LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA. RECEIVED BY EXCHANGE Class Some Aspects of the Social Power of Wealth. By EDWIN HELLASY WILLISFORD, B, /)., HI LINCOLN, NEBRASKA. 1907. SOME ASPECTS OF THE Social Power of Wealth. A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the UNIVERSITY OF NEBRASKA BY EDWIN HELLABY WILLISFORD, A. M., B. D. In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy. LINCOLN 1906. CONTENTS. PAGE Introduction 5 PART I. CHAPTER WEALTH AND SOCIAL PRESTIGE. I. Wealth the Medium of Social Progress 8 Large Wealth Essential 8 Possession not Sufficient 10 Values : 10 Sources of Wealth 13 II. Shiftings of Accent on Wealth 16 Time Shiftings 16 Place Shiftings 18 III. Desire and Imitation 20 Desire a Social Force 20 Imitation a Social Force 22 IV. Sources of Aristocracy 24 Direct Sources 24 Indirect Sources 24 Personal Favor and Service 26 Religion 28 Wealth as a Source 28 PART II. WEALTH AND RELIGION. I. The Significance of Rites 33 II. Primitive Conceptions of Nature and its Relation to Sacrifice 35 Origin of Sacrifice 35 The Commercial Use of Sacrifice 38 Some Teachings of the East 41 III. Occasions of Sacrifice 42 IV. Priesthood 44 Origin 44 Functions 46 V. Hebraism 47 VI. The Early Christian Era 51 VII. The Middle Ages and To-Day 53 Sources of Church Wealth 53 Influence of Wealth on the Church 55 To-Day 57 3 228285 4 CONTENTS PART III. CHAPTER WEALTH AND LAW. PAGE I. Primitive Law 58 Self-Redress 58 Blood-Feud 59 II. Compensations 59 Wergeld or Man Value 59 Wergeld and Rank 61 Wealth and Protection 62 III. Codes 64 Hammurabi 64 Gentoo 65 Israelitish Law 68 Tables of Gortyna 68 Anglo-Saxon 69 Class Gradations 70 Law of Person and Property 71 Imprisonment and Debt 72 Witness and Rank . . 74 IV. Influence on Administration 74 PART IV. WEALTH AND POLITICAL INTERESTS. I. Early Practices 77 Feudalism 77 The Brehon Law 80 Promotions 80 Wealth Secures Political Rights 81 II. Germanic Practices 83 Mass Against Class 83 Legislation 85 Poland 88 The Present German Situation 88 Wealth and Taxation 90 III. America 91 Qualification for Suffrage 91 Qualification for Office 93 IV. The Illicit Use of Wealth 96 Conclusion 97 Bibliography 99 Some Aspects of the Social Power of Wealth. INTRODUCTION, Facts without theories are delusive; theories without facts are vain. KANT. In harmony with this thought of Kant, the scope of this thesis will assume a two-fold character; (1) the collection and comparison of facts, and, (2) the consideration of the deduc- tions therefrom. To study the customs and institutions of a people, is one of the best ways to learn their history. All peoples have cer- tain well defined 1 and developed customs and institutions; among these are marriage, family, religion, military system, property, government and law. Attention will be given to the study of such customs and institutions, covering long periods of time, as will show the influence of wealth on social life; and the varying effect of wealth in the stages through which the race has passed; as the savage, barbaric, and civilized; also the effect of the economic and political forces, such as normadic conditions, free land, proprietorship, feudal system, inheritance and entailed property. The commercial aspect of wealth has received much atten- tion, but the social power of wealth has had but scant con- sideration. Therefore the purpose of this thesis will be to prove that wealth plays an important social role and that the possession of wealth and its conspicuous consumption yields so- cial prestige. The social power of wealth lies in the fact that it enables the possessor (1) to satisfy his non-economic desires; (2) to en- joy immunity from many requirements which the man in gen- eral must meet, and (3) to ignore custom without loss of caste. The old is sacred, custom is law inexorable, possession of wealth permits a departure from, a disregard of custom, and law, not Sevens. An Introduction to the History of Religion, 2. 5 6 THE SOCIAL POWER OF WEALTH only with impunity but such disregard and departure tends to increase the social power of the individual. Wealth helps to rive the sail of an opponent, to escape justice, to secure the favor of the gods and of men. To clearly discern between the social or non-economic and the economic aspects of wealth is not always easy. The latter has to do with the production of wealth while the former has to do with the consumption of wealth, particularly in those forms of consusumption which satisfy the non-economic wants and desires of man. The economist deals with the production of wealth, with profits, with dividends; the sociologist with the expenditure of wealth and especially its social effects. Commercial activity has too often been considered the end, when in fact, it is the means or highway to the end. " Broadly stated, economics may be said to benefit the producer while sociology benefits the consumer. But the term producer must be taken in its widest and really proper sense of any one who by any form of labor adds anything to the value, i. e. to the utility of a product. The term consumer, on the contrary must be taken irrespective of whether he is also a producer or not." 1 Commercially men seek to acquire wealth that they may transact a still larger business, socially men seek wealth that it may be expended, like that of the old Venetian, in palaces, and galleries, gather- ing therein the glories of the fine old world life. Many a man is goading himself on in the mad stampede for wealth in order that his bank account may allow him to enlarge and beautify his home, to enrich it with the paintings of the masters, with famous statuary, with rare books and renowned bric-a-brac; he well knows that such conspicuous display of wealth yields large returns in social prestige. There is a sense in which the econ- omic man may be at the same time the non-economic man, for, "the economic man is not plain affinity for wealth. Some- times he is a more expert and persistent scatterer than accumu- lator of wealth. Sometimes wealth is almost altogether a means with him, and scarcely to any appreciable degree an end. Some- times he plays the economic game just as another plays whist or billiards or golf. Sometimes he wants wealth because his Ward. Outlines of Sociology, 285. INTRODUCTION. 7 wife wants society. Sometimes he wants wealth in order to propagate his creed, or to punish his enemy, or to win a maid, or to buy a title, or to control a party. In either case the economic man is a man of highly mixed motives." 1 Wealth as a social factor has too long been overlooked. The proper interpretation of its relation to society will serve to explain many of the problems which have long remained unsolved. Its study has revealed so many of the reasons for conditions as they now exist that it has come to be considered the magic key for revealing the secrets of the past. NOTE. In addition to the study already in evidence much research has been made and much material gathered on the following topics. I. Wealth and Woman, including, wife purchase, free choice, marriage, divorce, birth rate, prostitution, economic and social status. 2. Wealth and Art, character of early art, deteriorating effect of wealth. 3. Wealth and Display, cere- monies, decoration, ornamentation, dress, insignia, titles, ances- tors, national and race characteristics, as Negro, Spaniard, Italian, German, English, etc. 4. Amusements, sports, as reserves for game, special game laws for benefit of wealthy. 5. Origin and purpose of sumptuary laws. 6. Property, kinds, significance of, inheritance, primogeniture and dower, 7. Wealth and military service, equites, knights, etc. 8. Limitations of the Social Power of Wealth. 'Small. General Sociology, 450. THE SOCIAL POWER OF WEALTH PART I. WEALTH AND SOCIAL PRESTIGE. CHAPTER I. WEALTH THE MEDIUM OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. LARGE WEALTH ESSENTIAL. The term "wealthy" is only relative. It cannot be given a definite value. When used to express the worth of an indi- vidual it must signify that he possesses goods in large quanti- ties, in quantities, more than the majority of his fellows pos- sess. To secure favor or prestige there must be relatively large possessions. For if, "all men were possessed of a great deal, but all of an equal amount, each would be compelled, in may be conjectured to be his own chimney sweep, his own scavenger and boot black. And how can anyone then be properly called wealthy? This is the social side of the idea of wealth. Hence a person, with the same resources might be very wealthy in a provincial town, while in the capital, he could enjoy only mod- erate comfort." 1 The kind of wealth is not so important. Among the early Greeks any product possessed in quantity constituted wealth. But when civilization is advanced far enough so that a state is formed, a symbol, representative of wealth is adopted, namely, money. This becomes the substitute for all forms of property and the pursuit of wealth becomes the pursuit for money. The possession of large wealth and its relation to social pres- tige seems to suggest the following laws and corollary: 1. Incomes that leave no margin for unproductive consump- tion and conspicuous display do not procure social prestige. 2. That any increase in incomes that leaves a margin confers social prestige. 3. That the amount of social prestige yielded by such surplus is not proportional with the increase. That is, any increase in the margin, yields more than a corresponding increase of social prestige. 1 Roscher. Principles of Political Economy, 1; 68-69. WEALTH AND SOCIAL PRESTIGE 9 The philosophy of this is based on^the principle that the expenditures of men are divided into three classes, A. Neces- sities. B. Comforts. C. Luxuries. Let $400 represent the cost of necessities. Then if A, B and C receive $400 each they will only be able to supply themselves with necessities and all will live on the same scale. But if the income should be increased, so that B should receive $500 and C $600 and A's remains at $400, and $400 be the point where comforts begin and $500 the point for luxuries; then A, B and C will no longer be on the same social level, for B will have $100 to spend for comforts and C will have $100 for comforts and $100 for luxuries. The standard of living being unchanged there are three social levels created. If $100 be again added to the incomes so that they are $500, $600 and $700 respectively, more than proportional increase is added to the ability of B and C to make a conspicu- ous display and they will secure much more than the propor- tional amount of social prestige. The party who drives a four-horse carriage attracts more than double the attention that the one does who drives a two- horse carriage, and eight horses adds more than twice four, for such additional expenditure is largely display, it attracts public attention, it displays ability to expend wealth for unproductive consumption. It has been found that a full page advertisement is worth not twice the value of a half page advertisement, but twenty- five times the value for advertising purposes; and a half page advertisement is worth fifteen times the value of a quarter page; and a ten-line agate item as compared with a quarter-page ad- vertisement has no value at all. The following explanation is given: "The secret seems to lie in tbe prestige acquired by the use of the larger space. The public is impressionable. If the common mind can be made to think in a certain way or direction it may be said to be im- pressed with the idea conveyed. Once so impressed, the public is likely to act in accordance with that idea. The public moves as a crowd, is swayed by what may be called the intelligence of the crowd, as distinguished from the intelligence of the inid- vidual. How otherwise may we account for the phenomenon exhibited when people put themselves to actual discomfort in order to purchase where there is a great crowd, when goods of 10 THE SOCIAL POWER OF WEALTH equal quality and the same price may be had elsewhere, in places that are not crowded? A certain dealer obtains vogue and becomes the fashion; people talk of his establishment, of his goods, and of the throng of purchasers; and this prestige adds to his trade." This is only a partial explanation. The full page catches the eye of more people, hence more people are likely to be im- pressed and to patronize such firms. Advertising is display, publicity, the attraction of public attention, as well as the an- nouncement of ability to perform services. So the large display of honorific goods attracts attention and gives the impression of social superiority. POSSESSION NOT SUFFICIENT. The possession of wealth even in great quantity is not alone sufficient to yield social prestige, there must be quality. The stable must not only possess a large number of horses but these must be thorough-breds, horses with records, with pedigrees. Social prestige requires in addition to possession of wealth in quantity and quality, another element, namely, conspicuous dis- play. The thoroughbred must appear in public, beautiful car- riages, splendid accoutrements must add the testimony of lux- ury displayed to wealth possessed. Page gives an extract from a letter, which shows that, in the long ago, it was the conspicu- ous spending of the dollar for non-economic services that at- tracted attention and marked the gentleman. "For you know nothing so soon signalizes a man as a fine gentleman, as being able to say, to one servant, 'here, my boy, take this dollar for the trouble that I have given you since my arrival,' and to an- other, 'this half dollar,' and so on." 1 VALUES. Has wealth a standard of measure? Can it be given an exact rating? Can wealth as a social force be given a value? For the measure of extent there is the inch, the foot, the mile; for weight, the ounce, the pound, the ton; for capacity, the quart, the gallon, the barrel; for heat, the degree, for light, the candlepower. All scientific deductions are based on counting and measuring. But how can such a power as that of non- iPage. Life in Colonial Virginia, 33. WEALTH AND SOCIAL PRESTIGE 11 economic wealth be measured. It has already been stated that wealth is a means and not an end. But it is a means of fluctu- ating value. Its value is determined by the effective demandj that is, by what people will give for it; by the amount of sacri-r fice they are willing to make to acquire the prestige whicl} wealth secures. Professor Ross raises the question, " Against what indeed shall wealth be measured? Where are the markets which regis- ter its fluctuations? But such markets exist, always have ex- isted. Are there not streets where woman's virtue is sold? Are there not common-wealths where there is a ruling price for votes? Do not the comparative rewards of occupations indi- cate what inducements will overcome the love of independence, of safety, of good repute? We see men sacrificing health, or leisure, or family life, or offspring, or friends, or liberty, or honor, or truth, for gain. The volume of such spiritual goods Mammon can lure into the market measures the power of money. By the choices men make in such cases and by the judgment others pass upon such choices we can ascertain what is the so- cial estimate of wealth. When gold cannot shake the noble- man's pride of caste, the statesman's patriotism, the soldier's honor, the wife's fidelity, .the official's sense of duty, or the artist's devotion to his ideal, wealth is cheap. But when maidens yield themselves to senile moneybags, youths swarm about the unattractive heiress, judges take bribes, experts sell their opinions to the highest bidder, and genius champions the cause it does not believe in, wealth is rated high." 1 Lindley M. Keasbey shows that possessions have three val- ues: 1. Use value. 2. Exchange value. 3. Prestige value. This classification is important. He further states that value may be regarded from two general standpoints. (A) " Subject- ively, value indicates the importance a person attaches to the possession of a good for any particular purpose; while, (B) ob-* jectively considered, value expresses the capacity or power the good possesses to fulfill such purpose." Goods which give immediate satisfaction through immediate f use are valued but the accumulation of property gives satisfac-j tion because it secures the "prestige of proprietorship." For 'Ross. Foundations of Sociology, 171. 12 THE SOCIAL POWER OF WEALTH as Keasbey says, "Subjectively considered, prestige value indi- cates the importance a person attaches to the possession of a good, not primarily for immediate consumption, nor again for the purpose of exchange but simply for the sake of proprietor- ship * * * he hopes by the possession of the good to raise his social position, to add to his dignity, or augment in some way his prestige. For example the patriarch of old gloried in the number of his herd, the medieval proprietor prided himself upon the extent of his estate and now-a-days the millionaire derives similar satisfaction from the contents of his strong box." 1 The less useful a good may be the greater prestige value it may have. "The well-to-do farmer or the successful mechanic, sets store by his front parlor, with its lace curtains, its organ, its parlor suit, not because he uses it as he does his kitchen, not because he has any thought of disposing of its contents, but simply because such surroundings indicate a distinct standard of life and establish his prestige among his neighbors. The cowboys set store by their expensive outfits, consisting of a fine felt sombrero, high heeled boots, and ornate saddles; schol- ars attach importance to their various degrees; officers value their multitudinous titles and orders. * * * These goods possess value not because they can be exchanged but because their possession implies power." 1 Proprietorship has become important on account of the in- creasing prestige that ownership yields. The increasing com- plex social organization intensifies the social power of wealth. The one man alone on an island though it be as large as Aus- tralia, secures no social ascendency no matter how large his pos- sessions may be. He must have dependents, inferior neighbors and associates to be impressed by the value of his property. The boy with a new pair of red top boots, a jack knife and a half-dozen marbles grades much higher in the social scale than the boy without these, and the girl whose doll can open and close its eyes is considered superior to the girl whose doll can do none of these feats. Keasbey thinks that in primitive so- ciety men accumulated but that there was no motive to accu- mulate, for accumulation added nothing to the accumulator's prestige. It was capacity to acquire rather than the possession Keasbey. Prestige Value, The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 17; 461. WEALTH AND SOCIAL PRESTIGE 13 that was valued. "Wives, slaves, trophies and ornaments/' 1 constituted the principal wealth in this early stage. When men became localized and cultivated the land a marked change took place, for the cultivated field and the domesticated herd were the more productive, these in turn yielded social prestige to the owner. And again such a person utilized the labor of the non- proprietor, and this augmented his station. And now pos- sessions were of value. The commercial era afforded new sources of wealth. "The rising class of merchants entered commerce not so much to satisfy their immediate wants as to increase their possessions and so rival in wealth and importance the older classes of landed proprietors. Success it may be said, has everywhere attended their efforts; until in our day exchange is no longer the by-path, but the high road to social and personal and political prestige." 2 The rise of a common medium of exchange has served a so- cial purpose, for it has furnished a common standard of value, a measure by which the goods of one person can be compared with the goods of another. Since there is a common monetary standard, the money value of a man's possessions may be taken as the measure of his social power. For whatever amount of money value he may have, this can be used to secure whatever is most indicative of social power, whether it be a painting, an automobile, a four-horse carriage or a piano or a front parlor. SOURCES OF WEALTH. The rise of wealth may be considered as a mark of advance- ment. For it is only when a people begin to accumulate prop- erty that they are able to provide themselves with more than a mere existence. Capital has been called "stored energy." Any surplus of production indicated a surplus of energy. When- ever a people do not consume all the product of their exercised energy the excess takes the form of wealth. This accumulation expresses itself as a social force. It is at this point that prog- ress begins. For, "the way in which people get their living is in very intimate relation with their social life." 3 Only in a sys- tem of private ownership are wealth distinctions possible. Col- lective ownership makes for social equality and the abolition of 1 Keasbey. Prestige Value. The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 17; 469. 2 Ibid, 470. 'Ely. Evolution of Industrial Society, 25. 14 THE SOCIAL POWER OF WEALTH all relationships of private service. The varying ability to ac- quire wealth has been the cause of the varying power in mili- tary, political, juridical, domestic and religious spheres. Be- cause the possession of wealth has been the means of securing power, men in all ages have sought its acquirement. In showing the stages through which society has passed, and how each stage has furnished a source of wealth, Ely 1 will be followed. Five great stages are recognized. 1. The Hunting and Fishing Stage. This is not only the earliest but the lowest from the social point of view. The meth- ods and habits of obtaining food differs but little from that of the animal. The people eat what can be found and most easily obtained. They travel to the places of food supply. There is no saving for the morrow. Social distinctions do not exist, at least such as may appear are unimportant. Wealth plays no part. The only forms of wealth are the simple implements of the chase, such as the spear, shield, bow, boomerrang, stone knives, etc. There is no private property, no sense of propri- etorship, except of articles of personal use. 2 2. Pastoral Stage. In this stage there is found a more set- tled abode. Certain animals are domesticated and these yield a source of revenue. Life is more stable and the livelihood more certain. "He learns to take more thought for the future. His herds and flocks represent a body of social capital, which must be preserved intact and of which the increase only can be used. There is a development of the institutions of private property, not as yet in land, but in movable wealth, and in con- sequence we are not surprised to find the contrast between rich and poor making its appearance." 3 3. Agricultural Stage. This stage is closely allied to the pre- ceding, often the same persons engage in the care of herds and flocks and in the tillage of the soil. Private ownership is one of the chief characteristics of this period. 4 Trade had not be- come much of a source of wealth. "Each group raised and made the things that it needed. The wants of the people were simple, and food, clothing and fuel could all be obtained at home." 5 The cultivation of the soil brought about a more stable and !Ely. Evolution of Industrial Society, 25-99. 2 Ibid, 36-37. 8 Ibid, 43. *Ibid, 48. B Ibid, 50. WEALTH AND SOCIAL PRESTIGE 15 also a more dense population, it afforded a surer source of in- come, and produced, " profound changes in the social structure." 1 4. The Handicraft Stage. During this period it was com- mon for men to combine the tillage of the soil with some form of handcraft, "every man worked for himself, with his own tools, or for other persons who were not far above him in the social scale." 2 While this furnished a new source of supply of wealth, producers and consumers were on the same social level for social inequalities did not exist. 5. Industrial Stage. With the introduction of mechanical inventions and applied power great changes took place, for "it ushered in the era of capitalism, the wage system and the ex- tensive use of credit." 3 No stage produced such radical social changes as this one, especially in its later periods. Distinct so- cial classes are formed, classes which have nothing of social life in common. The man who furnishes the capital stands far higher than the man who furnishes the muscle or even the brain. A marked change takes place in the attitude toward the way in which man earns or obtains his wealth. In the earliest stages of society, women are the principal workers. Later, slaves are forced to labor for the community. Then the work- ers become free, but stand at" the bottom of the social scale. Among the Greeks and Romans, commerce and industry were considered unworthy pursuits for a citizen. In the caste sys- tem of India the industrial class occupies only one grade higher than the servile class. Step by step the wealth-producing mem- bers of society won for themselves social recognition. 4 A step further must be taken for equal ability does not al- ways secure equal opportunity. "Is there a real equality of op- portunity for all members of society to show what they can do? Vast differences in wealth stand in the way of such equality, for, though a rich man's son may be at a disadvantage so far as temptation to idleness is concerned, there is simply no com- parison between his opportunities and those of a poor man's son. Difference in wealth is, indeed, the most potent cause in the formation of social classes, not merely because great wealth is a mark of distinction, but because of the opportunities it ^ly. Evolution of Industrial Society, 47. 2Ibid, 57. "Ibid, 57. "Ibid, 75. 16 THE SOCIAL POWER OF WEALTH brings to developing one's powers, and because, as great wealth persists, habits of thought and life are formed which necessarily separate class from class." 1 Wealth is always monopolistic and aristocratic in its tendencies. Wealth once acquired tends to increase by means of its own force. "Another force operating to concentrate the ownership of wealth may be called economic inertia. According to the principle of inertia, forces continue to operate until they are checked by other forces coming into contact with them. Those who have great possessions find it easy to add to them by a pro- cess of accumulation which requires a minimum of sacrifice." 2 CHAPTER II. SHIFTINGS OF ACCENT ON WEALTH. TIME SHIFTINGS. While the possession and expenditure of wealth has not been the same in all ages and stages of development, yet to the one who possessed the most belonged the greatest social power. Though primitive man sat under his own vine and fig tree, the larger the tree and the more fruitful the vine the more social power the owner possessed. "The conditions of human life have not only been changed, but revolutionized, within the past few hundred years. In former days there was little dif- ference between the dwelling, dress, food, and environment of the chief and of those of his retainers" 3 but that little differ- ence was all important. Class distinctions are as clearly made today as in the days of the noble, the bourgeois and the peasant. But the passage to-day is much more rapid from a lower to a higher social level on account of changed economic conditions which make the ac- quirement of wealth more rapid. In early times the display of wealth was occasional, but very ostentatious and conspicuous. Wealth was expended on occa- !Ely. Evolution of Industrial Society, 81-2. 'Ibid, 478. 'Carnegie. The Gospel of Wealth, 1. WEALTH AND SOCIAL PRESTIGE 17 sions that partook of a public or at least of a semi-public char- acter, as weddings, carnivals, kirmesses, the coming to majority. The fondness for public display is seen in the small living room and the large banquet hall of the feudal castle. 1 An article may be a luxury at one period and its use and possession a mark of superiority, while at a later period it has become a common necessity and of general use. In the reign of Henry IV of France sugar was sold by the ounce, by the apothecary. Tea and coffee were at first the luxury of the rich. Even so common a necessity as soap was the sole prerogative of the man of means. The use of chimneys in the time of King Alfred was considered as a mark of distinction and to use an earthen vessel instead of an wooden one was a mark of great wealth. The development of human wants has been from the higher classes to the lower. Utility has rarely been the consideration at first. The less useful an article the sooner was it used by people of wealth, it had only to bear the mark of distinction and not of necessity. Tools were used as ornaments by the rich, animals were domesticated for pets for the well-to-do and not for use. Even ferocious animals were tamed to show prowess. Even so common articles as butter, milk, cheese, bread and cotton cloth were once considered as luxuries and were looked upon as honorific articles of consumption. At first they were not prized for their ability to satisfy physical needs. When they became common they lost their prestige value. Cereals were used to make drinks for the well to do, their dietary value was recognized later. 2 Art, law and literature in early times were unremunerative vocations but as soon as compensation was given and a professional class arose, such activities lost their honorific quality. In the early stage prowess wins and retains position and booty, but when the chieftainship becomes hereditary, a change takes place. In the patronymic tribe the bond of personal alle- giance is strengthened while the bond of kinship is weakened. "Rank and dignity, even when conferred by the suffrages of Roscher. Principles of Political Economy, 2:227. NOTE B. Gurewitsch, Die entwicklung der Menschlichen Bidunfinsse und die Sociale Gliederung der Geselschaft, is very suggestive on the point. 2 Gurewitsch, 20, 58-59. 18 THE SOCIAL POWER OF WEALTH kindred or of political equals, are almost always associated as effect or as cause with wealth." 1 To the chieftain who tri- umphed in battle came the larger share of the booty, with this he was able to secure the service of those who would serve his purpose. When, however, the relationship was metronymic the wealth of the chief though large was not of very great power. When kinship, ancestor worship and wealth became combined and the chieftain's position descended to the son of a chief, such fami- lies were considered of superior blood. When property as well as offices was inherited social power increased like the prover- bial snow-ball. Giddings holds that, "probably all peoples have passed through periods when the social element of wealth was the supreme factor in securing favors and power. It is disclosed in the pages of the Odyssey as the social order of the Greeks of the Homeric period. Tacitus witnessed its beginning among the Germans, of whom he says: 'It is a custom of the states by voluntary and individual contributions to bestow on the chiefs a present of cattle or grain, which accepted as a compli- ment supplies their wants.' From the Germans it is learned that the Saxons, after their conquest of England, passed through the evolution of feudal agriculture. 'The ceorle who could ac- quire five hides of land, became a thane. The thanes were the immediate companions of the king his commitatus, and from their first appearance in English history, they took rank above the earlier nobility of Saxon Earls, who were descended from ancient tribal chiefs'." 2 PLACE SHIFTINGS. The city affords a more favorable place for the display of the social power of wealth than does the country. In the city there are varying grades of society and the lines of demarcation are more clearly drawn between the different social strata, also the city offers a better opportunity for the use of those goods which indicate social position, as carriages, horses, automobiles, dress, theater parties and entertainments. The location of a person's home, on a certain street or in a particular part of the city, is a determinating factor. While the location of a farm Biddings. Principles of Sociology, 293. 2 Ibid, 296. WEALTH AND SOCIAL PRESTIGE 19 secures its value largely from the fertility of its soil and its nearness to market. Aristocratic and Democratic countries present interesting fields for the study of the social power of wealth. In the for- mer, royalty, aristocracy, titled nobility, whether coupled with wealth (they invariably are) or not, enjoy all social prerogatives. While in the latter, as the United States, where there has been a WEST, a frontier, a new area, new conditions, new types or at least old ones greatly modified, birth and position exercise influence and wealth a greater power. The institutions, ideas and ideals of the older civilizntion have never gained a firm foothold here. The crust of custom has never been very thick. American society has passed through progressive birth throes. Social equality and individualism have possessed great vitality. A change, however, is taking place. There is no more new west, no frontier. The reaction has set in, the rebound is taking place. The wave of free movement is breaking back on itself. Hence- forth the social power of wealth will increase rapidly. Though no blood and titled aristocracy has arisen, a plutocracy, a monied aristocracy is arising and is promising to be as arro- gant, haughty and aloof, as dominant and dominating as any old world aristocracy. It will prove itself more powerful than the old aristocracy, for title, name, blood, family, were pass- ports to the earlier society, but money is able to ignore all these and secure to its possessor a passport to all social dis- tinctions and recognitions both at home and abroad. Wealth discounts inherited station, laughs at blue blood, scoffs at titles, disdains first families. Although this country has been distinguished by the absence of a blood and titled aristocracy; yet Toryism and aristocratic life existed in the south, large grants of land made this possible, the industrial system with its plantation and slave labor was a prominent factor. In the north conditions were quite the op- posite, allotments of land were small, culture and learning were sources of social power. The ranch, the range, the prairie, the forest and the mine have produced their respective types of social leaders. In a country where there is royalty and an established aris- tocracy as in England, vastly more attention is given to birth and rank. The social level of every person is determined by 20 THE SOCIAL POWER OF WEALTH his birth mark. A social caste system is strenuously main- tained. The English scion not only inherits his father's name but much of feudalistic conventions and customs. The English navy and army reserves its offices for the sons of gentry and the son of the common man is barred. The church and the bar are considered as preferred professions, close corporations, re- serves for the high born. Universities like Oxford and Cam- bridge are schools for gentlemen's sons. The low born do not even aspire to the professions. But even in England wealth is rapidly breaking down these inherited social barriers. No country has ever offered such social opportunities as America, unhampered by the handicap of blood and title and favored by unlimited opportunities for the acquirement of wealth. The clod of yesterday becomes the social lion of to- day. Wealth produces the Metamorphosis. Like a tidal wave it sweeps all other social bars aside. CHAPTER III. DESIRE AND IMITATION. DESIRE A SOCIAL FORCE. The mainspring of all human activity is desire. "It is ac- tual desire that controls the behavior of people." 1 "Every act proceeds from motive, and that motive can be none other than the satisfaction of some want. The capacity to want is planted in the organic structures. It is the necessary concomitant of the capacity to feel, * * * desire, taken in its widest sense, both positive, and negative, is the real force in the sentient world. It is the dynamic agent in the animal world including the human sphere and therefore constitutes the social force." 2 Giddings, true to his Pole Star, says: "The desire for wealth originates in physical needs, but it is powerfully reinforced by the consciousness of kind in the form of a mastering wish to emulate, to impress or to command one's fellow-beings." 3 The desire for wealth if not one of the original social forces 'Ross. Foundations of Sociology, 153. 2 Ward. Outlines of Sociology, 144. 3 Giddings. Principles of Sociology, 22- WEALTH AND SOCIAL PRESTIGE 21 must be given a very early place in the development of these forces. It may be derivative as Ross suggests. It is egotic. How this desire is satisfied is well and compactly put by Ross. "There are certain huge complexes of goods which serve a means to the satisfaction of a variety of wants. They are Wealth, Government, Religion, and Knowledge. In respect to these the various elemtntary social forces therefore give off im- pulses which run together and form the economic, political, reli- gious, and intellectual interests, which constitute in effect the chief history-making forces. The economic interest finds its tap-root in the pangs of hun- ger and cold. These, being a direct demand for material goods, prompt men to wealth-getting activities. There is, however, in the end no class of cravings which may not lay claim to goods, and thus whet greed to a keener edge. When personal emula- tion takes the form of 'conspicuous waste/ the egotic desires prompt to acquisition. When gold gilds the straitened fore- head of the fool, it is prized as the means of winning the cov- eted mate. W T hen entertainment is expensive, money is sought to oil the wheels of social intercourse. When the gods respect persons, men will seek the wherewithal for costly sacrifices and sanctuaries. When wealth gives lordship, the ambitious will rowel hard in the pursuit of fortune. When the artist works for the highest bidder, the beauty-lover will set himself to money-making. Whenever Dives enjoys greater social consi- deration, stands higher with the Unseen, is a more formidable suitor, finds bigger meshes in the law, and counts as a worthier person than the better man with the lighter purse, all the streams of desire pour into one channel, and avarice swells to monstrous proportions. In general, the itch for wealth varies directly with its capacity to promote the satisfaction of the various desires." 1 It must be remembered that desire is a function and not a feeling and the desire for the social power which wealth gives is strong and universal. Ward classifies the social forces into two general classes: 1. Essential Forces. 2. Non-essential. 2 The desire for the social power of wealth, while it falls under the second class forms no small part of all human striving. 1 Ross. Foundations of Sociology, 170-1. J Ward. Dynamic Sociology. 22 THE SOCIAL POWER OF WEALTH IMITATION A SOCIAL FORCE. The desire for the possession of the social power of wealth derives new and added impulse from the imitative faculty. The desire to imitate those of a higher social plane is especially strong. "The desire to enjoy what others enjoy and the imi- tative tendency to act as others act, are strong enough in the social individual to impel him to pursue his material interests as diligently as most other individuals pursue their interests. This combination of desire and diligence is the basis of what economists call a standard of living. It is the foundation of wealth and of all individual advancement." 1 Nitti believes that the law of imitation has been an im- portant factor. "It has been abundantly proved that one of the most imperious laws of society, the law which has been the chief cause of progress, but which very often is one of the chief causes of decadence is the law of imitation." 2 This author be- lieves the giving of the upper classes to luxur) 7 " compells the lower classes to follow them. That the lower classes do imitate the upper classes is undoubtedly true, but, that they must do so, are "compelled to," is not true, except that they feel drawn to do so by the force which underlies the law of imitation. Though imitation may lead to shams, to the unreal, to the lack of comfort, yet the love of conspicuous display is so strong that it often leads to the sacrifice of convenience, comfort and ease and even the opportunity for advancement. A good illus- tration of this fact is found among the middle class of England. The fact that a family belongs to the middle class rather than to the class below, throws a glamour over its entire existence. Even their homes are built primarily to fulfill the rigid tradi- tional requirements. A "dining" room and a "drawing" room are inevitable but a bath room not at all necessary. Very few books, some paper or magazine of the upper classes is omni- present. A servant being another necessity, the wife is "lady- like." The children must avoid the elementary school and at- tend "one of these wretched dens of disorderly imposture, a middle class school, where an absolute failure to train or edu- cate is seasoned with religious cant, lessons in piano playing, lessons in French 'made in England/ mortar board caps for the iQiddings. Principles of Sociology, 123. 2 Nitti. Population and the Social System, 103. WEALTH AND SOCIAL PRESTIGE 23 boys/' and a high social tone. Perhaps the point which most emphasises the social position of this "bookless, bathless family" is the fact that it TIPS. 1 Gurewitsch relates that "Emigres" of the higher classes of the time of the French Revolution would go hungry rather than give up giving tips, "mancher thaler ist schon fur trink geld verwandt worden, den der Besitzer im stillen gern fur eine gute Mahlzeit ausgeben hatte." 2 All this is imitation of the rich. In a town of a middle west state which has a population of some 6,000, there are owned fifty automobiles representing an expenditure of $60,000, or nearly $10 for every man, woman and child. More than one of the owners of these machines placed a mortgage on his home to be able to make the purchase. The machine is seen, the mortgage is not. So strong and general has become the disposition to imitate those of a higher social class level that commercialism has made great use of the same. Goods are made and sold for 29c on the bargain counter that look exactly like goods sold on another counter for $2.00. The com- mon people buy the 29c in order that they may appear like those that wear the $2.00 goods. Plated ware is sub- stituted for the solid metal, plaster of Paris for solid marble, cotton velvet for silk velvet, colored prints and cheap lithographs for masterpieces, shoddy for wool, veneer for solid oak. After 1760 in France paper hangings were substituted for costly"gobe- lins, tapestry and leather hangings." Not to imitate, too often means social ostracism. "Now the desire to do as others do affects even the inner life; one must play the same game and must read the same novel, not because one thinks it is better, but because others do it, and because one feels in inner accord with the social community only by loving and hating the same things as it. Those who do not like what others like, find themseles extremists at once; they are in- stinctively held off by society as bizarre or over intense, and relegated to the social periphery." 3 1 Wells. Mankind in the Making, 158-159. 2 Gurewitsch. Die Entwicklung der Menschlichen, etc. 3 Munsterberg. The Americans, 554. 24 THE SOCIAL POWER OF WEALTH CHAPTER IV. SOURCES OF ARISTOCRACY. DIRECT SOURCES. The Standard Dictionary defines aristocracy as, "A heredit- ary nobility, a class or order possessed of prescriptive rights and rank," also "a class of persons pre-eminent by reason of birth, wealth, or culture." 1 While aristocracy originates from birth, yet if it were not recruited from other sources it would soon die out. Aristocracy is not prolific in off-spring, it tends toward sterility. Of the prominent families in the reign of Queen Elizabeth of England, all have become extinct within 300 years. The sources of aristocracy may be divided into two general classes. 1. Direct. 2. Indirect. Under the first comes birth, this is the most direct and certain for it at once and absolutely fixes a person's social position. Closely allied with birth is the second direct source, marriage. In case of the woman she takes rank with her husband, and in case of the man special provi- sion for his rank is usually made and the social status of the offspring is fixed. The law of Hammurabi presents an interesting feature in this respect. "If either the slave of the palace or the slave of the poor man has taken to wife the daughter of a gentleman, and she has borne sons, the owner of the slave shall have no claim on the sons of the daughter of a gentleman for servitude." 2 INDIRECT SOURCES. Among the indirect sources culture has been a fecund source. Men of learning have always secured social recognition. Learn- ing has proved an unfailing passport to the ranks and privileges of nobility. Among the Romans of the third century, "high intellectual culture was * * * the indispensible mark of a well-born man; it was the best ground for public office and ad- vancemtnt. An advocate of the fisc, a secretary of the chancery or a pretorian prefect had to be, first of all, a man of letters." 3 The University teachers of this time were men of means, J The Standard Dictionary. 2 Code of Hammurabi, 175, law 36. 8 Munro and Sillery. Medieval Civilization, 6. WEALTH AND SOCIAL PRESTIGE 25 some inherited their wealth and others acquired it from their profession. These men were exempt from taxes. "As members of the curia, decurions and magistrates they were in the first rank of the local aristocracy. Some * * * attracted the attention of the emperor, became provincial governors and pre- torian prefects and even attained the lofty though barren honor of the consulship." 1 The same was true in early English law, (7) "and if there a scholar were who through learning thrived so that he had holy orders, and served Christ; then was he henceforth of rank and power so much worthy." 2 The intellectual interest, though single in its early stages, be- comes complex and passes through a period of evolution. "This intellectual interest is likewise a blend of desires. Had it been restricted to its primitive components, its role would have been significant. But these cravings have been reinforced from sev- eral quarters. In the first place, intellectual subtlety, always a coveted form of prowess, gratifies the egotic desires. Even in the early stages of culture a reputation for extraordinary wisdom gives the sage fame, power, and wealth. Later, learn- ing confers distinction and is not without efficacy in bread-win- ning and mate winning. At every social level, moreover, there is a standard of intelligence to be lived up to as well as a standard of decent consumption. As for real knowledge, it has always been a means as well as an end. The sciences were first culti- vated as badges of the leisure-class superiority. Later they were fostered because they allayed the dread of disease, banished fear of the supernatural, assuaged pain, prolonged life, brought vic- tory, and vastly expanded the production of wealth. They were cultivated in short, because knowledge is power. Knowledge and money, in other words, Science and Wealth, seem likely to become the heirs of the dying powers of the past." 3 One has but to call to mind the intellectual giants of the past and note the conspicuous place that they have held in the esteem of men, in order to comprehend the power of culture and also that it has been the fertile soil out of which men have sprung who later were enrolled among the aristocracy. 1 Munro and Sillery, Medieval Civilization, 14. 2 S terns. Germs and Development of the Laws of England, 11. 3 Ross. Foundations of Sociology, 178-9. 26 THE SOCIAL POWER OF WEALTH Closely allied with culture, in fact a part of it, is refinement of manners, gentility of conduct, grace of movement and charm of personality. These characteristics are a source of recogni- tion. Taine relates how, "the Marchale de Luxembourg, so high spirited, always selects La Harpe as her cavalier, because he offers his arm so well." 1 When ability and refinement are having prestige, nobility will receive and entertain such, though not of blood and purse. Voltaire son of a notary, Diderot son of a culter, Rousseau son of a watch maker and d' Albembert a foundling of a glazier were entertained by nobility and en- joyed the social favors which birth could have given. 2 This source of social recognition is a precarious one for as Taine says, "the more polished an aristocracy becomes, the weaker it be- comes, and when no longer possessing the power to please it no longer possesses power to struggle." 3 PERSONAL PAVOR AND SERVICE. The personal favor of a prince, potentate, or a social leader may elevate the most humble person to the loftiest plane of aristocracy. The aristocracy of VII Century was composed of those who performed public functions. The "Chroniques" and "Vies de Saints" speak often of the, "optimates" and "pro- ceres", also, Or ces terms sont ceux qui depuis PEmpire roman designaient ceux qui etaient grands par la faveur du prince ou par les fonctions qu'ils remplissaient aupres de lui." 4 This same class of writers frequently employ the term "nobilis" as if it represented a person of high birth, but such did not seem to be the case. La classe des optimates ou des grands n'existe que dans le Palais. 5 The term "nobilis" was not found in the official acts. Dans aucun de ces nombreux documents on ne trouve le moindre indice d'une vieille noblesse de naissance." 6 The chroniclers of the time speak of many noble who served the king. Of these Fustel de Coulanges remarks: En regard de ces examples et de beaucoup d'autres semblable, nous n' aper- cevons pas une seule fois un homme dont il soit dit qu'il est noble et qu'il vit en dehors des fonctions publiques. Les "nobles" du VII siecle ne sont done pas autres que les grands Ancient Regime, 213. 2 Ibid (first page). 3 Ibid, 165. 4 Fustel de Coulanges, Les Transformations de la Royaute, chap. 6, 61. 'Ibid, 61. "ibid, 62. WEALTH AND SOCIAL PRESTIGE 27 du Palais et les hauts fonctionnaires de roi. II existe une noblesse palatine; on ne voit pas d'autre noblesse. Un hagio- graphe nous dit expressement que la noblesse est la parente avec les grands de la cour. 1 This same writer cites a long list of families all of whom enjoyed the favor of the king. And it was not long before this favor became a family prerogative and assumed an here- ditary character, for at the death of the "pere" the "fils" suc- ceeded to the place and honor and emoluments which the father had held. Nons ne voyons pas, au VII siecle, I'hereditS des fonctions qui s' s'etablira deux siecles plus tard; mais nons voyons des families qui de pere en fils se perpetuent dans le Palais et s'en partagent les fonctions et les profits. Telle etait Paristocratle du VII sie"cle, elle n' etait autre que la hierarchic des fonctionnaires jointe a' P episcopat. Elle etait le Palais, individuellement, chaque membre etait riche en terre, eleve on dignite, puissant par sa fonction chef absolu d' un territoire et d'um part de peuple. Tous ensemble, ils fro maient un corps tres forte ment constitue autour de la royaute, mais plus fort qu'elle. 2 In explaining the theory of government, Murdock 3 shows how in an early stage of civilization, a ruler or governor is needed. That a man of leadership, ability or of prowess is selected. That such a ruler is despotic and in the absence of a written constitution, the rule of the monarch is arbitrary. That this ruler necessarily needs helpers and he associates with him the noble and from these there arises an aristocracy. In an earlier time to which Murdock refers, men of fighting strength and warlike disposition are selected.. Occasions for leaders become so frequent as to be constant and the leader who is retained, tends to become hereditary, "as in the case of the house of David, simply because the king's house naturally becomes greater and richer than other houses and so better able to sustain the burden of power." 4 Emerton 5 holds that "nobility consisted primarily of two dis- tinct qualities; first, the hereditary possession of a higher es- tate, which carried with it the obligation to the higher forms 1 Fustel de Coulanges. Les Transformations de la Royaute, chap. 6, 63. 'Ibid, 76-78. 3 Murdock. A History of Constitutional Reform, 9. 'Smith. Religion of the Semites, 34. ^Emerton. Medieval Europe, 486-7. 28 THE SOCIAL POWER OF WEALTH of service, and second, the fitness for military service, the che- valerie. * * * For in case a person desired to enter such a service, he must possess wealth sufficient to furnish the very expensive equipment necessary to the duty of the cavilier." Thus was secured to the lord an , "elite corps of fighting men, and naturally in semi-barbaric society, this select group and their families formed the highest aristocracy and the dominant force in society." 2 The chevalerie mounted on a steed, like himself protected by armour was superior to many times his number of unmounted and unarmoured men and all this added to the strength and prestige of the chevalerie and his lord. RELIGION. 1 No other source has produced a class which enjoys such privilege and immunity as religion. This is especially true of the religions of India, where passage from one class to another is almost impossible. In the code of Manu this is well illus- trated for the person twice born (religiously) became superior and enjoyed opportunities and favors not possible to one not so promoted. In France the bishop and high church officials were in the royal tribunal and were not chosen from rank of the clergy by voie d'election cononique. They often belonged to the Palais and received their office from the king. Le Palais faisait les eveques, et les eVeques continuaient a former une pairtie du Palais. 2 WEALTH AS A SOURCE. Birth is a sure and safe passport to the ranks of aristocracy. Culture, refinement, learning, personal favor, military achieve- ment, each or all may bear its owner safely across the social gulf, but many times there is ship-wreck in the passage. Next to birth itself, stands WEALTH as the safest, surest and swiftest bark to the haven of social prestige. /*' The heroes of the Homeric poems are not only valiant but wealthy. The warriors of the Nibelungen-Lied are not only noble but rich. In the later Greek literature we find pride of birth identified with pride in seven wealthy ancestors in succession." 3 "The advantage se- l Tbis subject is treated more fully in Part II. 2 Fustel de Coulanges. Transformations, etc., 67. 'Maine. Early Institutions, 134. WEALTH AND SOCIAL PRESTIGE 29 cured by blood does not, you see, exclude respect for wealth but works for it. 'He is an inferior chief/ says the 'Senchus Mor/ whose father was not a chief. The primary view of the chieftainship is evidently that it springs from purity or dignity of blood, but noble birth is regarded as naturally associated with wealth, and he who becomes rich gradually climbs to position indistinguishable from that which .he would have occupied if he had been nobly born." 1 The possession of wealth greatly enhanced the Roman and paved his way to the aristocratic class. Wealth enabled him to secure a house of large proportions, to furnish it luxuriously, decorate its walls and halls with costly works of art; to surround his house with spacious and well kept grounds. He had time for leisure and for hunting. His house became a castle and the castle a fortress the only secure place. In the fourth century the nobility possessed much of Roman land, the higher nobility holding the most. Landed property became the source of wealth and power and the most honorable of riches. 2 "The senatorial aristocracy was powerful through its riches, its local attach- ments and its independence. 3 From this class arose an aristo- cracy nearly independent of the emperor." In the Republic rank was determined by wealth. One line of demarkation lay between those who owned land and those who did not. The former were assedui, house holders, rooted in the soil. The latter were proletarians. The proletarians were unequal in their wealth and were consequently divided into five classes. Among these categories all were unequal, in taxes, military service, and political rights. Early English law favored wealth. (1) It was whilom, in the laws of the English that people and law went by ranks, and then were the counselors of the nation of worship, each according to his condition, "eorl" and "ceorl," "thegen" and "theoden." (2) Arid if an " ceorl" thrived, so that he had fully five hides of his own land, church and kitchen, bell-house and "birh," gate-seat, and special duty in the king's'hall, then was he thence- forth of the thane-right worthy. (3) And if a thane thrive, so that he serve the king and on ^aine/Earlyrlnstitutions, 136. and Sellery. Medieval Civilization, 18. Ibid, 21. 30 THE SOCIAL POWER OF WEALTH his summon, ride among his household; if he then had a thane who him followed, who to the king's "ut-ware," five hides had, and in the king's hall served his lord, and thrice with his errand went to the king, he might thenceforth, with his "fore oath," his lord represent, at various needs, and his plaint lawfully con- duct, wheresoever he ought. 1 No change took place at a later date for wealth gave to the son of a London apothecary the title of Northumberland; to the son of a woolstapler, earl of Warwick. The earldom of Essex was founded by a draper and that of Craven by a merchant tailor. 2 Taine found in France, in 1789, three classes of persons, the clergy, the nobles and the king, occupying the most prominent position in the state, with all the advantages which it com- ports; namely, authority, privileges, immunities, favors, pen- sions, preferences and the like. This author gives this classifi- cation of the population. Of the 26,000,000, the above named classes numbered 270,000, 25,000 to 30,000 noble families, 23,- 000 Monks in 2,500 monasteries, 37,000 nuns in 1,500 convents, 60,000 curates and vicars in as many churches and chapels. There was one noble family to 1,000 population. One-fifth of the property (land) belonged to the crown and the communes, one-fifth to the third estate, one-fifth to the rural population, one-fifth to the nobles, and one-fifth to the clergy. Through wealth successful men as magistrates and financiers, acquired or purchased nobility. 3 Higginson shows the loss of prestige to birth, " blood, pride of race, what are these? Where are they nowadays? 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