaa is 
 the name of at leall a conliderable part of 
 this country ; and, accordingly it appears, 
 both in Tliny, L v. c. 13. where he faith 
 that Raphaa is feated inward from Rhino- 
 colura. In Antoninus\ Itinerary^ Rap a is 
 feared in the mid- way, between Gaza and 
 Rhinocolura The fum of the diltance of 
 thefe two lad, which contain the full- 
 length of the country, from the river ^V- 
 hor to Gaza^ which Mofes points at, is, 
 by Antcn'tmts's tables, 44 miles. So Anto- 
 ninus happily gives the length of the coun^^ 
 try of the Avim which we were feeking. 
 But the breadth of it, from the weft or 
 >tiidland fea towards the eafl, I can find no 
 better way to determine than by the help 
 of our maps, placing the towns which the 
 ThiliJ^insy who fucceeded in their places, 
 did hold. In general they feem riot to- 
 have poiTefs'd many miles from the fea in-^ 
 wards, yet to have held more in the in^ 
 
 D land^
 
 34 D I s c o u R s E ^;/ D E u T. ii. 2 3 . 
 land, about their fauth border, than to- 
 wards their northern borders. To com- 
 penfate their Itreights in breadth, they en- 
 larged their dominions northwards to Ek- 
 ron^^^ and beyond it, after they had fubdu'd 
 the Autm-^ whole bounds Mofes hath not 
 exprefs'd to be further north than Az^zahy 
 which is agreed to be call'd Gaza by ihe 
 C^reeksy and. is not fo far northwards as 
 Ekron. 
 
 Now Jntoninus's tables are before me, 
 I will here add out of them this note, that 
 the diltance between Rhinocolura and Te- 
 lufmnty the great pafs into jEgjV/'/-, is Hated 
 there to be 90 miles, thus, from Rhmoco* 
 lura to Ofiracena 24 ; thence to CaJJius- 
 Mons z6 ; thence to 'F eu^ afc'inum 20 ; thence 
 to Teliifium 20 miles. This I note, becaufe 
 I confide much more in AntQnintis\ It'ine- 
 rarjy than in 'Pi/ny's account, which feems 
 to (liorten this dillance. And I note this 
 di fiance, becaufe it will inform us how far 
 the Caphtorim and Thiliffins were to march 
 thro' a defart country before they came to 
 the nearelt part of the Avim's country, 
 which they invaded and fubdued ; tho' 
 this, I beheve, they would never have at- 
 tempted to do, if they had not been greatly 
 diitrefs'd in their former feat. 
 
 I will
 
 Discourse ^;^ Deut. ii* 23. 35 
 I will conclude this feftion with a note, 
 that thefe Avim are once more mention'ci 
 as yet remaining, in fome part of their bo- 
 dy, even in this country, where our text 
 imimates that they were dellroy'd. It is 
 in Jojh. xiii. 3. There God is telling J(?* 
 jhua what people remain'd, and he -rec- 
 kons up the five Lords of the Thil'fl ns^ 
 and then joins to them the y/i^/>/ ; which 
 feems to import that there were fome rem- 
 nants of them among the Thilifi'ns ; tho' 
 they had no Lord of their own tribe 01" 
 body, but were governed by the ThilifiiH 
 Lords ; as kept only to be their flaves and 
 drudges in the n>eanelt fervices : Yet^ 
 probably, they were fpar'd by agreem.ents, 
 made after the conquell of them. Let u^ 
 now proceed to our fecond fcdtion. 
 
 Section II. 
 
 Our fecond Enquiry about Caphtorim 
 and Philiftim. 
 
 I 
 
 Have join'd thefe two together in this 
 
 enquiry, altho' the Tbilijiins are not 
 
 D % mentioB'd
 
 ^6 Discourse on Deut. ii. 23 
 
 iBention'd in the text of 'Deuteronomy'^ 
 which we are explaining, becaufe Mofes 
 himfelf puts them together in his firll book. 
 Gen, X. 14. when he reckons them both 
 among the ifTue of Mizraim ; whereby we 
 are allur'd that they are of the fame Fa- 
 mily, and eonfequently to be diltinguifli'd 
 from all the tribes of the Canaamtes^ vvhofe 
 land, the text tells us, they invaded So 
 alio they are clofely conneded by Jeremyy 
 xlvii. 4. where he tells us the Thilijtins 
 i£)ere a remnant of the country^ (or Ifle) of 
 Caphtor ; which informs us that they came 
 out of the Caphtorim's country, the ifle of 
 Caphtar, And fo alfo Amos iyl, 7. Goi> 
 owns that he brouqjot the Thiiiftins from 
 Caphtor ; which certainly relates to this 
 migration, or invafion, mention'd in our 
 text ; and affures us that they came together 
 in the lame army to feek new feats in the 
 Jlvtm% country, which we have defcrib'd. 
 Now, becaufe Mofes^ "Deut. ii. 23. men- 
 tions only the Caphtorim as principal in de- 
 ducing and leading this colony, and both 
 the Prophets forenam'd give the pre emi- 
 nence to Caphtor^ as denominating the 
 country whence they both came : There- 
 fore 1 Ihall firft, and moll largely difcourfe 
 about the Caphtorim^ altho' the ThilijihiSy 
 
 in
 
 Discourse ^;; Deut. ii. 23. 37 
 
 in later times, carry'd the name of the 
 country wherein they fettled, and became 
 Lords of the five Satrapies, into which that 
 country was divided, Jojh. xiii. 3. Yea, 
 becaufe they had the fea-ports, and coni'e- 
 quently the foreign trade of that country. 
 They were fo famous, that all that country^ 
 which the Scripture calls Canaan^ which 
 was much larger than the Tbilifun\ domi- 
 nion, was by the Greeks call'd 'TaUJiinay 
 from their name, as if they were the only 
 confiderable people in that region : But 
 for this honour they are beholden to the 
 Greeks ignorance of all the inland country. 
 They gave a name anfwerable to their lit- 
 tle knowledge, which extended not far 
 beyond the coafts of it, with which they 
 had fome correfpondence. 
 
 But I muit return to the text of Mofes^ 
 which I have chofen to explain ; wherein 
 I obferve, that Mofes defcribes this vifto- 
 rious people the Cafhtorim^ by the place 
 from whence they removed, as more fa- 
 mous, and better known in his time than 
 they w^ere ; and the name of that then ce- 
 lebrated city and territory was Caphtor. So 
 likewife Jeremy and Amos^ in the places 
 above quoted, fpeak of Caphtor, as the an- 
 tiently famous feat of the Thilijiins. But 
 D 3 now
 
 3 8 Discourse 6>;/ Deut. ii. 13. 
 
 it's a great difficulty to find where this fo 
 renovvn'd place was. Horace'^ faying is 
 true. ' C^dentque^ 
 
 ^£ nunc Junt in honore vocahula. — - 
 Names that are once in honour, tho' they 
 be of great men, and great places, may 
 fall into obfcurity ; neverthelefs, we will 
 try wheiher we can retrieve their lolt ho- 
 nour, and reftore them to their fame. 
 Perhaps the other fentence in Horace may 
 prove as true. 
 
 Mult a rcnafcenttir qu£ nunc cecidere. -" 
 So it's poilible that the dead fame of thefe 
 people, and their country, may be born 
 again, and rife out of the grave of oblivion, 
 in which they have been long buried. To 
 this purpofe we may take it for evident, 
 that this name Capbtorim being in the plu- 
 ral number, is deriv'd from its fingular, 
 Cafhtor ; as their brethren the Thittjiins 
 are from Telijhah^ which I find in the Sa- 
 maritan veriion of Gen, xiv. 6. us'd to ex- 
 prels either a place in the border of their 
 country, or rather their country it felf 
 bordering on El-paran. So alio the Ca- 
 naantm^ are from the lingular Canaan \ and 
 inany like examples may be brought. I 
 will add only, that the Sinim are prov'd 
 denominated from Sin by Bochart. 
 
 It
 
 Discourse on Deut. ii. 23. 39 
 
 It remains ftill a difficulty to find out this 
 place Caphtor, uhich we will now attempt 
 to remove. To this end I will ftimmarily 
 fet down what my opinion is ; i. Con- 
 cerning the place it felf ; x. Coi'Tcerning 
 the reafon of this name Caphto}\ which 
 antiently belong'd to it, among diverfe 
 other names, which, for feveral reafons, 
 have been given to the fame place at dif- 
 ferent times, and by different people. 
 
 I. The place I believe to be that which 
 in Hebrew^ is call'd Sin\ in Cbaldte Thij 
 by an iifual change of S into T. The 
 Greeks call it Telujinm^ and this moft fre- 
 quently ; out of the ruins of which fofe 
 Tamiathos^ T ami at a , by the Arabians^ and 
 our modern writers, from them it's now 
 call'd T)amiata^ (landing not far from the 
 old place of Telufimn^ and now ufually 
 counted as the fame city, ferving itill to 
 guard the pafs into Egypt ^v^'\)\c\\ was the 
 chief ufe of this place. 
 
 This city, w^ith the territory about it, 
 being the only paflage into, and out of 
 Egypt ^ by land from Af^a^ and ftanding 
 alfo on the Tan'itk mouth, or Oftium of 
 Ntle^ was a great pafs alfo by water, and 
 was always eiteem'd, and fortify'd as the 
 great frontier garrifon of the kingdom of 
 D 4 Egypt ;
 
 40 D I s c o u R s E (?;/ D F u T. ii. 2 3 . 
 
 Egypt '^ and is, by the prophet Ezekiel, 
 XXX. 15". caird the jtrength thereof. Our 
 margin there tranflates Sin by Telufmm^ 
 very well ; as do alfo "Jonathan Ben-Uz- 
 ziel and the vulgar Latin. Tlutarch in- 
 timates this town to be built before the 
 death of Ofiris^ that is, M'lzraim, who 
 was carry'd out of Egypt by the Tanitic 
 mouth, or OJlmm oi Nile^ nam'd from that 
 town, as then built ; and alfo more exprefly 
 he affirms Telufium to be built by the God- 
 defs /7&, the wife of OJiris, Many more 
 authorities might be added to pfove the 
 antiquity and great importance of this city 
 to that whole kingdom ; hut this does only 
 lead the way to my proofs, that this, with 
 its territory, is truly the Caphtor whicl^ 
 we feek. 
 
 My firft argument to prove this, is frorn 
 the Arabtck tranflation of the Tentateuch^ 
 (which the moft learned D'. Tocock owns, 
 and proves to be made by Rabbi Saadias^, 
 about 900 years after Christ's birth;) 
 both in Gin. x. and in our text, the Cafh-* 
 torim are tranflarcd the men of T>amiata, 
 And Cciphror, in our text, is exprefly tran- 
 flated T>amiata^ which (ignifies this pafTage 
 Into Egypt^ and the people or country 
 about it. ' ' 
 
 Now,
 
 Discourse on Dfut. ii. 23. 41 
 
 Now, ahho' Saadi^s^ was a very learned 
 Jew^ well skiird, both in the Scripture, 
 and the traditions of the Jews^ being one 
 of their great Dodors at Sorah, a Je^jiilh 
 academy, of the rank call'd Geo-im, or the 
 excellent ; yet I know that many will op- 
 pofe to him the Septuagint\ tranflating, in 
 our text, the word Cafhtor by Cappadocia-y 
 and the Targums^ and others that follow 
 them. To which I anfwer, i That both 
 the Septuagint^ and the vulgar Latin which 
 here follows them, do not well agree with 
 themfelves ; for in Gen. x. 14. they do not 
 translate Cafhtorim by Cappadoc'tans, but 
 keep to the Hebrew^ being doubtful, or 
 unudlling to tranflate it. 
 
 -L. D'. Light foot y in his Chorographical 
 Decad, before his Comment on St. Mayk^ 
 % 1. where he propounds dcTelu/io paucay 
 hath fuggefted an obfervation about the 
 Jews notion of Cappadocia ; which does 
 not only fliew that they meant not thereby 
 Cappadocia in Jlfia the Lefs^ as the Greeks 
 do when they ufe that word, but that con- 
 ftantly they ufe it for TDamiatay or 'Tdu- 
 fium. Now this fliews not only that thofe 
 miftake their meaning who underftand 
 them in the Greeks lenfe, but brings all 
 ihe Jewijh authority, among which the 
 
 Septth
 
 41 Discourse ^/^DEUT.ii. 23. 
 
 Septudgint muft be reckon'd to my fide : 
 And this he proves from the clear words 
 ofMamonides, and oi Kmichi, citing the 
 judgment of Rabbi Saadias, Therefore 
 Bochart J who cites thofe that tranflate 
 Caphtor by Cappadocta^ as if they meant it 
 otherwife, hath miftaken their fenfe. The 
 "J^ws often difguife names to hide their 
 meaning from the Gentiles : Yet they know 
 that their brethren would underfhnd their 
 fenfe. So they often call Rome Edom^ yet do 
 not mean the country about mount Seir ; 
 and they often exprefs us Chriitians by the 
 name of Chuthites^ or Ctifhites^ yet don't 
 think us defcended from Chtith^ nor that 
 we live in Afia. So they callM their ene- 
 mies the Caphtortm , C-pp^idoctans , tho' 
 they knew they liv'd at the entrance of 
 Egypt', only for a little agreement in the 
 firit fyllable of the names, and to exprefs 
 them by a name that was odious among 
 them, as the names of the Edomites and 
 Qithites are. 
 
 Wherefore I give great credit to Mai- 
 monides in this cafe, both becaufe he w^as 
 an Egyptian born, and bred there, and 
 could not be ignorant by what names the 
 Jews caird the neareft parts of that coun- 
 try to Canaan ; and alfo, becaufe herein he 
 doth not declare his own fingle opinion in 
 
 aphilo-
 
 D IS COURSE ^;^ Dfut. ii. 23. 43 
 
 a philofophical matter, wherein he fome- 
 times took Hberty to depart from the 
 common opinion of his brethren the Je'-c.Sj 
 but plainly declares only what w^as the 
 true fenfe of a Talmudical word, w^herein 
 we are fure he was not lingular, but agreed 
 with Sc/adias, who liv'd before him. 
 
 My fecond argument to prove thar the 
 Caphtorim dwelt in Egypt, and probably 
 in the nearelt part of it to Canaan , is 
 founded in Mofes's exprefs affirmation , 
 that they were defcended from Mizra'm^ 
 w^hom all confefs to have fettled there, and 
 there to have reign'd over his own iliue, 
 together with fuch others as followed his 
 conduct thither. No remoter p.rt of 
 Egyptt or Afrtcay is recorded in any an- 
 tient author to have been the fc at of thefe 
 people ; this part near Teltt/ium wou'd 
 fooner than any remoter part, invite and 
 enable them to remove into Canaan^ a 
 neighbouring country, if they could not 
 fafely or quietly (lay in their firil fettle- 
 ment. 
 
 And I fliall eafily fliew that this part of 
 Egypt was moil infelled by thefe Cana- 
 anites^ who made long war, and reign'd 
 fix fucceffions in Egypt : Becaufe this pafs 
 between Canaan and Egypt w^as neceilary 
 
 for
 
 44 Discourse 6?;^ Deut. ii. 23. 
 for them to hold, that thereby they might 
 give entrance to fuch fuccours as they 
 might need from the Canaanites^ their bre- 
 thren fettled in Canaan ; and, aifo, that 
 this way they might have a fafe retreat to 
 go back to their brethren in Canaan^ if 
 they fhould be forc'd to quit the poiTeflion 
 of Egypt^ which they had gain'd, as it 
 appears by the hiftory that they did when 
 they were diftrefs'd by Amofis, 
 
 Befides this, it's evident that thefe Egyp- 
 tian inhabitants, about this pafs, being for 
 thefe reafons ejefted by the Canaanites, in- 
 vading their country, had great reafon ra- 
 ther to remove into a quieter place in Ca- 
 fiaan^ where they were likely to meet with 
 little oppofition by the inhabitants of un- 
 wall'd villages, (the Hazerim in the text) 
 than to feek new feats in Egypt^ where 
 the Canaanites were for a long time victo- 
 rious, and had taken Memphus itfelf. 
 
 They might alfo be mov'd to avenge 
 themfelves on the Avlm in Canaan^ as the 
 kindred of thofe who had diftrefs'd them 
 in Egypt^ and might alfo hope to draw 
 back the conquering Canaanites^ from pro- 
 fecuting their vidories fo as to prels into 
 the upper Egypt ^ left they fhould take 
 T)iofpGhs itfelf, which we find they did 
 
 not
 
 Discourse on Deijt. ii. 23. 45^ 
 
 Jiot conquer, but fet up their kingdom in 
 the Lower Egypt^ which they held above 
 200 years ; and then were forc'd out of it, 
 and returned into Canaan. 
 
 For thefe realbns, confider'd together 
 with what I have faid before, I beUcve that 
 the Egyptians^ planted near this pals and ap- 
 pointtd to defend it, were the Ca^btvrim^ 
 mention 'd by Mofes in the text ; yet I deny 
 not that others of that then diltreis'd coun» 
 try might join with them in that migration. 
 None could hinder thefe from going out5be- 
 caufe the command of the palFage w^as in 
 their own hands. 1 he Canaanites (as we 
 have ellewhere fliew'd) were within Egypt 
 before the war began, and had been al- 
 lowed to help to people the country, as 
 friends defcended from Canaan^ the bro- 
 ther of Mizrairn. But this war was be- 
 gun on delign to get the fovereignty into 
 their own hands. Wherefore, as it was 
 neceffary for them to be mailers of this 
 pafs, fo it was neceffary for thofe Egyp- 
 tians, that Hiould have defended it, w^hen 
 they were overpowered by the Canaanites, 
 to fly out of Egypt, and get thro' the de- 
 fart near them into Canaan^ the next coun- 
 try, where they might hope to dwell com- 
 fortably ; and the paffage or diilance be- 
 tween
 
 4^ Discourse on Deut. ii. 23. 
 
 X\s!^<:m: f^ eiufium and Rhinocolura^ was buc 
 ninety Imiles, by the longclt reckoning ; and 
 it was not very hard to provide themfelves 
 of*neceflary food and water to lupporc 
 them, till rhey came thither. 
 
 3. Snppoiing (that which is agreed by 
 the learned Bocbart. and all others that I 
 know of) that theie Caphtorim and Thi- 
 liflins were firil fettled with their father 
 Mtzraim in Egypt^ I argue, that it w^as 
 not polFible, or at lead in no degree pro- 
 bable, that they ihould have gone out from 
 thence into Colchis and O^ppadocia, in any 
 time between the death of Mizraim^ and 
 the time when Abraham came into Canaan^ 
 and there found the Thilift'ms fettled in 
 the Avtm\ country, and fojourn'd among 
 them, Gen, xxi. 34. 
 
 It's clear that Abraham was there, about 
 Gerar and Beerjheha^ when Ifaac was 
 born : At Gerar in the year of the world 
 2107 ; and Tfaac was born the next year 
 aio8, according to the Hebrew chrono- 
 logy, well Hated in Ai^m^gh's Annals. The 
 text faith, that there he fojourn'd a long 
 time ; but how long before the league with 
 Abmelech. there mention'd, is not expfef- 
 fed ; only it's certain, that he had been 
 there fo long, that Ablmekch and Thicol 
 
 had
 
 Discourse ^^/ Deut. ii. 23. 47 
 had opportunity to fee that God was with 
 him (or that he proiper'd eminentlyj in all 
 that he did. 
 
 The time of Mizraitns death is not fa 
 certain, being not determin'd by Mofes ; but 
 \ve have in the former volume determin'd it 
 by help of other authors Now, all the time, 
 from Mizraim\ death to Abrahams league 
 with Abimelccby and long (about 70 years) 
 after, till near the time ot his death, A M. 
 2183, w.e have prov'd, that efpecially the 
 Lower Egypt, out of which the Caphtorim 
 muft come, (if ever they went to Cappa- 
 docia) was harafs'd with perpetual wars of 
 the Cafiaanites upon them, in the reign of 
 their fix kings ; and, they all that time kept 
 the pafs, by which only it was poffible to 
 go out oi Egypt into AJia ; and Jofephns af- 
 fures us it was call'd by them Abaris^ w^hich 
 is a Canaamtijh^ or Hth^ew word, fignify- 
 ing the pafs n^i^ : And he informs us alio, 
 that, in relation to thofe difmal times to 
 Egypt, it was call'd Setbron^ and "V'fbs 
 Typhonia : Seth being (as 'Tint arch affures 
 us) the Egyptian name of Typhouy the great 
 enemy of their Gods, or firil kings. 
 
 Now it's plain that thofe Egyptlavs^ 
 who dwelt about this pafs, before the Ca- 
 naanitesj that were within, had taken it, 
 
 or
 
 48 DiscoURisE^;^ Deut. ii. 23. 
 
 or at the taking of it, might, either by their 
 own choice or agreement, go away, and 
 leek new habitations, as the Caphtorm did ; 
 but after the Canaanites had it, they would 
 never fuffer their enemies to go out of 
 Egypt that way : And if we ftiould grant 
 that fome Egyptians did pafs this way to 
 Cappaaucidj let it be confidefd what a 
 long journey they mufl take , thro' how 
 many defarts , over how many mountains 
 they mud go. They mull go thro^ all C^- 
 naan^ and there they fliould meet with the 
 kindred, and friends of thole that had 
 diih*eis'd them in their own country How 
 unlikely is it that they fliould force their 
 way thro' the feveral potent tribes of Ca- 
 naanites^ there fettled in wall'd cities? And 
 that they fliould conquer not only thofe' 
 which lay fouth of Ltbamts, but thofe alfo 
 that lay farther northwards, which Jojhua, 
 had no commifRon to invade when he fuc- 
 ceeded Mofes ? 
 
 Laftly, they mult pafs thro' much of the 
 dominions of the JJfyrian monarchy under 
 Nimrody or Ninus^ or his fucce/Tors, for this 
 contained molt of 2^J?a ; particularly Cap- 
 fadocia^ as Diodorm tellifies, which was, as 
 Jofephtu notes, fo formidable, that Salatis 
 
 the firll Thmician King in Egypt^ thought 
 
 it
 
 Discourse /?;^ Deut. ii. 23. 4p 
 
 it neceflary to fortify this pafs into his 
 kingdom mod folicitoufly, left the AJfyri- 
 ans fliould break in upon him. How im- 
 poffible then was it for a fmall part of the 
 diftrefs'd Egyptians to undertake to pafs 
 forcibly thro', or iettle in his dominions. 
 
 The prudent reader will obferve that 
 the fore-mention'd confiderations are all 
 limited to the times before the birth of 
 lfaac\ in which the kingdom of the Lower 
 Egypt was very weak, and that of the Af- 
 Jyrians ftrong, as we learn from heathen 
 hiftory ; for Mofes did not concern himfelf 
 to write any more of the foreign hiftory 
 than what had influence on the Jews^ 
 whom he govern'd. Hence we have from 
 him little more than this migration of the 
 Capbtorim^ which it was ufeful to record, 
 becaufe it afforded an argument to fupport 
 the Jews faith, and hope that the Cana- 
 anites might well, thro' God's afliftance 
 to them, be conquer'd by them, fince a 
 cqnfiderable body of them, the Jvim had 
 been fubdu'd by a fmall part of the Egyp- 
 tians, (the Caphtorim and T^hilijiin) who 
 yet were unable to keep the pafs, the fron- 
 tier of their kingdom, againft another part 
 of the Qanaanitesy who were feated in 
 Egypt. 
 
 E Befides^
 
 JO Discourse on Deut. ii. 23. 
 
 Befjdes, it's to be obferv'd, that this 
 place inform'd them of the original of this 
 body of men, who inhabited part of Cana- 
 dn^ by virtue of an anpent conqueit which 
 they had made, and fliew'd that they were 
 not of thofe Canaanites^ whofe land God 
 promis'd to the Ifraelites^ but were origi- 
 nally Egyptians ^ whofe land God never 
 promis'4 to Abrahams feed ; and accord- 
 ingly 1 do not find in the Scriptures that 
 the Jews did ever make fuch a compleat 
 conqueft of the Thilijiins, as to root them 
 out, ^nd to becoine mailers of their land. 
 
 But I mult return to the confideration of 
 fuch heathen hiftory as may be concern'd 
 in the enquiry before us. It is alledg'd 
 from Herodotm y that the Colchi are of 
 Egyptian original, and particularly dpriv'd 
 from the Cafliichm^ mention'd Gen. x. 14. 
 vmh intimation alfo, that the CaPhtorim 
 and Thilijtim aroie from them. And hence 
 the learned Bocbart endeavours to infer, 
 that thefe CaPhtorm^ who conquer'd the 
 Avimy came from the neighbourhood of 
 Colchis in Cappadocia : But 1 deny that this 
 will follow, for the Cajluchm might be the 
 progenitors of CaPhtorim and Thilijiim^ 
 (and other people too) and yet might and 
 did remain in Egyp long after the time 
 
 when
 
 DiscouRSK on Deut. ii. 23. ji 
 
 when Abraham fojourn'd in the Th'tltjlins 
 land in Canaan. The Ca^btorim and Thi- 
 Itftins might be gone into Canaan^ and yet 
 leave other branches of the Cajluchtm in 
 Egypt^ who might grow into great num- 
 bers (as Jfaac\ pollerity did) in the fpace 
 of 3 or 4C0 years. 
 
 And 1 am fure there is no hiftory of the 
 invafion of Colchis from Egypt until Sefo- 
 ftris's time. He indeed is affirm'd in hi- 
 ftory to have built a great navy, and to 
 have made a voyage into the Euxine fea, 
 and to have left fome of his followers 
 about Colchis : But his time is belt Itated 
 by the learned Armagh ^ to be the lame 
 with his brother T>anam\ time, which 
 certainly was near the departure of Ifrael 
 out of Egypt. I can allow fuch a colony 
 out of Egypt when it was grown flrong 
 and populous ; but I can't believe there 
 was any fuch colony led into Cappadocta 
 before the Thilijiins were planted in the 
 parts of Canaan^ about Gaza ; (which is 
 the whole bufinefs before us :) and I fee as 
 little, or lefs reafon to beheve that fo early 
 any, who were originally Egyptians^ came 
 out of Cappadocta to conquer the Avinij 
 even in thofe early times, before Ijaac 
 was born. 
 
 £2^ I have*-
 
 ji Discourse on Deut. ii. 23 
 
 I have already iliew'd that the Jezvs^ 
 who tranflate Caphtor by Cappadocia do 
 not mean that country near Colchis^ but 
 Telufium, or the parts of Egypt near it. 
 Bocharfs argument drawn from Side, (in 
 Cappadocia) fignifying in Greek a pome- 
 granate, as Capl ...r doth in Hebrew^ will 
 not prove his conclufion. i. Becaufe there 
 is no proof that the Cappadoctan Side is fo 
 ancient as the Capbtorim. x. Becaufe it's 
 certain by Scripture, that there are many 
 places taking their name from Rimmoriy 
 which lignifies a pomegranate, as Caphtor 
 doth, which yet were not the antient feat 
 of the Capbtorim ; fo in Judab\ lot there 
 is a Rimmofij Jolh. xv. 3x. A Gatb-Rim- 
 mon in '\Dan\ Jojh, xix. 45'. Towards the 
 wildernefs the rock of Rimmofh J^^^g- xx. 
 45-, 47. In Simeon^ lot, i Cbron. iv. 32. An- 
 other oi^Meraris children, i Chroji. vi. jj, 
 
 I pafs over fome other Rimmons^ becaufe 
 thefe are fuificient to prove that argument 
 to be inconclufive. Indeed the whole land of 
 Canaan was a land of Pomegranates, T)eut. 
 viii. 8. Kum. xiii. 23. And fo are other ea- 
 ftern countries ; and cities may take their 
 names thence, or from the Syrian Deity 
 Rimmony and yet be wholly unconcerned 
 in the original of thefe antient Caj?btorim. 
 
 Thus
 
 Discourse ^;^ DEUT.ii. 23. 53 
 
 Thus I have finifli'd the proofs, which I 
 think moil material to determine the firft 
 thing, that Capbtor is the city Tehijiumy 
 and the country adjacent thereunto, and 
 to anfwer the chief objeftions againft this 
 mine opinion. 
 
 The fecond enquiry is, what reafon can 
 be allign'd why this place fhould be caird 
 Capbtor? Which is the more needful to be 
 enquired into, becaufe it mult be confefs'd 
 that this place is call'd by other names 
 more frequently, and Capbtor only in thofe 
 three texts which I have nam'd before ; 
 which all relate to this migration, which 
 we are confidering, and confequently to 
 that time or age only in which it was per- 
 form'd. 
 
 To this enquiry, therefore, I fhall an- 
 fwer, by giving, firit, that account which I 
 think moit probable ; and then, fecondly, 
 I Ihall report fuch other accounts as I have 
 met with, and fliew how far they may be 
 confiltent with mine. 
 
 The account that I think mioft likely I 
 fliall deliver by thefe degrees, i. I take 
 this not to be the common or moft ufual 
 name of the place, but a kind of title of 
 honour, which this place had by reafon of 
 
 E 3 its
 
 54 Discourse on Deut. ii. 23. 
 
 its great importance to the whole kingdom 
 of Egypt^ which I before pointed at. So 
 the Sultanh court, at Conftantinople^ is cal- 
 led the Port So Jerufalefn is call'd Ariel^ 
 which lignifies the Lion of God, in Ifa'iah 
 xxix. I, 2, 7. So T>erbent is call'd Tort^ 
 Cafpia^ or Ferrer. Other inilances of 
 fuch fignificant titles may be found. 
 
 2. That Cdphtor^ as an appellative noun, 
 fignifies an artificial large Pomegranate, or 
 Globe, fuch as antiently were fet at the 
 top, or the head of their noble pillars in 
 ftately buildings; and , accordingly, the 
 Septuagint renders the word '2.(p(^A^dd\Y^^. 
 Such were the heads of Jachin and Boa^^ 
 the great pillars in Sokmm\ Temple, as is 
 exprefs'd i Kings vii. 41, 41. where the let- 
 ting them up is defcrib'd ; and Jerem. lii. 
 2x. where their ruin is bevvail'd. Now, be- 
 caufe the heads or chapiters of pillars are 
 their chief and peculiar ornament, moll 
 noted by fpeftators, the feveral orders of 
 them are commonly diitinguiih'd by their 
 heads ; and they give name and eileem to 
 the .w^hole pillars ; v^hether of the T>oriCj 
 lonic^ Corinthian^ or Compofite order ; and 
 a violent blow on the chapiter of a pillar, 
 (fuch as from a battering Ram in old times, 
 
 or
 
 D IS COURSE ^;^ Deut. ii. 23. Jj 
 or a great cannon bullet in later days) 
 threatens the fall of the whole pillar ; yea, 
 of all the building fupported by it. 
 
 Now, becaufe the well-fortify'd pafsinto 
 Egypt was of like importance to that whole 
 kingdom, hence I judge, that this pafs was 
 call'd Caphtor, to intimate it to be the 
 ftrong and nobly adorn'd pillar, or peer, 
 at the gate into the kingdom, or the cha- 
 piter of fuch a pillar, or peer, figuratively 
 put for the whole. So we put Leptdtim 
 Caput for a witty Man ; and the antients, 
 fometimes, exprefs'd the whole Ox Afis^ 
 (vvoriliip'd by the E<^yptians or Ifraelitesy 
 in imitation of them ) by Caput Vittili^ 
 VTim. 
 
 That this notion of Caphtor^ and its im- 
 portance to the whole kingdom, is truly 
 antient, and agreeable to the conceptions 
 of the eaftern people, is very clear, by 
 confidering a vifion in ^mos ix. i, ^c. 
 through the chapter. But let the reader 
 fird note, that the word Ca^htor is in the 
 original that word which our tranflators 
 have well exprefs'd in the margin by Cha-- 
 piter^ altho' unhappily by Lintel in the 
 text ; therefore I defire it may be read. 
 Strike the chapiter that the pojts may /hake, 
 
 E 4 The
 
 j6 Discourse (9;^ Deut. ii. 23. 
 
 The Seftttagint well expreffes the con- 
 fequence of the blow to be, that the tt^o- 
 TTvXcLj all the fupporters of the porch, and 
 the gates of the temple may Jl?ake^ fo as to 
 fall into ruin. And the next words of the 
 prophet make it neceffary to underftand it 
 fo as to import an utter deflruftion ; for 
 he adds, Cut or wound them in the head^ 
 all ofthem^ and I will jlay the lafl of them 
 with the fword^ &c thro' the firlt ten verfes, 
 but mod clearly in f. 8. Behold the eyes of 
 the Lord are ufon the finfttl kingdom^ and 
 J wtU deftroy it from the face of the earth. 
 Yet he excepts a remnant, and promifes a 
 raijing again of the Tabernacle of David 
 after this falL See 3^. 11. 
 
 My concern is from this vifion, to fliew 
 only this, That the Lord is therein repre- 
 fented as flanding upon the altar, (which 
 flood not far from, but in open view of 
 the porch of the temple, which was fup- 
 ported by Jachin and Boaz^ the noble 
 pillars ; each of whofe heads was a great 
 Cafhtor^ or artificial brazen Pomegranate) 
 and there he commands, doubtlefs a migh- 
 ty angel, to ftrike either of thefe Cafhtors^ 
 or both, (the Angular being frequently put 
 for the plural number) fo forcibly, that 
 the whole porch may tremble ; and this is 
 
 plainly
 
 Discourse on Deut. ii. 23. 57 
 
 plainly expounded to fignify, that, toge- 
 ther with the pillar and porch, the whole 
 temple, yea, the city Jervtfalem, yea, the 
 whole kingdom fliould be ruin'd, when 
 this vifion or prophecy was fulfiU'd. Of fo 
 great importance is the blow given to the 
 Caphtor^ at the entrance of the temple. 
 
 This is the fulleft proof I have of the 
 ealtern notion , of this word or name ; 
 tho' I have obferv'd another example, that 
 agrees well with it, 'in the prophet Zepha-- 
 niah , ii. 14. When he foretells the de- 
 itruftion of Nineveh^ and therewith of the 
 Affyrtan empire , he exprefTes it by this, 
 among other things. That the chapiter of 
 her gates ^ or palaces, Jhall become lodgings 
 to creatures that feek to reft in defolate 
 places. The prophet's word Rimmonmy 
 which is fynonymous to Caphtorim^ is again 
 well exprefs'd in our margin by Chapiters^ 
 tho' Lintels be fet in the text. The ar- 
 tificial brafs pomegranates being hollow, 
 were fit to become lodgings to fuch crea- 
 tures. 
 
 Now, as the overturning and relinquifli- 
 ing thefe adorn'd heads of pillars was made 
 by the prophet a mark of defolation and 
 diflionour that lliould befall Nineveh^ fo 
 
 it's
 
 58 Discourse on Deut. ii. 23. 
 
 it's evident that the ereftion, and Ibnding 
 of them, which he owns to have gone be- 
 fore their calamity, were great figns of 
 ftrength, of a flourifliing Itate and ho- 
 nour. Whence it's reafonable to conclude, 
 the name of Caphtor^ which is taken from 
 fuch ornaments, was a name of honour to 
 the city, and country that bore it. 
 
 The fame conclufion may be deduc'd 
 from thofe ftately brazen chapiters, which 
 were on the tops of Jachin and Boaz ; 
 each of which is recorded i Kings vii. 16. 
 to have had five cubits in height. For as 
 the ereftion of thefe is fet down there as 
 a great mark of Solomon's magnificence, 
 and of the glorious fabric of the temple ; 
 fo the overturning and breaking of thefe is 
 particularly noted by Jeremy^ lii. ix. as 
 importing the total defiruftion of the tem- 
 ple, city and kingdom by the Chaldeans, 
 All which evince, that fuch Caphtors were 
 great marks of Hate and honour ; and con- 
 sequently this name imported honour to 
 belong to the important pafs, city and 
 country that bore it ; and confequeniiy to 
 the Caphtorims y or guardians of this ho- 
 nourable place, which we have no reafon 
 to doubt were chofen out of the ablefl, 
 
 and
 
 Discourse ^;^ Deut. ii. 23. jp 
 
 and beft difciplin'd men of the family of 
 Cajluchim^ who defcended from Mizraim^ 
 as Mofes affures us. 
 
 Having now finifli'd that account of the 
 name Capbtor^ which I think molt proba- 
 ble, I will not conceal from my reader, 
 that I have met with two other accounts, 
 which differ from it ; yet, if they can be 
 prov'd true, tho' there is great defeft of 
 fuch proof, may be reduc'd to a fair cor. 
 refpondence with my opinion : They are 
 thefe ; I. That they worfhip'd a deity 
 holding a pomegranate in his hand. x. That 
 they bore a pomegranate in their military 
 banners. 
 
 Concerning both thefe, w^hich are men- 
 tion'd by the learned Bochart^ I obferve 
 that they both relate to the Caphtoriniy 
 the people, and are not well applicable to 
 the place Capbtor^ which cannot well be 
 faid to worlhip any deity, nor to bear any 
 banner. Whereas the text plainly fays, 
 that the Caphtorims came from Caphtor ; 
 and an account of this unufual name of 
 the place is the thing to be fought ; and, 
 in Jer. xlvii. 4. and Amos ix. vii. the place 
 is nam'd as giving original to the "Phili^ 
 ftins ; but Capbtorm are not mentioned : 
 Nor are they any where in Scripture found 
 
 but
 
 6o DiscouRSE^?;^ Deut. ii. 23. 
 
 but in our text, and in the genealogy of 
 Mizraim, The Thilijiins indeed, that 
 came with them from Caphtor^ are often 
 fpoke of ; but the name of the Caphtorims 
 vanifti'd after their fettlement in Canaan, 
 
 My account of Caphtor fuggeils a juft 
 reafon of this, becaufe after they had left 
 Egypt^ they were no longer the guardians, 
 or defendant,s of Caphtor^ the great pafs, 
 from which place, truft, office and fervice, 
 they had their title of Caphtorim ; but fell 
 into the rank or condition of common 
 Thiliftins , that firft dwelt in the woods 
 and marfhes that were in the country near 
 to it ; and removing thence into Canaan^ 
 carried their name with them, and kept 
 it till all Canaan was f wallowed up by the 
 Chaldaans in the captivity ; after which 
 we never hear of them any more, accord- 
 ing to the prophecy in Amos i. 6, 7, 8. 
 
 But, particularly concerning the firlt of 
 thefe, that they worlhip'd Rimmon ; which 
 word I confefs often to fignify the fame 
 that the word Caphtor doth, I will con- 
 fider what proof there is of this. The belt 
 that I find, is, that AcbiUes Statim^ (fo 
 Suidas calls him ; not Tatim^ as it's mif- 
 printed in Bochart) fays, that on mount 
 Callius, which Bochart too loofely makes 
 
 the
 
 Discourse on Deut. ii. 23. 6\ 
 
 the boundary between Canaan and Egypt^ 
 there was a temple wherein ^^///V^r's image 
 held a pomegranate in his hand, which had 
 a myjiical reafon. Altho' this be not a fuf- 
 ficient proof, yet it deferves to be con- 
 fider'd by us. 
 
 For, altho' this will not prove that fuch 
 a deity was worfliip'd at Tehtjium, which 
 we have fliew^'d from Antoninm\ tables, 
 w^as forty miles diftant from mount CaJJlm^ 
 yet it gives fome probability that fuch an 
 idol might be honoured even there alfo, and 
 in other parts of Egypt fouthward of it ; 
 and, perhaps, alfo in diverfe parts of Ca^ 
 naan^ where I have fliew'd that there are 
 many places that bear the name of Rim- 
 mon, either fimply, or in compofition, as 
 Gathrimmon, Enrtmmon ; and Rmmon^ the 
 Syrian God, is yet more famous, which, I 
 believe, was fuch an idol. 
 
 This idol of Jupiter CaJJltis brings to 
 my mind a pafTage which I find recorded 
 by our Sanchoniatho, or Thilo-Biblim, in 
 Eufebii'ts, Trap. Evang. I. i. p, 37. B. That 
 the children of the T>iofcuri defcended 
 from Thoth^ (probably before he was fent 
 by Cronus to reign in Egypt) being iliip- 
 WTeckt thereabout ; yet, getting to knd, 
 did confecrate a temple in this mountain 
 
 CaJJius^
 
 6i Discourse ^;^ Deut. ii. 23. 
 
 CaJJius^ in thefe cldeft times : And it is not 
 unlikely that their anceltor Thoth might 
 be the contriver of this myftical image 
 holding a Pomegranate. For we read in 
 Eufebiits, p 395 that he contrived many of 
 Cronus^ T)agon, 8cc. And the interpreta- 
 tion of fome of them is there fet down, 
 but none of them relate to the true God, 
 the Creator of the world ; all of them be- 
 long to fuch deify 'd men, as he hath given 
 the hiftory of before. 
 
 I commend the liberty that Sancbomatho 
 has us'd in giving us the interpretation of 
 tiieir myilieal images ; and, in this matter, 
 prefer him before Herodotus and Tatifa- 
 niasj who often intimiate they knew my- 
 ilieal accounts of fuch itatues, but declare 
 th^y think themfelves bound to conceal 
 them. So, particularly I remember that 
 Taufanias^ in his Corinthiaca^ p. 59, tells 
 MS he f aw an image of JMWO J holding in her 
 hand a pomegranate^ not far from the ruins' 
 of Mycenae ;, but he is fo fuperftitious, as. 
 to decline any explication of the myllery, 
 and tells us it is "^^ppyiTiTi^©^ Aoy@-, a isjoii- 
 der fid fet ret. 
 
 If the heathen hiltorians may be excus'd 
 by the obligation that their prieils laid 
 upon them, to forbear difcloling the my- 
 
 iteries
 
 Discourse ^;^ Deut. ii. 23. 6^ 
 
 fteries of their religion, yet methinks yf- 
 chilles Stat'tus^ who, as Suidas informs us, 
 was a convert to chriftianity, can hardly 
 be excused for not telling us what was the 
 myflical intimation of the pomegranate in 
 the hand of Jupter CaJ[ius, But, not- 
 withllanding the fuperftitioufly obftinate 
 filence that many heathens have us'd to 
 conceal the concerns of their Gods, yet 
 others, partly heathens, and partly con- 
 verts to chriftianity , have given us light 
 enough to know that they generally were 
 but deify 'd men, efpecially of the three 
 firft ages after the Flood : Tho' Sancho- 
 matho hath nam'd fome, whom I conceive 
 to have been before it. Not now to men- 
 tion the univerfe, the fun, moon, earth, 
 and ftars, which I acknowledge to be their 
 eldelt deities, TisSanchoniatho alfo intimates. 
 Agreeably hereunto , I guefs that the 
 pomegranate in the hand of Jupiter^ or 
 Juno^ (becaufe when it's open'd, it difclo- 
 fes a great number of its feeds) fignify'd 
 only that thole deities were, being long- 
 liv'd, the parents of a great many children, 
 and families that foon grew into nations, 
 which, they planted in large pofleffions, 
 W'hen the world was newly begun to be 
 peopled ; and were benefa<SQrs to them, by 
 
 giving
 
 64 Discourse 0;^/ Deut. ii. 23. 
 
 giving them laws, and other ufeful inven- 
 tions to make their Uves comfortable. 
 
 'Tis certain that the Scripture conftant- 
 ly calls the gods which the heathens wor- 
 fliip'd, other gods^ in contradiitinftion to the 
 God of Ifrael , the Creator of the world. 
 And, particularly concerning Rimmony the 
 Syrian god, whom I believe to be fuch a 
 one as Jupiter CaJJlus^ and to be denomi- 
 nated Rtfnmony from the pomegranate iri 
 his hand: I obferve, that Naaman^ the 
 Syrian , who had been bred up in the 
 worfliip of him, thought him to be an- 
 other god, diltinft from the God of If- 
 rael ^ and confequently no god in truth, 
 but in name only, (one of thofe that are 
 catrd gods^ by miitake, i Cor. viii. 5'. but 
 really are no gods., Gal. iv. 8. and confe- 
 quently cannot be the true God ; ) and fo 
 he fays, x Kings v. 15'. Now 1 know that 
 there is no God in all the earthy but in If- 
 rael ; and then declares, ii. 17. that he 
 will henceforth offer no facrifice to other 
 gods (titular) but to the Lord. 
 
 Seeing, therefore, that he thought Rini^ 
 mon not to be the God of Ifraely and pro- 
 mised therefore never hereafter to facrifice 
 to Rimmon as he had done heretofore, 
 we may be fare that the generality of the 
 
 Syrian
 
 Discourse ^;/ Deut. ii. 1^. 5j 
 
 Syrian nation thought alfo their god not 
 to be the fame god with the God whdrri 
 the Ifraelites worfhip'd, and who enabled 
 Eli/ha to do this miraculous cure of the: 
 ieprofy. And doubtlefs the prophet Elijhd 
 did, in this, judge as Naaman did, and 
 did believe himfelf to be a prophet lent, 
 and impow^er'd to do this miracle, but not 
 by the god of the Syrians^ Rimmon, 
 
 I might confirm this diitin6tion betweeti 
 the God oi Ifrael^ and the Syrian gods^ 
 from another exprefs judgment df the 
 fervants of the king of Syrta^ who thoiight 
 that the God of Ifrael was tio^ a God ef 
 the vallies^ btit of the hills only, I King^ 
 XX. 13. compared with j^i8. w^herethe pro- 
 phet rebukes their falfe opinion concerning 
 him. 
 
 But I think it not feafonable to digrefs 
 too far in refutation of that excefs of 
 charity which fome learned Chriftians feern 
 to have fallen into, when the^y attempt to 
 prove that heathens worfllip'd thd true 
 God, either in all, or much of their pub- 
 lick woffliip. My prefent concern is only 
 to clear that, altho' I admit Rimmon to be 
 equivalent in many places to Caphtor ^ 
 When they are appellatives, and own alfo 
 that Rimmon fometimes become the name 
 
 F of
 
 66 Discourse ^;^ Deut. ii. 13. 
 
 of an idol, that was falfely reputed to be 
 a god ; yet it never ligniiies the true God. 
 And Caphtor is never found to be the 
 name of a reputed god ; but when it's a 
 proper name it always fignifies a city, or 
 territory about a city fo calFd. 
 
 Wherefore, tho' I will not deny it to be 
 probable, that thefe Egyptians might wor- 
 fliip a falfe deity with a pomegranate in 
 his hand; yet this not being fufficiently 
 prov'd, I do not chufe it as the belt reafon 
 of the name of the country of Caphtor, 
 or of the people caird Caphtorim. I know 
 alfo, that the learned Bochart conjectures 
 that the Caphtorim bore a pomegranate in 
 their enfigns for war, and thence took 
 their name ; but this being, not prov'd, I 
 confide not in it ; nor yet deny it : But I 
 prefer the reafon taken from the head of 
 a pillar, or peer, Handing at the pafs into 
 Egypt before it. 
 
 Before I leave this fubjeft, it will be 
 feafonable to compare Capbtor in the fenfe 
 wherein I have explain'd it, with another 
 name thereof, which is in Jofephus^ againft 
 Apion^ from Manetho. There it's faid to 
 be caird, in their old theology, Abaris^ 
 which plainly fignifies the pafs, being de- 
 riv'd from nD;^ a Hebrew word of mofl 
 
 known 
 
 8
 
 Discourse ^;^ Deut. ii. 23. 67 
 
 known figniiication, given therefore by the 
 Canaanites^ probably, whofe language was 
 Hebrew ; in whofe country we meet with 
 Abar'im, and Beth abara^ near the paffes 
 over Jordan. Eufebius alfo mentions this 
 name out of Ttolejmy Mendejius^ another 
 Egyptian hiftorian, with only a fmall alte- 
 ration ; calling it Avaris, by an eafy change 
 of Beth into Vau^ a letter of the fame 
 organ. 
 
 Neverthelefs, I do not deny that the names 
 Abarn and Caphtor may have been in the 
 ancient Egyptian language, as well as in 
 the Hebrew^ becaufe I know there was 
 affinity between them ; but I leave that lo 
 be determin'd by the farther enquiry of 
 thofe who are better skill'd in Coptic. But 
 my defign in comparing thefe names, is 
 to infer, that the Caphtorim, mentioned ini 
 our text, are the fame with the Avarit£^ 
 the people of Avaris^ and their governors^ 
 of whom Syncelltis mentions a Dynafty 1 
 or perhaps the immediate fuccellbrs of 
 the Canaanites, who expell'd them, as I 
 think I have prov'd. 
 
 Now, becaufe both Jofephus^ from Ma- 
 fietho^ intimates that this name Abaris re- 
 lates to their old theology, w^hich was ari 
 account of their gods, who were their firft 
 F % kings 5
 
 68 Discourse <?;^ DEUT.ii. li- 
 kings ; and SyHcelksy from the Vetus Chro- 
 nkon^ makes the Dynally of the Avarita 
 to be contemporary with the Dynally of 
 their gods ; they certainly agree that the 
 guardians of this pafs, whether before the 
 Phoenicians took it, when they were Miz,- 
 r aim's illue, the Capbtorim^ or julT: after 
 them, the Thoenicians ; both were contem- 
 porary with their gods, their eldeft kings : 
 But the Caphtorim were their fubjefts ; 
 the Phoenicians were enemies and rebels ; 
 either of them might be gigantick men, 
 which, in thofe long-liv'd times, were 
 many. 
 
 Agreeably hereunto , Jofephus informs 
 us, that this fame town was by them calFd 
 Urh Typbonia^ as inhabited by fuch gi- 
 gantick men as fought againft their gods; 
 and near to it, on one fide, is Hero, which 
 Stephanus de Urbihus interprets to fignify 
 the blood of Typho^ who was there woun- 
 ded ; and, on the other fide, towards Ca- 
 naan^ is the Lake Sir bonis, where Hero- 
 dotus fays, it's reported, or there's a tradi- 
 tion, that Typho is hid or bury'd. 
 
 Tlutarch, in his book de Ifide, declares 
 Tyfbo to be a brother to OJiris, fo was 
 Canaan to Mizraim ; and fo the Cana* 
 unites^ as defcended from Canaan, were 
 
 brethren.
 
 Discourse ^;^ Deut. ii. 23. ^9 
 
 brethren, in a large fenfe, to the Egyp- 
 tians, as defcendants from Mlzraim. So 
 Mofesy in his embafTy to the Edomttes^ 
 calls the Ifraelites their brethren, Numb^ 
 XX. 14. Thus faith thy brother Ifrael, ^c. 
 And SynceUus fo calls the Thoeriician kings 
 in £'^jV/i^ brothers, from Enfebitts % intima- 
 ting their relation to the Eg^^ttans, which 
 then was not very remote. 
 
 The fame Tlutarch alio alTures us, that 
 Seth is the Egyptian name of the princi- 
 pal gigantic enemy of the Egyptian gods, 
 whom the Greeks call Typhon ; and it's 
 certain that that canton of Egypt^ in which 
 Teltijium flood, was from his capital city, 
 caird Sethroites Nomus : All \^'hich things 
 confpire to evince, that this place had a 
 great influence on the dominion over the 
 Lower Egypt. When the Thmnicians 
 had taken it, they foon fubdu'd all that 
 country : When the Egyp:ian Caphtorir^ 
 had it, they upheld flrongly their king's 
 fovereignty in it. 
 
 I confefs that Jofephus, againft j^pion^ 
 doth fay, that Abaris is plac'd c^ i/fl/^^or^j' Sc^./rf/. 
 But, to remove this fcruple, let the reader 
 confider thefe things: i. That JofephtiSj 
 in the fame place, doth defcribe the fitua- 
 tion of this .city to be on the eaft fide of 
 F 3 the
 
 70 Discourse on Deut. ii. 13. 
 
 the Bubaftic ftream, or mouth of Nile\ 
 which is plainly inconfiflent with the fi- 
 tuation of Sais , and the Nomus Suites^ 
 as it's defcrib'd by the Greek geographers, 
 and mapps ; but agrees exaftly to the iVi?- 
 pius Sethroites. 
 
 z. It's certain alfo, that Syncellus, when 
 he reports the hiftory of the Thuemctan 
 kings, out of both Africanus and Eufebius^ 
 affirms that this place, which was fortify'd 
 by the firlt of them, from whence they 
 proceeded to the conquell of the reft of the 
 Lower Egypt ^ was in the Nomm Sethroites. 
 
 3. Since thefe authors had feen Mane- 
 tho, as well as Jofephus^ we may gather, 
 either that the words of the Nomus Suites 
 are inferred by an error of the tranfcri- 
 bers or printers, which is the judgment of 
 Sir John Mar/ham^ or elfe we muft con- 
 clude, that Jofephus did not underftand 
 Nomus Suites^ in the fame fenfe that the 
 Greek geographers do, but meant by thofe 
 words the country, which they call Nomus 
 Sethroites. 
 
 This, tho' it may feem a paradox, I 
 think to be true ; for I have obferv'd, that 
 the Septuagint^ whofe tranflation Jofephus 
 often follows, do call Sin in Ezek. xxx. 
 15. (which is certainly Telufnm^ the place 
 
 we
 
 Discourse on Df.ut. ii. 23. 71 
 
 we are fpeaking of, and is exprefs'd fo by 
 the Targum of Jo7tathan^ and by the vul- 
 gar Latin, and by the marginal tranflation 
 of our Engl'ijh bibles) by the name of Sais ; 
 and, by confequence, they muft call the 
 Nomus ^ whereof Sin is the capital city, 
 Nomus Suites. In like manner alfo, I have 
 obferv'd that Jofephus cxprefTes the name 
 of Cain by Cais^ in his Greek. And by this 
 expofition of Jofephusy it will be clear, 
 that his Nomus Saites is the fame with 
 what others call Nomus Sethroites ; be- 
 caufe Sin J Teluflum^ and Setbron^ are agreed 
 to be names of the faid city. 
 
 It remains that I conclude this difcourfe 
 about the Caphtorim with a brief enquiry 
 about the Thilijiins^ who are join'd with 
 them by Mofes, as the ilTue of Mtzraim^ 
 by his defcendents the Cajluchim^ Gen. x. 
 14. and are exprefsly affirm'd J^r. xlvii. 4. 
 to be a reimiant of the country <9/Caphtor; 
 and are, Amos ix. 7. faid to be brought by 
 GodV Trovidence from Caphtor. Thefe 
 places of Scripture do clearly exprefs both 
 their parentage and their former fettie- 
 ment before they came into Canaan^ to 
 be the fame with thofe of the Caphtorim^ 
 which I have endeavour'd to determine in 
 this chapter. 
 
 F 4 Wherefore,
 
 ft Discourse <9;^ Deut. ii. 23. 
 
 Wherefore, I fliall here only add the 
 confideration of a palTage in Tlutarclo% 
 myllical llory of IJis and Ofiris^ which, 
 I think contains fome confiderable anti- 
 quities of Egypt^ dilguis'd in the fable, as 
 it's agreed the ealtern people the Egyp- 
 tians and Greeks us'd to do. To which 
 1 fhall premile this obfervation, that it's 
 generally granted that the name of TaU- 
 jiina, tho' in later times it was extended 
 farther than the country properly belong- 
 ing to the Thilijiins ; yet anciently be- 
 long'd to that part only which they inha- 
 bited. See this clearly in Exod. xv. 14. 
 J/a. xiv. 19. Joe I'm. ^. So alfo Thiliftiay 
 wiiich is fynonymous thereunto, Tfal. \%, 
 8 Ixxxvii 4. cviii. 9. 
 
 This being premis'd, the paiTage in Tlu- 
 tarcy^ Itp^T? that's pertinent to my bufi- 
 nefs, is this. Th/it Ifis underftanding her 
 husband Oiiris (Mizraim) to be dead^ and 
 carry d out of Eg\pt in a chejt by the Ta- 
 ni ic m uth j Nile, went in queji of him^ 
 ^nd found the cht^Jt about Byblus in Phoe- 
 nicia , where Melcander was King, I 
 Ji??ve obierv'dj in the former part of this 
 work, Mclec^ at the beginning of his name, 
 to bie an Hebrew ^ or Phoenician w^ord, 
 near of kin to Moloch^ a title of Cronus^ 
 
 (or
 
 Discourse on Deut. li. 23. 73 
 
 (or Ham) Mizraims father ; and that he 
 is plac'd at Byblus by our Sanchoniatho. 
 
 Faffing by many things there added, the 
 fequcl of the Itory, that moll concerns this 
 enquiry, is, That Ifis carries back this cheji 
 with dead Ofiris in it to Egypt, and an 
 elder fin ^/Melcander goes with her. He 
 there fecretly^ or filently^ obferving how /he 
 lamented when the chtji was opeJt'd^ Jhe 
 turns ufon him with an angry look^ fi that 
 thereupm he diedy or^ as others fay., fell 
 into the fea^ near which Pelufium food. 
 Him fome call Maneros, of whom the Egyp- 
 tian fong takes its name. Others fay he 
 was caird Palaeftinu?, or Pelufius ; and that 
 the city bearing his name (Pelufium) was 
 built by the Goddefs Ifis. Tlutarch's words, 
 that made the greatelt impreffion upon me, 
 
 are, TLu txtoAiv iTrcivvf^QV dTT^ oui/rd ycTicQ-etiruv x}zsfi 
 
 In this part of that long myflical ftory, 
 (which evidently contains many other E- 
 gyptian antiquities, which I am not now 
 concern'd to endeavour to unriddle) I ob- 
 ferve and collect thefe hiftorical memoirs. 
 
 I. That Telufium was of fuch antiqui- 
 ty, as to be built by Ifs^ the wife of Ofiris 
 or Mizraim^ ^he founder of the kingdom 
 of Egypt. 
 
 2. 1 learn
 
 74 Discourse on Deut. ii. 23. 
 
 X. I learn hence that TaUJfinus, and Te- 
 Ittjius^ are names of the fame man, or in 
 fubftance the fame word, confining of the 
 fame radicals, like Thilijtia^ and Talaftina-^ 
 words that fignify the fame country, and 
 are only a little different in their forma- 
 tion, from the fame root. And I am in- 
 clined to think that this name, plac'd here 
 as the name of a fingle man, yet denomi- 
 nated from a city or country, that con- 
 tains a whole tribe, or a multitude, doth 
 fignify or reprefent in this ftory the whole 
 body of the people of Teliifium, So If- 
 raely the name of a fingle man, {^ Jacob) 
 imports, moft commonly, the whole body 
 of his polterity, the people and the king- 
 dom that are denominated from him. So 
 Moab and Edom^ reprefent all defcended 
 from them, and their countries ; and many 
 fuch inflances may be offer'd : Yea, all 
 myltical flories will be of no import with- 
 out this figurative fenfe of names ; in like 
 manner all interpret the bleflings of Mo- 
 fes to the twelve tribes, under the names 
 of their fathers Judah^ Levu &c. who 
 were all dead at that time, but their po- 
 fieri ty, and their refpeftive places, which 
 they inhabited, are pointed at. 
 
 On
 
 Discourse ^;^ Dfut. ii. 23. 7y 
 On thefe, and other like grounds, I un- 
 derftand this myllical ftory to relate to the 
 Thil'tjitns^ and their firit feat at Telufium^ 
 in the frontier of Egypt^ where lj?s made 
 her bitter lamentations , and open'd her 
 husband's coffin. It's likely that her an- 
 ger at TaUfiinus's fecret prying into her 
 lamentations, may intimate that thefe Te-^ 
 lufiots more boldly enquir'd into the caufe 
 and manner, and confequences of their 
 King's death, and were more terrify'd 
 wath the confpiracy that caus'd it than flie 
 w^ould allow ; who was molt folicitous to 
 recover the affliflred kingdom for her felf 
 and her fon. For that feems to have been 
 her defign principally, in the voyage flie 
 took to Cronus in Phoenicia ; and, accord- 
 ingly, our Sanchoniatho informs us, that he 
 fent from thence Thoth, whom I judge to 
 be that Athothes, the fon of Menes^ (or 
 Mtzraim) the firit king of Egypt, But 
 it feems that thefe Telujians^ or Thiliftinsy 
 were fo terrify'd at the lofs of their firit 
 king, and the cruel wars of the Thoeni- 
 cians or Canaanitesy then in Egyft^ which 
 attended his death, and probably brought 
 the feat of the war to their habitations ; 
 that they relinquifli'd their firtt fettlement 
 Jhere^ and remov'd to the fea-coalts of Ca- 
 naan^
 
 y6 Discourse ^;^ Deut. ii. 23. 
 
 naan^ which we have fhew'd to be the 
 country of the Avlm. 
 
 This is the beft interpretation that I can 
 give of Tint arch's narrative, that TaU- 
 ftinus either died, or fell into the fea at the 
 difpleafure and lamentations oi IJis^ occa- 
 fion'd by the death of O^ris, He was fo 
 terrify'd, as to ceafe to be a fubjeft of that 
 kingdom : This is as much her lofs as if 
 he were naturally dead. And the intima- 
 tion that Tlutarch gives, that others fay 
 he fell into the fea, feems to leflen the ne- 
 ceflity of owning his death, and leads to 
 an allegorical interpretation of the whole 
 ftory. Thisfenfe of this part thereof I am the 
 more confirmed in, becaufe the Mofaical 
 hiftory aflures us, that the Thilijiins were 
 of the race of Ham^ as Tint arch intimates 
 TaUfiinm to be defcended from Melcan- 
 der. And there is no hiftory of any Ta^ 
 laftint in Egy^t in thefe eldeft times of 
 i/&, but only this concerning the Thili- 
 fiins ; and it's but in later times that all 
 Canaan came to be caird T^iUJiinay or its 
 inhabitants TaUftini. 
 
 If this meming of Tlut arch's narrative be 
 admitted, which I think cannot reafonably 
 be refus'd, fo as to make any tolerable 
 fenfe of it, we have then a farther confir- 
 mation
 
 Discourse ^;/ Deut. ii. Z3. 77 
 
 mation of our whole expofition of this 
 text of Mofesj from the confeffion of the 
 Egyptians themfelves, in this myftical Itory, 
 which Tlutarch reports from their own 
 prielts. 
 
 Section III. 
 
 Anfwer to the third Enqmry. 
 
 IT muft be acknowledg'd, that the di- 
 vine hiltorian Mofes hath not expref- 
 fed the precife time of this migration of 
 the Cafhtorim into the 'country of the A- 
 njim ; nor was it neceflary to the end for 
 which he mentions it, which I have ex- 
 prefs'd before. Yet he hath given us fome 
 information, by which, compar'd with the 
 remains of other writers, concerning the 
 affairs of Egypt and Canaan^ we may make 
 fome approaches to the determination there- 
 of. 
 
 For, it's certain that the Thiltftins^ who 
 came with the Caphtorim into Canaan^ 
 were fettled there in quiet pofleffion, be- 
 fore the birth of Ifaac^ when Abraham fo- 
 
 journ'd
 
 78 D iscouRSE ^;/ Dfut. ii. 23. 
 journ'd in the land of the Thtltftins^ which 
 was about the year of the world 2108, 
 which was 445 years before the time that 
 Mofes fpoke of it in this place of 'Deute- 
 ronomy^ in the lad year of his hfe. But 
 how long before I/aars birth thefe men 
 came out of Egypt ^ we muft learn, as near 
 as we can, by other circumllances , re- 
 corded by credible writers. Even in ma- 
 thematical enquiries , when we can't ar- 
 rive at precifenefs, we are content with 
 approximations within fome hmits, fuch 
 knowledge being better than no know- 
 ledge at all : Much more mult we be con- 
 tent with fome approaches in the dark 
 times of antient hiltory, when we have 
 few and fmall records and memoirs left 
 us. 
 
 The beft hiftory we have, that relates to 
 thefe eldeft times of the kingdom of E- 
 gypt ^ is that in Jofefhus's book, againft 
 Jlpion^ where, out of Manetho and G6^- 
 remon^ he relates the Phoenician wars in 
 Egyp^ and ftates the times of their reigns. 
 Their reigns are alfo own'd by Afrtcanu^^ 
 Eufebius , and Sync e Hits ; befides, fome 
 other concurrent teftimonies, which I have, 
 in another part of this work, fet down. 
 
 I ha?e
 
 Discourse ^;^ Deut. 11. 23. 79 
 I have obferv'd alfo, that Mofes^ Gen. 
 X, 17. names the Sinite among Canaan's^ 
 pofterity. This feems to relate to thefe 
 Canaan it es who took Sin, or Telnjiuniy 
 and the country near it, in thefe early 
 times. 
 
 Our learned Armagh alfo hath flated 
 the times of thefe Thcsnician kings in his 
 Annals ; and he places Salatis, the firft of 
 them, in the year of the world 1910. 
 And I judge that the Capbtoyim and Thi- 
 lijtim left Abaris, or Telujium, about the 
 beginning of his reign. For , Jojephus 
 plainly affirms, that he was mafler of this 
 pafs, and fortify'd it flrongly, and had a 
 vaft number of difciplin'd foldiers, con- 
 ftantly thereabout, to fecure Egypt againlt 
 the Ajfyrians, who then were fear'd as the 
 greatelt power in Afia. Hence it muft 
 follow, that the Egyptian Caphtorim and 
 Thtlijlim were gone from thence ; and 
 Mofes aflures us that they went into the 
 Avim's country in Canaan. 
 
 A nearer approach than this I will not 
 adventure here to make, becaufe I am not 
 willing to go farther than I have proof 
 from hiltory. Therefore, fuppofing that 
 about A, M. 1910, thefe Caphtorim left 
 Egypt, it will follow, that Mofes fpoke of 
 
 this
 
 8o D iscotJRSE ^;^ Deut. ii. 23. 
 
 this 633 years after it was done ; for it's 
 certain, by the Scripture account, in Ar- 
 magh'^ Annals, that Mojes fpoke of it ve- 
 ry near his death, which was A M, zsss- 
 It follows alfo, that they had been gone 
 out of Egypt into this country 188 year$ 
 before IJaac was born to Abraham^ who 
 fojourn'd there. And the hiftory, that I 
 found this approach in, doth perfuade us 
 to make this migration yet earlier, rather 
 than later ; fo that it will fall out to be 
 not long after Mtzratm\ death, as Tlu^ 
 tarchfs myllical ftory doth intimate. 
 
 Now I have finifh'd that which feems to 
 me of greateft force to prove that the 
 Caphtorim and Thilijiim came immedi- 
 ately from the entrance into Egypty to 
 to fettle in the fouthern parts, and fea- 
 coaft of Canaan^ and this fo early as the 
 time of Salatis ; I hope the reader will 
 give me leave to conclude this difcourfe 
 "uith fome additional obfervatidns that 
 feem to me not impertinent to this mat- 
 ter, altho' not necelFary to prove rny in- 
 terpretation of this text. 
 
 I. Tlutarch\ fuggeftion, that ^elujius 
 and TaUfiinus are of the fame import, 
 made me think that Telujius was not a 
 name of Creek Original, as Bocbart and 
 
 fom^
 
 Discourse on Deut. ii^ 23. 8r 
 
 fome others would have it but of eaftern 
 original, as TaUJiinus certainly is ; and 
 that, as they are fynonymous, fo they both 
 are from the fame eallern root, v^t^ Tetes^ 
 the fame radicals being found in them 
 both, and the Greeks having learnt the 
 name of thefe ealtern people from the 
 eaft, and not given them a Greek name^ 
 but only added two different Greek ter- 
 minations to the eaftern word, with a lit- 
 tle change of vowels, V\iiich is frequently 
 done. 
 
 Thofe^ who have both skill enough, and 
 inclination to confult D'. Cajtle's Hepta- 
 glot^ in the root ti^Si, w^ill find this root 
 not to be limited only to the Hebrew lan- 
 guage, but to be us'd in the Chaldaa-u 
 and Striae tongues ; and to relate not on- 
 ly to befmearing in dutt and aflies, and dirt,^ 
 from which the Greek words T^'.iXog and 
 ^ccXoi(^eiv may be borrow'd, which agrees 
 well with the dirty fenny fituation of Te- 
 hifium, at the m.outh of Kile ; but alfo to 
 fignify Afertimy patensy adittis ; and, in 
 Samaritan^ and MthlopiCy to import Pere- 
 grination Migratio de loco in locum. All 
 which notions agree very well with Tehi,- 
 Jium, as the great pafTage ; not only into 
 jifia by land, but alfo into both Europe 
 and J/iay by the mouth of Nilci falling 
 
 G ' into
 
 8z DiscourxSE on Deut. ii. 23. 
 
 into the Mediterranean fea. And all this 
 fiiits well to the other names of Caphtor 
 and jibaris^ which we have fpoken of. 
 
 X. I obferve that thefe Egyptian Thi- 
 lijiins^ after their fettlement in Canaan j 
 are found to live under five diltinft Lords, 
 in fo many different fatrapies, Jojh. xiii. 3. 
 Judg. iii, 3. I Sam. vi. 16. Nor do I find 
 them confolidated into one kingdom ; tho' 
 they generally feem to be confederated. 
 This gives fome good ground from divine 
 hiftory to beheve that the many Dynalties 
 in Egypt , which Afy^icamis tells us of, 
 were not all of them fucceflive to each 
 other, which is inconfiftent with the fa- 
 cred chronology, but that many of the el- 
 deit of them w^re contemporary , like 
 thefe Dynaflies, of their old brethren the 
 TbiliHins ; and this may be of good ufe 
 to fliew that the chronology of the Egyp- 
 tians may confifl with the divine hiitory 
 of Mofes, contain'd in the bible, which is 
 the principal end of all that I have WTit- 
 ten in this book. 
 
 TRACT
 
 TRACT III. 
 
 A Table comparing Synchronifms of Canadni 
 Setr and Egyft. 
 
 A.M. EGYPT, refgn'd years. 
 lS^9 MiZrai'/n, call'd Ofiris , 
 
 Me'^es^ "Tammuz. and T/- 
 
 Cabiri dwell at Berytuf. 
 191 1 y1(boihes^Thoth,mt\\suinQ 
 
 rofe 5*9 
 
 1920 Salaiis^ the firft paftoral 
 
 King 19 
 
 1959 Beon the fecond 44 
 
 1983 Apachnai the third 36 
 
 2020 Apophis the fourth 61 
 
 /^ regina^ probably Semi- 
 raynts, 
 2081 'Jamas the fifth fO 
 
 2083 Abraham enters Canaan, 
 Some Canaan'ites return- 
 ed out of Egypt when 
 Abraham enter'd. 
 2131 Affis the lixth 49 
 
 2148 laachus, Ogyges about 
 
 2181. 
 2180 Tsthmofis expells the C^- 
 naanites^^ndi^i^oiins hM- 
 man facrifices rV-H^fij. 27 
 2198 Phoroneus, 
 
 2205" Chebron. 1 3 
 
 2218 Amemphh the firff 29 
 
 2288 Ifaac dies. 
 2298 ^acob goes into E^y/'^ 
 2433 MofeshoixwiVidi&iRameJfes 
 
 Mtamun. 
 25-13 7/r^f/ goes outof £g;y/?f. 
 Amenophis the third is 
 
 drowned. 
 Sefojlris returns from his 
 
 conquefts in Afia. 
 Danatiss brother files to- 
 wards Greece. 
 
 ^fS3 ^'^fi^ "''^'" <jyi''gf«^nds an 
 embalfy to an 
 
 CANAAN af7d SEIR. 
 
 Cronus, that is, Ham 
 builds Byblus. 
 
 Canaan plants In. Ca^ 
 naan and Setr. Si' 
 don built by his fon, 
 
 Canaan'ites and Ho- 
 rites enter Eg'if^ 
 peaceably, but af- 
 terwards make war 
 and kill Mizraim. 
 
 They live without 
 Kings till Salatis 
 was crown'd. 
 
 2093 Beta firf! King of 
 the Hurites, 
 
 2137 Jobab Che fecond. 
 
 2177 
 2219 
 
 2261 
 
 2303 
 
 2-345- 
 2387 
 242,9 
 
 Hup am the thirds 
 Hadad the fourth* 
 
 Kills Midi an. 
 Samlah the fifth. 
 Satil the fixth. 
 Baalhanan the 7th, 
 Hadar the eighth. 
 Dukes of Ejau'nQnd 
 
 Setr\ line. 
 
 2471 Dakes of £/^//s ling 
 alone. 
 
 .5'j-3 Edomite King in Seirr
 
 84 
 
 '^iK<^ 
 
 Notes OH the Synchronifms 
 ^/Canaan ajid Egypt. 
 
 I. T N general I premife, that we do not 
 j[ pretend here to deliver exaft or per- 
 fect fynchronifms, but fuch as have the 
 nearelt approach thereunto, which we can 
 attain in the hillory of fuch antient times^ 
 whereof we have but imperfeft records. 
 
 And I am encourag'd to ufe fuch ap- 
 proaches to truth by the example of the 
 mathematicians themfelves, becaufe, tho* 
 they be the belt accountants, yet, when 
 the T>ata which they have will not fuffice 
 to bring them to a precife determination 
 of the quantity fought, they content them- 
 felves with fome methods of approxima- 
 tiouj which they find exceeding ufeful in 
 the affairs of human life. But I am more 
 encourag'd by the praftice of the beft hi- 
 Itorians, who, when they can't Itate times 
 as exactly as they wifli to do, refl fatisfy'd 
 in coming as near them as they can. 
 
 Thus
 
 Notes on the Synchromfms^ 8cr. 8 y 
 
 Thus Tjionyfitu HaUcarnajfenJis prudent- 
 ly acquiefces in coming as near as he could 
 to the times of the founding of the Rcfnan 
 empire, and delivers it as a rule nigh the 
 beginning of his feventh book ; That it is to 
 be borne with if a man mi(take a few years 
 in the account of times, efpecially in an 
 antient hiilory, that is -continu'd thro' ma- 
 ny years ; but it is not to be permitted 
 to err two or three ages together. The 
 times that we now enquire of are more 
 remote from us by fome thiOufands of years 
 than thofe that he wrote of ; and we 
 have fewer authors to affill us than he 
 had , and therefore we may jullly chal- 
 lenge greater allowances. 
 
 2. More particularly I have plac'd Miz-- 
 raim and Canaan , with their numerous 
 families, as contemporaries, becaufe they 
 ivere brothers , and may reafonably be 
 judg'd to be fent by their f^uher about 
 the ftrne time to plant thofe near neigh- 
 bouring countries, which, in the Hebrew 
 language, bear their names. 
 
 Agreeably hereunto, the two eldef^ ci- 
 ties that Mofcs mentions in them, Hebron 
 and Zoan^ are affirm'd by him to be built 
 within feven years, the later after the 
 former. Hebron in Canaan is firit, and it 
 
 G 3 was
 
 8 6 Notes on the Synchromfms 
 
 was nearer Shinaar or Babel, whence 
 they came, than Zoan ; yet that is in the 
 neareft part of Egypt to Babel. The 
 names of thefe cities favour this opinion 
 concerning their fo early plantation. He- 
 bron imports confociarion, which is oppo- 
 fed to the way of living fcatter'd in tents, 
 as Nomades, 
 
 Zoaii is obferv'd by D'. Cajile^ (fee his 
 Heptaglot,) to fignify a removal from one 
 place to another, and feems to intimate, 
 that the planters having firft dwelt about 
 feven years at Hebron^ in the way to E- 
 gyft-i remov'd from thence unto Zoauy 
 which flood about the entrance of Egypt^ 
 pear that Oftium of Mile that's call'd Ta- 
 niticum, taking its name from Tanisj which 
 is the Greek name, or pronunciation of 
 Z&mj mod known in the Septuagint ; fee 
 Numb. xiii. i?.. Rut Diodorus Sicnlm^ 
 cap. i. calls it 1 honis^ Qiid fays it v^^as an an- 
 tient mart of Egypt. Bcrhart^ in the ad- 
 ditions to his lalt edition, proves it to 
 have been the metropolis, or royal feat of 
 the kings in the Lower Egypt j in the eldeft 
 times. 
 
 I will conclude this note with a proof 
 of the Canaanites entnng Egypt, either 
 with their firi't planter Mmraim^ or be- 
 fore
 
 of Canc^an ^;^^/ Egypt. 87 
 
 fore his death ; this is, during his reign, 
 drawn from the words of Manetho^ pre- 
 ferv'd by Jojephtis in the firft book of the 
 Jews Antiquities againit Apion. ^'Ej^piro 
 (icLTiKdjg Yifjih rif^ci©-, &c. Here he plain- 
 ly affirms the pallors, whom I have be- 
 fore prov'd to be the Canaariites, and prin- 
 cipally Horites, to have enter'd into Egypt 
 diuLccx'^iTi without fighting, and to have be- 
 gun their war in the reign of TmauSy 
 king of E^gypt, Now I believe this Ti- 
 matis to be the Hebre^uj name TanimuZy 
 which was a title given to Mvzraim^ or 
 Ofiris^ and that Manetko or Jofephtts did 
 alter it a little to make it like a name of the 
 Greek language, in which they wrote. 
 
 No man can read Jnfephm, but he mult 
 fee that he ordinarily changes Hebre^-jj 
 names, as much, or more than this change 
 amounts unto. 'Tis certain, that among 
 all the names of Egyptian kings, which are 
 left us by Africanus f or TDiodorus S'tcti- 
 IttSy or Herodotus^ no fuch nam.e as Tima- 
 us is to be found. 
 
 Never thelefs, I do find in Tlato's Thado 
 a king of all Egypt ; I fuppofe he means 
 both the "Upper and Lower , which , at 
 the firlt, w^ere under one king, call'd by a 
 name fo near this, that I doubt not; but it 
 G 4 iignifies
 
 8 8 Notes on the Syichronifms 
 
 fignifies the fame man ; Thamiis he is cal- 
 led. And its known that the fame letter 
 T is in the eaflern languages pronounc'd 
 fometimes with the afpiration //, and fome- 
 times without it, as it is exprefs'd by Jo- 
 fe^hus. Now, becaufe Tlato's Thamus is 
 there reprefented as a king before Theuty 
 or Thoth came to that honou^*, he muft 
 be either Thoth's father, i. e. Mtzraim^ or 
 Ojfiris^ which is the fame thing I aflert ; 
 pr his grandfather, i. e. Cronus or Ham, 
 
 But, tho' I believe that Tammuz, is a 
 title royal, and might poflibly belong to 
 both oif them fucceffively , yet there is 
 more reafon to think, that in the prophet 
 Ezekiely cap. viii. 4. Tarr^muz, relates to the 
 fon OJiris^ becaufe the women are there 
 defcrib'd as mourning for him , which it's 
 known was done among the Egyptians^ 
 and other nations for Ofirk. but not for 
 his father. 
 
 So likewife in "Plato's Th^do^ the cha- 
 rafter there belonging to his Thamus is 
 a lover of moit arts beneficial 10 human 
 life, and a good judge of the ufefulnefs of 
 fuch inventions. This charader belongs 
 to O fir is, as he is largely deicrib'd in T>lo- 
 dortn Skiilus y and more briefly in Tlii- 
 tarcb. But we have no fuch character of 
 
 his
 
 of Canaan and Egypt. 89 
 
 his father Cronus, or Ham, to whom Sir 
 J. Mar/ham would apply the name Tha- 
 miis in Tlato. 
 
 Since therefore w^e have prov'd that 
 ^lato^ Thamusy who is Jofephus\ Timausj 
 is Mizraim, and Manetho aflures us that 
 the paftors or Canaanites w^arr'd in the time 
 of Timaus, we may conclude that they 
 were contemporary with Mtzraim. And 
 hence it may be collefted, that near the 
 fame time that he planted Egypt, fome of 
 the Canaanites might fettle themfelves in 
 Canaan and Seir ; and others of them, par- 
 ticularly fome of the Horites, might re- 
 move out of Seir into Egypt, following 
 Mizraini peaceably to fliare in that plan- 
 tation at firtt ; but, during his life, they 
 might confpire to make war againft him, 
 and to get the fovereignty thereof into 
 their own hands, by the deltruftion of him 
 and his pollerity. This leads me to a third 
 note, wherein I muft prove that fuch a 
 confpiracy and war, as here hath been 
 ihew'd poffible, really came to pafs. 
 
 3. Now, that fuch a war was, and con- 
 tinu'd for feveral ages, beginning in the 
 time of Timaus, is mod exprefiy teftify'd 
 by Manetho, whofe words are cited as the 
 words of a witnefs, moil credible in this 
 
 affair.
 
 5>o Notes on the Synchroni/ms 
 
 affair, by Jofephusy in his iirll: book againft 
 Jlp'wn ; who, altho' he charges him in other 
 things to have follovv'd falfe, and mali- 
 cious reports againlt the Jews^ yet owns 
 fiim in this matter, when he follow'd the 
 mod authentick writings of Egypt ^ to 
 have fet down the very truth of matter of 
 fadt. The fum of which is, that thefe pa- 
 ftors or Nomadesy both before they made 
 themfelves a king, and after, in the reign 
 of fix kings of their own, did mofl cru- 
 elly infeit Egypt y burning their houfes, 
 overthrowing their temples, killing men, 
 captivating women and children, and for- 
 tifying molt convenient places, efpecially 
 the pafs, whereby they fufpefted that the 
 JJfyrians might enter, and invade Egypt. 
 
 Here alfo is the teilimony of Abydenus 
 to be plac'd, quoted by Eufebiusy Trapar. 
 Evang. lib. 9. c. 14. wherein he aflerts, 
 that foon after the difperfion from Baby- 
 Ion, the war broke out between Cronus 
 and Titauy which is this Typhonian war in 
 Egypt, 
 
 Tlutarch quotes Manetho as a credible 
 man in Egyptian affairs, in his learned 
 book de IJide^ & Ofirtde ; wherein alfo he 
 fuggells very many things that prove this war 
 made ^ in the times of Ofiris and IJis^ and 
 
 Orus
 
 of Canaan and Egypt. 9 1 
 
 Orm their fon ; yea, and after their deaths 
 alfo, by OJiris's near kinfman, (he is calFd 
 his brother, fo Canaan was,) and his afTo- 
 ciates, until they were driven out of Egypt 
 into Jud^dy and the neighbouring coun- 
 tries. 
 
 I will mention fome of them: And, in 
 the firft place, that he delivers ; That Ty- 
 phon con/ph'd againji Oliris with j-l aff^o- 
 elates, or ajjijlants^ [worn to adhere to htm, 
 and had the foreign aid of Afo, queen of 
 ijEthiopia. I cannot conceive fuch a con- 
 fpiracy againft a prince, and the aid of a 
 potent foreign princefs, caird in without 
 refolution to manage a war againft him. 
 The names of the 72 confpirators are not 
 told us ; but, by the number of them, I 
 fee reafon to gueis that they were two out 
 of each of the 36 iVi?;^/, or provinces, into 
 which Egypt was divided. I know that 
 the divifion of Egypt into 36 Nomi is 
 faid to be made in the time of Sefoflris^ 
 which is much later than thefe times in 
 which Egypt was firft planted. 
 
 But I have reafon alfo to beheve that 
 this myftical ftory in Tlutarch was fram'd 
 after Sefojiris's time, and that this num- 
 ber of 71 confpirators was then made to 
 exprefs that there were men taken out of 
 
 every
 
 pi Notes on the Synchrontfms 
 
 every province in Egypt to carry on the 
 delign of iubverting the intereft of OJiris 
 and his family in the government of all 
 that land ; which Manetho fuSciently in- 
 timates, when he fays that all the paftoral 
 kings defir'd and endeavour'd to pull up 
 the root of Egypt : And Tint arch alfo 
 points at this when he tells us that Tyfhoit 
 charg'd Horm with ballardy, that is, that 
 he had no right to fucceed in the govern- 
 ment of Egypt. Such a charge againft a 
 prince obliges the accufers to levy war 
 againft him ; and, accordingly, Tlutarch 
 mentions in that myftical itory three fights 
 againll Horns ^ the fon and fucceflbr of 
 Ofiris ; the firfl of which is affirm'd to 
 have contina'd thro' many days. 
 
 This war may allb be prov'd by the 
 difcourfe, which, in that fable, is reported 
 to have been between Ofiris^ coming out 
 of Hades^ and Horns. OJiris asks him what 
 he thought to be the moft honourable thing 
 for him to do. Horns anfwers, to avenge 
 the wrongs fuffcrd by hts father and mo- 
 ther, OJiris then asks him what living 
 creature he thought moji nfeful in fuch a 
 war. Horns anfwers, a horfe. OJiris is 
 furpriz'd at that anfwer, wondering why 
 he did not rather name a lion. Horns re- 
 plies,
 
 ^/Canaan and Egypt. 93 
 
 plies, that thol' a lions flrength i^ere ufe- 
 ful, yet a horfe were better to fc alter his 
 enemies^ and dejhoy them in their flight, 
 OJiris is highly tatisfy'd with this reply, 
 and concludes Horns well accomplifli'd tor 
 the war. 
 
 I took notice of this pafTage in Tlu- 
 tarch^ the rather, becaufe I had obferv'd, 
 in Eratojthenes\ Catafterims, under the 
 conftellation Cancer^ in which the Afelli 
 and their crib is plac'd, that, at the tirft, 
 in the war with the giants, tiieir deities, 
 ^ionyfus , ( whom Tlutarch and others 
 rightly affirm to be OJiris^) and Vulcan^ 
 with the fatyrs following them, rode upon 
 afTes. And, by this dialogue, Horus is in- 
 timated to be the firil that brought in 
 the fight on horfeback. I remember alfo, 
 that afterward, in Thitarch^ Typhon, the 
 enemy of their gods, is faid to have f.ed 
 out of the battle fitting upon an afs. 
 
 The war being thus prov'd, and Tin- 
 tarch having affirm'd that a queen of y£- 
 thiopia affilted the confpirators that wag'd 
 it, I might here conclude this note, and 
 leave others to guefs who was this AfOj 
 caird queen of Mthiopia. But this liber- 
 ty will be left to every reader, if I adven- 
 ture to tell ray conjedure in fo dark a part 
 ^ of
 
 ^4 Notes on the Synchronifms 
 
 of this myftical Egyptian allegory. And^ 
 to make way for arguments that may fliew 
 my conjefture to be probable, I premife, 
 that, in this place, I underftand JEthiopiaj 
 as the Sepuagint feems to life the name 
 for thofe countries, which the Jews call 
 Ctijh. And 1 find in Strabo proof, that 
 Horner^ and the eldeft Greek writers, took 
 the word Mth'tofiay in that latitude, that 
 it took in all the fwarthy-fac'd nations, 
 whether on the eaftern fide of the Meri- 
 dian^ wherein the red-fea was, or on the 
 w^ellern fide thereof Here, therefore, I 
 iinderfl:and the queen to be fovereign of 
 the Arabians^ whom many have prov'd to 
 be caird Mthiopans ; and therefore I will 
 not ftand longer to evince it. 
 
 In the next place, therefore, I will fliew 
 that Semiramis was queen of the Arabians 
 and Mthiopans\ whether we take theni 
 as fynonymous words, which I think to 
 be the true notion of the words when 
 join'd together, or as fomewhat difiinft. 
 To prove this I quote the words of 'Plu- 
 tarchy in his fecond difcourfe of the for- 
 tune and valour of Alexander^ where he 
 takes an occafion to commemorate the 
 heroical deeds of Semiramis ; and, among 
 others, he affirmsj that Jbe built navies , 
 
 and
 
 ^/ Canaaa mid Egypt. pj 
 
 and faird round about the red-fea^ over^ 
 throwing the /Ethiopians and Arabians. 
 
 In this voyage fiie had a fair opportunity 
 to affift the Canaanites^ then engaged in a 
 long war againll the Egypians, near the 
 iliores of the red-fea. And Ihe might rea- 
 fonably hope, by joining the forces of her 
 fubjeds in Arabia to thofe of the Cana- 
 anites or Thoenicians, who were now war- 
 ring in Egypt ^ that fhe might bring that 
 kingdom into perfert fubjeftion to the Af- 
 Jyrian empire, of which Ihe was queen. 
 
 Moreover, it is certain, that iJiodorus 
 Siculiis reckons the Egyptians among the 
 nations that were fometimes fubjed to 
 Ninits her husband, who was now dead ; 
 and hence flie had a claim or title to go- 
 vern there, which we cannot think that 
 fuch a Virago as llie would recede from. 
 
 Ham ox Cronus^ the grandfather of Nim- 
 rod or Ninus^ w^as fovereign Lord oi Egypt^ 
 and fent them their two iirit kings, Miz- 
 raim, and his fon Thoth^ or Athothes ; and 
 Nimts^ as fuccefibr to Ham^ had a good 
 claim to the government ; and his title 
 defcending to his widow, makes it very 
 probable that flie would fend forces to 
 fubdue thofe Egypians^ w^ho w^re mind- 
 ed
 
 ^6 Notes on the SynchroPtifms 
 
 ed to fet up their kingdom as independent 
 upon the J£yrian. 
 
 Neverthelefs, we find in Manetho^ that 
 when thefe Fhoenkians or Canaanites^ who 
 began the war in confederacy among them- 
 felves, and with her foreign aid, had made 
 Salatis a king of their own body, he was 
 not willing to be fubjedt to the Ajfyrtan 
 power, any more than the Egyptians were, 
 but fortify'd the pafs into Egypt againll 
 them. 
 
 But I mufl not digrefs from the bufinefs 
 that I was to prove, viz. that Semlramis 
 was probably the queen that join'd with 
 the Canaanitesy the Egyptians enemies, in 
 this war. Her power in Arabia^ out of 
 which the Horitesy the greatell part of the 
 Canaanites came, is prov'd by another au- 
 thor, Tolyanus^ in his eighth book of Stra- 
 tagems, where he mentions a pillar ereft- 
 ed by Semiramis^ with this infcription. / 
 reigning in Nineveh, made the bounds of 
 my kingdom towards the eajty the river Ina- 
 mane ; and towards the fouth it is hounded 
 by the land that bears frankincenfe and 
 myrrh. 
 
 The learned Bochart fuggefts that the 
 river in that infcription, call'd Inamane^ is 
 that river which Tliny calls lomane. And 
 
 I find
 
 r/ Canaan and Egypt. 97 
 
 I find that river in his lixch book,.r^/. xx. 
 to be plac'd in Inciia^ beyond Ganges : T4ie, 
 Ibuthern boundary being the moft fouthern 
 parts of Arabia. It's clear that all the nor- 
 thern and eailern parts of Arabia^ in which 
 the Horites dwelt near the red-fea, were 
 within the limits of her empire; and (lie 
 might therefore afliit them in the war which 
 they made in Egypt. 
 
 I have alfo thought that the Horites^ 
 being originally H'rvites^ and the Htvites 
 being of the fame tribe of Canaanites with 
 the Avim, who dwelt in Hazerim wito Az- 
 zah, (mention'd in T>eut, ii. 23. on which 
 I have written a chapter, to which I refer 
 the reader) Semiramts might have a peculiar 
 reafon to affift them, becaufe flie was born 
 at Afcalofiy {T>iGdorus is my author,) which 
 is in their country ; which the Egyptians 
 invaded and took from them. But this I 
 refer to the reader's judgment , after he 
 hath confider'd well what I have written 
 on that palFage in "Dent, ii. I muft crave 
 pardon for faying fo much to prove that 
 there was fuch a war of the Canaanites in 
 Egypt ; and it will be reafonable to par- 
 don it, becaufe I believe that place in l^eu- 
 teronomy will be further clear'd by the 
 proofs I have given of that war. 
 
 4. My fourth note muft be concerning the 
 H kings
 
 98 Note^ on the Synchronlfms 
 
 kings plac'd in the two columns of the 
 chronological table. As for thofe of Egypt^ 
 I take the two firft of them, both from 
 Eratofthenes and Manetho^ fo far agreeing. 
 The time that Mizraim's reign continu'd, 
 I take from Eratojlhenes^ and fuppofe A- 
 thothesj or Tbothj to have begun to reign 
 when his father's time was ended. His 
 continuance, alfo I take from Eratofthenes^ 
 5^9 j^ears. But when he had reign'd about 
 nine years, or when 50 years of his time 
 remain'd, viz. in the year 1910, according 
 to Armagh's Annals, the Phoenicians fat up 
 Salatis for their king, and he came to 
 Memphis^ and brought under tribute both 
 the "Upper and Lower Egypty and reign'd 
 19 years, faith Manethoy and was fucceed- 
 ed by Beon, 
 
 Hence it appears, that the death of A- 
 thothesj or Thoth^ was towards the latter 
 end of Beoji's reign ; and becaufe the war 
 was vigoroufly carry'd on between thefe 
 competitors for the fovereignty of Egypt, 
 and becaufe "Plutarch confefles at the 
 end of the myllical ftory, that he left out 
 :)^.fjLiKicrfjLovy the cutting in pieces of Horus^ 
 who is the fon of their firft king, or Thoth ; 
 it follows that the Egyptians did own in 
 that ftory that Horns died a violent death ; 
 and we reafonably believe them when they 
 } confefs
 
 of Canaan and Egypt. 99 
 
 confefs a thing that is not for their own 
 honour. But who put Horns to this vio- 
 lent death, that is, whether he were cut in 
 pieces by his enemies, the Canaanites^ un- 
 der Beon^ or was torn in pieces by a fe- 
 dition of his fubjeds the Egyptians^ I can- 
 not determine by the dark remains of this 
 hiflory. 
 
 However, I thought it convenient to 
 fet in the table thefe two firit kings of E- 
 gypt^ which are not plac'd in our learned 
 Armagb\ Annals ; that there might be a 
 continued feries of the£'^j>'/>r/^// kings from 
 the firfl to the laft, who was drowned in 
 the fca, when Mofes led the Jfraelttes out 
 of Egypt : Below which event I intend 
 not to (peak of the Egyptian kings in this 
 place.* 
 
 Having thus fixt the two firfl kings in 
 Egypt^ we may now look into the column 
 that belongs to Canaan^ the brother of 
 Mizraim, and to his defcendents ; efpecially 
 the Horitcs. And here I have fuppos'd 
 Canaan^ with his pofterity, to plant them- 
 felves in the land called by his name, and 
 in other countries, which they are knowri 
 to have inhabited , about the time that 
 Mizraim fettled in Egypt, Hence it fol- 
 lows, that Mount SeiVy or all the country 
 of the Horitesi was then planted, altho' 
 
 H % we
 
 loo Notes on the S'ynchromfms 
 
 we know not of any king that they had 
 contemporary with Mizratm. Whether 
 Canaan, reign'd over them, or the eldelt 
 Hori from whom the people took their 
 name, or Setr who gave name to their 
 country, were ever kings, we know not : 
 Only Mofes allures us, Gen, x. i8. that ma- 
 ny families of them were fpread abroad, 
 and they feem to be diltinguifli'd from 
 thofe tribes which are dillindly nam'd f. 
 15, 16, 17, and 185 in the beginning of that 
 verfe. To thefe difpers'd families I con- 
 ceive that the Horites belong'd ; and alfo 
 all the other Canaanites^ or Thosnicians^ 
 that went into Egypt^ and are affirm'd by 
 Manetho to have diitrefs'd that nation, both 
 before they fet up a king of their own, 
 which we have noted to have been, about 
 the ninth year of the reign oiTkoth ; and 
 alfo th)'o' the reign of all the fix kings, 
 which they advanced fucceffively, until they 
 were forc'd to leave that kingdom. 
 
 But 1 mud return to the two kings of 
 Egy^'t^ plac'd in the firlt column, and mult 
 remind the reader that they were both 
 deify'd by the Egyptians. Mizraim, by 
 the name of OJiris and Tammuz. \_OJinsj 
 or Ij7ris^ as Sanchoniatho calls him, is alfo the 
 fame name with Mizraim^ when the fer- 
 vile letter (M) is left out ; and I guefs that 
 
 Tammuz
 
 of Cinaan a?id Egypt. loi 
 
 Tammttz was the name given him, when, 
 after death, he was made a god, and the 
 rites of mourning for his death, and rejoy- 
 eing for his exaltation to godhead v/ere 
 fettled:] And Athothes^ by the name of 
 Thoth^ Orus or Annbis^ among the Egyp- 
 tians. And this laft name the learned know 
 to fignify the barking god ; the reafon of 
 which, is, becaufe they made his im.age 
 with a dog's head, to fignify, hieroglyphi- 
 cally, the quick fcent that was in his un- 
 derilanding, and his watchfulnefs ; which 
 qualities are known to be in dogs. 
 
 Now, becaufe thefe eldelt kings were 
 deify'd as benefaftors and long liv'd, it na- 
 turally follows, that the war againft them 
 was a (dio^j^cf^yjoL^ a v/ar againlt the deities. 
 And the men that wag'd this war being 
 alfo near the beginning of the new world, 
 foon after the flood , were call'd Titans^ 
 (perhaps becaufe they feem'd to fpring out 
 of the mud, 7"/>, left by the flood) and 
 giants, in the Egyptian Mythology. And 
 1>iodorus Siculus expreily declares, That 
 all the Grecian Fables abotit the fights of 
 the Giants and Titans with their gods^ 
 came from Egypt, but were greatly amp li-' 
 fyd by the Greek Toets and Mytholo^ifls, 
 
 H 3 This
 
 I o 1 Notes on the Synchron\f}ns 
 
 This alfo is plainly declar'd by Tbllo^ and 
 Sauchoniatbo in Effjebius, 
 
 So that by this Egyptian hiitory we 
 mult learn liovv much, or rather how lit- 
 tle of truth is in the Greek Myihologiils. 
 However, lomething of truth, I think, we 
 may fafely own in them ; particularly that 
 hiilorical account which Jofephus hath 
 preferv'd for us out of Manet ho ^ which 
 we may fee alfo in the fiible that Tlutarch 
 hath preferv'd in his book de I fide @ 
 Gfoide, akho' it be there under that dif- 
 guife wiiich the F^gyptian priefts thought 
 tit to cloarh it with : Only he confeffes he 
 left out fome parts of that myltical ilory, 
 which he thought to found fo hardily, that 
 the Roman ears could not bear to hear it, 
 altho' they were received in Egypt. 
 
 It is alfo here fit to intimate to the rea- 
 der, that Tlutarchy in that Egyptian my- 
 llical fable, doth reprefent all the calami- 
 ties or fufferings of Egypt ^ which came 
 upon that country thro' the whole time of 
 the long war, which the Canaanites made 
 againil them, by the death of 0/iris^ and 
 the hunting after his body when he was 
 'dead ; either becaufe he was a deity whom 
 they all worfliip'd, and who fympathiz'd 
 with them in all their affliftions, as they 
 
 believ'd ;
 
 ^/Canaan arid Egypt. 103 
 
 believ'd ; or, becaufe, he being their father, 
 muft neceilkriiy be thought to be injur'd 
 by all the calamities that his iffue fuffer'd 
 even after his death. And this will not 
 feem very flrange, if we confider, that 
 even Mo/es and the Arabians^ alfo call all 
 Egypt^ in all ages, by the name of Miz- 
 raim^ which I believe to be Ofiris, call'd 
 Jfiris in Sanchoniatho, and Hyjiris in Hel- 
 lanicuT^ as Tltitarch notes. 
 
 In like manner I obferve alfo, that all the 
 fuccelTes and advantages gain'd by the E- 
 gyptians againlt the Tha^nicians^ or Ca^ia- 
 anites^ are in Tliitarch reprefented by the 
 victories that Horus^ or Thoth^ the fon of 
 Ofiris ^ got in warring againft them; be- 
 caufe he was the 'firll that Itop'd the courfe 
 of their outragious proceedings , giving 
 fome check to them : And his ifTue, and 
 fucceffors, did at length expel them, altho' 
 Horns or Tboth died long before thofe 
 wars ended. 
 
 And, for the fame reafon, Tyfhon, in 
 that myftical ftory, reprefents all the Ca- 
 naanitijh power, both before they had fet 
 up Salatis, and alfq thofe five kings that 
 fucceeded him. Neverthelefs, I have ob- 
 ferv'd, that after the end of that fable, 
 Tlutarch doth acknowledge, that one A- 
 
 H 4 pophisj
 
 I04 Notes on the S'^ffichromfms 
 
 ■jpopfAs^ 'which is the name of one of thefc 
 ^T'h^nician kings in Manet ho^ did war a- 
 gamji the c/'ds^ and faith that 0/iris ajjijfed 
 them ajidinji hhn^ which cannot be true in 
 any other fenfe, than that the iiliie of OJi- 
 ris fought againll: Apophis ; for the firtt 
 Egyptian king was dead long before the 
 time of J^ophisj as appears by his time, 
 •flatcd by our primate UJher^ Annals. 
 
 But the llory concerning Typboit^ is fo 
 darken'd by the extravagant fables, both of 
 x\iQ^Egyptians^ and of the poets, that I de- 
 fpairi of finding any certainty concerning 
 the true name, and parentage of the firii 
 leader, or leaders of the Canaanit'ijh forces, 
 who. kili'd the firil Egyptian king, and 
 manag'd the war againit *his ihn Athothesy 
 thofc' nine years which were precedent to 
 the be^inninR of Salatis. There is indeed 
 a Typhon mention'd by SanchQtiiatbo^ vvhofe 
 time is by him intimated to be near the 
 time of Cronus^ or H6i?n^ who was father 
 to Mizram^ and grandfather to At hot he s^ 
 fen t by him to govern Egypt \ but San- 
 c7j?^^;ii2Sr/Vs fragment gives us no notice that 
 this man Typhon had any command in £- 
 ' gypt \ i^ov indeed telis us of any thing 
 tiiat he did. Let others guefs whether he 
 might be a commander in this war, or not. 
 
 ' Tlie
 
 of Canaan ^/^'^^ Egypt. loj 
 
 The Egyptian names Seth^ Bebcn, and 
 Smy^ which Tlutarch makes to agree to 
 Tyfhon^ give us no nocice of what family 
 he was. 
 
 They feeni induftrioufly to conceal of 
 uhat family or nation the man, or men, 
 were, that fo outragioufly diltrefs'd their 
 country, foon after its firlt plantation : And 
 Tint arch labours to have it believ'd, that 
 thofe names fignify the evil Daemons, whom 
 he contends to be the caufes of all the 
 mifchief and diitrefs that is in the world, 
 W'hich feems to me to import, that Egyp^ 
 tlin prieiis, whofe patron he is in that 
 book de Ijlde & OJiride, would not allow 
 him. to confefs that Egyft was brought 
 near to dellrufrion by a party of their 
 neighbours the Canaanites^ near the begin- 
 ning of their kingdom, altho' in follov^ing 
 ages the Egyptian monarchy grew far more 
 renown'd than any of the Canaanttes ever 
 were. 
 
 Wherefore I will no further enquire af- 
 ter thefe firil invaders of Egypt ^ confi- 
 dering that it is fufficient to my purpofe 
 that we know near the tipies both of 71//^- 
 raim\ founding that kingdom, and of J'^- 
 latis the Thoenician^ or Canann'ites domi- 
 nion therein, who had none of Miz,raim\ 
 
 race
 
 10^ Notes on the Synchromfms 
 
 race that could itand before him in the 
 Lower Egypt^ taking in Memphis^ but held 
 it, while he liv'd, in fubjeftion, and had 
 five more Thmiician kings his fucceflbrs 
 therein. 
 
 In this king's reign we may reafonably 
 place the diviiion of Egypt into two great 
 Idngdoms, one of the 'Vpper Egypt^ be- 
 yond Memphis fouthward ; the other of 
 the Lower Egpyt^ including Memphis^ and 
 all the T>elta. In this latter the Thm^ti^ 
 cians^ or Canaanites^ reign'd until their 
 fixth king, who was expell'd by Amojis^ or 
 Tethmofis ; who rifing in Thebais^ or the 
 HJpper Egypt^ and conquering the Thoeni- 
 cians in the Lower-, feems to have reunited 
 both thefe kingdoms. 
 
 There is, I mutt confefs, great obfcurity, 
 in this matter of the reunion, and diffi- 
 culty to reconcile thofe few authors which 
 remain to inform us thereof. But this is 
 not the proper place to propound my opi- 
 nion therein ; therefore I will defer that 
 until I come to Amojis*^ time. 
 
 Here only I inform the reader, that thefe 
 Canaanitijh kings are not in the feries of 
 kings, given us by Eratojihenes ; who gives 
 us only the The ban kings, defcended from 
 Thothy and confequently from Mtzralm. 
 
 And
 
 of Canaan and Egypt. 107 
 
 And I now foilovv Jofepbus's citation out 
 of Manetho^ who only informs us particu- 
 larly and origi'nally concerning thefe Th(^' 
 nician and paftoral kings, for whofe cattle 
 there was good parture in the Lower E- 
 gyp-^ but not in the Vpjper Egypt ; altho' 
 we are afTur'd that Salatis made an inva- 
 fion into that alfo : But finding it not for 
 the purpofe of pallors, akho' he got fome 
 contribution from them, we hear nothing 
 of his continuance there, nor of any of his 
 fuccefTors attempts thereupon. 
 
 Neverthelefs, we find clear evidence, that 
 he fortify 'd the ealtern parts of Egypt^ 
 that lay towards Afia^ to prevent any inva- 
 fion from the Jjjyrians ; knowing they, ha- 
 ving a defire to fubdue the Egyptian king- 
 dom, mult come thro' that IJihmus that lay 
 between the Mediterranean and the red- 
 fea, for that way the Thoemcians them- 
 felves enter'd Egypt ; and that way mull 
 all the recruits come which they might 
 expeft from Canaan or from Seir ; and 
 that way they miull mialie their retreat, if 
 the Egyptians fliould prevail againft them, 
 as it fell out about loo years after Salatis's 
 time. 
 
 Here, therefore, they fortify'd the town 
 which Manetbo tells us was calFd Abaris^ 
 
 in
 
 io8 Notes on the Synchronipm 
 
 in their old theology. Now this Abar'is is 
 a Canaaniti/hj or Hebrew name, and figni- 
 fies the pafs. The Egyptlait name feems 
 to be Sethron^ v;hich is derived from the 
 Egyptian name Typhon^ their great adver- 
 fary, whom they call'd Seth : And here 
 W'as the lait refuge of the Canaanites ; the 
 mod known name of it is Telujium. 
 
 Here, and in the country near this place, 
 I conceive that the Capbtorim and ?/?///- 
 film dwelt before Salatis conquer'd it ; 
 and then they being diilrefs'd in their own 
 country, went in all their ilrength that re- 
 mained, into the Canaanites land, to the 
 antient feat of the Avim^ to revenge them- 
 felves upon the kindred of thofe Canaan- 
 ites^ efpecially Hzvites^ that would not let 
 them reft in their old feat at the paifage 
 into Egypt. But of this matter I have 
 written a whole chapter, to which I muft 
 refer the reader, becaufe I mention it here 
 only as a remarkable thing that fell out in 
 the time of Salatis and Thotb ; and be- 
 caufe I have one proof more to add to that 
 difcourfe, taken out of Stephanus de Vr-- 
 bibus^ in the word Azotus^ which fignifies 
 A/hdod, as our tranflation calls it from the 
 Hebrew, 
 
 'Tn
 
 of Canaan ^W Egypt. 109 
 
 'Tis certain that Azotus is one of the 
 Tbiliflm^ cities ; and Stephanus tells us, /V 
 was but It by cue of the (pvyJJig from the coafls 
 of the rcd-fea. This I take to be an exaft 
 defcription of the Caphtorlm or Thilifiim^ 
 when they were forc'd by Salatts to leave 
 their old poft upon the paltage out of Egypt^ 
 near the coalh of the red-fea. And, fince 
 it is certain that Ajhdod was a confidera- 
 ble city in Jofhtia\ time, inhabited by Th't- 
 liflins^ with fome Anakims among them ; 
 and that the Thiljiins were of MizraMs 
 race, and were in Canaan even before A- 
 braham\ time ; and there is no war re- 
 corded in hiftory, befides this of the Ca- 
 naanites in Egypt ^ which could make them 
 fly out of Egypt fo early. I doubt not 
 but this proof, added to what I have elfe- 
 where faid of this matter, concerning the 
 Vhilijiinsy will give good fatisfadion to 
 the confiderative reader. 
 
 There remains yet one thing more, as I 
 believe, concerning the time of Salatisy 
 and the war which he is affirm'd to have 
 made ; not only in the Lower^ but alfo in 
 the Vpper Egypt ; altho', as I have noted, 
 he feems not to have ftaid there long, nor 
 to have broken the fucceflion of the The- 
 ban kings there remaining: And that is, 
 
 the
 
 i I o Notes on the Synchromfms 
 
 the taking captive, and felling into Jfricd 
 and into Greece^ thofe two women who 
 firll founded the famous oracle of Jupiter 
 Hamm07ty and Jupiter T)odo7iaus. Mane- 
 tho tells us only in general, that Salatis in- 
 vaded the Upper Egypt alfo ; and that the 
 p after 5 overthrew teynples^ and kilfd Jbme 
 Egyptians, and others they carry d away 
 into ftavery. But Herodotus is more par- 
 ticular in his Euterpe^ afTuring us, that 
 both the Egyptian The ban prieits, in his 
 time, and the prieitcfs of 7Jodona^ agreed 
 in the fubflance of the ftory : Thofe of 
 Thebes calling them clearly, two women 
 frieftejfes taken from Thebes : Thofe of 
 *Dodona calling them, metaphorically, two 
 doves that /pake with human voice^ inform- 
 ing that the Fates had appointed two ora- 
 cles to be there erefted. 
 
 Now there is no pretence that ever the 
 Phoenicians were in Thehau^ to take away 
 captives, in any other time, than the time 
 of this Thcenician war , under Salatis : 
 Therefore we may conclude, that thefs 
 foundreffes of thefe moil famous oracles, 
 both in Libya and Greece^ were then ta- 
 ken by them : And becaufe the time of 
 Salatis is well fix'd, the time of the be- 
 ginning of thefe oracles is reduced to fome 
 
 degree'
 
 <?/ Canaan and Egypt. iii 
 degree of certainty. And it is as certain, 
 from Herodotus^ that then, or fo early, the 
 Telafgi were in that part of Greece. But 
 having in another place noted this, I will 
 infill no longer upon it. 
 
 5. My fifth note fliall be concerning all the 
 rell of the Thoenician kings, or royal pa- 
 llors. And becaufe I judge the kings of 
 the Horites in Seir to have erefted that 
 kingdom before the paftors were driven 
 out of Egypt^ and therefore to have been 
 partly contemporary with them, I fliall, in 
 this note, confider that kingdoms rife alfo. 
 
 Concerning Been and AfachnaSy who 
 were the fecond and third of the Thce^ 
 nician kings, I have met with nothing, but 
 that they vigoroufly carry'd on the war 
 againll the Egyptians \ and the time of 
 their reign, which is exprefs'd in the table. 
 But their fourth king Apofhis I find men- 
 tioned by Tlutarch de Ifide^ as one that 
 warr'd againll the gods ; and 0/iris is af- 
 firm'd to be on the god's fide ; yet I doubt 
 not but he was then dead, and made a 
 god, and therefore judge that all is attri- 
 buted to him, that was done by his iflTue, 
 in defence of the kingdom, that they in- 
 herited from him. 
 
 I fhall
 
 Ill Notes on the Sy/ichromfms 
 
 I ihall only add this, that, by my ac- 
 counts, the time of Setnira?nis\ reign, in 
 the Ajfyr'tan empire, falls in with the time 
 of Apofhis\ reign in the Lower Egypt ; and 
 therefore ilie might join with thefe Thoe- 
 7itcian forces in diitrefiing Egypt,, altho* 
 file might ultimately delign to bring both 
 the Egyptians and the "^Pha^mcians alfo 
 under the Affyrian empire. And I have 
 before fliew'd, out oiTlutarch,, that what 
 flie did in this matter was by her lliips in 
 the red^fea, which, I fuppofe, was the ra- 
 ther done by her, becaule, as I have before 
 noted, the palfage by land into Egypt was 
 fortify 'd fo well by Salatis^ that Hie thought 
 not fit to attempt an entrance that way. 
 
 Concerning Jamas ( who is call'd Se- 
 thos by Syncellus) the fifth of thefe Th(^' 
 7itcian kings, I fliall obferve, firil, that in 
 his time Abraham enter'd Canaan^ and 
 from thence, the next year, was driven 
 into Egypt by a famine. His entertain- 
 ment by this 'Pharaoh,^ and his difmiffion, 
 are recorded by Mofes. In his time alfo 
 fell out the invafion of Canaan^ and its 
 neighbouring countries, by Chederlaomery 
 and his afibciated princes. But, among 
 thefe people, invaded by him, I am oblig'd 
 to take fpecial notice of the Horims in 
 
 Mount
 
 of Canaan and Egypt. 113 
 
 Mount Scir, and itf/to Elparan, "which is by 
 the wildtrnejs^ Gen. xiv. 6. 
 
 Now the time of this invafion being fix- 
 ed, and it being reafonable to believe that 
 the Horites had a king when this war canne 
 'jpon them, or foon after ; I have thought 
 it molt reafonable to place the firft king 
 of the Horites^ Bcla^ about this time. The 
 invafion is flated in the year of the world 
 2091. So I take the next year 2093 for the 
 beginning of Bela\ reign. But it will not 
 be feafonable here to fpeak particularly 
 concerning the time of thefe Horites ; that 
 will more conveniently be flated, when 
 we have done with the lall of thefe Thoe- 
 7iician king^. 
 
 The fixth therefore, and lafl: of thefe 
 Phoenician kings, as Africanits juitly calls 
 them , is call'd by Manetko in Jojephus^ 
 AJJiSy which certainly is from the Hebrew 
 root AziZy fignifying the ftrong. In A- 
 fricanus and Eufebius^ he is call'd Arch- 
 lesy which is Hercules. He may be that 
 fon of 'Demaroony mentioned by Sanchoni* 
 athoj and fo not a Canaanite by birth, but 
 caird and chofen for their king and gene- 
 ral, on account of his valour and condud: 
 For none of their kings are aflirm'd to 
 be kings by inheritance. In Syncellm y 
 
 I very
 
 114 Notes on the Sjnchromfms 
 
 very unhappily, he is as it were, fpUt into 
 two kings, Kertm and Jfeth ; yet the 
 fame time, viz. 49 years juit, and no more, 
 is affign'd to t'lK^'e two, that belongs to 
 Jffis only. And, moreover, Kertm feems 
 to be a corruption of Mtlcarti^^ which 
 is the TbcEHtcian name of Hercules ; and 
 jifeth is a corruption of yijjis^ which fig- 
 nifies the eminently ilrong man or Her- 
 cules. 
 
 This man feems to have been a (lout 
 warrior, and to have deferv'd this title of 
 Her cities Thwnicius, becaufe his intereft 
 and authority was over the Thoenlcians 
 or Canaanites : Yet he may be call'd Her- 
 cules jEg)ptius alfo, becaufe he held Egypt 
 in a vigorous war full 49 years, and at 
 lafl carry'd off his men with their arms 
 and goods into other colonies or planta- 
 tions. 
 
 He feems alfo to have been a learned 
 man, becaufe Syncellus tells us, that in his 
 time the year was reform'd, by adding to 
 it thofe five days, above 360, which the 
 Greeks call the 'E^c^^^c^gvcii. And becaufe 
 thofe days are the days on which they 
 keep the birth-days of their gods , we 
 may colled that thofe feftivals are not 
 elder in Egypt than his time. And they 
 
 being
 
 of Canaan and Egypt. 1 1 y 
 
 being the principal parts of their fettled 
 religion, and conneded with all the my- 
 flical fable in Tlutarch ; I thence col- 
 led, that their chief folemnities and my- 
 lleries were not fettled until after the ex- 
 pulfion of thefe Thoenkian kings, of whom 
 he was the latt. 
 
 Our next enquiry fliould be whither 
 thefe expell'd Canaanites went ; for by 
 their capitulation with Amofis^ they might 
 go where they thought fit out of Egypt. 
 Herodotus tells us that it is reported, that 
 Typkon lies in the Lake Strbonis^ and that 
 Lake lies near the way into Canaan. This 
 Typhon relates to all the Canaanitijh power 
 that invaded Egypt^ from the firil to the 
 laft. And hence not only he that mur- 
 der'd OJiris^ is call'd Typhon^ but alfo the 
 city Abarls^ which Salatis fortify'd, is cal- 
 led ^rbs Typhonia^ according to the old 
 theology, as Jofephm fpeaks : And in Tlu- 
 tarch^ Typhon is faid to ride on an afs, 
 (after he was expell'd) to found Jerufalem. 
 
 6. But I remember I have difcours'd on 
 this enquiry in another place, therefore I 
 w411 not enlarge on it here. Yet give me 
 leave to iniilt a little on two kingdoms of 
 Canaafiites^ which iland diftindt from the 
 old fettled tribes of the race of Canaan^ 
 I X which
 
 ii6 Notes on the Synchronifms 
 
 which never went out of that country ; 
 and fuch Canaanites, I believe, we are to 
 underitand, to be thefe refugees out of 
 Egypt^ returnd to their kindred in the 
 land of Canaan. The Hrll of thefe is in 
 the fouth part of Canaan^ within the bor- 
 ders of the Horites : The fecond is in the 
 north of Canaan, far fpread about their 
 capital city Hazory which itood near the 
 Lake Samochonitis, 
 
 Of the firlt of thefe, we find their po- 
 llerity mentioned by Mofes^ Num. xxi. i, 4. 
 xxxiii. 40. They liv'd near Mount Horj 
 where Aaron died ; and in Mofes's time, 
 which was near 300 years after the Cana- 
 anites were expeird out of Egypt , they 
 had a king, whofe name was Arad\ who 
 hearing that Ifrael was near his borders 
 in the wildernefs, went out, and fought 
 againji Ifrael, and took fome of them pr'tfo- 
 ners. Whereupon Ifrael made a vow to 
 the Lord, if he would deliver this people 
 into their handsy that they would deftroy 
 their cities. And accordingly they did, 
 and caird the place Hormah, from Che- 
 renj that fignifies their vow to deftroy 
 them. 
 
 Thefe I take to be defcended from a 
 party of the Canaanites^ that had been ex- 
 
 peird
 
 of Canaan and Egypt. 117 
 
 peird out of Egypt : And who leaving 
 the main body of thofe refugees, who went 
 into Canaauy retired into the country of 
 the Horites ^ in which Mount Hor was, 
 and there erefted a kingdom, and built 
 cities of their own, dillini^t from thofe of 
 the Horites^ who had (laid in their coun- 
 try. 
 
 Neverthelefs, I believe it moft probable* 
 that thefe refugee Canaanites were the po- 
 fterity of thole Horites^ who before, or 
 during the Canaaniufh war in Egyfty had 
 gone out of the Horttes land, Seir^ to feek 
 better quarters in Egypt ; where they pro- 
 fper'd above xoo years, and then were 
 forc'd to go back again into the barren 
 and mountainous country of their ance- 
 Itors, where they and their ilTue liv'd above 
 300 years more, before they and their ci- 
 ties were deltroy'd by Ifrael under Mo- 
 fes. 
 
 For it is to be noted, that, altho' be- 
 tween the time of the expulfion of the Ca- 
 fiaanites out of Egypt^ which was, by ^r- 
 magJjs Annals, about A. M. xi8o, and 
 Aaron s, death at mount Horj A. AL ^S5'^J 
 when alfo Arad was near that place de- 
 ftroy'd, there had been a great revolution 
 in Seir^ or the Horites country, by Efaii% 
 I 3 pofte-
 
 1 1 8 Notes on the Synchromfms 
 
 polterity conquering the Horim : Yet A- 
 rad\ kingdom of Canaanites in that coun- 
 try was not then deflroy'd ; but flood, and 
 dar'd to fight againft Ifrael^ the' to their 
 ruin. For if thefe Canaanites had been 
 embodied into the Edomites kingdom, Mo- 
 Jes muft not have fought againll them. 
 
 Neverthelefs, 'tis certain, that Jrad's 
 kingdom of Canaanites^ lying about mount 
 Hor^ lay within the old bounds of the Ho- 
 rinty which extended from Mount Seir to 
 Elparan^ as Mofes defcribes them, Gen, 
 xiv. 6. But, in Mofes's time, the Amale- 
 kites kingdom, wherein Elparan lay, and 
 Arai% kingdom, about Ho7\ were fepa- 
 rated kingdoms from that about Seir y 
 which was then in the poflefTion of Efaus 
 ifFue the Edomites, And the kingdom of 
 Arad lay between that of Seir^ and that of 
 Annate k. 
 
 The fecond kingdom of thefe refugee 
 Canaanites was in the northern parts of 
 Canaan, about Hazor^ under Jabin in Jo- 
 flmds time : Alofes not being concern'd to 
 deUver us the hiftory of thefe heathens, 
 but only of his anceltors, (efpecially from 
 Abraham^ time,) hath not told us when 
 any of the kingdoms of Canaan began ; 
 and therefore I wonder not that he hath 
 
 not
 
 of Canaapx and Egypt. 119 
 
 not fet down the beginning either of ji^ 
 rad's, or of Jabins^ whom I conceive to 
 have been of later eredlion, than thofe of 
 the Amorites^ Hivites^ H'tttites^ &c. that 
 were there before Abraha7n came into Gz- 
 naan. 
 
 Neverthelefs, becaufe Mofes takes notice 
 in many places of thefe Canaanites^ diilin- 
 guiili'd from the feveral tribes of defcen- 
 dents from Canaan^ and fettled in known 
 places ; and becaufe Jo(huas wars with 
 thefe fo didinguifli'd Canaanites continued 
 fix years, whereas the other tribes weie 
 fubdu'd in one year : I cannot but think 
 that thefe were fome of the iiTue of that 
 great body of Canaanites^ tliat capitulated 
 with Amcjis or Tetbmojis^ to go with their 
 goods, arms and families, out of their gar- 
 rifon, near the entrance of Egypt ; and 
 accordingly did, the far greateit part of 
 them, go into the more northern parts of 
 Canaan^ where Hazor was made their me- 
 tropolis, Jojh. xi. 10. 
 
 On this account the beginning of this 
 kingdom mull be about A. il/. 2180, which 
 falls near the time of Abrahams death, 
 yf. iV/. 2183. And becaufe Jofmia did not 
 end this war till about A. M. 1559-, it fol- 
 lows that this Canaanitijh kingdom, in 
 I 4 which
 
 120 Notes on the Synchromfms 
 
 which there appear feveral fubordinate 
 kingdoms, was about 379 years ftanding. 
 I have alfo obferv'd carefully, that Mofes 
 takes notice of fome Canaaji'ites^ and Te- 
 rizzttes^ by which I underftand fuch Co- 
 naanttes as liv'd in fmall villages and tents, 
 like Komadesj that were in Canaan before 
 the time of this great migration out of 
 Egypt ^ in three places, Gen. xii. 6. when 
 Abraham firfl enter'd ; and xiii. 7. and xv 
 21. Thefe I underltand to be fuch Cana- 
 anites as had been in Egypt^ but thought 
 fit to go back into their original fettle- 
 ment, when the Canaanitijh power in E- 
 gypt declined, before it was diltrefs'd to 
 the uttermoit. 
 
 Yet thefe places do not intimate thefe 
 Canaaiiites to be then formidable. But after 
 Abrahams death , when 'Dinah was ra- 
 vifli'd, and Shechem deftroy'd by his fons 
 about A. I/L xxd). Then Jacob exprefs'd 
 great fear, that the Canaanites and PeriZ" 
 zitesy who now were return'd out of E- 
 gypt, fliould come and deflroy his family. 
 Gen, xxxiv. 30. And yet Jacob was not 
 then in the northern pares of Canaan^ where 
 their itrength lay. But then, when the 
 Canaanites^ that had invaded Egypv^ were 
 return'd, there was a vafl: army of them, 
 
 that
 
 of Canaan and Egypt. 121 
 
 that might eafily, in human judgment, have 
 fwallow'd his family up. 
 
 Thefe men had^been train'd up in a long 
 war, and had brought horfes and chariots 
 of iron out of Egypt ; and we find that 
 feveral of their cities were never conquer- 
 ed by Jcjhua^ or his fucceflbrs, in many 
 ages after. For, it feems the Ifraelites 
 thought they had land enough for all the 
 tribes, without conquering them, and there- 
 fore would not lofe their men in warring 
 againrt old foldiers and fortify'd towns, 
 when they had fo v^Taken'd them, that 
 they fear'd not to be invaded by them ; 
 and found they were willing to pay fome 
 tribute ; fee Judges i. ^I, 27 ; and fo to the 
 end of the chapter : And Judges iii. from 
 ij. I, to 7 ; and Jofhua xvii. 11, iz. 
 
 Agreeably to this notion, that, from 
 about the time of Abrahams deatli, when 
 the Canaanites or Thxnk'ians \^ere forc'd 
 to leave Egypt^ thefe refugees made their 
 chief retreat and refidence, in the northern 
 parts of Canaan^ is this obfervation, that 
 I have made ; that, after this time, we ne- 
 ver read that Ifaac or Jacob went into 
 thofe parts, which novv were full ftock'd 
 with thefe Canaanites \ where there was 
 no room for the great families, and mul- 
 titude
 
 12 2 Notes on the Synchromfms 
 
 titude of cattle, that the patriarchs had. 
 Ifaac^ mod of his time, was about Gerar 
 and Beerjheba ; and at laft about Mamre 
 or Hebron^ where he died, and was buried. 
 So alfo Jacob, when he fled from Efau, 
 went on the ealt fide of Jordan, to go into 
 Tadan Aram ; and when he came from 
 thence, after twenty years fervice, to La- 
 ban, came not thro' the northern parts of 
 Canaan^ between Jordan and the Mediter- 
 ranean fea, where thefe Canaanites dwelt, 
 Numb. xiii. 29. but about by Mount Gileady 
 and that country that lay ealt of Jordan^ 
 he met his brother Efati, and by God's 
 alliftance, made his peace with him, and 
 at length pafs'd over Jordan, near the 
 fouthern parts of Canaan, where the great 
 Itrength of the Canaanites did not lie ; and 
 there he continu'd till he went into E- 
 
 gyp- 
 
 Moreover, I believe the Canaanites had 
 great reafon to chufe thefe northern parts 
 of Canaan to retire to, becaufe there is 
 fufficient proof that Sidon, which was the 
 northern boundary of the promised land, 
 was built by Canaan' 's, eldeft fon Sidon j 
 Gen, X. 15'. whofe name it bears, as Jofe* 
 fhus and Jerome teltify ; and that the feat 
 of this eldeft brother was in the midft of 
 
 his
 
 ^/Canaan a^d Egypt. 123 
 
 his brethren. Canaan had eleven fons, 
 the founders of nations or great tribes, 
 reckon'd up by Mofes^ Gen. x. 15. to j^ 18. 
 inclufively : And the nations that were to 
 be fubdu'd by Ifrael lay to the fouth from 
 Sidon ; but there lay north of it the Ar- 
 chites^ Sinites^ Arvadites^ Zemarites^ and 
 Hemathites, which had no reafon to ex- 
 pert any invafion from 1/rael, but might 
 give affillance to their brethren of Canaan^ 
 when Ifrael fliould invade them. 
 
 Accordingly, I have obferv'd that Jabin^ 
 the king of the Canaanifes, when Jojhua 
 warr'd againft him, is affirm'd to have fent 
 to the kings that 'ujere on the north of the 
 mountains , Libanm and Ant'tlibanus I 
 underltand, "jojh xi. x. befides thofe that 
 were under him, and his nearer neigh- 
 bours : and they all met as he defir'd ; Much 
 people^ even as the fand on the fea-Jhore^ 
 for multitude y "with horfes and chariots ^ 
 very many, as it's faid f. 4. Neverthelefs, 
 there is not fufficient proof, that all thefe 
 people were fubjefts to Jabin ; they might 
 be confederates, and agree to oppofe his 
 enemies, who was their friend. And the 
 kindred and friendlliip of fo many people, 
 defcended from Canaan ^ was a fufficient 
 motive to the firft condudor of the Cana- 
 
 unites
 
 114 Notes on the Synchromfms 
 anites out of Egypty to chufe to fettle in 
 that place with the far greatell part of 
 his followers. 
 
 Thefe are the Thxnices that are fo well 
 known in Greece^ both for merchandife, 
 and for fending out many colonies into 
 divers countries, that lay on the fliores of 
 the midland fea, and many confiderable 
 iflands therein, as the learned Bochart hath 
 prov'd. And they feem to me to have had 
 much more time to make thofe plantations 
 than that learned man thought of : For, 
 as I underltood their hiftory , they had 
 time from about Abraham^ death, which 
 was above 370 years before Jojhua inva- 
 ded Canaan^ from which Bcehart begins. 
 
 And, moreover, they had all that multi- 
 tude of above 200,000 men, Vv^hich came out 
 o^ Egypt to employ in plantations, befides 
 what they could fpare out of Canaan irfelf, 
 before it was diftrefs'd by that terrible in- 
 vafion which Jojhua made, by God's ap- 
 pointment, when their iniquities were full 
 ripe. Certainly then not many of the fe- 
 ven nations efcap'd, befides thofe which 
 were made tributary, and fo ilay'd in their 
 places. 
 
 I know of the fingle example at Tingisy 
 or Tangier \ but that was but a fmall plan- 
 tation,
 
 of Canaan and Egypt. iiy 
 
 tation, and will prove no more than that 
 thofe few in that place, fled for fear of 
 Joflma ; and that probably a little before 
 he came into Canaan. But it is more cre- 
 dible, that moft of the plantations fent out 
 of Thxnice went thence, when the Thee- 
 nic'ians firlt came out of Egypt ^ and found 
 themfelves too numerous to find fettle- 
 ment among their kindred in Canaan. 
 
 But the remains of hiilory, which we 
 have, tell us little of this old Phoenician 
 kingdom, befides its beginning, and its end ; 
 which yet it will be ufeful to confider. Its 
 beginning is afcertain'd not only out of 
 Manetho^ who hath determined the reign 
 of ^ffis^ who brought away his Thosnicians 
 by a capitulation out of Egypt ; but alfo 
 by Ttolemaus Mendejiusy who is cited by 
 Clemens Alexandrinus ; and own'd alfo by 
 Eufebius, tranfcribing him. And this?^^- 
 lemy affirms that Amojis^ the expeller oi Af 
 fisy liv'd in the time oi Inachus^ the founder 
 of the Argive Mra\ which agrees well 
 with Manetho\ time of AJJis^ as may be 
 feen in Armagh^ Annals. Its end is in Jo- 
 Jhuas time, who conquer'd Jabiuy its laft 
 king. And by comparing the beginning and 
 end we find its continuance thro' an in- 
 terval of about ^70 years. 
 
 What
 
 ii6 Notes on the S^?ichrontf?ns 
 
 What became of JJJis after he led his 
 people into Canaan^ is not clear by the hi- 
 ftories now remaining ; but his fucceffors 
 feem to have honour'd him with the title 
 of Hercules Salvator^ and to have built 
 temples to him, both in the ifland of Tha^ 
 fusy and in Gades : Both which temples 
 are evidently prov'd to be much elder than 
 the Thchan Hercules\ time ; and to be for 
 the honour of this Thoenician^ or Egyp- 
 tian Heratles ; for he is call'd He?rules 
 CanobeuSy in T^atifanias, 
 
 Sir John Marjham tells us he had a coin 
 of the Thajians^ on which flood Hercules^ 
 with an inicription in Greeky 'H^ciy.A£^? ^ca- 
 rrj^@^. Herodotus tells us, in his Euterpe^ 
 that this temple in Thafus was built five 
 generations before Hercules ^ the fon of 
 Amfhitryony exifled ; and that it was built 
 by the Thxntcians^ and certainly he was 
 dead a good while before that temple 
 was built. Thafus's brother Cadmus is af- 
 firmed by Eujeb'msy Numb. 561, to have 
 come with Thxnix from the Egyptian 
 Thebesj and to have reign'd at Tyre and 
 Stdon^ which were inhabited by Thoeni^ 
 ciansy of whom we now are treating. 
 
 And, it is agreed, that Cadmus'''^ reign 
 there was before Jo/hud^ time ; how long 
 
 before
 
 ^/ Canaaa a?id Egypt. 127 
 
 before I will not now difpute ; yet will 
 note, that Sir John Marjhanij from the 
 Armidel Marbles^ places Cadmus's arrival 
 in Greece above thirty years before Mofes*s 
 conducing Ifrael out of Egypt, But I 
 will fuggett, that when Etifebhis affirms 
 Cadmus to come from the Egyptian Thebes^ 
 he is not to be underftood to come 
 from thence in his own perfon ; and I ra- 
 ther think that his anceftors the Thoeni- 
 ciansy coming thence, he is intimated to 
 have come thence in their loins. 
 
 And thus it wuU appear, that the Thce- 
 nicians are own'd by the Greeks to have 
 come out of Egypt ; and the letters and 
 learning that Cadmus brought into Greece 
 will hence alfo appear to have come out of 
 Egypt. Neverthelefs, I do not deny but 
 that Thoth^ the great advancer of learning 
 in Egypt y was in Phoenicia before he went 
 into Egypt ; and was skill'd in letters be- 
 fore he went to reign there, as Sanchonia- 
 thq intimates. 
 
 But 1 muft return to the confideration of 
 our Thwnicians or CanaaniteSy in their own 
 country Canaan. For, fince I began to write 
 this note, I call to mind another, or a third 
 kingdom of Canaanites^ which was fituated 
 in the fouthern parts of Canaan^ which 
 
 fell 
 
 }
 
 1x8 Notes on the Synchronifms 
 
 fell afterwards to the lot of tribe Ju- 
 dab ; and that is the kingdom of Adonibe- 
 z>ek in Bezek^ which is mention'd Jud. i. 
 4, $. And this Bezek is nam'd alfo in 
 I Sam, xi. 8, as a place where all Ifiael 
 mufter'd under king Saul, We find loooo 
 Canaanites llain here by Judah and Si- 
 meons tribes, join'd together. And this 
 barbarous tyrant Adombezek owns his in- 
 folent and cruel ufage of feventy kings 
 that he had conquer'd. It feems that every 
 governor of a confiderable town was cal- 
 led a king in thofe parts : Neverthelefs, 
 the conqueror of feventy fuch little princes 
 is not to be totally omitted. 
 
 For he feems to be the ilTue or fuccefTor 
 of a governor of another detachment of 
 Canaanites^ diftinft from that which I firfl: 
 mention'd, which adjoin'd to the Horites 
 about Mount Hor^ which I mention'd in 
 the firfl: place. But both thefe detachments 
 feem to be left by AJfiSj in the fouthern 
 parts of Canaan y when he pafs'd north- 
 wards with the main body of the Cana- 
 anites y that he led out of Egypt ^ to fettle 
 there the principal kingdom of Canaanites 
 in the countries near Hazor and Sidon ; 
 and alfo near the other tribes of the Ca- 
 naanites y beyond Lebanon, which Ifrael 
 
 was
 
 ^/"Canaan ayicl Egypt, 129 
 
 was not to invade ; and therefore Mofcs 
 doth only name them among the fons 
 of Canaan^ the ArcbiteSy Arvaditcs^ He- 
 mathitesy &c. but defcribes not then' places, 
 or territories ; nor relates any aflion where- 
 in they were particularly engag'd. Yet 
 Mofts gives us fome marks to dillinguilli 
 thofe of Canaan^ ilFue, that were to be 
 cut off or fubdu'd, from thofe which were 
 not to be invaded. 
 
 1. He marks them by the land on which 
 they dwelt, becaufe that was to be given 
 to the children of Ifrael for an inheri- 
 tance. 
 
 2. By the names of diltinftion of fami- 
 lies or tribes, into which the fons of Cana- 
 an were divided. 
 
 I. Their land is defcrib'd Gen, x. 19. by 
 fuch boundaries or hues, comprehending 
 the furface of it, as may fufficiently inform 
 us concerning its fituation in refpecl to 
 other nations ; and concerning its quantity 
 and extent, or fuperficial content, as the 
 mathematicians exprefs it. For there he 
 doth in efieft defcribe, i. Its length from 
 north to fouth, by a line from Sidon^ its 
 north limit, to Gerar or Gaza, the fouth 
 limit. 2. Its breadth, from Gaza the weft 
 limit, to Lafljah the eaft limit, which is at 
 
 K the
 
 130 Note% on the Synchromjms 
 
 the end of the Lake of Sodom and Go^ 
 morrab. Now when the length and breadth 
 of a reftangular or oblong figure is given 
 us, the mathematicians aflTure us that the 
 content thereof is dccermin'd, or eafily 
 found by the multiplication of the given 
 length into the given breadth ; or that 
 parallel Hnes drawn perpendicularly to the 
 ends of the given length and breadth, will 
 exadily inclofe all the furface of that land. 
 I have chofen to exprefs the bounds of 
 Cajiaan in mathematical words, only to 
 fliew that though Mofes prudently chofe to 
 exprefs them by the ways from towns to 
 towns, yet that proves him to have had a 
 mathematical knowledge of the method 
 of determining the furface of the pro- 
 mised land ; and that was a part of the 
 learning of the Eg^ftiansj in which he 
 was skiird. 
 
 Now from the northern boundary, which 
 was drawn from S'tdon toward Hemathy 
 we learn, that altho' many fons of Canaan 
 liv'd farther north than this bound ; yet 
 when Mo/es fpcaks of the Cunaanites y 
 whom IJrael was to fubdue, he is never 
 to be underllood by them to mean any 
 nation beyond that boundary. 
 
 We
 
 ^/Canaan and Egypt. 131 
 
 a. We proceed to fpeak of the fecond 
 mark of diitinclion, which Mofes gives us, 
 by naming the feveral nations or families 
 againll whom Ifrael was to make war. 
 Now altho' all of them dwelt within the 
 northern boundary, and Mofes in feveral 
 places names feven fuch nations, number^ 
 ing them particularly, as fipr example in 
 ^ettt vii I. I. Hittites ; 2. Girgajh'ites \ 
 3. Amorites ; 4 Canaanites ; 5*. Verizzites*, 
 6. Hivites ; 7. Jebufites. Yet I obferve that 
 but five of thefe are reckon'd by Mofes in 
 Gen. X. among the Tons of Canaan. There 
 is no mention made there of the Cana- 
 a7iites^ efpecially fo caird ; nor of the Te- 
 rizzites. Yet whenever he fpeaks of the 
 nations that were to be deftroy'd, he ne- 
 ver mifTes to name the Canaanites and 
 Terizzitesy altho' he often leaves the G/>- 
 gajh'ttes unnam'd, efpecially in Exodus, 
 
 There muft be fome reafon why thefc 
 are not natn'd among Canaan'^ fons, and 
 yet are always nam'd as appointed to de- 
 ftruftion. I have often confider'd this, and 
 find it hath been noted by others; and 
 fome offers have been made at a reafon of it, 
 which I find not to fatisfy me. That which 
 gives me the bell fatisfaftion, is, that I 
 judge neither the Canaanites nor the Te- 
 K X rizzitis
 
 132 Notes on the Syichronifms 
 
 tizzHes to have defcended from any fingle 
 fon of Canaaiiy but that both of them were 
 mingled nations ; yet mingled only with 
 men that were all defcendents from Ca- 
 ftaattj viz, fome Htttites^ fome Amoritesj 
 Hivites and Jebujites^ embodied into two 
 focieties. i. One of which aflfedted pa- 
 ftorage, and to live in villages ; fuch were 
 caird Terizzites, the original word figni- 
 fying villagers. 2. The other fociety em- 
 bodied together for military difcipline and 
 trade, either by fea or land; and thefe 
 were calFd Canaanites, Yet I conceive 
 thefe afTociations to have been made when 
 they went into, and abode 200 years in 
 Egypt ; and that they continued in thefe 
 focieties when they came away from thence 
 into Cannatij whether before their laft di- 
 Itrefs, wherein they were forc'd to capi- 
 tulate, or after it, as I have before inti- 
 mated. 
 
 This feems to me to give fufficient rea- 
 fon why thefe two are fo conftantly join'd 
 together, and Hill diftinguifli'd from the 
 fettled fons of Canaan ; and alfo why they 
 are mark'd out for deftruftion, as mall 
 dangerous and formidable, having been 
 difdplin'd by long wars in Egypt ^ and 
 
 breeding
 
 of Canaan and Egypt. 133 
 
 breeding their ifTue in the like difcipline 
 in Canaan, 
 
 *Tis moft certain that the Canaatn hath a 
 particular fignification relating to mer- 
 chants ; and that the Canaanltes pofTefs'd 
 themfelves of all the fea-port towns from 
 Sidon downwards, until we come to the 
 ports of the Th'tliftins^ and were chiefly 
 known to all foreign nations. Befides this 
 their name, intimating their defcent from 
 Canaan^ the common father of the old fet- 
 tled tribes, Hittites^ Hivites^ &c. did re- 
 coromend their fociety to all of Canaan's 
 Une. 
 
 Agreeably hereunto, we find them pof- 
 fefs*d pi many ftrong towns and chariots, 
 like the Egyptian manner of war: And 
 altho' they were but a part of them fub- 
 4u'd, yet even that was done not without 
 iix years of war even in Jojhua'% time ; 
 notwithftanding his great courage, con- 
 duft, and the miraculous affiitance which 
 he had. 
 
 Laftly, becaufe not only the Thcentclans 
 in general, of whom thefe were the chief, 
 dp, in Herodotus^ own themfelves to have 
 come out of Egypt from the fides of the 
 red-fea ; but alio particularly Cadmtis^ the 
 inoft known Thcenician in Greece^ look'd 
 
 K 3 upou
 
 134 Notes on the Synchrontfms 
 upon Egypt^ and its metropolis Thebes^ as 
 his original country, and therefore call'd 
 the town he built in Boeotia by the name 
 of Thebes^ as the name of the country he 
 moft valu'd himfelf by, as Conon in his 
 thirty • feventh Narration clearly teilifies: 
 Affirming alfo, that Cadmus % bufinefs was 
 to ereft a dominion or a confiderable 
 plantation in Greece ; for the common 
 faying that he came to feek Eiiropa was but 
 a fable. Now when Cadmm is caird a 7hm- 
 nicianj that is but the Greek word, which 
 tranflates the Hebrew name a Canaanite^ 
 as I have elfewhere prov'd, and can add 
 much more proof of it if need required. 
 But I fliall wave it here, becaufe 1 have 
 been too long in this note already. 
 
 7. A feventh note on this chronological 
 table muft be concerning the times of the 
 Horites^ mention'd in the column of Ca- 
 naan^ becaufe I have fliewn in a diftinfl: 
 chapter that they were Hivites of his po- 
 flerity, and that fome of them join'd with 
 their brethren who went out of Canaa?t^ 
 iat, or near the fame time that Mizraim or 
 O/iris went to plant his colony in Egypt^ 
 and liv'd quietly there ; or elfe accom- 
 pany'd him when he went to fettle planta- 
 tions in other countries, according to the 
 
 diredion
 
 of Canaan and Egypt. r? 5 
 
 direftion of his and their father Cronus or 
 Ham, Among thefe colonies I find Lydi% 
 to be one ; and the founder of it Mencs 
 or Meoit^ as in Eufehius he is cali'd, I have 
 intimated to be Meiies or Ofiris or Miz,- 
 raim. His grandchild Atys is by "Diony- 
 Jius Halicarnajfenjis affirm'd to have mar- 
 ked Callithea^ the daughter oiChoraus. 
 
 This father in-law to Jtys^ Choraus^ I 
 conjecture to have been an Horite, who 
 either himfelf or his father follow'd Menes- 
 into this plantation of Lydta^ and was fo 
 confiderable in it as to marry his daughter 
 into the royal family there ; and his time 
 muft be very near the time of Mizrawiy 
 or of his fon, which appears in the table. 
 Neverthelels, I have not mention'd him in 
 the table, becaufe my chief aim therein 
 was to itate the times of fuch Horites as 
 are mention'd by Mofes in Gen, xxxvi. 
 where we liave only a fuccelTion of eight 
 kings, whom I have afferted in a diflinft 
 chapter to be Horites, 
 
 I confider'd therefore where the be- 
 ginning and end of this interval may be 
 plac'd, fo as to agree beft with all that we 
 know of the hiftory of thofe times. Now 
 becaufe the firit time wiicrein I find th,e 
 Horites nam'd, is when ChederlaGpicr inva- 
 
 K 4 ded
 
 17^6 Notes on the Synchromfms 
 
 ded them and their neighbours : (Which 
 time is fix'd by Armagh\ Annals to the 
 year of the world 2C9x.) We may reafo- 
 nably think that the Horites fet over them 
 a king, who lliould on any fuch occafion 
 for the future lead them out to war. 
 
 This I found would agree well with 
 what we have recorded by Mofes concern- - 
 ing the middle and end of this kingdom. 
 Near the middle of this interval Mofes 
 tells us that their fourth king Hadad flew 
 Mid'ian in the field of Moab ; and I have 
 in a proper place fliew'd that this account 
 agrees well with the time of Midian^ fon 
 to Abraham by Keturah. Then I proceeded 
 toconfider that the end of this interval being 
 A. M, X429, would alfo agree fufficiently 
 with the times oi EfatCs^ fons by Aholihamahy 
 his lall wife, who were dukes contempo- 
 rary with his grandfons the children of 
 Eliphaz, and Renely as I have fliew'd in a 
 treaiife on that fubjeft : And thefe dukes 
 put an end to the monarchy of the Horites, 
 and brought all moimt Seir under a fort of 
 ariltocrafy, wherein the dukes of Seir's 
 ifTue had a fliare ; but the dukes of Efaus 
 race a much greater part. 
 
 Now becaufe it is clear that dukes fuc- 
 eeeded thefe kings, it's natural in the 
 
 next
 
 cf Canaan and Egypt. 137 
 
 next place to confider how long thefe 
 dukes continued that ariftocratical govern- 
 ment, which it's moil likely that they 
 conftittited. And all that I can fay to this 
 enquiry is, that I find dukes of Edo7n men- 
 tioned in Mofes's fong, made jull after If- 
 r^^/ departed out of Egypt, Exod, xv. 15-. 
 The dukes of VAom Jhall be amazed. And 
 this is the lalt mention we have of fuch 
 dukes. Now becaufe we have placed their 
 beginning about A. M, X4X9, and the lafl: 
 mention of them is A. M. ^5I3> it follows 
 by fubdudion of the former out of the lat- 
 ter, that they continued about eighty- four 
 years. 
 
 Within this time there mufl be many 
 changes of perfons by reafon of death. I 
 have elfewhere obferv'd, that in the firrt 
 fet of thefe dukes there were feven Horites 
 fons of Serr^ nam'd Gen. xxxvi. lo, 21. but 
 fourteen of Efau's race. In the fecond fet 
 of thefe dukes there is not one Horite^ but 
 all are Fudomites^ and their number is but 
 eleven, nam'd Gen. xxxvi. 40 to 43 inclu- 
 five. In the lait mention of them in Exo- 
 dus^ they are all call'd dukes of F.dom, no 
 Horites left ; and no num.ber of them is 
 given to us. But before Mofes led Ifrael 
 to the borders of Canaan, we find a king 
 
 of
 
 1 3' 8 Notes on the Synchronifms 
 
 of Edom mention'd, but not nam'd ; to 
 whom Mofes fent an embafly to defire 
 leave to pafs through his country. 
 
 Thus the ariftocrafy feems to have been 
 diflblv'd while Ifrael was in the wilder- 
 nefs, and a monarchy reeftablilh'd ; yet 
 not in the Horites Hne, but in the line of 
 Efau. Amalek^ who was one of the duke? 
 of Efau's Hne, of the firft fet, feems quick- 
 ly to have left the fociety of his brethren 
 that rul'd in Seir^ and to have fet up a 
 monarchy in that part of the old Horites 
 country, which fell to his iliare to be duke 
 in ; and he feems to have united his pofte- 
 rity to the Horites that dwelt there, and 
 not to have fubdu'd them, as his brethren 
 did fubdue the Horites in mount Seir : 
 And this union of Amalek with the Ho* 
 rites made the Amalekites more oppofite 
 to Ifrael than we find the Edomites about 
 mount Seir were. For thefe permitted 
 Ifrael to pafs towards Canaan^ by the bor- 
 ders or skirts of their kingdom, altho' they 
 deny'd them paiTage through the middle 
 parts of it. But the Amalekites^ without 
 any parley or pity, fell upon the feeble, 
 faint, and weary Ifraelites in the rear of 
 their army; and provok'd God by their 
 inhumanity to decree an utter excifion of 
 
 tl^eir
 
 (?/ Canaan ^W Egypt. 13^ 
 
 their nation. See Exod, xvii. 8. compar'd 
 with Detit, XXV. 18, 19. 
 
 Upon account of this union between the 
 old Horttes and Amalek\ pofterity, I think 
 it to be that Balaam^ faith Numb. xxiv. 20. 
 That Amalek "jvas the fir Jt of the nations \ 
 that is, one of the eaiiieft plantations; 
 and accordingly we find Amalekltes nam'd 
 by Trolepfts, among the people invaded by 
 Chedtrlaomer^ Gen. xiv. 7. and plac'd about 
 KadeJJ? and Hazezon-tamar, which lay with- 
 in the Horites territory. Amaieky Efau!% 
 grandchild, was not then born ; but that 
 country in Moffis time being under Ama- 
 lek's pofterity, is call'd Amalek ; and fo I 
 conceive that Balaam meant, that that 
 kingdom, which in his time was under A- 
 malek^ was an antient kingdom even be- 
 fore Amalek was born : the country being 
 firil planted by Hcrites^ whofe antiquity 
 we have before fliewn, and their line lliil 
 remaining there, though mix d with Amale- 
 kites, in whofe hand the government was 
 now plac'd. 
 
 I lliall conclude thefe notes with this 
 fingle obfervation, viz. That God did by 
 his providence weaken the flunily of Ca- 
 naan many years before the children of 
 Ifrael were to make war againit them, in 
 
 order
 
 140 Notes on the Synchronifms 
 
 order to the expelling the feven nations 
 out of that land, which he had promis'd to 
 the iffue of Abraham y Ifaac and Jacob. 
 For, 
 
 I. The Avim^ whom I have fliewn to 
 be Canaanites^ were moil of them deftroy- 
 ed by the Thil'ijllns coming from Egypt. 
 
 X. The Horitesy who alfo were HiviteSy 
 were conquer'd by the Edomhes, 
 
 3. The great body of the Canaanitesy 
 that invaded Egypt, was much weakened 
 by about 25-0 years war there, and with 
 lofs of many battles, were forc'd to capitu- 
 late for Hberty to depart thence. 
 
 4. After this departure the Canaanites 
 were weaken'd by being divided into two 
 kingdoms, left in the fouthern parts of 
 Canaan ; and a third kingdom, which yet 
 was fubdivided, was fettled in the nor- 
 thern parts of Canaan J between Jordan 
 and the Mediterranean fea, on which they 
 had all the northern ports. 
 
 5-. From their ports, as Tyre^ Sidon, Sec. 
 they difpers'd themfelves into many co- 
 lonies, both in the illands and continents 
 adjoining to the midland fea ; of which fee 
 Bocharfs Canaan. But the times of thofe 
 plantations I find not fufficiently proy'd : 
 Only the times of two of thofe plantations 
 
 from
 
 of Canaan and Egypt. 141 
 
 from Thcenice or Canaan, are recorded by 
 Eufebim, viz. i. The colony into Greece 
 by Cadmus, And, x. That into Bithynia 
 by Thoenix : And it's affirm'd by him that 
 both thefe plantations were contemporary 
 with each other, and therefore both of 
 them confiderably before the time when 
 Jojhua fubdu'd thofe who remained in G?- 
 naan. 
 
 Hence it evidently follows, that becaufe 
 all thefe things did lefTen the force of the 
 Canaanttes remaining in the promised land, 
 the conqueft of them muft be made the 
 more eafy, and all muft conduce to the 
 fettlement of Ifrael, G o d*s peculiar peo- 
 ple ; and to the fulfilling of the divine pro- 
 mifes made to their forefathers ; altho' the 
 men who manag'd the foremention'd wars 
 and difperfions meant no fuch thing as any 
 eafe to the fettlement of IfraeL 
 
 
 TRACT
 
 TRACT IV. 
 
 Concerning the poJJiblUty of a ftiffictent 
 Increafe of men from the three fans 
 €flS o AH, to a number large enough 
 to found all the nations mentioned tn 
 the eldefi credible hifiortes-^ and that 
 
 \,,,m the times (^JJlgn'd to their founda- 
 tion^ agreeably with the Hebrew 
 accounts. 
 
 IVith fome fuggefimis about the difper- 
 
 r "Jton of men to plant tn fever al parts 
 
 cf the earth : Particularly the build- 
 
 znz ^f Nineveh, the metropolis of the 
 
 Aflfyrian monarchy. 
 
 THE true reafon why it is by fome 
 ihought impoffible that Noah\ three 
 fons and their wives fiiould produce men 
 enough to found thofe feveral nations, 
 whereof we read in Scripture, and in other 
 
 credible
 
 Of the Increafe of Mankind. 143 
 
 credible writers within three or four hun- 
 dred years after the flood, is, becaufe fuch 
 men confider not fufficiently how much 
 longer the lives of thofe patriarchs were 
 than men's lives are found to be in the 
 ages wherein we live : For this well 
 ponder'd would affure them that the 
 conltitution of fuch long-liv'd men muft 
 needs be much ftronger than our's is, and 
 confequently more able and fit to propa- 
 gate mankind to great numbers than men 
 can now do ; whence it's clear that we 
 muft not judge of the increafe of mankind 
 in the firft ages after the flood, by what 
 we fee done in our own times. 'Tis true 
 indeed that the Scripture hath given to us 
 only the length of the lives of the proge- 
 nitors of Abraham in the line of Sem^ paf- 
 fing over all the hiitory of Noah's other 
 fons in a few words, without any fixing of 
 the times of their continuance on this 
 earth. And the reafon of this is clear, be- 
 cause Mofes's intent was to be more par- 
 ticular in regillering the pedigree and lives 
 of thofe who in a direft line were the an- 
 ccftors to all the people to whom he gave 
 the divine lav/s, and of whom the MeJJiahj 
 the prophet like him, was to come. But 
 this m^eafure that Mofes hath given of thefe 
 
 men's
 
 144 ^f ^^^ lyicreafe of Mankind, 
 men's lives near the flood is the beft guide 
 which we can take to ainft us in eitimating 
 the lives of their contemporaries relpec- 
 tively. There is indeed fome agreement 
 in heathen authors, that the former ages 
 were longer liv'd than the latter ; but none 
 of them defcends fo to particulars as to 
 determine numbers of years, by which we 
 may fee by what degrees the life of man- 
 kind hath been fliorten'd, as the Mofaical 
 hiltory doth. 
 
 The courfe of nature alfo is obferv*d to 
 be fuch, that fhe makes not great changes 
 in a whole fpecies, as that of mankind, all 
 of a fudden, per faltum^ but by degrees. 
 So the long Uves before the flood Ihor- 
 ten'd gradually from the time of the flood 
 to the time of Ifrael\ being in the wil- 
 dernefs ; then we find Mofes complaining, 
 Tfal. xc. lo. that they were reduc'd to fe- 
 venty or eighty years, whereabout they 
 Hand ever fince. And betwixt the flood 
 and that time w^re about 85-0 years, in 
 which fpace feveral degres ;of abbreviation 
 of life are eafily obferv<able. The three 
 firfl generations recorded in Scripiure after 
 the flood, Ar-phaxad^ Salah and HcbeVy 
 liv'd above 430 years ; yet not fo long as 
 their anceitor Shem , who being born 
 
 about
 
 Of the Increafe of Mankind. 145 
 
 about 100 years before the flood, liv'd 
 above 500 years after it. The three next 
 generations recorded in the text, Telega 
 Reu and Serug^ Hv'd not much above 230 
 years ; and from their time I find only 
 Terah that hv'd 200 years, and a httle 
 more ; all the others leis than 200 : Mofes 
 came not t;o above 120. 
 
 Thefe gradual diminutions recorded in 
 the text, I take to be the belt meafure 
 we have of the length of thofe men's 
 lives, which are not recorded in all the 
 interval between the flood and the depar^ 
 ture out of Egyft. 
 
 And therefore upon thefe variations, 
 which Hand recorded to have happened 
 three generations together in the gradual 
 abbreviation of men's lives, I have fram'd 
 my theory about the length of their lives 
 who were contemporary with Shem, and 
 the firlt three, born after the flood in three 
 fucceeding generations ; the contempora- 
 ries I mean of Arphaxad^ Salah and He* 
 ber : Before all which died Telega who was 
 born after them, within a iliorter period 
 of life. And to this interval of time only 
 I have extended my tables that relate to 
 the poffible multiplication of mankind in 
 that firft period after the flood ; without 
 L fuppofing
 
 1^6 Of the Increafe of Mankind. 
 
 fuppofing any miracle wrought to that 
 end. But I do not pretend by any tables 
 to determine exadly how many were in 
 being in all the parts of that interval : An 
 approach to exatlnefs is lufficient in fuch 
 cafes, wherein nature may vary much, and 
 accidents that human wifdom can't fore- 
 fee may alter more, either to increafe or 
 diminifli the number. 
 
 Thefe things being premised, we (hall 
 in order to the making of tables, (by help 
 whereof we may come to a probable near 
 eftimate of the increafe of mankind in the 
 three firlt centuries after the flood) pro- 
 ceed upon thefe fuppofitions or pojiulata^- 
 which we think may reafonably be gran- 
 ted. 
 
 I. That the brethren of Shem were of 
 like conltitution with him, and in the 
 Gourfe of nature might live much about 
 as many years as he did ; Ha^n and Ja-- 
 fhet might live near the matter as long as 
 Sie> and beget as m^any children. 
 
 ^. In like manner I poftulate, that the 
 fons, grandfons and great grandfons of 
 thefe two brothers be granted to be as 
 ftrong, long-liv'd and fruitful as the de- 
 fcendents in three generations from Shem 
 were^ vi^. as Ar^haxad^ Salah and Hebery 
 
 whofd
 
 Of the Increafe of Mankind. 1 47 
 
 whofe years are exprefs'd in fcripture td 
 have been above 400. 
 
 3. I poflulate that the male ifliie of thefe 
 three brothers might begin to generate 
 other ilTue foon after they were twenty 
 years old. This every year's experience 
 proves not to be an unreafonable demand: 
 Therefore I can't allow Ifaac Vo£nis'% po- 
 flulate, that thefe patriarchs might be lon- 
 ger before they came to puberty thati, 
 now men are ; and he hath given no proof 
 of what he fuppofes. 
 
 4. I grant the ifliie produced ihall be 
 half males, and half females. This many 
 yearly and weekly regifters of chriflenings 
 will prove, wherein the number of males 
 and females baptized is generally found to 
 be near the matter, equal. On this ground 
 in the following table we fhall halve the 
 whole number of every year's iflue, td 
 find the numiber of males, and ftiall leave 
 the other half to be wives for them. 
 
 It will make the calculation of tables 
 more diftinft and eafy to divide the time 
 that thefe three fons of Noah liv'd (where- 
 of we will confider only 340 years \ tho' 
 we know Shem liv'd above 160 years lon- 
 ger) into feventeen vicennial or fpaces of 
 twenty years, whereof we will moft di- 
 L % ftindly
 
 148 Of the Increafe of Mankind. 
 
 ftindtly coniider the firft vicenn'mm after 
 the flood, and the ilTue then produc'd, 
 and the offspring of that iflue, begotten 
 after every male was at leaft twenty years 
 old, unto the year 340, in which Thaleg 
 died ; who is the firft man, whofe death is 
 determined in Scripture after the flood. 
 There can be but feventeen fuch vicenma 
 in 340 years; becaufe feventeen multiply'd 
 into twenty makes juft 340. 
 
 From thefe fojiulata or reafonable fup- 
 pofitions, it will follow, that in the firft 
 twenty years after the flood, the three 
 fons of N ah might beget each of them 
 twenty children ; the fum of which is fixty ; 
 the half of thefe is thirty males ; and the 
 other thirty yields a wife for each one of 
 them. 
 
 Hence it follows that at the fixtieth year 
 after the flood the youngeft of thefe chil- 
 dren, whether male or female, will be forty 
 years old, and may have generated twenty 
 children more ; the fum of them will be 
 600, whereof 300 will be males, the other 
 300 wives for them. And it is to be ob- 
 ferv'd, that by allowing forty years be- 
 fore we reckon of another offspring, we 
 have not only fecur'd that the youngeft 
 of the former generation fliall be twenty 
 
 years
 
 Of the Incnafe of Mankind. 149 
 
 years old before he beget a child, as our 
 fuppofition requires, but have allow'd rime 
 for the eldeft three males to be thirty- nine 
 years old ; and the next three males and 
 their wives to be thirty-eight years old ; 
 and proportionably the reft to be above 
 twenty before we reckon of any child 
 from them : So that they will have had 
 time to beget a great many more than 
 twenty children : And all this furplufagc? 
 and all their ilTue in every fucceflion we 
 reckon not in our table, but give in hbe- 
 rally to compenfate all later marriage:v, bar- 
 rennefTes, and cafual deaths which can't 
 be accounted for ; and to the fame end 
 we reckon upon no births of twins, nor 
 their ifTue, altho' many fuch might fall out. 
 To add to our compenfation for cafualties, 
 we reckon of no births within lefs time 
 than a full year ; altho' we know that fe- 
 ven children may be born in every fix years, 
 allowing only fingle births. Thefe alfo, and 
 all the poflible ifTue of fuch births, we 
 have omitted in our table, that our poftti" 
 lata may the more readily be granted. 
 For, in truth, here are about as many gene- 
 rate above thirty years old, as under thirty 
 years of age, although we have poltulateii 
 them to generate at twenty years old^ 
 "^" L 3 Thefe
 
 I JO Of the Increafe of Mankind. 
 
 Thefe things being well confider'd, fee 
 the firft table, which exprelTes not only the 
 number of the offspring of Noah's three 
 fons within the firft twenty years after the 
 flood, but adds the iflue of that offspring 
 within 310 years after the flood. The end 
 of the firft Vkennium is A, M, 1676. 
 
 A. M. years after Couples born in the firft Vicef> 
 
 the flood. mum after the Flood ; and the 
 
 couples that defcended fiona 
 them. 
 
 3676 20—-^ — — 30 
 
 3716 60 300 
 
 i756 100' 3>ooo Obfervations Celeft. fent 
 
 by Callijibefies^ begin. 
 1796 140 ^,30,000 Hereabouts B^^Ws tower 
 
 is attempted to be built. 
 1S36 180 — 300^000 Hereabouts Egypf and 
 
 Phoemcia planted by 
 
 Canaan and Mtzxaim, 
 
 1876 220- 3,000,000 
 
 1916 260—= — - 30,000,000 About this time yS^/^/w 
 
 founds the Su^onian 
 
 kingdom, 
 1 95-6 300 — — — ' 300,000,000 "^odan Phaleg^^ brother 
 
 founds a kingdom in 
 
 Arabia. 
 
 ^99^ 340 ' 3,000,000,000 
 
 Thefum 3,333,333,330 Males furniOi'd with 
 
 wives. 
 
 I have thought fit to end this table at 
 the end of 340 years after the flood, for 
 many good reafons, 
 
 I. Becaufe
 
 Of the Increafe of Mankind, iji 
 
 I. Becaufe I think that even this num- 
 fcer of men, though it be but the fruits 
 of the firit tvv^enty years generation of 
 Noalfs three fons is fufEcient to found 
 thofe kingdoms, that any credible hillory 
 remaining to us does report to have been 
 founded within the firlt 340 years after 
 the flood ; and coniequently this table 
 alone vvill (top the mouth of thofe bold 
 pretenders that fay it was impoflible that in 
 this time men enough could be begotten 
 to plant the kingdoms ; concerning which 
 we have good records. 
 
 i. I ftop a while here, becaufe even our 
 ^dverfiU'ies \n\\ grant, that if there were 
 fo many millions in being when Thaleg 
 died, t+ie ages that followed would eafily 
 be Itock'd with many more millions to 
 people the earth. 
 
 3. I chufe to (land at Thaleg'^ death, 
 becaufe he is the firft man whofe death 
 can be prov'd by the Scripture to have 
 fallen out in all that interval of 340 years, 
 from the flood to his deceafe. All his 
 anceftors, Heber^ Salahj Arpbaxad^ SheMf 
 and even Noah were then alive : So that 
 there is no evidence that any one man died 
 in that interval to put any flop to the 
 conilant increafe of mankind to that fpace 
 
 L 4 of
 
 1 5 1 Of the Increafe of Mankind. 
 
 of time, according to the Hei?rew ^ccounty 
 which I follow in all this difcourfe. And 
 I am unwilling in thefe accounts to be en- 
 tangled with difficulties that may arife by 
 reafon of the deaths of many, which will 
 make it hard to adjuft allowances for them. 
 
 4. Becaufe the Scripture tellifies, that 
 in Thaleg^ days the earth or land was di- 
 vided. Gen. X. x^. i Chron. i. 19. For by 
 our table it will appear, that in his time 
 mankind was fo increased in number, that 
 a divifion of the proper ellates of fingle 
 families and of diverfe nations was necef- 
 fary to be introduc'd. Therefore between 
 the time of his birth, which was A. M, 
 175-7, and his death A.M. 1996, I have 
 plac'd the origin of the eldelt dctminions, 
 whereof our bed hiftorians and chroriolo- 
 gers give us notice, and have offered evi- 
 dence, that there were men fufficient to 
 begin them. 
 
 Laltly, becaufe Thaleg is the firlt man 
 after the flood who is recorded in Scrip- 
 ture to have liv'd lefs than 400 years, and 
 therefore had much lefs time to propa- 
 gate mankind than all before him, it was 
 fit I fliould end thefe tables in him, be- 
 caufe I defign'd in them only to confider 
 fuch as had the Icngefl time given them 
 
 by
 
 Of the Increafe of Mankind. 1 5 3 
 
 by divine providence to repair the lofs of 
 men who perifli'd in the flood. All that 
 furviv'd in the ark and all born before him, 
 that appear in Scripture, and have their 
 age there recorded, liv'd confiderably above 
 400 years. So Heber Thalegs father liv'd 
 464 years, Salah 433, Arphaxad ^1%^ Shem 
 above 500 after the flood. 
 
 Neverthelefs, I will not fuppofe that 
 thefe patriarchs did beget children near 
 the laft years of their lives, but will leave 
 all that time wherein they furviv'd Thaleg 
 out of the following table, as if then they 
 were quire fuperannuated as to the con- 
 cern of propagation. By this method I 
 fliall exclude the laft 160 years of the life 
 of Shem, and of his brothers, if they be 
 fuppos'd to live as long as he did. We 
 fhall leave unaccounted the 100 lait years 
 of Arphdxad, and of all his contem.pora- 
 ries. We charge with no ifliie the 130 
 latt years of Salah, and fuch as we may 
 fuppofe born in Ham and Japhet\ line 
 about the fame time with him : And fo we 
 leave unreckon'd 191 years of Heber and 
 all his contemporaries : Befides that we 
 leave quite out of all our accounts all the 
 350 lait years of Noah, altho' it be certain 
 that the Scripture's filence is no cogent 
 
 argument
 
 154 Of the Increafe of Mankind. 
 
 argument to conclude that be begat no 
 children all that time, when foon after the 
 deluge there was a great want of men to 
 people the earth. 
 
 Thefe things I thought fit to mention, 
 briefly to ilievv that we do not violently 
 lay hands on all pofRble methods of mul- 
 tiplying men, but have left out very many 
 ways whereby we might have increased our 
 numbers ; and therefore I may judly ex- 
 peft that the numbers which I have alrea- 
 dy, and thofe additions which I now pro- 
 ceed to make to them (after thofe abate- 
 ments which I have now aliow'd) will the 
 more readily be accepted as reafonable. 
 
 After the fruits of the firft twenty years 
 generation of Shem and his brethren, elli- 
 mated in the firft table, there remain with- 
 in the fpace of 340 years in their lives 
 (which I have limited my felf to) fixteen 
 more vtcenntay w^herein they might gene- 
 rate, and their pofterity might multiply, 
 (as in the firft table) to the time of Tba- 
 legs death ; and the numbers might be 
 exprefs'd in fixteen more tables, like the 
 firft ; which numbers muft all be added to 
 the former in their feveral defcents, be- 
 caufe all of them would be born after Tha- 
 leg's death. 
 
 But
 
 Of the Increafe of Mankind, i j j 
 
 But to avoid prolixity, and the tiring my 
 reader, I will only affirm that fixteen (uch 
 tables will increafe the fum to above ten 
 times as many as are above exprefs'd ; and 
 this is enough to people the earth as much 
 as we have good realon to believe the 
 earth was peopled even in Abraham^ time, 
 who was born twelve years after Thaleg 
 died, and removed into Canaan eighty-fe- 
 ven years after it, and 5^et found room 
 enough there for himfelf and a numerous 
 family, and many cattle to feed, by per- 
 miffion of the inhabitants, becaufe they 
 had more land than they could flock. 
 
 The reft of the earth (excepting per- 
 haps about Babel) was yet more thinly 
 peopled, becaufe the celebrated fertility of 
 Egyp and Canaan drew men thither early. 
 Yet there may be confiderable numbers 
 fpar'd out of this early increafe to fpread 
 into all the quarters of the then known 
 earth : Particularly fome might be carry'd 
 in the travels of Cronm, ( whom I have 
 prov'd to be Ham) and in the removes of 
 Aftarte^ into many parts of the habitable 
 earth: Which removes are recorded by 
 Sanchoniatho, and cannot reafonably be 
 thought to be any lower defign than to 
 
 plant
 
 1^6 Of the Increafe of Mankind. 
 
 plant colonies ; as one in Attica is men- 
 tion'd exprefly. 
 
 Thefe might well be about r6o or 300 
 years after the flood. The travels of Ofiris 
 on the fame account into Thrygia^ Attica 
 and Macedonia^ are mention'd by Eufebim 
 out of T>iodortis Siculm ; and we have 
 Ihew'd that OJiris is Mizraim ; whofe time 
 falls within our table ; fee Eujeb. Tr^par, 
 L 2. p. 46. So whereas the table can only 
 fliew that then great numbers of men were 
 poffible, the hiitory of many plantations 
 fo early made, proves great numbers af(:u- 
 ally to have been, and to have fpread 
 themfelves into far remote countries. 
 
 But I cannot iQt pafs without a fpecial re- 
 mark, that "Diodorus affirms OJiris T^ittto" 
 
 leave the care of the tillage in Attica to 
 Triptolemus ; becaufe here we have the 
 molt antient tillage in Greece mention'd 
 to be in Ofiru\ time ; with which it well 
 enough agrees, that it is commonly afcrib'd 
 to Ceres ; for there is fufficient proof that 
 ihe is //&, the wife of OJiris^ who might 
 well be with him, and take a fpecial care 
 to inftruft many in that husbandry, which 
 was fo fully underitood in Egypt, Be- 
 
 fides^
 
 Of the Increafe of Manhnd. 157 
 
 fides, here is Tripolemtts mendon'd in O- 
 j&T^'s time concern 'd in this Lnprovement, 
 which aflures us there was a Irtptolemm 
 long before the time of Erechr/vus^ in 
 which Triptolemm and the coming cf teres 
 is commonly plac'd ; together with tlie 
 Eleujinian felUval. 
 
 But our T>iodorus^ if he be well confi- 
 der'd, will clear this matter to us ; for he 
 iufficiently intimates, that that coming of 
 Ceres in Erechtbeus's tim.e, which he men- 
 tions, is an allegory or figuracive narration : 
 For he fays that the coming of the god- 
 defs Ceres is rightly attributed to thofe 
 times in which bread-corn, thofe fruits of 
 the earth that are call'd by the fame name 
 with the goddefs, {Ceres is bread-corn) 
 were imported into Athens. Erechthetis 
 had brought them much bread-corn from 
 Egypt^ when there was a great dearth or 
 famine in Attica^ T)wd. I. i. /. 17. and 
 they made him king for his benefaftion : 
 and he eftablifli'd the fealts and myfteries 
 of Ceres in Attica^ which were long be- 
 fore us'd in Egypt^ where Ihe reign'd fome 
 centuries of years before, as Herodotus alfo 
 teftifies. Perhaps alfo fome improvement 
 in husbandry might be introduc'd in E- 
 rechtheus'^ days : But I can't believe that 
 
 the
 
 I J 8 Of the Increafe of Mankind. 
 
 the whole skill of plowing, fowing and 
 inning of harvefl fliould come fo late into 
 Greece^ that had been long peopled from 
 the eaftern parts of the earth, where thefe 
 things were known many ages before : 
 And therefore I can eafily believe that At- 
 tica had learnt the art of tillage in the 
 days of Ofiris or Mizraim, as T^iodorus 
 before doth inform us. And here alfo I 
 obferve, that the children of Ham planted 
 firft in 'Phoenicia and Egyft^ did quickly 
 mingle themfelves with the fons of Japhet 
 that planted in Greece ; and fpread their 
 idolatry among them. 
 
 This gives me occafion to confider fome 
 other reafons of the difperfion of mankind 
 into the feveral countries of the known 
 world, than thofe that are moft commonly 
 offer'd to us ; and they are thefe. I doubt 
 not but the fruitfulnefs of many countries 
 above others, as Egypt ^^ Canaan^ Greece^ 
 and of Afia Minor -^ befides, the iilands 
 were known to Noah and his fons before 
 the flood : and therefore they would ac- 
 quaint their offspring therewith, which 
 would naturally excite in them a defire to 
 be early polfefs'd of thofe fertile lands, 
 which could not be without removing from 
 their iirit habitations, 
 
 %. Their
 
 Of the Increafe of Mankind, jjg 
 
 ^. Their reafon and obfervation would 
 afTure them, that plants would grow and 
 fpread themfelves into thickets and woods, 
 which would make countries impaflable, 
 if men did not difperfe themfelves and la- 
 bour to keep them down. But there would 
 be greater danger from the increafe of 
 wild beaits, which would multiply exceed- 
 ingly, and overfpread the earth quickly,, 
 if their increai'e were not binder'd ; fa 
 that it would become dangerous to enter 
 thofe countries where lions, tigers, ©r, 
 were multiply'd. I hnd in the antient wif- 
 dom of the Mofatcal Law a caution given 
 by God himfelf, T)eut, vii. -l-l. That the 
 Canaanites were not to be confum'd all at 
 once, but by little and little^ leji the beajis 
 of the field jhotild increafe upon Ifrael. 
 
 3. There was early fo great a corrup- 
 tion of their morals grov^'n among them, 
 that they kept a diftance often, becaufe 
 they dar'd not trult one another, but fear- 
 ed furprizes, fraud and violence from each 
 other ; and found diitance a great fecurity, 
 which made them to affect it, 
 
 4. By fuch early removes they got be- 
 fore others the title of the tirft occupation 
 of a country, which was mod conlidera- 
 Me when there were no boundaries ta 
 
 men's
 
 i6o Of the Increafe of Mankind. 
 
 men's land fet by law or civil government : 
 Bur the firit occupant made himfelf king 
 of his family or retinue by confederacy, 
 and challenged command over a large quan- 
 tity of lately unoccupy'd land. 
 
 f. The perambulations of Cromis and 
 Aftarte in Sanchoniatho , and of 0/iris , 
 who is the old ^Diony/ius^ celebrated for 
 travels , not only by T>iodorus^ whom I 
 have before quoted for his perambulating 
 AJia and Greece^ but by others, for his 
 march ealtward ; even to the Indies : 
 Thefe prove a defign in them to lay the 
 foundations of a large empire. They prove 
 a boundlefs ambition, which would make 
 them quickly over run the earth. 
 
 6. The information that Sanchoniatho 
 gives us, that the Dtofcuri and their fons 
 made improvement of fliips or veiTels, 
 wherewith they pafs'd over the fea, (which 
 by our account mufl be made within the 
 two next generations after the flood) will 
 evince us, that thus men might pafs early 
 even into iflands and cour tries, feparated 
 by fea from each other, which muft needs 
 help forward the difperfion of mankind 
 into many countries. And accordingly we 
 find thefe fons of Sydyc., caird by Sancho- 
 niatho Samothraces^ which imports that 
 
 they
 
 Of the Increafe of Mankind. 16 j 
 
 they got very early into that ifland, and 
 into Thrace, near adjoining. For Herodotus 
 alfo fays the Thracians were initiated ac- 
 cording to the rites of the Qablri, whoni 
 he records to have been early in Samothrace, 
 and thence to have remov'd with the Te- 
 lafgi into Attica, and thence into other 
 parts of Greece, where, Tattfanias allures 
 us, that their myfteries were upheld even 
 to his times. 
 
 I will, not here digrefs to follow the 
 Cabiri thro' div^erfe countries, becaufe I 
 have elfewhere fpoken of them ; but chufe 
 to conclude this difcourfe of antient plan- 
 tations with one example, which I think 
 is the eldeft m.ention'd in the facred hi- 
 ftory, viz,, that of iV/;/^-i.'^i6, whereof we 
 have alfo fome memoirs preferv'd in the 
 gentile hiltorians. And becaufe feveral 
 difficulties or difputable matters rnay occur 
 therein, I fhall beg leave humbly to pro- 
 pofe my thoughts on this fubjeft in this 
 method, 
 
 I. I fnall ofFef to confideration what Mq- 
 fes hath deliver'd concerning the founder 
 of Nineveh, whence we may make fome 
 approach to the knowledge of his time. 
 
 X. I fliall briefly intimate u hat the hea- 
 then antiquaries have faid concerning it5? 
 
 M founder?
 
 i6i Of the Increafe of Mankind. 
 
 founder ; and fliall fliew how I conceive 
 their words may be confillent with the 
 Mofatcal hidory. 
 
 3. This agreement between the facred 
 and gentile hiftory being admitted, I will 
 propofe a method 'to fix the time of this 
 foundation of Nineveh more exaflly by the 
 help of fome other credible chronologers, 
 than we can do by the words of Mofes 
 alone. 
 
 All thefe things will be the fitter for us 
 to confider, becaufe it's agreed among thofe 
 who differ in the queftion whether the 
 numbers of the Hebrew text, or thofe of 
 the Septuagiiit and Samaritan are to be 
 prefer'd ; that in this cafe that controverfy 
 hath no place : For that quedion concerns 
 only the fine of Sem by Arphaxad^ not 
 by Aflntr ; much lefs the line of Ham^ in 
 which Nimrod is found to be a grandchild. 
 Wherefore we will apply ourfelves to the 
 three enquiries propos'd in their order. 
 
 I. AH that Mofes informs us of the foun- 
 der of Nineveh^ is contain'd in Gen, x. 11, 
 Concerning which the tranflators of our 
 Bible into Englifh have fuggefted very 
 faithfully, that the original words may be 
 tranilated two ways; either, i. That out 
 of the land (of Shinaar) went forth Afliur 
 
 and
 
 Of the hicreafe of Mankind . 1^3 
 
 and built Nine\xeh : Or, i. That cut ofShi- 
 naar he (which is N'mrod mention'd in the 
 veiTe foregoing) 'went into Aflyria and built 
 Nineveh. So they tranflate it in the mar- 
 gin. We may with equal honour to the 
 tranflators take either of theie tranllations^ 
 both being offer'd us by the fame men : 
 But I think not with equal honour to the 
 divine hiitorian Mnfes : For if we take the 
 former of them, Mofis mud be made to 
 bring in a narrative concerning Jjhur^ 
 one of Scm's, fons, moft incohicrently and 
 impertinently, in the middle of his narra- 
 tive, concernin.^ the fons of Ham\ v^^hich 
 begins :^^ 6. and ends ii. 20. Which will be 
 fo much the worfe ; becaufe Mofes^ before 
 this eleventh verfe, had not informed us that 
 there was any fuch man born into the 
 world as this Aft:)m\ whom the firll: tran- 
 slation brings into the text. Therefore I 
 chufe the marginal tranflaiion, and under- 
 Itand Mofis in this place to inform us that 
 Nimrod built Nineveh, ^c. This is na 
 new tranflation or expofition of the words, 
 but as old and authentick as the Tdrguni 
 or paraphrafe of Onkelos on the Tenta- 
 tench ; and alfo the Tatgum of Johathan 
 Ben-Uzziel : And I have obferv'd that the 
 Qhald^O'Samaritan verfion tranflates the 
 M % mxm
 
 I ^4 Of the Increafe of Mankind. 
 
 name Afijm^ by JJIun, in f. ii. which we 
 are explaining: But AJljur the fon of j"^;^, 
 in j^. 22. is caird JJhtir in the Hebrew^ 
 not y^//;/. 
 
 And herewith concur many modern 
 tranllators ; as Vatablus^ "jiinlus and 7>^- 
 meHins ; and the excellent orientalilt Bo- 
 chart^ who may be confulted in 'Fhaleg^ 
 I. 4. c. 12. /. 259, &:c. where he gives ma- 
 ny good reafons for fo tranllating the 
 words. I know that it may be objefted, 
 that the Septuai'int and the vulgar Latin^ 
 and fome other tranllations, feem to own 
 A/Ioiir as t!)e founder of tiiis great city. 
 But I anfwer, that it is not neceiiary to 
 take them in that ienfe, as fpeaking con- 
 cerning ^/'77r the fon of Sem : They may 
 be underilood as affirming that this Afly- 
 rian monarch (meaning Nimrod) went forth 
 frora Shinaar and built Nineveh .* For Ajktir 
 generally in Scripture (excepting only in 
 the genealogies) does fignify the Ajfyrian ; 
 witnefs Nu?n.xx[y. 22,24. Ezr.iw.x. where 
 Efarhaddon is call'd king of Afhur. So 
 Hof, xiv. 3. and many other places. And 
 1 have obferv'd that the Hierufalem Tar- 
 gum on this place, which is now under 
 confideration, doth fo underltand the word 
 yljlnir^ taking it for the JJfyrian \ not for 
 
 one
 
 Gf the Increafe of MayikmcL i6j 
 
 one fingle inan, who was Sem's Ton : For 
 whereas here he writes nT.wNS there he 
 writes ivrtx 3^ 2,2. where Sem's for.s are 
 reckoned up. If this be not ndmitrcd as 
 the fenfe of the Septuag^nt^ &c. I mull 
 crave leave to diilent from them for the 
 reafons above given. 
 
 I will ihut up this firil enquiry wirh an 
 etymolory of the word Nineveh^ given by 
 Schtndler in the word Hi:], Vv'here I think 
 he truly affirms that ii's compounded of 
 j^J, lignifying a fon or progeny, and niJ 
 habitavit : So it imports the habitation of 
 the fon ; either eminently the heir of the 
 crown and family, or more generah^'^ a 
 place where the fpreading numerous pro- 
 geny of C/#5 (the chief of which was Nim- 
 rod) and thofe under liim may conveni- 
 ently dwell. A colony or nurfery for po- 
 llerity, efpeciaily for the heir, might with 
 good reafon be fo call'd. 
 
 This gives me a fair tranfiiicn to the fe- 
 cond enquiry. 
 
 X. What do heathen authors fay of thi?, 
 and how doth their report agree Vvith Mo- 
 fes ? I anfvver, thzt Sfra^o^ both in his fecond 
 and in his lixtcenth book, expre.fiy affirms 
 it to be built by N'mus : So doth ^Jtodd- 
 riis SiculuszVi6. others. Even the chriilian 
 
 M 3 fathev
 
 1 66 Of the Increafe of Mankind. 
 father Evfcbius, in the beginning of his 
 fccond Chronlcon, faith A^i/z/zj- built Nine- 
 -vch : And in the Greek text, kept by Syri^ 
 cellus, he affirms the city to have its name 
 from Ninus. Nlva> i-^c^.vf.t©.. And fo doth 
 St. Aupijiht de Civit, Li6, c, 3. Which is 
 a plain argument that they did not think 
 of JJhu?^ as a diftindt perfon from Nimrod 
 or Ntnus, to be the founder of Nineveh : 
 Yet certainly they meant not to contradid 
 Mofes, 
 
 I. Therefore I think it neceffiiry to be- 
 lieve that Nimrod and Nums are two 
 Bam.es of the fame man, and then all will 
 agree. So Chrcniccn Jlexaitdrijtuin -, and 
 Scaliger on Etifebitis, Nimrod lignifies a 
 violent man and a rebel ; and Mofes knew 
 this man to be fuch ; and fo did his neigh- 
 pouring people. Thofe that were his fub- 
 jefts confidei^d him as the eminent fon of 
 CtiJIo, the poiiellor and heir of the crown • 
 and fo call'd him Nui, Thus flir I agree 
 with Bochart. In other things that follow 
 m his writings I crave leave to differ, (with- 
 put any difrefpeft;) and fliall ofFer my rea- 
 fons for my opinion, paffing over his con- 
 jeftures in filence ; becaufe if my afTer- 
 tions are proved, his will fall for want of 
 proof • 
 
 %. The
 
 Of the lucre afe of Mankind. 167 
 
 X. The agreement between Mcfes and 
 the heathen writers in this cafe will be yet 
 more evident, if it appear that the father 
 of Nimrod or Ninus^ who is call'd Cujl? in 
 Mofesj be fliew'd to be call'd Behts in 
 them. I fuppofe it known that Belus is 
 derived from Baal^ which is but a title of 
 honour, fignifying a lord in the Hebrew 
 and Chaldaan languages. Now it is clear 
 from Eupolemus and Boljhiftor^ cited by 
 Eufebius^ Trapar. I. 9. c. 17. where not 
 only they but the Babylonians generally 
 affirm that their fir fl king ijuas Belus, caU 
 led alfo Cronus ; fi7id that he had four fons ; 
 two of which were Belus the fecond^ and 
 Canaan. This proves Belu^ the fecond to 
 be Canaan s brother, as CtiJI? in Mofes was : 
 And Etipolvmus prefently afcer mentions 
 the accufative cafe of that name X^'a^. 
 There may be fome dilbrder in the words ; 
 but Ham and his four fons are certainly 
 defign'd, Canaan and Mtzrai77i being ex- 
 prefly nam'd as Mofes names them; and 
 another call'd Behts, as his father Ham 
 alfo was in Chaldaa : And this Belus is 
 agreed to be Nintis\ (or Nimrod\) father 
 in many other hiitorians. Add hereunto, 
 that our author Sanchoniatho does exprefly 
 M 4 aifirixi
 
 1 68 Of the Increafe of ManKtna. 
 
 affirm that Cronus had a fon call'd Za-? 
 B^/Ac^, whom Mofes calls Ctijh. 
 
 It may be confirm'd that Nmus is iVi;^- 
 rod^ the grandchild of /7^?^/, becaufe his 
 father is Beltts, plac'd firit in the Jjfyrian 
 fucceffion, which Syncellus affirms to come 
 from Africantis : For this Behis is by Hie" 
 rcm\ tranflation of Eufebius affirm'd to be 
 call'd 'Dens and Saturnus^ which in the 
 Greek are litis ; from the Chald. ^^^ ; 
 and Cronus i^p^ the horned king, the firfl 
 crown'd head. Alfo from the city Ntnus, 
 which is affirm'd by the Greeks to bear its 
 founder's nam.e, Eufeb, Vrapar. p, 484. 
 although caird with fome change Nineveh 
 in Hebrew^ i. e. the habitation of Nmus : 
 But Mofes exprefly affirms Nlmrod to be 
 its founder. There is no reconciling Mo- 
 fes and the Greeks^ but by owning Nim" 
 rod and Ninus to be the fame man. 
 
 See Scaliger's Greek Colleftions in his 
 Eufebius^ p. 35*6, O?/. 2,. In Eufebius^ as 
 I juil now faid, the firfi Cronus is affirm d 
 to be the father of Canaan, a fure mark of 
 Ham: And alfo the father ^/Coum, (which 
 is Oijh^ and was caU'd Belus the fecond) 
 who was the father of the iEthiopes, who 
 are the Arabians or Cujhites : And that 
 this Cujh w^as the brother of Mizraim, the 
 • father
 
 Of the Increafe of Mankind. \6<) 
 
 father of the Egyptians No better defcrip- 
 tion of Belus the firft as Ham^ than by 
 three of his ions, can be defir'd. 
 
 And whereas he faith that the Greeks 
 call this OAim or Culh^ ylsbolus^ and affirm 
 him to be Mizraims brother : That name 
 Aa-fiox©^ is of the fame fignification in 
 Greek as ^thiops^ black or tawny- fac'd : 
 And fo Cujh is often tranflated. Yet now 
 the learned generally agree, that Oijh 
 means Arabs^ not Moors or Africans. 
 
 In the eighteenth chapter of this ninth 
 hoo^^Eufebiiis from Artapojius^ (who relates 
 it from a book that was dlkriroT^^j that is, of 
 a namelefs author) affirms that this Belus only 
 remain d of the impious race "ivhich is; as of 
 men that was defrofd by the gods^ (fo the 
 heathens fpeak of the flood which only 
 the one true God brought) and dwelt in 
 Babylon in the tower which he biiilt^ and 
 which was caWd by his nan^e. This place 
 plainly relates to Ham^ here call'd lielusy 
 and makes him or his fon Belus the fecond 
 to found the tower of Babel^ which doth 
 not hinder but that Nimrod his grandchild 
 affifted. 
 
 Agreeably hereunto, Sanchoniatho m 
 Eufebius^ /. \. p. 37. line nit. and/. 38, the 
 firft line, affirms that Qromis had in Pcraea 
 
 (underftand
 
 I70 Of the Increafe of Mank'ma. 
 
 (undeiibnd countries beyond Euphrates or 
 Jordan) three fons^ one who was call'd Cro- 
 nus, name fake to his father ; a fecond calPd 
 Belus ; the third Apollo. Here Befus is 
 affirm'd to be a fon of Cronus the el- 
 deft, which is Ham. And it mult be con- 
 fefs'd, that both Cronus and Belus are in 
 the eaftern languages titles, importing do- 
 minion ; and therefore may in the ealt pafs 
 to many that have like dominion ; tho' they 
 have other names, whereby they are diitin- 
 guifli'd. As the firil Cronus was Ham^ 
 altho Sanchoniatho informs us that even his 
 confederate princes were calFd Cronii^ as 
 he was Cronus ; and Eloim as he was Ilus^ 
 Eufeb.p. 37. B. Much more might his fon 
 be caird Cronus and Belus eminently : So 
 in Sanchoniatho he is call'd ZsJ? BjJAo?, altho' 
 his diftinguifhing name was Cujh, I find 
 alfo that his grandchild Nimrod or Ninus 
 was caird Cronus in Scaliger's 'l<^o^icov ^wa- 
 
 ycoyr,^ p. 356. Col. 2. Xit. Eri TTi^i Ao-(rv^ict)V. 
 
 Here, becaufe we have noted that titles, 
 initead of diitinguiihing names, are us'd 
 in this hiftory, it may be feafonable to en- 
 quire about y^dodus, who, p. 38. C. in this 
 hiltory, is call'd the king of gods ; who he 
 was and what's the true import of his being 
 call'd king of gods. And truly I conceive 
 
 that
 
 Of the Increafe of Mankind. 171 
 
 that this is alfo a title which belong'd either 
 to Ham\ fon Cujh^ or rather to his grand- 
 child N'imrod\ becaufe the Scripture in- 
 timates that his dominion was much more 
 extended, even to y^Jfyria^ and its feveral 
 parts ; and therefore he might well have 
 many fubordinate kings under him, who 
 are call'd gods, as we have noted that his 
 grandfather Cronus\ confederate princes 
 were call'd Eloiniy which is gods. 
 
 Agreeably hereunto, we find that Hadad 
 was a kingly name, very antiently among 
 the eldell kings in the land of Edom ; for 
 Gen. xxxvi. 35. the fourth of thofe kings is 
 call'd Hadad \ and i Chren. i. 5*0. the eighth 
 of them is call'd Hadad alio ; altho' in Ge- 
 nefa he be call'd Hadar, In like manner 
 that Syrian prince, who in % Sam. viii. 5*, 6. 
 is call'd Hadadezer^ is i Chron. xviii. 5, 7. 
 call'd Hadarezer : Not only becaufe the 
 letters T)aleth and Rejh are very like in 
 Hebrew^ but alfo the fignification of the 
 names Hadad and Hadar are alfo near of 
 kin. For as Macrobitts Saturnal. i. c. 31. 
 hath informed us Adad fignifies among the 
 Ajfyrians the one eminently, w^hich is con- 
 firm'd by Bochart out of Arabic in his Gz- 
 naan^ p. 811. and therefore may well be the 
 title of a monarch, or fingle fovereign, and 
 
 of
 
 1 7 2 Of ike Increafe of Mankind. 
 
 of the fun their deity. So alfo j^dar or 
 j^d'tr is the magnificent or mighty poten- 
 tate, which in the fame manner may be a 
 princely title. 
 
 Hither belongs alfo Jofefhus\ obferva- 
 tion from Nic. 'Dama/cenus^ that the ten 
 fucceflions from Hadad-ezer in Syria took 
 all of them the title of Hadad ; and that 
 they caird their fubordinate princes and 
 confederates kings in Syfia^ alfo is clear by 
 the thirty-two kii^gs following the com- 
 mand oi Benhadadj as appears i Kings xx. i. 
 'Tis certain, that altho' Mofes has not gi- 
 ven us the years of the life of Ham^ and 
 of his defcendents, yet we may prudent- 
 ly believe, and in accounts, allow to that 
 line very long lives in the ages near the 
 flood, in fome correfpondence to Sbem\ 
 line; although it be credible that Ham^wdi 
 his defcendents did, by their wicked de- 
 bauchery, fliorten their own days, and pro- 
 voke God judicially to fliorten them alfo. 
 Here w^e have fuppos'd Hmn only to live 
 about 300 years after the flood ; and this 
 may well be granted, becaufe his father 
 liv'd fifty years longer ; in which time I 
 have prov'd that Nineveh was built by his 
 grandchild Nimrod ; and it is certain that 
 his brother Shem liy'd xoo years longer ; 
 
 and
 
 Of the hicreafe of ManKind, 173 
 
 and all the men of the generation follow- 
 ing him, recorded by Mofes^ liv'd above 
 400 years : And the time of Ham\ death 
 is not determined by Scripture, or any other 
 book that I know of. But Sanchoniatho 
 fays plainly that by Crcniis\ confcnt and 
 authority Adodits rcign'd over many gods 
 or kings, which I cannot underftand other- 
 wife than that Ham allowed fo large a do- 
 minion to his fon Cujh^ or his grandchild 
 N'lmrod. 
 
 Let the learned confider, that in the 
 Samaritari verfion of Gen. xiv. 9. Tidal^ 
 whom we tranflate ki?ig of nations^ is there 
 tranflated the king Sultan of the Chammim, 
 or confederates, or fubjefts of Cham or 
 Ham. The Latin tranflation annexed to it 
 calls them Cbam^i. 
 
 And this I take notice of in this fragment 
 of Sanchcniatho^ becaufe it feems to point 
 at the beginning of that great empire, 
 commonly caird the AJfyrian monarchy, 
 and is very well confiftent with what Mo- 
 fes delivers concerning Rimrod^ the be- 
 ginning of whofe kingdom he places in 
 Babylon^ but the height and grandeur of 
 it in Affyria ; efpecially in Nineveh^ and 
 the cities adjoining to it. 
 
 Sancho-
 
 174 ^/^^^^ Increafe of Mankind. 
 
 Sanchoniatho alfo affirms, in the laft line 
 of EttfebmSy p. 37, and the firft of p. 38, 
 that Cromus or Ham's three principal fons 
 were born in Teraa^ which Scaltger well 
 interprets of the country be^^ond Euphra- 
 tes^ in his notes on his Greek Eufeblusy 
 p. 410. Thefe fons I have fliew'd to be 
 Mizraimy Cufh and Tbut ; whereof he 
 feems to have plac'd Oujh or the fecond 
 Belus, at Babylon ; and he is honour'd with 
 the title of Zd6V B?Ac?, becaufe he was in 
 after-times deify'd. Mtzraim is generally 
 agreed to be fettled in Egyft^ and Thiit 
 in remoter parts of Afr'ica^ He feems to 
 have plac'd himfelf for fome time at Byb- 
 lus^ p. 38, A. that from thence by fea he 
 might have correfpondence with Egypt 
 and Africa^ where two of his fons rul'd ; 
 and that by land he might correfpond with 
 Babylon and Nineveh^ where his fon Cujhy 
 and his grandchild Nimrod were ; himfelf 
 being feated in the middle of his children 
 that v/ere viceroys or kings, by his con- 
 fenr, as our author affirms. 
 
 Agreeably to this, we find in Tlutarcb 
 de I fide & Ofiridey that when Ofiris (whom 
 I believe to be Ham's fon Mizraim) wm 
 killed, his wife Ifis fails from Egypt to 
 Byblus, where Jhe /;^^j".Melcander 5 (which 
 
 is
 
 Of the Increafe of Mankind, 1 7 5 
 
 is a made name in that myllical ftory, and 
 plainly relates to the Hebrew name Melech 
 or Moloch^ which was a Hebrew name of 
 Ham ox Cronus^ and from thence afuccejfor 
 is fent into the kingdom of Egypt, whom 
 om' author calls Thoth , Tkttarch names 
 OruSy the grandchild of Cronus^ and the 
 fon o{ Menes or Mizraim, For the clear- 
 ing that Thoth may well be call'd Onis 
 when he came to be king in Egypt ^ I re- 
 member that the learned Salmajius^ in his 
 feventy eighth epifile, which he fent to Go- 
 liits^ informs us, that in the Egyptian or 
 Coptic language, i^o fignifies a king, and 
 adds hinc Z^og Gracis ; and in Horapollo 
 ^oocit e/i Ba/i/ifcusy a little king. 
 
 In pafling alfo, I will note, that when 
 Sanchoniatho fays that Cronus built Byblus^ 
 7r^d)Tr,v TToKiv ty^v ^tti Ooij/iV/j?, the fir Jt or a prin- 
 cipal city in Phoenicia : There is no rea- 
 fon to underitand him as if he faid this was 
 the firlt city of the world, and to infer that 
 Thilo writ falfely to give honour to his 
 own birth-place. 'Tis certain Byblnsm\^x. 
 be elder than any city in Thcenicia^ and 
 might be the firil place in that country of 
 this great king's refidence, without pre- 
 tending to be elder than Bahel^ or other 
 towns that were fooner peopled after the 
 flood. 
 
 It
 
 ij6 Of the Increafe of Mankind. 
 
 It feems probable that the town was not 
 then caird Bak'l (wh^n the C^/^/i^/obferva- 
 tions were firft taken) becaufe Mofes afliires 
 us that the name Babel was given from the 
 confufion of languages, which was after 
 the attempt of building that ftupendous 
 tower. But it's probable the town was 
 caird Sinaar^ and gave name to the adja- 
 cent country, which continued when the 
 city's name was chang'd to Babylon. The 
 Chaldao- Samaritan verfion calls Amraphel 
 king of Sbinar^ Gen. xiv. i. and the fame 
 man king of Babel^ :^. 9. making Shinar 
 and Babel fynonymous. 
 
 I muit alfo add, that whereas Sanchonia- 
 tho doth, in the place fore-quoted, fay that 
 Cronus had three fons born beyond Eu- 
 phrates^ (fo I underftand, in Ter^a) and I 
 have interpreted them of Mizraim^ Cujh 
 and Thuty 'tis certain that Mofes names a 
 fourth fon brother to thefe, who is by him 
 call'd Canaan. And Sanchoniatho not men- 
 tioning him here among thofe born in 'Feraa^ 
 feems therefore to intimate that he was 
 born not beyond Euphrates^ but on this 
 fide of that great river. He knew him I 
 doubt not, becaufe he mentions him on an- 
 other occafion, and calls him Xv^ : Which 
 Stephanus rightly interprets to be a Thce- 
 
 nician }
 
 Of the Increafe of Mankind. 177 
 
 nician ; and Sanchoniatho fays exprefly that 
 he was thefirlt Thoemcian or Canaanite ; and 
 indeed the father of them all : And BerytttSj 
 Sanchoniatho' s birth-place, being in Thos- 
 fiiciay he muft be his father or anceitor. I 
 -doubt not but in that book of the Thoe^ 
 nictan hiflory, of which this fragment pre- 
 ferv*d by Eufebtus is a part, the hiltory of 
 Canaan and his fons was largely written : 
 but Enjebius not having occafion to quote 
 other parts of that book, it falls out that 
 this only fiands preferv'd to our ufe. 
 
 But it is to be noted, that becaufe Ca- 
 naan was a fon of Ham or Cronus^ as well 
 as Cttflo or Mtzratm^ and his poiterity the 
 Thcenicians or Canaanites^ entered into and 
 made war in Egypt in the life of Cronus , 
 and becaufe Thoth or Orus was in his time 
 fent by him as his grandchild to reign in 
 Egypt \ therefore the arguments taken from 
 thefe times fix'd by heathen authors, and 
 agreeing with the age of his children and 
 grandchildren, if the Hebrew numbers be 
 embrac'd, but impoffible to be in his time, 
 or in his grandchild's time, if the Sep- 
 tiiaginfs numbers be preferr'd, will hold 
 good in favour of the Hebrew text. 
 
 For thefe caufes alfo the difcourfes which 
 I have written concerning the Thwnician 
 
 N war
 
 178 Of the Increafe of Mankind, 
 
 war in Eg ypt^ and their expulfion thence ; 
 alfo the difcourfes concerning the Capo- 
 torim and Thiltjiim^ and the difcourfes 
 about the Horttes are to be conneded 
 with the hiltory and time of Canaan^ the 
 fon of Flam. 
 
 Note ahb, that all thefe are confirmed by 
 Cajtors exprefs conne(^tion of the begin- 
 ning of the Sicyonian kingdom, with the 
 reign of Beltts or Nhms ^ (or Cnjh and 
 Nimrod as they are prov'd ; ) fo that it mult 
 begin in the third generation inchiiively 
 from the time of the flood, according 10 
 the Hibrezv numbers: Whereas the fol- 
 lowers of the feventy's numbers mufi: ei« 
 ther rejccl: as fome do, the concurrent 
 teftimony of the heathen Greeks and the 
 chriilian fliihers, cr mult remove all thefe 
 monarchies farther from the flood , than 
 they can reafonably believe that Ham ox his 
 grandchild could reach to. 
 
 Here alfo Varro\ teiUmony muft have 
 weight, that there were about 1600 years 
 between the firft flood and the olympiads : 
 Which number is exceeded 7 or 800 years 
 by the Septuagmt\ account. 
 
 Confider whether the Telafgi jEgialen- 
 fes or Littoraks^ who feem to be of the 
 fame time with the inland Telafgi of Ar- 
 
 gos
 
 Of the Increafe of Mankind. 179 
 
 gos and Arcadia, and their gods and teach- 
 ers the Cabiriy who in the time of IJ?s and 
 Thoth fpread over Egyp, Afia and Greece^ 
 have a hke firm conneftion with the lat- 
 ter end of Cronus, and his ifllie, Mizraim 
 and Thoth in Egypt : They are 7'A^///s 
 fcribes or Amamienfes, 
 
 'Tis certain that Sanchontatho makes the 
 Cablri contemporary with the latter end 
 of Crcnuss life, and to flourifli under his 
 grandchild Thoth, whofe father is call'd 
 Mifor or Mizraim. The fame time is af- 
 fign'd to them, and Typhofi contemporary 
 with them, (befides Tontus, Kerens, and 
 Neptune, whofe time cannot be clear'd by 
 any other record that I know.) But Typhc7i% 
 time is clear by Tlutarcb, and all writers 
 of Egyptian antiquity, to be the fame with 
 O/iris's or Miz,raim\, who is agreed to 
 be their firit monarch, and flain by 23''- 
 phon. 
 
 ' Compare Taufanias Boeotic. p. ^00: line 
 ult. where he makes Ceres (probably //&) 
 deliver the rites of the T>ii Cabiri to Tro- 
 metheus, Bochart^ Thaleg, /. 3. f. 13. af- 
 firms Magog, the fon of Japhet, to be Pro- 
 metheus, whom the Greeks agree to be 
 the fon of Japetus. And Tatifanias af- 
 figns him a fon, nam'd Mtnaus^ whom I 
 
 N ^ find
 
 1 8 o Of the Increafe of Mankind. 
 
 find in no other author ; and from thefe 
 he derives the firft rites of the Cabiri in 
 Boeotia^ which fpread thence into other 
 parts of Greece. But he reprefents thofe 
 rites as fo facred, that his rehgion forbad 
 him to tell who the Cabiri were, and what 
 was done to them, and to the mother of 
 the gods. 
 
 Here we have it confefs'd, that the ilTue 
 of Japhet receiv'd and propagated this fort 
 of heatheniili religion in Greece^ as it was 
 fpread by Thoth of Ham\ iffue in Thoe- 
 7iicia and Egypt : And our author makes 
 the firil Cahiri to be the illue of Sydyc\ 
 whom I think to be Shem. How much 
 credit is to be given to our author in de- 
 riving the Cabiri from Sjdyc., I will not 
 determine, but leave it to the reader's 
 judgment. 'Tis certain that JpollodGrus 
 derives the Corybantes^ whom our author 
 makes the fame with the Cabiri^ from A- 
 folio. Strabo, citing Therecydes^ derives 
 the Orybantes from Apollo and Thytia. 
 
 However, it's generally agreed among 
 chrilHans, that fome time before Abraham 
 was caird to be the pattern of the true faith 
 in the true God, heathenifm was fpread 
 in the families of Shem and Japhet^ as 
 well as in the defcendents of Ham or 0'<9- 
 
 nus^
 
 Of the Increafe of Mayikind. 1 8 i 
 
 nm^ whom our author makes the great 
 promoter ^f that reUgion, and the great 
 governor of the world or earth, that was 
 then inhabited. 
 
 I think that Tlut arch's name of the king 
 then refiding at Byblus^ Melcander, which 
 fignifies the king of men, founds hke an 
 univerfal monarch at that time, juft after 
 Mizraims or Ofiris\ death. And San- 
 choniatho^ mentioning p. 36, two travels 
 through the ci>c^^ttgv??, or inhabited world, 
 one (in C) by Aftarte^ the lilter of Oo- 
 nuSy and another by Cronus himfelf (in ©.) 
 I cannot imagine any lower defign than 
 the planting of colonies under fuch laws 
 and religion as he thought fit ; efpecially 
 fince there is exprefs mention that he then 
 gave to his daughter Athena that kingdom 
 which is caird Attica. 
 
 Befides thefe in Eufebius's Trapar, E- 
 vang. f, 48. There is a third travelling 
 about the then inhabited world, mention'd 
 out of T>iodorm Siatlus ^ performed by 
 Ofiris^ who liv'd in Crontis's time but died 
 before him, into Lydiay India^ Thrjgta, 
 and thence into Macedonia ^nd Attica. 
 
 I judge alfo, that the Meon^ whom Eu- 
 
 febius mentions p. 58, as king of Thrygia^ 
 
 whofe daughter was Cybele^ to be the fame 
 
 N 3 man
 
 i8 1 Of the Increafe of Mankind. 
 
 man who is caird 0/iris^ Menes and Miz- 
 raim, and Hands fiiit in Eratojibenes's ca- 
 talogue of Egyptian kings ; and that from 
 him the Phrygians and Lydians were firil 
 caird Meones. But of him and his iiTue, 
 reigning in Lydia^ a:nd fending a colony 
 into Italy^ under Tyrfenm-y I have an en- 
 quiry in a chapter by it felf. 
 
 By what has been above written, it will 
 appear that Mofes and the heathen writers 
 agree in affirming Nineveh to be built by 
 the grandchild of Ham (known to them 
 by the name Belus or Baal^) who muft 
 live in the third generation inclufive from 
 the flood, becaufe Ham was fav'd in the 
 ark. 
 
 Indeed a long life, and a very numerous 
 ifTue (fuch as appears in our table, found- 
 ed and demonftrated by reafonable poftii- 
 lata) are neceflarily required to this pur- 
 pofe, and becaufe that fuch plantations and 
 kingdoms were early founded, as is agreed 
 by both facred and profane hiftory ; it is 
 demonftrated that men then liv'd fo long, 
 and had fuch a multitude of children; 
 which is the fubftance of what I proposed 
 to evince in anfwer to the fecond enquiry. 
 
 If this fecond aflertion be admitted, that 
 Kmm is the fame man with Nimrod, I can 
 
 proceed
 
 Of the hicreafe of Mankind. 183 
 
 proceed to make an ufeful approach towards 
 the fixing the time of Ntnus\ beginning 
 to reign' in ^£}ria ; which will lead us to 
 the founding of Nineveh^ then made the 
 capital feat of the empire : But to fuch as 
 deny the former, I pretend not to do the 
 latter. Wherefore fuppofing it granted, 
 that Nimrod and Nhius are two names of 
 the fame man, I fliall now proceed to 
 
 The third affertion : That this man's time 
 is confiderably nearer precifenefs, determi- 
 nable by help of other authors^ who here- 
 in contradi(^t not, but conlHt with and 
 clear the hillory of Mofes, The authors 
 I Ihall produce are, 
 
 I. Cafor RhodiuSy who liv'd in Julius 
 Cafars time, and writ critically to con- 
 fute vulgar miltakes about antient times, 
 a book caird \^oviy.ci dyvorifjiccTctj of which 
 there are only fome fragments now re- 
 maining ; but they are fo good, that the 
 learned deplore the lofs of the rell. x. Eu- 
 febius. 3. I ihall add others; particularly 
 Jofephus. 
 
 The pafTage in Caflor, that I ihall argue 
 from^ is to be feen in Scaliger^ Greek Eu- 
 febius, p. 19. n. 15-, 19. where he affirms 
 that jEgialeusj the frjl Sicyonian kingy 
 liv'd in the times of Belus and Ninus, the 
 N 4. firft
 
 184 Of the Increafe of Manlund. 
 
 firfi founders of the empire over AfTyria, 
 and other farts of Alia ; and he places his 
 beginning about the fifteenth year of this 
 Belus Now it's clear, by the table of Sicy- 
 onian kings, there following, that the be- 
 ginning o{ Aigialeus was 13 13 years before 
 the firfl olympiad ; and therefore is cer- 
 tainly fix'd (as Scaltger and Armagh agree) 
 to the year 26x5, in the Julian period, 
 and confequently the firti: year of Beltts^ 
 is found by fubdufting fifteen out of the 
 foregoing number ; fo there will remain 
 2610 in the Julian period for Belus\ be- 
 ginning. The years of Belus\ reign being 
 added hereunto will lead us to the firft of 
 Ninusy which is the thing we feek : For it 
 may be prefum'd that Ninus began to build 
 Nineveh^ the feat of his empire, as foon 
 as he began to reign in Affyria. Afrtcanus 
 gives Belus\ reign to ht fifty-five years. 
 Syncellus intimates that Eufebius allow'd 
 him fixty years : The difference is fo fmall, 
 that we will not difpute about it in this 
 enquiry : We fliall take fifty five as moll 
 commonly received ; then Ninus's firft year 
 will be y. J. ^66^ ; and here we place the 
 founding of Nineveh by Cafiofs authority. 
 For I believe that his father Belus reign- 
 ed at Babylon^ as Eupolemus in Eufebius 
 
 de
 
 Of the increafe of Mankind, 185- 
 
 de Trapar, intimates ; but the fon, to avoid 
 the trouble of frequent inundations, which 
 Babylon was then annoy'd with, or to en- 
 large the empire, remov'd to a place near- 
 er the fprings of Tigris^ defigning to fix 
 his court there, where Nineveh was ac- 
 cordingly built. But itill in thefe early 
 times both Nineveh and Babylon were un- 
 der the fame monarchy of N'lnus^ (both 
 after his father's death, and in conjunftion 
 with him living.) And agreeably thereunto, 
 his wife Semiramis greatly improv'd Ba- 
 hylon^ to fecure it againil inundations, and 
 refided there when flie p]ea:5'd. I know 
 that Tezeron affirms the AITyrtan and Ba^ 
 bylonian monarchies to be at this time di- 
 fUnd ; but he gives no good proof there-- 
 of from antiquity ; and it were eafy to 
 fliew many abfurdities in his canon , as 
 he calls it, of thefe times ; but it's not 
 feafonable here to enter into that difpute. 
 I fhall therefore pafs to the proof of the 
 time of N'tnus\ beginning, wiiich in the 
 fecond place I affirm'd to be deducible 
 from 
 
 a. Eufebius^ which I clear in this me« 
 thod. (See alfo Etifeb. Trapar. /. 484.) 
 His firil number places the birth of y^bra- 
 ham in the 43d year of Ninus -, and it is 
 
 agreed
 
 1 85 Of the Increafe of Mankind, 
 
 agreed by chronologers, that if 2697 be 
 added thereunto, we have the Julian pe- 
 riod belonging to it, 2698. Wherefore, 
 if we dedufl: hence forty- three, the years 
 that Ninus had reign'd before this time, we 
 fhall find the firlt year of his reign x65'5' in 
 the Julian period: Which number differs 
 but ten years from the number we found 
 by Cajicrs account ; which difference is 
 not confiderable in a matter of fo remote 
 antiquity, but is near enough to agreement 
 to fit it to be given in evidence againit 
 thofe that differ many centuries from our 
 accounts. And fome fuch approach to 
 agreement and accuracy is all that we can 
 hope for in thefe dark and remote times. 
 If my judgment be ask'd which of thefe 
 two I think the better, 1 anfwer, the for- 
 mer, viz. Cajlors, both becaufe he is the 
 more antient, and becaufe the number de- 
 duc'd from his words is nearer the true time 
 of Abraham^ birth, in which I fee caufe 
 to differ from Eufebiiis. 
 
 For this caufe I (liall, in purfuing this 
 argument, rather make ufe of the T. J\ 
 2665-, (anfwering A. M, 1955'.) Now it's 
 well known that this, as all other numbers 
 in the Julian period, will determine the 
 diftance of the thing it belongs to, from 
 
 the
 
 Of the In ere a fe of Mank'wd. 187 
 
 the firfl: olympiad, which in this period is 
 3938: So by fubdudion of r66'y from the 
 firfl: olympiad, we find the difference or 
 diftance of time, reckon'.d backwards, to 
 be 1x73. So long before the firlt olympiad 
 was the building of Nineveh^ or the firit 
 year of Ninus or Nimrod\ reigning there, 
 by this account. Now by the fame me- 
 thod we may reckon backw^ards to the time 
 of the flood, ftated either by the numbers 
 of the Hebrew text, or by thofe of the 
 Septuagtnt\ tranflation. By the former 
 calculated by our learned Armagh^ the di 
 Itance between Cajior's firfl: year of Ninus, 
 and the flood's decreafe, is thus found 
 Subduft from 2665-, the number 2366 
 (which is the time of the flood in the Ju 
 lian period by the Hebrew account) the 
 difference or remainder is 299, or numero 
 rotundoy take 300. So many years after the 
 flood may well, in thofe times of long 
 life, be allow'd to Hani's grandchild to 
 begin to reign, and to mankind to in- 
 creafe, according to our table. And this 
 confideration, befides others, makes me in- 
 cline rather to the Hebrew numbers of 
 the patriarch's generating, than to the fe- 
 venty's ; becaufe by the feventy's numbers 
 there mufl; be about 900 years between 
 
 the
 
 1 8 8 Of the Increafe of Mankind. 
 
 the flood and the firfl: year of Ninus or 
 Ntmrod^ which certainly is too much di- 
 ftance between a grandfather and his grand- 
 child's beginning to reign. 
 
 And I like the placing of Nimrod fo long 
 after the flood fo much the worfe, be- 
 caufe Jofephus informs us that Nimrod^ 
 whom he calls Nabrodes ^ was not only 
 born at the time of the attempt of build- 
 ing the tower at Babel^ but was then an 
 aftive man, and a great leader of the party 
 engag'd in that defign ; and there is no 
 proof that I know of in hillory that that 
 attempt was near 900 years from the flood ; 
 but it's generally reputed to be many cen- 
 turies before that time. 
 
 But the unreafonablenefs of allowing 900 
 years between the grandfather Ham and 
 his grandchild Nimrod, may be clear'd fur- 
 ther by that only example which we have 
 recorded in that long-liv'd age, which is 
 in the Une of Sem : For his grandchild 
 Salah, according to the Hebrew text, dy'd 
 in the year 470 after the flood : And his 
 grandchild Cainan^ after the Septuagint j 
 dy'd, according to their numbers, (which 
 interpolate a century in the time of Ar^ 
 phaxud\ begetting him, and give him 460 
 years of life) in the year 700, after the 
 
 5 flood:
 
 Of the Increafe of Mankind. 189 
 
 flood : Yet here are wanting above 300 
 years of that time, which was, in the Sef- 
 tuaginfs account, between the flood and 
 the firft of Nintis^ they ftating the flood 
 about 1030 years before his beginning to 
 reign ; and his death was fifry-two years 
 after that. Thus I have finifli'd what I 
 propos'd concerning this firit plantation 
 after the flood, that's mention'd in the 
 Scripture. 
 
 TRACT
 
 TRACT V. 
 
 ^;^ A p p E N D I X to the preceding Chap- 
 ter^ in an ejjay^ towards the better 
 flattng of the Interval hetzveen the 
 founding of Nineveh, and the fall 
 of Sardanapalus, which broke from 
 the anttent AiTyrian enipire two mo- 
 narchies ; I . That of the' Babylo- 
 nians, beginning with NabonalTar ,• 
 and^ 2. That of the Medes^ begun 
 in Deioces , yet left to Tiglath- 
 Pilezer, and his fuccejforsy an AP 
 
 . fyrian empire which recovered good 
 Jlrengthj fo as to conquer Syria, and 
 to captivate the ten tribes of IfraeL 
 
 ALT HO' Nineveh was not quite de- 
 ftroy'd at the fall of Sardanapalus, 
 yec the empire, whereof it was the metro- 
 polis, was then fo violently torn in pieces, 
 particularly by the rending from it the great 
 
 kingdoms
 
 Appendix to Chap. IV. 191 
 
 kingdoms of Media and Babylonia^ that 
 the antient heathen hiitorians have con- 
 ftantly dated the duration of the Ajjyrian 
 monarchy by refpeft to that time as its end, 
 and have Uttle or not at all confider'd that 
 the jijfyrians^ after this great blow received, 
 ftruggled, and recover'd great ftrength un- 
 der Tight b-T tie fer^ Salmanajfar^ Senache- 
 rib^ and Efar-Haddon ; under whom, the 
 Jews, being a neighbouring nation, fufFer- 
 ed bitterly, as the Scriptures do teftify. 
 
 This is certainly a great defedt in the 
 heathen hiilorians ; and yet I being now 
 concern'd only to obferve how much 
 agreement I can find in them with the 
 Scriptures, and thereby not obliged to fup- 
 ply their defefts, muf!: only ihew how 
 agreeable to Scripture chronology the befl: 
 heathen accounts of this interval are found 
 to be, or at leait how confident they are 
 therewith ; and we ihall fee reafon to par- 
 don many defeds in them, if we confider 
 how far diflant both in time and place 
 thofe hiflorians, which we have fome. frag- 
 ments of, WTre from the times and places 
 in which this empire flourifti'd. 
 
 I fliall therefore, in this place, wave the 
 confideration of what duration the AJfy- 
 riun kingdom had after Sardana^aliis\ 
 
 time,
 
 jpi Appendix to Chap. IV. 
 
 time, and only feek what is the moft agreed 
 continuance of it before that time ; and 
 that I find to be about 1300 years. 
 
 This I prove by fliewing that herein is 
 an agreement between thofe that begia 
 the empire with Belm^ and thofe that be- 
 gin it with his fon Minus. This may feem 
 Itrange ; but I will firft prove that fuch an 
 agreement is, and then I will offer a rea-- 
 fQn on which it may be founded. 
 
 I. Thofe that begin the empire with 
 Belus^ and yet affign but about 1300 years 
 are Eufebius and St. Atigujltn ; both thefe 
 I know to be chriltians, yet I can't doubt 
 but they being engag'd in difputation 
 r.gainft the heathens, took their accounts 
 of this empire from the heathen hiilorians. 
 That Eujebiiis fo reckon'd when he ac- 
 counted the beginning from Belus is ex- 
 prefly affirm'd by Syncellus^ altho' it ap- 
 pear not in his chronicle as it is now ex- 
 tant. See this in Scaligers animadverfions 
 on Eufebius^ ad num. 119 7, ^ag. 64, Col, 
 A. and B, 
 
 The place where St. Auguftin fo reckons 
 is in lib, de Civitate T>ei^ /. 18, r. 21. He 
 allows 1 3 05- years from Belus ^ which is about 
 the round number. Jujiin from Trogus 
 Tom^eius expreffes it by 1300 precifely. 
 
 2. Thofe
 
 A P P E N D I X /^ C H A P. IV. 193 
 
 ^, Thofe that begin with Ninus^ are 
 ^lodorus Stciilus from Ctejias^ and Cajlor 
 Rhodius, Thefe alfo are about the fame 
 number when they determine the years of 
 its continuance, i. T)iodorus^ I confefs, 
 in Stefhanns\ print, hath 1360 : But I have 
 great reafon to believe that it was other- 
 wife in the antient manufcripts : For this 
 place of T>iodorus is cited otherwife in 
 Syncellus twice. See the Greek Eufehinsy 
 f. 32, and/>. 415", © 416. Notarum Scalig. 
 on the Greek Eufebius. 
 
 There T>'iodorus is quoted avroM^ei, to 
 affirm only, fomewhat above 1300, f- t. 
 The fame place is alfo quoted by Jgathias^ 
 and exprefs'd to be 1306. Whence it is 
 probable that the number 6, which is at 
 the end of that fum, was by fome carelefs 
 tranfcrii|M* chang'd, in Stej^hanush edition 
 of 'Diodornsy into 60. See jigathias^ L z, 
 /.63, D. 
 
 Tage 6x, He quotes Berofus the Baby-- 
 Ionian^ Athenocles^ and Symmachus^ 'Dion^ 
 and Alexander Tolyhijlcr^ as having given 
 the moft antient hidory of the AJfyrlans 
 and Medes ; and that r/&^ AlFyrians had all 
 Afia under them^ excepting the Indians be- 
 yond Ganges; and c air d Jupiter, Belas ; 
 Hercules, Sandes ; Venus, Ancirtis 5 and 
 
 O ki
 
 194 A P P E N D I X /^ C H A P. IV. 
 
 he places the fall of Sardanapalus about 300 
 years before Cyrus. 
 
 By thefe authorities I am convinc'd that 
 T>iodortis, agreeing with Ctefias^ did aflert 
 the duration of this empire, counted from 
 Ntnus to Sardanapalus's fall, to be only 
 fomewhat more than 1300 ; and that his 
 numbers in the printed books, both this in 
 the fixth chapter of his fecond book, which 
 makes it 1360 ; and much more that at 
 the end of the feventh chapter, which ex- 
 prelTes above 1400, inconfiftently with him- 
 felf, and quoting no author from whom 
 it's taken, are corrupted numbers, and 
 therefore are w^holly to be rejected : Un- 
 lefs perhaps w^e may allow this laft num- 
 ber in TJiodorus to refer to the total de- 
 Itruflion of Nineveh y w^hich was above 
 110 years after Sardanapalus ^ Ipi ruin'd 
 by Nabopolajfar. 
 
 Cajior Rhodius alfo begins M^s account, 
 ^s Syncellus informs us, from jSHmts^ and 
 he reckons the duration of the empire \xn- 
 to Sardanapalus 10 be 1280 years, which falls 
 Ihort of the other hiftorians only twenty 
 years ; and it's probable therefore, that 
 iince it's generally agreed that Sardanapa- 
 lus reign'd twenty years, Caflor reckon'd 
 0nly to the beginning of his reign ; fo
 
 Appendix 2"^ Chap. I\^. 19 y 
 
 thofe years are to be added to the account to 
 bring it to his fall ; and fo Caftor's^ num- 
 ber will agree with the reit to make the 
 w^hole duration in a round number to be 
 1300 years. 
 
 Now I fliall offer a reafon of this agree- 
 ment 5 notwithltanding the difference of 
 the beginnings taken by thefe feveral an- 
 tient authors ; and it is this : That Ninus 
 went out from Babel^ to plant a colony 
 at Nineveh early, while his father Belus 
 was yet alive, and reign'd at Babylon^ but 
 allow'd his fon to reign at Nineveh at the 
 fame time ; and both thefe cities were 
 parts of the fame empire, and fo their 
 times were coincident; yea, his fon might 
 govern in Babylon fubordinately, and yet 
 be call'd king there. 
 
 Befides the neceffity of this expedient 
 to reconcile the feeming difference of the 
 authors nam'd, who are all of good repii- 
 ration, I can offer a teftimony frofn Cajiof' 
 RhoditiSj and an example of a like caie iii 
 the Egyptian monarchy that was contem- 
 porary with this. I. Cajio7'\ words, which 
 intimate that Belus and Ninus govern'd 
 this monarchy at the fame time are to be 
 feen in Scaliger's Greek Eu/ebiusj p, 19V 
 /. 15'. where he fays that Mginleus begari 
 
 O ^ thS
 
 ip<5 Appendix/^ Chap. IV. 
 
 the Sicyontan kingdom 'A,oLT<i B;yAoj/ x^ Nivov 
 
 f^vfiixov60ofj,ivksg. Which words plainly favour 
 ihem, who beheve thefe two to have 
 reign'd at the fame time. 
 
 And it's certain, that (according to my 
 opinion, that Beh/s is Qf/h^ the fon of Ham) 
 he being contemporary with Arj?haxad (who 
 did not die till 440 years after the flood) 
 might Uve to the end of Nidus's reign, 
 which by Etifeblus\ account mud be plac'd 
 in 'P. J. 2707, which is but 341 years after 
 the flood, according to the Hebrew ac- 
 count; whence the poffibility of my hypo- 
 thecs is clear. 
 
 If yet this my reconciliation of thefe 
 authors concerning the founder of the jif 
 Jyrian monarchy be not admitted, never- 
 thelefs their concordant teftimony con- 
 cerning its duration ought to be efleem'd 
 valid ; and that's the only thing which I 
 endeavour to eltablifli in this chapter. 
 
 2. The example which is exaftly like, is 
 the cafe of Cronus or Ham^ who fent his 
 fon, brother to Cu[h or Belusy to reign 
 over his plantation in Egypt ; and from 
 this beginning of Mizraims time there all 
 the Egyptian accounts run, taking, as I 
 have prov'd, Menes to be the fame man : 
 
 Yet
 
 Appendix to Chm\ IV. 197 
 
 Yet his father Cronus was fovereign at the 
 fame time over the land of Ham^ and he 
 liv'd after Mizratm\ time was ended, to 
 fend his grandchild Athothes or Thoth tg 
 reign there, as Sanchoviatbo teliifies. 
 
 I remember, that in the preceding chap. 
 ter, I did admit, that according to Jfri- 
 canus^ Belus reign'd fift}' five years before 
 Minus ; but I did not affirm it to be cer- 
 tain, that he reign'd fo long alone ; for 
 Cajfor^ in Syncellus^ confefTes that the time 
 of his reign, before Ninus ^ is not well 
 known : Nor is it necefTary to be known 
 as to my accounts, which defcend not to 
 particular kings tim.e?, but affirm the funi 
 of all their reigns to have been about 1300 
 years. 
 
 Upon confideration of all thefe things 
 I think the fafeit courfe we can take in 
 this matter is, i. Not wholly to rejefl: this 
 antient monarchy , wherein Nineveh and 
 Babylon and molt of A/ia^ on this fide of 
 India, were united in fome decree, fo as 
 yet there were many little kings and king- 
 doms under them. x. Nor yet to think 
 this fum of 1300 to be the precife num- 
 ber of years belonging to this monarchy's 
 duration; but to underftand it as a round ' 
 number, pretty near the exaCl: time be-t 
 P 3 tween
 
 ipS Appendix/^ Chap. IV. 
 
 tvveen Ninus and the end of Sardanapa- 
 'lus. 
 
 3. Yet I prefer this number far before the 
 number which Syncelliis faith was affign'd 
 by Jfrkamis, vi^. 1484, which he makes 
 up, by naming forty- one monarchs,of whom 
 Belus was the lirlt, and alligning years to 
 their refpedive reigns ; which added to- 
 gether will make up that fum : And I fliall 
 offer my reafons againlt this feries of kings 
 thus attributed to Africanus. 
 ' I, Becaufe I can find no authority ex- 
 tant to juitify this feries. Ctejias^ who was 
 the only author that is recorded before 
 Africanus to have deliver'd the names of 
 all the AJfyrtan kings, did exprefly affirm, 
 ks Syncelliis himfelf affures us out of T>'io- 
 dorusy that Sardanapalus was the thirty- 
 fifth king, counting from Ninus ; yet he 
 tells us that Afrkanus fets down forty-one. 
 "Dkdorus exprefly affirms Teiitamtts to be 
 the twentieth king of AJfyria^ reckoning 
 from Ninus as the firlt : Afrkanus makes 
 him the fix and twentieth. Thefe things 
 are not confiftent. 
 
 ' l^kdonis alfo from Ctefias^ in Syncellus, 
 is acknowledg'd to own the fum of their 
 time to be only fomewhat above 1300 
 years. CaBor^ that was alfo before Afri^ 
 
 canus^
 
 A P P E N D I X /<? C H A p. IV. I ^9 
 
 canusy gives us the fum yet lefs. Cefhalliony 
 who is nam'd in Syncellus^ to give autho- 
 rity to Jfricanus\ feries of kings, mentions 
 only twenty- three kings, as Syncellus con- 
 it^ts,^ and blames him for it. And I find 
 Cefhallion\ credit to be very little among 
 the learned. 
 
 In fliort, I find none elder than AfrU 
 camts ^ from whom he could receive his 
 feries. Sir John Marjham gives no proof 
 that Afrtcanu5\ feries of AJfyrian kings 
 was taken out of Oejias : Thotius indeed 
 aflfirms that Ctejias concluded his Terjlca. 
 with a catalogue of kings from Ntniis to 
 to Artaxerxes ; but he tells us not the 
 number of years, or of kings, contain'd 
 therein ; and it's now loft. And Eufebius^ 
 who came after Afrkanus^ and hath fet 
 many of his Ajjyrian kings in his canon, 
 yet leaves out four of them, and changes 
 the number of years in feveral of them, 
 which proves that he thought not Africa'- 
 nus\ feries to be as it iliould be. 
 
 I know Syncellus rails at him for tliis, 
 and that Scaliger blames him highly, but 
 in a more civil manner. Syncellus^ when 
 he is cooler, tells us that Eujebius did ra- 
 ther follow Cajior. I was glad to find an 
 ^nemy to Eufebins^ to acknowledge that 
 O 4. Eufekitis-
 
 200 Appendix 2^^ Chap. IV. 
 
 Etifehhis had fo good authority for what 
 he did ; and I fliould be more glad if we 
 could recover more of Cajior'^ X^oi'i;cc6 dy- 
 vQYii^ATct ; for I believe that author to have 
 been an excellent chronologer, and judge 
 Eiijl'bhis had greater reafon to follow him, 
 than now appears, becaufe we have fo 
 little of Cajior preferv'd to our ufe ; and 
 Eufebius\ chronicle alfo comes to our 
 hands with many alterations and omiflions, 
 made in Hierom's tranllation, which can- 
 not be fet right compleatly by all the com- 
 mendable endeavours of Scaliger out of 
 Sjncellus^ Cedrenus, and others. 
 
 2. I have obferv'd that Africanus is con- 
 fefs'd by Syncelliis to have own*d that the 
 beginning of the Jjfyrian monarchy was 
 but ioo years before the Argive Aira^ be- 
 ginning with Inachus ; and it's certain that 
 this cannot confift with that fum of years 
 1484 which he afligns, and with the time 
 of the end of this monarchy. 
 
 To make thefe things clear, i. The place 
 where Syncellus acknowledges this, may 
 be read in Scaliger s notes on the Greek 
 Eufebius, p. 414. 'Tis true that Sjncellus 
 blames Africanus for owning that the Ar- 
 give jEra began 200 years after the Ajffy- 
 rian monarchy. But this proves that Afri^ 
 
 ^ canus
 
 Appendix /^Ghap. IV. 201 
 
 canus fo afiirm'd :, which is all that I 
 iquote it for : And tho* Syncellus thought 
 him miftaken, yet he hath not prov'd the 
 contrary. 
 
 2. We mud fix the place of the Argive 
 ^ra in the J. T. which is thus done by a 
 perpetual rule. Add the Eufebian num- 
 ber (which is here 161 for the firll of Ina- 
 chus) to the number ^6<)j, the fum which 
 is 1858 is the place in the Jtdian period. 
 Then by fubduftion of xoo we find the 
 beginning of the Jffyrian monarchy ac- 
 cording to Afric anus's affertion. T, 7- 
 ^65-8, which number falleth between the 
 numbers which in the foregoing chapter 
 I found from the doftrine of Cafor^ and 
 Eufebii4Sj and differs but three years frorri 
 one of them, and feven years from the 
 other; which in thefe dark remote times I 
 account very near agreement, being about 
 i9x years after the flood in the Hebrew 
 account. 
 
 Then, 3. We mufl fee where Africa- 
 nuss number of years will make this mo- 
 narchy to end, and how that end will agree 
 \vith the accounts of its end, which we 
 have from Eu/ebius and Africafitts. 
 
 By adding 1484, which is Afric anus's 
 number of years to the beginning of T. J,
 
 20 2 A P P £ N D I X /^ C H A P. IV. 
 
 2658, we find the fum T. J, ^i^z. But 
 this is long after the fall of SardanafaluS', 
 which is Hated by Etifebius^ num, 1197, to 
 which add 1697, whofe fum gives T, J, 
 3894; the difference is X44 years, which is 
 intolerable. 
 
 And yet Scaliger^ in his animadverfions 
 on Eiifebius^ p, 63^ ad num. 1171, affures 
 us, that by Africanus\ accounts, the ^jfy- 
 rian monarchy fell fooner than by Eufe- 
 btus\y particularly ninety-feven years be- 
 fore the firft olympiad. Wherefore, out 
 of the firft olympiad, in "P. J. 3938, de- 
 dudl 97, the remainder is P. J. 3841 ; 
 whereas before we found, by Africanus\ 
 years, added to the beginning of the em- 
 pire, that it ended T, J, 4138. Now the 
 difference of thefe numbers is 297, which 
 is yet more intolerable. Wherefore I think 
 we may conclude, that we mutt not ftate 
 the duration of the Jjfyrian monarchy by 
 that feries of reigns which is given us as 
 Afrtcaniis'% ; becaufe it makes him incon- 
 fiftenc with himfelf , as well as with all 
 others. 
 
 Now by rejefting this feries of Ajfyrian 
 monarchs, and the times affix'd to them, 
 (which Syncellus reports to be by Africa^ 
 nuis authority, whereby they have gained 
 
 ' ' reputa-
 
 Appendix /^' Chap. IV. 203 
 
 Reputation with many) upon reafons that 
 are cogent, we have gain'd two advanta- 
 ges. 
 
 I. We have taken away a great objeftion 
 againll our ftating of the flood according 
 to the Hebrew account. For this feries 
 of kings being ended ninety-feven years 
 before the firft olympiad at T, J. 3S41J 
 (as Scaliger on fuppofiiion that Jfricamif. 
 fo taught, hath plac'd its end in his Ifago- 
 gic Canons^ p. 137, and 138) the begin- 
 ning of it muft be found by fubilraftion of 
 its fum, which is 1484 out of 3841, the re- 
 mainder will be tP. J. x35'7, for the begin- 
 ning of Belus^ whom he places firft in the 
 AJfyrian monarchy ; and that is before the 
 flood, ftated by the Hebrew numbers, which 
 is T, J. %i6sy and part of T. J. zi66: 
 Wherefore it was necelTary that I, who de- 
 fend the Hebrew numbers, (liould give fucl^ 
 reafons as I have done againft this feries 
 of kings. 
 
 X. Hereby a great prejudice againft the 
 credit of authors, elder than Jfrkavus^ is 
 remov'd, and we lliall be encourag'd to 
 endeavour, by their help, to {late a better 
 interval between the beginning and end of 
 the -^^r/^;rm.onarchy than his feries would 
 permit to take place : For the name of 
 ' Jlfricanns,
 
 204 Appendix/^ C fi a p. IV. 
 
 Africanus weigh'd heavy againft them, be- 
 ing join'd with a particular enumeration of 
 monarchs, and the years of their reigns, 
 which do not appear in the elder monu- 
 ments which remain to us concerning this 
 monarchy. 
 
 But if things be well confider'd, it will 
 appear evident, that it*s more reafonable to 
 flick to thofe elder accounts which do not 
 contradid: the Hebrew numbers and which 
 come near to agreement vidth each other, 
 fpeaking only in round numbers that pre- 
 tend not to precifenefs, than to take the 
 latter accounts attributed to Africanus^ 
 which pretend indeed to be precife num- 
 bers, but contradift the elder hiitorians ; and 
 are fupported by no teltimony of authors 
 who liv'd before Africanus^ but are alfo 
 contradifted by both Eufebius and Augu- 
 ftin^ who came after him ; and, which is 
 worfl of all, make Africanus inconfiitent 
 with himfelf 
 
 Wherefore, fince in the foregoing chap- 
 ter, by the help of thefe antients, we found 
 the firfl: of Ninus to be 1173 years before 
 the firfl olympiad ; and in this appendix 
 we have found the moft agreed duration 
 of the Ajffyrian monarchy after Ninus to 
 be about or above 1300 years; whence it 
 
 follows,
 
 Appendix /(9 Chap. IV. 205 
 
 follows, that its end was after the firfl 
 olympiad, yet not long : For the difference 
 between 1300 and 1^73 is but twenty fe- 
 ven years. 
 
 Wherefore, if we go a little further, but 
 two years after thofe twenty-feven from 
 .the firlt olympiad, we meet wnth the fa- 
 mous agronomical ^ra of Nabonajfar^ 
 begun, as Cejtforinus informs us, at the 
 firit year of his new erefted kingdom at 
 Babylon^ which rofe by the breaking in 
 pieces of the Jjjyrtan empire at the fall 
 of Sardanapalus : Therefore I believe that 
 our learned Armagh has wifely chofen to 
 place Sardanapahis\ fall at the beginning 
 of this j^ra^ which the antient hiilorians 
 did not take notice of; but Ttolemy's ^Jv- 
 rct^i^ fj.iyclxvi hath made it illuilrious ; and 
 its place in the Julian period twenty-nine 
 years after the firll olympiad is agreed on 
 by all intelligent chronologers. 
 ; I am fenfible that the principles, out of 
 which I draw this concluilon, that Sarda- 
 napahtsi, fall was about the beginning of 
 the Mra of Nahonajfar, are not the fame 
 with thofe made ufe of by the learned 
 primate ; yet 1 am well fatify'd that I come 
 to the fame conclufion. I agree alfo with 
 him, that after the Medes and the Chal- 
 deans j
 
 to6 Appendix to Chap. IV. 
 
 il^aus or Babylonians were torn off from 
 the great AJfyrian monarchy at the fall of 
 Sardanapahs, and were become feparate 
 kingdoms ; yet the city of Nineveh was 
 not quite deitroy'd , but there remain'd 
 with it a confiderable monarchy of AJfy^ 
 ria^ whofe kings are mentioned in the fa- 
 cred hiftory. 
 
 But it is not my defign to profecute 
 this enquiry any farther. It's enough that 
 I have made this efFay to fix the duration 
 of this monarchy from the firft building 
 of Nineveh through all the darkeil time, 
 caird ^^ovoq fA,v&i:<,cg, till wc are come on 
 this fide of the firil olympiad, within the 
 bounds of Varro\ hifiorical time. 
 
 Becaufe I know that the fall of Sarda- 
 napalus is plac'd in elder times by fome 
 learned men, I think fit to add, as a con- 
 firmation to my preceding reafons , the 
 authority of Velleius Taterculus^ who was 
 in very honourable fl:ations5 and wrote his 
 book in Tiberius C^far's time, and there- 
 fore is much elder than either Eufebius or 
 Africanus, He makes his accounts by re- 
 koning backwards from the confulate of 
 Vinicmsy which was in the year of the 
 Julian period 4743 ; and he affirms that 
 the JJjyrian empire fell under Sardana- 
 
 palui
 
 Appendix to Chap. IV. 207 
 
 fahis 770 years before that time. Where- 
 fore, by dedufting 770 from 4743, we find 
 the number belonging in his accounts to 
 Sardanapabis's fall to be T.J, 3973. Now 
 this year is not, I confefs, precifely the 
 fame with the firft of the u^ra of Nabo- 
 na[far^ but is fo near to it that I efleem 
 it a great confirmation of my opinion : 
 For in matters of fo great antiquity, an 
 approach to the true time is as much as 
 we can reafonably expert. How near this 
 approach is will eafily appear, becaufe the 
 ^ra of Naboiiajfar is fix'd at ?. J. i^G-j -^ 
 and 3973 is but the fixth year afcer it. 
 
 Hence it appears, that Velle'ius Tater^ 
 cuius recedes a little farther from Eitfeblus 
 and ^fricanm than I do ; and I can't for- 
 bear conjefturing that this httle diflference 
 which is between Velleim and me arofe 
 only from Velletm\ chufing of a round 
 number ^-jo to exprefs the diitance be- 
 tween Sardanapalus's fall and his own 
 time, or Vinictm's confulfliip ; for if he 
 had faid 776 , there had been an exart 
 agreement with the JEra of Nabonajfar, 
 
 On this occafion I ftiall farther note, that 
 the fall of Sardanapalus being not 800 
 ^ears before Vellems\ time, and coming 
 within th^ compafs of hiltorical tim.e, and 
 
 alfa
 
 2o8 Appendix to Chap. IV. 
 
 alfo being the occ^fion of the rife of the 
 two great monarchies of the Medes and 
 Babylomans^ muft needs be a very remark- 
 able occurrence or parapegma in hiitory ; 
 and therefore might be more certainly 
 known to Ve Ileitis ^ who liv'd when the 
 Roman empire was in its greateil height, 
 and had under it much of that land in 
 Syria ^ and Ajia Minor ^ which formerly 
 belong'd to the Afyrian empire. 
 
 But the credit I give to his account of 
 its fall, doth not oblige me to believe that 
 he knew its beginning fo well, nor its da- 
 ration, which muft be reckon'd from its 
 beginning to its fall. Thefe things run 
 far backward into the darker age of the 
 world ; and therefore I declare that I do 
 ROt aflent to his report, that it had con- 
 tinu'd 1070 years, as a full account of its 
 duration, but believe that it continu'd 230 
 years more than he exprefTes : Yet I ob- 
 ferve, that even this defedive account of 
 the duration of \kiv^ AJiatic empire (as he 
 calls it, intimating it comprehended the 
 greateft part of Afia^ known in his days) 
 hath this ufeful in it ; that it confutes thofe 
 who totally rejefl: this antient empire, as a 
 fiftion of Ctejias^ and fay that he is the 
 only author, from whom all the Greeks^ 
 
 and
 
 Appendix to Chap. IV. 209 
 
 and Latins who mention it, have taken all 
 their hiltory concerning it. Now it's plain, 
 by his great difference of 230 years, in 
 the continuance of this empire, from Oe^ 
 Jias, that he did not take his number from 
 that author. 
 
 The fame I may fay alfo concerning 
 Eufebius^ who differs from both thefe, al- 
 tho' his difference from Ctejias's number 
 rightly reprefented (which I believe to be 
 about 1300) is but fixty years; yet thofe 
 are enough to prove that he did not fol^ 
 low his judgment : Neither did he follow 
 Cajior\ account throughout, altho' he came 
 nearer to that than any other. *Tis cer- 
 tain that thefe men had other authors then 
 extant, whom they followed. Cephallion 
 mentions Hellanictis Lesb'msj who was not 
 only elder than Ctejias^ but alfo before 
 Herodotus^ who had written of this empire. 
 And Agathias^ as Sir John Marjham him- 
 felf confefles, mentions Bion and Tolyhi^ 
 fiory who not only wrote of this empire, 
 but alfo blame T>iodorus , a follower of 
 Ctejiasy for faying that it pafs'd from fa- 
 ther to fon in one family, and afTert the 
 contrary ; particularly they affirm, that af- 
 ter Belleus (who is the fecond Belochus 
 in Eufebiusy numb. 583) the race of Semi* 
 
 P ramist
 
 Z I O A P P E N D I X /(? C H A p. IV. 
 
 ramis^ call'd T>enetadce^ from her mother, 
 fail'd, and then came in Be let ares ^ who 
 had been the royal gardiner, and brought 
 in his race, which lailed to Sardanafalus, 
 
 Thefe things demonlh'ate that the hiito- 
 ry of this monarchy does not depend fole- 
 ly nor chiefly on the credit of CteJiaSy 
 who yet had good opportunities in Terjia 
 to he inforni'd concerning the antiquities 
 of the neighbouring JJfyria^ which w^as 
 then devolved into the hands of the Ter- 
 Jians ; fo that they probably had the re- 
 cords of the Jffyrian kingdom in their 
 hands. 
 
 But above all thefe things, the Mofaical 
 record of the building Nineveh by Hams 
 grandchild, and the happy agreement of 
 Cajior and Eufebius about the time of 
 Ninus's beginning to reign, determine both 
 the reality and the antiquity of this em- 
 pire. 
 
 iMofes , Gen, xxv. i8. recording the 
 death of Ifomael, and fettlement of his if- 
 fue, defciibes their cotintry to bC'. in the 
 way from \Egyp'XQ^..A(jyrtay which inti- 
 mates a commerce between thole coun- 
 tries, as then flourilhing kingdoms.] 
 
 Wherefore! will hatten towards a con- 
 cluiion of this enquiry, by. producing fome 
 
 evidence
 
 Appendix /<:? Chap. IV. 2 1 1 
 
 evidence concurrent with what has been 
 delivered from Jofefhus and Clemens Alex^ 
 andrinus. Matmonides^ More Nevochimj 
 aflures us that the Zabian hiitories, tran- 
 flated in his time into Arabic^ exprefly 
 'declare that Abraham^ younger days were 
 in Nmrod\ time, who perfecuted him for 
 alTerting the fovereign God. See Hottin^ 
 gers Syntagma^ p. 296. Agreeably here- 
 unto, Eufebius makes him contemporary 
 at his birth to Nhms^ who is Nhnrod, Jo- 
 fephusy in his firft book againft Apion^ hath 
 feveral paffages relating to the eldeft times 
 of this Ajfyrian monarchy ; as, firlt, 
 when he treats of SalatUj the firll paftoral 
 king, who reign'd at that fame time over 
 part of Egypt ^ that N'lnus reign'd over 
 AJfyria. He tells us that he fortify'd Aba- 
 ris, and kept a ftrong garrifon of men 
 there, it being the pafiage into Egy-pt, 
 forefeeing that the Ajjyrians might have a 
 deiire to enter that way upon that coun- 
 try. This plainly evinceth that Jofephus 
 and Mujiethoy whom he there tranfcribes, 
 believ'd the ^^ri^;/ power to be then 
 growing formidable as far as Egypt^ which 
 was a great dX^^^nz^ ixoxn Nineveh, 
 
 P \ A?ree-
 
 2IZ Appekdix^^Chap. IV. 
 
 Agreeably hereunto, Jofephus^ lib, i. 
 c. lo, II. makes thofe kings whofe con- 
 queits and whofe overthrow by Abraham 
 is recorded in Gen. xiv. to be Ajfyr'tan 
 princes, and exprefly affirms that then the 
 Ajfyrians did rule Afia. Moreover, the" 
 Targum of Jonathan Ben-Uzziel on Gen. 
 xiv. faith, that AmraJ^hel is N'lmrod : And 
 Achior, an uncircumcis'd Amorite under 
 the AJJyrians^ owns Terah to come from 
 Chaldaa of the AJfyrians. 
 
 Near 300 years after Salatiss time, Joje- 
 phm (from Manethoy not Ctejias) tells us 
 that Tethmo/is, who is alfo caird Amofis, 
 drove the paftors out of Egypt ; and they 
 built Jerujklem fufficient to contain their 
 valt multitudes, fearing the AJfyrians that 
 then were lords of AJia. Clemens Alexan- 
 drinus^ fpeaking of this Amojis^ affirms, 
 out of 'Ftolemaus Mendejius^ that he liv'd 
 in Inachus\ time, and KctTio-icciips ttjv 'A6v^Uvy 
 he gave the Ajjyrian fome overthrow. So 
 Bochart proves 'Ari^^/^j/ to be Ajjyria. See 
 Thalegy p. 8x. 
 
 Above loo after this time (which fal- 
 
 leth in the time of Mofes^ 
 
 ) Jofephus from Manetho^ 
 
 affirms that Set ho fa ^ who is commonly 
 caird Sefojtrisy fought againft many coun- 
 tries ;
 
 Appendix to Chap. IV. 2, 1 3 
 
 tries ; particularly againft the Jjfyrians and 
 Medes, who are known to have revoked 
 from them afterwards. See Jofcpkus^ /. f. 
 c. 3, 4. Enfebms ^ numtro 472, notes a 
 war between the Chaldeans and Thceni- 
 c'tans^ which falls out to be when Mofes 
 was in Tharaolos court, about thirty-two 
 years old, eight years before he fled from 
 Egyft to Jethro in Midian. This proves 
 that then the Chaldean or Jjffyrian bounds 
 reach'd near to Th(£ntc'ta or Canaan, 
 
 Now thefe things could not have been 
 fo generally enterrain'd if it had not been 
 a thing commonly confefs'd, that this mo- 
 narchy was of molt antient original and 
 long duration. Thefe pafTages, which re- 
 late thereunto, falling within the firil fix 
 hundred years after its beginning : Sefojtris's 
 expedition againlt them being above 700 
 years before the fall of Sardanapalus^ ac- 
 cording to the accounts of our learned 
 Armagh^ and while Mofes led Ifrael in the 
 wdldernefs. In the twelveth year of Ce- 
 crofSj Eufebius affirms the Chaldaans^ who 
 were under AJfyria, to have warr'd againft 
 the Thocians : This w^as before Mofes 
 brought Ifrael out of Egypt. 
 
 This brings to my mind the mention of 
 JJhm"^ or the JJfyrian kingdom, that is 
 
 P 3 made
 
 1 1 4 A/P P E N D I X /^ C H A P, IV. 
 
 made by Balaam^ prophefying of great 
 revolutions then future after many ages : 
 Efpecially in the latter days, when MeJJias 
 the Star rifing in Ifrael lliould appear. 
 Num. xxiv. 24. He fays. Ship /hall come 
 from Chittim, underitanding , I fuppofe> 
 the Macedonians and Romans ; and Jhall 
 ajfliB Afliur. It's probable that Balaam 
 himfelf coming from Aram or Syria^ might 
 be concerned in the Jfyrian kingdom , 
 Syria and JJfjria being often names of 
 the fame country : So Lucian^ Herodotus, 
 and Strabo confefs. I believe he vi'ould 
 hardly have taken notice of fo remote a 
 kingdom as JJfyria, if it had not been a 
 confiderable power in thofe days, ( which 
 lliould captivate the Kenites) whofe Hand- 
 ing jdv falling might greatly concern both 
 Moah and the Jews, neighbours there- 
 unto. 
 
 The Babylonijh garment found at Jeri- 
 cho by Achan gives me fufpicion that the 
 Canaanites had correfpondence with the 
 Babylonian Ajjyrians, Jojh- vii. 21. I find 
 alfo, Judg, iii. 8. "^c. the firft opprefTor of 
 Ifrael after its fettlement in Canaan to be 
 caird Cujhan-Riflyathaim This name the 
 old paraphraft renders the wicked Cufhite, 
 or defcen^ant from Qujh by Nimrod, which 
 
 I believe
 
 A P P E N D I X /(5 C H A p. IV. 2 I J 
 
 I believe fignifies the AJfyrian king, the 
 king of Aram Nahar aim he is call'd, which 
 was part of the AJfjrian empire. 
 
 Long after this time alfo I find the pfal- 
 miit, Tfal. Ixxxiii. 8. when he reckons up 
 thofe that diftrefs'd Judaa^ mentions ah^o 
 AJhm\ as joining with them. The Pfalm 
 " is probably judg'd to be compos'd on oc- 
 cafion of the attempt made in Jehofaphat's 
 time againlt the Jews : And if this be ad- 
 mitted, this Scripture will teitify that AJfy- 
 ria continu'd to be a formidable power 
 about 165- years before the time of the fall 
 oi Sardariapalusy for J e ho fop hat's reign was 
 fo long before the Air a of Nabonajfar : 
 Although I rather think it made earlier, in 
 T)avid\ time, w^hen Hadarezer call'd the 
 Syrians beyond the river to help him. See 
 2 Sam. X, 16. Compare the Perfian re- 
 cords, Ez,ra iv. 19. Jonas oiGatb hepcr is 
 mentioned in 2 Kings xiv. 25-. who foon was 
 fent to Nineveh^ then a great city of Af- 
 Jyria, in the time of Jeroboam the fecond, 
 the fon of Joajh : This falls about A. M, 
 3197, about fixty years before the fall of 
 Sardanapakis, 
 
 There remains one place of Scripture 
 befides thofe before quoted, which men- 
 tions the AJfyrian kingdom, as concern'd 
 P 4 in
 
 ti6 Appendix^^ Chap, IV. 
 
 in the affairs of the Jews before the be- 
 ginning of the jEra of Nabonajfar, or be- 
 fore the fall of Sardanapalmy and that is 
 2 Kings XV. 19, 20. where Mer/ahcm\\2ivmg 
 kill'd Shalkim, and llriiggling to be fettled 
 king of Ifrael in his Head, gives "P///, the 
 kingof yf£>rit75aihoufand talents of filver to 
 affiit him, and by his help obtains his end. 
 Now this feitlennent of Menabera falls in 
 the Julian period 3943, by Arfnaglo^ An- 
 nals ; and the Mra of Nabopiajfuv begins 
 later, T. J. 3967, which iliews that twen- 
 ty-four years before the hll o( Sar^lanapa- 
 hts this fettlement was obtain'd. Now this 
 atchievment of Ttil to eilablifh a king in 
 Jfiael over the ten tribes that had rebelFd 
 againft the line of T>avid, is very remark- 
 able, I. Becaufe it's the only fiiccefsful at^t 
 of that empire before Sardanapalus\ fall, 
 which is recorded in Scripture, and proves 
 by our accounts to be within the hiilorical 
 time of Varro ; for it's five years after the 
 firit olympiad, r. Becaufe hence the Af- 
 Jyrians certainly learnt the weaknefs of 
 the lyt aelltcs^ thro' fadions among them- 
 felves ; and finding they could fettle a king 
 in IJrael, they quickly became inclin'd to 
 bring Ifrael under the JJfyrian govern- 
 ment. God's providence did indeed de- 
 lay
 
 A P P E N D I X /^ C H A p. IV. 2 I 7 
 
 lay this time, by the divifions that fell out 
 in that empire, which was greatly weak- 
 ened by the Mt:des and Babylonians falling 
 off from it : But about thirty years after 
 this expedition oi Tul^ thefe Jffyrians re- 
 covered llrength enough under Tiglath- 
 Tilezer to carry away into captivity the 
 tribes beyond Jordan^ and fome others ; 
 and about twenty years after that they cap- 
 tivated the relt of this kingdom oi Ifrael 
 in the time of Salmanaf[a7\ and yet grew 
 Ibonger in the time of that king, under 
 whom Holofernes ferv'd. 
 
 But I mult Hop here, becaufe my defign 
 is not to go further than that change in 
 the JJfyrian mjonarchy, which happen'd by 
 the fall of Sardanapalus ; which time is 
 mod* noted among the gentile writers, al- 
 tho', it not im.mediately touching the Jews^ 
 the Scripture hath not recorded it ; the 
 defign of the facred hiltory being only to 
 deliver to us the hiilory of God's provi^ 
 dence towards his peculiar people, which 
 yet frequently occafions the mention of 
 kings neighbouring to them, tho' it re- 
 quires not that there fliould be recorded 
 the full feries of fuch kings in fucceffion to 
 each other. 
 
 It
 
 21 8 Appendix /(? Chap. IV. 
 
 It is fufficient that the Scripture expref- 
 ly owns the fo early foundation of Nine- 
 veh^ the metropolis of the monarchy, and 
 that it was a potent kingdom before the 
 jEra of Nabonajfarj able to fettle Menahem 
 in the government over the ten tribes a- 
 bout twenty four years before Sardana^alus's 
 fall This one inftance will prove that the 
 jijfyrian monarchy did not begin with 
 NabGnaffar ^ as Sir 'John Mar/ham would 
 *have us believe, who yet forgot himfelf, 
 when in his canon he places this Ajfyrian 
 king Tul in 'T,J, 3936, which is feven 
 years earlier than Armagh places him, and 
 is thirty one years before Nabonajfar be- 
 gan to reign : And it's certain that the 
 kings whom the Scripture owns to be AJ^ 
 fyrtans^ Salmanajfar and Senacherib\ are 
 not in that line of fucceflion .which begins 
 with Nabonajfar in Ttolemy\ Canon. But 
 thofe who are there nam'd as AJfyrian kings 
 are agreed to have reign'd at Babylon after it 
 was torn from the old AJfyrian monarchy, 
 feated at Nineveh ; and they feem to be 
 caird AJfyrians there, becaufe they were 
 antiently parts of that monarchy, whence 
 they as well as their anceltors, might juflly 
 be fo caird, altho' they had revolted from 
 the government of the old AJfyrian kings, 
 
 and
 
 Appendix ^^ Chap. IV. 219 
 
 and had fet up another fucceffion of prin- 
 ces of Babylofi. 
 
 Accordingly, I find Strabo to reckon the 
 Babylontavs among the AJfyrtans^ adding 
 alfo, under the fame name, the Elymieansy 
 ^aratac^ni , Gordteans , Mefofotam'ians^ 
 Arabs and Syrians^ all the people from E- 
 gypt to Tenuis. Tliny alfo, /. 6. 26. fays 
 all Mefopotamia belong'd to the Affyrians : 
 And Bochart, in his Thaleg, p. 81. gives 
 great proof that all that large empire which 
 flood 1300 years, was comprehended un- 
 der the name o{ AJfyrians. This title 
 feems to have lafted not only while the 
 Babylonians flourifli'd under Nabopolajfar^ 
 who deftroy'd Nineveh^ the old metropolis 
 of Afyria^ but alfo in the time of Cyrus^ 
 and after the Tcrfians had brought all thofe 
 countries under their yoke. 
 
 For both Herodotus and Xenophon affirm 
 that w'ar whereby Cyrus at length became 
 mafter of Babylon^ to be a w^ar againlt the 
 AJpyrians ; and Herodotus expreily affirms 
 that Babylon w^as the chief city of AJfyria^ 
 after Nineveh was overthrown, and that 
 the proportion between the Babylonians 
 and the other AJfyrians w^as as i to 2, or 
 they w^ere a third part only of the whole 
 
 empire
 
 220 Appendix /<? Ceiap. IV. 
 
 empire which belonged to Babylon. StQThe- 
 odoret onjer. v. p. 395'> The Affyrian eldeil 
 empire begun by Nimrody one with Chal- 
 daa. 
 
 I obferve that Ezra^ ctp. vi. rx. (fo alfo 
 Zechar.x, lo, ii.) and all the Jews with 
 him kept the paflbver with great joy and 
 thankfulnefs to God, becaufe he had turtid 
 the heart of the king of Aflyria towards 
 them^ to firengthen their hands in building 
 the temple at Jerufalem : And it's prov'd 
 that this king was T)aritiSy the fon of /i/y- 
 fiafpes ; who tho' he was a Terfian king 
 near forty years after Cyrus's, conquell of 
 the Babylonian monarchy, yet becaufe the 
 far greatelt part of his kingdom was the 
 old AJfyrian empire, now indeed under the 
 "[Perfian^ is therefore call'd by Ezra the 
 king of Affyria^ that far extended name, 
 bed expreffing the largenefs of his domi- 
 nion ; and alfo intimating, that both thofe 
 who had captivated the ten tribes, and thofe 
 alfo who had carry'd away the two tribes 
 that continu'd under the line of "Davids 
 were now all conquer'd themfelves, and 
 made fubjeft to Darius, the friend of the 
 Jevjs and finiflier of their temple. 
 
 For thefe and other reafons, which I 
 think not necellary here to enlarge upon, I 
 
 have
 
 Appendix to C ha?. IV. iii 
 
 I have thought it ufeful to preferve the 
 memory of the old JJfyrian empire, not- 
 withdanding all thofe fuggellions which 
 the learned Sir John Marjham hath offer'd 
 to lefTen or rather obliterate the renown of 
 it. Let it fuffice that I here briefly inti- 
 mate thefe five things. 
 J ' I. That Nineveh being not deftroy'd at 
 Sardanapakis\ fall, recovered that great 
 flrength under Tiglath-Tilezer and his 
 fuccelFors, in this reduc'd Ajfyrian empire ; 
 that they were inltruments of divine provi- 
 dence to fulfill many prophecies deliver'd 
 by Ifaiah againfl the Syrians^ againft the 
 ten tribes of Ifrael\ yea, fome againlt the 
 fucceflbrs of T>avld in Judah ; befides 
 other prophecies againll the Thilijtinsy 
 and other lefs neighbouring enemies to 
 the Jews. 
 
 X. That the fudden rife of the Chaldean 
 or Babylonian empire to its ilupendous 
 grandeur can't be underftood but by con- 
 fidering that it was formerly a great part 
 of the Ajjyrian monarchy, which revoked 
 firft from it, and afterwards in the times of 
 Nabo^polajfar^ and of his ion Nebuchadnez^ 
 zar^ united the whole Ajfyrtan empire to 
 that of Babylon^ and added Egyp there- 
 unto. 
 
 3. That
 
 Ill Appendix to Chap. IV. 
 
 3. That the fudden growth of the mo- 
 narchy of the Medes and Ter/lans, under 
 Cyrus ^ depends upon the knowledge of 
 this old AJfyrtan monarchy : For the firft 
 foundation of it was in the revolt of the 
 Medes from the Affyrians^ at the time of 
 Sardanapalus's fall : And by the conqueft 
 that Cyrus made over Bahylon^ all the old 
 AJfyrtan empire was devolv'd at once ; 
 firfl to "Darius the Mede^ under whom 
 Cyrus commanded his army ; and then to 
 himfelf, as heir to this Darius or Cyaxa- 
 res, whofe daughter he married. . For the 
 further clearing of which I refer my rea- 
 der to Armagh's Annals, and to the Scrip- 
 tures and hiilorians by him truly cited. 
 
 4. Becaufe hereby many Scriptures are 
 clear'd that relate to both the captivities, 
 viz. that of Ifrael, and that of Judah ; 
 others belonging to the return, and others 
 to the ccnverfioo of a remnant in AJfyrza ; 
 particularly Zechar. x. 10, 11. Which pro- 
 phecy was, at ieaft in part fulfiU'd when the 
 chriilian religion was fpread by the apo- 
 llles and their {ncc^^oxsxhxd' Mefofotamia^ 
 and other-neighbouring countries, in which 
 the Jewifn diiperfion was feateJ when 
 they were carried into' captivity by the 
 Affyrians ; it being certain that but few of 
 
 them
 
 Appendix to Chap. IV. 213 
 
 them return'd upon the licence that C^rtts 
 gave them. Perhaps many of them remain- 
 ing there by their pollerity, may hereafter 
 be converted to chrillianity, and fo give a 
 fuller completion to the prophecies, con- 
 cerning the falvation of IfraeL 
 
 Hereby alfo the Scriptures will be clear- 
 ed which relate to the place into which the 
 Jeius were carry'd captive ; firlt two tribes 
 and a half, then the rell of Ifrael^ where 
 many of them remained at the firft fpread- 
 ing of the gofpel, whereby ahe prophecies 
 w^ere fulfill'd concerning the converfion of 
 a remnant. {Affyria w^as blefs'd after the 
 AJfyrian empire's deltrudion ) See Ifa. xix. 
 x3, 24, 25-. xxvii. 12, 13. and the dereli- 
 dion of the reft, many of whom fell to 
 idolatry, in a land that was not tkeirsj 
 Jer. xvi. 13. and became fcrv ants to jir an- 
 gers^ Jer. V. 19. Others continued obfti-^ 
 nate in Jndaifin againlt all the evidence 
 for chriftianity. Both thefe forts are eit^.er 
 mingled with, and fo fwallow'd up by the 
 Heathens and Mahometans there^ or dif- 
 pers'd partly from Ajfyria^ partly from Jti^ 
 daa into all the quarters of the world. 
 
 Of the Je'vjs feated in. thefe eaftera parts, 
 increased perhaps by fome profelytes from . 
 heathenifm, w.e niay belt underiland that 
 
 place.
 
 2 24 Appendix /^ Ckap. IV. 
 place A6ls ii. 9. Tarthians^ Medesy Elamite.u 
 dwellers in Mefopotamia : Who are call'd 
 devout men^ Jews and Trofelytes^ if . 5, 10. 
 Such profelytes as were circumcised, and 
 came to Jewijh fealls. 
 
 The Jews who return'd from the cap- 
 tivity were but a few, comparatively, only 
 4x360, Ezra ii. 64. Among the twenty- 
 four courfes of the prielh but four return- 
 ed, Ezra ii. 36. '(Sc. Therefore twenty 
 courfes of the priefts itaid in the places 
 where they were fettled in the JJfyrian^ 
 or as they were afterwards, Terfian domi- 
 nions ; That is, five parts in fix, for that is 
 the porportion of twenty to twenty-four 
 courfes, which is the whole number of 
 the priefl:s courfes. And if fo many priefts 
 were unwilling to return to Canaan^ out 
 of their fettlements in Ajfyria and Media, 
 it's probable that a greater proportion of 
 the lay Ifraelttes had forgotten their love 
 to Ca7iaan, the land promised to their fa- 
 thers, and to the religion of the temple 
 to be built at Jerufalem therein. 
 
 5-. Neverthelefs , God did not forget 
 them, and the nations of y^r/^ and Me* 
 dia wherein they dwelt, but promis'd by 
 Ifaiah in the latter days, the times of the 
 Mejfiah , to gather to himfelf a church 
 
 there.
 
 A P P E N D I X /<? C H A p. IV! ±1) 
 
 there, and to beftow fpiritual bleffings up- 
 on them. I/a. xix. X4, 25-. Then /ball Ifrael 
 l^e a third with Egypt and AfTyria ( the 
 two great monarchies, between which Ca- 
 iiaan lay) e'ven a blejjing in the midjt of the 
 land, whom the Lord Jhall blejs ; faying^ 
 blejfed beY.gy^\. my people ^ and Affyria, the 
 work of my hands, and Ifrael mine inheri- 
 tance. Compare this place with 1/a. xi. 16. 
 and chap. xii. 
 
 This prophecy, and all that follow, from 
 Ifa. xiv, x8. to the beginning of chap. xx. 
 was, I believe, given to, and by Ifaiah, iii 
 the year that king Ahaz died : For I have 
 obferv'd, that I/aiah hath noted the times 
 of his receiving his vifions, by the times of 
 the kings under whom he liv'd : Vzziah^ 
 Jotham, Ahaz and Hezekiah, as he inti- 
 mates, Ifa. i. I. after Ahaz had begun to 
 make himfelf a tributary fervant to Ttglath- 
 Tilezer^ king of Affyria, as appears by 
 comparing i Kings xvi. 7. with xviii. 7. 
 juft about the end o? Tiglath-Tilezer, and 
 the beginning of SalmanaSfar'% reign in Af- 
 fyria, about ^-hj years before the birth of 
 Christ, according to the chriftian ^r^7. 
 
 Now this time falls to be about fix years 
 
 before Salmanajfar carry'd the ten tribes 
 
 ' * Q into
 
 ii6 Appendix/^ Chap. IV. 
 
 into that captivity, (into JJfyria and Me- 
 did) from whence the main body of them 
 never returned ; nor have we any hiltory 
 that informs us of any removal of the 
 whole body of them from thence : Only 
 fome fcatter'd Jews^ who know not of 
 what tribe they are, we find in many coun- 
 tries : Of which lee the learned enquiries 
 of Brecrwood. But of the continuance of 
 vatt numbers of them, dillinguiila'd by their 
 tribes, he proves from the Itinerary of 
 Benjamin Tudelenfis^ who liv'd and vifited 
 them there not 500 years ago. 
 
 And the learned Dr. Lightfoot hath fur- 
 ther proved from the Talmudtjisy that mul- 
 titudes of them were alfo in the more 
 fouthern parts of the JJfyrian empire in 
 Mefopotamidy and about Babylon, 
 
 Through all thefe parts was the gofpel 
 fpread, and converts to chriltianity gather- 
 ed both out of Jews and Gentiles in the 
 apollles times, or in the firft centuries after 
 Christ's preaching. And thus w^^ Jfyria 
 confilting of both Jews and Gentiles, blef- 
 fed, according to Ifaiah's prophecy. Then 
 not only the ten tribes in thefe parts of 
 the Ajjyrian and afterwards Terjian domi- 
 nions, but the two other tribes of Judah 
 
 and
 
 A P P E N D i X7^ C H A P. IV. 2 17 
 
 and Benjamin ; even thofe that rejefted 
 Christ while he liv'd among them, and 
 were fcatter'd in all parts of the Romati 
 dominion afcer the delh-uftion of Jerufa- 
 lem, had a call from God ; and fome of 
 them repenting, mourn'd over him whom 
 they had crucify'd, and became members 
 of his church. 
 
 Hence St. James^ an apoflle to the cir- 
 cumcifion, /'. e. Jews^ii large, writes his epi-* 
 Q\q^ James i. i.To all the twelve tribes feat- 
 tered (not to thofe in Judaa) which would 
 not have been regarded but by chriilian con- 
 verts. Therefore he implies that fuch con- 
 verts were known to him out of the twelve 
 tribes fo fcatter'd. 
 
 In like manner St. Teters firfl: epiftle (he 
 being likewife an apoltle to the circumctjion 
 Gal. ii. 9.) is direded to the jirangey-s (i.e. 
 Jews^ fojourners) fcatter'd through Pon- 
 tus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Afia and Bithy- 
 nia, and dated from Babylon^ which had 
 many Jews rem.aining in it, and feems to 
 be defign'd for the initruftion of Jewijh 
 chriftians of all the twelve tribes, bein^ 
 limited by its fuperfcription to no one tribe 
 of them, as the whole gofpel was to be 
 preach' d by, Christ's command, among all 
 Q 1 nations
 
 2 1 8 A P P E N D I X /^ C H A p. IV. 
 
 nations^ beginning at Jerufalem, Luc xxiv. 
 47. whither came, efpecially at the pallb- 
 ver, Jews from many countries. But the 
 firlt nam'd (1 take fpecial notice) are Tar- 
 thians^ Medes^ Elamites^ dwellers in Me- 
 fopotamia ; and all thefe are within the 
 bounds of the antient JJfjrian and Verjian 
 empires, and therefore feem to be of luch 
 as remained there lince the captivities wxi- 
 d^vTiglath-'Pilezery Salmanajfar ^wd. Ne- 
 buchadnez,z>ar^ and became united to the 
 'Perfian dominions by the conquefts of 
 Cyrus ; who doth not appear in Scripture 
 to have forc'd any to return to Jud^a, 
 but only to have permitted and encourag'd 
 fuch to do fo as were fo inclin'd. And I 
 need not fliew that thefe countries by con- 
 quelt pafs'd to iht Gr^ecia7lSJ Syro-gractaits^ 
 and were noiv come under the Roman 
 empire partly, and partly under the Ter- 
 fian kings, who permitted the Jewijh reli- 
 gion, and palTage to Jerufalem^ on that 
 account : Hiitory being clear enough in 
 this matter. 
 
 I think that the celeftial obfervations, 
 found in Babyloru when it was taken by or 
 furrender'd to Alexander^ which had been 
 made from above 1900 years before his 
 
 time,
 
 Append IX /^ Chap. IV. 229 
 
 time, and cannot be prefum'd to be kept 
 as publick records before a monarchy was 
 founded, prove the antiquity of the Af- 
 fyrlan monarchy, whereof Babylon was a 
 part, and was its firft head. See Gen.x. 10. 
 Altho' in later times Ni/ieveh grewtocontell 
 for fuperiority. Neverthelefs I acknowledge, 
 that after Sardanapalus's fall, Ajfyria and 
 Babylon became for a time diftinfl: Jving- 
 doms, but were again united in the time 
 of Efar-haddon, and Hood united under 
 his fuccelTors even after Nineveh was quite 
 dellroy'd. 
 
 The beginning of thefe obfervations be- 
 ing T. J. 2480, that year Scaliger affirms 
 from CalUrthcnes in Simpltciiis^ to be the 
 firll year of the elded Ej^ocba of the Chal- 
 daans^ fuppofing their years to be Julian 
 years. Hence to T. J. z66^y where I place 
 the beginning -of Nineveh and the Ajfyriait 
 monarchy are 185- years for Hem and Cujh 
 and Nimrod in Babylon. 
 
 The hiflories likewife of the later Jews 
 and Arabians, concerning this old monar- 
 chy (fuch are Elmacinm^ who affirms Nim- 
 rod to have reign'd in the 130th year of 
 Reu^ anfwering A, M. 1946, according to 
 the Hebrew numbers : Such alfo are Abul- 
 Q 3 ^huraiuSy
 
 Z30 
 
 A P P E N D I X ^^ C B A P. IV. 
 
 fhuraim^ and others in Hottingers Syn^ 
 tagma) are not inconfiderable teilimonies 
 while the}^ concur with the antients, as 
 Clemens Alexandiinus \ and cannot reafo- 
 nably be prefum'd to follow Cre/ias, but 
 other callern monuments that now are loif: 
 to us. 
 
 TRACT
 
 TRACT VI. 
 
 Proofs from Scripture and from Hea- 
 thens, of the AlTyrian Empire before 
 Nabonassar. 
 
 IM AY juilly alledge the fiiil: motive to 
 confider the j^jJyrtaJt empire to be, 
 becaufe I believe that Abraham^ the father 
 of the faithful, in whom the Jewijh and 
 chrillian church agree to glory, and his ilTue 
 by the wife of Ifaac his fon, and the wives 
 of Jacob his grandchild, came out of that 
 empire under the promife of fpecial favour 
 from God, whereby he fliould be fettled in 
 Canaan and his poilerity. This may be 
 prov'd from Scripture words. That he 
 came from T^r of the Chaldees, Mofes af- 
 firms. That this imports Vr to be in the 
 land of the Chald^ansy St. Stephen aflerts, 
 Acis vii. 4 And that it was in Mefopota- 
 mia he exprefly affirms : And it's agreed 
 that Chaldaa in the proper fenfe of the 
 word is not chiefly in Mefopotamia^ or the 
 country between Euphrates and Tigris^ 
 but chiefly on the eaft of Tigris ; tho' the 
 Q 4 Chaldeans
 
 132. The AfTyrian Empire 
 
 Chaldeans might have fome towns in Me- 
 fopotamia : Wherefore we muft own that 
 the Chaldeans then had Mefopotamia (at 
 lead this part of it) under their dominion 
 when Abraham and his brother were born 
 there, Gen. xi. xo. 
 
 Judith V. 6y 7. Achior the captain of the 
 Amorites faith the Jews i^ere defcended of 
 the Chal damans ; and they fojourned hereto- 
 fore in Mefopotamia, bscaitfe they 'would 
 not follow the gods of their fathers "which 
 were in the land ^/'Chalda^a. Tally d^ 'Di- 
 vindt. I. reckons the Chaldaans among the 
 jijfyriansy and fays they were deriv'd from 
 them. So alfo Xenophon in his Cyropadia^ 
 and Herodotus in T^olymnia^ expreily af- 
 firms that the Chaldeans were part of thp 
 Affyrians. 
 
 I agree with Bochart ; as aHb our learn- 
 ed bilhop of Ely in his commentary on 
 Genejis doth; that ^Or^ Abraham's birth- 
 place, wa5 in the northern part of Mvfofo- 
 tamia^ which border'd upon Jjfyria^ ftrid:- 
 jy fo caird, which lay eafiward of Tigris^ 
 where Lycus and Caprus fall into it. And 
 the authority oi Ammiamts Marcelltnus and 
 the fituation of liaran^ in the way from 
 thence to Canaan , befides other reaibns, 
 IP.ake ir upceflary for me io \ > think> B.a^ 
 chart hath well prov'd in page 107 of his 
 
 Thaleg^
 
 before Nabonassar. 233 
 
 ^haleg^ that Haran it feif, whither Abra- 
 ham went, was in Mefopotamia ; and fur- 
 ther proof thereof may be deduced from 
 Ttelemy, lib. 5. and from Tl'my^ I. 5. c. %^. 
 Whence I colleft, that by his firft journey 
 to Haran^ Abraham reach'd only to the 
 borders of the AJfyrian empire, where pro* 
 bably was more Hberty for his religion, 
 than in the heart of the famiC empire ; 
 but he was not altogether remov'd from 
 AJfyrian malign influence till he got into 
 Canaan. This may be collefled from the 
 mixture of religion that was in Laban's 
 'family. Neverthelefs, I believe, as Bocbart 
 alfo acknowledges and proves, that the 
 name of Affyria did extend alfo much 
 more fouthward, fo as to take in Baby- 
 lonia^ and the countries lying near the fall 
 of Tigris and Euphrates into the Terjian 
 Gulph or Sea : And I believe that Mofes 
 himlelf, befides other authors that Eochart 
 and I before-nam'd, ufeth the name of Af- 
 Jyriain this larger fenfe : For when he de- 
 fcribes the feat of the fons of Ijhmael^ Gen, 
 XXV. 18. He fays they d'ujelt from Havilah 
 unto Shur that is before Egypt, a^ thon goeji 
 towards Afi^Tia. Here w^e have a way to- 
 w^ards Ajfyria (certainly its fouthern parts) 
 that lies louth of all Canaan through Havi- 
 (abi which is very diiierent and far diilant 
 
 from
 
 2 34 ^^^ AfTyrian Empire 
 from that northern way by Haran^ where- 
 by Abraham pafs'd into Canaan and Egypt, 
 I doubt not but Bochart hath well deter- 
 min'd, that the Havilah here mentioned 
 was denominated from the fon of Cu/h^ 
 mention'd Geit. x. 7. and that he was plan- 
 ted near his father or near Babylonia. Era- 
 toft henesy cited by StrabOy I. 16. p. j6jy 
 agrees well with Mofes^ when he makes 
 the paflage from Heroon Tolisy which was 
 in Egypty towards Babylon (which was the 
 beginning of Nimrocfs kingdom) to be ad- 
 jacent to the borders of Arabia Felix 
 northwards, through the Nabathaiy Cbatu 
 lotai {Havilah) and Agrai ; names agree- 
 ing with Hagar and I}hmael\ pofterity, 
 mingled with thofe of Cujh, And T>iodo- 
 rus Siculm makes the ftrength of Ninus 
 {Nimrod) to have rifen from the conjun- 
 <3:ion of thefe Arabs with his nearer rela- 
 tions. 
 
 This union of feveral famiUes muft needs 
 make him ftronger than molt of his neigh- 
 bours, who feem to be now newly divi- 
 ded and planted in feveral countries, and 
 therefore eafily fubdu'd by fuch a bold 
 adventurer, who in confederacy with others 
 like him, hunted men as if they were beafts, 
 and drove them into the nets of his arbi- 
 trary
 
 before Nabonassar. 235- 
 
 trary government. Mofes feems to declare 
 his judgment of him to this effeft, and 
 jultiries his opinion by the confent of other 
 men, among whom then it was a prover- 
 bial fpeech to exprefs a man who in con- 
 tempt of God invaded other men's rights, 
 <o call him a mighty hunter before GOT) 
 like Nimrod. It feems many nations 
 eiteem'd him the molt notorious man of 
 violence in his age. 
 
 There appears nothing in hiitory to lef- 
 fen the extent of the Affyrian empire, 
 which 23/!?<^^r//:f hath given until the time 
 of T)avid\ then we find a Syrian kingdom 
 founded at T>amafcus by Rezon, taking 
 occafion to revolt from the overthrow 
 \\'hich Uavid gave to Hadadezer^ king of 
 Zobab : Yet after ten fucceflions this king- 
 dom was re united to JJ/jria by TigUth- 
 Tilezer. 
 
 The elded teltimonies, befides this of 
 iV/zyPj-that I have obferv'd, concerning thefe 
 eldell times, are, i. Sanchofitatho ^ who 
 faith that the confederates of Q^/z/zj- (i.e. 
 Ham) u'ere calTd Eloe'im, that is, gods, and 
 Cromiy that is, crown'd heads, for fo Cro- 
 Viis fignities : And he affirms that yldodtis^ 
 which is the Syrian or JJfyrian title of a 
 monarch was king of thefe gods ; who yet 
 
 reigned
 
 2^6 The AfTyrian Empire 
 
 reigned by Crontis^ confent or leave, as 
 jijiarte and "Demaroon did, Eufeb. Tr^- 
 far. p. 38, C. This can lignify no lefs than 
 that the fovereignty in thofe parts of ji/ia 
 was in Ham and his defcendants and con- 
 federates. Such were Cujh^ call'd Zeus 
 Belus^ and his fon Ntmrodj who muft have 
 this title Adodtis Adad^ or fome deriving 
 from him. Agreeably hereunto, Jojepbus 
 from Manetho affirms that the AJfyrians 
 reign'd over Afia in the time of Salatis^ 
 the CanaanitiJJ? king of Lower Egypt^ 
 whofe reign is juftly Itated by Armagh to 
 be fomewhat before Abraham's time. See 
 him A, M. 1910, with Jofefhus againft A- 
 fian^ lib. i. Alfo in his firit book of Anti- 
 quities, f. 8. he proves from NicolausT^a- 
 mafcentis^ that Abraham came out of the 
 Chaldeans country that lies above Babylon^ 
 that is nearer the fprings of Tigris ; and 
 €. 10. he affirms that the Ajfyrians did, 
 %^cf.Tiiv Tviq 'Kc-Ugj commafid Afia, and makes 
 all the kings who firit made the kings of 
 and near Sodom^ tributaries, and then cap- 
 tivated them, to be Ajfyrians princes, yet 
 conquer'd by Abraham after they had burnt 
 and waited moft of Canaan'^ country, and 
 were repafling near ^Damafcus about Ho- 
 baL 
 
 I obferve
 
 before Nabonassar. 237 
 
 I obferve alfo, that the Samaritan verfion 
 on Gen. xiv. 9. calls Tidal^ who in Abra- 
 hams time join'd with Chederlaomer in the 
 invaiion of Canaan^ and in Hebrew is cal- 
 led the king of nations, the king that was 
 fultan over the Hammim or defcendants 
 from Ham ; who can be no other than the 
 defcendants or fubjeds of Ciijh and Ntm- 
 rod^ the firft princes own'd by Mo/es in 
 the line of Ham. The fame verfion ex- 
 prefTes Amraphel to be king in Babel in- 
 liead of Sinaar^ which is in the Hebrew 
 text. Thefe palTages feem clearly to point 
 at the monarchy begun by Ham's polte- 
 rity at Babylon ^ and thence fpread into 
 Ajfyria^ and the neighbouring countries 
 in thofe eldeft times : Yea, they prove 
 that the AJfyrtan dominions reach'd then 
 to the borders of Canaan about the time 
 when Abraham was blefs'd by MekhifedeCy 
 w^hich is fufficiently fix'd by the Hebrew 
 chronology. Agreeably hereunto, we find 
 in Job i. 17. that the Chaldeans in three 
 bands fell upon his camels, which were 
 3000, and kiird all the fervants that kept 
 them, except the meflenger that brought 
 this ill news : And it is agreed that Job 
 dwelt not far off from the borders of G?- 
 naan ; and confequently the Chaldaans do- 
 minions
 
 238 The AlTyrian Empire 
 
 minions may be prefum'd not to have been 
 very far from the place which they came 
 to rob, by carrying away its cattle: And 
 we have prov'd before that the Chaldaians 
 were part of the Ajfyrians. 
 
 Here we may add fome degree of evi- 
 dence \\\txi by Mofes wlien he defcribes 
 the country in which ljhmael\ children 
 were fettled, Gen. xxv. 18. a long trafl: 
 between Havilah and Shur ; the former of 
 which is near Babylonia^ the latter near 
 Egypt ; and he faith it's the country thro' 
 which the palFage is to Aljyrta. The Sep- 
 tuaghit w^ell exprefles it, to the Ajfyrians^ 
 or part of their dominion, for fo Babylonia 
 was from the beginning of its plantation to 
 that time ; either when the IJhmaelites 
 were fettled or when Mofes wrote Gene- 
 fa. The Affyrians had two royal cities, 
 Babylon and Nineveh^ the way for com- 
 mo^rce between the tw^o old kingdoms of 
 Egypt and Afyria was then fo well known 
 that Mofes chufes to defcribe the IJhmael- 
 ites country by that road. 
 
 The next Scripture teilimony that makes 
 early mention of Affyria is in Balaams 
 prophecy, (where 'tis twice mentioned as 
 a well known power, whofe original Mo- 
 fes had delivered Gen. x.) That Aihur Jhotild 
 
 captivate
 
 before Nabonassar. 239 
 
 cafffuate the Jirongly Jitnated Kenites. Yet 
 even this conquering and captivating power 
 Ihould be afflided by fliips from Chitttm^ 
 Romans and Macedonians. The plantations 
 of Chitttm were alfo made before Mofes'^ 
 time. 
 
 In Jtidges iii. 8. foon after Jo/hud's time 
 we find the king of Mefoptamia the firft 
 cpprelTor of Ifrael. He is cali'd Chtifan 
 Rifhathaim: {Jofephus^ L f. r. 3. affirms 
 him to be king of the ^Jfyrians.) And I 
 have reafon to think that thofe words fig- 
 nify the wicked Cujhite\ fuch the kings 
 of Affyria were, being defcended from 
 Cujh by Nimrod : And the Chaldee para- 
 phrafe, the antient Syriac and Arabic fo 
 tranflate this name, as an epithet rather 
 than a proper name. And TUny afliires 
 us that all Mefopotamta was the Affyr'ians ; 
 and we never read that they revolted from 
 them, but devolved with the empire to the 
 Medes and Terjians, 
 
 In Tfalm Ixxxiii. 8. Mmr joins its power 
 to the children (9/Lot ; whether in T)avid"^ 
 time (to which I incline, becaufe Mefopo- 
 tamta or Aram Naharaim aflTifted them. 
 It's certain alio, from the title of Tfal. Ix. 
 that "David fought with Aram Naharaim^ 
 which I believe was under Afyria. This 
 
 Scripture
 
 240 TPje Affyrian Empire 
 
 Scripture exprefly teflifies ; but no Scrip- 
 ture owns that any of JehoJaphat\ ene- 
 mies came from Aram Naharaim) or in 
 Jehofaphafs time ; tho' in the hiltory of 
 a Chron. xx. the Jjjyrians are not nam'd. 
 Yet this lalt opinion is molt received upon 
 reafons that convince m.e not. However it 
 be, either of thefe will prove greater anti- 
 quity of the JJfyrian power than Sir John 
 Mar/ham will own ; both were long be- 
 fore Tul was king of Jffyria. 
 
 After the Jffyrians confederacy with 
 Moab and Ammon^ the next mention that 
 the Scripture makes of the JJfyrians is in 
 the book of Jonah. The precife time of 
 bis mefTage to Ninevehy their metropolis, 
 is not exprefs'd ; but a good approach to it 
 may be collefted from what is recorded 
 in i Kings :l\v, 25 to 28. There Jeroboam 
 the fecond, the fon of Joajh king oi I/rael, 
 or of the ten revolted tribes, is faid to 
 have reign'd forty-one years, and to have 
 rejior'd the coaji of Ih'zd.from the entring 
 of Hamath to the fea of the plain, accord- 
 ing to thewordof]on^\\.theVropheti and 
 ^. 28. that he recovered Damafcus and Ha- 
 math. The reafon of his fucceiTes is ex- 
 prefs'd f. 26, 27. from God's pity to- 
 wards Ifraely for he faw that his affliBion 
 
 from
 
 hvfire N A BON ASS A R. 241 
 
 from the Syrians^ "uua^s very bitter^ for 
 there was no helper ; wherefore^ to prevent 
 the blotting ont of the name of Ifraeli he 
 fav'd them by the hand (Tf Jeroboam the fort 
 ^Joafh. Now It's evident that the bit- 
 ternefs of their affliction from the Syrians 
 was not in Jeroboams time, wherein that, 
 kingdom was rais'd to its higheil eftate 
 that ever it arriv'd at after their revolt 
 from Rehoboam, But their greateil mifery 
 was in his father's time, when he came 
 weeping to the dying prophet Elijka^ and 
 receiv'd the comfortable intelligence of 
 God's intention to deliver them from the 
 Syrians^ 1. Kings xiii. 17, ^c. This deli- 
 verance God began to w^ork by Joajh him- 
 felf, 3^. 25-. chap. xiii. by retaking the cities 
 loft by his father, and by beating the Sy- 
 rians thrice : But the honour of compleat- 
 ing that deliverance Was referv'd for his 
 fon Jeroboam^ and was foretold by the 
 prophet Jonah. Now his reign being long, 
 and the ,moit profperous of any king of the 
 revolted IJraelites^ it's moil probable that inf 
 the beginning of his reign he followed the 
 three blows which his father gave to Syria i 
 and confeqiiently the prophecy concerning 
 his fuccefles muil be given by Jonah about 
 i\it beginning of his reign, if not iii his 
 
 R^ father's'
 
 242. The AlTyrian Fjnptre 
 
 father's time, to fccond the prophecy of 
 Eltjha. Now the beginning of Jeroboams 
 reign is fiated by our molt reverend Ar- 
 7nagb A, M. 3179, ^d that is about feventy 
 eight yearns before the Aira o{ Nabonaffar \ 
 before which Sir J. Marjham will not al- 
 low the AJjyrians to have any place in hi- 
 llory. But it's moil evident that in Jonah's 
 time, who liv'd fo long before that, Nine- 
 "veb^ the metropolis of AJfyria^ was a very 
 great city, which had more than fix fcore 
 thoufand perfons, infants, in it, that could 
 not difcern between their right hand and 
 left ; and doubtlefs the body of the empire 
 was then proportionable to its head city : 
 And it's probable that the time of Jonah\ 
 prophefying in Nineveh v^^as not long af- 
 ter the time of his prophefying in If 
 raely which we have ihew'd to be about 
 the beginning of the reign of Jeroboam 
 the fecond, who recover 'd what his an- 
 ceflors had loft, from the Syria?iSj and took 
 ^amafctis and Hamath from them ; which 
 mult needs weaken the kingdom of Syria^ 
 and make way for the total ruin of that 
 kingdom which follow'd, by the power of 
 the Ajjyrian monarchy, under Tiglath-Ti" 
 lezer^ about forty- four years after the death 
 of Jeroboam the fecond ; as appears by the 
 ' Annals
 
 before Nabokassar. 243 
 
 Annals of the learned Armagh^ and by the 
 Scriptures. About the middle of that in- 
 terval we find Till an Jjfyrian monarch 
 invading Ifrael; but Menahem purchased 
 peace and fettlement in his government, 
 by paying him one thoufand talents of fil- 
 ver. Neverthelefs, I own that great cala- 
 mity which befel the Affyrians nc'^r the 
 end of that interval of forty four years, 
 wherein happened the revolt of the Medes 
 and Babylonians from them and the 
 fall of Sardana^alus thereby , altho' the 
 Scriptures mention them not ; but we 
 know them only by the information which 
 we receive from heathen hiftorians. To 
 thofe we owe all our knowledge of the 
 rife of the kingdoms of the Medes and 
 Babylonians^ fam.ous at this time, yet fprung 
 out of their revolt from the Ajfyrian em- 
 pire: Tho' the divine and human hiftories 
 being well confider'd and compared, do 
 give light mutually to each other. There- 
 fore having now obferv'd what the Scrip- 
 ture hath mentioned of the AJjyrian em- 
 pire from its foundation by Nin-rod and 
 Oijh unto the time wherein it grew- for- 
 midable to IJracl linder Tiglath-TikzeVy 
 let us compare therewith fome human te- 
 
 R X lliinonies
 
 144 ^^^ Affyriaa Empire 
 llitnonies that fpeak concerning the fame 
 empire, and the fame antient times. 
 
 We will produce, firil, Manetho's tefli- 
 mony in Jojephus againlt Apion^ that Sefojlris 
 conquered the AJfyrians and Medes^ which 
 intimates them then in conjunftion. This 
 is the only record that gives any hillory of 
 the time and power that firlt broke or 
 lelTen'd, or checked this empire. [Yet Ta- 
 cit m^ AmiaL lib. %. affirms the Egyptian 
 prieft to read it in the Egyptian letters, on 
 the monuments near Thebes^ to Germanicus^ 
 that Ramafes (who is Sefojirls) conquered the 
 Medes^wdi Terjians, qua/que terras SiiriAr- 
 metinque coltint. This mult be the AJjyrianSy 
 as Herodotus teltifies :] And it's prov'd to be 
 contemporary with Mofes in the wildernefs. 
 ^ivJ.MarJham vainly attempts to invalidate 
 Manctho's authority about the AJfyrian 
 conqueits of Sefojlris j fuppofing he had it 
 from Ctefiasy %. 14. p. 377- But he gives 
 no proof that ever Ctefias wrote this or 
 any thing elfe concerning Sefojlris ; nor 
 can I find any fuch thing in ^hotiusy who 
 only hath preferv'd the remains that we 
 have of Ctejias : Nor is it in any degree 
 probable that Manet ho iliould believe- a 
 Greek if he had written any fuch thing, 
 concerning the greatell king of Egypt 
 ^ Sefojlris^
 
 before Nabonassar. 24J 
 
 Sefojlrh, if it had not agreed \^'ith the re- 
 cords of Egyyt his own country. Nor is 
 there any proof that Manetho ever follow'd 
 Oefias in any other matter of hiltory, or that 
 he ever favv his writings : Much Icfs did 
 he learn out of the mythology of the 
 Greeks^ that Armais^ Sefojiris^ brother, 
 was the fame with T>anaus^ whofe name 
 and time is well known in the bell Greek 
 chronology. Yet that learned knight tells 
 us fo, to difparage that remain of Alanetho^ 
 which he knew could not confift with his 
 Egyptian chronology; and yet there is no 
 Greek mythologift found by him that fays 
 this which Manetho affirms. 
 
 But I mud not flay upon this unpleafant 
 work of confuting a very learned man. 
 My bufinefs is rather to obferve that Sefo- 
 Jiris's diftreffing the AJfyrtan empire about 
 the time that Mofes was in the wildernefs, 
 may give us a good reafon why for diverfe 
 centuries after that time we don't read in 
 Scripture of any great atchievments of that 
 monarchy, Hke what T)todorus tells us of 
 Ninus long before that time. But we find 
 kingdoms in Syria and Lydia neighbour- 
 ing to it, which are not recorded to havq 
 any dependance upon it. 
 
 R 3 It
 
 246' The Aflyrian Rmp'tre 
 
 It might indeed fuHice to fay, that the 
 divine hiitorians undertaking only to re- 
 cord God's Providence over the Church, 
 had no concern to inform us about Ajfy^ 
 r'la until Tul the JJfyrian was call'd into 
 Canaan^ and hir'd by Menahem to fettle 
 him in his unrighteous pofleflion of the 
 government over the fchilmatical Ifraelites 
 of the ten tribes : As afterwards AchaZj 
 king of Jtidah^ hir'd Tiglath-Vilezer to 
 afhlt him againlt Rezin king of Syria and 
 Tekah king oi Ifracl. But it tends to give 
 us further fatisfaftion, if we obferve that 
 the overthrow which Sefojiris gave the 
 Ajfyrian monarchy might give a good op- 
 portunity to many nations, that "Diodorus 
 tells us were formerly under Nhius^ to 
 take courage to refume their natural, li- 
 berty and make kings of their own ; For 
 hereby that empire muit be greatly di- 
 Itrefs'd, Vviien its force was not only bro- 
 ken by a foreign invader, but thofe alfo, 
 that formerly were its fubjefts and its 
 llrength, do by revolting turn its enemies. 
 Befides it's plain that about Mofess or Se^ 
 foflris% time the feveral nations of Afia 
 \^^re replenifli'd with people, and there- 
 fore could not fo eafily be reduc'd when 
 they revolted, as their ancellors were at 
 
 firlt
 
 before Nabonassar. 247 
 
 firlt fubdu'd by Nmrod\ when the world 
 had but few people in it, and thole very 
 weak, becaufe difpers'd into many dillant 
 countries. However it were, it's obrerva- 
 ble that we have no fuggefiion from any 
 hiilory that Mefbpotamia did ever own any 
 elder government than that of the j^jTy- 
 rians^ properly fo call'd ; and tliis country 
 alone was large and rich enough to fup- 
 port a very confiderable monarchy ; fo 
 that they needed not to moleli: the Jc'sjs 
 dwelling in Canaan. It's no wonder there- 
 fore that after Mofis\ time until the be- 
 ginning of the captivity of the ten tribes 
 we find fo little mention of them in the 
 Scripture, Vvhich is the hiitory of the 
 Jewiflo Church : And there is no reafon 
 to infer from the filence of the divine hi- 
 ilory of the Jeisjs, that we mull give no 
 credit to human hiitorians, who, however 
 fparingly, yet deUver fome accounis to us 
 of thofe antient tim.es of the Jffyrtan mo- 
 narchy. 
 
 Herodotus^ before Cte/ias was born, oc- 
 cafionally, in his Euterpe^ mentions Sarda- 
 napalusj king of Nineveh, in JjJyr'uL The 
 reafon why Herodotus fpeaks fo licrlc there 
 concerning him is clearly this : He was 
 delivering the hiitory of Egyp, and had 
 
 R 4 only
 
 24 S The Affyrian Empire 
 
 only occafion to flievv that much earth 
 dug up might be fecretly carry'd away by be- 
 ing cait into the Nile^ as the earth dug out 
 of a mine made by fome JJfyrian thieves 
 to get into Sarda7tapahis\ treafury, was 
 carry'd away by the Tigris which ran by 
 Nineveh^ and was never difcover'd. But 
 Herodotus referv'd all that he knew fur- 
 ther concerning Sardanapalus and the 
 AJfyrian monarchy to another book, call'd 
 his Affyriaca^ which he promised in his 
 Clio ; yet whether he ever wrote it or no 
 I know not, but am heartily forry that it 
 is not come to our hands ; nor do I find 
 it cited by any of the antients. Neverthe- 
 lefs, becaufe no author that I know of 
 ever affirm'd Sardanapahis to have reign- 
 ed after the Mra of Kabonajfar or the 
 time of Tiglath-Tilezer^ (which even Sir 
 John Mar/ham acknowledges to be con- 
 temporary, and to be fix'd to 3967 of the 
 Julian period, w^hich is 747 years before 
 the chriltian j^rd) we muil allow him to 
 have been before that time, as all agree to 
 I)Iace him ; altho' they do not agree in 
 determining how many years before that 
 time his reign ended. His very being and 
 the revolt of gteat kingdoms from him, 
 ind his w^ar with them after the^r revolt.
 
 before N a b o n a s s a r. 249 
 
 and the greatnefs of his fall, are demon- 
 ftrations that fuch a monarchy was in be- 
 ing, and was great before that time; and 
 it was impoffible that fuch a monarchy 
 could rife in a night as muflirooms fpring 
 out of the earth. 
 
 After thefe proofs I will add other con- 
 current teflimonies of heathen writers : 
 And here I will give the firfl: place to He- 
 rodotus^ who owns the JJJyrian empire to 
 have been over the upper or northern parts 
 of AJia fzo years before the revolt of 
 the Modes and the fall of Sardanafalus. 
 I am fenfible that this being much lefs 
 than what I have aflerted, may feem to 
 contradifl: it : But I anfwer, i. That He- 
 rodotus's affirming that the Afyrian domi- 
 nion had flood fo long is not a denial 
 that it had flood longer ; for longer con- 
 tinuance is confiflent with that duration 
 which he owns. It's very likely that he 
 did not know when it began, having ne- 
 ver read the books of Mofes or of any 
 other author that related who was the 
 founder of it, and when he liv'd, altho' 
 he had found fufficient evidence that it 
 had flood 510 years. He does not pre- 
 tend to know where Ninus or Nimrod 
 
 liv'd,
 
 2)0 The Aflyrian Empire 
 
 liv*d, nor from whom the city Nineveh . 
 
 took it's name. 
 
 2. It's not certain how far that which 
 he calls the fuperior JJla did extend, ari^ 
 it's probable that fome confiderable p^rt 
 thereof might be firfi: added to the older 
 empire about 5-20 years before the defe- 
 ftion of the Medcs, 
 
 3. Even this defeftive account oi Hero 
 dotus will reach to greater antiquity than 
 they will own, who would allow no fucb 
 thing as a great udjfyrian empire before 
 the Mra of Nabonajfar, which the canon 
 of Ttolemy and the eclipfes dated thereby 
 do demondrate fo clearly, that after that 
 they dare not deny it. This account will 
 lead us to the year ix68, before the vul- 
 gar j^ra of Christ's birth : For the fall 
 of Sardanapalus was 748 years before 
 Christ. To thefe add Herodotus^ 5x0, 
 the fum will be ix68 before Christ; 
 which falls out to be near the time of the 
 expedition of the Argonauts. And this is 
 above 500 years fooner than Siji' J. Alar- 
 Jfyam would allow any AJfyr'tan empire to 
 have been in Afia. 
 
 His chief objeftion againft this empire is, 
 that it hath no authority of hiftorians to 
 
 fupport
 
 before N a b o m a s s a r. 2 j i 
 
 fupport it, but that of CtefiaSj whom T)io- 
 doriis Skiihis quotes indeed , but never 
 tells us that there were no others who af- 
 ferted the antiquity of this empire. We 
 jiaye. fliew'd that Mofcs owns its early 
 foundation and great extent ; Its continu- 
 ance in the time of Salatus, reign in E- 
 gypt ^ we have prov'd, before Abraham 
 came thither, out of Manetho, cited by 
 Jofefbus : Its further duration in Abraham's 
 time is prov'd from Jofephits^ who certain- 
 ly could not learn that {xoxvi Cteflas^ who 
 knew nothing of Abraham. Herodotus 
 is by all acknowledged to be elder tlian 
 Qtejias^ yet he ou'ns the Ajjyrzan empire 
 above 5*00 years before the time that Sir /'. 
 Mar/ham afligns for the rbcginning of it. 
 And altho' that Terjian^ from whom Hcro^ 
 dotus receiv'd his informiation., did go no 
 further backwards than fio years before 
 the revolt of the Med^s from it : Yet he 
 denies not that it might be elder, as we 
 prov'd from Mofes that it was. 
 
 A proof of like nature to this of Hero- 
 dotus is afforded to us from his country- 
 man TL)tonyfim Halicarnajfenfis : For tho* 
 he intimates that the Ajjyrian dominioa 
 was over but a little part of Ajia in com- 
 parifon with what the P^cmans in his time 
 
 had«
 
 2J1 The Affyrian Empire 
 
 had conquer'd ; yet he exprefly affirms 
 that the beginning of that empire reached 
 into the fabulous times, pointing hereby 
 at the times before the olympiads, where- 
 in the Argonauttc is contained, to which 
 Herodotus before led us ; but he never 
 mentions Ctefia^ or his feries of kings of 
 Affyrta^ and therefore can't be efteem'd a 
 follower of him. It's evident alfo, that 
 Caftor^ whom Eufeb'tus follows in his feries 
 of Ajjyrian kings, doth greatly differ from 
 Ctefias^ both in the number of his AJfy. 
 rian kings and in the fum of years amount- 
 ing from their feveral reigns ; and there- 
 fore Sir John Marjham is too ra(h in aflert- 
 ing that Cajlor\ feries is by Eujebius ta- 
 ken from Ctefias. To conclude this point, 
 I have obferv'd that Agathias, with whom 
 I agree about the antiquity of this empire, 
 hath reckoned up many antient hiftorians 
 now loft who alFert its antiquity: Yet reUes 
 not on Cte/iasy but confutes his opinion, 
 that it was kept in one line ; which is de- 
 liver'd by T>iodoru5y as I have before writ- 
 ten. 
 
 There is one paftage more in Herodo^ 
 tiis (whom all confefs to be before Ctefias^ 
 and therefore give more credit to him 
 than they do to Ctefias concerning the 
 
 Jjfyrians)
 
 before Nabonassar. 253 
 
 j^Jfyrians) which I think fit to obferve, 
 altho' he deUvers it when he is telling the 
 hiftory of the Medes in the time of Thra- 
 ortes^ who reign'd about ico years after 
 the fall of Sardajiapalus. Towards the 
 end of his reign he invaded the Ajfyrians^ 
 W'hom Herodotus there affirms to have been 
 governors of all formerly, tt^oti^^v ttavt^v 
 ri^X^v ; but that then they were left alone, 
 being deferred by their allies- or their help- 
 ers having revoked from them. Yet he 
 adds, among themfelves they were in a 
 good condition ; and this Thraortes found 
 to his great damage, for there he lotl his 
 great army, befieging Nine^eh^ and him- 
 felf was kiird. This place I remark, be- 
 caufe it's a clear teilimony that formerly 
 Nineveh^ with its AJjyrians^ had great 
 dominions and allies; and even after the 
 revolr of its allies it remained a formidable 
 dominion. And this agrees well with what 
 the Scripture relates concerning the power 
 of Tiglath-Tikzer^ whofe reign follows 
 foon after the fall of Sardanapalus : As 
 alfo with the power of Salmanajjar and 
 Efar-haddon^ under whom the ten tribes 
 fuffer'd bitterly, before Thraortes reign'd 
 over the Medes. as may be i^t^xi well Ha- 
 ted in the reverend Armagh^ Annals : As 
 
 what
 
 2y4 7^^^' Affyriaa Empire 
 what he mentions of their former greatnefs 
 before the revolt of the Medes^ and other 
 nations with and after them, agrees well 
 with what many other heathen hiltorians 
 telHFy concerning its antiquity, and with 
 v/hat Mofes himfelf hath recorded, that it 
 was founded by Nimrod, 
 
 I will conclude thele proofs of the Jf- 
 fyrtans great empire before the fall of Sar- 
 danaPaliiSy with two teltimonies more of 
 it, which the fmall remains of it that are 
 found in heathen writers afford us. The 
 iirit is taken out of the epitaph or infcrip- 
 tion on the ftatue of Sardanapalusy found 
 2it Afichiale in Ctiicia^ recorded by C/i- 
 rarchus and Ariflobulus^ hiltorians that li- 
 ved in Alexander'^ time ; and from them' 
 cited by Athen£us^ Strabo and Arrian^ all 
 men of the greateil credit. Therein it 
 was enm'av'd. That he built Anchiale and 
 Tarpis, two confiderable cities in Cilicia^ 
 in one day. And the diliance of Cilicia 
 from Nineveh is a demonllration that his 
 empire extended far from thence well- 
 ward, befides its extent into Media call- 
 ward, and Babylon fouthward, before their 
 revolt from him. 
 
 Sitidas in Sardanapalus owns the fame 
 infcription upon the monum.ent of this dif-' 
 
 folute
 
 before N a b o n a s s a r. 2 j j 
 
 fokit^ king, but he fays it was at Nineveh, 
 It's pofhble it might be in both places, that 
 fuch a memorial of him might be prefer- 
 ved. But it's obfervable, that in all thefe 
 authors he is faid to be the fon of Anacyn- 
 daraxes^ which intimates that this infcrip- 
 tion was not made by any follower of Cte- 
 flas, for he makes his father and predecef- 
 for in the empire of AJfyria to be Jcra- 
 ganes^ as we find in Syncelltis^ who is the 
 only author that pretends to give us the 
 fucceffion, according to Ctejias or Afrtca- 
 mis^ that followed him. Which catalogue 
 I have given already fome reafons why I 
 think it fit to be rejeded : To which rea- 
 fons this.infcription may be added, as a 
 fufficient caufe to difallow it. 
 
 The fecond teilimony that I fiiall offer 
 to confideration is preferv'd to us by Vel- 
 lews Tatcrculns, v^ho cites it from u¥.mi- 
 litis Sura^ whom Jofefh Scaliger in his 
 Ifagogic Canons calls Vetus Scrtptor ; but 
 it is not known how long he W'^as before 
 Velleius T^ at er cuius ^ who wrote in Chflist's 
 time. This ALmiliiis Sura writing con- 
 cerning the time of the Roman fovereignty 
 over the then known world, dates it from 
 the conquelt which they obtained over the 
 Macedonians ^ and Antiochm the Great in- 
 
 AJia,
 
 %j6 The Affyrian Empire 
 
 JJiaj not long after the viftory over Car- 
 thage^ which was about 200 years before 
 Christ's birth; and then he adds Inter 
 hoc tempns^ & initium Nini regis AflTyrio- 
 rum interfunt mtni 1995'. Wherefore, if we, 
 add xoo years to thefe 1995* the fum will 
 give us the time before Christ^ wherein 
 Nimts began to reign. And it is 2195' years 
 before Christ's birth; and this agrees 
 very well with the time of Nimrod or Ni- 
 mts^ efpecially if we allow Nimrod to have 
 built Nineveh^ and to reign there in his 
 father Cnjh or Bclus\ time by his confent ; 
 and perhaps alfo with the confent of his 
 grandfather Ham^ which is a very proba- 
 ble opinion : And it*s exprefly aflerted by 
 Sanchoniatho^ faying, that Adodus^ the king 
 of kings, reign'd by the confent of Cronus ^ 
 whom I have prov'd to be Ham ; for it's 
 certain that Adad^ here call'd Adodus^ was 
 the common title of the kings of Syria or 
 Affyria^ thofe names being in the eldell: 
 times fynonymous ; and no other than fuch 
 petty kings can be thought to be there in 
 thofe eldell times wherein Cronus liv'd. 
 Gtherwife I mull confefs that this account 
 deduc'd from AimUius makes Nmus\ be- 
 ginning earlier and nearer the flood than^ 
 the accounts that I have GoUefted from' 
 
 other
 
 before Nabonassar. 157 
 
 ether authors. For according to Armagh's 
 calculation fubftraft the given yj^l' before 
 Christ, which in this cafe is xi95' out of 
 4004, and the remainder will be the year 
 of the world. In this inftance A. M. 1809 
 will be the year of the world wherein Ni^ 
 nus\ beginning will be plac'd, and that is 
 but 153 years after the beginning of the 
 flood. It's likely indeed that Nimrod^ 
 Hanfs grandchild, was then a young man; 
 and he might be then, according to Jofe^ 
 fhus^ bufy about the beginning of a king* 
 dom at Babely where Mofes owns the be^ 
 ginning of the firft monarchy was. But 
 its probable that the foundation of Nine-- 
 veh was later, and fo his diltinfl: kingdom 
 allowed him there by his father may well 
 be of fomewhat later date after the flood ; 
 not far from that which we have made 
 an approach to by the help of other au* 
 thors. 
 
 I pretend not either there or here to 
 determine exaflly the time of Nineveh''^ 
 foundation or Ninus's beginning ; but when 
 fo many good authors agree within a cen- 
 tury in things fo antient, I can't chufe but 
 I mult believe them rather than a few that 
 deny the whole being of this antient em- 
 pire before the time of Nabonaffar^ when 
 
 S lam
 
 258 The Aftyrian Empire 
 
 I am fure that it's impoflible for them to 
 prove their negative, altho' it be eafy to 
 find fome difficulties againlt thofe that give 
 teilimony to the affirmative. 
 
 I will conclude my difcourfe about the 
 teftimony of Mmilius Sura with this ob- 
 fervation ; that he cautioufly left fome la- 
 titude of time in his words concerning the 
 date of the beginning of the Roman fuc- 
 ceflion to the fovereignty of the world 
 after the conqueft over Th'tlip the Mace- 
 donian^ and Antiochus not long after the 
 fubduing of Carthage, Wherefore, we are 
 not bound by his words to allow it, as I 
 did for trial of the account, to be juft 200 
 years before Christ's birth. 'Tis certain 
 that the great victory over Antiochus was 
 obtained about the year 190 before Christ's 
 birth, which is ten years after that time. 
 It's certain alfo that the total deftruftion of 
 Carthage was but 146 years after Christ's 
 time ; altho Sclplo Africanus had conquer- 
 ed them above fifty years before Christ. 
 Wherefore if we t^ke JSmilius Sura's num* 
 her 1995- and add to it 146, the fum will be 
 2 1 41, the year before Christ, in which 
 Sura puts Ninms beginning ; and this 
 brings Ninus's beginning to be about 207 
 years after the flood, or about A.M. 1863, 
 
 which
 
 before Nabonassar. ijp 
 
 which is about fourteen years after Nahor 
 was born, according to the Hebrew ac- 
 count, and fifteen years beft)re the birth of 
 Terah^ and 145- years before Abraham's 
 birth, as it's ftated well by Armagh, Now 
 this alfo muft be confefs'd to be earlier than 
 my accounts, coliefted from others by 82, 
 or 9x years : Yet it's later than the begin- 
 ning of the Egyptian monarchy ; and alfo 
 later than the date of the eldefl celeftial 
 obfervations, which were fent from Baby- 
 lon by Alexanders order and Calliftheneis 
 care ; for they reach'd up to the year of the 
 world 1 771, which is ninety- two years be- 
 fore the year of the world 1863 ; to which 
 the account of AEmilius Sura leads us, as 
 the beginning of Minus's reign. 
 
 However, hence we may learn^ that the 
 accounts formerly deduc'd from Caf.or and 
 Eufebius can't be faid to be the eldeft or to 
 allow more antiquity to this empire than any; 
 fince here we have an account that makes it 
 confiderably elder, and that back'd by ce- 
 leftial obfervations that might be made in 
 the time of Belusy the father of Minus, 
 
 I will add only, i. That all thefe accounts 
 agree to confute thofe who deny the Affy* 
 rian empire to have been before the Aira 
 of Mabonajfar. a. That all of them begin 
 
 S % after
 
 z6o The Aflfyrian Empire 
 
 after the flood, ftated according to the /7^- 
 brew numbers of years affign'd to the ge- 
 nerations between the flood and Abraham. 
 3. That it feems to me not impoffible to 
 make thefe feveral accounts laft mention'd 
 agree with each other within lefs than a 
 century, by making the earhelt to fpeak of 
 Ninus as reigning with his father Belusy 
 and the later accounts to fpeak of him as 
 reigning alone ; which is ufually allow'd in 
 chronology, and may belt be allow'd in 
 thofe long-liv'd generations that liv'd near- 
 eft the flood and erefted new kingdoms. 
 But this I leave to be determined by every 
 reader as he fliall fee good caufe ; my defign 
 being only to fliew that the heathen ac- 
 counts of the antiquity of the Ajfyrian 
 monarchy are confiftent with the Hebrew 
 numbers in Genefis ; and it's clear by what 
 I have faid, that altho' CaBor's accounts 
 and thofe of j^milhis Sura differ from 
 each other, yet either of them may confift 
 with the Hebrew accounts of time between 
 the flood and the time oi Abraham's going 
 into Canaan ; and they clearly agree that 
 fuch a monarchy was in being in thofe el- 
 dell: times, which is the thing chiefly con- 
 tended for. 
 
 I will
 
 before Nabonassar. %6t 
 
 I will conclude this difcourfe concerning 
 the JJfyrian monarchy's beginning or firit 
 conllitution with this one obfervation, that 
 fuch an early union of the defcendants of 
 Ham into one kingdom is very credible in 
 its own nature. They might be well drawn 
 to it partly by a degree of love and mu- 
 tual confidence, founded in confanguinity 
 apparent while their common progenitors 
 liv'd ; partly by fear of the power of Cujh 
 and Nimrodj under whom the union in ci- 
 ties firft began. The other families could 
 not be very itrong to oppofe them ; towns 
 and fortifications being then few or none 
 in JJia^ to fecure them againlt invafions : 
 And we find no other obligation laid on 
 them that were under the iame govern- 
 ment, but that they were to be {a-vufxcix^i) 
 afliftants to each other in cafe of an inva- 
 fion from without, or a rebellion arifing 
 within the fame kingdom. 
 
 S 3 TRACT
 
 TRACT VII. 
 
 A D'tfcourfe endeavour mg to vonneSi the 
 Greek and Roman Ant'tqmttes^ with 
 thofe of the eldefl e aft em Monarchies 
 in Afia ^;^^ Egypt -, and confequent- 
 ly with the dtfperfion from Babcl , 
 ivhkh came near the great Flood. 
 In two Chapters, i. Concern- 
 ing Greece, efpecially the Pelafgi. 
 2. Concernhig Italy ^ partktdarly 
 the Tyrrheni ; or^ as the elder Greeks 
 call thern^ the Tyrfeni. Trjefe^ he- 
 fides the Egyptians , heing colonies 
 from the Aflyrian Empire^ and the 
 beginners of the Greek and Roman 
 Empires. 
 
 Chap. I. 
 
 Of the Greek Plantations ; efpecially 
 of the Pelafgi. 
 
 AS Mofes hath afTur'd us that the fens 
 of Noah were the founders of the 
 iirlt plantations in all parts of the earth, 
 after they were increased in their refpeftive 
 
 families,
 
 ConnecVton of the Greek^ 8fc*. 2^3 
 
 families, Gen, x. 5-, 18, 32. So I have ob- 
 ferv'd that the heathen hiitorians have re- 
 tained fome footlteps of feveral names of 
 the fons and grandfons of Noah^ altho' they 
 have either loll or chang'd Noah's name, 
 fo as it is not eafily to be gathered out of 
 their writings. Yet I beUeve that Ltictan 
 de TJea S^ria points out Noah by the name 
 of T)eucalion Scytha. 
 
 My prefent bufinefs only obliges me to 
 obferve that the name of Jafhet is as clear- 
 ly difcernable in the Greek IclTrerog; and 
 the La^m Japetns as Ham or Cham's name 
 is in Hammon or Chemia^ the old name of 
 Egyfty the land of Ham. And it falleth 
 out well that Taufanias in his Corinthiacuj 
 p. 57, informs us that the Thitajians affirm 
 that Arans among them was contemforajy 
 with Prometheus the fon of Japetus, a7id 
 three ages (or ico years at leaft) elder than 
 Pelafgus the fon ^/ Areas, or than the^Avro- 
 X&ovig at Athens. This Arans I believe to 
 be of eadern original, and to be the fame 
 name ( I fay not perfon ) with Abraham"^ 
 elder brother, who in the LXX is caird 
 Aran^ in Gen. xi. x6. 
 
 I value this piece of antiquity at Thlius 
 the more, becaufe a little before the place 
 I now quoted Taufanias allures us that he 
 
 g ^ would
 
 t6^ Connection of the Greek 
 
 would only fet down the things that were 
 moll confefs'd and agreed about them. 
 And he tells alfo that their neighbours the 
 Sicyonians agreed with them about their 
 antiquities, which is to me a great confir- 
 mation ; becaufe the Sicyonians were, I 
 believe, the eldett fettled kingdom of all 
 Greece that we have any diflind: account 
 of. 
 
 Befides, he tells us thefe Thliafians had 
 a very holy temple^ in which there was no 
 image ^ either openly to be feen or kept in fe- 
 cret. This is certainly a mark of great 
 antiquity, for the corrupt pra^Piice of wor- 
 fliipping by im.ages grew very early in the 
 world ; and to vi^orlliip without any image 
 was certainly the oldeft and beft manner 
 of worlliip. And he faith they had a fa- 
 cred account or reafon of this pradice ; 
 but that was not to be reveal'd. 
 
 The river that parted the territory of thefe 
 ^hliajians from the Sicyonians is call'd E- 
 lijfon ; and there is another river in Ar- 
 cadia call'd Helijfon, that falls mloAlphaus% 
 and other rivers, calFd Ilifftis in other parts 
 of Greece^ which brings to my memory 
 Elifr?a, one of Japhefs fons ; and fo do 
 Elts and He Urn ^ and He lies or He lien ; al- 
 tho' I know that the Greek writer^ will not
 
 ayid Roman A?ittquu'tes^ &c. 2 (^ y 
 
 own any perfon beyond the fon of T>eu^ 
 calion to be the original of thefe names. 
 
 I know aifo that they make lon^ from 
 whom the lones are nam'd, to be a fon of 
 XuthtiSj grandfon to Helkn : Yet, if we 
 grant there was fuch a fon of Xuthm, I 
 can fee no reafon why he might not be 
 nam'd in memory of Javat?^ the radicals 
 of which name make Ion. I therefore be- 
 lieve that the great people (the lones) had 
 their name from Javan ; and thence alfo 
 I derive the name of Jaon^ a river in Ar- 
 cadia^ mentioned by 'Dionyjins Teriegetesy 
 line 416: And loiieus a great river in the 
 northern part of Greece^ as Conon^ Narr. 4. 
 tells us ; afterwards caird Strymon, 
 
 Taufania^s alfo names in his Arcadica^ a 
 river call'd Buphagus^ from a hero of that 
 name "ujko dwelt there^ and was the fon of 
 Japetus, f. 160: And Jafetus\ wife there 
 is nam'd Thornax : And he tells us that 
 this her name is celebrated in Laconia as 
 well as in Arcadia. 
 
 Before I leave this country Arcadia^ I 
 muft call to mind that T)ionyfius Halicar- 
 naffenfis tells us \}i\2X Atlas was their firfi king^ 
 and that he came from the mount Caucafus, 
 which we know to be in the northern 
 parts of Afiay and to belong to that vail 
 
 ridge
 
 i66 Connexion of the Greek 
 
 ridge of hills, among which the rellof the 
 ark was, and the firit habitation of Jafhet 
 and his family. Hereunto agrees Taufa- 
 vias in the firll Eliac^ where he reports 
 that the EUac Antiquaries affirm the Idaei 
 Daduli or Curetes to have come to Ida m 
 Crete from the land of the Hyperboreans, 
 (far northern men) and thence to havefafs'd 
 to Olympia in Peloponnefus, where thefi 
 men of CronusV (HamV) golden age built a 
 temple to him on the hillj call'd in Pindar, 
 \\pcvm or K^ci/^ Xc(pog. 
 
 Agreeably hereunto, Apollodortis owns 
 an Atlas to be the fon of Japettis. And 
 whereas he makes Afia to be his wife, and 
 and the mother of his children, among 
 whom he names Atlas firlt ; I guefs that 
 this may myltically intimate only that the 
 country now caird Afia was the place of 
 their birth and firft education, as the earth 
 is caird our common mother : For the 
 Greeks generally had no mind to own 
 openly that they w^ere defcended from A- 
 fiatic parents, whom they calFd Barbari- 
 msy and had rather be thought to have 
 fprung hke muflirooms out of their own 
 ground, than to owe their original to fuch 
 Barbarians. Neverthekfs, the eldeil wri- 
 ters of their mythical hillory might leave 
 
 fuch
 
 and Roman Antiquities^ See. 167 
 
 fuch a hint in the naming of the wife of 
 jfapetusy Afia ; tho' in other places flie is 
 call'd Thornaxy as we have fhewn out of 
 l^aufanias. 
 
 Befides thefe places in Teloponnefus that 
 own Japhet and his ilTue their progenitors, 
 I have noted one place in Taitfanias's 
 Boeoticksy where Prometheus the fon of]2i' 
 petus, and ^tnaeus the fon of Prometheus, 
 are affirmed to have fir Jt fettled the famous 
 heathen myftertes of the Cabiri in Boeotia ; 
 but they received this facred depofitum or 
 truji of thefe myfleries from Ceres, as he 
 thought he might tell us ; but mult not 
 tell us what thofe myfleries were. See him 
 pag. 300, 301. 
 
 The time of this Ceres may be reduc'd 
 to fome certainty, if it be admitted that 
 the Latin name Ceres or the Greek name 
 ^emeter and the Egyptian name Ifis fig- 
 nify the fame perfon ; and there is great 
 authority to prove this, and to fix nearly 
 the time of Ifis^ by confidering that fhe 
 liv'd with her husband Ofiris^ who is Miz- 
 raim or Menes^ the firft king in the Egyp- 
 tian chronology, as Syncelhis exprefly names 
 him. M>fi/^? 'K. Mg<r^^/jtfc. 
 
 Now the great authorities that make me 
 believe that Ceres or "Demeter is indeed 
 
 Ifis,
 
 2^8 ConneBton of the Greek 
 
 //&, are thefe ; i. Herodotus^ who liv'd 
 long in Egypt as well as among the Greeks^ 
 doth twice affirm this in his Euterpe as a 
 known truth. 
 
 X. Clemens Alexandrinus^ who fully un- 
 derftood both the EgypPian and the Greek 
 theology, not only affirms it, but proves it 
 out of a book of Leon^ who wrote the hi- 
 Itory of the Egyptian Godsj and is refer'd 
 to by Arnobhis^ calling him Leon TelUus 
 in his fourth book againll the Gentiles. 
 And this place of Clemens is cited and 
 approv'd by Eufebius in his tenth book de 
 Tr^par, p. 499, 
 
 3. 'Diodorus Siculus is cited by Eufebius 
 in his fecond book de Trapar, p. 45*, fay- 
 ing, that Ofiris is T>iony/im or Bacchus-^ 
 and IJ?s is T>emetra or Ceres ; the latter of 
 which is the thing that I undertook to 
 prove. 
 
 Moreover, the times of Trometheus the 
 elder, the fon of Japetus^ and of Ofiris or 
 Mizraim the fon of Ham, agree very well, 
 ifDiodorus owning Prometheus to be con- 
 temporary to Ofiris) they both being imme- 
 diately defcended from two brothers that 
 were preferv'd from the flood ; both of 
 them were fallen into the praftice of ido- 
 latry, which they are, by the hiftory we 
 
 are
 
 and Roman AnUqtiittes^ &c. 2^9 
 
 are reciting, prov'd to have propagated even 
 into Greece ; particularly into Macedonia 
 and Attica^ as 'Diodorus^ quoted by Enfe- 
 ifius^p. 46, affirms ; and in Boeotia^ as Tau^ 
 fan'tas hath taught us. For Ceres or IJis 
 being the wife of Ofiris was with him in all 
 this progrefs to fettle plantations there. 
 
 I am further coniirm'd in my belief of 
 this fynchronifm of Ifis and Ofiris^ with 
 *Frcmetheus the fon of Japetus^ by calling 
 to mind a palTage in T hit arch de I/ide^vjhtxo, 
 being to prove that OJiris is the fame per- 
 fon whom the Greeks call "Dtonyfus or Bac^ 
 chusy he quotes Anticlides^ (an author now 
 loft, but quoted by feveral antient writers 
 as of good authority) affirming that Ifis 
 was the daughter of Tromethem^ and was 
 wife to 'Dionyfiis or Bacchus : And intimates 
 this as a good proof that Bacchus w^s Ofirisy 
 to whom Ifis is known to be wife, and (by 
 the way) I hence obferv'd a very early alli- 
 ance between the families of Japhet and 
 Ham. 
 
 I know very well that in oppofition to 
 this fo early plantation of Greece y which 
 will fall into the end of the fecond century 
 after the flood or the beginning of the third 
 century : It may be alledg'd, that in the 
 time of Ere^heus reigning in Attica^ which 
 
 is
 
 lyo ConneEiion of the Greek 
 
 is in the tenth century after the flood, 
 diverfe authors place the coming oi Ceres 
 into Attka^ and the times of Celeus and 
 Triptolemus coherent therewith, and the 
 fettlement of their myiteries at Eleufme 
 alfo. But I anfwer, 
 
 I. That thofe hiflories (if I may call re- 
 ports mingled with fo much fable by that 
 name) do not deny that Ofiris and Trome^ 
 theus had planted in Greece long before 
 the time of EreEihetis, 
 
 X. That to me it feems incredible that 
 Greece being inhabited feven or eight cen- 
 turies before that time fliould be without 
 bread-corn or wdthout fettled rites of its 
 religion. Nay, the antiquity of the T>0do' 
 fi^an oracle which was founded by a prieit- 
 efs that came from Egypt^ and could not 
 be unacquainted wdth the myderics of the 
 £'^jy/rM?^ religion, wherewith thofe at Eleu- 
 fine in fubilance did agree, doth demon- 
 Itrate that the firit planting of the Greek re- 
 ligion was long before the time of Erec- 
 theus. And Cecrops and Cadmus and TDa- 
 fiaus that came from Egypt were a confi- 
 derable time before EreBheus^ and could 
 not but underftand the fowing of corn to 
 make bread. 
 
 3. 1 an*
 
 ayid Roman Anttquiues^ &c. 271 
 
 3. I anfwer, that when it is faid that Ceres 
 came to Athens in the time of EreEiheus, in 
 the Arundel Marbles or in Afolkdorus, it 
 is not meant that ihe liv'd on earth as one 
 born in that age, but is underftood, that 
 altho' fhe was pafs'd into Heaven long be- 
 fore as a goddefs or deify'd perfon, yet flie 
 then came down from Heaven in fliape of 
 a woman, and came to Eleufine^ and gave 
 bread- corn to the Athenians y who then 
 fuffer'd under a famine, and encourag'd 
 them to fow corn again, as is clear by com- 
 paring Apollodorus^ /. i. c, 5-. with the ftory 
 that is told by the Egyptian priefls in the 
 firft book of "Diodorus Siculus. 
 
 Now altho' I do not believe this defcent 
 from Heaven of Ceres^ which the heathens 
 were taught to believe ; yet I mult hereby 
 own, that they did not think Ceres to be a 
 perfon born about loco years after the 
 flood. I could add much more, but I think 
 this fufficient to prove that this objeftion 
 is of no force againlt the evidence that I 
 have ofFer'd that O^ris and IJis fettled fome 
 plantations in Greece^ (in conjunftion with 
 the fons of Japetus ; ) as they are alfo af- 
 firm'd to have done in many other parts 
 of the then known world, which I am not 
 concerned to fpeak of in this place. 
 
 Therefore
 
 1^1 ConneBtoyi of the Greek 
 
 Therefore I fliall only add, that Sir John 
 Marjloam in his Notes upon the Marble 
 Epocha of Ceres\ coming to Atherts hath 
 this glofs upon it : That the coming of that 
 goddejs into Attica is rightly attributed to 
 thofe times in which the bread- corn that 
 bears her name was imported into Athens : 
 Which is in effect to give an allegorical in- 
 terpretation of the ftory, and to intimate 
 that the perfon Ceres did not then come 
 ( fhe having long before been dead ; ) but 
 only the fruits that bear her name, were 
 then brought into Greece by EreBheus^ a 
 worfliipper of I/ls or Ceres^ as the Atheni- 
 ans were alfo ; and therefore are noted to 
 be the only Gr^ciatis that us'd to fwear by 
 IJis^ (in T)iodorus,) And it was agreeable 
 to their rehgion to attribute their prefer- 
 vation from death by famine to their god- 
 defs //&, and to affirm that flie brought 
 them bread corn from Egypt, where the 
 Nile made plenty, when there was a fa- 
 mine by reafon of drought in Greece and 
 other countries. 
 
 This objeflion being now fufficiently (as 
 I conceive) remov'd, I fliall, before I leave 
 Bxotia^ where we have already prov'd that 
 Trometheusj a fon of Japetus or Japhet 
 w^as fettled, proceed to conlider thofe other 
 
 antient
 
 and ^omin Ant iquhles J 8cc. 273 
 
 ahtient inhabitants of that part of Greece^ 
 which Taufanias has alTur'd us were there 
 many generations before Cadmus came thi- 
 ther. For we have reafon to believe that 
 thefe were alfo defcended from Japetm^ 
 there plac'd ; the' we cannot deny that they 
 were mingled with fuch other planters as 
 077^ might bring out of the ealt, from 
 whence he came as well as from Egyjpt. 
 
 Three nations or tribes of people are 
 nam'd by "Paufanias in his Boeotics^ p. 285-, 
 to have liv'd about Thebes there. The firft 
 he tells us were call'd He^eves\ of which 
 name, becaufe I find no account given by 
 other authors, I could not forbear conje- 
 fturing that it might come from Ie6ia7i^ 
 which fignities a younger or leffer brother,; 
 and fuch a name might as well be given in 
 the family of Jafbety as we find it given in 
 Sem's family to the younger brother of Te^ 
 leg^ the fon of Heber : And he tells us they 
 had a king call'd Ogygus ; which name I 
 think to be of kindred to Og, (but not fo 
 late in time as) the famous king of Bajhan ; 
 it being ufual in the eaftern languages to 
 redouble the latter radical letter. And he 
 tells us that from this king's name Thebes is 
 often in the poets call'd Ogygtan Thebes. 
 
 T The
 
 174 Conneclion of the Greek 
 
 The Heftenes being deftroy'd by a plague^ 
 the Hyantes and Aones dwelt in their 
 f laces : But he believ'd that they were ori- 
 ginally Boeotians^ not men that came from 
 another country. If he meant that they 
 fprung out of the ground or were there 
 from eternity, I can't be of his mind. 
 
 It feems to me much more credible that 
 fome of the old Hellenes were left after 
 the plague or other pedilential difeafes that 
 had rag'd among them, there being no exam- 
 ple (that I know of) that a plague left none 
 of a whole nation : And it's reafonable to 
 believe that the neighbouring nations be- 
 ing of the race of Javan^ and coming to 
 polfefs the places of the dead in Boeotia^ 
 might be call'd lantes or laones ; which. 
 By eafy changes might come to be call'd 
 Hyantes and Aones^ and might be willing 
 rather to own thefe names fo near Javan^ 
 than to own the name of Hellenes rela- 
 ting to a younger brother^ and to a peo- 
 ple that were molt of them cut off by the 
 plague. 
 
 However this be, Vaufamas owns that 
 thefe old inhabitants of Boeotia were not to- 
 tally deftroyd by Cadmu's army of Phoeni- 
 cians : So that if they were (as I think) of 
 Javan\ race, they continu'd by his allow- 
 ance
 
 and Roman Antiquities^ Sec. ir$ 
 
 ance to people this part of Greece. But 
 he hath not told us how long before Cad- 
 mus (who liv'd in the fame age wiih Mo- 
 fes) any of thefe people liv'd in Baiotia. 
 Neverthelefs j becaufe we (ind them near 
 the place where Tromethetts the fon of J a- 
 fetus was fettled, and their names have 
 fome affinity with Javans,^ I thought fit to 
 take notice of them as people that were 
 probably of his family, and defcended from 
 Japhety altho' many generations intervened. 
 
 It is time that I fliouid now come to en- 
 quire particularly into the antiquity of the 
 Telafgi^ to fee how near we can bring 
 them to agree with the times of the JJfy- 
 rtan and Egyptian monarchies : Concern- 
 ing which we have better accounts in the 
 remains of old hiilory than we can hope 
 to find about thefe wandering people. 
 
 I, In Sicyonta. The moll antient monarchy 
 in Greece whereof we have any hiilorical 
 account, is that of the Stcyon'tans^ feared 
 on the north v.^eft fide of the famous Te- 
 ninjuldy which is belt known by the name 
 of ^eloponnefiiSy altho' that was not its fir it 
 name. This kingdom was firil call'd ^gi- 
 alea^ either from its firft king jEgialeiiSy 
 or becaufe it lay near the fliore {'Xiy.oiXcg) 
 of that fide of the Tcninfula, 
 
 T -L Herod'tus
 
 17^ Connexion of the Greek 
 
 Herodotus affures us, that the Greeks af- 
 firm that the -people of this kingdom iz'ere 
 caird Pelafgi iEgialenfes before Danaus 
 came into Greece, and before Xuthus'j* time-^ 
 '-juljofe fon Ion fnade them to be call'd lones. 
 This may be feen in his Tolymnia in the 
 Bafil edition, which I ufe ; it's in p. xi4. 
 The change of their name into lones and 
 their removal firft to Athens and then into 
 Jfia the Lefs^ in the Ionic migration, may 
 be read in the beginning of Taufanias's 
 Achaics. But the time of the beginning 
 of the kingdom of thefe Telafgi Mgialen- 
 fes under their king Mgialeus^ is 13 13 
 years before the firfl vulgar olympiad ; as 
 is collefted out of Eufebius\ Chronicon^ 
 and out of Cafior's table of their kings in 
 Etifebius Chronicon in Greeks put out by 
 Jofeph Scaliger : And is by the learned 
 Armagh in his Annals fix d to the year of 
 the world 19 15*, about the middle of the 
 third century after the flood. 
 
 2. In Thltus, From this very great antiqui- 
 ty of the SicyoniaJis contemporary with Be- 
 las and Ninus in Affyria^ and foon after 
 the time of Mizraim or Ofiris in Egypt^ I 
 cannot forbear thinking that we muft de- 
 rive the antiquities of the little dominion of 
 Arantia or Phliiis^ which I mentioned be- 
 fore as in the borders of Sicyonia, 
 
 ' 3- In
 
 andKomiViAnUqTiitieSy 8cc, 277 
 
 3. In Arcadia. Alfo the more celebrated 
 antiquity of the larger kingdom of Arca- 
 <^i^, which touch'd ow/Egialea on its fouth 
 and fouth weft fides, being in the middle 
 of Teloponnefus , both mull be fettled to 
 be near the time of the beginning of the 
 Stcyonian kingdom. 
 
 Taufanias exprefly tellifies that the peo- 
 ple of Arcadia were all Pelaigi, and their 
 country caWd Pelafgia before the time of 
 Areas, from whom the name of Arcadia 
 was deriv'd : See the beginning of Taufa- 
 nias\ Arcadicsy where you will find this 
 acknowledg'd. And akho' he do there 
 mention a fabulous tradition that the earth 
 brought forth Telafgtds upon the high moun- 
 tains of Arcadia^ out of Aftis an old poet, 
 yet he believ'd it not ; becaufe he adds, 
 out of his own reafon, that there were 
 other men there at that time ; otherwife 
 Telafgus would have had no fubjeds over 
 whom he fliould reign : And then he pro- 
 ceeds to tell us that they were Telafgl he- 
 fore Areas was born. 
 
 But if we compare with him T>ionyfius 
 Halicarnajfenfis in the latter pare of his fii it 
 book, we Jhall find that one Atlas, whofe 
 former habitation was on Caucafits^ was the 
 firfl: king in Arcadia. And Apollodnns in- 
 T 3 forms
 
 278 CormeciloK of the Greek 
 
 forms us that he was the fon of Japetusy 
 and brother to Trometheus^ (with whom 
 Hejiod agrees.) And fmce 'Diodorus Sicu- 
 lus affures us that the eldeft Trometheus 
 liv'd in the time of OJlris, whom we have 
 elfewhere fhew'd to be Mizraim^ the fon 
 of Ham^ Japhefs brother, we fliall per- 
 ceive that Arcadia is intimated by thefe 
 Greek writers to be planted about the third 
 generation after the flood, not long after 
 the planting of Egypt by Mizraim : But 
 the planters of it were then call'd Telafgi^ 
 not Arcades. 
 
 4. In Argos, The next place that I remem- 
 ber in TPeloponnefus where the Tekfgi were 
 feated is in Argos : For here Dionylius Ha- 
 hcarnafrenfis affirms that they were feated 
 Jix generations before they removed into tE- 
 monia. But he modeftly intimates, that in 
 many men's opinion, they were fprung out 
 of the earth about Argos, 
 
 Quoniam autem hie locus Dion. Hali- 
 carnaffenfis plurimum illuitrat antiquitatem 
 Pelafgorum , & fundamenta jacit calculi 
 quo invelligemus, quam proxime, tempora 
 in quibus fe contulerunt in Peloponnefum ; 
 vifum efl diligenter expendere ea quae bre- 
 viter, ac in tranfitu fuggeflit fcriptor adeo 
 accuratus. Itaque
 
 and '^omzn Antiquities^ Sec, 279 
 
 Itaque 1^^° oblervavi eum nos duccre ad 
 tempora primi illorum incolatus in hac Pc- 
 ninfula, non per annorum numeros quos 
 rudis Grascorum antiquitas non facile tra- 
 diderit, fed per numerum generationum, 
 aut aetatum, more fane antiquiffimo, uti ex 
 traditione acceperau. 
 
 Sic fcilicet affirmat fer fex generationes 
 friores eos m Argis habttajfe^ anteqiiam eo^ 
 rum color/ ia miff a eft in Ha mom am fen Thef- 
 faliam. T)einde vera poftquam per fex alias 
 atates ibi habitajfent^ inde eos expulfos fit- 
 zffe a Lele gibus ^^ Cur et thus yf lib duthi TJctt- 
 calionis. Hinc patet eorum primas fedes in 
 Argis duodecim generationibus priores fuifle 
 quam vidoria ilia Deucalionis quae illos eje- 
 cit e Theiralia, & in plurimas regiones dif- 
 perfit, de quibus legatur audor. 
 
 Noilrum eft notare fimdamentum calculi 
 pofitum effe in tempore Deucalionis, de 
 quo non adeo dilTentiunt hiftorici u^i rix- 
 antur de antiquitate Pelafgorum : Quippe 
 fi retro numeremus duodecim generationes 
 Deucalione antiquiores, perveniemus ad 
 illud faeculum quo Pelafgos Argis primum 
 vixiffe tradidit HalicarnaiTenfis nofter. 
 
 lilud folum difficile elt ftatuere quot anni 
 
 fmgulis generationibus, adeoque duodecim 
 
 conjundtim, tribuendae funt, in antiquis his 
 
 ante Mofem temporibus ; in quibus certum 
 
 T 4 eit
 
 280 Connecl'ton of the G reek 
 
 eft homines multo diiitius vixiiTe quam in 
 temporibus Mofem fecutis : Deucalionem 
 autem Moll ooa^taneum fuilTe, atque ideo 
 fecula Deucalionem antecedentia Mofe 
 priora fuifle in confeffo eft. 
 
 Certum eft autem vulgarem computatio- 
 nem, qu^ tantum centum annos dat tribus 
 generationibus, recentiorem effe quam tem- 
 pora Mofis aut Deucalionis. Certum eft 
 porro quod inter Abrahami ingrelTum, & 
 Exodum Ifraelitarum ex ^gypto erant 430 
 anni; fed paucas tantum, fcilicet fex gene- 
 rationes totum illud tempus exhauriebant. 
 I. Ifaac ; z. Jacob ; 3. Levi ; 4. Kohath; 
 5-. Amram ; 6. Mofes. Et ante has notif- 
 fimum eft pauciores generationes in pluri- 
 bus annis extitilFe : Nee licet mihi pro ar- 
 birrio numeros annbrum in antiquis Pelaf- 
 gorum generationibus fingere. 
 
 Vifumeftitaque commodiftimum ad hanc 
 difficultatem tollendam infpicere in annos 
 duodecim primorum regum Sicyoniorum, 
 quos Herodotus Pelafgos iEgialenfes vo- 
 cat ; & in fummam colligere annos eorum 
 ut viderem quanta ilia fit, eamque fumere 
 pro duodecim generationibus, aut aetatibus, 
 qu^ antecedebant tempus quo Deucalion 
 expulit coloniam Pelafgorum ex H^monia. 
 Videantur autem hi regum Sicyoniorum 
 anni apud Eufebium> & ^libi^ eorumque. 
 
 fumma
 
 and Roman Anttqmttes^ 8cc. 1 8 r 
 
 fumma alTurgit ad annos 5-30, numerando 
 a primo it^gialei anno, ad ultimum Ortho- 
 polis, cui competit annus period! Juliani 
 3155-. Hie autem annus elt prior anno 
 periodi Juliani competenti Diluvio Deuca- 
 lionis qui eft 3185-, & quidem, prior annis 
 30, uc patet fubtrahendo minorem nume- 
 rum e majore. Sumo autem annum 3185' 
 pro tempore diluvii Deucalionis, partim 
 quia is conceditur a Marfliamo, & probari 
 poteft e Marmore Arundelliano, quod is 
 lumitpro Canone Chronico certillimo. Ille 
 autem nullos in Peloponnefo Pelafgos ag- 
 nofcit ante Phoroneum, & totum rejicit 
 laterculum Pelafgorum iEgialenfium , par- 
 tim vero quia certum ell Deucalionis hel- 
 ium in Pelafgos ThefTalias proxime fecu- 
 tum eiTe iilud diluvium, quia circiter ofta- 
 vum poft illud annum Hellen Deucalionis 
 filius regnavit in Thellalia, yirtute fcilicet 
 viftoriae quam Deucalion obtinuiiTet in Pe- 
 lafgos inde jam ejeftos, uc patet e Marmore 
 Arundelliano, 
 
 Quapropter fixo jam (prope verum) belli 
 Deucalionei & diluvii tempore ad annum. 
 P. J. 3185-5 fubducamus inde annos 5:30 
 pro generationibus duodecim Pelafgorum, 
 qui tanto prius habitarunt in Argis, reila- 
 bit annus periodi Juliani 2.65-5 pi'o ^^no 
 
 primo
 
 2 8 1 ConneBton of the Greek 
 
 primo Pelafgorum in Argis. Is aurem an- 
 nus didat tantum per 30 annos ab initio 
 ^>gialei, primi regis Pelafgorum ^Egialenfi- 
 um, (feu Sicyoniorum, ut podea diceban- 
 tur.) Is enim incepit anno P. J. 2615-. No- 
 tandum autem, cenfeo utramque computa- 
 tionem, Calloris fcilicet & Halicarnaflenfis, 
 ponere habitationem Pelafgorum in Pelo- 
 ponnefo ante mortem Phalegi, qui juxta 
 HebrsBorum numeros, obiit anno periodi 
 Juliani X70(5, ut numerat Armachanus no- 
 Iter. Hinc eorum difperfio pertinebit ad 
 primam illam, quae dedit Phalego nomen, 
 & uti ego judico dedit nomen ipfis Pelaf- 
 gis ; fed majores monarchiae Chaldaeorum 
 & iEgyptiorum prius fundabantur. 
 
 Hinc etiam colligamus exiguam banc 
 differentiam in rebus remotiffimae antiqui- 
 tatis fufficienter indicare, Caltorem in fuo 
 laterculo regum Sicyoniorum ad eandem 
 antiquitatem regni primi apud Grsecos col- 
 limafle, quam refpexit HalicarnaiTenfis no- 
 fter, cum pofuit Pelafgos Argis habitafTe 
 per duodecim generationes ante bellum 
 Deucalioneum contra Pelafgos in Haemo* 
 nia, adeoque tantorum virorum auftorita- 
 tem, antiquitatem Pelafgorum merito poiTe 
 extra dubium ponere. Nihilominus vifum 
 eft alia nonnuUa his adjicere/quae prasdicSa 
 
 quadan-
 
 and Roman Ant'tqniues^ 8cc. 283 
 
 quadantenus confirmare polTint, live ut te- 
 Itimonia concurrentia, five removendo ob- 
 jeftiones contra tantam Pciafgorum anti- 
 quitatem faftas. 
 
 Occurrit alius in eodem Dionyfii Halicar- 
 naflenfis libro primo,paulo poll locum quern 
 jam expendimus, ubi iHe Herodotum citat 
 ad probandum Pelafgos & Tyrfenos eis vi- 
 cinos non efle ex eadem ftirpe, argumento 
 fumpto a linguarum diverfitate, quam evin- 
 cit e verbis Herodoti fie dicentis. Etemm 
 neque Crotoniat^ ( e Pelafgis criundi) cwn 
 circumvic'mis (Tyrfenis) comrnunem habent 
 linguamj neque Tlaciani (circa Hellefpon- 
 tum) cumfuis circumvicinis ; i][>Jis tame7t in- 
 ter fe conventt^ fat if que apparet quod quam 
 fecum in ea loca Unguam intitlerunty earn 
 retinent. 
 
 Ex collatione verborum quae videmus 
 apud Dion. Halicarn. cum verbis Hero- 
 doti in Clio, unde h£ec citantur, colligamus 
 hsc tria : 
 
 1"^-° Dionyfium ibilegifie: Crotoniatae fu- 
 per Tyrrhenos, non Creiloniatae, uti nunc 
 habent noftra exemplaria, ideoque recentia 
 noftra exemplaria corrigenda elle ope ve- 
 terum quae legit Dionyfius ; manifefium 
 enim eit mendum, quia nulli funt Creili- 
 onatae Tyrfenis vicini. 
 
 x^*
 
 284 ConneBton of the Greek 
 
 x^° Hinc difcamus Pelafgos qui Croto- 
 nem ceperunt (poftquam expulfi fuifTent ex 
 HaBinonia) lingua convenilTe cum Placianis, 
 quos Dionyfius agnofcit habitafle juxta Hel- 
 lefpontum; eandemque Placiam (unde de- 
 nominantur Placiani) Plinius, lib. 5-. cap. 3x. 
 ollendit fuilFe in Afia minore prope Hel- 
 lefpontum, una cum Scylace quam cum ea 
 conjunxit ; Herodotus eadem ufam fuifTe 
 lingua affirmat, neuipe Afiatica, quam bar- 
 baram vocare folent Graeci, proindeque re- 
 iSle colligic Herodotus, antiquos hofce Pe- 
 lafgos fuilTe /3d^Qci,^ov yXMOJUV liVTic;, 
 
 3''° Hinc probabiliter Pelafgos nonnullos 
 ex Afia per trajeftum hunc breviflimum 
 tranfivilTe in Graeciam, atque inde poll ali- 
 quod tempus in Italiam navigaffe ut narrat 
 Dionyf. fed tamen reliquifle partem aliquam 
 comitum fuorum circa Placiam & Scyla- 
 cem, quae retinuit cum Herodotus fcripfit 
 linguam quam illuc tulifTent ex remotiori- 
 bus Aria3 partibus. Illorum vero, qui tran- 
 fierunt in Graeciam & poltea in Italiam, 
 plerique novas linguas didicerunt, in novis 
 ledibus, in quibus fparfim vixere cum aliis 
 colonis ; at Crotoniatae, qui magna ilia urbe 
 utebantur pro arce belli, conjunffim multi, 
 facile retinuerunt prifcam linguam ad tempo- 
 raHerodoti. Et Dion. Halicarnaffenfis t^lta- 
 
 tur.
 
 and Roman Antiqutttes^ See. 285 
 
 tur, earn non multo ante fuam setatem ci- 
 ves fuos mutafTe cum nomine, viz. difta Cor- 
 tona, & fada Romanorum colonia. Hero- 
 dotus autem in loco citato aperte loquitur 
 de lingua Pelafgorum tempore Deucalionis, 
 fed fupponit eandem fuilTe & ante, & poft 
 ea tempora. 
 
 Sed pergamus ad alios authores de Pelaf- 
 gorum antiquitate tractantes. 
 
 Taufanias in his Attkis fpeaking of the 
 difputes ( concerning Antiquity and the 
 gifts of their deities) that were between 
 the Athenians and the Argives^ tells us that 
 the Arg'ive tradition is, that Ceres came to 
 Argos, and there Pelafgus entertain d her 
 in his hottfe. Yet when this Telafgtts liv'd, 
 or who was his father, Tanfanias tells us 
 not. But T>ionyJiHS Halicarnajfenjis tells 
 us that /r<?;;? ^Pelafgus, king of ArgoSj they 
 were call'd Pelafgi ; and that he ''j::as the 
 y5;/ ^/Jupiter by Niobe, the daughter of ^\iO' 
 roneus, who was the firft mortal woman 
 that Jupiter embraced. Now this opinion, 
 as well as the other, that he and his people 
 fprung out of the earth, is plainly fabulous, 
 and contrary both to all fober philofophy 
 and hiftory of human generation : There- 
 fore! mult beexcus'd if I reject them both, 
 
 and
 
 1^6 Connexion of the Greek 
 and rather embrace a probable conjefture 
 that's coniiilent with philofophy and the 
 courfe of nature. 
 
 And I am the more bold to rejeft this 
 Telafgus that is pretended to be the firft 
 king of Argosj becaufe I find no fuch man 
 in the Une of Argtve kings that is given us 
 by Caftor and Taujan'ias^ the only antient 
 heathen hillorians that give us an account 
 of this kingdom. And their credit will 
 outweigh any thing that can be fet againft 
 it, out of the mythic hillory and poets. 
 
 ^ionyjius Halicarna(fenfiSy when he fets 
 down the generation of this Telafgus^ ex- 
 prefly owns that it is fo faid in the fables, 
 (which may well imply that he believ'd it 
 not.) A^ollodori'is reports there was fuch 
 a man as Telafgus^ grandchild to Thoro- 
 fieusy by his daughter Niobe ; and confe- 
 quently brother to Argits^ out of Acufilam 
 (who turn'd Hejiod into profe to make a 
 hiltory of him, as Clemens Alexandrinus 
 affures us ; ) but yet he doth not fay that 
 this Telafgus was king in Argos ; nor can 
 I find any good authority by which T>ion. 
 Halkarnajfenfis could be induc'd to fay 
 that Telafgus was king of Argos : And he 
 quotes only the fables which I think he 
 himfelf did not believe : For it was ufual 
 
 among
 
 and Roman Anttqumes^ &c. 287 
 
 among the judicious heathens to fet down 
 in writing luch vulgarly receiv'd fables with 
 fufficient indication that they did not be- 
 lieve them akho' the vulgar did. 
 
 Therefore, fince there is no hiftorical 
 proof that the Teninfula now belt known 
 by the name of Teloponnejus^ was call'd 
 Telajgia from Tela/gns^ (the brother of 
 Argus) who never reign'd there ; and a 
 good part of it was inhabited (as Herodotus 
 and others prove) by the Telafgi JEgia- 
 lenfesy about ^00 years before the time 
 when he is faid to have liv'd there : And 
 fince Ef horns and others, quoted by Stra- 
 bo^ do affirm that the Telafgi were the 
 firfl inhabitants that had any dominion 
 there, 1 think it molt reafonable to believe 
 that the name of TeUfgi was fpread over 
 all or molt part of Telofonnejus^ by the in- 
 fluence of the Skyon'ian kingdom, v^^hofe 
 fubjeds w^ere caird Telafgi Azgialenfes. 
 
 Neverthelefs, I am inclined to believe, 
 that within the firlt three or four hundred 
 years after the time of Mpakns'^ firlt 
 planting his Telafgi Mgialenjes there, ma- 
 ny more planters might and did come under 
 the name of ^elajgi^ from the many neigh- 
 bouring iCands, and from many parts of 
 the continent of AJia-, to fettle themfelves 
 
 in
 
 2^8 Come&ioyi of the Greek 
 
 in that fruitful Teninfula, which had beert 
 fo long known to them, from the times of 
 OJiris and of Atlas^ and Trometheus the 
 elder ; and that fuch accefTory forces might 
 increafe the llrength and eltablifli the name 
 of the Telafgi there. 
 
 But becaufe I know that my Argument 
 for this great antiquity of the Telafgi doth 
 chiefly, yet not folely bear upon the re- 
 mains which we have of the ^gialean or 
 Sicyoman kingdom, and I am not ignorant 
 that Sir y^/6;^ Marjham and a few other late, 
 yet not unlearned writers, have adventur'd 
 to rejed them all at once, I will briefly 
 give my reafon why I cannot be of their 
 mind. 
 
 In general terms it is this : Becaufe I can- 
 not give credit, in matter of fact done in 
 the molt antient times, to the conjectures 
 of modern writers, when they contradid: 
 the exprefs tefUmonies of the eldefl and 
 luoft approv'd hillorians, who liv'd almofl: 
 two thoufand years nearer the times of 
 which they write, and had many elder 
 hillorians that are now loft, to direft 
 their judgments. But, in particular, I op- 
 pofe to their guefles the authprity, firft, of 
 the Greek hiftorians and chronologers that 
 were heathens, and very inquifitive into the 
 
 antiqui-
 
 dhtiquities of their own country. Secondly, 
 the reilimony of the chriftian fathers and 
 apologifts, who writing againft the hea- 
 thens, were very careful to oppofe them, 
 by quoting the belt authors among the 
 heathens, that they might more efteftually 
 convince them, in order to converting them 
 to chrillianity, or at leafl to moderate their 
 fury while they oppos'd it. 
 
 The heathen Greeks that I fliall quote, 
 are, i. Apollodortts (not in his mythic hi- 
 llbry,-but) in his Chronica^ which he wrote 
 concerning the hiftorical time ; which Dr. 
 Gale in his learned Dillertation before his 
 edition of Apollodoriis^ hath Ihew'd to be 
 cited by many grave writers as a book of 
 great credit. 
 
 A fragment of this book is preferv'd to 
 us in Scaliger's Greek Eufebhts^ P- ^9^ '• 5"? <^- 
 The fubftance of which is this, That it 
 counting from iEgialeus the frji Sicybniari 
 kiv.g to Zeuxippus the lajiy the number of 
 its kings were twenty fix^ arid the fum cf 
 the years of the reigns was 967 years: 
 That after thefe there fucceeded in the go- 
 vernment feven priejis (^/Apollo Carneius, 
 w ho fe time was. thirty three years. Thefe 
 fums together make 1000 years. 
 
 U X I
 
 2po ConneB'ion of the Greek 
 
 2. I cite CaBor Rhodlm^ to be feen in 
 the fame place. He liv'd in Cicero's time, 
 about loo years after A^ollodorns, He names 
 all the twenty fix kings, and the times of 
 their reigns : Alfo all the feven prielts, and 
 the times of their government diltinftly. 
 And the fum that he gives as differs but 
 eight years from ApUodortis. 
 
 3. I quote Taufanias^ who is not fo par- 
 ticular in the years of thefe kings, but a- 
 grees in fubftance. 
 
 I forgot to add in Caflor's teftimony, that 
 he tells us that the laji year ^/Charidemus 
 the lajl -pr left's government was i^\- years 
 before the fir ft. olyrnfiad'^ which is neceflary 
 to be noted, becaufe it fattens all their 
 times, and leads us to the beginning of this 
 monarchy. 
 
 I will here alfo add, that to Apollodorus^ 
 teliimony there are adjoin'd thefe words ; 
 that other authors tefi'tfy the fame things 
 concerning the Sicyonians. This made (me 
 eonfider what other authors liv'd either 
 with or before Afollodorus^ who wrote of 
 the Slcyonian Antiquities. 'Flutarchy m 
 his book de Mufica^ near the beginningj^ 
 mentions an dmy^ucpyj or pubUck record 
 (not determining whether it were a Stela 
 or a book ) among the Sicyonians, which 
 ^ muft
 
 and Roman Anttquitte^^ &c. 29 1 
 
 mufl: be elder than the time of Herodotus ; 
 becaufe he affirms that Hellanicus tran- 
 fcrib'd out of it the times of the prielt- 
 elFes of Jtmo in Argos ; the firil of whbmi 
 was near 100 years elder than Cecrops\ time. 
 And I find two confiderable authors that 
 were both Sicyon'ians by birth. 
 
 I. Menechmtts^ whofe Sicyonka VoJJius 
 de Gracis Hifloricis aflures us to be quoted 
 by Athenaius in his fixth book ; and that he 
 liv*d in the time of the firlt Ttclemy. 
 
 The fecond is the heroical commander 
 Aratusy whom he afTures us to have liv'd 
 in the time of Ttokmam Thilopator, and 
 to have written of affairs o{ Acbaia\ where 
 we may well think he would not negledl 
 the antiquities of his own town Sicyon. 
 But fince thefe and many more authors 
 natives of Greece^ and heathens, are loll, f 
 will pafs to the chrillian fathers, who had 
 feen thefe lolt authors, and out of theni 
 affertthe S icyonian (ucceiTion from the time 
 of jEgia/eris. 
 
 I will name but fome of them, as Cle7nens 
 Alexandrintts^ Africanus^ and Eufebms^ who 
 beginning his Canon Chronlctis with the 
 birth of Abraham^ places it in the twenty- 
 fecond year of the fecond Sicyonian king 
 Europe (yet owns that Mgtaktis had reign- 
 
 U % erf
 
 29 1 Conn eB ton of the Greek 
 
 cd fifty two years before Europs fucceed- 
 ed him) and makes Abraham's birth to be 
 contemporary with the forty third year of 
 Hinus\ empire over Ajfyria, 
 
 It's certain that he chofe this time for 
 the beginning his Canon, becaufe it was a 
 Tarapegma or fix'd point of time in which 
 not only the "Jews and chriitians, but the 
 heathens aUb did generally agree : And that 
 he . might wifely avoid the differences or 
 difputes that would arife from the dif- 
 agreement in the numbers of the Seftua- 
 glut and Samaritan copies from thofe in 
 the HeLrew text. And it mufl needs be 
 of dangerous confequence to break this 
 antient agreement, by wholy rejeding this 
 Sicyonian Une. 
 
 The Grecians that knew there was a 
 kingdom in their country of thefe Telafgi 
 y^^i^/^/z/^j',, contemporary with that of the 
 jdjfyrians under Ninus, would have taken 
 it ill if the chriftians had not taken notice 
 of it in their chronologies ; efpecially con- 
 lidering, that though it was but a imall 
 kingdom at firll, yet it fpread itfelf by the 
 Telafgi afterwards into Thejfaly and Mace- 
 donia^ and from thence grew into a great 
 empire by the conquells of yjlexander ; 
 not to mention that the Tela/gi had alio 
 1 a great
 
 and Roman Anttqiuues^ Sec, ici^ 
 
 a great interefl in procefs of time in Ita/y^^ 
 and confequently in the Roman empire. 
 But I muft not digrefs on this occafion. 
 
 There is one chriftian father more who 
 hath given his teltimony to the Sicyontan 
 Antiquity, whom I muft not omit ; and he 
 is St. Augufiiiu in his eighteenth book de 
 Civitate T)ei^ cap. ii. and iii. to which I re- 
 fer the reader. Only one paiTage in his 
 third chapter I cannot but tranlcribe, be- 
 caufe I meet with nothing of it in any 
 other author. Vrateretmdum nonfuit^ etiam 
 apud Jepulchrttm feptimi fui regis Tburma- 
 chi Jacrificare Hcycnios filer e^ Varro i e- 
 fert. This cuftom of facrificing at Tkuri- 
 machus's tomb mult needs preferve the me- 
 mory of this their feventh king. But I 
 note this chiefly becaufe it imports that 
 the moft learned of the Romans^ Varro^ 
 bears witnefs to the reality of this feventh 
 king ; and confequently that there were lix 
 before him : x\nd doubtlefs Varro knew 
 that he had authors of unqueitionable cre- 
 dit to jultify what he reports, for he was 
 the beft antiquary of that molt learned age 
 of the Romans^ in which he liv'd : And if 
 we had his works as St.AtiguJtin had, I be- 
 lieve that no man would be fo bold as ta 
 U 3 reiec^i;
 
 194 Connexion of the Greek 
 
 rejeft the Stcyonian Antiquities, as fome of 
 late have done. 
 
 Here may be added two proofs from 
 Herodotus \ the firit is, that he affirms that 
 the Athenians were a Pelafgic jmtion^ and 
 bad a barbarous language before they became 
 Hellenes, and charted it mto the Greek 
 tongue^ lib. i. cap. 56. The fecond proof 
 is lib. 5". cap. 6j. Where he afTures us that 
 the Pythian oracle declard that Adraftus, 
 the fon ^/'Talaus was a true Sicyonian king. 
 He was one of the feven princes in the war 
 againfl Thebes. 
 
 Having done, I hope, fufficiently to efta- 
 l^lifh this molt antient colony of the Mgialean 
 Telafgi^ by great teflimonies, which is the 
 only way of proving matter of fadt, long 
 fmce done ; and having made no ufe of any 
 Telafgus^ either Argive or Arcadian^ to 
 give their name to them ; I may be ask'd, 
 whence I think their name is deriv'd ? I 
 anfwer, that a probable conjefture is all 
 that's neceffary to prove an Etymology: 
 And that if I fail in that, the proof of the 
 fad by good teflimonies is not weaken'd. 
 My opinion is, that their name comes from 
 ^ixiym^ by inferting the letter j, which 
 )vas ufually done in antient times ; and fuch 
 • "' were
 
 and KovoiZn AnUqtiities^ Sec, 29 ) 
 
 were the times when this name was firlt 
 given- For one example of this, he is cal- 
 led Maples in T)ionyfius Halicarnalfenfis , 
 who is Manes in Herodotus, More may be 
 feen in the learned SalmaJ?us"s Notes upon 
 Tertuliian de Talllo^ in mine edition in 
 O6iavo^ Lugd. Batav. p. 406. Such are 
 Ca/moena for Cam(Bna ; Cafmtllus for Camil- 
 lus ; "Diifmus for 'Dumus^ &c. For I be- 
 lieve it only fignities that they were ih*an- 
 gers that came by fea {7rixa,yog) to fettle 
 more commodioufly than they were be- 
 fore : So they might be adventurers of any 
 tribe, family or nation ; or mixt of many that 
 would agree to feek their fortune by fliip- 
 ping into another country. 
 
 It's agreed that the Greek word Trixcf^yog 
 comes from the ealtern :^d divifit^ the fea 
 being the great divider of feveral coun- 
 tries from each other : And from thence 
 alfo the Telafgi being fome of the earlieft 
 difperfers of themfelves, and dividing lands 
 among themfelves as firft occupants mav 
 have taken their name, they being the firit 
 or fecond planters after the difperlion. 
 
 They were by this name diitinguifli'd 
 from the Hyperborei that came out of the 
 northern parts of Afia^ by the land that lies 
 north of the Euxine fea, and thence into 
 
 U 4 Thrace^
 
 Z^6 ConneBton of the Greek 
 
 Thrace^ or over the Bofphorus^ and fo by 
 land into Greece, 
 
 They were alfo diflinguifli'd by this name 
 from all that pretended to be ^AvTox^ovig^ 
 either as fpringing out of the earth, or be- 
 caufe their anceitors had, beyond all me- 
 mory of men or of records, been born in 
 Greece, And from all thofe focieties of 
 men that took their name from their com- 
 manders, as the T)anaiy T^ores^ Jones and 
 Heraclid^ did in after ages. 
 
 But the Telafgi pretended only to come 
 by fea from foreign parts to chufe a military 
 life (as Ephortis exprelTes it in Strabo^ and 
 to fettle themfelves by their fwords in 
 countries that in thofe early times were but 
 thinly peopled, or altogether uninhabited ; 
 yet mult be defended by their fwords a- 
 gainft neighbours who might encroach up- 
 on them or invade them. And he tells us 
 that all that join'd themfelves to them took 
 the fame name of Telafgi. 
 
 Only I differ from Ephorus in this, that 
 he thinks they were at firll Arcadians : But 
 I belieye with Taufanias^ that they were 
 Telafgi before Areas was born. 
 
 In the next place I will give my reafon 
 why I believe there were Telafgi about the 
 fame time in a part of the continent of 
 
 Greece^,
 
 and Roman Anttqmties^ Sec. 1^7 ^ 
 
 Greece^ which was afterwards call'd The^ 
 fprotia^ where the oracle of T)odona was 
 founded ; which is generally confefs'd to be 
 the eldeit in Greece. 
 
 I take my perfuafion from Hercdotns in 
 his Euterpe^ who afTures us that be "jL^as at 
 Dodona, and enquird of thofe there that 
 'were be ft sk'ilVd in their antiquities ; and 
 found their reports to agree in fuh fiance 
 with what he had been i'^ifnm'd concerning 
 thte fame matter by the learned in Egypt. 
 
 The fum of the hillory is, that when the 
 Phoenicians prevail'd in their war in Egypt^ 
 fo greatly as to come to Thebes^ the me- 
 tropolis of Upper Egypt, and thence car- 
 ry'd away captives, two prielkiTes ; they 
 fold one of them into Africa^ where fiie 
 prevail'd fo on them as to found the tem- 
 ple and oracle of Jupiter Hammnn \ the 
 other they fold into that part of Greece 
 which was after call'd Thefprotis, where 
 flie prevailed fo with the TeU/fgi there feat- 
 ed, that they founded the oracle of T>odo' 
 na. Hence I gather, that w^hen the Thee- 
 nicians were mofl: powerful in Egypt there 
 were Telafgi in Thefprotis. 
 
 But becaufe the war between the Thoc- 
 nicians and Egyptians laited many years, 1 
 cannot determine precifely in what year 
 
 of
 
 298 ConneB'ion of the Greek 
 
 of that war this taking captive their prieft- 
 efles did happen : Yet by the hiltory there- 
 of, which Jofephtis hath preferv'd in his 
 firft book againit Apton, it appears that they 
 are never faid to rob both the upper re- 
 gion ( where Thebes is ) and the lower re- 
 gion of Egypt where Memphis is, but only 
 in the time of their firfl pailoral king, na- 
 med Salatis ; and his time begins very near 
 the time of Mgtaleus^ A M, 19x0. See 
 Armagh's Annals. Therefore 'we may rea- 
 fonably judge, that near that time alfo the 
 Telafgi were about T)odona , and bought 
 the prieilefs who perfuaded them to found 
 the oracle there, long before that at 2)^/- 
 fhi was built. 
 
 Dionyjius Halicarnajfenfis tells us that 
 after the Telafg'is expulfion out oi Mmo- 
 nia, the greatefl part of them went to their 
 old kindred about Dodona ; who enjoy 'd 
 peace, becaufe they were efteem'd fo fa- 
 cred by reafon of the temple there, that 
 none would invade them by war. Which 
 gives fome confirmation to what we affirm- 
 ed before out of Herodotus. But thefe 
 finding that country too little for them, 
 were admonifli'd by the oracle to remove 
 into Italy^ which was then call'd Saturnia. 
 They therefore rigg'd out a fleet, defign-
 
 and Kovn^Vi Ayitlqmt'ies^ 8cc. 299 
 
 ing to go to the part of Italy that was next 
 them ; but, by ftrefs of weather, they were 
 carry'd up the Adriatic fea, till they came 
 to one of the mouths of the river To, cal- 
 led Spina. Here they left fuch as were 
 not able to travel ; but others went for- 
 wards towards the inland parts of Italy. 
 
 I am not here concern'd to tell what fuc- 
 cefTes thefe lafl: mention'd had ; but I de- 
 fign to remark, that the Telafgi that were 
 left at Sftn£ fortify'd the place well, and 
 brought in to themfelves all necelTaries by 
 fea, and were fo fuccefsful above all that 
 dwelt on the ^^r/^f/V fea-lhore, that they 
 long poffefs'd the fovereignty of that fea. 
 This I thought fit to note, becaufe it's the 
 firft example that I have obferv'd of the do- 
 minion of the fea , being much elder than 
 the time of Mines Secundm : For this feems 
 to be not long after T)eucaHons time, by 
 whom thefe Telafgi were expell'd out of 
 Mmonia, which was at the beginning of 
 the jEra Attica ; whereas Minos Secundus\ 
 dominion in the fea was in the 280th year 
 of that ^ra : So that this appears to be about 
 100 years before it. Which feems not to 
 have been obferv'd by T/mcj'dides, Cajicr 
 RhodiuSj \Diodorus Siculus ; who all make 
 
 Minos
 
 :^oo CoyineBion of the Greek 
 
 Minos Secundus the firft of the ^cLhctasQ^m- 
 
 Poftquam finiviffem quae prapcedunt de 
 Pelafgorum origine, & primis fedibus, oc- 
 currit mihi locus in Epiphanii cap. prime, 
 prope ejus finem, qui vifus eft mihi pluri- 
 mum confirmare earn quam conceperam de 
 eorum antiquitate opinionem. Epiphanius 
 enim ibi traftans de initiis cultus idololatrici 
 apud Grascos, quorum antiquiffimi (Epho- 
 ro tefte) fuerunc Pelafgi, affirmat ea initta 
 frills excogitata fuijfe apud Babylonios , 
 'Fhmices^ Thryges & Mgyftios (quibus 
 confentanea nos etiam alibi fcripfimus in 
 hoc opere, pr^fertim in traftatu de Ca- 
 biris quem huic fubjunximus.) Addit hac 
 
 tnitia (S myjieria fjcinvix^ivTct eig'^EXXyjvcig dTro 
 Tijg ^ A'.yvTrricov xoopag vtto tS Kcc^f^i^ tc dvT^ t^ 
 'hux^y &C. 
 
 Hinc Itatim obfervavi non folum Cad- 
 mum (qui fero circa Mofis tempora vixit) 
 ab /Egypto veniffe, ritufque idololatricos in- 
 de ad Thebas Boeotias tranflulifle, quod apud 
 plures eft in confeffo, verum etiam ipfum 
 Inachum ( qui 400 circiter annos eo anti- 
 quior erat) in Peloponnefum poftea didJam, 
 iTiyfteria hujufmodi vana apportalTe. Haec 
 
 Inachi
 
 and Rornan AnUqu'iUes^ 8cc. 301 
 
 Inachi gefta funt plane hiilorica, non my- 
 thica, & narrantur a viro fide digno, qui in 
 juvenili fua aetate vixerat in ALgypro, & 
 linguam didiciilet ^gyptiacam ; unde in 
 hiitoricis veteribus illius regionis (quino- 
 llra aetate deperditi funt ) haurire potuit 
 banc veritatem, quam nati in Graecia hiilo- 
 rici vel nunquam norunc vel celare malu- 
 erint, potius quam fateri, Graeciam multos 
 colonos, imo & religionem, artefque (quae 
 plerumque religionem comitantur) ab /E- 
 gyptiis accepiffe. 
 
 Meritiflime itaque banc Epiphanii hiflo 
 riam magni facimus, eamque praeferimus 
 ApoUodori mythicae narrationi, qua3 nee 
 rerum naturae congruit, nee uUam habet 
 cum vera hiiloria eorum temporum coha3- 
 rentiam. Ille enim narrat Inachum ex Oce- 
 ano ^ Tethy natum fti^Jfe^ & habni(fe tria 
 millia fororum Oceanidmn^ qus prorius in- 
 credibilia funt. E contra autem Epiphanii 
 hifloria de Inacho exade cohceret in tem- 
 pore cum expulfione Phcrnicum ex ^>gyp- 
 to, quam a multis probavimus hiitoricis te- 
 llimoniis. Incepta enim elt ea expulfio ab 
 Halifphragmuthofe, qui Phcenices vicit, & 
 e multis /Egypti partibus pulfos in angu- 
 ftias reduxit juxta Abarim, qua patuit tran- 
 
 fitUS
 
 302 ConneBlon of the Greek 
 
 iitus ex /Egypto in Arabiam, Syriam, re- 
 liquafque mundi tunc notas regiones. 
 
 Hae Phoenicum ibi belligerantium cala- 
 mirates contigerunt in tempore quo coep- 
 turn elt & fundatum Inachi regnum in 
 Grsecia ; unde admodum probabile fit eum, 
 cujus nomen elt plane Phoenicium, & deri- 
 vatum ab Enach (ut ejus nomen exprimunt 
 feptuaginta interpretes) unde mutatione 
 unius vocalis E. in I. fit Inachus per accef- 
 fionem Grsecae terminationis. Non a me 
 excogitata efi hsec nominis Inachi derivatio, 
 fed aGrotio ad Num. xiii. 23. ubi etiam haec 
 habet verba meam fententiam confirmantia. 
 Inachi das antiqu'ijjlmis temp or thus ab Ori- 
 ente in Grac'iam venijfe conjiat. Nee opus 
 eft alios criticos citare, cum Grotius eft 
 initar omnium, & res ipfa loquatur. No- 
 men Hebraeum Anak, torquatum fignificat, 
 & torquibus ornari Iblebant Phoenicum dy- 
 naftae, unde ad plures pervenit hie titulus, 
 Ignofcatur mihi fi ejus filium Phoroneum 
 a Pharaone in ^Egypto nomen fuum fump- 
 fiiFe exiitimem. Certum enim mihi videtur 
 Phoenices, dum in yEgypto regnabant, Pha- 
 raonis titulo ornatos fuifle : Et ilium, a quo 
 in iEgypto hofpitio exceptus elt Abraha- 
 mus, Phoenicem fuilTe credo cum Arma- 
 
 chano^
 
 and Roman Anitquh'tes^ &c. 303 
 
 chano, eundcmque Pharaonem diftum fa- 
 ille Mofes tcllatur. 
 
 Quinetiam Phoronei filius Car Phoenici- 
 um habet nomen (lignificat Hebraice arie- 
 tem, duccm exercitus. Vide Callelli Lexi- 
 con) Apis etiam iEgyptiacum ; quae indi- 
 cant eorum progenitores e Phoenicibus Ji- 
 gypti incolis exiviHe. bed mitto argumen- 
 ta etymologica, & rem potius conficiendam 
 efle judico teltimoniis ab hiltoria & chrono- 
 logia deduftis. Redeo itaque ad Inachum 
 nollrum, & obfervo ex calculo Armachani 
 noftri compleram fuiffe expulfionem Phoe- 
 nicum exiEgypro, A.M. xiSo, quo Amo- 
 iis, feu Tethmofis cxpulfis jam palloribus 
 (fie vocantur Phoenices ab^Egyptiis) reg- 
 nare coepit in iEgypto inferiore, cum jam 
 regnalTet Inachus in Argis annos 31. 
 
 Hinc colligo Inachum praevidiiie (ex fuc- 
 ceffibus Haiiiphragmuthofis contra Phceni- 
 ces belligerancis) intra paucos annos caiu- 
 rum elle regnum Phi^nicum in yEgypto, 
 ideoque fibi fuilque comitibus mature con- 
 fuluilfe quserendo fedes quietiores in Grae- 
 cia. 
 
 Nihilominus Affis ultimus Ph(^nicum rex 
 ( cujus nomen Phoenicium exiltimo fuiffe 
 Aziz quod robultum fignificat) remanfit in 
 ^gyP^o> & holtium luorum impetus per 
 
 31 an-
 
 304 ConneBion of the Greek 
 3x annos fuftinuit; donee tandem in Aba-- 
 rim compulfus (qui locus erat probe muni- 
 tus, per quem patebat tranlitus in Arabiam 
 & Canaanitidem ) ibique pacfta fecit cum 
 Amofe, pofiquam nulla fpes reilaret diutius 
 regnandi in ^Egypto, ut liceret fibi cum fuis, 
 qui erant 240000 viri, & omni praeda quo 
 vellent ex ^Egypto abire, uti probat Jofe- 
 phus e Manethone. 
 
 In hac multitudine ducentorum & qua- 
 draginta millium qui ufque ad extremas re- 
 rum anguflias fortiter perititerunt, praeter 
 innumeros alios qui aufugerunt, cum vires 
 Phoenicum longo bello quotannis minui 
 perceperunr, exilhmo jacienda eflfe funda- 
 menta omnium coloniarum, quse a Phoeni- 
 cibus deduftae funt, five in vicinam Cana- 
 anitidem, five in infulas Maris Mediterra- 
 nei, five in continentem Graeciae, praefer- 
 tim in Argos, de quibus nunc agimus. Ni- 
 hilominus non negaverim Phoenices quof- 
 dam ferius, ciim Jolliuah eorum terram in- 
 vaferit, inde fugiife in partes Mauritaniae 
 Tingitanae ; id enim credo faftum quoniam 
 infuls, aliaeque regiones ipforum patriae 
 viciniores, a coloniis antiquioribus ex tE- 
 gypto & Phoenicia jam ante fuerint occu- 
 parai ; fed hoc obiter notavimus. Redeamus 
 itaque ad Inachum quem vidimus regnum 
 
 in
 
 and Kovmn Antiquities y 8cc. 30 J 
 
 in Argolide fundaffe ante completam Phoe- 
 nicum expulfionem, quae fub Amofe con- 
 tigit. 
 
 Probabile videtur regnum Inachi a primis 
 ex iEgypto profugis conititutum, non fu- 
 iffe magnum, nee bene unitum; quoniam 
 affirmat Paufanias, /^nte Thorcncum ejusfi- 
 Hum homines ibi vixijffe fparfos^ ^ Jepara- 
 tim a fe invicem habitajfe^ & Thoro^/eum 
 COS frtwum in civitatcm congrtgajfe^ eum^ 
 que Thoronicum nominajfe ^ qua pojiea ab 
 ejus nepote Argi nomcn adepta eft Ned 
 dubium eft quin circa tempus expulfionis^ 
 quae contigit ante initium Phoronei, hsec 
 colonia multum creverit ex acceffione mul- 
 torum e cognatis fuis (live ex iEgypto, live 
 e Canaanitide) qui cernerent res iuas in de- 
 terius indies ruere & tandem efle plane de- 
 fperatas. 
 
 Phoenices enim jam^ante longinquis navi- 
 gationibus alTueti, eos ad quietas in Grct^ciai 
 fedes fub Inacho , & mox fub Phoroneo, 
 commode poflTent transferre, ubi cum cog- 
 natis habitarent. Nee mirum eric, li poit- 
 quam celebrius evaferit Phoronei regnum^ 
 novis profugorum copiis aufturri, minuti- 
 era regni initia fub Inacho apud nonnullo^ 
 oblivion! traderentur, & Phoroneus ab illis 
 velut primus regni fundator haberetur, 
 
 X quanquam
 
 ^o6 ConneBton of the Greek 
 
 quanquam ab aliis ille honos potiore jure 
 illius patri tribuatur. 
 
 Atque haec mihi videntur fatis declarare 
 regni Argivorum fundamenta & initia reli- 
 gionis idololatricae in hoc regno erga Juno- 
 nem praecipue celebratae, Nihilominus prae- 
 terire non pofTum nobile fanum Junonis 
 'H^^foi/ didum, quod prope Mycenas in Ar- 
 golide fitum elTe indicat Paui'anias in Co- 
 rinthiacis, p. 59, quoniam in ejus defcrip- 
 tione obfervavi duo quae fpeftant ad Phoe- 
 nices ex ^Egypto profugos, tanquam anti- 
 quos illius regionis colonos. 
 
 Horum primum eft, quod Junonis Argivae 
 fiatua ibi dedicata manu fua tenet & ex- 
 hibet malum Punicum ; notum autem ell 
 Punicum idem plane fignificare quod Phoe- 
 nicium : unde colligo hanc Deam de fruftu 
 Phoeniciae fuae (quae pomis hifce granatis 
 abundat, Deut. viii. 8.) gloriari, adeoque 
 adventum fuum ex ilia terra hoc figno pro- 
 fiteri. Nocum eft eam fub nomine reginae 
 coeli a Phoenicibus coli, necnon ab ^^Lgyp- 
 tiis etiam ante tempora Inachi & Amofis, 
 idque per facrificia humano fanguine pol- 
 iuta; donee Amofis crudelem hunc ritum 
 abolevit, & cereas hominum imagines fub- 
 ftituit in locum verorum hominum. 
 
 Secundo,
 
 and Roman Ant'iqmtles^ Sec. 307 
 
 Secundo, inter irifculpta hujus templi co- 
 lumnis, notavi Titanum pugnam adverfus 
 Deos. Didici autem a Diodoro (quern ci- 
 tat & approbat Eufebius Praepar. Evang. 
 p. 481.) totam banc fabulam de Titanoma- 
 chia ab iEgypto profeftam eflej cum iis 
 quae ad Cronum fpedant, omnibufque quae 
 de triftibus Numinum fuorum cafibus fabu- 
 lantur Ethnici. Et conqueritur, five San- 
 choniatho, five Philo Byblius apud Eufe- 
 bium, res hujufinodi a poetis, & mythologis 
 Gr^cis multum exaggeratas efle, adeo ut 
 hiftorica in iis Veritas pene obruatur. Ag- 
 nofcit tamen Plutarchus, in traftatu de 
 Ifide, fcintillas quafdam veritatis hifioricae 
 relucere ; eas ego breviter notare & indi- 
 care conabor. 
 
 Deos Deafque, contra quos geftum eft 
 antiquiflimum hoc in i3igypto bellum, cu- 
 jus memoriam confervare voluerunt Phoe- 
 nicum pofteri qui in Argolidem migraflent, 
 intelligo fuifi^e primos iEgypciorum regess 
 reginafque & cognatos eoriim : Quoniam 
 certum eft hos ab iis confecratos fuiile, & 
 divinis honoribus cultos : Ofiridem puta 
 (qui Hebraeis Mizraim, Graecis Menes di- 
 citur) ejus uxorem Ifidem (quae Cananaeis 
 forte Ilha, i. e. uxor regis, feu regina dice- 
 batur) caeterofque ^gyptiorum divos, cum 
 X % eorum
 
 308 Conneci'ton of the Greek 
 
 eorum pofteris quibus adhaerebant ; & fub 
 iis militarunt fideliores eorum fubditi, dum 
 alii in eos rebellarunt. 
 
 Rebellium praecipuos exidimo fuifle G^- 
 naanis pofteros, qui Gra3cis Plioenices di- 
 cuntur, ut ipfe Canaan apud Sanchoniatho- 
 nem primus Phcenix nominatur. Hi fcili- 
 cetpacate fub Mizraimo, coloniaB duce,iE- 
 gyptum ingrefii paulo ante ejus mortem, 
 principatum totius yEgypti fibi rapere co- 
 nati funt, & Mizraimo per occultam con- 
 jurationem occiib in apertum bellum proru- 
 perunt, tandemque reges fibi e fua (Cang- 
 anis) familia crearunt, & fub illis (qui fex 
 fucceflive regnarunt ) diuturnum illud bel- 
 lum geflerunt quod defcripfit Manetho a 
 Jofepho citatus in primo contra Apionem 
 libello. 
 
 Notandum autem ell nullum aliud contra 
 primos ^gypti reges^ Deofque praeter hoc 
 Phoenicum t>€Pnm,in ullaufpiam hiltorialegi, 
 quod ad Titanomaciiiam explicandam adhi- 
 berl poteft, hoc autem cbmmodiflime earn 
 totam enucleare : Quippe ipfe Plutarchus in 
 libro de Ifide, &c. inter kofjidx^g illos no- 
 minat Apopim; hoc autem elt ipfiflimum 
 noi ;?en unius e Phoenicum regibus, qui diu- 
 turnum i!!ud bellum gerebant. Quiaetiam 
 generate nomen horum beliatorum, Tita- 
 
 nes.
 
 and Roman Antiqmues^ Sec. 309 
 
 nes, ell plane P hoeniciurr ), derivatum a T it 
 quod lutum li gniticat, & innuit eos tales 
 fuifle qui proximi erant diluvii temporibus, 
 & ideo quodammodo ex ejus luto nati. 
 Ideinque notat gigantum nomen quod {yn- 
 yiveig) quafi e terra diluta fuerint generati, 
 in magnum robur magnamque procerita- 
 tem crevilTent. 
 
 Perhibentur autem admodum robufli, 
 fatis congrue cum Mofaica hiltoria; quae 
 generationes plufculas poft diluvium admo- 
 dum longsevas fuilTe narrat. Vita autem 
 longa athleticam fupponit corporum con- 
 (Htutionem, adeoque vires ingentes, unde 
 non opus elt daemones, feu Deos Mediox- 
 umos hoc in cafu confingere, uti fecit Plu- 
 tarchus. Nihilominus ille fatis aperte fate- 
 tur eorum varies cafus, & certamina in my- 
 ilica ilia, quam tradidit de Ifide & Ofiride, 
 fabula interpolari, ne in oblivionem tran- 
 feant & filentium: Ego vero haec omnia 
 non alia fuilFe reor, prseter diras clades & 
 calamitates, quas bellum ferox & diutur- 
 num comitari folent. Tale autem fuit il- 
 lud quod per annos ultra ducentos geftum 
 ell a Phoenicum (qui paftores dicuntur) re- 
 gibus conUM iEgyptios, quorum regnum 
 adhw^ recens mifere affliftum ell. Hinc 
 tantus ille ludus deflentium Ofiridis mor- 
 X 3 tern,
 
 3 1 o Connecllon of the Greek 
 
 tern, qui tamen tandem in gaudium, & 
 triumphos muratus, cum ille quafi revivifcit 
 in poiteris fuis, qui regnum pene mortuum 
 relliicitarunt & inteltinos hofce hoftes Phoe- 
 nices expulerunt. 
 
 Porro fatis conflat ex Diodoro, Plutar- 
 cho & Manethone, omnem horum holUum 
 vim fub T) phonis nomine comprehendi in 
 hac fabula : Et Typhonem qui Oliridem 
 nefarie occidit ejus fuiffe fratrem, qui jus 
 fucceilionis in regno Croni patris fui libi af- 
 feruit tam in bello, quam in lite coram Diis 
 dijudicata; haec autem foli Canaani primo 
 Phoenici, ejuique poiteris, exade congru- 
 unt. 
 
 Adde his congruere ipfam illam urbem 
 Abarim,qua? totum tranfitum complefteba- 
 tur quo ex ^gypto itur in Arabiam aut 
 Canaani lidem, & in qua collefta eil tan- 
 dem tota Phoenicum turba, urbem Typho- 
 niam didam effe in ^Egypriorum theologia. 
 Pono eundem Typhonem rufi fuifTe colo- 
 ns conllanter tradunt, & homines quoflibet 
 rufos 1 yphonios vocant, eofdemque tan- 
 quam Oifiridis hoites lacrificare Iblebant 
 prifcis temporibus ad ejus fepulchrum quod 
 Bufins dicitur, tefle Diodoro Siculo, con- 
 fentiente etiam Plutarcho. 
 
 Atque
 
 and Kom^n Antiquities y 8cc. 311 
 
 Atque hasc quidem credo fafta fuifle 
 vigente bello Phoenicum contra yEgyptios, 
 antequam Amofis viftis Phoenicibus 'Avfi^^- 
 TToSva-iAv legibus fuilulit, uti patet e Porphy- 
 rio. Quoniam autem notum eft e Palae- 
 phati fragmento in chronico Alexandrino 
 Puniceum, feu rubrum colorem ad veftes 
 tingendas in Phoenice inventum effe, id- 
 que antiquiffimis primi Phoenicis tempori- 
 bus, & porro folebant Phoenicum reges, & 
 dynaftae veftibus fic coloratis uti, & ipfum 
 verbum Puniceus color idem fignificat quod 
 rufus, incidit in mentem meam fufpicio, di- 
 cam, an conjeftura ^Egyptios hac de cau- 
 fa, hoftes fuos Phoenices talibus veftibus 
 utentes, rufos, feu Typhonios dixilTe, eo- 
 rumque fupremum ductorem (Tyrio for- 
 tafle oftro veftitum) Typhonem, tanquam 
 rufi coloris in myftica hac fabula defcrip- 
 fifTe. Verum in hac re non audader pro^- 
 nuntio, fed penes leftorem relinquo con- 
 jefturam noftram vel recipere, vel rejicere. 
 
 Pergo tamen obfervare quod confenti- 
 ant veteres omnes hac de re fcriptores, 
 tandem ejeftum effe Typhonem per eum 
 ex iEgypto tranfitum, qui ducit in Cana- 
 anitidem. Hinc ex multorum opinione re=- 
 fert Herodotus prope initium Thaliae fua?, 
 Typhonem occultari in iacu Serbonide, qui 
 
 X 4 ' eft
 
 312 ConneBion of the Greek 
 
 eft in coUimitio inter ^Egyptios & Ca- 
 naanaeos, quoniam fcilicet illuc pulfus 
 non amplius finibus iEgyptiorum mole- 
 ilus fuit. Alii tamen apud Plutarchum 
 referunt eum afino vedum ad Hierofoly- 
 ma pervenifle ; nee dubium eft quin tantus 
 exercitus, quantus exiit ex ^Egypto, quam 
 primum poflit in diverfas fe dividerec 
 partes, ad commodiores fedes in diverfis 
 regionibus occupandas. 
 
 Quanquam autem crediderim hanc effe 
 veriftimam fimpliciirimamque Titanoma- 
 chiiT interpretationem, non tamen hoc fun- 
 damento nititur mea fententia de colonia 
 Phoeniciim ex iEgypto in Argolidem tran-^ 
 llata. Novi enim quam lubrica res fit alle- 
 goriarum expofitio ; hiftoricis & chronolo^ 
 gicis tantum fido probatianibus qui£ antea, 
 & alibi produxi. Haec aiuem iis mantiftse 
 locQ adjecimus, quoniam Ipecimen mihi vi-? 
 dentur dare (in antiquillima fabula) verae 
 methodi, qua e mythologicis veterum fcrip- 
 tis aliquantulum verae hiftorias coUigamuSj 
 fed fumma cum caute!a. 
 
 Reftat nunc unicum huic capiti adjici- 
 endum, nempe ut rationem reddam cur 
 huic difquifuioni dePelaigis inftitutae conne- 
 cSlam hiftoriam hanc dw" Phoenicibus in Ai% 
 golidem e^i iEgypto rranflatis, Ea autem 
 
 h^c
 
 and Roman Anuqmttes^ Sec. 313 
 
 haBC eft, quoniam omnes hiftorici conferr- 
 tiunt omnes regni Argivi fubditos ante Da- 
 nai adventum Pelafgos didos fuifle; in con- 
 feiro eft etiam Inachum, Phoroneum, eo- 
 rumque pofteros Argivis omnibus impe- 
 rafte ante Danai adventum, nee alios ullos 
 populos in Argolide reperimus eis tempo- 
 ribus praeter Pelafgos. Quapropter ego 
 cenfeo hos Phoenices, five fub Inacho, five 
 fub aliis poft expulfionem ex ^Egypto duci- 
 bus, hue advenientes Pelafgis efte annume- 
 randos. Nee meliorem nominis caufam af- 
 fignare polfum, quam quod per pelagus in 
 navibus confanguineorum fuorum Phoeni- 
 cum illuc venerint. 
 
 Novi fane Apollodorum eos a Pelafgo 
 Argi fratre nominatos efle affirmare ; ego 
 vero magis credibile cenfeo ipfum Pelaf- 
 gum (qui in Argolide nunquam regnavit) 
 potius a pelago diftum fuifte ; quoniam 
 vel ipfe per pelagus hue venerit, vel faltem 
 ejus progenitores, unde apud mythologos 
 Inachus Oceani filius dicitur, quia per ma- 
 re venerat, uti pridem annotavit doftifH- 
 mus Galeus. 
 
 Fatetur certe Herodotus antiquiffimos 
 ^gialenfes (quorum fundator erat iiigia- 
 leus longe prior Inacho) Pelafgos dittos 
 failTe; & Paufanias agnofcit Arcades anti- 
 
 quitate
 
 314 ConneBton of the Greek 
 
 quitate fua celeberrimos, prius quam Areas 
 Bafceretur, Pelafgos fuifle diftos ; & Epho- 
 rus apud Strabonem exprefle pronuntiat 
 eos fuifle d^x'^^ioTdTng. Sed quandoquidem 
 Ks eft tantum de nomine Pelafgorum, & 
 an id datum fit Argolidis incolis ante tem- 
 pora fratris Argi, tantilli momenti eft quae- 
 ftio de nomine, ut de ilia cum nemine ve- 
 lim difceptare ; de re autem contendo, nem- 
 pe totam illam Peninfulam, quae Pelopon- 
 nefus poftea dida eft, primis temporibus ^ 
 Pelafgis occupatam fuille. 
 
 *^^ 
 
 TRACT
 
 and Roman AnttquttieSy 8cc. 315* 
 
 0/ //^d' Tyrrheni. 
 
 TH E foregoing arguments I conceive 
 fufficient to prove the antiquity of 
 the Tela/gi in Greece to be as great as Ca- 
 Jiors and Taufanias's Laterculus of Sicy- 
 onian kings affirm. Neverthelefs, becaufe 
 I find in Herodotus a plantation or colony 
 fent out of Lydia under Tyrrhenus into 
 Italyy which is farther from Afia than thefe 
 wellern parts of Greece^ which we have 
 before confider'd ; and becaufe I think I can 
 prove that this remoter colony was near 
 the fame time ; and Dionyjitis Halicarnaf- 
 fenjis proves (Irongly that many authors call 
 thefe alfo Telafgi ; and particularly cites 
 Hellanicus Lesbius^ who was fomewhat el- 
 der than Herodotus^ to affirm that they 
 were firft call'd Telafgi Tyrrheni^ after 
 they began to inhabit Italy^ I fhall make a 
 further enquiry concerning this colony of 
 Tyrrheni Telafgi ; and I ihall do it the 
 rather, becaufe the country they planted 
 
 lay
 
 7,1 6 ConneSiion of the Greek 
 
 lay fo near Rome ; that in after times it be- 
 came a good part of that force whereby 
 the Roman monarchy was founded and 
 fupported. 
 
 "i^ionyjius Halicarna(fenjis relates in his 
 third book near the end : That when Tar- 
 quinius Prifcus had fiihdtid the Tyrrheni 
 or Hetrufci, and granted to them their own 
 laws and privileges^ the Romans then rc-^ 
 cerSd from them the enjigns of royalty with 
 which their kings had us'd to have been 
 adorn' d^ the crown of go I d^ and the ivory 
 featy the fceptre with the eagle on its heady 
 the purple robe embroider d with goldj &c, 
 fuch as had been us'd to be born by the kings 
 cf the Lydians and Perfians. 
 
 But I mull make this enquiry the more 
 cautioudy becaufe the evidence from the 
 fragments of hiilory concerning thefe re- 
 mote times is not fo clear as I wifh, there 
 being many difagreements among the re- 
 ports of the authors that have written a- 
 bout them. However, I Ihall be careful to 
 follow thofe authors who belt agree with 
 the divine hittory which Mofes has given 
 us, being fatisfy'd that no reports can be 
 true that conlill not well with his records, 
 which allure us that all countries were 
 planted out of J?fia by the fons of Noah, 
 
 Therefore
 
 and Roman Antiqmttes^ 8cc. 517 
 
 Therefore I conclude that T^ionyfius Ha- 
 licarnajfenjis's, opinion that the Tyrrhenians 
 were not ilrangers that came from another 
 country into Italy (where he acknowledges 
 that they were in the eldelt times he knew 
 of) but that they were rather 'Avrix^ong is 
 not the true, nor a more probable opinion : 
 And I think my felf oblig'd to believe thofe 
 who acknowledge them to htLydians^ which 
 he confelTes to be the opinion not only of 
 Herodotus^ who was about 400 years be- 
 fore him, but of many others : Altho* to 
 lelTen their credit, he fays that they differ 
 about the leader of that Lydian colony, 
 and about his time. 
 
 Let it be granted, wherein fo many agree, 
 that there was a very antient Lydian colony 
 in Italy-i which found there only the ^m* 
 briy whom Herodotus calls ''Of^S^izct ; and 
 we will afterwards inquire who fpeak molt 
 credibly concerning the time of their co- 
 ming. I wifli that T)ion, Hallcarna[fenjis 
 had told us the names of thofe many au- 
 thors whom he confefles to own Lydian 
 planters there ; they were extant in his 
 time, but are loft before our days : Yet 
 ftill we have Virgil owning Lydians there, 
 before Mneas\ time, the founders of A-- 
 gylla. And Horace Sat, vi. intimates the 
 
 antiquity
 
 '318 Conneclion of the Greek 
 
 antiquity of Macenas's anceftors, by rek- 
 tion to that plantation. 
 
 'Lydortim quicqutd Etrufcos 
 
 Incoluit jines^ nemo generojior eji te, 
 
 Tliny alfo reckons among the old planters 
 of Tufcany the Lydi, 
 
 The learned Bochart hath well obferv'd 
 that the Greeks^ who wrote before Toly- 
 biusj do all call them Tyrfeniy not Tyr^ 
 rheni. And Halicarnajfenjis tells us that 
 they caird themfelves Rhafenas^ from a 
 leader of theirs who had fuch a name. 
 Herodotus indeed calls him Tyrfenus. I 
 have often thought that Re/en^ Rezin and 
 Rezon are AJiatlc names which we meet 
 with in the Scripture ; and I know thatZ* is 
 in the AJiattc tongues a fervile letter, that 
 is by them put with a vowel before words 
 deriv'd from many roots ; and therefore 
 it is not improbable that Tyrfenus may 
 be fo deriv'd from Re (en : And thus the 
 Tufcans account of their own name, may 
 be made to agree with the ufual Greek 
 name Tyrfenus, 
 
 But the ftrength of my proof that the 
 Tyrrheni are very antient planters in Italyj 
 doth not bear upon this grammatical con- 
 
 )e(aure
 
 and '^om^n Ant tqmuesy 8cc. 319 
 
 jedure or etymology, but upon the con- 
 fent of many antient authors own'd by "Dio- 
 nyfius Hahcarnaffenfis. Among thefe the 
 chief is Herodotus : Yet "Dion. Halkarnaf^ 
 fenjis lets down before his teitimony an an- 
 tient tradition that differs from Herodotus^ 
 only in this, that the tradition puts ^tys to 
 be the grandchild of Manes, Cotys being 
 interposed , and a brother join'd to ^tys^ 
 which will alter the account but one gene- 
 ration. For Herodotus calls jitys the fon 
 of Manes in his Clio : Yet in his Melpo^ 
 mene he owns Cotys his fon, and Atys his 
 grandfon. ^ion, Halicarnajfenjis objeds 
 againft thefe ; That Xanthtis Lydius men- 
 tions no fuch plantation fent out of Lydia 
 into Tufcany. But this negative or mere 
 filence is no juft argument againft the pofi- 
 tive teftimony of fo many as he acknow- 
 ledges to own fuch a colony in the eldeft 
 times. 
 
 Befides, he confefles that Xanthus owns 
 that Atys had two fons, call'd Lydus and 
 Torybus ; which laft name may have been 
 chang'd by tranfcribers between the time 
 of Xanthus^ and of T)ionyfius Halicarnaf- 
 fenjis, which was about foo years, and put 
 inftead of Tyrfenm. And it is probable 
 
 alfo
 
 3 20 Conne Ellon of the Greek 
 cilfo that Xanthus might know of the co- 
 lony fent into Italyy and in his time might 
 think it fo inconfiderable, as it was then, 
 as not to be worthy of mention in his hi- 
 Itory ; altho' afterwards Tttfcany became a 
 confiderable part of the Roman monarchy ; 
 and therefore this plantation deferves nov/ 
 to be confider'd by us. 
 
 I might add more to invalidate the ob- 
 jedion that T>lon, Halicarnaffenfis makes 
 againlt the colony of Tyrf^nur out of Lydia, 
 and founds on the filence of Xanthus^ but 
 that I think what I have faid abundantly 
 fufficient ; and I believe that he himfelf 
 did not confide in that argument, but ra- 
 ther believ'd that his fuggeition that the 
 Tyrfejii were dvrix^ong was true, and thought 
 it would eafily be entertain'd, as molt hea- 
 thens feem to have believ'd, that in old 
 time men fprung up out of many countries 
 as muflirooms are thought to do now. But 
 this age has learnt better things, both from 
 Scripture and from Reafon. Therefore 
 we will fuppofe the authorities before point- 
 ed at to ftand good, (adding to them Eu- 
 Jiathius^ in his commentaries on T>ionyfms 
 Teriegetes^) and Ihall now proceed to 
 lliew : 
 
 I. What people they found in Italy. 
 
 X, When
 
 and'KormnAritlquhieSy 8cc. 321 
 
 1* When they came thither: And 
 
 3. What places they fettled in : Which 
 we ihall briefly point at by ?^/i;/>'s direflioa. 
 
 'F/hty agrees with Herodotus, that from 
 the Lydtan prince that brought them into 
 Italy ^ they were call'd Tyrrheni ; and a(^ 
 ferts with 'Diony/iris HalkarnaffenJiSy that 
 from their facrificing rites they were call'd 
 by the Greeks Thujci, lib. 3. c. s- But in 
 his fourteen chapter of the fame book he 
 further informs us, that they pofTefs'd mofl 
 of that part oi Italy which he calls the fixth 
 region. That they took 300 towns from 
 the Vmbri^ who w^ere the molt antient 
 people of Italy, 
 
 Thefe people, he tells Us, the Greeks 
 call'd Ombrtos^ or as it is in the margin, 0771- 
 bricos : And Herodotus calls the people 
 they found there '0//-S^/jW : But Tliny adds 
 thefe remarkable words as the reafon of 
 that name, ^uod immdattone terrarum Im- 
 hr'tbus fiiperfutjfent. Which I cannot yield 
 to be true any further than that they were 
 there not long after the general flood, and 
 were the tirit planters after that univerfal 
 calamity. Then he names a great many 
 people diftinguifli'd by the towns and places 
 where they dwelt, who were fubdu'd by 
 thefe Tufcans^ and whofe land they had in 
 
 Y their
 
 3-2 2 ConneBton of the Greek 
 
 their dominion ; but tells us nothing either 
 of the parentage or place from whence they 
 came, or what way thefe "Vmbri came thi- 
 ther : They feem to be the fame with thofe 
 who are call'd Opki and Aborigines, Nor 
 indeed can I find any thing particularly 
 concerning the Umbri in any of thofe Gr^^/6 
 or Latin hiltories which remain to our 
 days. 
 
 Neverthelefs, I think it not amifs to fug- 
 gclt that thofe travels through the world, 
 which are find by Sanchoniatho to have been 
 made by Cronus and by Ajlarte to fettle 
 plantations, (as I fuppofe) may perhaps have 
 reach'd even Italy : Efpecially fmce I find 
 that out of 'Diodorus Siculus^ Eufebius hath 
 ifioted in his fecond book de Trap, Evang. 
 That Cronus did reign in Sicily and Lydia, 
 rf^;/i Italy, (but he mult plant it firil) p. 5-9, 
 Edit. Tar, And in page 46 of the fame 
 book it is faid, That Ofiris, who was Cro- 
 ViM'^'s fon (whom I take to be Mizraim) 
 did fo in the nations about V\sx^'g\z (which 
 point at Lydia) and that he pafs'd by the 
 Hellefpont into Europe, where he left his 
 Jon king of Macedonia ; and from hence 
 he might eafily fend planters into Italy, 
 Cronus being ( as I think I have prov'd) 
 Ham^ a^nd he having efcap'd the flood in 
 ' perfon^
 
 and Roman Annqtitue^y Sec. 325 
 
 perfon, and O^ris his Ton having efcap'd it 
 in the loins of his father, may hence pro- 
 bably be guefs'd to be anceflors of thefe 
 
 . I fee reafon alfo to judge that Japhet and 
 his poilerity were at fome agreement with 
 Ham or Cronus in the planting of the Eu- 
 rofaan countries ; both becaufe it was both 
 their interefts to improve as much land as 
 they could for their family's maintenance ; 
 and becaufe I find evidence of Japhet's de- 
 fcendents being in Greece efpecially. But 
 I chufe to fay httle of this matter, becaufe 
 hiftorical evidence in thefe eldeft times is 
 very little ; and my defign is only to prove 
 that the belt hiftory that we have concern- 
 ing thefe times from heathen writers hath 
 a good agreement with the divine records 
 in the Scriptures. 
 
 Let us therefore pafs from the confide- 
 ration of the Vmbri to enquire after the 
 time when the Tyrrheni came to their 
 country, either to expel them thence or to 
 cohabit with them, and take the fovereign- 
 ty over them. And here I confefs I am to 
 ftruggle with great difficulties ; not only 
 from the want of clear hiftory in fuch re- 
 mote and dark times, but alfo becaufe the 
 authority of T>miyjius iialicarnaj[enfis'% 
 Y 2, judgment
 
 314 ConneBhn of the Greek 
 
 judgment lies againll me, notwithftanding 
 that I have, I think, anfwer'd already the 
 chief reafon whereon his judgment is found- 
 ed. Therefore to abate fomething of his 
 authority in this cafe, altho^ in other mat- 
 ters I highly elteem it, let me alledge that 
 he himfelf hath confefs'd m.any things which 
 do much more favour my judgment than 
 they do his. 
 
 For initance, when he affirms the Tyr- 
 rheni to be dincx^ong^ and explains it to fig- 
 nify d^x^Aov Ti ttUvvj he mult aiTert that they 
 were in Italy as foon or fooner than the 
 Umbri. Whereas I think, with Herodotus 
 and Tliny^ that they found the 'Vmbri there 
 inhabiting before they came from Lydia or 
 M£onia ; and fo all thofe many others 
 whom he fays he knows to agree with He- 
 rodotus and the Lydtan tradition, which he 
 fets down before Herodotus % words, did 
 affirm. So when he fays that the Telafgi 
 learnt skill in navigation from their corref« 
 pondence with the Tyrrheni^ and thereby 
 were enabled to conquer the neighbouring 
 people, he muft own that the Tyrrheni 
 were in Italy in the eldeft and moft flou- 
 rifliing times of the Telafgt, which he af- 
 firms to be long before the Trojan w^ar. 
 
 He 
 
 5
 
 and Roman Antiquities^ Sec. 3 2 j 
 
 He confedes that the Tyrrbe7ii in Italy 
 were fo celebrated in Greece^ that many 
 writers there thought Rome it felf a Tyr- 
 rhenidu city. He contends that they err 
 that think the Telafgi and Tyrrheni were 
 of the fame Itock or kindred, and labours 
 to prove it by the difference of their lan- 
 guages. I agree that they confilted of dif- 
 ferent nations and languages for fome time ; 
 but they might afterwards com.e to fpeak 
 one and the fame language. Herodotus 
 alTures us that the Tela/gi in the northern 
 parts of Greece did not fpeak Greeks but a 
 barbarous tongue, as he calls it. And I 
 doubt not but that the Telafgt were ori- 
 ginally of different countries and languages, 
 and had the common name of Telafgi on- 
 ly from their coming by fea as feamen and 
 foldiers of fortune, that fought for more 
 convenient fettlements in other countries 
 than they found where they were born. 
 And the proofs that T>ionyfiis Hal'icarnaf 
 Jmfis brings from good authors that the 
 names of Tyrrheni and Tela/gi are often 
 join'd and apply'd to the fame men, do e- 
 vince that the Tyrrheni^ tho' they came 
 by fea from Lydia^ were fometimes call'd 
 alfo Telafgu from their fea-adventures, as 
 well as thofe that came either from Arca^ 
 
 Y 3 dla
 
 ^i6 ConneB'ton of the Greek 
 
 'did or from the iflands of the Mediterra- 
 nean {t2i^ that belonged either to Europe or 
 toAfia. 
 
 Neverthelefs, I take this hiftory of Here- 
 dotus concerning the colony from Lydia 
 under Tyrfinus to be true, and a very va- 
 luable piece of hiftory ; efpecially becaufe 
 it is the eldeft we have in any heathen hi- 
 ftorian of a colony from AJia that contri- 
 buted much to the rife of the Roman em- 
 pire ; and it agreed with the general ac- 
 count that Mofes hath left us, that all the 
 reft of the earth was planted out of AJiaj 
 which moft of the heathen hiftories that 
 we have are unwilling to own. And tho' 
 T>'ion, Halicarnajfenjis thought it not fo ho- 
 nourable either to the Romans or to the 
 Greeks his countrymen, that the Romans 
 fliould be derived from Afiaticks^ whom 
 be calls Barbarians : Yet this was none of 
 his wifeft thoughts, but a piece of the Greek 
 vanity. And the Romans generally thought 
 it not diftionourable to themfelves to come 
 from \k\^Tro jails by jEneas, and his com- 
 pany that efcap'd out of Troy. 
 ' And agreeably to thefe wifer thoughts, 
 Virgil makes his Evander^ altho' a Greeks 
 to fpeak honourably of the Lydian colony^ 
 that had been long in Italy before his time,^ 
 
 and
 
 and Roman Ant'tqiuues^ &c. 317 
 
 and to recommend them \.o^n£as^ as more 
 potent confederates than himfelf, and his 
 Arcadia7i Telafgi, 
 
 Sed tibi ego ingeiites ^opulos, opilenta- 
 
 que regfiis 
 Jungere cajira ^aro. 
 
 . ^.neid. 8. 1.475,©^. 
 
 Soon after follows 
 
 Haud frociil hinc faxo incolitur fun- 
 data vetujto 
 
 ^rhk Agyllin^e fedcs^ ubi Lyd'ia quoiu 
 dam 
 
 Gens hello fraclara jugis tnfedlt £- 
 tnifck. 
 
 JEtieas took his counfel, and, by the af? 
 fiftance of thefe Tyrrheni^ whole ancellors 
 in Lydta lay clofe to the dominions oiTroy 
 in Tbrygia^ he obtain'd his fettlement in 
 Italy^ and laid the foundation of that great 
 empire, which, after many ages, the Ro.-, 
 mans erefted. 
 
 I am not ignorant that the learned Bo- 
 chart hath adventur'd to overthrow the 
 credit of all the historians that ailert Aine- 
 as to have come into Italy ; and inclines 
 
 Y 4 ' alio
 
 328 Connecl'ton of the Greek 
 
 alfo to believe the Tyrrheni to be from 
 the firll days inborn in Italy, I have con- 
 lider'd his arguments contain'd in a pollhu- 
 mous epilHe in the laft edition of his works ; 
 but am fo far from being convinced by 
 them, that I think it a thing of dangerous 
 confequence, on fuch reafons, to rejed the 
 credit of fo much hiilory as he owns to be 
 againll him. 
 
 *Tis not proper for me here to digrefs 
 into this enquiry about jUneas's coming 
 into Italy, becaufe the Tyrrheni may be a 
 Lydian colony fent thither, whether Mneas 
 came thither or not. And it's evident, by 
 Virgih owning it, that he did not think it 
 diflionourable to the Romans either to own 
 that, or that the Tyrrhenians were both 
 willing and able to afTift him in his fettle- 
 ment there, and were originally Lydians ; 
 and that, by reafon of thefe Lydians^ feat- 
 ed on the banks and near the fprings of 
 Ttbcr^ that river is by Virgil calfd Lydius 
 T'lbri^, Which epithet he would never 
 have given to that celebrated river, if he 
 had not known that it was the receiv'd 
 opinion and firm belief of all Rome and Ita- 
 ly^ that antiently there w^^as a famous co- 
 lony of Lydians inhabiting upon it : And 
 it's as certain that none pretend to come 
 
 from
 
 and KoTDAn' Annqmties^ &c. 319 
 
 from Lydia thither, but thofe under the 
 condurt of Tyrferius, 
 
 The Hke argument I may draw from 
 Horaces celebrating his Macenas's high 
 birth from his defcent from fome of the 
 noblelt Lydians that dwelt in Hetruria^ 
 Sat. 6. and from his intimating in the be- 
 ginning of his Odes that he was fprung 
 from antient kings, which mult be fo un- 
 deritood, that his anceltors were either 
 the fovereign princes from Lydia there 
 fettled in Titfcany, or at leall that they were 
 of thofe twelve Lncumones in Tuftany^ or 
 fubordinate princes, of which Servitts af- 
 fures us that they were alfo call'd kings. 
 Certainly Horace did not believe this Ly- 
 dian colony to be a mere romance ; for 
 he could not think it honourable to Mace- 
 tms to be related to princes that never had 
 any other being than in a fable. - • 
 
 Having difpatch'd thefe preliminaries, 
 'tis time we fhould come to the principal 
 enquiry, which is about what time this co- 
 lony was fent out of Lydia into Italy. Here 
 Tiionyjlus Halicarnajfenfis tells us there is 
 variety of opinions ; two he names which 
 both raake the plantation to be after Her- 
 cules's time ; but he rejefts them both : 
 And fo far I agree with him, as believing 
 
 them
 
 3 30 ConneB'ton of the Greek 
 
 them to be there much fooner. But I can- 
 not follow him fo high as to think they 
 were there fo as never to have come from 
 any other country : For I believe, as Hero^ 
 dotus and the Lydisn tradition informs us, 
 that they came from Lydia under Tyr/enm 
 the fon of Atys^ the fon of Cotys, the fon 
 of Manes or Meotiy the firll king of Lyd'ia 
 and Thrygia, ^s \Diodorm Siculus^ lib. 3, 
 and Etifebius alfo informs us, lib. z. Traf. 
 Evang. And Eufiachtus^ commenting on 
 %>ionyJius Teriegetes^ agrees with Herodo- 
 tus. 
 
 From this king the people of that coun- 
 try fay they were tirlt calFd Meones^ and 
 their country Meonia ; which name appears 
 in many antient authors, w^hom I need not 
 cite. Now we may make a good approach 
 to the time of Tyrfenus^ if we can fix the 
 time of Meon^ from whom he Vv^as in the 
 fourth generation inclufive. And Meon\ 
 time will be fix'd by fliewing that he is the 
 fame man with Menes^ the firft king of E- 
 gyft-i as well as of Lydia and Thrygia, who 
 is commonly calFd OJiris by the Egyptians^ 
 and Mizraim by the Jews. 
 
 Now becaufe the proof of the time will 
 bear upon the famenefs of this perfon, 
 whofe name is written differently 5 alth.o' 
 
 the
 
 and Roman Antiquities^ 8cc. 331 
 
 the learned will not wonder at change of 
 vowels in a name, efpecially when its madq 
 by authors of different countries and times, 
 becaufe they know this is a thing very ufu- 
 al ; yet for the fervice of readers that are 
 not much us'd to fuch changes, I will give 
 proof thereof. 
 
 Wherefore, I have obferv'd, that in Je" 
 remiah xlviii. 23. our tranflation calls a place 
 in Moaby Beth-Meon^ which fignifies the 
 houfe or temple of Meon^ agreeably to the 
 Hebrew text and to the Chaldee paraphrafe* 
 But the Septuaghit calls it the houfe of 
 Maon ; and fo doth the vulgar Latin. The 
 Moabites agreed with the Egyptians in their 
 idolatry, who woriliip'd their firit king and 
 planter as a god, under the name of Ofirvs. 
 But when they fpeak of iiira as a man who 
 firlt reign d among them, they call him Meon 
 or Menesy with a Greek termination : \V hich 
 word, Bochart well obferves, fignifies ha- 
 bitations or places to dwell in, which he 
 brought them to and fettled them in. 
 ' Now, by the fame reafon that Meo7i is 
 changed into Maon^ lylenes mult become 
 Manes^ as he is call'd in Herodotus and TJio- 
 nyjius Halicarna(fe7ijis, or Manis^ as this 
 god and powerful potentate is call'd by 
 i^lutarch de IJide : Whet.e lie takes occa-
 
 3 32. ConneB'ton of the Greek 
 
 lion to mention this planter in "Phrygian 
 and tells us that for his fake heroical deeds 
 are call'd by the Thrygians^ next neigh- 
 bours to Lydia^ Manica. And the learned 
 Bochart^ in his Canaaiu cap. xhi. affirms 
 that Tetito and Mamts^ whom Tacitus af- 
 firms the Germans to worfliip, were deri- 
 ved from the Egyptian Theuth and Menes. 
 That Menes is Mizraim , I have prov'd 
 elfewhere in this work : Therefore I will 
 leave this debate about the name, and pro- 
 ceed to hiilorical proof of the faft, that O- 
 firis or Aleon planted and firlt reign'd in 
 Lydia and Thrygia, 
 
 Here we have, i. The teftimony of the 
 nien of that country, lyxd^m, in 'Diodorusy 
 lib. 3. who own him their elded king, and 
 Cybele to be his daughter. 
 
 X. The matter is largely fet down by Eu^ 
 febitis^ Trap. Evang. l. x. c. i. That Ofiris 
 (who was Menes) traveled thro' the earth 
 from India, in the mojl eaftern part of M\^^ 
 to Phrygia, and the countries near it that lie 
 in the farthefl weflern fart of Afia^ and 
 thence over into Greece from Macedonia ta 
 Athens. That being a great lover of mujic 
 he had with him^ not only Pan and the fa* 
 tyrs^ whofe notes were more rude^ hut A- 
 poUo, and the nine fin ging virgins^ whom 
 
 the
 
 and Roman Antiquities^ 8cc. 333 
 
 the Greeks called the Mufes, whofe voices 
 and inHrnments were more fweet. Thefe 
 things intimate that his bufinefs was not 
 principally to make war, but to fettle and 
 improve colonies as the ilate of mankind 
 requir'd, when the world was but newly 
 and thinly peopled within a few generations 
 after the flood. 
 
 In thefe early times, wherein Lydia had 
 correfpondence both with Babylonia and 
 Egypt^ when {Cronus being fuppos'd to be 
 alive in the beginning of the third century 
 after the flood) all were under one govern- 
 ment, thofe Babylonian and Egyptian works 
 which Herodotus in his Clio mentions in 
 Lydia might reafonably be fuppos'd to be 
 erefted, and this progrefs of OJiris or Mea- 
 lies perform'd. 
 
 But near the middle of that century the 
 war broke out between the Canaanttes in 
 Egypt and the Egyptians^ and Menes was 
 kill'd, and Egypt was fortify'd againll all 
 inroads from ^^ri^, where another branch 
 of Cronus'^ or Ham\ family reign'd ; and 
 thus the univerfal monarchy which hefeems 
 to have projefted, vanifh'd, and his chil- 
 dren fell into wars againft each other. But 
 I muft not digrefs from my proofs of the 
 
 great
 
 ^^4 VomieBion of the Greek 
 
 great antiquity of this Meon^ Menes of Md- 
 
 nes^ the fird king in Lydia, Thrygia^ &c. 
 
 3 . The third proof is taken from the times 
 of his kindred, which agree well with the 
 time of the tirlt Egyptian king of the fame 
 name. For T>iQn. Halle arnaJPenfis tells us 
 froni the Lydidn tradition, that his father 
 was Jupiter, and his mother the earth ; and 
 that his Jon Cotys married Halia the daugh-^ 
 ter of Tullius, who was horn of the earth. 
 Now it's known that the heathens nev^r 
 fpeak of men born of their deities, and of 
 the earth, but when they would exprefs 
 that they are of the utmolt antiquity, which 
 among the Greeks did reach but up to the 
 firft flood: Which agrees well with the 
 time of Menes or Mi^raim, who was born 
 of Cronus or Ham^ in the firlt generation 
 after the flood. We may alfo make fome 
 approach to the time of this Meon^ by what 
 we find in hiftory concerning his daugh- 
 ter Cybekj who bears the name of the mo- 
 ther of the gods^ that is, the mother of fuch 
 men as the heathens worlhip'd. 
 
 Eufebius^ in the fecond book of his Cd- 
 non Chronicusy tells us that about nineteen 
 years before the promife was given to A- 
 braham^ the Curetes built at Gnojfus in Crete 
 
 a temple
 
 and Roman Ann quit les^ 8c c. 3 qf' j 
 
 a temple to the mother of the gods. This 
 year is 1941 before the chriltian JEra, and 
 probably a confiderable time after her death, 
 and longer, after the reign of her father. 
 Yet the building of this temple is but 407 
 years after the flood, according to the He- 
 brew account. 
 
 But I confefs that this obfervation doth 
 not lead us very near to the time of the 
 death of her father Meves ; nor doth it pre- 
 tend to do it; yet it brings us nearer to it than 
 any account I have met with relating to 
 this Lyd'ian kingdom's antiquity ; and be- 
 ing join'd with preceding evidence, that 
 thefe parts of JJJia were planted by OfirU^ 
 it inclines me to believe that \\\^Manes^ who 
 founded the Lydian kingdom, may well be 
 the fame man with Menes that began the 
 plantation in Egypt ^ from whence O fir is 
 Game. 
 
 And that difference in time which may 
 be found between the death of Menes in 
 Egyfty and the building of this temple to 
 his daughter at Gnojfus^ may well be allow- 
 ed to be the time of her Hfe, and to the 
 time after her death before (lie was fo high- 
 ly honoured as a goddefs in Crete. 
 
 Thefe coniiderations make me believe 
 that the fame man Meoft or Manesy or Me- 
 
 nesy
 
 3 3<5 Connection of the Greek 
 vesj was king both in Egypt and in other 
 parts of the Leffer AJia ; as Lydia and Thry- 
 gia ; yet under his father Cronus or Hafn^ 
 who was ahveat the time of his death, and 
 lent his fon and fucceilbr into Egypt^ as 
 Sanchoniatho affirms. And hence I con- 
 clude, that the bell way to find the time 
 of Tyr/enusy which is our prefent bufmefs, 
 is to allow or add about an hundred years 
 to the time of Menes\ death, becaufe 
 Tyrfemis was in the third generation de- 
 fcending from Menes, Hence, lince Me- 
 «^/s death is dated in the Egyptian line 
 of kings by Eratojihenes lixty two years 
 after his entrance, loo years added to that 
 time gives the time of the Tyr/eman co- 
 lony, which is the thing fought for. Me- 
 nes or MizraifTis beginning to reign is Ha- 
 ted by us A. M. 1849. Add fixty two, his 
 death will be A. M. 191 1 : To which add 
 100 years, the fum is ion, the entrance of 
 Tyrfenus, 
 
 And by this account it will appear that 
 this colony of the Tyrfenians is ahitoll 500 
 years elder than thofe of the Telafgi into 
 Italy out oi Greece, which are two diftind 
 ones, both Hated by T)ionyfius Halicamaf- 
 fenfis ; yet not much differing in time 
 from each other : For one of them was 
 
 about
 
 and'Komzn Antiqti'nit:s^ &c. 337 
 
 about the time of T)encalion^ who expel- 
 led them out of JEmonia^ ( twelve genera- 
 tions after their firlt fettlement in Telo- 
 fonnefus,) whence mod of them went to- 
 wards the well fide of Greece^ about The- 
 fprotis and Tiodonaa : Whence they were 
 advis'd by the oracle to remove into Italy^ 
 then call'd Sattirnia. The other was from 
 Arcadia^ under the conduct of Oenotrtis, 
 Now the times of TDeucalion and of Oeno- 
 trus are pretty well known (about the year 
 of the world 2476,) and are not very far 
 from each other. But thefe being mucH 
 later than thofe early difperfions which my 
 defign is concern'd in, I will purfue no fur- 
 ther, being content to have attempted fome 
 account of the darker time when the Tyr-- 
 fenian colony w^s fent out of Lydia into 
 Italy, 
 
 . Before I conclude this chapter concern- 
 ing the Tyrfenian plantation, I (liall add a 
 itV7 notes. 
 
 1. Concerning the father of Tyrfems^ 
 whofe name was Atys. 
 
 2. Concerning the father of his mother^ 
 who was brother-in-law to Atys : And his 
 name in T)ionyfius HalicarnaJ[fe?ifa was 
 Choraus. 
 
 % 3, Concern-'
 
 3 5 S ConneB'ion of the Greek 
 
 3. Concerning his brother Lydus, And 
 I conceive that each of thefe notes will 
 give fome degree of light and ftrength to 
 the antiquity of this colony : Tho' I don't 
 pretend that they will give fuch a precife 
 determination of its time as I have before 
 proposed as probable. 
 
 I. I obferve that Virgil owns that Atys'"^ 
 name had pafs'd into 'Phrygia, bordering 
 on Lydia^ before the fall of Troy^ becaufe 
 he names a Trojan youth that had the ho- 
 nour of being a companion to Afcantus^ 
 by the name Atys^ and tells us that a fa- 
 mily of the greateil antiquity in Rome^ cal- 
 led Atyh was defcended from him ; and 
 the criticks inform us that the mother of 
 AugTijius C/efar v/as of that family. See 
 /Eneid s- /• 568. with the commentators on 
 
 it. 
 
 1. Chorum is by Dionyfius HaUcarnafi 
 p.njis ovv^n'd to be the father of the wife of 
 Atys, and therefore molt probably muft be 
 of the fame generation with Qotysy the fa- 
 ther of Aty5\ and confequently this Cho^ 
 rcetis might come with Cotys under his fa- 
 ther Manes (or Menes) at the time of his 
 firit fettling a colony or kingdom in this 
 country, then calling it Maonia. 
 
 For
 
 and Roman AnttqiiiUeSy ccc. 339 
 
 • For this reafon I take Chcr^us to be an 
 HoritCy who were one branch of the Ca- 
 fiaanites that were difpers'd into other 
 countries different from Canaan, as is in- 
 timated Gen. X. 18. And I take his name 
 in the Canaanttes language to be Hor't, as 
 our Englijh tranflation exprelTes it ; but 
 Chori or Xccp*, as the Septuagint exprefles 
 it, Gen. xxxvi. 22. Where we have, in the 
 line of Sehir^ the Horite^ one Hori men- 
 tioned as the fon of Lotan, and confequent- 
 ly the grandchild of Scir the Horitey na- 
 med in remembrance of an elder Hori^ 
 from whom ly^/r himfelf and his pofterity 
 were call'd Horites, 
 
 . I can't believe that this fon of Lotan is 
 the man whom TJion. Halicarnajjenjis calls 
 Choneusy becaufe he is too late, and others 
 of the family of Horites might take up 
 that name as well as he : But I think it 
 very credible that many Horites and other 
 families of the Canaanites went into Egypt 
 under their great uncle Mizraim or Menes^ 
 to make up the firfl: colony there ; and alfo 
 that one or more of them might go with 
 him when he went out of Egypt, then fuf- 
 ficiently Itor'd with planters, to plant co- 
 lonies in other countries ; and particularly 
 in that which later times call'd Lydia. hud 
 
 Z' X I likW
 
 ^4^ ConnCiiion of the Greek 
 
 I like very well what the learned Bochart 
 fuggells in his firft chapter of his Canaan^ 
 that from thefe Horites was deriv'd the 
 name of that city in Egypt^ which the Sep- 
 tuagtut calls Heroon-polis in Gen. xlvi. x8. 
 becaufe I firmJy believe that the eallern 
 name Chorim is the true original of the 
 Greek name Heroes^ as Bochart intimates. 
 
 3. Concerning Lydus, it will be requi- 
 {{{Q to flievv that he is no feign'd king, as 
 Bochart hath ventur'd to call both him and 
 his anceltor Mcgji or Menes \ only to put 
 in their places fome eallern etymologies 
 relating to the winding of Meander, from 
 which he would derive both the name of 
 Md^onta and Lydia. But it's in vain to 
 contradift the tellimony of credible hifto- 
 rians concerning the'reign of kings, which 
 is m.atter of fad, unlefs he could prove his 
 negative by more pregnant evidence thnn 
 a conjedure that thofe names might well 
 be deduc'd from eallern w^ords, importing 
 the crooked windings of a river in the 
 country where thofe kings are affirm'd to 
 have reign'd, by Herodotus^ 'Dion, Halicar-- 
 naffenfis^ and by Xanthus Lyd'ius^ born and 
 bred there, and fomewhat elder than He- 
 rodotTfs. For we have in T>tonyfius Halt- 
 carnajjenjis a fragment of Xanthus, that ex- 
 
 prelly
 
 and Roman Antiqntue'^^ Sec, 3 4 1 
 
 prefly names king Lydns the fon of yfyj-, 
 and owns the Lydi nam'd from him. 
 
 And the being of this Lydus among the 
 iflue of Mizraim or Meon is yet the more 
 credible, becaufe Mofes himfelf, GV;/.x. 13, 
 mentions Ludlm among the ifTue of Miz- 
 ratra-^ and this is done alfo i Chrcn. i. ir. 
 and therefore Lud or Lydus may well be 
 the name, not only of a fon imimediately 
 begotten by Mizraim^ but alfo of a great 
 grandchild, in which place this Lydus Hands 
 in the line of Meon or Menes^ which is a 
 title given in heathen writers to Alizraim^ 
 becaufe he was a great founder of habita- 
 tions or colonies, as I have elfewhere fliewn. 
 Neither doth this contradift what the learn- 
 ed Bochart hath labour 'd to prove, that 
 there were Ludlm in the more fouthcra 
 parts o{ Africa^ Thaleg^ Lib. 4. c.xG. For 
 Mizraim might place fome of his ilFue un- 
 der the name of Ludbn in JEthiopa\ and 
 fome alfo of the fame name in Jfia Mi- 
 nor. 
 
 Let me add alfo this caution concerning 
 what I faid before about the time of the 
 two colonies of Telafgt into Italy^ that it 
 was much later than the time of the Tyr- 
 fenzs coming thither. I would not be un- 
 derftood thereby to affirm that no colonies. 
 
 Z 3 of
 
 ^^1 Conneciion of the Greek 
 
 of Telafgi came fooner into Italy ; altho' 
 I know th^i Tau/anias doth exprefly fay, 
 that no colonies, either from Greece or 
 from barbarous people were elder than 
 that of Oenotrus from Arcadia into Tuf- 
 cany J in his Arcadics^ p. 238. 
 
 For I confefs I agree not with him in this 
 opinion. I will not oppofe to him what 
 we learn from Mofes concerning thofe el- 
 deil difperfions from Babel^ which were 
 long before the time of Oenotrns ; becaufe 
 he may well be excus'd, being a heathen, 
 from knowing what is no where exaftly 
 recorded but in thofe facred records, which 
 it's hkely he had never feen. Yet methinks 
 he fliould have remember'd what he him- 
 felf had faid a little before, that Lycaon , 
 the father of Oenotrus^ liv'd in the fame 
 time with Cecrops\ kingdom in Athens^ 
 and he might have known that Cecrop 
 brought thither a colony from Sais in E- 
 ^jy//^, which furely mult be an elder colony 
 than that which Oenotrus^ in the age next 
 after him, carry 'd into ' Italy. 
 ' But it is not my bufinefs now to confute 
 TatifamaSj which I would not have done, 
 but that his words, if belie v'd, would over- 
 throw the whole de%n of this chapter. I 
 will therefore only add a quotation that I
 
 and Roman Antiquities^ Sec, 343 
 
 meet with in Straho\ fifth book, page xii, 
 out of Anticlides^ anhillorian, whole time 
 I cannot fix ; but only it's certain that he 
 liv'd before Thitarch and Jthen^ns^ and 
 Strabo too, becaufe thefe quote him as of 
 good authority. He fays there isuere Pclaf- 
 gi dwelling in places about Lemnus andXwi- 
 brus, and that feme of them fair d "withT^x- 
 rhenus the fon of A.iys into Italy. 
 
 Here> befides that we have a farther 
 teftimony of good credit to the reality of 
 this plantation from Lydta ; we have a 
 proof that there were Telafgi about the 
 Ihores of Jlfia the Lefs^ and the fore-nam'd 
 adjacent iflands ; and that fome of them 
 were of the fame age with Tyrrhenus, the 
 fon of Atys^ and join'd with him in the 
 voyage to Italy, Hence it follows alio, 
 that if we have found the time of Tjrrhe- 
 nus, we have a frefli evidence that there 
 were Telafgi, and fome in Italy alfo, long 
 before the time of Ocnotrtts, And thus we 
 fee that thofe eldeit fort of men, whom 
 fome heathens would make us believe tq 
 have fprung out of the earth, are even by 
 heathen hiltorians confefs'd to have come 
 from Afia, agreeably to the divine hiitory 
 pf Mofes. 
 
 % 4 Having
 
 344 Gonneclton of the Greek 
 
 Having thus finiili'd what I have to fay 
 coriCerning the planting of part of Italy by 
 Tyrrbemis from Lydia^ give me leave to 
 mention another colony that came out of 
 the fame country, many centuries after the 
 time of Tyrrhenus, to fettle themfelves in 
 that famous part ♦of Greece the T^eninfula, 
 which is beft known ia the Greek and Ro- 
 ir.an hiilorians by the name of Teloponne- 
 fits : I mean the colony brought out of 
 Lydia by Telops^ from whom that famous 
 name of Teloponnejus is deriv'd. I know 
 that fome authors call both Telops^ and his 
 father Tantalus^ and his fifter Niobe^ Phry- 
 gians : And Strabo owns that a great con- 
 fufion is made in the names of thofe neigh- 
 bouring countries, whofe bounds were not 
 w^ell fix'd. 
 
 But to my purpofe, which was to prove 
 that this part of Greece was peopled from 
 j^fia , it is all one by what name this part 
 of Jfia the Lefs is call'd ; whether Thry- 
 gia or Lydia : For 'tis agreed that "Pelops's 
 father Tantalus w^as a king in Sipylus ; and 
 that TelofSj with his filter Niobe and a 
 great retinue, came from thence into Greece; 
 and that he marry'd Htppodamiay the daugh- 
 ter of Oenomausj king of 2^i/2:, whom he 
 had flain : That he gain'd alfo the country 
 
 about
 
 and Roman Anuqutties^ &c. 345 
 
 ^bout Olympm^ and celebrated games there 
 in honour of Jnptter Olym^iusj who gave 
 oracles there at that time, as Strabo inti- 
 mates : That he marry'd his fifter Niobe 
 to Amphiony who, with his brother Zethus.^ 
 ejefted Laius out of Thebes^ and enlarg'd 
 and waird that town. It is agreed alfo, that 
 he brought a great many inhabitants intq 
 the Teninfulay that's now bell: known a- 
 mong the learned by his name : So T>iodo' 
 rtts exprefly affirms. 
 
 Thidar^ the eldeit writer that mentions 
 him, calls Tifa therefore a colony of Ly- 
 dians. Thneydides affirms that he brought 
 much riches out o{ Afia^ and thereby great- 
 ly endear'd himfelf to the Greeks^ who then 
 were very poor. And he might well be 
 rich, becaufe his father Tantalus was noted 
 for abundance of wealth more tlian he knew 
 how to bear. And he leaving it to his fori 
 *PelopSy he might carry his treafure with 
 him into Greece, altho' he withdrew out of 
 AJia for fear of Ilus. Taufanias exprefly 
 calls him a Lydian, following Ttvdar. And 
 I chufe to follow thefe authors ; akho* I 
 know that many call him a Tbrygian, and 
 fome a T aphlagonian \ yet all agree that he 
 W^s an Afiattc ; and the kingdom ol Lydia^ 
 
 when
 
 34<^ ConneEiion of the Greek 
 
 when it flourifh'd, might take in much of 
 Thrygia and Tafhlagonta alfo. 
 
 Certain it is, that his colony out of AJia 
 made a great change in the affairs of Greece, 
 "D'todorus afTures us that he was a man of 
 much prudoiice and valour. And Thttarch^ 
 in his Tbefeusj fays, that by reafon of his 
 great riches, and the multitude of his chil- 
 dren, he over-weigh*d the little kings of 
 Teloponnefus^ and marry 'd his daughters 
 into the greatefl families, and got his fons 
 to be princes in their cities. His fon A- 
 treus, after the death of Euryftheus, was 
 king of Mycena^ befides the dominion he 
 had in Tifa and Olymfia ; and fo he pre- 
 vail'd over the family of Terfeus^ which 
 had reign'd there long. His grand-daughter 
 Akumena was the mother of Hercules ; 
 and fo all the power that Hercules gain'd 
 devolved into his family. His grandfon A- 
 gamemnon was general of all the forces of 
 Greece againft Troy, 
 
 There is a ftrange pafTage in Taufaniasj 
 his firft Eliac^ p. i6o. That the priefis or 
 frophets affirm d to the Greeks when the 
 war againft Troy grew long or tedious to 
 them^ that Ilium would not be taken until 
 they qarry'd thither the arrows <?/ Hercules,
 
 and Roman Anttqu'ittes^ &c. 3 47 
 
 and the jhoiilder-blade of Pelops , which 
 therefore "uvere accordingly fent thither. I 
 would not mention this, but that I think it 
 proves that the Greeks had a great honour 
 for even the reHcks of this man, and were 
 likely to be encourag'd by the fight thereof 
 to fight keenly againft Ilium^ to avenge 
 Telops's, quarrel againlt that city, which 
 bore the name of Iks^ who had driven 
 him out of Jljia. Taitfanias hath many 
 other things to the honour of Tebp in 
 many places, which the reader may con- 
 fult at his leifure. 
 
 I chufe to conclude this difcourfe with a 
 pafl^age in Herodotus\ Tolyrnnia., where he 
 reports fom.e fpeeches of Xerxes when he 
 was confulting- about the invafion he in- 
 tended againit Greece. He reports that 
 Xerxes faid : // is honcurahle for we to a- 
 venge my fe If on thofemen^ vjho7n Pelops, a 
 Phrygian, and a fervant of my ancefiors^ did 
 fo fubdue, that to this day both the ccttntry 
 and the men in it bear the name of him 
 their conqueror^ being caWd Peloponnefi-- 
 ans. 
 
 Here Xerxes^ or Herodotus in his name, 
 alTures us that Telo^s made fo great a con- 
 queft in Greece^ that it encourag'd Xerxesy 
 
 who
 
 34^ ConneB'ton of the Greek 
 
 who was more powerful, to expeft that he 
 fliould make there a greater conqueft. 
 
 i. He informs us m-\lTelo^s^ a Lyd'tan 
 or Thrygian king was fervant Ci' fubjec^t to 
 his anceftors. This I cannot underiland 
 otherwife than that he accounted the Jjjy- 
 rian kings, into whofe rights or dominions 
 he fucceeded by defcent from Cyrus^ who 
 had conquer'd them, to be his anceltors 
 or forefathers. And indeed it is true, there 
 were fome marriages between the royal fa- 
 milies of the kings of A[j}ria and thofe of 
 the Medes and Ter/ians^ from whom he 
 defcended. And accordingly, in Ezra vi. 
 2x. The king of the Medes and Terjians 
 is call'd the king of JJfyria^ compare verfe 
 14 of that chapter, and it will appear that 
 Cyrusy "Dariusy and Artaxerxes have equal 
 right to this title which Xerxes alfo in He- 
 rodotus feems to claim to himfejf. For it 
 is mod certain that Telofs liv'd above 830 
 years before the time that Xerxes confult- 
 ed to invade Greece^ and that the AJfyrtan 
 empire did indeed then and before that 
 time claim fome dominion over the Lejfer 
 AJia^ from whence Telofs came. But the 
 dominion of the Medes and Ter/ians, as 
 diitinguifli'd from Ajjyrians^ w^as not then 
 known in the Leffer Afia. 
 
 Let
 
 and Roman Anttqmhes^ &c. 3 49 
 
 Let me add one confequence more from, 
 the words of Xerxes^ which were fpoken, 
 as the mod learned Armagh reckons, in the 
 firlt year of his reign, falling in the year of 
 the Jttlian period 4119 
 
 Telops\ inftitution of theolympick 
 games is Hated by Scaltger^ from 
 whom others in this matter differ 
 little, 7. T, 3398 
 
 The difference of time between 
 thefe is 831 
 
 Dedud the diftance between the 
 firil of Nabonajfar and the firft of 
 Xerxes inclufively 263 
 
 The remainder is 568, the years 568 
 between Telops\ olympick games, and the 
 Mra of Ndbonajfar, This demonflrates 
 that Telrfs's, native country was under the 
 Ajfyrian more than 5-20 years before the 
 Mra of Nabonajfar^ begun at the fall of 
 Sardanapalm. 
 
 This I thought fit to note, becaufe it 
 fliews that Herodotus doth here fufEcient* 
 ly intimate that the Aj[[}rian dominion in 
 AJia Minor was above 5-20 years old ; altho' 
 in his Clw he feems to fuggeft that it had 
 flood no longer, when the Medes revolted 
 from, them, which is an opinion contrary 
 to all the antient hiftorians that I know of, 
 
 Tis
 
 250 Connexion of the Greek 
 
 'Tis true indeed that he is the eldefl: hifto- 
 rian that now remains in our hands. But it: 
 is certain that there were elder records in 
 being when he wrote ; and he himfelf ac- 
 knowledges, juft before thofe words, that 
 give fo iliort a time to the Jjjyrian monar^ 
 ehy, that the hiitory of Cyrusj whofe con- 
 quell of the Jjjyr'mns he was beginning to 
 relate, is told by others three other ways, 
 differing from the narrative he was about 
 to give us, wherein he chufes not to follow 
 thofe that made Cyrus's conqueft molt ho- 
 nourable, 1.ifj.v^y Tci TTi^i Kv^ov are his words, 
 which a greater antiquity and largenefs of 
 that empire would do ; but rather thofe 
 which did leflen Cyrus ^ which feems to me 
 to favour of that mahgnity of which P/^- 
 tarc/j hath accus'd him in a whole book. 
 
 My prefent concern is only to defire the 
 reader to obferve, that the antiquity of Te- 
 lop and his fubjeftion to the Ajfyr'tans^ 
 which he here feems to own, is not con- 
 fillent with that diminution of the AJfyr'ian 
 antiquity, which he hath fuggefted in his 
 Clio. Neverthelefs, his confeflion that o- 
 thers before his time or in his days did re- 
 late the hiitory otherwife than he hath done, 
 is of good ufe to prove that thofe hiltorians 
 who differ from him, tho' they wrote fince 
 * his
 
 ctndK.ovci^x\AnUqii'meSy &c. 35-1 
 
 his time, may have elder authors than him^ 
 whom they might fee good reafon to fol- 
 low, altho' he rejefted them. Yea, and 
 now we muft be forc'd to follow the au- 
 thors that allow greater antiquity to the 
 AJfyrian empire than Herodotus doth, that 
 we may fliew there is truth in the words 
 which Herodotus tells us were fpoken by 
 Xerxes concerning Telop and his country- 
 men. 
 
 Agreeably to this fubjeftioa of Lydia to 
 the AJfyrians^ TriamtiSy king of Troy^ is 
 afiirm'd to have own'd himfelf a fubjeft or 
 dependent on the jijfyrim king Teutamus, 
 and to have defir*d and obtained aids from 
 him of loooo men, fent under the conduct 
 of Memnon^ fon of Tithonus^ who was Tri-* 
 amm's brother. This T>iodortis Siculas de- 
 livers, lih, 2. cap, 6. But this I mention 
 only to fhew that the ^Jfyrian dominion 
 did extend even beyond Lydm to Troy^ 
 that Itood more wellward, near the fliores 
 of the Mgean fea, acknowledging that the 
 time of Triamus was about 130 years later 
 than the time oiTelops, Neverthelefs, there 
 is reafon to believe that Triamuss anceflors, 
 particularly Ilus^ were in as much depen- 
 dence on the AJfyrians as Triamus was. 
 
 But
 
 ^ J 2 Come fit on of the Greek, %fc. 
 
 But I miiit not digrefs to enquire furthei' 
 into that matter, therefore I ftiall content 
 my felf with intimating, that T)iodorus doth 
 exprefly mention Troas and Lydia among 
 the countries fubjed to Ninus^ the founder 
 of the JJfyrian monarchy. Wherefore I 
 conclude, that when Xerxes in this fpeech, 
 which we have here confider'd, calls Te- 
 lops the Thrygian or Lyd'ian^ his anceftor's 
 fubjeft, and mentions his own defcent froni 
 Cyrus J the conqueror of the AJfyrian em- 
 pire, he did intend to intimate that Thry- 
 gia or Lydid were part of their dominion,' 
 and confequently defcended t6 him : So 
 that he might well claim and conquer any 
 of their countries, efpecially Telofonjtefus; 
 that was conquered by Telops, And be- 
 caufe Telops's fubjeftion to the Ajfyriati 
 empire was above 5:10 years before the jEra 
 of Nabonajfar^ it is rightly concluded that 
 Herodotus hath not well limited that em- 
 pire to jio years before the fall of Sarda-^ 
 fjapalus. 
 
 TRACT
 
 TRACT VIII. 
 
 /Ippendix de Cahtrh^ addenda dtfomfi^ 
 Uom de Pelafgts. 
 
 CAbirorum nomen celebre eil etiam in. 
 ter Graecos, quanquam vox fit aperte 
 Phoenicia feu Hebrsa. Sumitur autem 
 hoc nomen ambigue, 1"^° pro Diis quibuf- 
 dam Ethnicorum, quorum nomina, & nu- 
 merus, ritulque quibus coluntur, religio 
 juflit celari. Hinc nee ipfe nolter Sancho- 
 niatho eorum nomina cultumve declaravit, 
 fed magnum quiddam fe praeftitiiTe vide- 
 tur putafie, quod feptcm fiUos eos primuni 
 fuifle Sydyci dixerir, & deinde fubjunxerit 
 oftavum eis fuilTe fratrem, quern nominavit 
 Afclepium. 
 
 Ex eodem fuperflitiofo metu fit quod 
 Herodotus qui proxime (inter hidoricos 
 quos habemus) acceffit ad Sanchoniathonis 
 antiquitatem, cum mentionem fecerit, 1. x, 
 c. fi. obfcoenaj imaginis Mercurii, quae 
 primo Arhenis, & inde alibi in Gr<£cia vi- 
 fitur, & colitur: affirmat facram quandam 
 A a rationem
 
 354 Appendix de Cabins, 
 
 rationem illius in myfteriis Samothraciae 
 tradi, eamque fibi, omnibufque initiatis no- 
 tam elTe innuit ; fed fumma cum cautela 
 earn celat. 
 
 Similiter etiam, fed apertius & verbis 
 plane difertis, Paufanias in Bo^oticis, pag. 
 mini 300, ubi narrat de lucu Cabiri^, Ce- 
 reris ac Proferpina^, quo intrare initiatis 
 tantum fas ell, & sede de Cabirorum quae 
 circiter feptem ftadia inde diftabat. Ohmg ^i 
 
 sicriv 01 KciSei^ot fi cttcicI i^iv civrdig J6 t^ f^yjTpt 
 Tcti opidfj.evciy (nct)7rr^y ccyovri vvrtp cuircdv (rvyivco^jLTj, 
 
 " Veniam fibi pofcit quod non enarret 
 *^ quinam effent lii Cabiri, & quae facra 
 ^' iis, & magnse matri peragantur. 
 
 Interim certum eft e plurali numero no- 
 minis Cabirorum non unicum verum De- 
 um, creatorem coeli & terrae, feu primam 
 rerum omnium caufam fub hoc nomine 
 eultum fuifle. Manifeftum etiam eft non 
 omnes ethnicos adeo fideli fuperftitione 
 Gonticuiire de iis, quin ex illis aliquot, ut 
 Sanchoniatho ejufque interpres Pliilo Be- 
 rytiusy prodiderint feptem fuilTe filios Sy- 
 dyci, & infuper Afclepium ex iis fuiife, 
 fub nomine Efmuni, quo verba odavus 
 £gnificatur. 
 
 Quinetiam'
 
 Appendix de Cablris. 3 5 j 
 
 Quinetiam fcholiaftes Apollonii prodidit^ 
 duos primo fuifle Cabiros, Jovem nempe 
 feniorem, & Dionyfum juniorem. Infuper 
 idem tradidit tria nomina Cabirornm e 
 Mnafea : Axieros quae & Ceres, Axioker- 
 fa quae & Proferpina, & Axiokerfos qui 
 & Fluto: Addir etiam ex Dionylidoro i 
 quartuin, qui eft Cafmillus, feu Mercurius. • 
 ' De horum nominum origine Punica vi- ^ 
 deatur Bocharti Canaan, 1. 1. c. ii. Often- [ 
 dit etiam Seldenus in traftatu de Diis Sy- 
 ris, Venerem ab orientalibus dici Cubar ^ 
 quod nomen ex iifdem conftat Uteris radi- 
 calibus cum Cabiris, ideoque idem videtur 
 fignificare. De his nbn eft mei initituti 
 multum difquirere, obiter autem notanda 
 cenfeo paucula. 
 
 1"^° De Mnafea, qui tria nobis horum fug- . 
 geflit nomina, obfervo Voflium in libro de 
 hiftoricis Graecis, tres ejus nominis defcrip- 
 lifTe, quorum unus erat ex urbe Beryto. 
 Sufpicor hunc Berytium eum fuifTe qui tra- 
 didit tria ilia nomina Cabirorum, quoniam 
 obfervavi quod Sanchoniatho notavit Cro- 
 num dedifle urbem Berytum, Cabiris & 
 Neptune , unde probat)ile fit Berytium 
 Mnafeam fua in urbe audivifTe haec nomina 
 Cabirorum, qui illius (ex parte faltem) erant 
 domini. Porro etiam docuit Voflius (in 
 A a X ultima
 
 3 5 <^ Appendix de Cabins . 
 
 ultima editione lib. de Hift. Grsec.) Scalf- 
 gerum tradidilTe quod Mnafeas efl nomea 
 Hebraeum, Manafl^es leviter mutatum. 
 
 2^^° Notandum puto quod Sanchoniatho 
 pofuit Proferpinam & Plutonem inter fo- 
 bolem Croni, non autcm Sydyd (fed hi 
 duo, eoruraqu^ filii iifdem temporibu»ix- 
 erunt ;) unde videtur colligendum alios prae- 
 ter Sydyci filios in Cabirorum numerum^ re- 
 latos elle. Invenimus fciiicet ofto Cabira- 
 rum nomina, fed non tot Sydyci filios, im- 
 mo unicum tantum, eumque natu mini- 
 mum Afclepium, quem author noiler Sy- 
 dyco patri expreffe attribuit. 
 
 Interim fatendum ell Cabirorum Deo- 
 rum, feu Diofcurorum, nomen progrefTu 
 temporis, five per adulationem five per 
 ignorantiam, datum efle plurimis, quibus 
 antiquiora, quae nunc tradamus, tempora 
 nullum jus concefierant ad titulos tarn, au- 
 guitos. Namque alios enumerat Cotta tem- 
 pore polleriores in tertio libro Ciceronis de 
 natura Deorum, alios Strabo libris lo & 
 12, quae fie breviter indicalFe fuflSciat ; quo- 
 niam noD agendum hoc loco de omnibus 
 Diis gentium, eorumque titulis, fed inqui- 
 rendum efl: in tempora facerdotum, feu 
 hominum qui primum iis minittrabant,, & 
 taraen tiiulo hoc divino ornabantur. 
 
 Tranfe-
 
 Appendix de Cabins. 357 
 
 Tranfeamus itaque ad fecnndam fignifi- 
 xrationem harum vocum, Cabiri, Coryban- 
 tes, Diofcuri, Samothraces, Eufeb. p. 36. 
 & notemus quod h^ voces_ponuntur ab 
 Eu<eiiio„ Philonem Byblium tranTcribente 
 tan(|j|a m Syno ny m^, & ej uIHem plane fig- 
 nificationis; nee dicuntur hi Dii, fed Jan- 
 tum filii Sydyci, (quern Semum efle Ch ami 
 ffatrem^aHb X ofle ndimus ; ) qui quoniam pa- 
 ter dicitur Diofcurorum, ideo ipfe intelli- 
 gitur efle Xiig ; ejufque filii hi affirmantur 
 tantum invenifl^e rates, herbarum vires ad 
 curationem morfuum venenatorum, aliaque. / 
 Hinc fequitur Cabiros efie fratres Arphax- 
 adi, natofque in prima genej*anone poft di- 
 luvjum, cui necXXX nee codex Samarita- 
 nus ullam adjecerunt annorum centuriam, 
 qua longius a diluvio fummoveantur, uti 
 fecerunc in generationibus, quae hanc ve- 
 tuftiflimam fequuntur ; fed in hac genera- 
 tione omnes codices confentiunt d-e fumma 
 antiquitate. 
 
 Porro certum eft apud alios auchores, 
 exempli gratia apud Strabonem, Coryban- 
 tes, aut idem fignificare quod Curetes, 
 Idssi, Daftyli & Cabiri, aut exiguis tantum 
 difFerentiis didingui, adeoque faltem cog- 
 natos eos admodum efle tradunt, *' Eadem- 
 '* que facra habere cum Samothracibus, & 
 A a 3 *' Lemniis,
 
 3 5 8 Appendix de Cahr'is. 
 
 '' Lemniis, alliifque compluribus, quod 
 "' iifdem Diis omnes fint famuli, omnefq ue 
 *' enthufiallico furor e corripiuntur, in a r- 
 *' mis faltant^& ar morum, cymbaloru m, 
 *' tympanorum^ ftrepitu , fuocyue^ clamore 
 *' V^^^^^3^!^^^^ Vide Strabonem 
 lib. lo. p. 466, B. C. D. aliifque Idcis ejuf- 
 dem libri ( pr^fertim p. 470, ) cum notis 
 Cafauboni. 
 
 Non opus eft ut adjiciam quae a Paufania, 
 & Suida fuggeruntur his confimilia; quo- 
 niam & major eft authoritas Strabonis ip- 
 fius, & Strabo ea quae dixit antiquiorum 
 dodrinae confona efle comprobavit. Non 
 celabo tamen quod obfervavi apud Paufa- 
 riam in Boeoticis, quod ftatim poftquam 
 dixiffet, fuilTe quondam in ea regione ur- 
 bem, & homines diftos Cabiros, ftatim ad- 
 jicit mentionem Cabiraeorum, nominatque 
 Prometheum, & ejus filium iEtnaeum, iif- 
 que dicit depofitum quoddam (arcanum) 
 commiiTum efle a Cerere. Cabiraeos dicit 
 non Cabiros. Si credamus ipfam Cererem 
 (quae fuit Ifis iEgyptiaca) Prometheo tra- 
 didiffe myfteria, rnanifeftum eric hunc Pro- 
 metheum fuifle muUis fasculis antiquiorem 
 ProHietheo Deucalionis patre, cui nufquam 
 ajflignatur filius /Etnaeus, fed fuiffe ilium 
 antiquiffimumjagh^ qui inter Ti- 
 
 tanas
 
 y^ppendix de Cahtrls. 35-9 
 
 tanas tiumeratur ; quod notavit Scaligcr ad 
 numerum Euiebianum 431. 
 
 Quinetiam Diodorus Siculus Promethe- 
 um antiquiHimum pofuir, Oiiridi & Ilidi 
 cosBvum; &Juvenalis eum Titanem vocat. 
 Sat. 14. 
 
 E Meliore luto finxit prr^cordia Titan, 
 innueiis Prometheum ;c^t' \^oxny Titanem 
 fuilFe. Titanes autem Oiiridi (quern ^^^ 
 Liberum patrem probavir Plutarchus) fu- 
 ifle coaevos Paufanias ex Onomacrito mon- 
 Itrat in Arcadicis. 
 
 Porro eiiam Paufanias in Corinthiacis fa- 
 tis aperte innuit Cabiraeum huiicProme- 
 theumjapheti filium tribus generationibus 
 femorem fuiiTe~iIirs, qui apud Aihenienfes 
 ctuT5;^fei/gi' dicuntur; quod non ell verum de 
 patre Deucalionis, ejufve avo, fed oprime 
 convenit cum iis quae Diodorus, & ex eo 
 Eufebius, tradidit de migratione Ofiridis 
 Ifidifque in Gr^ciam ; quo tempore etiam 
 antiquiflimo Triptolemo tradita eii; ratio 
 coLendorum & ferendorum agrorum. Mi- 
 hi etiam plane incredibile videtur Grsecos 
 agriculturam non novilTe ante Erectliei 
 tempora, & Triptolemum (recentiorcm) 
 illi coaevum, qui centum circiter annos vix- 
 erunt poll Cadmi adventum in vicinam 
 Boeotiam, qui non potuit eos celare rem 
 A a 4 in
 
 ^6o Appendix de Cabins. 
 
 in Phoenice, & iEgypto (iinde venerit) ul- 
 tra quingentos ante annos notiflimam. 
 
 Haec autein eo tantum fine hie a me 
 proferuntur, lit oftendam Cabirorum facra 
 in antiquiffimis temporibus ab Ifide & Ofi- 
 ride in Gr^ciam efle perlata, ipfo Prome- 
 . theoTitane fafto facrorum principe: Quod 
 diferre affirmat Paufanias, confentienteEu- 
 febio Praep. Evang. lib. i. c. i. e Diodoro 
 Siculo. Pauca tantum ejus tranfcribam 
 verba. De Oliride ibi alTerir, *' ilium non 
 " folum patri fuo matrique, fed & Diisaliis 
 ** templa conflruxiiFe, uc & fingulis hono- 
 '* res proprios conftituifTe, & rig iTnfjtiXo- 
 *** fjiiviig 7g^«V. Sacerdotes qui eos curarent 
 *' ex officio " Quae verba compledtuntur 
 CabiraBos, quorum erat celebrare facra de- 
 orum Cabirorum. Eodemque mox capite 
 dicir, " eum poftperagratam Phrygiam per 
 ^' Hellefpontum in Europam trajeciile: Et 
 *' fpeciatim res Macedonias & Atticae pro- 
 '' curafie per Macedonem & Triptole- 
 ^' mum," qui cum fuit Ofiridi coaevus, 
 neceffario longe antiquior fuerit illo, quern 
 Grseci celebrare folent, live Celei fiveRha- 
 ri filio ; mire enim inter fe diflentiunt my- 
 thologi. 
 
 Paufanias (in Atticis p. 13,) autem fug- 
 geffit carmina qua:dam Mufisi, antiquiffimi 
 
 poetae.
 
 Appendix de Cabtris. "^61 
 
 poetae, fuo tempore extitifle; quae cum ex 
 Oceano, & Terra natum elTe dicerenr, hoc 
 ell ex antiquiffimis Diis, quos Sanchoniatho 
 nofler monftravit homines prifcos fuilFe. 
 Ideoque Mufaeum credo propius acceflifTe 
 ad verum tempus primi Triptolemi indi- 
 candum, quam poderiores raythologi. A- 
 pollodorus porro refert, lib. i. c. 5. Phe- 
 recydem confentire cum Mufaeo, nempe 
 agnofcere Triptolemum filium fuilfe Ocea- 
 ni & Terrae, & fie optime conveniet ejus 
 tempus cum tempore Cereris, hoc eit Ifidis 
 & Ofiridis. 
 
 Pherecydi autem huic Syrio eo major 
 fides danda eft, quoniam antiquifiimus eft 
 fcriptor & philofophus ac theologus, vixit- 
 que in tempore Servii Tullii, feu Croeii 
 Lydorum regis ; & praeceptor fuit Pytha- 
 goras, ac Thaletis, ut probat Voftius in 
 libro de hiftoricis Grascis. Loquitur ille 
 cum vulgo,cum Oceano & Terra ortum di- 
 cit Triptolemum ; fed intelligi voluit loqui 
 de antiquifhmis hominibus (qui illis nomi- 
 nibus velabantur in fabulis) & inde fum- 
 mam illi aflferere antiquitatem. 
 
 Sed redeamus ad Paufaniam noftrum qui 
 in Atticis pag. 13. affirmat, " Argivos dif- 
 " putare contra Athenienfes de deorum 
 " muneribus & memoriae traditum efte air, 
 
 " Cererem
 
 ^6i Appendix de Cabiris. 
 
 « Cererem Argos, feu intra Peloponnefum, 
 <' venientem, a Pelafgo hofpitio acceptam 
 *' fuifle/' Hanc Cererem credo (cum Plu- 
 tarcho, Diodoro, Herodoto, aliifque mul- 
 tis) Ifidem fuilTe iEgyptiam ; nee dubium 
 eft quin Argis aeque ac Thebis & alibi do- 
 cuerit ilia religionem fuam, agriculturam 
 forte & aliquid medicinae, unde deriven- 
 tur ab iEgypto hae artes in Peloponnefo 
 pariter ac ceteris Gr^cias partibus, Sed 
 quaero, quis fueric hie Pelafgus Ofiridi con- 
 temporaneus ? Certe non erat ille nepos 
 Phoronei, & filia fua Niobe, & frater Argi 
 ( juxta Acufilaum ; ) vixit enim iile 400 cir- 
 citer annis poft mortem Ilidis & Ofiridis, 
 pofito Oliridem effe Mizraimum, feu Me- 
 nem primum ^^gypti regem, quod verif- 
 fimum elTe reor. 
 
 Colligamus hinc itaque, Pelafgos in ea 
 peninfula fuiffe diu ante Phoronei, & ne- 
 potum illius tempora. Et fane Herodoti 
 diftum quod yEgialenfis regni fubditi erant 
 Pelafgi, bene convenit cum Paufaniae dic^to 
 quod Ceres, feu Ifis, ab aliquo Pelafgo re- 
 cepta fuerit. 
 
 Armachanus nofter (juxta chronologos 
 antiquiflimos) iEgialei initium regnandi po- 
 iuit A. M. 1915-, & probabile eitfparfim ibi 
 vixilTe Pekrgos aliquammultos priufquam 
 
 inceperic
 
 Appendix de Cahtris. 3(^3 
 
 inaeperit monarchia ^Egialei, adeo ut Ifis 
 fua myileria Cabirica Pelafgo tradiderit 
 paulo (circa 40 annos) ante initium ^Egia- 
 lei. Et fane fparfi hujufmodi homines fa- 
 cilius reciperent externum Ofiridis impe* 
 rium, ejulque facra, quam uniti fub noto 
 monarcha. H^c autem bene congruunt 
 cum didis Herodoti afBrmantis, " omnes 
 " Graecos, immo ipfos Samothraces a Pe- 
 " lafgis accepifle orgia, feu mylteria Cabi- 
 •' rica, Euterpe c. 5-1 " 
 
 Reftat jam ut inquiramus, quantum licet 
 in tenebrofiflima hac hilloriae parte, quo- 
 modo ad ipfos ^Egyptios pervenerint Ca^ 
 biri, eorumque initiationes ; idque faciemus 
 duce Sanchoniathone noilro, qui videtur id 
 egiffe ut ^gyptios monitrarec fuam dodri- 
 nam, artes, & religionem a Phoenicibus fuis 
 accepiiTe, fed prifcam religionem Phoenix 
 cum corrupifie. 
 
 Nos autem ipfius hifloriam eatenus tan- 
 tum recipiemus, quatenus cum Mofaica, 
 quae antiquior elt & verior, confiltere earn 
 polle judicamus. Artes & religionum va« 
 rietates ortas efle fcimus ab hominibus di- 
 verfis, a Babylone primo dilperfis ; atque 
 inde igitur ut hominum, feu gentium vari- 
 arum initia fumenda funt, fic etiam ibi 
 
 piima
 
 3 <^4 Appendix de Cabins-. 
 
 prima poft diluvium artium, & religiontlm 
 
 diverfarum fundamenta jada effe videntur. 
 
 Huic fentcntiae convenic quod obferva- 
 tiones coeleftes in Babylone r^pertae funr, 
 cum ea capta eft ab Akxandro Magno an- 
 norum 1903, illud tempus antecedentium. 
 Hie Humerus annorum fubduftus ex anno 
 niundi, quo capta eft ilia urbs juxta com- 
 putum Armachani, deducet nos ad A. M. 
 1771. adeoque ad annum a diluvio finito 
 114. Nefcimus annum quo condita eft 
 Babylon, fed hinc certo fciamus earn non 
 fuifte vefuflam cum primae ibi faftae fue- 
 runt obfervationes coeleftes, & eas fieri non 
 potuifte ftne inftrumentis aliquibus ; ea fieri 
 non poftunt fine aliquali notitia principio- 
 rum arithmeticae & geometriae. 
 
 De religione Babyloniorum ante difper- 
 fionem nihil conftat e reliquiis quas habe- 
 mus hiftoriae rerum tarn antiquarum. Suf- 
 ficiat itaque e didis colligere artium initia 
 potius quaerenda eft in Babylonia, quam in 
 Ai^,gypto, vei in Phoenicia ; in quibus regio- 
 nibus nihil tradidere hilloriae fide dignse 
 paris antiquitatis cum aftronomica Chaldas- 
 orum horum peritia. 
 
 Nihilominus hoc facile concefTerim San- 
 choniathoni noftro Cronum& Ofiridem,i. e, 
 (uti ipfe credo) Chamum & Mizraimum 
 
 ejufque
 
 Appendix de Cah'irh. 36^5: 
 
 €Jufque filios ( poftquam e Chaldaea occi- 
 dentem verfus itinera facercnt ) prius com- 
 moratos fuiife in Phoenicia, quam perve- 
 nerint in ^gyptum. Porro etiam quoni- 
 am ^gypti pars inferior, & foecundiliima, 
 quae Delta Grscis dicitiir, quotannis exun- 
 dationibus Nili obnoxia eft, necefle erat ut 
 per aliquot annos in vicina regione com- 
 morarentur, ut aggeres in locis commodif- 
 funis iEgypti fierent, in quibus urbes sedi- 
 ficarentur, quas tuto inhabitare poffint qui 
 futuri erant coloni, in tempore quo fluvius 
 maximam terrae partem undis fuis obtege- 
 ret. 
 
 In Phoenicia itaque credo Mizraimi pro- 
 geniem cum cognatis fuis e iHrpe Cana- 
 anis aliquandiu habitafle. Patet enim e 
 Sanchoniathone quod ThothMenis, feu Miz- 
 raimi filius diutiflime, fcilicet ad tempus 
 quo millus eit a Crono ut regnura ^gypti 
 capefleret poft m.ortem patris fui (qui fa- 
 men regnafle dicitur ram ab Eratoithene, 
 quam a Manethone per annos 6i) commo- 
 rabatur cum Crono, cui erat \ conciliis &: 
 4 fecretis in PhoeniGia. Nee dubium ell 
 quin communicavit doftrinam cognatis fuis 
 Cabiris', unde vel hoc nomine Phoqnicia 
 prius fibi vindicare poflic hterarum laudem 
 quam ^gyptus. 
 
 Ex
 
 ^66 Appendix de Cabins. 
 
 Ex hac cognatione, & neceffitudine, quag 
 interceffit inter Cabiros & Cronum, ejuf- 
 que nepotem Athothem, nee non € fama 
 doftrinae quam ab illo rcceperint, orta eft 
 magna ilia celebritas, & authoritas, quam hi 
 primi facrorum ethnicorum antiftites tarn 
 fibi acquifiverunt, quam pofteris fuis per 
 multas gentes fparfis, & per multa fecula 
 continuatis, obtinuerunt. Hinc enim habi- 
 ti funt ipfis Diis cognati, chariffimique, 
 fumme infuper periti m religione quam i 
 patribus fuis velut haereditariam accepe- 
 rint ; Hinc demum fulciebantur authorita- 
 te, opibus & armis fummorum principum, 
 qui tam in Aflyria, quam in yEgypto ^ Cro- 
 no defcendentes, jus fummi imperii obtinu- 
 erunt. 
 
 Patet enim ex authore noftro Cronum 
 ethnicae fuperftitionis etiam peffimae parti, 
 quse eft liberorum madatio ad placandos 
 malignos daemonas addiftum fuille, eun- 
 demque fibi affbciafle non folum Sydyci 
 pofteros, hos Cabiros, fed & Pontum, Po- 
 fidonem, Nereum, aliofque, quos ego Ja- 
 pheti pofteros fuifTe arbitror, & alibi id 
 probare conatus fum; e quibus praecipue 
 Pelafgos antiquiftimos Graeciae incolas flux- 
 ifle reor. 
 
 Quinetiam verba Mofis, (juxta vulg. Lat.) 
 Gen. X. J. de Japheti pofteris dida, verif- 
 
 fime
 
 Appendix de Cabins. 3 67 
 
 fime accommodari poffiint Pelafgis. " Ab 
 «' his divifae funt infulse gentium in regio- 
 *^ nibus fuis," quanquam non ad eos iblos 
 reltringenda efTe haec verba exiitimem (mi- 
 itos iis fuiffe Phoenices, & iEgyptios ere- 
 diderim.) Sed redeamus ad Sanchoniachonis 
 dicSa quibus oltencic quam benelicus fue- 
 rit Cronus erga Cabiros, eofque quibus illi 
 erant facerdotes Apud Kulebium Prsep. 
 Evang. pag. 38. linea ultima, legimus illun> 
 dedilTe integram urbem Berytum Cabiris 
 conjunftis cum Pofidone, agricolis & pif- 
 caroribus^ qui illic confecrarunc Ponti reli- 
 quias. Hoc certe non fecilient nifi Pon- 
 tus & Pofidon ejufdem fuilTent religionis 
 cum Cabiris. 
 
 At prae aliis omnibus id plurimum adjtt- 
 vilTe videtur propagationem iiujufce fuper- 
 ilitionis, quod hi Diofcurorum filii admo- 
 dum dediti fuerint navigationi. Nam cum 
 prius dixerat author nolter Cabiros primum 
 invenifle navigium, mox p. 37, D. fubjicit 
 " eorum filios (circa tempus quo Cronus 
 Atlantem fratrem fuum alta terra defoiFum 
 obruilTet) " in tumultuariis quas fecifTent ra- 
 " tibus pelago fe commilifre, at naufragi- 
 " um pafTos, & ejeftos in littore prope 
 " Caflium Montem ibi templum dedicafie."^ 
 Notandum cenfeo hanc primam elFe naviga- 
 
 tionem
 
 368 Appendix de Cah'ir'ts. 
 
 tionem quse occurrit in hiftoria poft diluvi- 
 um. Deinde dubium non eil quinCabiri mul- 
 tos fecum habuerunt comites in hac navali 
 expeditione, cum author exprimat pluraliter 
 t^ilUq K^ TrXoicL. Nee certe templum extrux- 
 ilFent nifi multorum manibus, & ufui plu- 
 rium. Hinc itaque aliqualem coloniam 
 verfus ^Egyptum du6iam fufpicari licet ; at- 
 que ex hoc temple in finibus ^Egypti con- 
 dito facile tranfire pofTit religio Cabirorum 
 in regionem naturaliter deditam fuperllici- 
 onibus. 
 
 Certum eft e Plinio & Strabone CafTmm 
 Montem dillafle a Pelufio circiter 40 milli- 
 aria, & tamen 28 milliaribus propius fuifle 
 Pelufio quam exitus lacus Sirbonidis. An 
 yEgyptiorum efTet Mons Caffius primis 
 hifce temporibus, an potius Horaeorum qui 
 a Cananaeis erant non multum refert ; quan- 
 doquidem nondum erupilTet bellum inter 
 eos, fed amice inter fe tarn in rebus civili- 
 bus, quam religiofis primo vixerinr, adeo- 
 que facile alter populus cum altero fermo- 
 nes habuerit. 
 
 Herodotus docuit Cabiros in ^Egypto 
 receptos t^^^ & templum habuilTe Memphi 
 folis facerdotibus patens, & exiflimavit 
 Cambyfem mentis fu^ non fuiiTe compo- 
 tem, qui prifcam hujus populi religioneni 
 
 ludibrio
 
 Appendix de Cah'trh. ^6^ 
 
 iudibrio haberet. Addatnne quod felicibus 
 admodum aufpiciis videatur hoc templum 
 fundatum efTe, quod (licet fortaffe faepe re- 
 novatum ) in honore lletilTet ultra annos 
 bis millenos; tantum enim temporis efflux- 
 iflet, inter aetatem Croni, quo fundatum 
 eft, & aetatem Plinii, aiiorumque qui ejus 
 mentionem faciunt. Immo vero hiijufce 
 tempii memiiiit Achilles Statius, qui pri- 
 mum ethnicus fuit, fed pottea fadus eft 
 chriftianus & epifcopus Alexandrinus, ut 
 teftatur Suidas ; & in templo Jovis Caffii 
 ipfe pingebatur- extenfa manu tenens Ma- 
 lum Punicum de quo ratio traditur myfti- 
 ca. ' ,'^:r':'> " 
 
 Non inquiram in ethnicum hoc myfteri- 
 um ; fed addam hoc mihi in mentem revo- 
 care, quod Syrorum De us R immon dicitur, 
 quo nomine Malum Punicum lignificatur, 
 Quinetiam memini me apud Paufaniam le- 
 gifle p. 5-9, in ejus Corinthiacis quod " My- 
 " cenis Celebris eft ftacua Junonis, quae al- 
 " tera manu fceptrum tenet, altera vera 
 <« Malum Punicum; cujus fignificationem 
 " religiofo filentio premendam effe dicit." 
 Scilicet hoc eft unum e myfteriis Cabiricis 
 quae nefas eft evulgare. 
 
 Nihilominus Clemens Alexandrinus in 
 
 Protreptico pag. 12, videtur hoc revelaflej^ 
 
 Bb aic
 
 / 
 
 370 Appendix de Cahirh. 
 
 ait enim mulieres qus Thefmophoria cele- 
 brant a Mali Punici granorum efu abftine- 
 te, exiflimantes ex guttis Sanguinis Dionyfi 
 Cquem Ofiridem effe probavit Piutarchus) 
 germinafife Mala Punica : Scilicet rubedo 
 qua velliuntur femina in malo granato in- 
 clufa, facrum ilium refert Oliridis fangui- 
 nem quo fe polluere nefas putant. 
 
 Hsec obiter vifum eft annotare, ut often- 
 darn Cabiros non folum antiquiflimos fuifTe 
 fuperftitionis ethnicae facerdotes, fed etiam 
 ab iis derivari praecipua plurimarum genti- 
 um facra, ut Syriae, iEgypti, Phrygiae, 
 Graeciae, Cypri, aliarum infularum Maris 
 Mediterranei, immo & Hetrufcorum, Ro- 
 manorumque ; quae omnia uon vacat perfe- 
 qui. : : / 
 
 Sufficiat dixifle fub Crono fuifle non 
 iEgyptum folum, fed & totum Aflyriorum 
 imperium, atque adeo ipfam Babylonem, 
 quam fanflus Apocalyptes merito dixit no- 
 minari <* Matrem fornicationum & abomi- 
 nationum terrae/' i. e. Fontem idololatriae. 
 Ex illius imperio fafta eit difperfio humani 
 generis in omnes terras, ideoque non eft 
 mirum fi pleraeque coloniae inde reportave- 
 rint aliquiJ illius religionis, quae fub ejus to- 
 tela & favore floruit. 
 
 Interim
 
 Appeyidlx de Cab'r/is. 371 
 
 Interim fatendum eit mukum mutatiim 
 efle in diverfis gentibus : Immo aliquid in 
 unaquaque fere gente innovatur lingulis 
 plerumque feculis. Hoc enim eil quod 
 Sanchoniatho nofter conqueritur, & culpat 
 etiam in generatione hominum, qui proxi- 
 me fucceflerunt ipfi Crono; dicit enirn in 
 Eufeb. Prsep. Evang. p. 39. Filium Thabi- 
 onis primum inter Phoenices Hierophan- 
 tem in allegorias liiutafle hiiiorias pridem 
 traditas (de Diis intelligo,) & eas mifcuiiTe 
 
 cum quibufdam (pva-iKolg }i Koa-iMKolg TTclSsc-t' 
 
 quibus verbis indicare videfur earn myfte- 
 riorum facrorum interpretationem, qua om- 
 nia ilia referunt ad naturalem ortum, & 
 occafum corporum coeleliium, feu genera- 
 tionem & corruptionem corporum in ter- 
 ra noftra, ut Stoici poftea interpretabantur 
 traditiones theologise ethnicae. Tales etiam 
 expofitiones leguntur apud Plutarchum d-e 
 Ifide, apud Macrobium de fole; fimiles a- 
 pud Phurnutum, Salullium, aliofque. Af- 
 firmat etiam banc doftrin^ prifcae corrup- 
 telam pervenifle ad Ifiridem fratrem rS x^^i 
 qui primus Phoenix dicitur, quique fuerit 
 tTreia-ctx.Togj I. c. ex alia familia aflumptus irt 
 Ph(^nicum focietatem, per aliquod tern- 
 pus. 
 
 B b i i)iligenter
 
 3 7 2. Appendix de Cabins, 
 
 Diligenter fane expendendus eit hie San- 
 
 choniathonis locus, quia diferte afferit multa 
 
 qu^ vix ufpiam alibi occurrunt apud vete- 
 
 res hiitori^os. 
 
 . i"'o, Affirmat Ifiridem efTe fratrem r^ 
 
 ^ x^^-j i e. Canaanis primi Phoenicis ; nee 
 
 poiTum minus bine colligere, quam quod 
 
 hie* Klris idem fit cum eo quern Plutar- 
 
 chus aliirm.at Hyfiridem dici apud Hella- 
 
 nicum, qui vulgo dicirur Ofiris. Unde O- 
 
 liridem coHigimus eiie Mizraimum, quem 
 
 Mofes ailerit iratrem fuifle Canaanis. Et 
 
 \ hune quidem e facris Uteris novimus efle 
 
 \ patrem Canaana^orura, ilium autem iS^^gyp- 
 
 tiorum, quae fuere magn^ familias primo, 
 
 indeque magnse gentes. 
 
 2.^% Ex eo quod liiridem, atque adeo e- 
 jus familiam fuiHe aliquando £7r«V^;cTov, col- 
 ligo Oiiridem ejufque familiam per aliquod 
 tempus afTumptam fuilTe, in focietatem tam 
 habitationis quam religionis cum hifce Ca- 
 j naanaeis, qui prifcas traditiones corrupifTent, 
 \ atque liinc initium fumptum elFe dilfenfio- 
 num in religione. Nee mirum eit i\ pro- 
 grelTu temporis multum creverint ha?e dif- 
 iidia, & tandem in bella eruperint. 
 
 3'% Hie Thabionis fiiius b Phoenieibus, 
 feu Canaan^is efle dicirur, atque ideo col- 
 ligitur non elle e Sydyci filiis; unde fequi- 
 tur quod quanquam Hierophanta fuit, non 
 
 tamen
 
 /Ippenchx de Cahtris. 373 
 
 tamen fuiL unus Cabirorum. Hi cnim ori-\ 
 ginis fuae privilegio fuperiorem fibi vindi- 
 caruntjocum, & iplis^Diis pi:oginc[uiores 
 habiti funt & iis confanguinei. 
 
 Hinc Sanchoniatho veras origines reli- 
 gionis prifcs fuorum Phcenicum e com- 
 mentariis Cabirorum tradir, eafque prae- 
 fer^t^doftrims ^gyptiorum, quas corruptas 
 eire^oflendk per allegorias, a Thabionis filio 
 Hierophanta, liiridi traditas; innuic porro, 
 etiamTias corruptelas iiLgyptios accepiire ab 
 illo^ioenicio Hierophanta, quern ipfe de- 
 ceptorem efle comperit & detexit. Etiam 
 apud Athenienfes in Eleuilniis fupremus 
 facrorum antiltes ^c^^a-oXq dicebatur, & ta- 
 men adjungebantur fubcrdinati adjutores 
 \'7n^ihY^Tcli quatuor, inter quos ex Eumolpi- 
 dis erat Hierophanres. Memini etiam me 
 apud Clementem Alexandrinum legiiie ti- 
 tulum ' kvcf.'Aic.Ti'Ki^civ^ quos reges iacrorum 
 vocant interpretes ; his certe inferiores e- 
 rant Hierophanta qui tamen magnse dig- 
 nitatis nomine cohoneitantur. Verum de 
 his facris, inter ethnicos, ordinibus, non 
 vacat curioiius difquirere. SuiKcit enini 
 inttituto noftro quod hinc pateat Cabirorum 
 religipnem utcunque miitam allegoriis ab 
 Ifiride, feu Mizraimo Canaanis fratre, in 
 iEgypmin elTe introdudam. 
 '^ B b 3 *^ Nee
 
 374 Appendix de Cahiris. 
 
 Nee mirum erit fi eandem diiTeminave- 
 rit Ofiris, feu Dionyfus ille iEgyptiiis, {)er 
 omnes regiones quas peragravit, novas_de- 
 ducens colonias, & imperiumlimul cum re- 
 ligione fua Itudens ampliare. Illuin autem 
 oitendimus ex Eufebio & Diodoro Siculo 
 pervenifle in Graeciam, ibique comitem ha- 
 buifle Mercurium, qui Grajcis Hermes, 
 i5igyptiis autem Tiioth vel Athothes di- 
 dus eft, qui Cabiros habuit libi Amamien- 
 fes, (ut Sanchoniatho docuit^) quique Ofiri- 
 di vel ea de caufa charus erat, quod Deo- 
 rum facrificia ordinaverit ( Euleb. Praep. 
 p. 46. A.) Intelligo autem ilium non qui- 
 dem facerdotis officio funftum efTe, fed ut 
 magiftratus fub patre fuo Ofiride, curaffe, 
 ut idonei facerdotes quales erant Cabiri 
 fui, eorumque filii, officio fuo ubicunque ve- 
 nerit fungerentur. Id enim fignificant ver- 
 ba 6va-icig 6icov oicird^ciSrou. 
 
 Quoniam autem Ofiris non venit in Grae- 
 ciam colonis vacuam, fed jam ante fparfim 
 habitatam, tempore patris fui qui hue co- 
 lonos traduxerat, & teftatur Strabo Pelaf- 
 gos fuifTe antiquiffimos illius regionis colo- 
 nos, fequitur eos hie ab Ofiride inventos 
 fuifTe, iifque traditas fuiffe agricultural ar- 
 tes ab Ifide feu Cerere ejus uxore, una 
 cum religione quam attulit Cabirica, nam 
 
 fine
 
 Appendix de Cahms. 37 j 
 
 fine religione nulla fubfirtere poteft refpub- 
 lica, nee aliam ille habuit quam Cabiricam 
 allegoricis quibufdam fabulis miltam. 
 
 Torro aliud fuppediravit argumentum 
 Herodotus cum Manethone collatus, quo 
 probetur, & Pelai'gos in Graecia f'uiire ultra 
 ducentos ante Inachum annos, multoque 
 magis ante tempora Pelafgi anLiquilTimi, qui 
 Inachi fuic pronepos, & eofdem Cabiricam 
 religionem Samothracibus attuliffe, & ean- 
 dem poftea primum Athenienfibus, delude 
 reliquis Graeciae populis communicafTe. II- 
 lud autem fumatur ab hiltoria de duabus 
 foeminis facerdotibus Jovi Hammoni, quas 
 Phoenices a Thebis ^Egyptiis rapuerunc, 
 quarum unam Lybybus, alteram Pelafgis 
 in Thiefprotide tunc hahitantibus vendide- 
 runt. Legatur in Herodoti Euterpe i\ cap. 
 5-1 ad 58 inclufive, quam totam periocham 
 alibi a me citatam leftores rogo ut diligen- 
 ter perpendant ; ea vero verba imprimis, 
 quibus indicat eam Graecise partem, quae He- 
 rodoti tempore Thefprotis dicebatur, pri- 
 us Pelafgiam diftam efTe a Pelafgis ibi ha- 
 hitantibus, eo fcilicet tempore quo ibi yen- 
 ditajeft a Phoenicibus.iEgyptia facerdos 
 JoviSv cui ilia in Thebis iEgyptiis antea 
 miniftraflet. Certum enim eii eum Jovem 
 Hammonem fuilTe patrem OfiridiSj cui Oii- 
 B b 4 ris
 
 37^ ^ppe^^'^^ de Cabirh, 
 
 ris templum in Thebis conflruxerat, ut vi- 
 dere licet apud Eufeb. de Praep. Evang. 
 lib. 2. G. I. D. Ubi etiam aperte dicitur 
 Ofiridem efle Dionyfum & Ifin efTe Deme- 
 tram, (quae nomina Graecis erant notiora) 
 eundemque Ofiridem conllituifTe facerdotes 
 Jovi patri fuo. 
 
 Hsec autem fada fiiifle intelligo circa 
 priores regni fui annos ; peregrinationes 
 aurem ipfius ad colonias partim conitituen- 
 das, partim reformandas, aequum eltur pu- 
 temus fadas poll res domi bene llabilitas, 
 non multo ante ukimum vitae fiia} annum, 
 quern in tabulis annexis juxta Armachani 
 nollri rationes determinatum videa-rleftor. 
 Interim meminerit iitam Jovem Hammo- 
 nem non alium efTe quam Ham, quern pa- 
 trem Mizraimi fuifTe tradidit Mofes, quern 
 tamen ut primum e-Diis C^abiris celebrant 
 ethnici> filiumque ejus Didnyfum fetundum 
 inter Cabiros fuiire docuit fcholiaites in A- 
 pollonium ; quanquam neuter horum fit e 
 filiis Sydyci fratris Ham, e quo ot\o tan- 
 dem Cabiros nates fuifle attirmat Sancho- 
 niarho. Plinc in animum meum incidit 
 fufjpicio facerdotes ex ea familianatos ideo 
 prohibuifle CaLirorum Deorum nomina 
 publicari, ut quoicunque libuerit e cogna- 
 fis fibi familiis prifci illius temporis coop- 
 tare
 
 Appendix de Cahms. 377 
 
 tare poiTint in honorem tarn augufli nomi- 
 nis, lit lie Cabirorum Deorum numerus au^ 
 geretur, aut minueretur prout iplis expedire 
 videretur. 
 
 Secundo in lococonferamus raptum hunc 
 facerdotis iEgyptiae e Thebana provincia 
 a Phocnicibus faftum, cum hiltoria Mane- 
 thonis apud Jofephum (is enim folus ex an- 
 tiquisde Phoenicum rebus in ^.gypto fcrip- 
 lit ; ) ut inveltigemus quo tempore Phoenices 
 penetrare poffint in iuperiorern banc iE- 
 g ypti pr ovinciam, qus ab iplbrum fedibus 
 plurimum dillabar. Telratur enim Hero- 
 dotus in Euterpe Thebas illas a mari di- 
 Ikre 6110 ftadia. Invenimus autem nullo 
 tempore intra iUud bellum Phoenicum con- 
 tra^~/Egypfios id "^^^babilijer contingere 
 porui/Te, praeterquam in tempjo^Le^Slatj^_£ri-i 
 mi regis Plioc nicum in .Egypto, qui fecun-f 
 dimwfrmachanum regnare cocpit A. M. 
 1910; & regnavit tantum 19 annos, cfui om^- 
 nes concurrerunt cum tempore ..^^gialei 
 primi regis Sicyoniorum, & defierunt A. M. 
 1939. Is autem e xprefle dicitur tributariam 
 fecifle tarn fupe riorem (qua Theba^J tete- 
 rurvtXguam infer iorem ^gyptu m^ Quod 
 fi inTnitio luijus regis capta & vendita eit 
 haec facerdos, is annus efl tantumi quintus 
 
 ab
 
 278 Appendix de Cabiris. 
 
 ab initio ^gialei, qui coepit regnare A. M. 
 
 Ex his colligamus Pelafgos in illaGraeciae 
 parte habitafle, eique nomen fecifle Pelaf- 
 giae, & non folum emifle iacerdotem JE- 
 gyptiam (quod vix feciflent nifi illorum re- 
 ligio iis placuiflet) fed & ei obediilTe tan- 
 quam ferenti ^mv ^Trctyyixxij^iyov (ut Hero- 
 dotus loquitur ; ) quod certe non feciflent 
 nifi populus ibi fuiflet, & numerofus & fa- 
 tis locuples, quique fixas ibi fedes & ali- 
 quandiuTiabuiflet , & ibi manere conflitu- 
 iffer. Haec eft origo Dodj)n^^empli ora- 
 culique, quod totius Grseciae vetuttiffimum 
 & oraculo in Thebis ^gyptiis admodum 
 fimile, judicio Herodoti, qui utrumque vi- 
 fiflet. 
 
 Hinc autem non folum probatur Pelafgos 
 in Graecia ante Inachi tempora fuifle ultra 
 annos ducentos, is enim regnare coepit 
 A. M.^xi48; verum etiam, quod praecipue 
 fufcepimus, oftenfum eft Pelafgos in prifcis 
 illis temporibus religionem Cabiricam rece- 
 pifle, fed nefcio an^^variatam allegoriis"lE- 
 gyptiacis^ Nefcio etiam an e Cabiroruoi 
 familia fuerit hsec facerdos iEgyptiaca Pe- 
 lafgk vendita ; cenfeo tamen probabile efle, 
 etiam foeminas illius familiae in eorum fa- 
 
 cris
 
 Appendix de Cahtrh. 3 7p 
 
 cris locum habuifle, quoniam memini me 
 legiffe in Strabonis lib. 10. pag. 471, de tri- 
 bus nymphis Cabiridibus, & de Cabira Pro- 
 tei filia. 
 
 Porro quoniam Sanchoniatho inter ali^ 
 no mina C abirorum Samothraces pofuit, & 
 Herodotus ilHrmac eos a Pelafgis recepif- 
 fe Cabirorum orgia; probabile eit primos 
 homines qui ex Alia in Europae proximam 
 regionem Graeciam colonias deduxerunt, 
 tranfeuntes per mare juxta Hellefpontum, 
 reliquifTe partem aliquam fuorum comitum 
 in Samothracia, & infulis ei vicinis ab iis 
 habitandis, una cum facerdotibus in Cabi- 
 rica religione educatis, reliquos autem in 
 continentem progreflbs fe difperfifle per 
 Macedoniam, Boeotiam, caeterafque Grae- 
 ciae regiones; inter quas Thelprotis, de qua 
 nunc agitur, continetur, immo & Celebris 
 nunc peninfula, Peloponnefus, cujus pars 
 ab Ilthmo non multum remota elt cSicyo- 
 nia. 
 
 Certum eft primos hos Grasciae colooos 
 & ex Afia venifTe, & poftquam in Graecia, 
 infulifque ei adjacentibus habitarint, Pelai- 
 gos effe primum didos. Non mukum re- 
 fert unde nomen hoc fortiti lint, nee qua 
 via ab una Grsciae regione in aliam tran- 
 fierint, una cum religione fuaa & facerdoti- 
 bus,
 
 ^ 80 Appeyidix de Cabins, 
 
 bus, quos fub Crono, vel Ofiride recepif- 
 fent, quandoquidem conitat hoc modo tarn 
 Pelafgos ipfos , quam eorum religionem 
 per totam Graeciam & Italiam diireminari 
 potuifle. 
 
 Nee dubitari poteft quin haec religio, quo- 
 niam nuUo fcripto canone tradebatur, va- 
 rias gradatim fubire potuit alterationes, in 
 diverfis temporibus feu feculis, & in di- 
 yerfis civitatibus, non uni fummo imperio 
 fubditis. Quinetiam haec reipfa fic evenif- 
 fe, abunde conllat ex lis quae nobis reflant 
 hiltoriis. 
 
 Reilat ultimo in loco nomen Coryban- 
 tum, quod tanquam fynonymum Cabiris 
 pofuit Sanchoniaeho, diligentius quam alibi 
 viderim explicandum ; quoniam hoc nomen 
 mihi videtur innuere & otiicia & jura pe- 
 culiaria, in quibus fundatur omnis honos 
 horum antiquiilimorum facerdotum apud 
 ethnicQS. 
 
 Primum privilegium quo honorabantur 
 erar, quod iis folis licebat appropinquare ad 
 Deos illos, magnos fcilicet, nemini enim 
 praeter eos fas erant ingredi in Cabiria tem- 
 pla. Sic tellantur Herodotus lib. 3. c. $j. 
 & Paufanias, aliique. Etiam initiati in eo- 
 rum mylteriis (quanquam licebat iis ingredi 
 lucum fepcem Itadia a templo diftantern, 
 
 Paufan.
 
 Appendix de Cah'ms. 381 
 
 Paufan. Boeotic. pag, 300, ) non permilTi 
 funt ingredi ipfum templum. Hinc obiter 
 fortaffe colligi poflu ratio, quare lex Mo- 
 faica prohibeat lucum prope fuum altare, 
 Deur. xvi. xi. & jullit ethnicorum lucos 
 incendi, Exod. xxxiv. 13. Deut. xii. 3. nem- 
 pe ut tolierentur initiationum tarn privilegia 
 quam turpis ufus iftorum lucorum. 
 
 Secundum eorum privilegium erat, quod 
 hi Corybantes foli poflint alios propius ad 
 Deos fuos adducere, per ritus omnes initi- 
 ationis, lultrationes , facrificia, &c. ab iis 
 rite perafta. Sic Plato innuit in Euthyde- 
 mo, Corybantes folere initiandos in thro- 
 no collocare, circa eos faltare, & tandem 
 ad TiMrriv perducere. Suidas in verbo 'Ettott* 
 Tou affirmat eos qui myfteria accipiebant 
 primo anno fieri myitas, fecundo demum 
 fieri epoptas feu ephoros. Sic etiam Har- 
 pocration. 
 
 Utraque haec Corybantum, feu Cabiro- 
 rum facerdotum privilegia mihi videntur 
 in ipfo eorum nomine indicari. Credo 
 enim hoc nomen Corybantum, ut & rem 
 ipfam nempe facerdotium hoc Cabiricum 
 ab oriente derivatum effe, . nempe a verbo 
 :inp Charab, quod in omnibus Unguis ori- 
 entalibus , mihi notis , fignificat appropin- , 
 quare, & faepe quidem ad Deum praefer^^ 
 
 tim
 
 382 Appendix de Cabiris. 
 
 tim in facrificiis ; qu^e omniaj ut & alia do- 
 naria Deo oblata pro Ara dida funt t^^'^yy^ 
 ehorbanoth, ut dofte admodum & perfpi- 
 cue probavit in aureo fuo de facrificiis, 
 clariflimus Outramus, lib. i. cap. 8. Immo 
 ipfe fanftus Evangelifta Marcus, cap. vii. 
 3^.11. Corban interpretatur donum, Deo 
 fcilicet oblatum ab appropinquante ad oftium 
 feu tabernaculi, feu templi fui. Atque hinc 
 exiftimo eos qui propius accedebant ad 
 aram, aut ingrediebantur in templa fiftiti- 
 orum Deorum ad ofFerenda iis dona Cory- 
 bantes didos fuiffe, primo quidem in ori- 
 ente ubi & verbuni :i1p frequens eft, & 
 ubi primo conilitutum eft hoc facerdoti- 
 um. 
 
 Ipfe textus facer Num. viii. 9. cum jubetur 
 Mofes offerre Deo Levitas, utitur hoc ver- 
 bo in Hiphil, Hierabta. Immo ipfe Deus 
 cum loquitur de facerdotibus fuis jam con- 
 ftitutis. Lev. x. 3. SanBificabor in iisj qui 
 approfinquant mihi^ utitur verbo ^^^I'lp 
 Cherubai , quod ab hac radice formatur. 
 Quinetiam ab eodem verbo in Pfal. cxlviii. 
 14. Topulus Ifraelitictis cui licebat propi- 
 us ad Deum in templo fuo accedere quam 
 reliquis gentibus, vocatur ab illo pofulus 
 fibi propinquusy verbo ab eadem radice ger- 
 minante. 
 
 Atque
 
 Appendix de Cah'tr'is. 383 
 
 Atque haec quidem videntur fatis gene- 
 raliter explicate Corybantum nomen & of- 
 ficium, in quibus conveniebant cum facer- 
 dotibus veri Dei; quinetiam hinc parem 
 apud ethnicos confecuti funt honorem cum 
 eo qui longe juftius datus eft -i Judaeis fa- 
 csrdotibus Aaronicis, ex Dei praefcripto 
 conftitutis. Hinc Paufanias Heliac. 6, pro- 
 
 pe finem, Ko^JSctvTO^ iTrlaXr^G'ig ^ctTPcLTTrig y 
 
 fcilicet quali in honore, & quam propinqui 
 regibus erant fatrapae, tali in honore, & 
 tarn propinqui Diib exiltimabantur Cory- 
 bantes. 
 
 Hinc enim faftum eft ut omnes eorum 
 facris initiati credebantur & fanftiores fieri, 
 & in quibufcunque periculis praefentiflimos 
 habere Deos, praecipue autem a naufragio 
 efle prorfus immunes. Hinc etiam ut no- 
 tavit doftifljmus Bochartus, Jafon, Orphe- 
 us, Hercules, Caftor, Agamemnon, Ulyf- 
 fes, & heroum plerique, fed & Philippus 
 Alexandri pater, & (addo etiam a Macro- 
 bio, lib. 3. cap. 4.) Tarquinius Prifcus Sa- 
 mothraciae facris funt initiati. Addo etiam 
 & Romanos aetatum multo feriorum quam 
 fuit ilia Tarquinii Prifci, facris hifce fimili- 
 bus imbutos fuilTe ; quodque innuit Cicero 
 in libro fecundo de legibus, feipfum, & 
 Atticum initiates fuifle ; ubi hoc etiam ad- 
 
 jicit.
 
 584 Appendix cle Cabtrn. 
 
 jicit, " Nihil melius Athenas in vita homi- 
 " num attuliiTe illis myiieriis, quibus, ex 
 " agrefti immanique vita exculti ad huma- 
 « nitatem & mitigati fumus," & mox fub- 
 jicit quod " in iis initiis non iolum cum 
 *' laetitia vivendi rationem accepimus, led 
 «' etiam cum fpe meliore moriendi," icilicet 
 etiam poft mortem le beatiores fore fpera- 
 bant initiati ; quibus opponendum eit illud 
 Diogenis diclum quod coniervavit nobis 
 Plutarchus in libro de audiendis poetis* 
 " An Patascioni furi, quod initiatus fuerit^ 
 *' fors erit melior quam Epaminondse poft 
 « mortem \ " Quippe etiam ille ethnicus 
 vidit nihil magni fperandura elle ex Opere 
 Operato facrarum ceremoniarum^ nifi vera 
 infit juftitia initiate. 
 
 Sufficiat haec obiter dixilFe de initiatio- 
 nibus horum Corybantum feu facerdotum 
 Cabirorum. Progrediamur nunc ad pauca 
 quaedam delibanda de eorum facriiiciis, ex 
 antiquiffimis hilloricis Herodoto nempe & 
 Sanchoniathone. 
 
 Herodotus in Euterpe docuit *' Pelafgos 
 *^ Cabirica facra in Samothraciam inculif- 
 " fe," unde coUigimus eos Cabirorum ritus 
 fecutos eiTe ; quod abunde conjfirmatur, ex 
 iis votis quae Pelafgos fecilfe memorat Dio- 
 nyfms HalicarnalTenlis, lib. primo, ubi nar- 
 
 rat
 
 Appeyidix de Cabins. 385 
 
 rat, " eos una aetate ante bellum Trojanum 
 " in Italia laborafTe Iterilitate, aliifque ma- 
 " lis graviffimis afflictos, vovifle Jovi, A- 
 " pollini, & Cabiris rerum fuarum onani- 
 " urn decimas; & perfolvilTe quidem iis 
 " decimam frugum, ac pecorum, non au- 
 " tern hominum, quorum tamen decimam 
 " ab iis folvendam effe declaravit oracu- 
 *' lum; idque diu praelliterunt, donee inde 
 *' tumukus ac feditiones, tandemque dif- 
 " peiTiones in plurimas gentes fequeren- 
 " tur." Quapropter dubitari non potcil 
 quin antiqui Pelafgi iacris Cabiricis fuerinr 
 addiftiflimi : Tuto igitur ex antiquiffimo- 
 rum Pelafgorum facris apud Herodotum 
 defcriptis Cabiricam difcamus religionem. 
 Ille itaque, lib. i. c. ^x. fie pronuntiat. 
 
 fiigena ojferunt Jacrificia^ i. e. res quaflibec 
 fine difcrimine, inanimata ac animata, homi« 
 nes ac beltias, eas quas alii exiftimant im- 
 mundas (etiam feras) pariter ac mundas ; 
 atque fie fe profitetur audivifie apud Dodo- 
 naios. 
 
 2. 'D'tis quos venerabantur^ nee notnen de- 
 derunt, nee eognomen^ quippe nomina ne 
 audiviflTent quidem, donee Deorum quae- 
 dam nomina ex yEgypto (ait Herodotus) 
 afFerebantur ; de quibus aliquanto poll con- 
 C c fulebant
 
 38^ •^'^ppenchx de Cahtris. 
 
 fulebant oraculum in Dodona, an licerct 
 iis uti, & refponfum elt licere iis uti. Non 
 dixit quo tempore ex ^gypto hue perve- 
 nerunt Deorum nomina, fed mihi proba- 
 bile videtur hoc evenifie circa, aut paufo' 
 poll, expulfionem Phoenicum ex ea terra 
 (qu^ probabile e(l eos fere omnes natos fu- 
 iffe, unde iEgyptii elFe putantur a Grscis ; ) 
 quam ipforum parentes Phocnices ingrefli 
 funt ante annos circiter trecentos. 
 
 Incidit haec expulfio circa A. M. 2T79> 
 & expulforum aliqui quietiores fedes quae- 
 rere poffint in Graccia, circa Thebas aut 
 Athenas, per naves Phoenicias ; atque adeo 
 poterant, ut erant ethnici, inde afferre R.- 
 gyptiaca Deorum nomina. Et hoc tempus 
 convenit cum tempore Ogygis, cui annos 
 3x tribuit Cedrenus ante diluvium Ogy- 
 gianum ; quod ab Armachano ex author!- 
 rate veterum chronologorum collocatur ad 
 A. M. xio8. Certe ejus nomen eft plane 
 Phocnicium, Og, duplicata ultima litera 
 radical!, quod a Phoenicibus frequentiffime 
 fieri folet. 
 
 Ignofcatur etiam mihi fi fufpicor circa 
 idem tempus iEgyptium Herculem, appu- 
 lifTe ad Delphos, propius ad Dodonam; 
 quern aperte diftinguit Paufanias in Pho- 
 cicis, pag. mihi 3x5^, ab Hercule Amphy- 
 
 tryoniade,
 
 Appendix de Cahifh. 387 
 
 tryoniade, & priorem eo fuilTe affirmat. 
 Hunc iEgyptium fe mitius traftaffb innuit 
 ibi Xenoclea prophetifla, quam fecit ille 
 Tirynthius qui rapuit fibi Tripodem, at- 
 que auferre voluilTet nil! prophetifla re- 
 fpondifTet ejus quaefitis, quod primo face- 
 re noluit. Nam multa funt quae mihi fua- 
 dent Affim ultimum Phoenicum regem fig- 
 nificare fortem ilium Herculem qui origine 
 Phoenicius erat ; fed fortaHe natus in SL- 
 gypto ubi etiam regnabat 49 annos, unde 
 merito diceretur yEgyptius etiam. Sed his 
 non licet hie immorari. 
 
 Revifenda funt hasc Herodoti difta de 
 Cabins Pclafgorum ; partim ut ea compare- 
 mus cum aliorum diftis de iifdem, aut de 
 aliis ethnicorum facerdotibus, qui eos imi- 
 tati funt ; partim ut judicemus quantum 
 illi recelTerint \ veri Dei cultu regulari. 
 
 Notandum itaque efl primo, quod mos 
 eorum quilibet pro lubitu ofFerendi Diis 
 fuis, contrarius eft moribus patriarcharum 
 piorum, qui a vero Deo approbati fuerunt, 
 & eum rite coluerunt antequam lex Mofaica 
 data eft, & fcriptis confignatata. Certum 
 enim eft a fcriptis Mofaicis difcrimen in- 
 troduftum efle inter animalia munda & 
 immunda, etiam ante diluvium. Vide Gen. 
 vii. X. quod non videtur aliter refte intel- 
 ligi poile, nifi quod ilia & ad ufus come- 
 
 C c z dendi
 
 3 8 8 Appendix de Cahms, 
 
 dendi communes, & ad facrificia adhiberi 
 poflint, haec autem non accepta fuerint 
 five in ufum communem, five in pium il- 
 ium ufum. Et notum eft quod omnia fa- 
 crificia quae patriarchae poll diluvium Deo 
 obtulerunt, ex iis erant animalibus quae lex 
 Mofaica poltea jufilt offerri. Unde colli- 
 gendum eife videtur, Deum lege fua fcrip- 
 ta poilea fancivifl^e quod populus Ifraeliti- 
 cus mores fequeretur probatos piorum pa- 
 triarcharum ; atque innui videtur quod eth- 
 nici idololatr^e recefljflent a legibus reli- 
 giofi culcus quas Deus illis tradiderat, five 
 per revelationem five per leges a piis patri- 
 tnxhis ex idonea authoritate fua conltitu- 
 tas, quae certe fubditos fuos obligarent. 
 
 Mihi certe perfuafiffimum ell, hoc pri- 
 mum prifcorum Cabirorum peccatum fu- 
 iife, quod legibus monitifque piorum pa- 
 triarcharum Noae, Semi, ac Melchifedeci 
 nollent obedire, fed vel ex fuo arbitrio, 
 vel ex authoritate Hami, (quem Cronum 
 dici arbitror) novos religionis ritus intro- 
 duxerint,rebellionem fchifmati confociantes. 
 Haec erat Aboda Zarah, five cultus extraneus 
 Noachidis interdiftus. Quinetiam in Abra- 
 hamo, patre fidelium, agnofcente Melchi- 
 fedecum, (i. e. Semum ut opinor) tanquam 
 facerdotem fummi Dei, eique decimas per- 
 
 folvente.
 
 Appendix de Cabins, 385^ 
 
 folvente, habemus antiquiffimum fpecimen, 
 & exemplar polt diluvium verse religionis 
 patriarcharis ante infticutionem circumcifi- 
 onis. 
 
 Sed redeamus ad Herodoti verba ^mn 
 Idvov Tct TrclvTd. Duo funt in hujufmodi fa- 
 ftis quse praecipue culpanda funt. i^'"* Quod 
 pluribus Diis, non unico il!i vero Deo la- 
 crificabant. Ipfa naturalis ratio diftare pof- 
 fit lis, unicum effe, & infinite perfectum, 
 quod Deus dici mereatur. 2"^°, Quod fine 
 delecftu quicquid libuerit ofFerebant. 
 
 Ambo haec crimina fimul commilla funt 
 a Crono apud Sancl^oniathonem, in exe- 
 crando illo fcelere, quo fiiium fuum Tifx^- 
 ^o7g AdifA^ocri obtulit. Nec dubico quin hoc 
 Cabirorum confilio & opera perpetratum 
 fuerit ; quippe nullos legimus ante illos a- 
 pud ethnicos ficerdotes, nec credibile eft 
 magnum ilium regem fine minilterio facer- 
 dotum tale facrificium obtulilfe. Praeterea 
 autem exemplum illud quod paulo ante 
 citavimus e Dionyfio Halicarnaifenfi, quo 
 Cabiri decimam omnium liberorum qui eo- 
 dem anno nafcerentur a Pelafgis jufierunt 
 ofFerri, fatis ollendit quam avide fitiant fan- 
 guinem humanum, turn daemones erhnico- 
 rum mali, turn ipforum facerdotes, prsefer- 
 tim in Phoenicia ubi tunc re2:navit Cronus. 
 
 C c 3 Hoc
 
 jpo Appendix de Cab'trts. 
 
 Hoc teftantur eriam facras literae, Deut. 
 xii. 31. Pfal. cvi 38, &c. 
 
 Quinetiam crudele hoc tanti regis ex- 
 emplum plurimas totius terrae regiones in 
 ejufdem fceleris imitationem traxic, & pri- 
 mo quidem iEgyptum, ejus imperio fub- 
 jedam, ubi invaluit talium facrificiorum 
 mos, donee inde expulfi funt Phoenices per 
 Amofin, uti e Manethone narrat Porphy- 
 rius, circa tempus mortis Abraham!, ubi 
 illius regni initium refte collocavit notter 
 Armachanus. At inter Canaanaeos,& Poenos 
 ex illis ortos, inter Pelafgos tarn in Gr^cia 
 quam in Italia, & in «plurimis pra^terea gen- 
 tibus quas hie recenlere non eflet oppor- 
 tunum, ad fccula multo recentiora haec 
 dv6^a}7ro9v(rict perduiavic; uti muhi tellantur 
 hillorici, quos confulat lecftor qui hac de re 
 plura videre cupiat. 
 
 Ego vero unicuin adjiciam fanguinolenti 
 hujufce cultus exemplum, quod non vidi 
 obfervatum efTe ab authoribus qui hac de 
 re fcripferunt ; illud autem mihi occurrit 
 apud Lucianum, qui in fecunda poll Chrifti 
 iiativitatem centuria fcripfit, teftis oLvTiTr- 
 rngy in hbello ^e T)ea Syria^ i. e. ut inter- 
 pretatur Strabo, Atergate^ feu ut aUi Grae- 
 ci Jjiarte, ut hbri facri loquuntur JJhte- 
 rcth. lUe autem in initio illius libri ubi 
 
 templqoi
 
 Appendix de Cahtrh. 391 
 
 templum defcribir, affirmavit ibi, " ingen- 
 *' tcs poni Phallos, & imagines plane re- 
 " fpondentes imaginibus Cabirorum ab He- 
 <« rodoto defcriptis," quia & ipfa Aftarte 
 e Croni filiabus fuit, & Diis Cabiris coseva, 
 multaque funt alia quae mihi fatis videntur 
 evincere illud templum Cabirorum reli- 
 gioni dicatum elTe. In fine autem iltius li- 
 belli defcribic inter alios modos facrifican- 
 di, " parentes quofdam ad templum afFe- 
 " rentes filios, & inde abeuntes." Fateor 
 ilium non apertis verbis dicere quod facer- 
 dotes eos Diis fuis offerebant, fed ex cir- 
 cumitantiis non pofllim non colligere id 
 faftum elTe. 
 
 Perpendat lector ea qua? ibi difla funt, 
 & judicet annon merito colligam quod 
 dixi. Tuerulos non eodcm inquit modo af- 
 feriint, hoc eft non tam aperte, ut beflias, 
 fed pera tllos includiint ; Credo quia non 
 permifflim eft a publica Romanorum au- 
 Xhoritate infantes trucidari. Sed pergit di- 
 C.eus quod ptieris fuis facerdotibm trad'ttis 
 fonviciantur ; ( fic fcilicet folebant ethnici 
 execrari capita facrificiorum piacularium) 
 C^ affirmant eos non ejfe pueros^ fid boves, 
 Quorfum hoc additur mendacium nifi quia 
 v.ellent pueros fuos fub nomine bourn fa- 
 crificari ? Sic fcilicet dattir primogenitus 
 C c 4 pro
 
 3 9 2^ Appendix de Cabms. 
 
 pro feeler e parentis^ & fru^m corporis pro 
 peccato dnim£^ uti loquitur propheta, Mi- 
 cah vi. 7. defcribens facrificium quod Deus 
 abominatur. Conjefluram meam hie pro- 
 pofui ; fuo utatur judicio prudens lec- 
 tor. Satis opinor dixi de cruentis, & in- 
 humanis hifce facriticiis, quae legi naturae 
 aperte repugnant, in quae tamen prolapfi 
 funt antiquiffimi hi facerdotes, quos tamen 
 ethnici fummis honoribus dignos cenfebant. 
 Claudam banc difquiiitionem unico ex- 
 emplo facrificandi ufitati ab his Cabiris, 
 quod repugnavit ritibus tantum antiquo- 
 rum patriarcharum, qui in Mofaicis legibus 
 (fed cum nonnullis additamentis) confer- 
 vari mihi videntur. Certum eft, & a doc- 
 tiflimo Bocharto abunde probatum, Canaan 
 lib. I. c. II. quod Samothraces, feu Cabi- 
 raei facerdotes offerebant canes Hecate in 
 antro Zerynthio. Canem autem nee pa- 
 triarchas ufpiam legimus obtulille, nee Ju- 
 daeos. Illud animal eft carnivorum, nullum 
 autem animal carnivorum eft inter ea quae 
 permifla funt ofterri pro ara Dei. Immo 
 facrificium canis videtur ab Ifaia propheta, 
 cap. Ixvi. ij 3. poni pro exemplo facrifieii 
 quod Deus abominatur [eo ufque ut ne pre- 
 tium quidem canis libi patiatur ofFerri, 
 Deut. xxiii. 18. 
 
 Tranfe-
 
 Appendix de Cahms. 393 
 
 Tranfeamus ad fecundum illud Herodoti 
 di(P-um de Pelafgis, eorumque facerdotibus 
 Cabira^is, quod etiam a Dodonaeis accepit: 
 Eos fcilicee Deos prifcis temporibus coluif- 
 fe fine ullo nomine aut cognomine, cui- 
 quam eoruni proprio, generaliter aiuem eos 
 ^lig dixiffe, quod res omnes bhjig Sx^v >ccV^(m 
 collocarunt, & tenuerunt in ordine decen- 
 te. Hac de re h«c breviter notare vifum 
 eft: 
 
 1. Refte quidem exiftimafle tam Pelaf- 
 gos quam CVibiros, ad divinam naturam 
 perrinere varias rerum clafTes eo ordine 
 difponcre, qui maxime conducat ad perfe- 
 ftionem & ornatum univerfi, quanquam 
 non exiilimem verbum 6s^V a t/^?;^^ deri- 
 vari. 
 
 2. UoMTov -ip^J^og in religione Cabir^orum, 
 omniumque gentilium efle, quod non con- 
 tenti efTent uno Deo quern folum agnofcic 
 ratio, fufficientem efTe caufam omnium ef- 
 feduum quae in univerfo hoc fentiuntur; 
 fed finxerunt line neceffitate 6i8g, i. e. plu- 
 res Deos cultu religiofo honorandos quos 
 ignorabant, quique novi, recentefque vene- 
 runt, quos eorum patres non coluerunt, ut 
 loquitur Mofes, Deut. xxxii. 17. immo quo- 
 rum ne nomina quidem ab iis audiverant, nee 
 ullis certis indiciis duci podint in notitiam 
 
 earum,
 
 394 Appendix de Cahirts, 
 eariim poteflatum, aut provinciarum, quae 
 cuique eflent afllgnanda.\ Hinc Deorum 
 Humerus, eorumque nomina, ac potellates, 
 & quid ab eorum fingulis aut fedum erat, 
 aut fperandum, aut metuendum, quibusde- 
 nique ritibus colendi eflent, aut placandi, 
 tota denique religio horum facerdotum ar- 
 bitrio permittenda erat, & per fidem im- 
 plicium ab iis recipienda, unde poterant 
 illi quodibet in Deorum numerum referre, 
 fuos pragfertim progenitores, & benefafto- 
 res ; immo & genios maleficos, quos etiam 
 colendos efle cenfebant ne nocerent^ juxta 
 exemplum Croni prsecipui ipforum patro- 
 ni, qui filiara fuam T^^co^o'tg ^di^uocriv immo- 
 laba;. 
 
 3. Hinc firmata ell apud eos opinio cae- 
 cum Deorum ignotorum cultum iis efTe 
 gratiffimum, refragante licet ratiope natu- 
 rali, quse eum condemnat ut fuperllitiofum ; 
 atque iiinc publice ereda funt altaria Geo7g 
 dyvc^^oig non Atbcuis tantum, fed & in o- 
 lympiis teite Paufania in Eliacis. Immo 
 teftatur Herodotus loco jamjam citato, Pe- 
 lafgos pollqqam audiviilcnt quaedam Deo- 
 rum nomina ex ^Egypto in Grseciam alia- 
 ta, non prius iis ufos fuillc in facriticando, 
 quam confuluifTent oraculum Dodonaeum, 
 an iis liceret mi necne ; & refponfum ind^ 
 
 tulilFent
 
 Appendix de Cahlris. 395 
 
 tuliflent ut uterentur, eumque morem ab 
 ipfis receperunt Hellenes. Hinc autem 
 merito fufpicamur fecretam quandam con- 
 foederationem interceflifle inter facerdotes 
 iEgyptios & Dodonaeos, ad eandem Cabiri- 
 cam fuperftitionem, per Graeciamt totam, 
 indeque per alias Europse partes, propagan- 
 dam. 
 
 Utcunque certum eft Cabirorum religio- 1 
 nem per maximam terr^ antiquis notas 
 partem difteminatam efte per authoritatem 
 Croni, ejufque filii Mizraim, qui Ofiris q% 
 & Dionyfus antiquiilimus, nee non per 
 nepotis illius Athothis curam, qui & hos 
 Cabiros fcribas habuit , ut teftatur Sancho- 
 niatho, & in ^Egypto regnavit ; Scilicet \. 
 his omnibus & colonias per orbem dimit- 
 tere ^ eafque firmare per religionem fuam 
 praecipua fuit cura, dum terra univerfa baud 
 ita pridem diluvio merfa careret populis 
 & urbibds. 
 
 Hie finis praecipuus erat peregrinationum 
 per totam terram, quas tribuunt antiqui \ 
 Crono, AftartaB & Ofiridi, feu Baccho* 
 Non vacat omnia perfequi, fed ut finem 
 imponam huic difquifitioni ad pauca digi- 
 tum intendam. 
 
 Apud Strabonem occurrit mentio Cabi- 
 rorum in Tonto^ S? in Troade. Apud Pau- 
 
 faniam
 
 39^ Appendix de Cabiris. 
 
 faniam in Atticis, p. 4, dicitur " totam Per- 
 '* gamenorum regionem prifcis tempori- 
 ** bus confecratam elle Cabiris/' Idem in 
 Achaicis, p. 207, dicit '' Ephefi templum 
 *^ fuilTe multo ante tempora quas affignavit 
 " Pindarus, nempe ibi fupplicafTe Amazo- 
 " nes quam fugerent a Dionyfo, qui eft 
 *' Oiiris feu Mizraim." Unde confirmatur 
 hiftoria de Ofiride Lydiam peragrante, 
 quam antea traftavimus. 
 
 Macrobius, 1. 3. c. 4. e CafTio Hemina 
 dicit, " Deos hos Samotiiraces eofdem effe 
 " cum Romanorum Penatibus, eofque JiL- 
 *' neam in Italiam detuliffe." Confentit 
 Dion. HalicarnairenfiS, turn in libro primo 
 ubi de ^Enea agit ; tum in fecundo ubi de 
 Numa ; utrobique autem alTerit, " ea efTe 
 " facra incognita, e Samothracia ; quae nee 
 ** ipfe audet, nee aliis fas eft curiofius fcru- 
 ** tari. 
 
 Denique ex perverfo hoc occukandi re- 
 ligionem ftudio ortus eft mos ille omnia 
 velandi fabulis, quae tarn varie tradebantur 
 diverfis in locis & temporibus, ut quanquam 
 veritatis fcintillae in iis fuerint, ut dicit 
 Plutarchus in libro de Ifide, tamen tantus 
 eam fumus falfitatis obfcuravit ut difficili- 
 mum erat eam confpicere propter admiftum 
 
 quiddam dyv^riKov & iyyvg yo'/ireict^s' Uti in- 
 
 nuit
 
 Appencl'tx de Cabhis, 397 
 
 nuit Strabo, libro dccimo in fine difquifi- 
 tionis fua2 de Curetibus, quibus affines effe 
 dicit Cabiros. Similiter etiam conqueritur 
 Sanchoniatho nolter apud Eufeb. lib. i. 
 Praepar. Evang. p. 39, linea penultima, quod 
 Graeci per allegorias fuas fabulafque g|gi//- 
 ycYia-f^^ Wj' dhrfieicLv fere exfiignartiut vent a- 
 tern hiftoricam de originibus fuag religicnis, 
 quam tamen ille reltituere in fuum locum 
 conatus eft, ex antiquioribus monumentis, 
 juxta fidem hiftoriae defcriptis. 
 
 TRACT
 
 TRACT IX. 
 
 j^ppendicula de legihus qiuhus tenehan^ 
 tur patriarchs y tarn ante quam pojl 
 dihivtumy ufqtie ad tempus quo fo^ 
 lenmter fancitum efl Focdiis Mofai- 
 currh : ^iod leges continet prdeapu-- 
 as qmhus tenehatur Populus Judai-* 
 CHS pojl Exodum ex JEg^pto. 
 
 Q. 
 
 P R iE F A T I O. 
 
 U ON I AM in difquifitione de reli- 
 gione Cabirica, quatti antiquiffimam 
 effeTxiltimamus omnium idololatricarum, 
 fententiam noflram paucis indicavimus, earn 
 fcilicet hoc nomine culpandam efTe quod a 
 religione piorura patriarcharum recederet ; 
 vifum eft in hac appendicular qua traftatum 
 hunc concludemus, paulo uberiorem facere 
 inquiiitionem in naturam, & authoritatem 
 legum patriarchalium, tarn circa res divinas 
 feu religionem, quam circa res humanas feu 
 oeconomiam & politiam, 
 
 Hinc
 
 T)e Legihus Patnarcharmn. 3 5) 9 
 
 Hinc enim cognofcemus, quantum pati- 
 tur tarn remota antiquitas, & monumen- 
 torum quae nobis reliant paucitas, quaenam 
 fuerint illae leges, & qua fuerint authoritate 
 fancitae ac promulgatae, unde elucefcet ea- 
 rum tranfgrellionem /uifTe illicitam feu 
 peccaminofam : Quippe notum eft omne 
 peccatum femper fuiiFe legis idonea autho- 
 ritate fancitae tranfgreflionem : Notum etiam 
 eft idololatriam gentium ChaldaBorum fci- 
 licet & iEgyptiorum lege Mofaica efle an- 
 liquiorem. 
 
 Ex talibns certe legihus judicabat Mofes 
 populum cum eum accedebat Jethro, pri- 
 ufquam data effet lex in Sinai. (Omnino 
 enim cenfeo doftiflimum Elienfem in com- 
 mentariis in Exodum, cap. xviii. 6. reftif- 
 fime judicare adventum Jethronis ad Ma- 
 fem ftatim fuifte poft proelium contra A- 
 malekitas, adeoque antequam lex daretur 
 6 monte Sinai, & tarn confilium Jethronis, 
 quam refponfum Mofis eodem tempore 
 datum efte : Renitentibus licet Judaeis re- 
 centioribus, aliifque doftis chriftianis ) Vi- 
 de Gen. xviii. 19. ubi ftatuta Dei, ejufque 
 leges nominantur ; his fignificatur lex ante 
 Mofem. Hue etiam digitum intendere vi- 
 detur. Deur. xxxii. 7. Nihilominus credo 
 Mofem non ftatim juxta hoc confiUum con- "' 
 
 ftituiffe
 
 40 o De Legihus Fatrtarchamm. 
 
 flituiffe -JO feniores in fuum auxilium : Sed 
 id feciffe poll: acceptam a Deo legem, uti 
 innuitur Deut. i. 9. Ipfe Jethro monuit Mo- 
 fem hoc fine Dei maiidato non elTe facien- 
 dum, Exod. xviii. x3. tale mandatum non 
 legimus dari, nifi pod datam legem, & fcri- 
 bitur, Num. xi. 16. 
 
 Praeterea etiam ex inveftigatione legum 
 patriarchalium manifeftum fiet patriarcha- 
 rum tam pietatem, quam humanitatem me- 
 ritiffime proponi polfe in exemplar, imi- 
 tandum turn a Judseis, qui ipfos propius fe- 
 quebantur, turn 11 gentibus omnibus^ quae, pofl 
 Chriili praecipue tempora, in eandem cum 
 ipfis ecclefiam catholicam fuerint vocandae. 
 Certum enim eft legem Mofaicam non fuiffe 
 patriarchali contrariam, fed earn potius ila- 
 bilire, & circumilantiis populi Judaici ad- 
 huc minorennis, ad tempus accommodari. 
 Nee minus conttabit has patriarcharum le- 
 ges viam tam Judaeis, quam gentibus munire, 
 ad recipiendam fuo tempore lucem evan- 
 gelicam, a Chrifio ejufque apoltolis propo- 
 nendam, quae cum patriarcharum traditio- 
 nibus moribufque per omnia convenit. 
 
 Amplum fane hinc video mihi aperiri 
 campum, quern totum pro meritis excolere 
 non eft meae tenuitatis, multo minus expe- 
 ftare licet hoc me praeftare poffe in hac ap- 
 
 pendicula.
 
 De Legihus Patriarcharum, 401 
 
 pendicula, quam difquifitioni noftrae de Ca- 
 birorum religione vifuni efl anneftere. Suf- 
 ficiat itaque li prima harum legum rudi« 
 menta coner breviter monftrare, & doftio- 
 ribus juris tarn prifci confukis banc tradam 
 lampada luculentius adornandam. His bre- 
 viter praefatis proponemus : i. Definitio- 
 nem, feu defcriptionem aliqualem hujuf- 
 modi legum generalem, eamque explica- 
 bimus. X. Diitributionem dabimus, feu di- 
 vifionem exhibentem earum partes inte- 
 grantes. 
 
 CAP. L 
 
 De defimttone legum patrtarchaltum. 
 
 <« \ EGES patriarchates funt praecepta 
 I J " liberas patriarcharum adiones di- 
 " rigentia ad vitam beatam, feu fummumt 
 " humani generis bonum, ab idonea feu 
 «< fufficiente authoritate data, pr^miis poe- 
 ^ nifque, feu promiflis idoneis & minis 
 *« fancita & munita, & fufficienter promul- 
 " gata.'* Haec paucis explicabimus. 
 
 Patriarchas intelligo tam ante, quam pofl 
 
 diluvium, eorumque leges ad totum huma- 
 
 D d num
 
 40 1 De Legthus Fatrt arch arum. 
 
 num genus pertinere arbitror, ut Judaei de' 
 Noachidarum legibus loqui folenr. Nullse 
 praBter eas leges adeo feliciter confiderant 
 omnes homines tanquam unius Dei fubdi- 
 tos, feu Gives 5 nulla^ tarn indubitatam exhi- 
 bent omnium confanguinitatem , omnes 
 unius, I. Adami; 2. Unius Noachi filios 
 declarando. 
 
 I. Liber arum aBionum nomine comple- 
 ftimur tam primo adus intelleftiis humani 
 veritatem diligenter, pr^fertim de rebus non 
 vifis, inveftigantis, agnofcentis, perpenden- 
 tis, & applicantis ad mores regendos, quam 
 feeundo voluntatis, & afFeftuum in bonis 
 hinc notis perfequendis & compleftendis, 
 necnon in malis fic praecepiis averlandis 
 & fugiendis. Horum utrumque fatis ^- 
 perte indicat apoltolus ad Hebraeos, cap. xi. 
 religionem patriarchalem fidei nomine de- 
 fcribens. Fides autem tam firmum alFen- 
 fum intelleftus quam confenfum volunta- 
 tis efficacem ad bona opera compleftitur, 
 uti oflendemus infra cum de generalibus 
 legibus patriarchalibus differemus : Quip- 
 pe verfu tertio aflerit ea per diligentem 
 veri inveftigationem nos perduci in cogni- 
 tionem, quod primae caufae, hoc eft Dei, 
 viribus mundus eft faftus. Nempe caufam 
 non vifam ex effefto fenfibus note perci- 
 
 pimus I
 
 De Legtbus Fatrtarcharum. 403 
 
 pimus : Ipfumque mundum ita ab eo com- 
 paratum efle obfervamus, ut qui Deo ejus 
 creator! & confervatori hominum coope- 
 rantur, itaque illius favorem quaerunt, cer- 
 tain accipient mercedem, quod exprimitur 
 verfu praecipue fexto. His conlentanee 
 ad ipfius Caini confcientiam provocat Deu§ 
 Gen. iv. 7. Nonne tu accepttis eris J? bene 
 feceris 1 Jin male feceris^ inltat peccati poena, 
 hoc enim fonant verba, fr£ fortbtts ejl ])ec- 
 cattim ex Cubans. 
 
 Confer his ea quae Paulus dilTerit genti- 
 bus Lyftrae, Aft. xiv. 15 ad 18, & Athe- 
 nis, c. xvii. 24 ad 30. nam gentes prima 
 ducendae funt ad religionem patriarchalem, 
 unde degenerarunt, (quae primus eft gradus 
 ad evangelicam ; ) inde itur ad legem & 
 prophetas, qui immediate ducunt ad Chri- 
 llum. 
 
 Quinetiam difcrimen inter aftus humano 
 generi beneficos & e contra nocivos notum 
 efTe omnibus, fatis ibi innuitur : Nempe 
 fatis novimus quinam aftus nobis ipfis & 
 pofteris noftris nocerent, quinam etiam pro- 
 deffent ; & inde limiliter colligamus quinam 
 aliis profint aut noceant, quia nobis alii 
 funt limiles. 
 
 X. Sufficient em author it at em intelligimus, 
 
 vel Dei fummi reftoris notam approbatio- 
 
 D d z nem,
 
 404 Z)^ Legthus Patriarch arum. 
 nem, & revelationem, quam crebram fuiffe 
 in primorum patriarcharum temporibus te- 
 llantur facrae literae, vel etiam hominum 
 qui fummam tenebant in qualibet familia 
 aut quolibet regno dignitatem. Certum 
 enim eft mandata parentum, feu patrum- 
 familias, e quibus primi ortum ducebant re- 
 ges & imperatores, dummodo Dei manda- 
 tis non effent eontraria, legum vigorem 
 obtinuifTe. 
 
 Nee occurrit mihi quicquam cur dubi- 
 tem quin in prifcis temporibus variae po- 
 litiarum formae ex paftis & conventis in- 
 ter patres* familias conftitui poflint, quem- 
 admodum nunc dierum in variis regnis, 
 & civitatibus faftum videmus. Quoniam 
 autem nihil his de rebus ex hiftoriis qua? 
 reflant perfpicue conftat, praeftat filere 
 quam inanes fequi conjefturas. Ad rem 
 noftram fufficiat dixifle patriarchas vixifTe 
 non folum fecundum leges nature, a Deo 
 inentibus omnium hominum impreffas, ve- 
 rum etiam fub legibus e revelatione divi- 
 na conftitutisj & fideliter iis traditis, nee 
 non fub legibus humanis idonea authorita- 
 te faftisj quemadmodum diverfae funt chri- 
 ItianaB politise, quae nunc florent, velut 
 varias legimus in antiquiflimis temporibus 
 regnorum ac civitatum formas fuiffe in 
 
 Graecia,
 
 De Legihtis Fair tar char urn. 40 j 
 
 Graecia, Sicilia, & Italia, atque inter eth- 
 nicos floruifle. Interim conftat eandem 
 elTe vim obligatricem legum in omnibus 
 gentibus, quanquam varia fuit forma fum- 
 mae potelktis, in qua legum condendarum 
 authoritas refidebat. Talis certe fuit au- 
 thoritas Judicum Jobi tempore, qui puni- 
 ebant cultum folis & lunse idololatricum. 
 Vide Job. xxxi. 26, 28. 
 
 3"'S Notandum venit leges has, uti alias, 
 muniriac fanciri, partim/r^;;^/^ feu bene- 
 ficiis, quibus fruituri erant obedientes fub- 
 diti, partim /^///j* infligendis in earum 
 tranfgrefTores. Pc^nse autem illae confi- 
 llunt partim in amillione, favoris princi- 
 pum, folationum pads, in incapacitate ofti- 
 ciorum & honorum, partim vero in fube- 
 undo plagas, aliaque mala corpori infligen- 
 das, ipfamque mortem, quod ultimum dici- 
 tur fupplicium. Illud autem proprium eft 
 legum patriarchalium (uti evangelicarum 
 iis confentientium ) quod in his uii Dei 
 authoritas in (iis ferendis praecipue fpefta- 
 tur, ita in earum fan6Hone minae, ac pro- 
 mifla Dei praecipuum obtinent locum, quo- 
 rum utramque non banc tantum fpedant 
 vitam quam nunc degimus, fed illam quae 
 poft mortem incipit, & cujus tarn felicita- 
 tes, quam poenae in aeternum funt dura- 
 D d 3 turae.
 
 40 (^ De Legibus Patriarcharum. 
 
 tura Hinc ante diluvium, multos annos, 
 Enochus vivus in coelum transfertur; fed 
 ante tranilationem prophetavit dejudicio 
 Dei in homines morum corruptiliimorumj, 
 iis fimiles, quibus caligo tenebrarum in ae- 
 ternum fervata eil. Epiit. Jud. f. 13. con- 
 ferendus cum 14. 
 
 Notandum autem eft tranilationem Eno- 
 clii includere non folum animam ejus, fed 
 & corpus ei conjunftum ; ideoque hinc fo- 
 Veri judicium, & fpem, non animas tantum 
 hominum beatam aeternitatem ailecutas efte 
 in coelis, verum etiam eorum corpora in 
 llatum immortalitatis mutari poffe, id De- 
 um fafturum effe aliis Enochi pietatem 
 imitantibus, mutando fclicet eorum cor- 
 pora, in corpora coaleftia feu fpiritualia, 
 uti docuit apoftolus i Cor. xv. a :^. 40 ad 
 53 inclufive. Atque tanti pra^mii fpes po=- 
 tenter fuadet vitam Deo placentem, qua- 
 km vixit Enochus, & deterret ab omni ini- 
 quitate , monendo ei debitam elFe poenam, 
 qua tanta fpe prorfus excidamuSj & in fta- 
 turn beatse immortalitati plane contrariuni 
 niiferi delabamur. 
 
 His confentanea funt qua3 Servator no- 
 fter innuit, Judaeos e fcripturis (veteris te- 
 ftamenti, & iis quss continent promifla pa- 
 triarcfiis data} non immerito fperalTe vitani 
 
 £etefnams
 
 De Legtbus Patr'mrcharum. 407 
 
 ^tcrnam, Joh. v. 39. & Paulus tarn Rom.iv. 
 17. quam Heb. xi. 19. affirmat Abrahamum 
 credidifTe Ifaacum, fi eum maftailet, refuf- 
 citatum fore Dei potentia, eundemque cum 
 aliis patriarchis patriam urbemque coele- 
 ftem expeftafTe, Heb. xi. 16. Manifeftum 
 autem elt quod fi hasc tanta pr^mia eorum 
 pietatem manerent, eorum amiffionem,aIia- 
 que mala impiis elFe refervata eodem jure. 
 
 Ex hac definitionis parte differentia con- 
 llituitur inter leges naturales, & patriarcha- 
 Jes, quod hae prsemia poenafque fperent a 
 Deo per revelationem datas, quas lex mere 
 naturalis non novit. Hinc etiam patet 
 convenire leges patriarchales cum Mofaicis, 
 quoniam Mofaicae iifdem revelatis pra^mi- 
 is poenifque cum patriarchalibus ilabilian- 
 tur. 
 
 4'°, Denique fromulgatio harum legum 
 innuit eas deduci in patriarcharum, & om- 
 nium iis fubditorum notitiam, partim per 
 naturalem omnium rationem, quae leges 
 naturales per fe perfpicit, ut in libro de Le- 
 gtbus Nature oltendimus. E^ autem maxi- 
 mam legum patriarchalium partem conlti- 
 tuunt, partim vero per brevem, certam, 
 facilemque traditionem parentum eas filiis 
 fuis tanquam pretiofiffimum thefaurum 
 D d 4 tranfmit-
 
 40 8 De Legthtis Patnarchamm. 
 
 tranfmittentium. Hoc autem manifeftum 
 erit fi confideremus : 
 
 jmo^ Tradenda hoc modo efTe admodum 
 pauca, & evidentia ; hsec fcilicet, Primos 
 parentes a prima caufa feu Deo fuifTe : 
 Deum punire folitum fuiffe improbos ut 
 plurimiim : Piofque prsemiis ampliflimis 
 exornare, (Vide Gen. xviii. 25: ; ) idque pro- 
 mifiis fuis, paucis, fed magnis fignificare* 
 Eundemque & animo noftro colendum efTe, 
 (ejufque cultui infervientes, donis e fub- 
 Itantia nollra honorandos) idque ritibus 
 paucis, fed decoris : Hominibus autem aliis 
 ea ciTe facienda, qu^ ab aliis nobis fieri vo- 
 lemus cum ratione exopcare. H^c tarn 
 Philillinis, iEgyptiis ortu, quam Abrahamo, 
 & Ifaaco nota efle conitac. Gen. xxi. xj. 
 xxvi. 29. 
 
 2^^% H^c & iis fimilia per paucorum fide- 
 liffimorumque parentum manus tradi potu- 
 ilTe, & de fado tradita fuiffe ; tarn a crea- 
 tione ad diluvium , quam a diluvio ad Mo- 
 fis tempera ; ut interim tam.en addi potelt 
 probabile eiTe etiam ante diluvium, mul to- 
 que magis ante Mofis tempora, fcribendi 
 peritiam ab hominibus inventam effe, & in 
 fcriptis, quanquam ea non compareant, re- 
 ligionis fumraam hominibus traditam fuifTe^ 
 
 quo4
 
 De Legthus Patrmrcharum. 409 
 
 quod quidem alibi fuggeflimus. Vide Jo- 
 fephum de Sethi Columnis : TelUmonia 
 de Thothi inventis Uteris : Job xxxi. 35. 
 xix. 23, 24. 
 
 Interim vero notandum eft de certa bre- 
 vique traditionis via, quod ea tradetur per 
 pauciflimos homines, & fide digniflimos, 
 juxta hiftoriam Mofaicam prout Uteris He- 
 braicis traditur : Scilicet fic traditur ab 
 Adamo ad Shemum per unum Methufe- 
 lah ejufque cosevos omnes, juxta calculum 
 Hebraeum, non autem juxta calculum Sep- 
 tuaginta (ut vocantur) interpretum : Ibi 
 enim Methufelah moritur diu ante nativi- 
 tatem Shemi, qui juxta Hebrseos cum She- 
 mo vixit per annos prope centum. 
 
 Similiter etiam res accidit in traditione a 
 Shemo ad Abrahamum, qui cocevi fuerunt 
 aliquandiu, juxta calculum Hebraeum, non 
 autem juxta Septuaginta, vel juxta codicem 
 Samaritanum. Quare vel hoc nomine He- 
 braeum codicem caeteris prsferendum efTe 
 judico, quanquam aliae multas occurrunt 
 rationes, quas in banc rem obtulerunt alii, 
 nee eae funt a me repetend^. 
 
 Adjiciam tamen hie unicum quod mihi 
 videtur non contemnendum, quanquam ab 
 aliis hac de re fcriptoribus omittatur : Sci- 
 licet quod Adamus, ejufque uxor Eva fe- 
 
 cundum
 
 41 o De Legtbus Patrtarcharum. 
 
 cundum naturae ordinem non potuerun£ 
 habere umbilicos in medio ventrum fuorum, 
 uti habent omnes homines qui nafcuntur e 
 mulieribus propter vafa umbilicalia quae 
 umbilico inferuntur, & e Placenta uterina 
 nutrimentum afferunt infantibus, in utero 
 matrum fuarum generates, indeque prode- 
 untibus. Nee credibile ell Deum crea- 
 viile in protoplaitis umbilicos qui iis eUent 
 prorlus inutiles, & eos redderet obnoxios 
 periculofo morbo, qui omphalocele dicitur 
 ii medicis. 
 
 Poiuerunt itaque protoplaftae, falva vere- 
 cundia (velatis genitahbus) oltendere polle- 
 ns fuis omnibus, & ante Methufelah natis, 
 & ipfi etiam, idque faepe, & per multos an- 
 Bos, fe non habere umbilicos, ideoque non 
 natos efle h mulieribus, fed creatos efle a 
 Deo, atque hanc traditionem hoc figno na- 
 turali confirmare potuerunt. Atque hoc 
 •a fe vifum affirmare potuit Methufelah ejus 
 coaevo Noacho, ejufque filiis, Shemo pr^- 
 fertim viro pio, & fideli teili, qui poft di- 
 luvium per annos vixit quingentos, atque 
 hoec a Methufelah aliifque vifa ipfi Abra- 
 hamo, ejufque anteceflbribus poit diluvium 
 omnibus certiflimo teilimonio Ikbilire po- 
 tuit. 
 
 CAR
 
 De Legtbus Patriarch arum. 4 
 
 II 
 
 C A P. II. 
 
 De d'ljlr'thuttone hartvm legtdm in partes: 
 Et de Antedtluvtanis. 
 
 ACCURATAM hie divifionem non 
 polliceor ; fufficiat fi ufibus humanis 
 utilem afferam, quae haec fit : Nempe pri- 
 me, alias leges patriarchales latius patent, 
 & ad multa fimul officia viri boni dirigunt. 
 Secundo, aliae minus jate funt, & ad unum 
 vel pauca fimul dirigunt, & mandant. Pri- 
 oris generis funt hujufmodi. Gen. xvii. i. 
 Ego fum 'Dens omn'tpotens^ ambula coram 
 me^ ® ejio integer^ f. 1. Et d'tfponam foedm 
 meiim inter me © te^ & mtiltiflicabo te flu- 
 rtmum, Similia praecepta fuggeruntur in om- 
 nibus locis ubi laudatur timor Dei, via Dei, 
 facere juftitiam & judicium, fed praecipue 
 ubi exempla proponuntur fidei, & amoris 
 erga verum Deum, per quem fides opera- 
 tur efficaciter. In his omnibus, & aliis quas 
 his confimulia funt, lex fidem & charitatem 
 patriarchis im.perans innuitur. E contra 
 autem ubi reprehenditur aut punitur ex- 
 emplariter impietas, infidelitas, injuriave 
 cujuflibet generis, five Deum refpiciat, five 
 homines ; leges hsc mala prohibentes, etiam 
 
 ante
 
 412 De Legtbus Patrtarcharum. 
 
 ante legem Mofaicam extitiife fuggerim^ 
 tur. 
 
 Videtur enim Mofes totam hifloriam quae 
 decalogum praecedit ideo fcripfille, ut inde 
 difcerent prudentes leftores Deum unicumj 
 hominum creatorem , & confervatorem , 
 humanum genus ab initio ad illud tempus 
 gubernaile per leges bene convenientes, 
 cum iis quas populo fuo peculiari eilet tra- 
 diturus: Eundemque per omnia retro fae- 
 cula iis obfequentes in tutelam, amicitiam, 
 & honorem apud fe recepifle, & promifTa 
 dedilTe omni fpe majora; iis autem qui fe- 
 cus fecerint Deum diluvium immilifTe uni- 
 verfale, & fuper Sodomam & Gomorrham 
 demififle pluviam fulphuris & ignis e coe- 
 lis, in exemplum ignis aeterni, quem pati- 
 entur limilia facientes, uti monet apoitolus, 
 Judae f. J, 
 
 Hanc ob caufam vifum efl hie anneftere 
 quaedam exempla pietatis, & juititiae pa- 
 triarchalis, e fcripturis elefta, in quibus le- 
 gum harum vis maxime elucet, & quae 
 Deus laudibus, praemiis, aut promiffis pre- 
 tioriffimis cohoneftavit. His tamen pra?- 
 mittendam cenfui obfervatiunculam de pro- 
 miiTo illo, quod 'TroooTdjcf.yyiKm dici, idque 
 merito, Iblet, quo fpondet Deus fe pofitu- 
 rum inimicitiam inter femen mulieris, & 
 
 femen
 
 De Legtbus Patriarcharum. 413 
 
 femen ferpentis, hoc conceret caput fer- 
 pentis, ferpens autem illius calcaneum ; quod 
 quidem figurate dici cum aliis plerifque 
 chriftianis intelligo : Deum nempe ecclefiae 
 fuaj ex humane genere defumptae, & fub 
 ejus capita Chrifto militanti animum viref- 
 que daturum efTe, quibus conftanter fe op- 
 ponant omni poteitati fatanicse, idque eo 
 fucceffii ut tandem earn quanquam angeli- 
 cam, & naturaliter hominibus majorem, pe- 
 nitus fuperabunt ; etfi in hac lufta tam ec- 
 clefia quam ipfe Chriftus incommoda multa, 
 feu dolores contufi calcanei patiantur. 
 
 Hoc enim promiflum ideo manifefte e 
 mera Dei gratia proficifcitur, quia nullum 
 plane meritum, immo inexcufabilis prove- 
 catio praeceflerat. Et hinc patet omnes 
 hominum vires, quibus eluftari poffint e 
 peccatis fuis & fatanae dominie, Dei mi- 
 fericordiae deberi. Noftrum tamen elt viri- 
 bus a Deo datis fedulo anniti, ut Chriitum 
 ducem fequentes caput ferpentis contera- 
 mus: Quippe in hac lufta contra infideli- 
 tatem, & legis divinae violationem, (quam 
 fuafit fatanas, fuggerens protoplaftis quod 
 non morerentur fi peccarent) fumma totius 
 obfequii legibus divinis praeftandi contine- 
 tur. 
 
 Tranfea-
 
 414 De Legibus Patriarcharum. 
 
 Tranfeamus nunc ad melius tllud facrifi- 
 cium quod Abelem T)eo Per fidem obtulijfe 
 teftatur author ad Heb. xi. 4. quod qui- 
 dem refte collegit e Gen. iv. 4. e refpedu 
 Dei ad Abelem & ad munus ejus. Is enim 
 erat judex optimus, tarn de animo ofFeren- 
 tis quam de muneris oblati pretio feu va- 
 lore ; & Junius TrKmvc/. 6v<rUv tranllulit, ma- 
 joris pretii facrificium, & de donis ejus te- 
 Itimonium perhibuiffe dicitur Deus. Cer- 
 tum opinor eft iis temporibus nullos fuiiTe 
 nummos, feu nullam communem menfu^ 
 ram valoris rerum omnium, femper tamen^ 
 uti reor, agni, hoedique gregis, & eorum 
 adeps pluris aiftimabatur, quam herbae qui- 
 bus pafcuntur, aut fruftus arborum, inde- 
 que greges in propriam fingulorum poffef- 
 fionem tranlierunt citiflime, cum agri & 
 eorum fruftus communes multis relinque- 
 bantur per multos ab initio annos. Notum 
 etiam eft quod quanto magis res quselibec 
 in proprietatem hominum celTerant, tan- 
 to major eft fui abnegatio in eo qui eas 
 alteri donat ; & quo magis quifpiam Deum 
 fibi praefert, eo magis ilium amat, & mag- 
 nus erga Deum amor (quern teftatur libe- 
 rale donum ) magnae fidei de eo, ejufque 
 perfeftionibus, fignum eft certiffimum. 
 
 Quinetiam
 
 De Legthus Patriarcharum. 41 j 
 
 Quinetiam quoniam e manfuetis, & in 
 proprietatem reduftis animalibus hie omne 
 facrificium defumitur, & ea fola ante dilu- 
 vium munda haberentur animalia qus po- 
 ftea fub lege Mofaica declarata funt talia, 
 eaque conftanter in facrificiis offerebantur, 
 manifeftum eft ea quae funt ferae naturae, & 
 venationibus capienda, qualia apud Sancho- 
 niathonem legimus fumpta a Caini pofteris, 
 (uti reor) non fuiffe legitima facrificia fe- 
 cundum leges patriarchales, quas itaque 
 violabant primi illi facrificatores apud San- 
 choniathonem ante Noachi tempora, uti 
 ego ilium expono. 
 
 De Setho pauca tantum in fcripturis oc- 
 currunt, fed ex his duobus quae obfervavi 
 non poiTum non colligere, eum inter pios 
 patriarchas fumma cum probabilitate cen- 
 fendum efTe. i. Quod ejus mater dixit 
 eum a Deo datum elTe in locum filii fui 
 Abelis quern amiferat. Sane non feliciter 
 Abelis viri fanftiflimi locum fuppleret, nifi 
 ipfe etiam fuerit fanflus. x. Certum eft 
 ex illius pofteris fuifle Noachum, cum filiis 
 fuis, ideoque omnes homines qui vixerunt 
 pott diluvium inter quos praecipuus eft ille 
 Servator nofler^ qui fitpra omnes benedi^ius 
 eft : Omnes autem Cainis pofteri in aquis 
 diluvii ad internecionem perfedam deleti 
 
 fune.
 
 41^ De Legthus PatrlarcharUm. 
 
 funt. Probabile itaque videtur magnum 
 hoc difcrimen inter Adami lilios Deum po- 
 fuifle, in fignum peculiaris amoris ipfius 
 tanquam pii viri, cum certum fit totale ex- 
 cidium totius familiss & feminis Caini^ 
 argumentum efle feveritatis divinae in pu- 
 niendo impio illorum patre. 
 
 Prasterea vero mihi admodum placet 
 Chaldaeus paraphrases Onkelofi quern fequi- 
 tur Schindleri expofitio textus Num. xxiv. 
 17. cui etiam favet doftiffimus Cadellus in 
 verbo npnp Kirchar^ fic fonant eorum ver- 
 ba. Onkelos verba Hebraea quae vulg. Lat. 
 nimis infeliciter tranltulit vajiabit omnes 
 fillos Sethiy reftiffime (uti reor) tranflulit 
 NC'^^K *:)!: Ssn rxhv') Vijhiloth Becol Bent 
 Enafhe^ & dominabittir omnium filiorum ho- 
 Tnhmm^ quoniam omnes poll diluvium funt 
 filii Noa^, adeoque Sethi, fic Schindlerus. 
 
 Caltellus difto loco ftiggerit Syrum in- 
 terpretem, & Arabem Erpenii eandem fe- 
 qui fententiam. Porro etiam Septuaginta per 
 verbum ?r^ovo^d6V« innuere quod pabulabi- 
 tur, feu tanquam paftor ad paitum ducet om- 
 nes filios Seth ; quibus verbis puto eos in- 
 tellexilTe totum genus humanum quosChri- 
 ilus pafcet, unde luculenta de Meflia pro- 
 phetia emerget e verbis Balaami. Poitquam 
 
 haac
 
 De Legtbus Patrmrchamm. 417 
 
 haec fcripferam, vidi doftiffimum noflrum 
 epifcopum Elienfcm idem fentire. 
 
 Tranfeamus hiac ad maximum pietatis 
 exemplum Henochum, de quo quia antea 
 obirer notavi Deum in eo coeleilis pr^mii 
 exemplum dedille ; hie tantum adjiciam 
 eum patrem fuiiTe Metl^ufalce. Nee du- 
 bium efle potelt eum docuilTe filium fuum, 
 quocum vixit per annos 300, omnia quae 
 in legibus patriarchalibus continentur, (erac 
 enim ipfe propheta ;) atque hac ratione fili- 
 um fuum idoneum fecerit, qui ea omnia 
 Noacho, ejufque filiis circiter annos cen- 
 turn ante ipiius mortem natis narraret, tra- 
 deretque fidelicer. 
 
 At ne nimius fim in hifce remotifTimis 
 & admodum obfcuris temporibus, fellinan- 
 dum eire cenfeo ad Noaclium, & ejus filios ; 
 qui quoniam nati ellent ante diluvium, led 
 polt illam cladem per aliquot centurias 
 vixerunt, confiderandi iunt tanquam Jani 
 bifrontes prorfum & retrorfum fpeftantes. 
 
 De Noacho monet fcriptura quod Ora- 
 culttm acceperit de rebus non vijis^ Heb. 
 xi. 7. fie fonat vox x^nf^^ricSrei^^ aliquandiu 
 ante diluvium, quod venturum eliec ; fic te- 
 Itatur Mofes, Gen. vi. 13. Hoc antiquif- 
 fimum oraculum quod ufpiam legifle me 
 memini, quanquam eolloquia Dei cum A- 
 E e da mo
 
 4 1 8 De Legibiis P atri arch arum. 
 
 damo & Caino, priora legimus, quae nuf- 
 piam dicla funt oracula. Obfervavit etiam 
 ad HebrcEos apollolus xi. 7. Noachum, & 
 fidem adhibuilTe huic oraculo, & inde or- 
 tum t{{^ timorem Dei, & obedientiam ejus 
 mandatis, de prseparandis omnibus ad fa- 
 lutem fuam, familiag fuae, & omnium ani- 
 malium a diluvio, necefTariis. Unde patet 
 nee vanam nee mortuam fuifle ejus fidem, 
 indeque colligit apoltolus, eum haeredem 
 fuiile juilitiae ex fide. 
 
 Notandum autem hoc eft, quoniam hoc 
 eft exemplum fidei, & prsemii, feu haere- 
 ditatis inde reportatae ipfoAbrahamo longe 
 antiquius, immo prius ipfo diluvio, hoc eft 
 in religione patriarcharum antediluviano- 
 rum. Immo obfcrvavi hunc Noachum pri- 
 mum effe omnium hominum qui juftus di- 
 dus eft Gen. vi. 9. vii. i. & hoc videtur 
 fundamentum difli apoftolici quod erat ha^ 
 res jufiiti£ ex fide ; adeoque haec juftitia 
 ex fide prima eft juftitia quae exprimitur 
 in fccris Uteris. Non tamen negaverim 
 Abelem, Enochum alio^'que fua fide ante 
 Noachi tempora juftos fuifFe, quamvis hoc 
 de iis non exprefle dicatur in fcriptura. 
 Certe fides al^'orum eadem fuit, & pariter 
 eflScax tarn ad bona opera, quam ad falu- 
 tem. 
 
 Immo
 
 De Legthus Patrmrcharum, 419 
 
 Immo mihi verum videtur, quod alicubi 
 memini a CI. Pearfono nuper Celtrienli 
 epifcopo notatum eile, Noachum a fandd 
 Petro in cpiilola fecunda ii. 5-. O^avum 
 fradicatorem jujtitia dici, quanquam Mo- 
 fes nufquam dixerit quinam fuerint fcptcm 
 juftitise preecones qui illo fuerint priores. 
 Credendum elt tamcn, & Deum in terris 
 femper habuiffe eccleliam, & in ecclefia 
 fern per extitifle julHtiae praecones, & fep- 
 tern quidem Noacho quadanteniis fimiles. 
 Ad eum itaque redeamus, notemufque 
 quod ipfius minilterio praeltitum fuggeflit 
 fanftus Petrus, i epiit. iii. xo, xr. aliquid 
 falutifero haptifmati chrijiianortifn Jimlle^ 
 quod quidem explicatu non ell admoduni 
 difficile, ideoque ne nimium digrediar a 
 re prae manibus, relinquo lludioiis leftori- 
 bus confiderandum. 
 
 De legibus fpecialibus K^oachi tempore 
 latis illud folum yifum elt oblervare, quod 
 Deus in fcripturis facris illam folam de 
 homicidio morte homicidal puniendo com- 
 memoravit. Severa hac vindida dignunl 
 efle hoc crimen agnovit conrcientia Caini,^ 
 idemque agnovit ex eo prognatus Lame- 
 chus ; fed non liquet e textu facro an gr^- 
 Vior exilic poena ante diluvium inilida fu- 
 
 E e X tnXi
 
 420 De Legthus Patriarchamm. 
 
 erit, (aftu ut loquuntur fcholae) nihil am- 
 p!ii>s hie a me definiendum efle cenfeo. 
 
 De aliis Noachidarum legibus, dofte ad- 
 modum ejudc'eorum placitis fcripfit noflras 
 Seldeniis, ne aHos commemorem. Sed 
 quoniam nihil ell in Rabbinorum fcriptis, 
 quod non fit circiter bis mille annis recen- 
 tius lege Mofaica, nihil inde certi de legi- 
 bus patriarcharum colhgi pofTe judico ; ideo- 
 que in hac difquifitione folis facris fcrip- 
 turis adhcTrendum Q^t llatui. De mundis 
 & immundis animaUbus Noachum alloqui- 
 tur Deus, tanquam eorum difcrimen diu 
 iSiVAQ notum effet, & munda quidem dici 
 quae in iacrificia affumi poflent, reliqua 
 auteni immunda vocari; de his aliquanto 
 diilinftius traftant leges Mofaicae, fed ni- 
 hil ibi dici obfervare potui, quo cognofce- 
 remus alia animalia munda aut immunda 
 conititui, quam quae fie pridem habita funt. 
 imm^o porro notavi omnia animalia quae 
 ante legem Mofaicam facrificari legimus, 
 ejufdem elFe generis cum iis quae munda 
 clle in lege dilliodius traduntur; ideoque 
 coliigo hac in re legem Mofaicam conltan- 
 ler adhaeliflTe moribus & traditionibus pa- 
 triarcharum, eademque facrificia Noacho 
 pro mundis aflervata fuifie in area, & mox 
 I poit
 
 De Legthtis Fatrmrcharum, 421 
 
 poft diluvium oblata fuiiTe, & a Deo accep- 
 ta, ur fcribitur, Gen. viii. 20, xi. Verba- 
 que ilia in hiitoria Moiis de omnibus mun- 
 dis animalibus ibi fcripra, non poire intelli- 
 gi, nifi eadem intelligantur quse idem Mo- 
 fes poflea in lege elie munda diilindius 
 explicavic. Sic autem ipfe fuus eric inter- 
 pres, & populus liraeliticus a Mofe intel- 
 liget non novam ipiis prsefcribi rationem, 
 fed earn quae ab initio mundi Deo ejus 
 creatori quem colebant fuerat gratiiljmus. 
 Sic certe ipfe Chrillus propheta Moli iimi- 
 lis legem lliam de individiia conjunftione 
 inter virum & uxorem fuam commendat, 
 & Mofaicae divortiorum permiffioni prse- 
 ferr, quoniam fie fuic ab initio, Mar. xix. 8. 
 comp. f, 4, 5", 6. Idemque id honori cir- 
 cumcifionis tribuic quod antiquior fueric 
 Mofe, & a patriarchis, Abrahamo, &c. de- 
 rivetur. 
 
 ^!^m^^^mj^m^m^^msmmx!k 
 
 CAP. III. 
 
 De pofidduvtams patr'iarchis &' fpe- 
 ctattm de She mo. 
 
 T 
 
 Ranfeamus nunc ad dilediflimum No- 
 
 achi filium Shemum, qui cum Noa- 
 
 E e 3 cho,
 
 421 T)e Legthus Patriarcharum. 
 
 cho, & cum Methufalah fere centum vixit 
 annos ante diluvium, & hoc tempore a Me- 
 thufalah ejufque coaevis, qui ultra ducentos 
 cum Adamo vixerant annos, edifcere potuit 
 totam hiftoriam creationis & lapfus, ac pro- 
 milTum de fatanse capite conterendo, legef- 
 que patriarchales in hachilloria fundatas, in 
 prdine ad Dei honorcm, & humani generis 
 felicitatem promovendam. 
 
 Idem etiam Shemus quoniam ultra quin- 
 gentos poll diluvium annos, decimamque 
 adeo a feipfo vidit generationem, quippe 
 Ifaacus erat 50 annos natus, cum Shemus 
 obiit, facillime potuit totam hiiloriam de 
 creatione & providentia Dei, una cum le- 
 gibus patriarchalibus, fmgulis his generatio- 
 nibus tradere, multafque potuit peragrare 
 terras a fua, fratrumque fuorum fobole ha- 
 bitatas, lifque diligenter inculcare heec om- 
 nia, tanquam ad religionem, & ad vitam 
 civilem fumme necefTaria; nee ulla eft ratio 
 cur dubitemus quin haec & yoluerit facere, 
 & reipfa praeititit : Prsefertim quia proba- 
 bile eft, eum vixifTe poft mortem Chami, 
 &: Japheti fratrum fuorum : Certe nihil ell 
 in fcriptura quo illos 5*00 annos poll dilu- 
 vium vixilTe fuadeat. Probabile eft tantam 
 longsvitatem datam efte a Deo in praemi- 
 pim eximias pietatis illius, praefertim quia 
 
 honoravit
 
 De Legibus Patrtarchavum. 423 
 
 honoravit patrem fuum, illius divinis prae- 
 ceptis obtemperando. Morale & aeternum 
 eft tarn praeceptum quintum, quam promif- 
 fum ei annexum. Certe neminem legimus 
 ad parem cum Shemo long^vitatem poll 
 diluvium vixilTe, confer Eph. vi. 1. 
 
 Quanquam enim fit cur credanius fratrem 
 ejus Chamum, & forte Japhetum, circa fe- 
 cundam aut tertiam a diluvio centuriam 
 degenerafle in idololatriam, & non multo 
 poft, multos e Shemi poileris eodem cri- 
 mine depravatos fuiffe ; nihilominus quo- 
 niam nemo repente fit turpiffimus palli funt 
 hi idololatrae alios in eadem terra vivere, 
 qui verum Deum colerent, quique alios ad 
 veram fidem revertere hortarentur. Sic 
 legimus ipfum Abrahamum in quinta ^ di- 
 luvio centuria vixiife fine periecutione in 
 Canaanitide, & in iEgypto. Sic etiam Icrip^ 
 tum eft Melchifedecum, quifquis ille erar, 
 facerdotem Dei Altiffimi inter Canaana^os 
 in Salem vixiife & regnaffe, ut muld tunc 
 fuerunt reges in eadem terra, unde neceiTe 
 eft ut eorum regna non eifent magna. 
 
 Scilicet nondum erat plena Amorihaeo^ 
 rum iniquitas, & par, opinor , ca^terarum 
 erat gentium ratio : Immo forte pcjores 
 erant Canaan^i ceteris gentibus, nam Ca- 
 naanem eorum patrem Noachus diris de- 
 E e 4 yavifii
 
 424 ^^ Legthus Patrmrcharum. 
 vovir, uti fcriptnm eft. Gen. ix. X5'. Non 
 obdante tamen Canaanis pravitate, certum 
 eft inter ejus pofteros quiete vixifte non 
 Abrahamum folum, fed & Ifaacum, qui ibi 
 fepuiti funr, Jacobo eiiam tunc inter eos * 
 vivente, ufque ad ejus defcenfum in^Egyp- 
 tum, unde poft mortem illuc tranflatus a 
 Jofepho, cum patribus fuis fepeliendus. 
 
 Propter has rationes fatis credibile mihi 
 videtur Shemum in hac terra potuifte quiete . 
 aliquanHo vivere, & facerdotio veri Dei 
 fungi, immo & regnare in urbecula Salem, 
 quoniam ejus tilius in nona generatione A- 
 brahamus inter eos quiete vixit, & magnus 
 princeps inter eos ab Hittaeis ibi agnofci- 
 tur, Gen. xxiii. 6. Immo vero non folum 
 fieri po:uit ut bhemus in Canaanitide unam 
 urbem cum adjacente territorio quiete re- 
 geret, colonos fecum hue ducens ut duxit 
 Abrahamus ; fed erat ratio fufficiens quae 
 eum fuaderet hoc libentiflime facere volu- 
 ilTe & elegilTe. 
 
 Quippe vix credibile eft tantum virum 
 non noviffe Abrahamum e nepotibus fuis 
 cum colonia, e qua trecenti idonei milites 
 feligi pofTent (fufficientibus cuftodibus ar- 
 mentorum ejus relidis) ex Ure Chaldasorum 
 in Haranem primo profedum efle, & inde 
 in terram Canaanaeorum. Non potuit eum 
 
 latere
 
 De Lez'thm Fatr'tarcharum. ai% 
 
 latere Abrahamum ejufdem Dei fummi elTe 
 cultorem eximium, reclamantibus licet tarn 
 Chaldfieis quam Canaanaeis. Ecquis cre- 
 dere poteft Shemum hominem Deo cha- 
 riffimum (quapropter ipfe Deus, Deus 
 Shemi v.o.t i^oxr,v dicitur ab ipfo Noacho, 
 Gen. ix 26. Benediftus fit Jehovah Deus 
 Shemi, eritque Canaan fervus illis vel illi) 
 cohibere fe potuifTe, quin qiiaercret oppor- 
 tunitatem eum conveniendi & corrobo- 
 randi, adeoque ipfi benedicendi ? 
 
 Certe ego arbitror Shemum hunc efTe 
 ilium, cui titulus datur, honoris plenillimus, 
 Melchifcdeci 5 hoc elt regis juliillim.i, & 
 fumme pacifici ; fie enim inteHigo apolto- 
 lum ad Hebraeos, cap. vii. z. Nam fie apud 
 Hebraeos fignificant verba rex jullitise & 
 rex pacis. Quippe nullus eo tempore ex- 
 titit rex, tarn jullitiae quam pacis adeo 
 itudiofus. Chamus enim Shemi frater, ejuf- 
 que pofleri uc Cufli & Nimrod in Chaldaea 
 & Aflyria, necnon in Canaanitide & JE- 
 gypto, viam jufticiae tarn ergaDeum, in re- 
 ligione, quam erga homines in jullitia ci- 
 vili deferuifiTent, & loco pacis imperium 
 feu dominium in totum genus humanum 
 feftabantur, idque armatis viribus, & ut 
 Itrenui venatores non feras folum, fed eti- 
 am homines perfequebantur. Nonnulla in 
 
 Sancho'
 
 42^ De Legthus Patriarch arum. 
 
 Sanchoniathone obfervavimus quae proba- 
 bile elTe fuadent Japhetum Chamo confoe- 
 deratum fuifle. Certe nihil extac in hillo- 
 ria quod contrarium fuadeat, certumque 
 eft omnes Japheti Chamique poiteros in 
 idololatriam delapfos effe. Solus Shemus, 
 & pauci quidem ex illius prognatis vero 
 Deo adhaeierunt, in verae pietatis & pads 
 ftudio. Tales exiilimo fuifTe inter Arabes 
 Jobum, ejufque amicos, in Canaanitide au- 
 tern Abrahamum, ejufque poiteros. 
 
 Probabile enim videtur, non folum Aufi- 
 tidem Jobi patriam in Arabia efTe, ut ple- 
 rique confentiant, verum etiam ilium Jobab 
 qui inter Jodanis filios numeratur, Gen. x. 
 2,9. vel effe celebrem ilium patentia Jobum, 
 vel eum effe illius avum aliquem, a quo no- 
 men illud tranfiit in prognatum. Et non 
 efl: nihili quod Mofes notandum cenfuit She- 
 mum effe patrem omnium filiorum Hebe- 
 ri, inter quos cam Jodan cenfetur, a quo 
 Jobum derivamus, quam Pheleg, e cujus 
 pofteris erat Abrahamus; ad quern redire 
 oportet velut indubitatum haeredem Shemi 
 tam in pietatis quam in pacis ftudio. 
 
 Certiffimum enim eft eundem effe ilium 
 Deum qui Shemi Deus dicitur, Gen. ix. x4 
 qui toties pariter nominatur Deus Abraha- 
 mi, ejufque pofterorum; quo etiam titulo 
 & mempriali fe celebrari voluifle aftirmavit
 
 De Legibus Patriarch arum, 427 
 
 ipfe, cum Mofem in ^Egyptum mittit, Exod. 
 iii. If. Porro aucem Dens hoc titulo non 
 folum lignificat fe Shemo aut Abrahamo 
 amicifTimum ^^^^ verum etiam indicat fe 
 ab his rede cultam fuifle, non autem ira 
 coli ab aliis, five hominibus five gentibus, 
 quae a Shemi aut Abrahami religione dif- 
 ceflilTent. 
 
 Tempus quo contigit congrcfius inter 
 Melchifedecum & Abrahamum, juxta nu- 
 mcros Hebraeos, & calculum reverendiffi- 
 mi Armachani, erat A. M. 2091, i. e. 436 
 anni poll diluvium; quo tempore Chaldsei, 
 Canaanitag, ^Egyptii, aliaeque omnes genres 
 in idololatriam lapfi fuerant. Immo ante 
 Noachi mortem AfTyrii & Babylonii erant 
 idololatrae. 
 
 Quapropter cenfeo Noachum, cum She- 
 mo benediceret non autem ejus fratribus, 
 Deum Shemi innuere, non efle pariter De- 
 um Chami, utpote nee pariter illi amicum, 
 nee pariter ab eo culrum ; fimiliter nee 
 Deum pariter Japheto amicum elTe, nee 
 pariter ab eo cultum eile. Hoc tamen 
 difcriminis ponit Noachus inter Japhe- 
 tum & Chamum quod prj^dicat ventu- 
 rum efie tempus quo Deus aliiciet Japhe- 
 tum ut habitet in tentoriis Shemi : id au- 
 tem refte interpretamur Japhetum fe vera3 
 ecclefia?, feu familiae Shemi, e qua Mefllah, 
 
 adjundur
 
 4^8 De Legthus Patrmrcharum, 
 
 adjunfturum efTe, qnamvis nunc in Shemi 
 tentoriis non habitet, fed animo ab eo fit 
 alieno. Non idem praedicit de Chamo, 
 nee tamen ejus polteros dicit nunquam in 
 Shemi tentoriis habitaturos elFe, fed filen- 
 tio fuo videtur innuere minorem efle fpem 
 de eorum reconciliatione cum Deo. Certe 
 iEthiopica ecclefia in Africa nunc habitans 
 ex Arabia migravir, & h Chami pofteris. 
 
 Proculdubio cum Deus dicitur Deus A- 
 brahami, fie difiinguitur a diis iEgyptio- 
 rum ad quos mittendus erat Mofes, & a 
 diis Canaanaeorum <^ Chaldaeorum inter 
 quos pridem habitavit Abrahamus. Vide 
 Jolli. xxiv. 2. Pari ratione cum Melchife- 
 decus facerdos dicitur Dei Altiflimi, & 
 primus eft qui apud Mofem dicitur facer- 
 dos, opponitur illud nomen Dei Altiflimi, 
 diis gentium qui ab iis quoque dicuntur 
 Medioxumi ; nee ab ipfis habebantur crea- 
 tores coeli & terrse feu totius mundi, fed 
 ipfi a fummo creabantur, & eorum pleri- 
 que erant principes mortui, & in coelum, 
 uii opinabantur, tranilati, ut hominibus 
 inde benefacerent, velut miniftri fummi re- 
 gis. Tales fcilicet Deos colebant gentes 
 pleraeque omnes per fuos facerdotes, qui- 
 bus opponitur Melchifedecus uni fummo 
 Deo facra faciens. 
 
 Nee
 
 De Legtbus Fair tar ch arum, 419 
 
 Nee ullus ufpiam hominum in hilloria 
 facra aut profana memoratur in hoc tem- 
 pore Abraham! vixiiTe, qui Abrahamo ma- 
 jor eflet, & dignior qui ei benedicerec quam 
 ejus Atavus in nona generatione Shemus, 
 Fruftra talem quseremus inter Canaanis ma- 
 ledifti pofteros ; vixerunt fateor eo tempo- 
 re e progenitoribus Abrahami Arphaxad, 
 Salah & Heber ; fed hi minores erant She- 
 mo utpote ejus pofteri: nee quicquam re- 
 peritur in hiltoria quo innotefeat eos non 
 degenerafle in idololatriam, cum reliquis 
 e gentibus Chaldaicis & ^gyptiis, qu^ tlo- 
 rentiffima rune conltituerunt regna; Neu- 
 trius horum Deus diftus eit Deus uti She- 
 mi. Nulla in eorum tentoriis innuicur ee- 
 clefia veri Dei, ficut in tentoriis Shemi. Hunc 
 itaque virum jufliffimum, (utpote pium tarn 
 er:a Deum, quam erga Noachum parentem 
 etiam lapium in ebrietatem) & pacis aman- 
 tiffimum, quod ollendit generofa ejus ho- 
 fpitalitas, qua Abrahamum ejufque comjtes 
 pane & vino excepir : Qui in parva urbe 
 Salem vixit, regis & facerdotis fimul offi- 
 cio fungi contentus, ilium eile judico quem 
 Melchiledeci titulo cohoneilare voluit ?vlo-^ 
 fes. 
 
 Non me latet viros admodum reverendos 
 aliter fentire, nee tamen libet authoriratem 
 
 virorum
 
 Aio De Legihus Patr'mrcharum. 
 
 virorum pariter reverendorum illis oppo- 
 nere. Non enim fola ducor authoritate^ 
 fed earn fententiam poiius ampleftor (falva 
 erga dillentientes reverentia, & honore) 
 quae ration! meae magis fe probat. Diffi- 
 cultates aliquas agnofco ex epiftola ad He- 
 brseos contra meam fententiam afFerri pof- 
 fe ; fed esedem mihi videntur fortius pre- 
 inere aliter fentientes ; eas itaque confidere- 
 mus, & folvere conemur ad duo capita re- 
 duftas. 
 
 I. Prior difficultas oritur e verbis epiflo- 
 lae ad Hebraeos vii. 3. ubi dicitur 'Att^V^^, 
 
 tcoyjg TiXog 'ix^v, (i(pci0^oicij^ivog oe t« :^m t^ 6iS 
 
 pm Up<£g «V TO ^I'/jviiiig. HaBC omnia viden- 
 tur mihi commodiflime referri pofle ad 
 eximium ilium locum in textu Mofaico, ubi 
 ortum Abrahami patris fidelium deducit a 
 Shemo, adeoque eum ecclefiae verae poft 
 diluvium patrem primum elTe oltendit : Poft- 
 quam ortum omnium gentium quoad civi- 
 lem eorum ftatum in capite decimo gene- 
 feos abfolvilTet, & earum difperfionem k 
 Babylone in initio undecimi capitis indicaf- 
 
 Hie autem locus diligenter notandus eft, 
 Gen. xi. 10. & fit initium Parafhae in textu 
 Hcbraico, dignufque eft qui novi capitis, 
 
 feu
 
 De Legtbtis Fatr't arch arum. 431 
 
 feu leftionis principium fieret in omnibus 
 Bibliis. Ibi ecclefiaiticam, fi lie loqui liccat, 
 hiftoriam incipit Mofes a Shemo, nullo il- 
 lius patre, nulla etiam matre nominatis. 
 Atque hinc etiam fine genealogia ponitur, 
 quoniam hie non derivat jus, aut titulum 
 fuum ad munus faeerdotale per defcenfum 
 ^ quolibet patre, matreve, ut derivare de- 
 bebant facerdotes Levitici ; ideo Heb. vii.6. 
 idem dieitur i^n yivzct^cy^fxzvGg g| uvt^v. Quae 
 verba videntur apertiffime explicare prius 
 pofitnm verbum dymaXcyyiTog' atque id ip* 
 fum fatis declarat quid intelligendum fit 
 cum dieitur fine patre & matre. 
 
 Eodem fimiliter modo videtur mihi dici 
 cum neque initium, neque finem vitaj ha- 
 bere, feilieet neutrum horum in illo eapite 
 exprimitur: folenne illud verbum, ^ mor^ 
 Uius ejt j quod de antediluvianis fingulis, 
 prseter Enochum, poft longifi^imas eorum 
 vitas toties repetitur eapite genefeos quin- 
 to, hie non additur de Shemo. Dieitur fane 
 quod vixit per quingentos annos pofiquam 
 genuifl^et Arphaxadum, fed non dieitur quod 
 mortuus eft, uri .nee initium ejus vitas, feu 
 nativitas in hoc eapite undeeimo ufpiam ex* 
 primitur. 
 
 Similiter in cap. xiv. ubi Melchifedec 
 occurric Abrahamo, eique benedicit, expri- 
 mitur
 
 43^ De Legtbus Patriarcharum. 
 mitur quidem quod fuerit facerdos, fed nee 
 iniiii, nee finis ejus vitae ulla omnino fit 
 inentio, uti nee patris aut matris illius. 
 
 Et nullus filius Noae a Mole relumitur 
 iterum poll caput decimum traftandus, prae- 
 ter unum hunc Shemum ; cui hoc fingulare 
 privilegium tribuit Mofes, ut illius & po- 
 llerorum ejus res geftas ab eo loco ad finem 
 librorum fuorum pertraftet. 
 
 2. Secunda difficultas hsec eil ; quomodo 
 epiltola ad Hebra^os evincat asternitatem fa- 
 cerdotii Chrifli, quandoquidem e Mofis fi- 
 lentio de morte Melchifedeci ea non potefl: 
 probai i ? Huie fie reipondeo : Non id molitur 
 apodolus, ut e Molis aut verbis aut filentio 
 probet sieriiitatem facerdotii Chrilli, fed 
 earn dcducit e verbis prophetae Davidis, & 
 Dei juramento e Pfalmo ex. 4. citatis Heb. 
 vii. 17, XI. Hune autem Pfalmum ipfe 
 porro Chriftus de Mefliah intelligendum 
 effe oftendit, jMat xxii. 41, 44. ibique aeter- 
 nitas ejus facerdotii folenni juramento aper- 
 tiffime confirmatur. 
 
 At fi quaeratur porro quomodo tunc fi- 
 mile ell facerdotium Chrifti facerdotio Mel- 
 chifedeci ? Refpondeo, in omnibus perfe- 
 dionibus laudibufque facerdotio Melchi- 
 feci fimile ell, at non in ejus imperfedioni- 
 bus oportuit efle fimile. Liceat archetype 
 
 typum
 
 De Legibus Patnarcharunt. 433 
 
 typum fuum excellere. Poflim tamen hie 
 addere quod cum Shemo Deus fuerit Je- 
 hovah, certum eft, ex Heb. xi. 16. ilium 
 ei praeparalFe civitatem in coelis, ubi cum 
 presbyteris coeleftibus rex erit, & facerdos 
 in aeternum, Rev. v. 10. xx. 6. 
 
 At non licet hoc in loco digredi, tit 
 omnia oftendam in quibus conveniunt inter 
 fe facerdotium Chrifti, & Melchiledeci ; 
 fed redeundum eft ad leges & promifla 
 patriarchalia, quibus eae velut praemiis fan- 
 ciebantur : Quippe quod ipfos patriarchas, 
 & inter eos Shemum, ideo tantum confide- 
 randos fufcepimus, quia ex aftionibus eo- 
 rum a Deo fummo Judice approbatis, & 
 in exempla propofitis, ipfas leges videamus 
 olim Deo hominibufque obfervatas fuifle, 
 antequam ^ Mofe fcripta fuerit lex. 
 
 Concludam itaque hoc caput, haec tan- 
 tum notando, quod Mofes in verbis Shemi, 
 feu Melchifedeci oftendit ejus religionem 
 confiftere in invocatione Unici Dei, & ejus 
 laudibus, quibus agnofcitur dominus coeli 
 & terrae, id eft, totius univerfx : Idemque 
 ab eo, tanquam fonte bonorum omnium, 
 omnia felicia fauttaque Abrahamo precatur. 
 Eidemque gratias agit ob viftoriam in ho- 
 ftes partam ; & ut Dei facerdos decimas 
 accipit, tanquam ei debitas, qui viftoriae 
 
 F f author
 
 434 De Legibus Patrlarcharum. 
 author feu caufa fuit praecipua. Quantus 
 autem honor ex his tribuitur Melchifedeco 
 late diflerit apoilolus ad Hebraeos, cap. vii. 
 quod leflori perpendendum relinquo : Con- 
 tentus hoc folum adjicere, mihi incredibile 
 videri quenquam e Itirpe Canaanis male- 
 didi tanto honore cumulari, & Chriiti fum- 
 mi facerdotis typum ^ Mofe conftitui. 
 
 C A P. IV. 
 
 De Abraham o. 
 
 COngreffus inter Melchifedecum & A- 
 brahamum facilem nobis tranlitum 
 prasbet a priore ad pofteriorem. In hoc 
 autem exemplo obfervatio legis fidei patri- 
 archalis eo ufque Celebris eit, ut pater fide- 
 !ium dici foleat, & primus adus fidei illius 
 earn talem fuifTe oftendit, quag obedientiam 
 ftatim peperit mandato fane admodum dif- 
 ficili, ut relinqueret patriam & cognatos, 
 & in terram proficifceretur ipfi plane in- 
 cognitam, quam Deus oftenderet, cum il- 
 luc perveniret: Sed^*V« v'7rYiKii(riv fer fdem 
 obedientiam fraftitit inquit apoftolus, Heb, 
 xi. 8. Poltquam tanquam peregrinus ali- 
 
 quandiu
 
 De Legibus F air larch arum. 43 y 
 
 quandiu in hac terra cotnmoratus fuiffer, 
 & tamen nullum adhuc haberet tilium, & 
 plufquam oftogenarius efTet, uxorque ejus 
 flerilis ; tandem Deus in vifione quadam ei 
 praedixit,quod illius pofteri pofl annos pluf- 
 quam quadringentos ex alia terra, ubi dira 
 pafluri eiTent, in banc educerentur, eam- 
 que tandem pofliderent. Etiam huic prae- 
 diftioni credidit, & in obedientia mandatis 
 Dei praedanda perfeveravit. 
 
 Tandem illi centenario nafcitur filius 
 promifTus, ex quo gentes multaB praedicun- 
 tur aliquando oriturae ; fed pollquam ado- 
 leverac, in florente jam aetate, ab ipfo Deo 
 pofcitur in facrificium, idque ab iplius pa- 
 tris manu offerendum , quod quidem vix 
 credibile videtur; credidit tamen Abraha- 
 mus, & vel ex ipfis facrificii cineribus Deum 
 Ifaacum hunc refufcitaturum exillimavit, 
 ut fe in promiflis fuis veracem & fidelem 
 comprobaret. En fidem viri plane llupen- 
 dam ! En amorem erga Deum ardentiffi- 
 mum ! Qui vehementillimum parentis af- 
 fectum naturalem erga filium oblequentif- 
 fimum plane fuperaret. Nullum elt man- 
 datum cui tanta fides non obcemperaret, 
 quia nihil difficilius imperari potuit. 
 
 Notandum autem ell fidem Abrahami, 
 
 aliorumq\ie pariter patriarcharum, femper 
 
 F f z fuifle
 
 43^ J^^ Legibiis Patr'tarcharum, 
 fuifTe aflenfum veritati a Deo traditae, qua- 
 cunque modo, quern Deo placuerit eligere, 
 ad earn mentibus eorum imprimendam. 
 Certum autem ell quod Deus veritatem 
 patribus hifce deelaravit ^oAyr^oV^?, uti te- 
 ftatur apoftolus, Heb. i. r. Quandoque 
 Deus veritatem de rebus non viiis mani- 
 feftavit ipfis gentibus, per rationem in cre- 
 atione &: ordinaria providentia fundatam ; 
 ut teltatur Paulus ad Rom. i. 19, xo. &ad 
 Lycaonios, At\. xv. 15', 17. necnon ad A- 
 thenienfes. Ads xvii. a f X4 ad 19. Eadem 
 autem hoc modo patriarcbis oilenfa fuifle 
 nemini licet dubitare. 
 
 Quandoque, prifcis .pra?fertim, de quibus 
 loquimur temporibus, rationis diftaminibus 
 fuperaddidic Deus revelationes veritatis per 
 vifiones & fomnia. Sic vifus e(l Deus ab 
 Abrahamo, cum eflet in Mefopotamia, 
 Ads vii. 2. & poitea plura Deus fie indica- 
 vit in Canaanitide, Gen. xv. ii. & inde 
 ad finem capitis. Erat enim Abrahamus 
 propheta, & fie Deus propiietas alloqui 
 folitus eft, Num. xii. 6. fimilia de fe dicit 
 Eliphaz, Job. iv. ix. ad finem capitis. Quan- 
 doque etiam Veritas a Deo aliis indicatur 
 per ora & fcripta prophetarum, qui fe ta- 
 les eflfe miraculis aut praediftorum imple- 
 tione probaviiTent, & nihil docuerunt quod 
 
 quicquam
 
 D^ Legibm Patrtarcharum. 437 
 
 tjuicquam a veri Dei honore derogaret, 
 uti patet e Mofis didis, Deut. cap. xiii. & 
 xviii. inter fe collatis. 
 
 Firmiflime autem fundatur fides, cum 
 diftamina rationis, & prophetarum teitimo- 
 nia, inter fe conveniunt, & eundem finem, 
 Dei fcilicet honorem, & generis liumani 
 commune bonum, jundis viribus promo- 
 vent. Hoc autem fuis fucceffive tempo- 
 ribus fecerunt, qui vixerunt in vera fide pa- 
 triarcharum, Judaeorum & Cliriltianorum. 
 Hi enim finguli & diftatis rationis credi- 
 derunt, & qu^ praeterea addidic revelatio 
 divina, amplexi funt. 
 
 Verum difquifitio quas nunc prae mani- 
 bus eft, regulas fidei & morum patriarcha- 
 lium tantummodo fpeftat ; fed ea cum 
 fumma cautela inftituenda eft, ut oftenda- 
 tur eas non contradicere aut legi Mofaicas, 
 aut evangelio Chrifti ; fed utrique fuo tem- 
 pore recipiendas viam munire. Certum 
 enim eft ipfius Dei teftimonio de Abraha- 
 mo. Gen. xviii. 19. ^lod mn ipfe folum in 
 via Domini ambulavertt ; fed it a ut facer ent^ 
 filiis fuis totique familia fu£ pracepturus 
 erat^ exercendo jujiitiam & jus, Utpote 
 qui noverit ab hac conditione fufpenfa efle 
 Dei promifla, uti innuunt verba, ut prafiet 
 Jehova Abrahamo id quod ei promifit ; 
 
 Ff3 Certe
 
 438 De Legthus Patnarcharum. 
 
 Certe in his Abrahami geftis continentur 
 omnia ilia, quae Chrillus dixit efle graviora 
 legis (Mofaicae) precept a, ut facer ent judi- 
 cium^ mifertcordiam ^ fidtm. Mat. xxiii. 23. 
 Obiter etiam obfervandum elt Abrahamo 
 hoc teilimonium datum efTe, antequam 
 eilet circumcifus. Hinc per fidem etiam 
 tunc juitus eft pronuntiatus, Gen. xv. 6. 
 idque inculcat apoftolus, Rom. iv. 10, 11. 
 eo fine a Deo diflum efte, ut Abrahamus 
 pater eflet omnium qui fine circumcitione 
 fideles erant. Hinc eciam patet legem pa- 
 triarchalem non tolli, nee ejus honorem 
 minui, fi novum aliquod pra^ceptum iis de- 
 tur, ut plura hujufraodi dabantur poflea in 
 oeconomia Mofaica ; quoniam hoc novum 
 praeceptum tam diu ante Mofis tempora 
 additum eft, falvo honore priftino legum 
 patriarchalium, quas obfervavit Abrahamus 
 adhuc incircumcifus. Ideoque hoc prae- 
 ceptum non omnibus gentibus ufpiam da- 
 tum etl ; fed folum natis ex Abrahamo, 
 ejufque familiae, quae partem in terra illi 
 promifTa expeftaret ; caeteris nationibus fuae 
 libertati priilina^ juxta antiquiores leges pa- 
 triarcharum reliftis. Sic enim in libro, qui 
 dicitur Job, qui totus fpirat pietatem patri- 
 archalem, nulla efl mentio circumcifionisj 
 aut liberationis ex JigyptOj in qua fundan- 
 
 tur
 
 T)e Legibus Patnarchamm. 43^9 
 
 tur pleraque quae ad religionem Judaicam 
 pertinent peculiariter. 
 
 Quoniam autem obiter hie incidit men- 
 tio Jobi, quern regem, feu Judicem fum- 
 mum fuille inter Arabes. Job xxix. praeci- 
 pue f, 25-. diu ante tempora, quibus Mofes 
 erat rex in Jefurun : Et quoniam non adeo 
 confpicua funt indicia poteltatis regalis in 
 Abrahami familia, ante Mofis tempora, vi- 
 fum eit obfervare, e Job. xxxi. 26, 28. quod 
 cultus foils, & lunae, quae antiquiffima fuit 
 idololatria, crimen erat a judice puniendum, 
 uti abnegatio veri Dei fummi : Hinc enim 
 patet publica tunc authoritate adeo ftabi- 
 litum eflTe veri Dei cultum, ut difceffus 
 ab eo in idololatriam, & ejus abnegationem, 
 incurrerit in poenam quag lege certe aliqua 
 decernenda fuit. Judices enim non pof- 
 funt punire nifi ita ut leges prsefcribant 
 ordinarie, licet in cafibus extraordinariis 
 aliquid ab ipfis legibus arbitrio Judicum re- 
 linquatur. Plurima pietatis prifcse fpeci- 
 mina in apologia ilia antiquiffima obfervan- 
 da leftori relinquo. Mihi fatis elt hinc 
 coUigere quod fi in Arabia, Canaanitidi vi- 
 cina, rex puniret idololatriam, certe in ipfa 
 Canaanitide religiofus princeps Abrahamus 
 eam non permitteret impune committi a 
 fuis fubditis, fubditi autem erant Abraha- 
 F f 4 mo
 
 240 Z)<? Legibus Patriarch arum. 
 
 mo omnes quos illic armavit, immo omnes 
 quos deduxit tanquam colonos. 
 
 Redeo autem ad Abrahamum, ejufque 
 pofteros ante defcenfum Jacobi in ^Egyp- 
 tum : Hos omnes in terra Canaanitide fuif- 
 fe dvTcvofjLi^g nemo quod fciam negaverit; 
 ideoque nullum fuperiorem agnoverunt. 
 Nicolaus Damafcenus a Jolepho citatus A- 
 brahamum in Damafco regnafTe, & cum 
 exercitu illuc venilTeeChaldaea ; non autem 
 diu ibi commoratum fuifle ; fed in Cana- 
 anitidem abiifle, aperte teftatur. Ex his 
 manifeflum eft eum ut colonise ducem in 
 Terram promiflam venille, ibique cum fuis 
 polteris, & armentis habitaiTe, incolarum 
 permiflu. Ec fane poll annos fere ducen- 
 tos ab Abrahami ingreflu teilatur Hamor 
 Hivitarum princeps, quod fatis ampla eflet 
 terra quae Jacobum, cum numerofa fua fa- 
 milia, & armentis, fmc incolarum incom- 
 modo excipere pollit, & inde ditior fieri. 
 Unde patet nee hominum, nee armento- 
 rum numerum in illb intervallo a diluvio 
 fatis creviiTe, ut terras depafcendae fuffice- 
 ret, ideoque advenas terram, depafcere ae- 
 que permit terent, ac aquam praeterfluen- 
 tem fumere. Quanquam in tempore inter- 
 medio certum lit plurimos e Phoenicibus 
 ex iEgypto pulfis in banc ^^egionem ie 
 contuliiieo Hoc
 
 De Legthus Patrtarcharum. 44 x 
 
 Hoc autem meam fententiam plurimum 
 confirinat de veritate numeroruin Hebrse- 
 orum inter diluvium & Abrahamum, quod 
 Canaan non erat circa ejus adventum valde 
 populofa. Certe fi additi fuiflent compu- 
 to Hebraico lofo ut Samaritani, aut 700 
 ut Jofephus, aut 880 ut Septuaginta, & tot 
 plures fuifTent anni a diluvio, non fine pug- 
 na excepifTent Canaanaei Abrahamum cum 
 fuo exercitu & armentis hue coloniam du- 
 centem. Hoc autem obiter notandum duxi 
 quoniam favere videtur Hebraicae fcrip- 
 turae, quam Itabilire ex hiiioricis praecipuus 
 eft fcopus libri, cui anneftitur haec appen- 
 dicula. 
 
 ^"/^"/^ ^"y* ^v-g ^v< '^.'i ^\'i ^"li ^V'i ^Y^ iW ^^4 ^^''i ^".'i ^a ^x^s ^a >y4 ^^'i ^"'^ ^^a ^"/^ >v^ j-v^ 
 
 CAP. V. 
 
 De prtnc'tpahhus legthus patrtarcharum. 
 
 P ERG AM nunc oftendere leges patri- 
 archales, in quibus fervandis Abraham! 
 & pofterorum, Ilaaci & Jacobi juftitia & 
 integritas elucebat, fimilHmas fuiile iis, quas 
 Mofes ex eo prognatus juiTu divine prae- 
 fcripfit Ifraelitis, poft 430 annos ab Abraha- 
 rni ingreilu in Terram promillam. 
 
 Hoc
 
 44 2^ ^^ Legtbus Patriarch arum. 
 
 Hoc autem diftum inteUigi velim de 
 praecipuis capitibus legis Mofaicae, non de 
 minutioribus ; nam nihil erat in patriarcha- 
 rum circumftantiis quod iilis refponderet, 
 Agnofco illos nullum habuiffe tabernaculum, 
 in quo Deus habitaret, in medio caftrame- 
 tationis eorum, quam nullam haipebant, 
 quippe pauci erant numero, fi cum multis 
 millibus in fingulis Ifraelitarum tribubus 
 conferantur. Hinc nullam habuere tribum 
 quae feligeretur ut tabernaculo inferviret. 
 Immo nullam habuerunt terram, vel urbem, 
 ad quam ter quotannis congregarentur. 
 Haec & multa iis fimilia, ideo tantum pa- 
 triarchis defuerunt, quia nondum creviflent 
 in magnam hominum multitudinem, non- 
 dum terram habuerunt quam fuam dicere 
 poflfent ; fed in terra aliena erant peregrini. 
 Nihil tamen iis defuit quod effentiale eft, 
 feu fundamentale, vel in oeconomicis prae- 
 ceptis vel politicis, parvae adhuc coloniae, 
 vel in ethicis, fi fic vocare liceat regulas 
 morum erga omnes gentes, inter quas vix- 
 erunt ut boni Cofmopolit^e, qui gentium 
 jura tam in pace, quam in bello obfervant. 
 
 Sic ex una familia refte, feu fecundum 
 leges patriarchales inftituta & adminiftrata 
 per Abrahamum, Ifaacum & Jacobum, orta 
 eit gens numerofa, quae fub Mofe & A^ro- 
 
 ne
 
 De Legthm Patriarch arum. 443 
 
 ne ex iEgypto dufta, in deferto a Deo le- 
 gem patriarchalibus inftitutis congrnam 
 diftante, formata eft, feu redufta in cor- 
 pus fimul politicum, & ecclefiafticum pul- 
 cherrimum, & plane theocraticum, quod 
 cum caeteris mundi gentibus juxta jura gen- 
 tium vivere poflet, falva fua religione, cu- 
 jus luce caeterae etiam gentes in veri Dei, 
 & Meffi^ pacriarchis promifTi, cognitio- 
 nem, adeoque meliorem politicum ftatum 
 paulatim deduci poflent. His breviter 
 praemiflis particulatim jam oftendam haec 
 duo. 
 
 I. Patriarchas praecipua praecepta, tarn 
 quae Deum fpeftant, quam quae homines, 
 diligentiflime obfervaire diu antequam lex 
 per Mofem e monte Sinai tradita eft. 
 
 X. Eosmotos efte iifdem magnis promif- 
 fis, aut metu ejufdem Judicii divini, feu 
 terrore poenarum earundem, quas lex Mo- 
 faica poftea minitabatur. 
 
 Ex his enim apertiflime evincetur Mo- 
 fem in avita religione Ifraelitas inftituifte, 
 & quae a Mofe noviter inftituta videri pof- 
 fenr, ea omnia ad antiquam religionem in 
 novis circumftantiis exercendam dirigere, 
 aut eos munire adverfus corruptees gen- 
 tium idololatricarum nuper introdu(3:as. 
 Sic enim innuit Mofes, Deut. xxxii. 17- 
 
 ubi
 
 444 ^^ Legtbus Patriarcharum. 
 ubi conqueritur de Ifraelitis in mores gen- 
 tium degenerantibus. Sacrificaverunt^ in- 
 quit ^ T)amonibus non TDeo^ T>'iis^ qiios non 
 noverantj novis e profinquo advenientibus^ 
 quos non timuerunt majores eorum. Revo- 
 cat illos ad patriarcharum mores in religi- 
 one ; ex his difcendae erant antique leges, 
 quemadmodum & nos hodieque e moribus 
 approbatis antiquis, & cafibus judicatis, 
 legem communem majorum noftrorum re- 
 fte colligimus. Quinetiam cum juditia oni- 
 nis adluum humanorum cQnfillat in confor- 
 mitate cum legibus, quibus fubjiciuntur ; h 
 juitis aftionibus bonae leges fatis evidenter 
 colliguntur, praefertim cum aftiqnes illae ab 
 optimo judice approbentur. 
 
 Speftemus itaque in Abrahami, Ifaaci & 
 Jacobi oeconomia, quam fuerit illis, i. Con- 
 jugium fidele, caflum, tranquillum, con- 
 cors. Obfervatu dignum eil ante diluvium 
 nullum e Sethi linea plures uxores duxifle ; 
 unicum ibi exemplum eft Lamechi iilius, 
 qui e Caini familia ortus eft, & probabili- 
 ter in diluvio periit. Abrahamus unicam 
 habuit Saram, Hagar tantum concubina e- 
 jeda eft ; Ifaacus e promiffione natus unam 
 Rebeccam: Jacobus fraude Labanis indu- 
 ftus eft in polygamiam. Chriftus autem e 
 Leah prima uxore prognatus eft.
 
 De Legibtis Patr'tarcharum. 447 
 
 •L. Ut fuerint parentes admodum indul- 
 gentes, curaruntque liberorum fuorum, non 
 tantum corpora, fed & animas, diligenter 
 eos inftituendo in pietate, feu via T>om'mi, 
 uti dicitur, Gen. xviii. 19. Hujufmodi erat 
 Jofephi pietas, & gratitudo erga patrem, & 
 charitas erga fratres male meritos. 
 
 3. Ut fuerint erga fervos domini cle- 
 mentes, fervofque habuerunt in familia fua 
 a nativitate probe inltruftos in artibus belli 
 & pacis, utinnuitur. Gen. xiv. 14. necnoa 
 in religione, ut Gen. xviii. 19. 
 
 4 Erga hofpites erant valde benigni, & 
 generofi, ut exemplo fint tarn Abrahamus, 
 quam Lotus ejus confanguineus; unde in 
 ipfa difpenfatione evangelica proponuntur 
 imirandi, Heb. xiii. x. Ex hac lege, & 
 his exemplis hofpitalitatis, colligitur ratio 
 omnium mandatorum Mofaicorum, de be- 
 nignitate erga extraneos inter ipfos habi- 
 tantes ; e quibus etiam deducatur ratio cur 
 pii Judaei expeterent converfionem gen- 
 tium, in tempore faltem Meffiae defidera- 
 tifTimi, Deut. xxxii. 43. Rom. xv. 10 ad 13. 
 
 In politicis fpeftandi funt hi patriarchae 
 tanquam avrovofjioi^ nullis Canaanseorum, aut 
 Philiftaeorum regulis fubditi, nee enim ipfi ali- 
 ter de illis fentiebant, uti patet e didlis Chit- 
 taeorum Gen.xxiii. 5, 6. & foederibus inter 
 
 Abrahamum,
 
 44^ ^^ Z>(f^/<^/^5" Patriarch arum. 
 Abrahamum Ifaacumque, cum Philiitaeis^qiii 
 origine erant iEgyptii, Gen. xxi. 3x, xxvi. 
 x8 ad 31. Nee hoc mirum videri debet in 
 prifcis illis temporibus, in quibus tarn multi 
 erant reges in Canaanitide ; nam quaelibet 
 fere majufcula familia patrem- familias ha- 
 buit regem, & Abrahamus legitur habuifle 
 318 in domo fua natos fervos, idoneos bel- 
 lo ; praeter eos qui armentis illius cultodi- 
 endis relinquebantur, & praeter eos qui pe- 
 cunia fua emebantur, mi colligitur e Gen. 
 xvii. 13. collato cum Gen. xiv. 14. & prae- 
 ter ancillas feu fervas. 
 
 Praeterea vero idem Abrahamus, uti & 
 ejus pofteri, non folum fupremam habuit 
 poteftatem in rebus civilibus familiae vel 
 colonias fuae, verum etiam in rebus fpiri- 
 tualibus, quse rehgionem fpeftant ; & ideo 
 Gen. xviii. 19. dicitur quod Abrahamtts 
 fraceferitfili'ts & famU'ta fua^ tit ob fervent 
 viam Jehov^e, Certum enim eft quod fi 
 ab CO daretur appellatio in rebus fpiritua- 
 libus ad reges gentium vicinarum, qui eth- 
 nic! erant, & idololatrae, fruftranea prorfus 
 effet Abrahami inftitutio in religione vera, 
 quippe quae a vicinis regibus condemnare- 
 tur. 
 
 Denique quod ad jura gentium attinet, 
 tarn in bello, quam in pace, manifellum eft 
 
 Abrahamum
 
 De Legthus Patrtanharum. 447 
 
 Abrahamum ejufmodi jura religiofiflime 
 obfervafle, uti decuit civcm mundi bonum. 
 Exemplum habemus in Gen. xiv. 13. ubi 
 dicitur Mamram Amorrhaeum, ejufque fra- 
 tres Anerem & Efhcolem ei confoederatos 
 fuiile; cum his vixit pacifice ante bellum 
 quod intulit Chedolaomer in multas Ca- 
 naanaeorum partes. Sed cum in illo bello A- 
 brahamus, foederatorum fuorum ope, ilium 
 viciffet, & cognatum fuum Lothum redux- 
 erat e captivitate, facultates Sodomaeorum 
 generofe admodum eorum regi reftituir, 
 partem fcilicet praedas, quae fua (Abraham! 
 ic) eflet belli jure. Sed illam praedae par- 
 tem quam foederati ipfius Amorrhaei ex 
 jure belli fibi vindicare pofTent, earn reli- 
 quit illis, ut fuo in illam jure uti illis liceret 
 Gen. xiv. 24, 
 
 At vereor ne nimius fim fi fingula per- 
 curram, quae in omnibus Mofis aut Jobi 
 libris occurrunt, aut ea curiofe excutiam. 
 Feftinabo itaque ad conclufionem hujus ap- 
 pendiculae, quae ultra fpem crevit in mole 
 fua. Confideremus itaque breviter quam 
 accurate conveniant horum patriarcharum 
 vitae, primo cum plerifque praeceptis Deca- 
 logi, quae poft eorum tempora a Deo tr^- 
 dita funt, tanquam primaria capita legis pa- 
 triarchis oUm minore cum terrore traditae. 
 
 I. Certe
 
 44 8 T)e Legtbus Patriarch arum. 
 
 I. Certe primum Decalogi prseceptum ob- 
 fervavit Abrahamus, cum reliquit, Deo fie 
 mandante, Deos alienos ; quos Terachus ejus 
 pater, aliique ejus majores coluiilent in re- 
 gione Tranfeuphratenfi, ut teltatur Jofliua, 
 cap. ult. ii' ^. 
 
 X. Secundum Decalogi praeceptum contra 
 idola implevit Jacobus, Gen. xxxv. 2, 4. 
 cum idola tradiderunt ejus domeltici, Deo 
 fic imperante, & poltulante Jacobo, eaque 
 fepelivit fub quercu prope Shecemum. 
 
 3. Tertium prseceptum contra perjurium 
 ab omnibus impletum ell, qui iande fidem 
 fuam fervaverunt, quam firmaflent jura- 
 mento ; quod Abrahamum fecilTe aliquo- 
 ties antea oitendimus : quinetiam Jacobus 
 ab Efavo fratre juramentum poltulavit, ad 
 firmandum paftum, quo primogenicurae fuae 
 jura ipfi vendiderat, Gen. xxv. 33. Credi- 
 dit certe abjuratione primogeniturae fir- 
 mum fieri illud paftum, nee recufavit hoc 
 facere Efavus. 
 
 4. De quarto praecepto fateor multum 
 difputari, omnes tamen fatentur fcriptum 
 efie Gen. ii. 3. benedixiflTe Deum diei fep- 
 timo, & fanftificafle eum. Patet etiam 
 feptimum quemque diem a laboribus ho- 
 tninum vacuum, & religioni verae impen- 
 fum, natura fua commodum effe ad revo- 
 
 candara
 
 De Legtbus Patriarcharum. 449 
 
 candam in memoriam hiftoriam divinami 
 quod fex diebus abfoluta eft mundi crea- 
 tio, ipfumque Deum a ftupendo hoc opere 
 feptimo quieville. Fatefur etiam aperte 
 traditum fuifTe hoc prasceptum paulo poil 
 egreffum ex iEgypto, antequam pervenif* 
 fent Ifraelitae ad defertum Sinai; adeoque 
 antequam lex, & prasfertim Decalogus, tra- 
 deretur in Sinai, aut foedus folenniter ini- 
 turn effet a Deo cum populo Ifraelitico ; 
 itaque hoc faltem nomine patriarchalis eft 
 hsec lex, & ante foedus legale obfervata eft. 
 Tempori facro aftinis eft locus facer ; 
 in his circumftantiis obfcurior eft praxis, & 
 inde deducSa lex patriarchalis. Nihilomi- 
 nus aliquid etiam hie occurrit, quod non 
 videtur prorfus negligendum : Nam quam-* 
 vis de bonarum aftionum fubftantia & 
 fonte, praBcipua fuerit divini noftri Hifto- 
 rici cura, non tamen omilit aliquas earum 
 circumftanrias tradere, quae populo primum 
 fuo, hoc eft Judaico, utiles eflent futurae ; 
 fed & aliis poftea gentibus non inutiles. 
 Hinc eft quod monuit, cum Deus prima 
 Mofi apparuit in rubo; Deum illi appro- 
 pinquanti dixifte, Ex. iii. 5*. Ne aj^fropin- 
 ques^ fed extrahe calceamenta tua, a pedi^ 
 bus tuts ; nam locus in quo jias eji terra fan- 
 iia: Manifeftum efle reor ritum hunc de- 
 G g trahendi
 
 45 o De Legibus Patriarch arum. 
 
 trahendi calceos in locis Deo facris non 
 t'R^ legis MofaicaD ritum , fed antiquiorem; 
 ideoque patriarchalem. 
 
 Hinc etiam patec Deum fibi in antiquif- 
 fimis temporibus loca aliqua refervari vo- 
 luifle, tanqiiam ipfi feparata ^ peculiaria, 
 quae hac ratione ftnda nominantur ; etli 
 tota terra, immo totus mundm Domini (it, 
 fed latiore fenfu. Parilis locus occurrit 
 poll legem datam, Jofli. v. 15-. non tamerl ex 
 legis praefcripto ; fed e more antiquiore. 
 Nihil tamen memoriae meae nunc occurrit 
 quod his ullatenus fimile fit in hiltoria pa- 
 triarcharum, praeterquam in infomnio quo 
 vifus ell Deus in fatellitio Angelorum a 
 jacobo proficifcente in Syriam, verfus a- 
 vunculum fuum Labanem. Tunc enim 
 expergefaftus Jacobus, Gen. xxviii. 16. dix- 
 it, certe TDeus efl hi hoc loco^, nihil eft hie 
 locus niji domus 2)^i, indeque locus ille 
 poltea ab eo diftus eft Bethel, ibique e la- 
 pidibus quibus incubuerat Itelam erexit, 
 quae altaris vicem videtur fuppkvifTe, quo- 
 niam ibi effudit oleum, quod libaminis in- 
 ftar erat, ibique decimas Deo vovit. Con- 
 venit fane hie locus cum aliisDeo facris,quan- 
 quam nihil hie dicatur de calceis extrahen- 
 dis; & fufpicor eum nudo pede hoc iter 
 fufcepifle J quia, Gen.xxxii. 10. dicit fe cum 
 
 baculo
 
 De Legibus Patriarcharum. 45 1 
 
 baculo fuo trau/iviffe Jordanem ; quse verba 
 favent fufpicioni nollrse, licet illam non 
 certo evincanc efTe veram. 
 
 Sed antequam dimirtam banc obfervati- 
 unculam obiter notandurn efTe cenfui, etiam 
 ethnicos facerdotes in factificando idolis, 
 feu novis diis ab ipfis additis, hunc ritum 
 retinuiffe, quern exillimo eos a patriarchis 
 antiquiflimis Noachipolleris derivaffe, quo- 
 niam certum ell fnultos ritus, & traditio- 
 nes ethnicorum longe antiquiores efle ec- 
 clelia Judaica, ideoque a Judaeis eos hapd 
 non defumpfifTe ; fed potius a communi 
 fonte, nempe a patriarchis, quorum niuki 
 ut Terachus Abrahami pater in idololatri- 
 am degenerarunt. Nihilominus mulras re- 
 tinuerunt traditiones laudabiles, ut de uno 
 Deo, caeteris omnibus fuperiore, de im- 
 mortalitate animarum, & de judicio poll 
 mortem fecuturo, ac de virtute heroica. 
 Has traditiones multo probabilius elle vi- 
 detur eos ab antiquilTimis patriarchis Ja- 
 pheti, Chami, immo & Shemi polleris ido- 
 lolatricis accepifle, quam a Jud^is. Anti- 
 quiffimaiEgyptiorum & Romanorum rem- 
 pla fine imaginibus fuere : Decimas Cabi- 
 ns datas fuiffe conllat ex Dion. Halicar- 
 nalTenfi. Sed cdndonetur haec digreilio. 
 
 G g X Redeo
 
 ^jz De Lej^thus P atriarcharum. 
 
 Redeo ad Decalogum, cujus primam ta- 
 bulam jam percurrimus ; fecunda nunc tra- 
 ftanda. Quoniam* autem omnia quae ho- 
 minibus debentur oHicia, quae in fecunda 
 tabula continentur, profluunt ex amore er- 
 ga totum genus humanum, & felicius prae- 
 llabuntur ab iis qui juxia primam tabuiam 
 animitus diligunt verum Dcum omnium 
 parentem, dubitari non potell quin patri- 
 archae illius cultores, omnes homines ut Dei 
 fobolem fincero amore complexuri funt. 
 
 5. Hinc ell quod juxla quintum Decalogi 
 praeceptum muita pietatis iuae erga paren- 
 tes nobis exem^pla reliquerunc ; hinc She- 
 mus nuditatem patris fui retrorfum acce- 
 dens pallio texit, & benediftionem inde re- 
 portavir. Hinc Ifaacus patri, qui ipfum in 
 iacrificium eflet oblaturus, fe dedidit vin- 
 ciendum, & imponendum in altari ; obfe- 
 quium ufque ad mortem praefHturus, nili 
 Deus prohibuifiet tilii ca^dem, & arietem 
 ei fuccedaneum providillet. Hinc Joiephus 
 cum fames effet in Canaane, patrem fuum, 
 immo fratres qui ipfum vendiderunt aluit 
 in .Egypto, ubi in populum crevci ant nu- 
 merofum. Hinc colligatur Joiephum patri 
 fuo debuifTe 0^g7rTjf^;ct, & multam charita- 
 tem toci iamilice, cujus erat pars jure patri- 
 archali. 
 
 6. Praecep.
 
 De Legibus Patrtarcharnm. 453 
 
 6. Praeccptum prohibens homicidium ia 
 jure patriarchal! expreflis verbis continetur, 
 Gen. ix. 6. & mortis poena fancitur : hinc 
 Jacobus filiorum fuorum crudelitarem in 
 occid ndisSichemitisexecratur, Gen.xlix. 7. 
 
 7. Nee dubium eft quin in jure patriar- 
 chali vetitum erar adulterium : Quippe non 
 Iblum veteres patriarchae, verum etiam ca- 
 lliores e gentibus, uti Pharaoh in iEgypro, 
 & plus Abi melee e Phililteis in Gerari reg- 
 nans, nefas elFe credebantuxorem Abraham! 
 polluere, circa 400 annos ante legem in Si- 
 nai datam ; quin & Jobus hoc crimen de- 
 teltatur. Job. xxxi. 9 ad 12. 
 
 8. Conllat etiam ex hifloria de Jofephi 
 fcypho argenteo in os lacci Benjaminis im- 
 miflb, Gen xliv. tam filios Ifraelis, quam 
 iEgyptios furrum illicitum elie credidilTe, 
 immo puniendum efle vel morte, ut Gen. 
 xliv. 9. vel faltem fervitute, prout Itatuifie 
 videtur Jofephus, '^, 17. & Judali ie offerC 
 infervituiem pro Benjamine, y.33. CoHiga- 
 tur etiam Algyptios debuille mercedem 
 ampliorem quam dederunt Ifraelitis pro la- 
 boribusfuis : Immo Dei concefho data If- 
 raelitis ut fpoliarent ^Egyptios abituri, ar- 
 guit jus eis fuiffe fumendi fibi reprifalia de 
 gente ^Egyptiaca. 
 
 • ... .- ^ ^„:!G g 3.-.-:^.'..t. A Nee
 
 454 ^^ Legtbus Patr'tarcharum. 
 
 9. Nee fas eft dubitare quin patriarchae 
 ceiifuerint omne mendacium voluntariumj 
 praBcipue veto falfumteftimonium in judiciis 
 publicis femper iHicitum fuifle, adeoque 
 anteqiiam datum fuerit praeceptum nonum 
 in Decalogo. Ideoque in hiftoria Mofaica 
 peccatum protoplailarum, indeque omnes 
 humani generis calamitates introduci nar- 
 rantur, vi mendacii contra Deum a latana 
 didi, & a protoplaftis admidi, Gen, iii. 4. 
 tNon mortemini {\ de frudu vetito comeda- 
 tis ; atqiie hinc diabolus /^^^e'r ^^^^W^^vi, id 
 eft, primus inventor dicitur, Joh. viii. 44. 
 quod videtur Chriftus dixille ex refpeftu 
 ad primum iliud mendacium. 
 
 Proximus diabolo mendax occurrit Cai- 
 nus fratricida, qui dixit ie non noviffe ubi 
 eflet interfeftus illius frater, ut videamus, 
 Gen. iv. 9. Cumque mendacium fit chara- 
 der peffimorum , fequitur veracitatem, &, 
 quae earn praecedit, diligentem* veri inda- 
 gationem ad charadl^rem optimorum per- 
 tinere. Omnes ratione praediti veritatem 
 cupiunt cognofcere, adeoque mendacium 
 utpote contradicens veritati fugiendum. 
 Protoplaftae quia nunquam videntur infan- 
 tes fuilTe ; fed in ftatu quafi adulto creati 
 felicius veritatem inveftigare potuerunt 
 quail) nos, (jui quoniam infantes nafcimur
 
 De Legibus P atr tar char um. 455: 
 
 multa imbibimus praejudicia, priufquam res 
 penitius examinare pofiumus : Casreri etiam 
 patriarchae,quia valde erant longasvi, facilitis 
 in tanto tempore progreiTus maximos po- 
 tuerunt facere, ram in fcientiis, quam in 
 prudente rcrum adminiflratione. 
 
 HsBc autem hie annotare vifum eft, ut 
 inde patear patriarchas Noachum, Shemum 
 & Abrahamum, a quibus omnes leges pa- 
 triarchales derivailtur, tales fuifte viros qui 
 nee facile in rebus maximi momenti falii 
 potuerint, nee liberos iuos in iifdem rebus 
 fallere voluerinr, tradendo falfas opiniones 
 in rebus ad religionem & vitam civilem 
 pertinentibus. 
 
 10. Pari denique ratione credamus pa- 
 triarchas nee ignoraiTe, nee neglexifle id 
 quod omnibus notum eft, oportere nos 
 principiis malarum aftionum obftare, & re- 
 fittere primis animorum motibus verfus il. 
 licitas : Id autem eft quod poftea prajcepit 
 Mofes in ultimo Decalogi mandate. 
 
 Denique has leges non folum patriarchas 
 obhgare, verum etiam totum genus huma- 
 num patet, quia propter earum violationem 
 Antediluviani omnes fubmerii funt, Sodo- 
 maei igne confumpti funt, & Canaanaei h 
 fua terra expulii. 

 
 4j6 De Legibus Fatrtarcharum. 
 
 CAP. Vi. 
 
 De minus prmctpahhus legibus patriar- 
 ch arum, 
 
 HI S tandem de praecipuis morum re- 
 gulis breviter tranfaftis pergamus : 
 
 I. Ad alia praecepta; primo de ceremo- 
 niis & externis religionis aftibus, quae a 
 patriarchis ufurpatae leguntur ; & fecundo 
 de civilibus rebus, de paucis quae civilem, 
 aut (xconomicam vitam fpe6iant, quaeque 
 ab iis tranflata funt in codicem legum Mo- 
 faicarum. 
 
 a. Denique praecipuas promiiliones & 
 minas, quibus leges patriarchales fancieban- 
 tur, confideremus ; & videbimus etiam illas 
 in legis Moiaicae fanftionem aflumptas fu- 
 ifTe, atque illinc etiam in c^conomiam e- 
 vangelicam tranfiilTe. 
 
 De ritihus rehgionis patriarch arum. 
 
 Horum prima erat quodammodo privata 
 in lingulis familiis circumcifio. De hoc 
 ritu obfervavit Salvator nofter, Job. vii. zi. 
 eum non a Mofe conffitutum efle; fed a 
 patriin> mo^p '^cfcendiffe. Inceptus autem 
 elt tempuiv: Abrahami ex mandato Dei, 
 Gen. xvii. lo. cum Abrahamus annum age- 
 ret 99^'"\ Manifeftuin autem elt hoc man- 
 datum
 
 De Legtbus Patriarcharum. 457 
 
 datum renovatum effe fub lege Mofaica. 
 Pergo igitur ad ritus magis publicos. 
 
 Ad religionem patriarcharum publicam, 
 feu folennem pertinent : 
 
 I. Sacerdotes. 
 
 %. Altaria quae munus fanftificanr, i. e. 
 Deo feparant, Mat. xxiii. 19. 
 
 3. Sacrificia. 
 
 4. Decimae Deo facrae. 
 
 5. Muficae vocalis & inftrumeiitalis ufus, 
 in Dei laudibus celebrandis. Miriam ob 
 peritiam in hac arte celebratur, Ex. xv. ^o. 
 
 De fmgulis pauca luggeram & fagaciori 
 judicio fubmitram. 
 
 i.Sacerdotiumad patrem-familias,ejufque 
 haeredem, feu primogenitum ordinarie per- 
 tinuifle videtur, in prifcis hifce temporibus, 
 Fateor interim mihi non conftare per quo- 
 rum manus feu miniiterium Cain & Abel 
 fua munera obtulerunt Deo, nee quo figno 
 notum erat Deum refpexifle ad Abelem, 
 ejufque munus, magis quam ad Cainum, 
 ejufque munus. Certum interim eft Cainum 
 fuifle primogenitum, Deum agnofcere ei 
 aliqualem fuperioritatem debitam effe, fi- 
 dem etiam commendafTe Abelem non item 
 ejus fratrem natu majorem. 
 
 Primus, quem Mofes facerdotem fuifle 
 dixit, eft Melchifedecus ; quem quia She- 
 mum fuifl^e reor, maximae familiae-patrem 
 
 fuifle
 
 4^5 8 De luegfhus Patr'iarcharum, 
 
 fuilTe necefTario agnofco, e\indemque re- 
 gem in Shalem. Exiflimq etiam huig in 
 ftcerdotio fummi Dei luccei|ifle ejus prog- 
 siatos Abrahamum^ Ifaaqum & jacol3qm, 
 qui fucceffive erant patres familiar piae ab 
 Abrahamo derivatae, quos facrificia obtulif- 
 fe coniht, etli nunquam nomipentur faceiv 
 dotes, tales tamen fuilTe, & quidem ha^re- 
 ditarie exillimo. ■ ' ', <. - r 
 
 Poll defceDfum in. yEgyptum non legi- 
 mus eorum lucceilbre&jbi, facrificia pbti^; 
 lifle; vix id pcnniltrintiEgyptii, ut colli- 
 gere licet e diftis, Exod. viii. 2,6, Nonne la- 
 pdattiri e(fe^t ms ? bed imminente tandem 
 Exodo jubentpr facrificfire Agnum pafcha- 
 iem, quod tytQ facer e tynp poterant, quia 
 vefpere in cujufque domp fadum elt, ea^ 
 demque node omnes ^gyptiorum primo- 
 geniti fubita morte correpri funt, & ingenci 
 terrore perculfi funt . qui tupei iiites manfe- 
 runt de fua vita foUiciti, Ai poll adven- 
 turn populi ad montem Sinai, antequam da- 
 retur ulla lex de coniUcuendis facerdotibus, 
 occurrit facerdotum mentio, Exod. xix. 
 az, 14. Hi autem iidem funt qui poitea 
 juvenes filiorum liraelis, Exod. xxiv. 5-. dl- 
 cunturj, qui facrificia obtulerunt, quorum 
 fanguine fancitum elt folenniter fi^edus in- 
 ter Deum & Ifr:-eliticum populum, qui pri- 
 mogeniti a plerifque exilUmantur. Quaere, 
 
 an
 
 De Legibus Patriarcharum. 459 
 
 an Efavus profanus dicatur, quia vendidit 
 facerdotium in primogenitura contentum: 
 An aequipolleant, Heb. v. 5-, 6. quia flius 
 Sifacerdos^ ut Melchifedecus. 
 
 Notandum autem hinc ell folenne hoe 
 foedus, Exod. xxiv. fanciri per miniilerium 
 prifcorum, feu patriarchalium facerdotum, 
 non per Leviticum facerdotium, quod non- 
 dum erat conttitutum. Solus hie erat Aaron 
 cum filiis Nadab & Abihu, qui tamen non- 
 dum confecrati fuerant virtute ullius novi 
 mandati a Deo recepti; nee fane Aaron 
 haec obtulit facrificia ; fed juvenes quidam 
 ex vetere more. Nam omnes leges tam de 
 fummo facerdotio Aaronis, ejufque filio- 
 rum, quam de inferioribus minilteriis Levi- 
 tarum aliorum, pofl hoc foedus initum fan- 
 citumque, datae funt. Quinetiam tunc vi- 
 detur Aaron, ejufque haeredes, in facerdo- 
 tium illud fummum affiimpti & conftituti, 
 cum refpeftu ad ejus primogenituram, & 
 ad morem patriarchalem primogenitos fie 
 honorandi ; erat enim ille tribus annis m.a- 
 jor natu quam Mofes. Caeterique poftea 
 Levitag ad minifteria fua fub facerdotibus 
 Aaronicis confecrati funt, propter zelum 
 fuum contra vituli aurei cultores, ut col- 
 ligi poteil e verbis, Exod.xxxii. 26 ad x8. 
 
 X. De altaribus patriarchalibus pauca tan- 
 turn occurrunt notanda ; videntur autem 
 
 elfe
 
 4^o De Legibus Patriarcharum. 
 
 efle primae ftrufturae quse Deo confecratag, 
 feu donatas fuerint, antequam uUum effet 
 tabernaculum, aut templum, eorumqueerant 
 quafi initia & prima rudimcnta. Hinc A- 
 brahamus, Gen. xii. 7, 8. altaria conltruxit 
 Deo, qui ibi apparuit ipfi, ibique nomen e- 
 jus invocavit, tanquam fpecialis quae ibi 
 eflet pras^entia Dei ; limiliterque Gen. xiii. 
 4 Sed nullum in his locis facrificium, prse- 
 ler preces, memoratur. Similiter etiam in 
 Beerflieba ubi Deus illi apparuit ahare con- 
 ftruxit, Gen. xxvi^ 24, 25-. Nee aHter de 
 Jacobo legimus, cum Deus illi apparuit. 
 Gen. xxviii. 16 ufque ad 19, & locum vo- 
 cavit Bethel domum Dei, ut ah.are videatur 
 elfe teftimonium quoddam praefentiae Dei, 
 feu habitationis illius. etiamii ad facrincii 
 oblationem nonerigatur. Tale etiam aliare 
 erexiffe videtur Moies pofl: \v:\os Amale- 
 kitas, Exod. xvii. 15-- quod diclum eli Je- 
 hovah Niffi, Jehovae vexilli mei, in memo- 
 riam viftoriae ; fed nullum ibi coemoratur 
 facrificium. Hujus genrris videtur fuifle 
 altare Reubenitarum & Gaditarum, Jofli. 
 xxii. 34. Didum ell Ed. i e. Teftis. tefta- 
 tum Jehovam effe noltrum Deum. Con- 
 ftruftum hoc videiur poll legem Mofaicam, 
 ad imitationem patriarchalium altarium, & 
 approbatum ell tandem ut legi nullatenus 
 coiurarium. 
 
 Conftat
 
 De Legthus Patriarch arum. 4^1 
 
 ConOat equidem alraria patriarcharum 
 non uin cuivis loco limitari, uti poftea fub 
 lege Molis ad locum tabernaculi aut tern- 
 pli ; quod tamen fadum, ut magis certo ca- 
 vereni facerdotes in iis minittrantes, ne quid 
 fieret in iacrificiis cdntrarium praefcriptis 
 Dei, non quia diiplicuill'ent Deo antiqua 
 piorum iacrificia aliis in locis celebrata, cum 
 nullum elTet tabernaculum aut templum. 
 Nam hoc honoris patriarcharum moribus 
 datum elt,etiam poilquam Mofaica illalimi- 
 tatio fada elt, ut ipfe Deus difpenfaverit de 
 ilia, & grata habuit facrificia Samuelis in 
 Ramah, i Sam. vii. 17. & Eliae in monte 
 Carmel ; ne quid adjiciam de facrificiis So- 
 lomonis in Gibeon, i Reg. iii. 4. Similiter- 
 que de Afe & Jeholophati facrificiis, in locis 
 excelfis, quia redo corde, & fummo Deo, 
 juxta ritus prifcorum patrum ofFerebantur, 
 
 Altaribus affines funt unffi lapides, ut- 
 pote unftione Deo confecrati, fecundum 
 ufum patriarcharum, Gen. xxviii. 18, 19. 
 Hinc etiam homines Deo facri, ilHus unfti 
 appellantur ante legem ?4ofaicam, Plal. cv, 
 15-. Sic Abraham, Ifaac, Jacob: Hinc Cy- 
 rus unftus Dei dicitur, ritu patriarchal! ad 
 genres etiam tranfeunte^ Jefa. xlv. i. Lex 
 autem Mofaica hoc ritu a patribus deriva- 
 to ufa elt frequentiffime ad conlecradonem 
 veftium, altarium, tabernaculi, facerdotum, 
 regum, prophetarum. Tranfea-
 
 4^2 T^e Legtbus Patriarcharum, 
 
 Tranfeamus itaque tertio ad ipfa facrificia 
 patriarchalia, & oftendamus eadem ilia fu- 
 ifle cum praefcriptis lege Mofaica. Ipfius 
 Noachi tempore nota fuit ante diluvium di- 
 ftinftio animalium mundorum ab immundis, 
 & priora, tantum ad facrificia poll diluvi- 
 um adhibebantur. Gen. viii. xo. nempe e 
 bovino, caprino, & ovino genere nee non 
 h columbis & turturibus. His iifdem ufus 
 Abrahamus in facrificio illo memorabili. 
 Gen. XV. 9, 10. quod Deo gratiffimum fuifle 
 oitendit vifio, & prophetia, una cum foe- 
 dere quod Deus ipli immediate conceffit. 
 His ipfis ufi funt ejus pofteri, quae eadem 
 lege Mofaica praefcribuntur. De ritu foe- 
 derali diflecandi vitulum, & tranfeundi in- 
 ter partes feparatas ; confer patriarchalem 
 morem, Gen. xv. lo, 17. cum Mofaico, 
 Jer.xxxi. 18. 
 
 Immo ritus ille fpecialis fanguinem facri- 
 ficii fpargendo, ope fafciculi ex hylTopo col- 
 ligati, praefcribitur ufurpandus in ^gyp- 
 to antequam lex Mofi data elt Exod. xii.ii. 
 Eodemque ritu ufus elt Mofes cum foedus 
 fancivit inter Deum, & populum Ifraelis, 
 antequam leges darentur fpeciales de ritibus 
 bujufmodi ; immo antequam facerdotium 
 Aaronicum & minilleria Levitica prsefcri- 
 berentur, telte apoltolo Heb. ix. 19. id- 
 
 que
 
 De Legtbus Fair tar chdrum 4^53 
 
 que faftum fcivit apollolus e confervatis rt*- 
 tibus patriarchalibiis; nam nulla eft mentio - 
 hyilopi in hiftoria Vlolaica de rtiodo foedus 
 illud jfaciendi, Exod. xxiv. 8. Imitio juihi 
 videtur ipfe David in Pfal.li. 7. Exfiato m^ 
 hyfopo tit mun'dus fim^ alludere iad moretii 
 hunc patriarchalcm, potius quam iegalem^: 
 Quoniam nulluiti invenio in lege Mofaica 
 facrificium, quo expietur homicidium, & 
 adulrerium voluntarium, & praefun:^piuofe 
 faftum. Lex accommooatur aperte pec- 
 catis ex ignorantia commiilis, nil tameft 
 vetuic quin Deus eriam prsefumptuofa pec- 
 cata ex infinita mifeiicordia fua remittere 
 poffit, & facrifrciis patriarchalibus afpei-fo 
 i'anguine expiare. Aique hoc videtur feti- 
 fiile patriarcha ille, (fie loqui liceat) Jobus 
 1.5-. facrificiis expians filios, 4i forte Ded 
 maledixiflent apud animum fuum. Sali6 
 nullum tale facrificium exprimitur, quod 
 fciam, in lege Mofis : Sed illud crimen vi- 
 detur efle vetitum. in lege Noachidarum, 
 feu patriarchali, ideoque ex iifdem legibus 
 quaefita eft ejus expiatio. 
 
 Obfervavi etiam in antiquiflimo illo librd 
 de Job inter difta Elihu, qutE ipfe t)eas 
 approbavit, cap. xxxiii. ^. '24. ipfamDeum 
 in oeconomia patriarchali, po^nitenti dice- 
 re, Liberetttr tile a defcenjk in pitettm^ 
 8 ii^fe
 
 4^4 ^^ Legthus Patriarch arum, 
 ipfe Invent fropttiationem,, feu idoneum fa- 
 crificium expiacorium. Hoc autem innuere 
 videtur, etiam tunc patriarchas fenfilTe, Deo - 
 notam efle fufficientem pro omnibus pec- 
 catis expiationem, quae fuo tempore reve- 
 landa eflet, uti faftum eft in tempore Mef- 
 liae. 
 
 Denique eadem Mincha, feu mola falfa 
 qu2B igne cum facrificio confumenda erat, 
 & a peregrino danda, eadem etiam a Judaeo 
 afFerenda fuit ex legis praefcripto. Num. xv. 
 14, 15-, 16. Sumo autem pro conceffo, feu 
 manifefta veritate, quod omnia facrificia quae 
 peregrini e gentibus aliis permittebantur 
 ofFerre Deo, in lege Mofaica, ea omnia li- 
 cita fuerunt virtute legum patriarchalium, 
 & naturalium, nullaque a Mofaicis legibus 
 data efle lis privilegia, prater ea quae ante 
 legem ex jure gentium ad omnes homines 
 pertinebant. Deus femper erat Deus om- 
 nium gentium, & ab iis colendus, -ut innuit 
 apoftolus, Rom. iii. 29. Nee alise extitere 
 leges, quibus gentium cultus dirigeretur, 
 praeter leges naturales, & mores approbatos 
 patriarcharum. Hinc obfervavi quod Da- 
 rius Perfarum rex facrificia, & preces pro 
 fe, & filiis fuis ofFerri voluit, eadem cum 
 fuis appendicibus quae in lege Molaica prae- 
 fcribuntur tarn Judaeis quam peregrinis, ut 
 
 patet 
 
 8
 
 De Legthus Patriarcharum. 4(55f 
 
 patet ex Ezra vi. 9, 10. Similia Alexandei? 
 obtulit tefte Jofepho. 
 
 4. Decimae a patriarchis offeruntur Deo, 
 & ejus facerdoti traduntur ab AbrahamOi 
 Gen. xiv. & univerfalius voventur ab ejus 
 nepote Jacobo, Gen. xxviii. ^^. Hinc ese^ 
 dem decimas ex legis Mofaicae praefcripto 
 folvi jubentur, ut inde Dei facerdotes, alii- 
 que facris miniltrantes liberaliter alerentur^ 
 Deo Jacobi pium [prudenfque votum ap« 
 probante. 
 
 De dvihhus confiiUUiomhus. 
 
 A facris, quae Deum refpiciunt fupremunt 
 regem, tranfeamus ad res civiles patriar- 
 charum, quag fundantur in religione, ea- 
 demque Itabiliuntur. Hie, praeter Melchi- 
 fedecum juditiae regem & pacis, quern jam 
 jam traftavimus, occurrunt Judices ; quo- 
 rum praecipuus, qui memoratur antequam 
 lex daretur, erat Mofes, quern fedentemt 
 vidit Jethro ejus focer ad judicandum po- 
 pulum a mane ad vefperam ; & e patriar- 
 chalis prudentiae principiis eum refte mo* 
 nuit, ut provideret e toto populo fubordi- 
 natos fibi praefeftos, qui conltanter judica- 
 rent populi partes millenas, centenas, &c. 
 in rebus facilioribus, minoris momenti ; fed 
 graviora & difficiliora, ad eum referrent 5 
 H h & his
 
 j^66 De Legthtis Patr'tarcharum, 
 
 & his monitis Mofes eadem prudentia da- 
 dus aufcultavit, Ex. xviii. 
 
 Hinc certo colligamus quod patriarchis 
 noti fuerjnt varii illi hominum ordines, qui 
 a lupremo in civilibus capite, veluc mem- 
 bra corporis politic!, reguntur. 
 
 Ad civilis itatus confiderationem etiart) 
 pertinet conilitutio menfurarum, ponder 
 rum & nummorum. Atque hinc a patri- 
 archis tranfiit ad Ifraelitas notitia cubitus, 
 quae efl origo menfurarum longitudinis, cu- 
 jus mentio occurrit ante diluvium. Gen. vi. 
 15-, 16. In Abrahami tempore reperi- 
 mus Sicli, feu Shekelis mentionem, Gen. 
 xxiii. 155 16. & ex hoc fonte derivari pof- 
 fuat omnia pondera, ut alibi ollendimus ; & 
 in hunc diem femuncia Zygollatica, quam 
 diciraus de Averdupois, eadem eft cum 
 pondere antiqui ficli, ut alibi probavimus. 
 
 Porro etiam e pondere conjunfto cum 
 natura metalli, & confenfu populorum, ori- 
 tur omnis valor, feu aeftimatio, & fpecies 
 nummorum. Hinc etiam in patriarcharum 
 temppribus obfervavimus Jacobi filios ex- 
 primere fe reperilFe in ore faccorum fuo-? 
 rum pecuniam fuam fecundum pondus fu- 
 um, Gen. xliii. 21. Quod per omnia tena^j 
 pora regni Ifr^elitici durav^f i^ fefer. 
 
 Genera-
 
 De Legthus Patrmrcharum, ^6f 
 
 Generalibus hifce fignis civilis flatus ad- 
 damus unum, vel alterum exemplum, 
 
 I. Lex de ducenda fratria, quando ejus 
 maritus mortuus eflet fine liberis, reperitur 
 ante leg^m, Gen. xxxviii. Mofes banc le- 
 gem fuis inferuit, Deut xxv. 5. & magna^ 
 ignominiae poenam fancivit in tranfgrefTore^ 
 hujus legis. 
 
 z, Aliud obfervavi exemplum, quod di- 
 vifionem haereditatis refpicit, ideoque a<l 
 jura civilia pertinet, atque hoc in libro de 
 Jobo occurrit ; quern inter patriarchas nu- 
 mero, quia fere omnes confentiunt euni 
 ante legem Mofaicam vixilTe. In eo autem 
 laudatur, Job xlii. 15-. quod filiabus fuis 
 partem dederit, etiamfi filios quoque habu- 
 erit. Eandem aequitatem erga filias obfer- 
 vavit Deus in caiu filiarum Zelophehadij 
 qui mortuus eil fine liberis mafculis, quae 
 refte fibi vindicarunt haereditatem pater- 
 nam, i. e. fecundum jus patriarchale, quan- 
 quam earum jus non patebat omnibus ante 
 Dei refponfum. Juflit enim inter filias ejus 
 dividere h^reditatem, cum hac folum cau- 
 tela ut nuberent cognatis fuis, ne in aliam 
 tribum tranfiret haereditas^ Num. xxvii. 7. 
 &c. frobatur^ i. e. p Keeny ex jure, & ae- 
 quo naturali & patriarchali, quia fuerunt 
 filiae Jofephi, adeoque Abrahami titulunt 
 H h 2^ habenf
 
 4^3 T^e Legihus Patriarchanim. 
 
 habent lege priorem. Nee fane opus eft 
 ut plura quaeram exempla, quoniam mani- 
 fellum eft quod fi in rebus ad pietatem & 
 probiratem neceirariis mutarentur leges & 
 mores patriarcharum in novas, id necefta- 
 rio cederet in dedecus tarn piorum viro- 
 rum, quorum honori Deum femper confu- 
 luiffe iEquum eft ut credamus, quia ipfe il- 
 los in optima exemplaria probicatis & pie- 
 tatis omnibus propofuit. 
 
 His.refte confideratis facile erit judicare 
 an confultius fuerit Mofi & Ifraelitis, poft- 
 quam ex iEgypto edufti effent, legibus ad- 
 haerere paternis, fub quibus ab infantia e- 
 ducati func & in libertatem afterti, quam 
 peregrinis ^Egyptiorum, fub quibus in fer- 
 vitutem redadi funt, & innumeris aerum- 
 nis opprefli : Pragfertim cum leges patriar- 
 chales naturalibus rationis diftatis exade 
 conveniunt, ^gyptiacae autem praefertim 
 in religione rationi plurimum repugnent ; 
 atque ideo ab omnibus fere gentibus deri- 
 dentur. 
 
 ^15 nefctt qualia demons 
 
 Mgypus fortenta colat 
 
 CAP.
 
 De Legibus Patnarcharum, ^6^ 
 
 CAP. VIL 
 
 De legtim patnarchahum fancl'tombtis^ 
 6? eartim durattone. 
 
 PErvenimus tandem ad id quod ultimo 
 loco confiderandum propofuimus, 
 nempe fandionem harum legum per pro- 
 milTa, poenafque, quae iis anneftuntur, quse- 
 que ex exemplis veluti e calibus a Deo ju- 
 dicatis inveftiganda funt, quemadmodum 
 ipfas leges e praxi fub oeconomia patriar- 
 chali inveftigavimus. Nee tamen, uti reor, 
 opus erit multa adjicere iis, quae in expli- 
 canda definitione breviter fuggeffimus. Pau- 
 ca nihilominus notare vifum ell : Et 
 
 I. Quidem de promiffis ante legem Mo- 
 faicam datis. 
 
 X. De poenis eodem tempore infliftis. 
 
 Praecipua promifla fub oeconomia patri- 
 archali data, funt quae beneficia fpedant per 
 Mefliam venturum obtinenda. Ea autem 
 omnia vivae fruftiferaeque fidei ab homini- 
 bus prsedandae dantur, qualem fuilTe fidem 
 Abelis, Enochi, Noae, Abrahami, &c. de- 
 monflrat apoftolus ad Heb. xi. Certe con- 
 teretur juxta primum promiffum caput fer- 
 pentis, vel ut rem clarius edocet apoftolus 
 I Joh. iii. 8. per Chriflum dijfolventur ope- 
 H h 3 ra
 
 470 De Legthus Patriarcharum. 
 
 fa diabolh & evertetur ejus regnum : Sed 
 oportet etiam nos omnem cum eo amiciti- 
 am diflblvere, ftrenueque militare fub Chri- 
 ili vexillo, contra omnes legiones vitiorum 
 & tentationum ; fin aliter fecerimus nulla 
 nobis orietur laetitia e praedifta ilia Chrifti 
 viftoria. 
 
 Maxima quaeque Abrahamo promiflTa 
 funt Gen. xv. i. Ego fum clypeus tibi^ @ 
 pierces tua ampla valde. Ampliflima ilia 
 merces non limitatur intra hujus brevis vi- 
 tae fines ; fed ad futuram praecipue coUi- 
 mat, quam Abrahamum expeftaffe, Deum- 
 que promififfe docet apollolus, Heb. xi. lo, 
 1 6, Hanc meliorem expeftationem probat 
 Chriftus, Job. v. 39. & Sadducaeos. con- 
 demnat ut ignaros Scripturae V. T. & pote- 
 Itatis divinaB, Mat. xxii. 29. Sed fimul hoc 
 eft Abrahamo imperatum ut ambularet co- 
 ram Deo, eflTetque integer, Gen. xvii. r, 
 Deufque fe, eum ita fafturum efl^e, noflfe 
 teftatur, idque eo fine ut praeftet Jehovae 
 id quod illi promifit, Gen, xviii. 19. 
 
 De poenis quibus Deus hafce leges filnci- 
 vit muka occurrunt exempla. Exilio puni- 
 tur Cain ob fratricidium. FortafTe morte 
 non pleftebatur, quia tunc temporis pauci 
 extitere homines, & confulendum erat in- 
 premento humani generis admodum defi- 
 ^erato, Poltea vero in tempore Noachi 
 
 cum
 
 De Legthus F atr tar ch arum. 471 
 
 cum videret Deus augefcere hominum ma- 
 Ktiam in terra, delere Itatuit homines de 
 fuperficie terra?, una tantum Noachi familia 
 in area confervata ; quod fummag juftitiae 
 vindicatricis in omnigena fcelera tremen- 
 dum eft exemplum. Paulo poft, mortem 
 homicidae poenam eiTe homicidii exprelTa 
 lege ftatuit, Gen. ix. 6. ^li effundit homi- 
 nis favgiiinem^ fer hominem fanguis ill'tus 
 ejfundatur. 
 
 Mox puniuntur Sodomirae & vicinae ci- 
 vitates, igne de coelo delapfo, Gen. xix.24, 
 2-5^. idque iti exemplum exitii aeterni ut 
 monet apoftolus, -l Pet. ii. 6. Jud. f. 7. Po- 
 ftea pronuntiat Judah, Thamarem propter 
 fcortationem urendam efle, Gen. xxxviii. 14. 
 eandem autem perfpefta melius caufa ab- 
 folvit a crimine : Unde conllat poteftatem 
 vitse & necis in patriarchis fitam fuiffe ; 
 idemque colligi poteft ex eo quod in A- 
 brahamo erat jus bellum gerendi, quod line 
 poteltate vitae & necis, tarn in milites fuos 
 quam in holies, geri non poteft. 
 
 Addi polTet exemplum Jobi, qui fe judi- 
 cem fuille aequiflimum profitetur, Job xxix. 
 i^, 13, 16, 17. Judicis autem cmcium fine 
 poteftate coerciva per poenas nemo poteft 
 exequi. 
 
 Idem colligi poteft e praxi Mofis vifa a 
 
 Jethrone antequam lex fcripta daretur e 
 
 H h 4 Sinai,
 
 472^ T^^ Legthus Patriarcharum. 
 
 Sinai, Exod. xviii. i6. Judicavtt inter liti- 
 gantes & not as fecit fiat ut a & leges T>et^ ut 
 ipfe fatetur ibidem. Hoc autem plane fruftra 
 fuifTe nifi poteftatem haberet coercendi eum 
 litigantem, qui iniqua aut fecifliet aut po- 
 ftulaviflet. Praeterea vero hinc certum eft, 
 eum longe plures leges patriarchales & no- 
 vifTe, & fpecialius cafibus accommodalTe, 
 quam quas e brevi hiftoria a Mofe nobis 
 relifta potuimus coUigere ; notafque has le- 
 ges ignotis praetulifte. 
 
 Sufficiathsec dixiffe de poenis, quas juxta 
 leges patriarchales inflixit vel iple Deus, 
 vel ab eo conftituti, eique fubordinati judi- 
 ces. Notandum tamen eft ex hac difqui- 
 litione tota, de legibus earumque fanftioni- 
 bus, hoc fequi, tarn promiiliones quam mi- 
 nas per totam hiftoriam patriarcharum fpar- 
 fas, eo praecipue collimare, ut ad folidam ju- 
 ftitiam, pietatem & charitatem, per has le- 
 ges homines perducantur, & a vitiis con- 
 trariis deterreantur ; ideoque fere femper 
 intelligendae funt fub conditione, quanquam 
 aliquando nulla conditio exprimatur ab ho- 
 mmibus praeftanda. Similiter etiam ubicun- 
 que aliquid a lege mandatur, etli nulla an- 
 neftatur expreffa promiflio, aut poena, certo 
 coUigamus tranfgreflionem fibi poenam at- 
 trahere, obedientiam autem non fine re- 
 muneratione fufficiente abituram efle, adeo 
 
 infepa-
 
 De Legtbus Patriarch arum. 47 3 
 
 infeparabiliter connexae funt leges, earum- 
 que fanftiones, partim e primaeva mundi 
 conftitutione, partim etiam a I'apiente & 
 benigna providentia, quae mundo per leges 
 confervando femper invigilat. 
 
 Reftat ut pauca tandem adjiciamus de pa- 
 triarchalium legum duratione, ut innotefcat 
 ad quse tempora, & ad quos homines per- 
 tingeret earum vigor feu vis obligandi. 
 Hoc autem ut perfpicue tradamus eae di- 
 ftinguendae funt in duas partes integrantes 
 (ut loquuntur fcholae.) 
 
 Prima earum pars & principalis, eft quae 
 conftat e legibus naturae quae morales dici 
 folent ; atque hae funt praecipuae, quaeque & 
 omnes pariter homines obligant, idque per 
 omnia faecula, adeoque perpetuae funt, & 
 immutabiles. 
 
 Secunda earum pars minus principalis ac- 
 commodatur ad perfonarum, temporum & 
 locorum, occafiones, adeoque juilis, de cau- 
 fis ab idonea authoritate mutari poffinr. 
 Idonea autem eft authoritas quae par eft ei a 
 qua priores leges fuerint ftabilitae, aut eti- 
 am major. 
 
 Ad hoc legum genus pertinent eae, quae 
 praecipiunt facrificiorum delecSum, & varios 
 ritus, qui in diverfis facrificiorum generi-. 
 bus obfervandi fuerint. Vidimus autem 
 quod multae hujufmodi leges patriarchales 
 
 inferta^
 
 474 ^^ Legibus Pairtarcharum. 
 ififertse fLrerint in corpus legum Judaicarum : 
 Qoippe quod gens ilia tota orta eft ex illu- 
 ilri familia patriarchae Abrahami, ejufque 
 n^potis Jacobi ; & rationi conienraneum ^^ 
 ut exiftimemus earn gentem facilius induci 
 pofle, ut fe fubmittat legibus quibus paru- 
 iflent eorumf avi, quorum pietati data funt 
 promifla de terra Canaanitide ab eorum 
 pofteris haBreditario jure poffidenda, potius 
 quam legibus prorfus novis, \ quibus nuUos 
 benignos efFeflus experti fuilFent eorum 
 majores. 
 
 Hinc fit quod omnium popuiorum legif- 
 latores non facile mutent antiquas^ gentium 
 fiiarum confuetudines ; fed omnium muta- 
 tionum, quae proponantur, rationes diligen- 
 terpriusexpenduntjnec iisfaciendis confen^ 
 tiunt, nifi gravibus de caufis, & plerunque 
 paulatim, ac in longo temporum fucceflii 
 experimenta capiunt, an inde publica utili- 
 tas oriatur. 
 
 Immo vero etiam viftores cum genti de- 
 bellatae novas dandas funt leges, plurimas 
 vidis concedere folent antiquas confuetudi- 
 nes (falvis femper juribus quae ad fummum 
 pertinent imperium) ut viftorum jugum eo 
 libentius ferant. Ideoque multo magis cre- 
 dendum eft, Deum optimum maximum po- 
 pulo fuo dilediffimo concefTilTe antiquas 
 confuetudines piilEmorum fuorum majo- 
 
 rum.
 
 De Legthus Patrtarcharum. 47 5 
 
 rum, quas vel ipfe introduxerat, vel faltem 
 piorum patriarcharum authoritate introdu- 
 ftas per aliquot faecula approbaverat. Saltern 
 ad tempus ab jipfo praefinitum in quo veni- 
 ret Meffiah praediftus. 
 
 Hinc videmus in foedere cum Deo inito 
 a populo Judaico, Ex. xxiv. adhibita elTe fa- 
 crificia tam holocaufta, quam pacificatoria 
 (uti vocantur,) eaque oblata fuiffe per juve- 
 nes Ifraelitas, & a Deo accepta; quanquam 
 nee ilia facrificia fuerint imperata, nee ju- 
 venes qui ea obtulerint, ullam aucSoritatem 
 a lege Mofaica accepiirent. Nihil erat quod 
 totam rem foedus ineundi per talia facri- 
 ficia a talibus oblata dirigeret, prseter mo- 
 res aut leges patriarchales. Deum tamen 
 hunc facrificandi morem approbafTe fatis 
 conilat e diftis Pfal. 1. 5-. & Heb. ix. 19. Quae 
 loca manifefte refpiciunt, probantque fafta. 
 Exod. xxiv. 
 
 Notandum tamen eft hujufmodi facrificia 
 ne in ipfis quidem patriarchis pariter grata 
 fuifTe Deo, cum obedientia legibus mora- 
 libus praeftita, ideoque Deum ea nunqunm 
 numeraire inter Sdt^Jrg^^ vojit^., ideoque in 
 folenni illo foedere quod confcribebatur a 
 Mofe, & fanciebatur his ritibus, & conu- 
 netur in xx. xxi. xxii. xxiii. capitibus Exodi, 
 nulla exprefle pr^cipiuntur facrific-a, urV 
 multa diferte traduntur de cultufoiiubDe , 
 
 &
 
 ^yS De Legihus Patrmrcharum. 
 
 & de juflitia, ac charirate inter homines : 
 Supponitur lane eosex patrio more facrifica- 
 tm*os efle, praefertim in pafchate celebrando ; 
 & cautiones paucae interferuntur iis in cafi- 
 bus; fed facrificiorum diverfa genera, de- 
 leftus mundorum animalium, rims varii, ne 
 nominantur quidem. 
 
 : : Hoc fane indigitare videtur propheta 
 Jer. vii. 22, 23. Non egi cum majoribus 
 vejiris^ neque pr£cepta tfjis dedi de holo- 
 caujiis & viBimisj quo die eos eduxi ex 
 ^gyptp^ &c. Videtur inquam hoc fo- 
 lenne foedus refpicere quod primo poll 
 exodum ex. iEgypro Deus cum Ifraelitis 
 fuis pepigit. Certum etl: port hsec mul- 
 ta a Deo mandari e tabernaculo fatis ex- 
 prefle de ritibus omnigenis ; fed nullum de 
 iis tara folenniter initur foedus. Hoc ho- 
 noris refervatum elTe videtur praeceptis his 
 primo datis, quse majoris erant momenti, in- 
 ter quas nee ipfa circumcifio nominatur, 
 quod videtur dignum notatu. 
 
 Hinc enim manifello videtur coUigi pof- 
 fe Deum adeo non praecipue gratos habu-^ 
 ifle hofce ritus, ut etiam fine ulla horum 
 mentione foedus hoc fuum cum Ifraelitis 
 obfignari voluerit, cap. xxiv. Quinetiam in 
 cap. xxxiv. Exodi, ubi (poft reconciliatio- 
 nem Dei a Mofe impetratam poft provoca-^ 
 tionem per cultum vituli aurei) repetitur 
 hoc foedus divinum fummatim, & renova- 
 
 tur.
 
 De Le^^hus Patrtanharum. 47^?^ 
 
 tur, non obflante ilia infigni ejus violatione 
 per turpem eorum idololatriam, nulla fit 
 mentio legum de facrificiis & circumcifi- 
 one, quod innuat Deum de his ritibus nod 
 adeo folicitum fuiffe, ut fuerant Judaei, 
 quanquam certum fit has leges & patriar- 
 chis datas fuilTe, & inter eos eminuiiTe fu- 
 pra omnes quae non fuerint naturales feu 
 morales, ideoque immutabiles & obligatoriae 
 per omnes genres, omniaque tempora futura. 
 
 Quandoquidem autem ipfe Deus per Mo- 
 fern has leges fcribi noluerit in codice le- 
 gum Ifraelitis fuis tradendarum inter pri- 
 mas foederali ritu fanciendas ; fed eas pofti- 
 pofuic mandatis de conltruendo taberria- 
 culo in ufum unius gentis Judaicae ; hoc 
 merito videatur indicium nobis dare ritu- 
 ales hujufmodi leges non efTe aequalis apud 
 Deum momenti cum moralibus, nee earuni 
 obligationem per omnes genres, omniaque 
 fascula efle duraturam. ^^ fii 
 
 Quanquam autem exiffimem non con- 
 temnendum effe hoc indicium, quod leges 
 rituales eflent pollhaec evanirurae, ex eo 
 quod Mofes eas omifiiTet fcribere infoede- 
 re^ quod adeo folennirer fancivit, nihilo- 
 minus tamen fateor luculenriores hujufce 
 reiprobariones nobis fuggeri, tarn ab ipfd 
 Mofe, quam ^ prophetis & apoltolis, quas 
 non ell inflituti .noitri pertraftare. Alii id 
 
 fecere
 
 478 De Legtbus Patrtarcharum. 
 
 fecere fatis diligenter quos confulat leftot 
 hac de re Itudiorus. 
 
 Mihi non aliae leges hie confiderandee ve- 
 niunt, praeter paucas illas quas e patriarcha- 
 rum moribus delumpfit Mofes, & in codi* 
 cem legum fuarum tranllulit ad ecclefiam 
 & republican! Judaicam bene conltituen- 
 dam, etii leges eae non fuerint plane natu* 
 rales ; fed prudenter accommodate ad per- 
 fonarum, locorum & temporum occafio. 
 nes, adeoque juftis de caufis mutabiles ab 
 idonea auftoritate. Talem autem, praefer- 
 tim in ritibus, mutationem merito expec- 
 tare potuerunt & debuerunt, tam ipfi pa- 
 triarchae, quam Mofes, qui venturum efle 
 novum majoremque legiflatorem, nempe 
 Meffiam, e praedidionibus divinis noruntj 
 & animitus expetebant. Perfeftior & fe- 
 licior expedanda erat oeconomia filii in fua 
 domo quam fuerat fervi, utcunque fidelis, 
 in domo Domini fui. Non potuit deefle 
 filio Dei unigenito auftoritas fufficiens ad 
 ea emendanda, quae imperfefta erant in oe- 
 conomia Mofaica. 
 
 Hanc ob caufam ipfe, jam jam moriturus^ 
 in libro Deuteronomii, (qui confcriptus eft 
 in ultimo menfe vitae illius, cum Deus ilium 
 monuerat Num. xxvii. ix, 13, ipfi moxmo- 
 riendum effe in monte Nebo) poftquam 
 fummatim Ifraelitis repetiffet leges, quas il- 
 l lis
 
 JDe Legibtis Patrtarcharum. 47 p 
 
 lis a Deo tradiderat cum paucis additamen- 
 tis, eis pieedicic, Deut. xviii. 18. Deum alU 
 um prophetam ipli limiletn fulcitaturum 
 eljib, &e. Ea auteai verba, ipjifimilem^ noa 
 intelligenda funt de imperfe(Hionibus Mofis \ 
 fed de iis omnibus in quibus Mofes aliis 
 omnibus prophetis praelatus elt dignitat^ 
 Ic aiiftpriut^- Confer Nupi. xii. 6, 7> 3j 
 Nee finiilitudo ad aequalicateiB limitatur ; 
 fed major minori fimilis fit, yt pater tiliolo 
 fuo. Mofes ^lii^ propheiis propius ad De- 
 uiTi acceffit ; fed Chriltus in finu Patris pro- 
 pior ei erat Mofe, immo aeterna erat Dei 
 fapientia, perquam ut totus mundus crea- 
 tus eft , it^. & onines creaturae necelfario 
 regendae fiint. 
 
 Hinc etfi Mofi fideli fervo commiflTa fue-. 
 rit potellas leges ferendi, unico populo, & 
 fundandi iubordinate ecclefiam Judaicam: 
 Nihilominus eum fundanda eflfet melior ec- 
 clefia, quae omnes gentes complefteretuTj 
 legiflator ei aliquatenus fimilis, fed multo 
 major, conitituendus erat, qui dilucidius 
 trad^ret quae a Mofe fub umbris obfeure 
 tr^dita fuilTent, adeoque novas quafdam le- 
 ges eeclefiae novae & univerfali confcribe- 
 ret. Non conyeniunc eaedem leges ecclefiaa 
 in fua pueritia & eidem jam adultae. Patris 
 confilia & praecepta, immo praemia obedi- 
 entiae majora dari folent filiis ad maturam 
 aetatem prove(J^is. 
 
 Alia at as alios mores j^oftulat. 
 
 Evanef-
 
 480 T>e Legibus Patrtarcharum. 
 
 Evanefcunt itaque hujufmodi ritus, quam- 
 primum aliquid melius & efficacius in eo- 
 rum locum a fufficiente auftoritate fubltitui- 
 tur; uti cum oblatio Chrilti furrogatur loco 
 fanguinis agnorum, taurorum & hircorum ; 
 & baptifmusj & mortificatio carnis poni- 
 tur pro circumciiione : Cum viri probe 
 dofti piique per legitimam ordinationem 
 fuccedant in locum facerdotum antiquo- 
 rum ; & Scripturas divinitus infpiratae, & 
 ab ecclefia Chrifti per omnia faecula con- 
 fervatae, locum obtinent traditionum pa- 
 triarchalium. 
 
 Haec paucis, exempli gratia, indigitafle 
 fufficiat, ne nimis onerofa fit haec appen- 
 dix. Unico illam concludam monito quod 
 e praemifEs naturaliter fequitur : Curan- 
 dum elt ut quemadmodum oeconomia Mo- 
 faica non defecit a patriarchali religione , 
 fed eam confervavit, & munivit fuis riti- 
 bus; fie etiam Chriftiana nollra inftitutio 
 nequaquam degeneret a folidis virtutibus 
 priicorum patriarcharum & Judaeorum ; 
 immo enitendum elt ut quanto plus lucis 
 effuUit nobis ex evangelio Chrifti, tanto u- 
 beriores & maturiores fruftus verae pieta- 
 tis, jultitiae, & charitatis indies proferamus. 
 
 FINIS.
 
 THE 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 S} refers to the firft Volume; or ^ Sanchoniatho*^ 
 Phoenician Hiftory, O, refers to the fecondj 
 
 or, Origines jintiquiJlim<:e. 
 
 A. 
 
 ABaris in Egypt, 5.363, 
 391. 0.47,67,108, 
 III, 304. 
 Abeiis Sacriiicium, O. 414. 
 Abraham, 5. 120. O. 424,434. 
 ■ he is not Cronus, 
 
 s, 134. 
 Abydenus an Hiftorian, 5. 224. 
 Achilles Statius an Hiftorian, 
 
 O. 369. 
 Adodus aKing, 5. 35. O.170, 
 
 236, 256. 
 Adonibezek a King, O. 128. 
 Adraftus King of Sicyon, O. 
 
 294. 
 i^gialeus King of Sicyon, S. 
 
 269,456. 0.183,275,289. 
 ^milius Sura an Hiftorian, 
 
 o. 255, 258. 
 j^on, flie is Eve, S, 23, 206. 
 ^fculapius, 5. 333. 
 uSthiopia, a Name of Arabia, 
 
 o 94, 168. 
 Africanus, his Dynafties, 5. 
 
 42, 363. 
 Series of Aflyrian 
 
 Kings, O. 198, 202. 
 Agathodasmon, S. 419, 424. 
 Agnis and Agroverus, s, 27, 
 
 249. 
 
 Ama'ek, an Edomite Duke, 
 • o. 2, 138. 
 Amalekites, their Kingdom, 
 
 O. S, 118. 
 Amenophis King of Egypt, S, 
 
 397. 
 Amofis, s. 427, 430, 438. V. 
 
 Teihmofis. 
 Amvrus, s. 27, 154, 183, 
 
 223, 250. 
 Anak )is signification, 0. 302. 
 Anakim, S. 271, 478. 
 Anobrer, S. 37. 134. 
 Antaeus Son of Atlas, S, 327,' 
 
 3U. 
 Anticlides an Hiftorian, 5. 27 r: 
 
 o. 343. 
 Anubis the Dog, 5. 3 1 5. 0, lor; 
 Apachnas a P aftor King, S. 1 5 8, 
 
 164. O. III. 
 
 Apis he is Oftris, S. 316,335." 
 Apis King of Argos, 5. 396* 
 
 O, 303. 
 Aphrodite V. Afliteroth. 
 Apollo Son of Cronus, 5.32, 
 
 116, 335. 
 ^Carneus, S. 116, 337, 
 
 o. 289. 
 Apollodorus an Hiftorian, O. 
 
 289. 
 Apophisa PaftorKing, S, 106, 
 
 165. O. 112, 208, 
 
 I i Arabia;
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Arabia, Eaft of the Nile, s. 
 
 366. 
 Arad King of Canaan, O. i r6, 
 
 119. 
 Aram is Syria, 0.114, 2.39. 
 Arans probably Haran, O.263. 
 Aratus an Hiftorian, O. 291. 
 ArclestheEgypnan Hercules, 
 
 S. 160. O. 113. 
 Argos a Kingdom, O. 201, 
 
 305. 313- ^ 
 Artemis, its Etymology, S. 
 
 333- 
 Afclepius Son of Sydyc, 5. 32, 
 
 39, 200. 
 Afliteroih, .9. 31, 107, 120. 
 
 O. 322, 390. 
 is Aphrodite, 5. 36, 
 
 126, 319. 
 I puts on her Head 
 
 Horns, 5. 35. 
 Afliteroth Carnaira, 5. 120, 
 
 197. 334. 
 Afllur is the Affyrian, 0. 164. 
 Afo a Queen, O. 94. 
 Affis a Pallor King, S. 163, 
 
 168,476. O. 113,126,303. 
 
 3S7. 
 
 AiTyrian Empire, its Antiqui- 
 ty, 5. 407. 0.48,79,173, 
 192, 210,249, 349. 
 
 Aftronomical Obfervations at 
 Babylon, S. 461. O. 218, 
 
 364. 
 Athena Daughter to CronuSj 
 
 S. 30, 267, 481. 
 Athofes V. Thoth. 
 Atlas Son of Ouranus, 5". 29, 
 
 327. o. 265,277. 
 Atreus King of Mycenss, O. 
 
 346. 
 Atyadas in Lydia, S, 468. 
 Atys King of Lytiia, o. 135, 
 
 319, 338. 
 Avim, o. 2j, 28, 108, 140. 
 — they were Hivites, O. 
 
 29. 
 
 B. 
 
 BAal-berith, he is Ham, s. 
 152. 
 baaltis a Goddefs, S. 38. 
 Baau S. 23. 
 
 Babylon in Egypt, S. 462. 
 Babylonifn Empire's begin-^ 
 
 ning, S. 461. 
 Bsetulia, S. 32. 
 Balaam's Prophecy, O. 214, 
 
 238. 
 Beelfamen , the Sun , S. 24, 
 
 222. 
 Bela aHorite King, o. 6,13, 
 
 113. 
 Belus, S. 32, 334, 337. o, 
 
 167, 170, 184, 192. 
 Beon a Pallor King, 5. 164. 
 
 O. 98, riT. 
 Beryius a City, s, 38, 203, 
 
 261. o. 177, 367. 
 Betylus Son of Ouranus, S. 
 
 29, 326. 
 Babaftic, Mouth of Nile, 5. 
 
 363, 369. 0.70. 
 Bubaftis a Name of Diana, 
 
 s. 316. 
 Byblus, a City. S. 30. 0. 175. 
 
 Abiri, S. 28, 193, 333. 
 
 O. 161, i79»353' 
 — — eorum nomina, S, 
 Sacrificia, O. 384. 
 
 389. 
 Cadmus, his Time, O. 127, 
 
 275. 
 
 - his Country, O.134, 
 300. 
 Canaan, its Bounds, O. 129. 
 Canaanites in Egypt, S. 35:7. 
 O. 44, roo, 120, 140. 
 
 — fpecially fo called, 
 
 S, 370. O. 131. 
 
 Canaanites
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Canaanites,feveral Kingdoms, Colpias a Wind, S. 23,208. 
 
 5.381. 0.115,127,140. Corybantes, 5. 28, 198. O. 
 
 — . a diitindt Branch, 357, 380. 
 
 5.352,370,380. Cotys King of Lydia, 5. 472, 
 
 Caphtor, a City, O. 37, 39, O. 319, 334. 
 
 66, Cres Builder of Gnoffus, 5. 
 
 why fo nam'd, O. 465. 
 
 53. Cronus Son Ouranus, 5.29, 
 
 Caphtorim, O. 25, 36, 45, 112, 151. 
 
 80. he is Ham, 5. iir, 
 
 notCappadocians, 126. 0.95,170,174,370. 
 
 0.41. Cronus, reign'd in Lydia, O. 
 
 Cafmillus one of the Cabiri, 322. 
 
 5. 204. o. 355. his four Sons, 5. 114,' 
 
 Cafiius a Giant, 5. 24. 237. O. 167, 176, 
 
 ——-—a Mountain, 5. 203. Cuflian Ridiathaim , O. 214, 
 
 O. 34, 60, 368. 239. 
 
 Caftor khodius, O. 183,190. Cybeie, her firft Temple, S, 
 
 Ceres, flie is Ifis, 5. 206. O. 466. 0. 334. 
 
 267, 362. D. 
 
 Cereihiies are Philiflins, S. "H^Agon Son of Ouranus, 
 
 467, 483. JL/ 5. 29, 325. 
 
 Chaldas-m Empire, O. 206, Damiata , a City in Egypt, 
 
 221, 232. O. 39. 
 
 Charidemus King of Sicyon, Danaus Brother to Sefoftris, 
 
 O. 290. 5. 397, 404. O. 51. 
 
 Chederlaomer conquers the Deluge commemorated, 5. 
 
 Horites, O. 13, 112. 125,320. 
 
 Chiun a Name of Cronus, 5. Demaroon, Son of Ouranus, 
 
 122. S. 30, 35, 159, 265. 
 
 Chnaa, he is Canaan, 5.44, Deucalion; his Time, 0. 2S0. 
 
 93, 351. O. 372. 337. 
 
 Choraeus,his Country, O. 135, Deucalion Scytha, is Noah, 
 
 338. 5. 318. O. 263. 
 
 Chryfor the firft deify 'd Man, Dicaearchus an Hiftorian, S, 
 
 5.26,244.^^ 433. 
 
 - he is'B<pxiTogf 5.25, Dione Daughter of Ouranus, 
 
 MS' S. 333. 
 
 Circumcifionpradis'dby Cro- Dionyfus, he isOfiris, 5. 336. 
 
 nus, 5. 38, 149. O. 93, 160, 268, 370, 374, 
 by the Egypti- 395. 
 
 ans, 5. 150. Diofcuri, 5.28, 31, 198. O. 
 
 Cneph an Egyptian Name, 357, 367. 
 
 5. 13, 14. — — . Builders of Ships, 
 
 Colchi of Egyptian Original, 5. 28. o. 160, 367. 
 
 0.50, Diofpolis in Egypt, 5. 42,99, 
 
 I i 2 Dodo-
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Dodonaean Oracle, s. 377. 
 o. 110,270, 297, 375- 
 
 EDom, the Field thereof, 
 0.4,21. 
 Egypt, its Divifion, S. 82,, 
 
 97, 192. o. 106, 
 Egyptian Kingdom , when 
 
 founded, S. 83,449, 457- 
 Elioun Father of Ouranus, S. 
 
 21, 152. 
 Eliphaz Sonof Efau, O. 2,9, 
 
 19. 
 Enochitranflatio, 0.406,417. 
 Epagomenae , when introdu- 
 ced, S. 106, 168,297,462. 
 
 476. 0.114. 
 Epiphanius quoted, O. 300. 
 Eratofthenes, an Hiltorian, 
 
 5. 189, 417. 
 • his Laterculus, 
 
 5. 197, 421,432. 
 ErecSheus King of Attica, o. 
 
 157,169. 
 Efau, his liTue, o 2. 
 Eupolemus an Hiftorian , 5. 
 
 85, 113, 227, 33J. 0.167. 
 Europa, an Account of her, 
 
 S. 36. 
 Europs King of Sicyon, O. 
 
 291. 
 
 G. 
 
 GE, Wife to Ouranus, S, 
 29, 292. 
 Genu5, he is Cain, 5.23, 219. 
 Gigantonachia explain'd, 6'. 
 
 369. O. loi, 307, 312. 
 Gilead, the Mountain , O. 6. 
 Goftien, in Egypt, 5. 363. 
 
 '"■ H. 
 
 H 
 
 Adad fmote Midian, O. 
 
 .4 
 vSiffaiiication of the 
 
 Name, O. 171, 173. 
 
 Hadar King of the Horites, 
 
 o. 15, 22. 
 Halieus, 5. 26, 242. 
 Halifphragmuthofis , S. 353, 
 
 439- 
 Ham, V. Cronus. 
 Haran in Mefopotamia , O. 
 
 2-33- 
 Hazerim, its Signification, o. 
 
 31- 
 Hebron in Canaan, O. 85. 
 Hedlenes from Jodan, 0. 27 ^. 
 Heraclidae in Lydia, 5.468. 
 Hercules ^gyptius, s. 161, 
 
 242. o. 114, 386. 
 Hermes, V. Thoth. 
 Heroonpolis in Egypt, S. 368. 
 
 O. 68. 
 Hierapolis , its Temple, S, 
 
 125, 182, 319. o. 391. 
 Hor, a Mouniain, 0. 1 16,1 17. 
 Horites, S. 354. O. 6, 25. 
 
 if3, 134, 140, 339. 
 their Kingdomls E- 
 
 redlion, O. 13, i7> 136. 
 Hycfi, Royal Paftors, S. ij, 
 
 '162, 357. 
 Hyperborei in Greece, 0. 266, 
 
 295. 
 Hypfuranius, S. 24, 243. 
 
 I. 
 
 JAchin and Boaz, O. 56, 
 58. 
 Janias, aPaftorKing, S. 164, 
 
 O. 112. 
 
 Jeoud ofFer'd, S, 37, 134. O. 
 
 389. 
 Jethro Father-in-law to Mofes, 
 
 o. 399. 
 Ilus, a Name of Cronus, S. 29, 
 
 3^473- 
 Ilium, called fo from him, S, 
 
 473- 
 Inachus of Sicyon, 5.270, 
 
 Inachus
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Inachusof Argos, 5.375,387, 
 
 44^ O. 300. 
 
 'its Etymology, 5. 17 1, 
 
 277. O. 302. 
 Inamane, a River, O. 96.' 
 Jonah the Prophet, O. 240. 
 lones from Javan, O. 16^, 
 Jofephus, his Account redi- 
 
 fied, 5. 453. 
 Ifiaca Sacra, S. 109, 341. 
 llis, Wife to Oiiris, s. no, 
 
 340. O. 71. 
 —- Etymology of the Word, 
 
 S. 98. 
 Juno, her Temple at Argos, 
 
 O. 306. 
 
 L. 
 
 LIbanus, S. 24, 237. 
 LeonPellasus, an Hifto- 
 rian, O. 268. 
 Ludim fromMizraim, 5,465. 
 
 O. 34^. 
 Lydian Antiquities, 5. 464. 
 
 O- 317, 337- 
 — — Colony in Italy, O. 
 
 3r7, 327, 329. 
 Lydus Kingof Lydia, O.319, 
 
 340. 
 
 M. 
 
 Mi^onia, a Name of Ly- 
 dia, s. 465. 
 Manes King of Lydia, S. 468, 
 472, 480. O. 135, 319, 
 
 331. 335- 
 Manetho, 5.42, 191, 317, 
 
 397, 418, 442. 
 ^ Forgery in his Dy- 
 
 nafties, S. 192, 309, 445. 
 Mares King of Egypt, S. 425, 
 
 429, 438. 
 Mafdes a Phrygian Deity, S. 
 
 47I' 
 
 Melcander, S, 107, 125. O. 
 72, 181. 
 
 Melcartus the Phoenician Her- 
 cules, S. 34, 159, 168. O. 
 114. 
 
 Melcliifedec, he is Shem, S, 
 
 47, 174. O. 425, 429. 
 Memphis in Egypt, 5. 452. 
 Memrumus, S 24, 230, ^38. 
 Menechmus an Hiftorian, O. 
 
 291. 
 Menes, V. Mizraim. 
 Meon he is Menes, S. 71, 
 
 468. O. 135, 182, 330. 
 Meones from Lydia, O. 330. 
 Meres Philofophus , 5.457, 
 
 460. 
 Mermnadse in Lydia, 5. 468/ 
 Midian , the Time of his 
 
 Birth, O. 14, 136. 
 Mmaios King of Egypt, 5. 
 
 359»45i- 
 
 Mizraim Mifor, 5. 46, 54, 
 179. O. 395. 
 
 Mnafeas Berytius, an Hifto- 
 rian, 5. 204. O. 355. 
 
 Mot, its Signification, 5. 2, 
 4,18. 
 
 Muih, or Pluto, 5. 32, 38. 
 
 Myris King of Egypt, 5.457. 
 
 N. 
 
 NAbonaffar, his ^ra, O, 
 205, 218. 
 Nemaus probably Naamah, 5. 
 
 107. 
 Nereus, he is Japhet, 5. 33, 
 
 Niger a Branch of Nile, 5. 33r. 
 Nilus King ofEgypt, 5.435, 
 
 444. 463. 
 Nineveh, its Founder, O. 163, 
 
 182. 
 it's Etymology , O. 
 
 165. 
 
 Ninus, he is Nimrod, 0. 166, 
 168. 
 
 -— — - reign'd with his Fa- 
 ther, O. 195, 256, 260. 
 
 Nitocris, Queen of Egypt, 5, 
 
 443- 
 Noachus, O. 417. 
 
 Noachi-
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Noachidarum Leges, o. 420. 
 
 O. 
 
 OEnotrus, his Time, O. 
 337* 342. 
 Ogyges, its Etymology, O. 
 
 273, 386. 
 Oracle of Jupiter Hammon, 
 
 o. no. 
 Oromafdes the good Deity, 
 
 5.471. 
 Orus, King of Egypt, S, 314, 
 
 450. O. pr, 103, 175, 177. 
 Ofins, he is M:zraim, S. 94, 
 
 97, 109, 346, 470. 0.156, 
 
 3^o» 395- 
 — - reign'd in Phrygia, O. 
 
 322, 330, 332. 
 Oufous, 5.25,238. 
 Ouranus, 5. 29, 151, 154. 
 ' ' he is Noah, s. 151. 
 
 PAlaeftina, the Philiftins 
 Country, O 71, 
 
 Palaeftinus fynonymous to Pe- 
 lulius, O. 74, 80. 
 
 its Etymology, O. 
 
 8r. 
 
 Palaeftinus, a Youth in Plu- 
 tarch, S. 373. O. 73. 
 
 Palilia of Varro, S. 445. 
 
 Paliadium of Troy, 5.473, 
 
 475- 
 Pathmetic Mouth of Nile, 5. 
 
 3^9- 
 Patnarchales Leges, o. 398. 
 Pelafgi early in Greece, 5. 
 
 129, 269. O. irr, 161, 
 
 2.75. ^97, 313* 325» 343» 
 
 362, 378. 
 > in Athens, O. 276, 
 
 294. 
 — — i^gialenfes , 5. 269. 
 
 O. 276, 281, 292. 
 
 expeird from j^mo- 
 
 Pelafgi, its Etymology, 5. 268. 
 
 O. 295. 
 Peleg, or Phaleg , O. 145, 
 
 151. 
 Pelops came from Lydia, O. 
 
 344, 348. 
 Pelufium in Egypt, 5. 394, 
 
 O. 30, 39. 
 
 built by Ifis, 0. 40. 
 
 Peor, an Idol, 5.66. 
 Perizzites, its Signification, 
 
 5. 354. 0.132. 
 Perfephone Daughter of Cro- 
 nus, 5. 30. 
 Phcenician Paftors, 5. 164, 
 
 350. O. 309. 
 — ^ their Colonies, O. 
 
 124, 141, 386. 
 
 •— Wars in Egypt, 5. 
 
 nia. O. 279, 298, 337. 
 
 346, 369. 0.302. 
 Pherecydes an Hiftorian , O, 
 
 361. 
 Phlius, its Antiquities, 0. 263, 
 
 276. 
 Phoroneus, 5.271,276,387, 
 
 456. O. 305. 
 Pithom in Egypt, 5. 369-. 
 Placia in Alia minor, O. 284. 
 Plutarch de Ifide , explain'd, 
 
 5. 96, 107. O. 72 , 102, 
 
 310. 
 Poleinon an Hifcorian, 5. 395. 
 UoXvmvfA.U of the Heathens, 
 
 5. 291, 295, 336. 
 Pontus Son of Nereus, 5. 33, 
 
 258, 264. 
 Porphyrion, he is Cronus, 5. 
 
 131. 
 Pofidon, S. 34, 132, 167. 
 Prolepfis, the Figure, 5.; 237, 
 
 O. 5,139. 
 Prometheus, 5. 206. O. 267, 
 
 269, 278, 358. 
 Protogonus the firft Man, S, 
 
 23, 207, 296. 
 PtolemaeusMendefius, 5.392. 
 
 0.67. Pul
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Pul King of Aflyria, o. 216, Seth, he is Typhon, S. 364; 
 
 •243. 0.47,69- 
 
 Pythagoras his Time, 5.458. SethroitesNomus, S. 363. O, 
 
 70. 
 
 Q' Sethus Adami Filius, O. 415; 
 
 QUirinus, whence fo cal- ShemusNoachi Filius, 0. 421. 
 
 led, S. ic)^. Shinar, or Babel, O. 176. 
 Shiran, a Name of Ofiris, 5. 
 ^- 71. 
 
 RAhah Part of Egypt, S. Shifhak King of Egypt, S, 
 3^5- 407- 
 
 KameiTcs King of Egypt, S. Sicyonian Kingdom, S. 456, 
 
 397. 403. O. 178. 
 Reiiques, their Confecration, its Antiquity , O. 
 
 s. 262. 275, 290. 
 
 Rephaim, 5. 120. Side, a City in Cappadocia, 
 Rephas a Title of Crorxus, S. o. 52. 
 
 lii- Sidon, a Woman, 5.33,257. 
 
 Reuel Duke of Edom, O. 2. Sidon, a City in Canaan, O. 
 Rhinoculura, a River, O. 30, 122. 
 
 33- Siga, a Name of Pallas, S, 
 Rimmon,Mts Signification, O. 47^. 
 
 51, <^o. Sihor, the River of Egypt, 
 Rimmon, a Syrian God, O. c. 30. 
 
 60, 64. Sin, a City in Egypt, O. 39. 
 
 S. Siphoas, or Hermes 2d. 5. 
 
 SAites Nomus in Egypt, 5, 42-4. 443* 
 
 363. 0.69. Sippari, a City, 5.225. 
 
 Salatis a Paltor King, 5. 164, Siton, or Dagon, 5.29, 326. 
 
 O. 48, 79, 107, 298. Sydyc, 5. 28, 176, 184, 199. 
 
 conquers Egypt, 0.98, 0.356. 
 
 ■y-j-j^ he is Mechifedec, 5, 
 
 Samothraces, 5. 198, o. 160, i74- O. 357. 
 
 357, 375, 379. Syncellus quoted, 5.425,438. 
 Sanchoniatho , his Time , 5. 
 
 43i. 
 
 Sardanapalus, O. 191, 216, '"J"** Echnites, 5.27, 232; 
 
 248, 254. X ^4'5. 
 
 Semiramis, her Empire, O. Tethmoiis , 5. 160,439. O. 
 
 96. 106, 304. 
 
 . Nvas born at Afca- ■ his Time fix'd, 5. 
 
 Ion, O. 97. 350, 387,429. 
 
 Serapis, he is Oliris, 5. 293. Contemporary 
 
 Serbonis, a Lake, 5. 368. O. with Inachus, O. 125. 
 
 68. Thabionides the Hierophant, 
 Sefoftris, his Time, 5. 403. 5.340. O, 371, 
 
 O, 51, 213, 244. """ ©aAfljT-
 
 INDEX. 
 
 <Bu?^cco^o)c^cctSvt£(^ o. 300. — — buried in Lake Ser* 
 
 Thammus King of Egypt, S. bonis, O. 115. 
 
 359- O. 87. Typhonia Urbs, O. 47 , 68, 
 
 Thebes in Egypt, 5. 157. 115-. 
 
 ThebanDynafty, 5.397,426. Tyrrheni in Italy, 0.315,313. 
 
 ' its King's Names, S. Tyrrhenus, a Lydian, 5.479, 
 
 39^- O. 336. 
 
 e;j^.'ct'AA>Te*, s. 239. ,_ — leads a Colony to 
 
 Thoth Son ofMifor, 5.28, Italy, 5.481. 
 
 184. O. 177. \ 
 
 ——he is Athofej, 5.44, V. 
 
 127, 185, 188. 
 
 — — Hermes, 5.28, 186, "TTArro, an Hiftorian» S, 
 
 423. V 83,275. 0.293. 
 
 ThurimachusKing of Sicyon, Veileius Paterculus, 0.106, 
 
 0.293. 255- 
 
 Tidal King of Nations, O. Umbri in Italy, 0.317,321, 
 
 2.37- 3^4- 
 
 Tiglaih-Pilerer, O. 217, 221, Ulous, 5. 25, 242. 
 
 242. 
 
 ^Timaus King of Egypt, 5. 2 
 
 358.0.87. 
 
 Tingis, its Antiquity, 0. 124. 'TT Abii, S. 344. O. 2rr. 
 
 —— a Phoenician Colony, Jl^ Zanzummin, 5. 255. 
 
 O. 304. O 25. 
 
 ,Titanes, its Etymology, O. Zeuxippus King of Sicyon, O. 
 
 309, 359. ' 289.* 
 
 Titanides, 5. 32, 332. Zoan, a City in Egypt, O. 
 
 Triptolemus, his Time, 5. 86. 
 
 130. O. 156. Zophefemin, 5.2, 19,21. 
 
 Typhon, 5. '33, 258,266. O. Zvyo<^o^^f,c!v6c, y«io5, 5. 27,247. 
 
 9i> 103, 310. Zuzims, 5. izo, 197. 
 
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 &".?//'sHiftory of Infant Baptifm, ;d Edition, 2 Vols. Octavo. 
 
 . Defence of the Hiftory of Infant Baptlfm, Oftavo. 
 
 Wells's Ancient and Prefent Geography, Oftavo. 
 
 Set of Maps of Antient and Prefent Geography, Folio. 
 
 F I N J S.
 
 
 UNIVERSITV OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY 
 
 Los Angeles 
 This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. 
 
 DISCHARGE-URC 
 FEB 1 3 1981 
 
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